The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Qaraqosh 9004128638, 9789004128637

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STUDIES IN SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LINGUISTICS EDITEDBY

T. MURAOKA AND C.H.M. VERSTEEGH

VOLUME XXXVI THE NEO-ARAMAIC DIALECT OF QARAQOSH

THE NEO-ARAMAIC DIALECT OFQARAQOSH BY

GEOFFREY KHAN

BRILL LEIDEN· BOSTON 2002

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Khan, GeofTrey. The neo-Aramaic dialect of Qaraqosh / by GeofTrey Khan. p. cm. - (Studies in Semitic languages and linguistics, ISSN 0081-8461 ; 36) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004128638 I. Aramaie language-Dialects-Iraq-Qaraqosh-Grammar. 2.Jews-Iraq-Qaraqosh-Languages. 3. Qaraqosh (!raq) 1. Tide. n. Series. PJ5282 .K46 2002 492'.29--dc21

2002026106

Die Deutsche Bibliothek-CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Khan, Geoffrey: The neo-Aramaic dialect of Qaraqosh / GeofTrey Khan. - Leiden; Boston ; Köln : Brill, 2002 (Studirs in S~mitic languages and linguistics ; Vol. 36) ISBN 90-04-12B63-B

ISSN 0081-8461 ISBN 90 04 12863 8

© Copyright 2002 by Koninklijke Brill Nv, Leiden, The NetkrlmuJs

All n'ghts reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, swred in a retrieval ~stem, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission ftom the publisher. Authorization to phowcopy items flr internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill provided that the appropriateJees are paid directiy to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers ,A1A 01923, USA. Fees are subJect w change. PRDITED IN THE

~THERLANDS

FORKHALIL

CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................................... xxiii INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................... 1

PHONOLOGY 1.

CONSONANTS ....................................................................... 25 1.1. Phoneme inventory ................................................................ 25 1.2. Notes on the phonetic realization ofthe consonants ............. 26 1.3. Assimilation and dissimilation............................................... 28 1.4. Historical background ofthe consonants ............................... 30 1.4.1. The BGDKPT consonants .................................................... 30 1.4.1.1. *b ....................................................................................... 30 1.4.1.2. *p ....................................................................................... 32 1.4.1.3. *t ....................................................................................... 33 1.4.1.4. *d. ...................................................................................... 35 1.4.1.5. *k ....................................................................................... 38 1.4.1.6. *g ....................................................................................... 39 1.4.2. Igl ......................................................................................... 40 1.4.3. Pharyngals and laryngals ..................................................... 40 1.4.4. Emphatics ............................................................................ 43 1.4.5. Diphthongs .......................................................................... 43

2. VOWELS .................................................................................. 45 2.1. Inventory of phonemes .......................................................... 45 2.2. Vowellength .......................................................................... 46 2.2.1. In closed syllables ............................................................... 47 2.2.2. In open syllabies .................................................................. 48 2.3. The phonetic realization of the vowels .................................. 50 2.4. The historical background ofthe vowels ............................... 52 2.4.1. lil .......................................................................................... 52 2.4.2. 1,,1 ......................................................................................... 53 lei ......................................................................................... 54 2.4.3. 2.4.4. 101 ......................................................................................... 54 2.4.5. lul ......................................................................................... 55

Vlll

2.4.6. 2.5.

CONTENTS lai ............................................................................ ............. 55 The transcription of Arabic elements .......... .......... ................. 56

3.

CONSONANT GEMINATION .............. .............. ................ ... 57

4. 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. 4.5 .

SYLLABLE STRUCTURE ........................................ ............. 62 Syllabic patterns ..................................................................... 62 Elision of laryngals ................................................................ 62 Word initial clusters of consonants ........................................ 64 Word internal clusters of consonants ..................................... 66 Allegro forms ........................................ ........ ........... .............. 66

5.

WORD STRESS ....................................................................... 67

6.

STRESS GROUPS ................................................................... 69

MORPHOLOGY 7. 7.1. 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 7.6.

PRONOUNS ............................................................................. 75 Independent personal pronouns ............................................. 75 Prononminal suffixes on nouns and prepositions .................. 76 Demonstrative pronouns .. .......................... ............................ 81 Interrogative pronouns .............. ...... ............................ ........... 83 The independent genitive particle .......................................... 83 Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns ........................................ 84

8.

VERBS .. ... ........................ ........................................................ 85 Verbal sterns ......................................................... .......... ........ 85 Inflection of the present base ................................................. 87 Stern I verbs ......................................................................... 88 Stern II verbs ....................................................................... 89 Stern III verbs ...................................................................... 90 Quadriliteral verbs .................................. ............................ . 91 Inflection of the past base ...................................................... 91 Stern I verbs ......................................................................... 92 Stern II verbs ....................................................................... 93 Stern III verbs ...................................................................... 94 Quadriliteral verbs ............................................................... 94 Variant forms of inflection of past bases ............................ 95 Inflection ofthe passive participle .................................... ..... 95 Inflection ofthe imperative .................................................... 96

8.1. 8.2. 8.2.1. 8.2.2. 8.2.3. 8.2.4. 8.3. 8.3.1. 8.3.2. 8.3.3. 8.3.4. 8.3.5. 8.4. 8.5.

CONTENTS 8.6. 8.6.l. 8.6.2. 8.6.3. 8.6.4. 8.7. 8.8. 8.8.1. 8.8.2. 8.8.3. 8.8.4. 8.8.5. 8.8.6. 8.8.7. 8.8.8. 8.8.9. 8.8.10 8.8.1l. 8.8.12. 8.8.13. 8.8.14. 8.8.15. 8.8.16. 8.8.17. 8.8.18. 8.9. 8.9.l. 8.9.2. 8.9.3. 8.9.4. 8.9.5. 8.9.6. 8.9.7. 8.9.8. 8.9.9. 8.9.1 O. 8.9.11. 8.10. 8.10.1.

ix

Particles attached to verbal forms .......................................... 97 k- .......................................................................................... 97 bad- ...................................................................................... 98 kam- ..................................................................................... 99 wa ........................................................................................ 99 Negation ............................................................................... 100 Weak verbs in stern 1. ........................................................... 100 Verba prirnae Pi ................................................................. 100 Verba rnediae Pi ................................................................ 102 Verbal tertiae Pi ................................................................. 103 Verba prirnae Iyl ................................................................ 103 Verba rnediae Iyl ................................................................ 104 Verba tertiae Iyl ................................................................. 104 Verba prirnae 1'1, tertiae lyl ................................................ 105 Verb rnediae PI, tertiae Iyl ................................................. 106 Verba prirnae Iyl, rnediae 1'1 .............................................. 106 Verba rnediae Iyl, tertiae PI ............................................... 107 Verba prirnae Iyl, tertiae lyl ............................................... 107 Verba rnediae Iwl ............................................................... 107 Verba prirnae PI, rnediae Iwl ............................................. 107 Verba prirnae Iyl, rnediae Iwl ............................................. 108 Verba rnediae Iwl, tertiae PI .............................................. 108 Verba rnediae Iwl, tertiae lyl .............................................. 108 Verba tertiae Iwl ................................................................ 109 Verba tertiae Iwl, prirnae Pi ............................................... 109 Weak verbs in stern 11 .......................................................... 110 Verba prirnae 1'1 ................................................................. 110 Verba rnediae /'1 ................................................................ 110 Verba tertiae /'1 .................................................................. 111 Verba prirnae Iwl ............................................................... 111 Verba rnediae Iwl ............................................................... 111 Verba rnediae Iwl, tertiae 1>1 .............................................. 111 Verba rnediae Iyl ................................................................ 112 Verba rnediae Iyl, tertiae Pi ............................................... 112 Verba prirnae 1'1, rnediae Iyl .............................................. 112 Verba tertiae Iyl ................................................................. 112 Verba prirnae PI, tertiae /yl ......... ;...................................... 113 Weak verbs in stern III ......................................................... 113 Verba prirnae PI ................................................................. 113

x

CONTENTS 8.10.2. Verba prirnae el, tertiae Iwl ............................................... 114 8.10.3. Verba rnediae PI ................................................................ 115 8.10.4. Verba tertiae Pi .................................................................. 115 8.10.5. Verba rnediae Iwl ............................................................... 116 8.10.6. Verbaprirnaelyl ................................................................ 116 8.10.7. Verba prirnae Iyl, rnediae PI .............................................. 116 8.10.8. Verba rnediae Iyl ................................................................ 116 8.10.9. Verbatertiaelyl ................................................................. 117 8.11. Weak quadriliteral verbs ...................................................... 117 8.11.1. fCdy 'to be hostile' .............................................................. 117 8.11.2. hymn 'to believe' ............................................................... 118 8.11.3. qwqy 'to crow' ................................................................... 118 8.11.4. Verba prirnae PI ................................................................. 118 8.12. Irregular and defective verbs ............................................... 118 8.12.1. 'to fall' ............................................................................... 118 8.12.2. nsy III 'to cause to be forgotten, obliterate' ...................... 119 8.12.3. yws III 'to dry (trans.) ........................................................ 119

'zl'togo' ............................................................................ 120

8.12.4. 8.12.5. 8.12.6.

b'y 'to want' ....................................................................... 120 yrj' 'to know' ...................................................................... 121

8.12.7.

'to give' ............................................................................. 122

8.12.8. 8.12.9. 8.12.10. 8.12.11. 8.12.13 . 8.12.14 . 8.12.15.

'1Y I 'to corne' .................................................................... 122

8.13. 8.13.1. 8.13.2. 8.13.3. 8.14. 8.15. 8.16. 8.16.1. 8.16.2. 8.17. 8.18. 8.18.1.

'JY III 'to bring' .................................................................. 123 sl'r I 'to descend' ............................................................... 123 sl'r III 'to bring down' ....................................................... 123 .xyy I 'to live' ...................................................................... 124 .xyy III 'to cause to live' ..................................................... 124 hwy ..................................................................................... 125

Copula .................................................................................. 125 Present enclitic copula ....................................................... 125 Past enclitic copula ............................................................ 127 Ernphatic copula ................................................................ 128 Negative copula.................................................................... 129 Arabic sterns ......................................................................... 130 General rernarks conceming sterns 11 and III ...................... 131 Stern 11 ............................................................................... 131 Stern 111 .............................................................................. 133 General rernarks conceming quadriliteral roots .................. 135 Pronominal objects ............................................................... 137 Pronominal direct object on present base verbs ................ 137

CONTENTS

Xl

8.18.2. Pronominal direct objects on past verbs ............................ 140 8.18.3. Pronominal direct objects on imperatives ......................... 140 8.18.4. Pronominal indirect object ................................................ 141 8.18.5. Combination of pronominal suffixes ................................ 142 8.19. Pronominal suffixes containing the preposition b- ..... ,........ 145 8.20. The existential particles ~il;m and lelan ................................ 145 9. 9.1.

9.2. 9.3 . 9.4. 9.5.

VERB PARADIGMS ............................................................. 150 qa!al form ............................................................................. 150 q!alla form ............................................................................ 153 qa!alwa form ........................................................................ 155 q!alwala form ....................................................................... 156 qapl form verbs with pronominal suffixes .......................... 156

10. NOUNS .................................................................................. 158 10.1. Preliminary remarks ............................................................. 158 10.2. Nouns with -a inflection ...................................................... 158 10.2.1. Bisyllabic patterns ............................................................. 158 10.2.2. Trisyllabic patterns ............................................................ 164 10.2.3. Forms containing four consonants .................................... 166 10.2.4. Forms containing five consonants ..................................... 167 10.3. Nouns with-ta inflection ..................................................... 167 10.3.1. Bisyllabic patterns ............................................................. 167 10.3.2. Trisyllabic patterns ............................................................ 169 10.3.3 . Patterns containing four consonants in the root.. .............. 171 10.4. Nouns with -la inflection ..................................................... 171 10.4.1. Bisyllabic forms ................................................................ 171 10.4.2. Trisyllabic patterns ............................................................ 173 10.5. Remarks on the feminine ending ......................................... 174 10.5.1. The distribution of -ta and -la ........................................... 174 . 10.5.2. The ending -ila .................................................................. 176 10.5.3. Dissimilation of an interdental fricative ........................... 177 10.5.4. Function of the feminine suffix ......................................... 177 10.6. Derivational suffixes ............................................................ 180 10.6.1. -ula ..................................................................................... 180 10.6.2. -ana .................................................................................... 182 10.6.3. -aya .................................................................................... 183 10.6.4. -ona .................................................................................... 184 10.6.5. -u ........................................................................................ 185 Nouns with Kurdish derivational suffixes ........................... 185 10.7. Nouns with prefix m- ........................................................... 185 10.8.

XlI

CONTENTS

10.9. Nouns with the prefix t- ....................................................... 186 10.10. Nouns ending in -a ............................................................... 186 10.11. Nouns with no inflectional vowel ........................................ 187 10.11.1. Nouns of Aramaic stock .................................................... 187 10.11.2. Unadapted loan-words ....................................................... 188 10.12. Gender .................................................................................. 188 10.13. Plural forms .......................................................................... 190 10.13.1. The plural ending -a .......................................................... 190 10.13.2. The plural ending -ana ...................................................... 192 10.13.3. The plural ending -awana .................................................. 193 10.13.4. The plural ending -at ......................................................... 193 10.13.5. The plural ending -ala ....................................................... 195 10.13.6. The plural ending -awala .................................................. 198 10.13.7. The plural ending -wala .................................................... 198 10.13.8. The plural ending -wal ...................................................... 199 10.13.9. The plural ending -yala ..................................................... 199 10.13. 10. Plurals with reduplication ofthe final syllable ................. 201 10.13 .11. Irregular plurals ................................................................. 202 10. 13. 12.Pluralia tantum .................................................................. 203 10.14. Forms with pronominal suffixes .......................................... 204 10.15. Annexation ........................................................................... 207 10.15.1. Annexation to a noun ........................................................ 207 10.15.2. Annexation to a clause ...................................................... 209 10.16. Compound nominal phrases ................................................. 209 10.16.1. Compounds with bi ........................................................... 209 10.16.2. Compounds with mari ....................................................... 210 10.16.3. Compounds with bar- ........................................................ 211 11. 11.1

11.2. 11.3. 11.4. 11.5. 11.6. 11.7. 11.8.

ADJECTIVES ........................................................................ 212 Preliminary re marks ............................................................. 212 Bisyllabic patterns ................................................................ 213 Trisyllablic patterns ............................................................. 215 Adjectives ending in -aya .................................................... 217 Adjectives ending in -ana .................................................... 218 Irregular adjectives of Aramaic stock .................................. 219 Partially adapted loans ......................................................... 219 Unadapted loans ................................................................... 220

12. NUMERALS .......................................................................... 221 12.1. Cardinals .............................................................................. 221 12.1.1. Numerals 1-10 ................................................................... 221

CONTENTS 12.1.2. 12.1.3. 12.1.4. 12.1.5. 12.1.6. 12.1.7. 12.2. 12.3. 12.4. 12.5. 12.6.

xiii

Numera1s 11-19 ................................................................. 222 Tens ................................................................................... 222 Hundreds ............................................................................ 223 Thousands .......................................................................... 223 Combination of numera1s .................................................. 223 Cardina1s with pronominal suffixes .................................. 223 Ordina1s ................................................................................ 225 Fractions ............................................................................... 225 Days of the week .................................................................. 226 Names of months ................................................................. 226 Names of Seasons ................................................................ 227

13. PARTICLES ........................................................................... 228 13 .1. Preliminary remarks ............................................................. 228 13.2. Adverbs ................................................................................ 228 13.3. Prepositions .......................................................................... 230 13.3.1. can ...................................................................................... 231 13.3.2. ~ax ...................................................................................... 231 13.3.3. b- ........................................................................................ 231 13.3.4. badal .................................................................................. 232 13.3.5. barqul ................................................................................ 232 13.3.6. baJar ................................................................................... 233 13.3.7. ben ..................................................................................... 233 13.3.8. da ....................................................................................... 233 13.3.9. d-Ia ..................................................................................... 234 13.3.10. ~eka .................................................................................. 234 13.3.11. gdal- ................................................................................... 234 13.3.12. gib ...................................................................................... 234 13.3.13. hai ...................................................................................... 235 13.3.14. 1- 'to, for' ........................................................................... 235 13.3.15. 1- 'upon' ............................................................................. 236 13.3.16. max .................................................................................... 238 13.3.17. man .................................................................................... 238 13.3.18. m-qabal .............................................................................. 239 13.3.19. qama .................................................................................. 239 13.3.20. ris ....................................................................................... 239 13.3.21. !fob ...................................................................................... 240 13.3.22. txiJ ...................................................................................... 240 13.3.23. xagarwan-, xagran- ............................................................ 240 13.4. Miscellaneous uninflected particles ..................................... 241

CONTENTS

xiv

SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS 14. THE SYNTAX OF NOMINALS ........................................... 245 14.1. Expression of definiteness ................................................... 245 14.2. Gender .................................................................................. 251 14.3. Demonstrative pronouns ...................................................... 252 14.3.1. Preliminary remarks .......................................................... 252 14.3.2. The function ofthe demonstrative pronouns .................... 253 14.4. Possessive pronouns ............................................................. 271 14.5. Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns ...................................... 273 14.6. Annexation constructions ..................................................... 276 14.7. Attributive adjectives ........................................................... 280 14.8. Non-attributive modifiers ..................................................... 281 14.8.1. >ay .... ... ................. .... .. ..................... .... ...................... .. ....... 281 14.8.2. kud .... ... .... ................... ... ................. .... ... .. .... .................. .... 282 14.8.3. kulla ..... ....... .... ...... ... ... ........ ..... ....... ..... ... .. .......... ..... .. ...... .. 282 14.8.4. /:tela .................................................................................... 284 14.8.5. xa ..... ........ .... ................ ... ...... ............. ....................... .. ....... 285 14.8.6. xanna .. .. .................. .. ...... ....... ...... ............... .......... ......... ..... 285 14.8.7. 14.8.8. 14.8.9. 14.8.10. 14.8.11. 14.8.12. 14.8.13 . 14.8.14. 14.8.15. 14.8.16. 14.8.17. 14.8.18. 14.8.19. 14.8.20. 14.8.21.

14.9. 14.10. 14.11. 15. 15.1.

ger ... .. ... ............ ........ .. .. ..... .... .. .... .... ... .... .. ... ... .. .. ...... ... ... .. .. 286 >akma ..... ......... ...... .... .... ............. ..... ....... ... .. ......... ...... ......... 286 qassa .... .. .. ............ ..... ...................... ......... ............. ..... ..... ... 287 qasam ........................... .. ..................... .................. .... ......... 287 xanawa .............................. .................................... ..... .. ...... 288 xanawunta ....... .. ....... .. .. ... .... ....... ..... ... .. .. .. .... ..... ...... .. ..... .... 288 ma .. ...... ........ ..... ... ..... ..... .. .. .... ... ..... ..... ..... .. .. .. ... .... .. ... ...... .. 288 qad ............... .................................. .. ................... .. ... .......... 289 ma-qiida ...................................................................... ... .... 289 zayoda ........... ............. ..... .. .... ............... ... ..... ....... ........... .. .. 290 >ema ......... ....... .... .. ..... ....... ... ..... ..... ..... .... .................. ..... ... . 290 flan ............ ........... ... ........ ...... .... ..... ... ...... ............ .. ........ ... .. 290 hadax .................. ......... .. ... ....... ....... ..... .. .. ............. ... .... ... ... 291

cu .......................................................................................291 la .......... .... ...... .... ... ... .... ...... .. .................. ............... ............. 291

Comparison of adjectives or adverbs ................................... 292 Numerals .............................................................................. 294 Adverbial expressions .......................................................... 296 THE SYNTAXOF VERBS ................................................... 299 The function of verbal forms with present base .................. 299

CONTENTS

xv

15.1.1. k-qata1 ................................................................................ 299 15.1.2. qatal ................................................................................... 304 15.1.3. k-qatalwa ........................................................................... 310 15.1.4. qatalwa .............................................................................. 311 15.1.5. bad-qa!al ............................................................................ 312 15.1.6. bad-qa!alwa ....................................................................... 316 15.1.7. kam-qa!al ........................................................................... 316 15.1.8. kam-qatalwa ....................................................................... 317 15.2. The function ofverbal forms derived from the past base .... 318 15.2.1. q!alla .................................................................................. 318 15.2.2. q!alwala .............................................................................. 319 15.3 . The verb 'to be' ...................................................................... 322 15.3.1. The enclitic present copula ................................................ 322 15.3.2. The present emphatic copula ............................................. 323 15.3.3. The past enclitic copula ..................................................... 323 15.3.4. The past emphatic copula .................................................. 324 15.3.5. Avoidance of emphatic copula .......................................... 324 15.3.6. The verb hwy ..................................................................... 326 15.3.7. The negative copula ........................................................... 330 15.4. Verbal forms combined with the verb 'to be' ...................... 331 15.4.1. k-ila k-qa!al ........................................................................ 331 15.4.2. k-awa k-qa!al, k-awiwa k-qa!al.. ........................................ 336 15.4.3. k-awa qa!al, k-awa qa!alwa ............................................... 336 15.4.4. bad-hawaqa!al .................................................................. 337 15.4.5. k-iwa k-qa!al ...................................................................... 337 15.4.6. k-awiwa k-qa{alwa ............................................................. 338 15.4.7. k-ila k-qa!alwa ................................................................... 339 15.4.8. k-iwa kam-qa!al ................................................................. 339 15.4.9. k-awa kam-qa!al ................................................................. 340 15.5. The passive participle (q{ila) with the verb 'to be' .............. 340 15.5.1. k-ila q{ila ............................................................................ 340 15.5.2. k-iwa q!ila .......................................................................... 345 15.5.3. k-awaq!ila ......................................................................... 347 15.5.4. k-awiwaq{ila ..................................................................... 34 8 15.5.5. bad-hawiwa q!ila ............................................................... 348 15.6. The active participle (qa{ola) with the verb 'to be' ............. 349 15.7. The imperative form ............................................................ 349 15.8. The verb pys ......................................................................... 352 15.8.1. Continuity .......................................................................... 352 15.8.2. Ingressive ........................................................................... 354

xvi

CONTENTS

15.9. The infinitive ........................................................................ 356 15.10. Subject inflection of verbs ................................................... 360 15.10.1. Existential subjects ............................................................ 360 15.10.2. Impersonal3pl. subjects .................................................... 361 15.11. Expression of the direct object ............................................. 362 15.11.1. Pronominal direct object ................................................... 362 15.11.2. Full nominal direct object ................................................. 364 15.11.2.1. Normal construction ..................................................... 364 15.11.2.2. Rare construction .......................................................... 366 15.11.2.3. Construction used in the Gospels ................................. 367 15.11.3. Passive participle ............................................................... 367 15.11.4. Active participle ................................................................ 368 15.11.5. Infinitives ........................................................................... 369 15.11.6. Indefinite pronominal objects ............................................ 369 15.12. Double objects ...................................................................... 370 15.13. Indirect object ...................................................................... 370 15.14. The use ofthe particle b"s with verbs ................................. 372 16. THE SYNTAXAND SEMANTICS OF PREPOSITIONS ... 374 b- .......................................................................................... 375 16.1. 1- ........................................................................................... 378 16.2. 16.2.1. Admominal uses ................................................................ 379 16.2.2. Adpronominal uses ............................. ............................... 384 16.3. da .......................................................................................... 388 16.4. m"n ................................................... .................................... 390 17. THE CLAUSE ........................................................................ 396 17.1. The copula clause ................................................................. 396 17.1.1. Preliminary re marks .......................................................... 396 17.1.2. The present enclitic copula ................................................ 402 17.1.2.1. Basic predicate----copula nexus ....................................... 402 17.1.2.2. Subject nominal-predicate----copula ............................. 403 17.1.2.3. Subject nomina~opula-predicate ............................. 404 17.1.2.4. Subject pronoun-predicate-copula............................. 404 17.1.2.5. Subject pronoun-copula-predicate ............................. 405 17.1.2.6. Predicate-SubjecL ........................................................ 406 17.1.2.7. Interrogative word as predicate ...................................... 406 17.1.2.8. Existential usage ............................................................. 407 17.1.3. The past enclitic copula .................................................... .407 17.1.3.1. Basic predicate----copula nexus ....................................... 407 17.1.3.2. Subj ect nominal-predicate-copula ............................. 408 17.1.3.3. Subject pronoun-predicate-copula............................. 408

CONTENTS

xvii

17.1.3.4. Subject nominal-copula-predicate ............................. 408 17.1.3.5. Subject pronoun-copula-predicate ............................. 409 17.1.3.6. Predicate-copula-subject ........................................... 409 17.1.3.7. Interrogative word as predicate ......................................409 17.1.3.8. Existential usage ............................................................. 41 0 17.1.4. The present emphatic copula ........................... .................. 410 17.1.4.1 . Copula-predicate............................................................. 410 17.1.4.2. Subject -copula-predicate .......................................... 410 17.1.4.3. Copula-predicate-subject... ........................................ 411 17.1.5. The past emphatic copula .......... ........................................ 411 17.1.5.1 . Copula-Predicate .......................................................... 411 17.1 .5.2. Subject-copula-predicate ........................................... 411 17.1.5.3. Copula-predicate-subject. .......................................... 411 17.1.5.4. Existential usage ............................................................. 412 17.1.6. Extrapositional constructions ............................................ 412 17.1.7. Copula omitted .................................................................. 414 17.1.8. C1auses containing the negative copula ............................ 417 17.1.8.1. Copula-predicate .......................................................... 417 17.1.8.2. Subject-copula-predicate ........................................... 417 17.1 .8.3. Postposition of subject... ................................................. 418 17.1.8.4. Negation of a phrase ....................................................... 418 17.2. The existential particles ....................................................... 419 17 .2.1. Particle-nominal... ........................................................... 419 17.2.2. Nominal-particle ............................................................. 419 17.2.3. Particle alone ..................................................................... 421 17.2.4. Possessive constructions .................................................... 421 17.2.4.1. Particle-possessed item ................................................ 421 17.2.4.2. Possessed item-particle ................................................ 422 17.2.4.3 . Possessor expressed by a nominal .................................. 423 17.2.5. Expression ofability .......................................................... 423 17.3. Verbal clauses ...................................................................... 424 17.3 .1 . Basic verbal c1auses ....................... .................................... 424 17.3.2. Verb---~ (Bäxudaydä), Ir-"":>~ (Bäxdaydä), Ir-,...:>O!:> (Büxdaydä).\ The Arab geographer Yäqüt refers to it in the form I~~~ (Bäxudaydä).2 It is first attested in an orthographie form corresponding to its pronunciation in the modem spoken dialect in a Syriac manuscript datable to the 13 th century: Ir-~.

3

The name 'r-'Cl:> I!......:. (Bel Xudaydad) consists of a Semitic element Bel ('place, horne'), which is extremely common in place names in the area, and an Iranian element. The Iranian element is to be interpreted as meaning 'given by God' (Middle Persian Xudäy-däd).4 The fact that the name has this Iranian form suggests that it was introduced by the

1

Sony (1998: 19-29).

2

MU'jam al-Buldan (ed. Wüstenfe1d), I, 458.

3

Sony (1998: 19-20). I am grateful to Nicholas Sims-Williams for clarifying for me this Iranian etymology. An improbable Semitic etymology has also been proposed for the modern name Bagded;l, namely Syriac Bel Dayta 'Place of the (Black) Kite', which would correspond to the Turkish name Qaraqosh (Fiey 1965: 140).

4

2

INTRODUCTION

Sassanids, who were in control of the region between the third and seventh centuries AD. The gentilic form in the spoken dialect used today is gdedaya 'inhabitant of Bagded~', the initial element derived from bel being elided. This applies to most of the gentilic forms attested in earlier historical sources, e.g. "'Ir-'~ (xudaydäyä), ... r-..... (xdaydäyä). In some earlier sources, however, the initial element is retained, e.g. "r-"":'=> (bagdayday), "'r-~C= (buxdaydayä).5 According to a local legend, the inhabitants of Qaraqosh were converted to Christianity in the seventh century AD. by lohn ofDaylam, a saint of Iranian origin. He is said to have defeated the idol known as Yay, whom the people used to worship at that time, and to have founded a church that was situated on the site of Mar Mqurtaya, a monastery that now lies in ruins about a mile outside of Qaraqosh. This account is clearly ahistorical. 6 There is evidence that the town practiced Nestorian Christianity before the seventh century. Around 615 AD. it changed its allegiance to the monophysite lacobite church. This was part of a general wave of conversion from Nestorianism to Monophysitism that took place in numerous villages and monasteries in the region at the beginning of the seventh century. The conversion of Qaraqosh and various neighbouring monasteries to Monophysitism seems to have been largely due to the activities of a certain Shäwür, who was a zealous missionary for the monophysite church and is described in a Nestorian source as 'the apostate of Be! Xudayda'. 7 The legend of the conversion of the town to Christianity by lohn of Daylam has come down to us in a monophysite source, the author of which, out of tendentiousness, appears to have wished to ignore its Nestorian past. The narrative ofthe legend that the author uses, moreover, was originally set in Iran rather than in the region of Mo~ul and a number of t~e to~ographical references do not correspond to Qaraqosh and its enVlrons. In the eleventh and early twelfth centuries many Christians from Takrit settled in Qaraqosh. Already at the end of the tenth century, the Christians had begun to leave Takrit on account of religious persecution. By the end of the eleventh century the situation came to a head and the remaining Christian community was forced to flee or convert to Islam. The monophysite primate, known as the maphryan, who had his seat in

5 6

8

Sony (1998: 33). Fiey (1965 :441). Fiey (1965: 442). Sony (1998: 508-11), Fiey (1965: 441).

INTRODUCTION

3

Takrit, settled in Mo~ul. The size of the wave of immigrants from Takrit who settled in Qaraqosh is unknown, but their arrival appears to have brought about a major demographie change. The Takriti immigrants evidently enjoyed a certain social prestige, no doubt on account of the erstwhile status of Takrit as the seat of the maphryan and also due to the material wealth of many members of the community. The impact of this immigration was such that a local tradition developed, which is still current today, that the entire population of Qaraqosh is descended from the Takriti settlers. Several families in Qaraqosh today, moreover, still claim to have ties of kinship with Muslim families in Takrit, whose ancestors were converts from Chrisitianity.9 Little is known about the history of Qaraqosh in the ensuing centuries, except that it suffered numerous pillages and massacres. It was not spared the devastation of the Mongois and the Tartars in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The greatest blow to the town, however, was dealt by the Iranian ruler Nädir Shäh in the eighteenth century in the course of his campaign against the Ottomans. In 1743 his soldiers ransacked the town and bumt its churches. Most of the inhabitants took re fuge in Mo~ul, which was successfully defended against the army of Nädir Shäh by its govemor l;Iusayn Pasha al-JalilL As a recompense for his defence of Mo~ul, the Ottoman sultan granted l;Iusayn Pasha and his family the property rights of the town of Qaraqosh. In the years that followed, aseries of protracted lawsuits were brought by the inhabitants of Qaraqosh against the claim of ownership of the town by the descendants l;Iusayn Pasha. Adecision in favour of the inhabitants of Qaraqosh was finally made by the courts over two hundred years later in 1954. This long episode in the history ofthe town was known by the term J:tukm Qaraqosh 'the govemance of Qaraqosh'. 10 Catholicism was hrought to Qaraqosh in the middle ofthe eighteenth century. Syrian Catholic missionaries first established themselves in the town in 1761 when they set up an altar in the shrine ofthe martyrs that is attached to the Church of St. George. Certain groups of Jacobite Christians in Syria had entered into union with Rome already in the middle ofthe sixteenth century, hut Catholicism did not spread to Iraq for another two centuries. The Catholic missionaries soon had many followers in Qaraqosh and around 1770 one of its churches, the church of St. James, was given over to the Catholic community. By 1837 the

9 10

Sony (1998: 103-124). Fiey (1965: 444-45), Sony (1998 : 166-180).

4

INTRODUCTION

majority ofthe population had become Catholic, as is the case today, and most of the remaining churches came under their control. 11 The inhabitants ofQaraqosh suffered various natural disasters during the Ottoman period, the most devastating of which were a plague in 1773 and a famine in 1828. In the twentieth century a large number ofpeople left the town to settle in the Iraqi cities in order to seek higher education and employment. In recent years, the deteriorating economic and political situation has led many inhabitants of Qaraqosh to emigrate abroad, mainly to North American, England and Australia. This trend increased dramatically after the Gulf War in 1991.

The churches and monasteries 0/ Qaraqosh There are seven churches in Qaraqosh, the majority of which were founded at an early period. None ofthem, however, survive today in their original structures on account of the damage inflicted on them in recent centuries, especially during the devastation of the town by Nadir Shäh in 1743. I2 1. The church ofthe Immaculate Virgin (al-Tiihira) This consists of an old and a new church building. The new church, which was completed in 1948, is the largest church in the town and, indeed, the largest in Iraq. It is generally referred to by inhabitants ofthe town as ~ita rabla 'The big church'. The old church, which opens onto the same inner court, was restored in 1745, after being bumed in the invasion of Nadir Shäh, and again in 1925. It contains some monuments from an earlier period, including a font bearing an inscription dated 1521 and tombstone inscriptions from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It is reported that earlier tombstones from the Middle Ages have been found in the church, but these have now disappeared. 2. The church of Saint Zena This is named after a martyred Jacobite monk ofthe seventh century who originated from the region of Takrit. The cult of this saint seems to have been brought to the town by the Christi an immigrants from Takrit in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, at which period the church may have been founded. Another church of Mar Zena is used by the Takriti community

11

12

Sony (1998: 125-63). Fiey (1965: 446-61), Sony (1998: 244-448).

INTRODUCTION

5

of Mo~ul. The church in Qaraqosh was rebuilt in 1589, then restored in 1743 and 1744. 3. The church ofSaint Sergius (Sarkis) and Saint Bacchus (Bakos) The cult of Saint Sergius and his companion Bacchus, Roman army officers from Syria who were martyred in the fourth century, was virtually monopolized by the Jacobite Christians in the second half ofthe sixth century. According to legend, it was founded by John of Daylam when he converted the town to Christianity. It is probably one of the earliest Jacobite churches to be built in the area and is still in the hands of the Syrian orthodox community of the town today. After the invasion of Nädir Shäh it was the first church in the town to be restored. 4. The church ofShmoni or Bi-Shmoni ('The family ofShmoni') This church is named after a woman known in Syriac tradition as Marta Shamoni and her seven sons, who accepted torture and death at the hands ofthe Seleucid king Antiochus IV Epiphanes in the second century B.C.13 The Bi- prefixed to the name is a contraction of Bel 'house, family' . The present building contains an ornate door that is datable to the twelfth century. It is today still in the hands ofthe Syrian orthodox community of the town. 5. The church of Saint George (Mar Gorgis ) The original structure of this church is datable back to at least the thirteenth century. There is a martyrion (Syriac bel sähde) attached to it, where the first Catholic altar was established in 1768. The church, however, has remained Syrian orthodox. 6. The church ofSaint John (Mar ijana) This was originally the church belonging to the monastery of Mär Yöl)annän Büsnäyä, named after a saint from the region of Ba Busnaya, situated between Alqosh and CAyn Sifni. The church was demolished in 1893 and newly reconstructed in 1909. An inscription has been found from the original church datable to the thirteenth century that refers to the Tartar invasions.

13

The narrative is found in 'The 8yriac Poem of the Maccabees' (ed. Benslyand Barnes 1895). It is closely related to the account of the mother and her seven sons in 2 Maccabees, chapters 6 and 7 and 4 Maccabees, chapters 15-18.

INTRODUCTION

6

7. The ehureh of Saint James (Mar Ya'qob) or of Saint Andrew (Mar Andraw;:ls) Some sourees refer to this as the ehureh of Saint James the hermit (al-muqatta'), who was a martyr from the sixth eentury. The present building was eonstrueted in 1744 after an earlier strueture had been destroyed in 1743. In 1770 the ehureh beeame the first to be given over to the Catholies for their use.

Monasteries in the environs 0/ Qaraqosh 1. The monastery of Mar Quryaqos This lies about a mile south of the town. It is named after the fourth eentury martyr Saint Cyriaeus. The monastery eonsists of aseries of ehambers that are situated in a large grotto. The festival of the saint is eelebrated by the inhabitants ofthe town the week before Palm Sunday.14 2. The monastery ofMar Muqartaya The ruins of the monastery of Mar Muqartaya, dedieated to John of Daylam, is situated just over a mile outside of the town. Aeeording to legend, it was founded by John of Daylam hirnself. It is more likely, however, that it was founded at a later date and put under the patronage of John of Daylam. The first historieal attestation of the existence of the building is datable to the sixteenth century. The present building, which is in ruins, is datable to the eighteenth eentury. The monastery appears to have been devastated by the army of Nädir Shäh in 1743 along with the town of Qaraqosh but never restored. 15

3. The monastery ofMar Behnam This is situated about ten miles south of Qaraqosh. It is named after the martyr Behnam, who appears to have lived in the Sassanid period some time between the fourth and sixth eenturies. According to legend, he was a pagan prince, the son of king Sennaeherib. Whilst on a hunting expedition, so the legend goes, he had an eneounter with Saint Matthew. After the miraeulous eure of Behnam's sister, Sarah, by Saint Matthew, both eonverted to Christianity and were baptized in aspring that welled up in the desert. Behnam and Sarah were subsequently martyred at the hands of their father, Sennacherib. The mother of Behnam, Shirin ('The 14 Sony (1998: 560-66). 15

Fiey (1965: 609-13). Sony (1998: 455-96).

INTRODUCTION

7

Sweet One'), built a tunnel to allow her to walk unseen from the palace to the tombs of her children. Finally both ShirIn and her husband Sennacherib converted to Christianity. The monastery of Mar Behnam was originally established as a martyrion, which served as a sanctuary for the visit of pilgrims. Subsequently, monks settled in the building. At the end of the eighteenth century, the monastery was put under the guardianship of Qaraqosh. In 1839 it passed to the tute lage of the Catholics, but was left without residents. The site contains underground tunnels, which, according to legend, were built by Shirin, and a spring in which Behnam and Sarah are said to have been baptized. Behnam eventually became associated with St. George. The monastery of Mär Behnäm, furthermore, is visited by Muslims and Yezidis, who regard it as the tomb ofal-Khi n would have taken place to distinguish it from the homophonous 3fs. form. The 3pI. form -ila is, in fact, heard in some NENA dialects, 21

For more details conceming the historical background of the copula in NENA see Khan (2001).

16

INTRODUCTION

such as Alqosh and En Nune, as a variant of -ile in fast speech. This has developed by the tendency of final unstressed lei in these dialects to be lowered to lai (cf. §2.4.6.). The fonn -ile is no doubt derived originally from *-ilayhin. The Tel Kepe dialect has distinguished the homophony between the 3pl. and 3fs. fonns by a shift ofthe final lai vowel in the 3fs. fonn to a back rounded vowel: -ilo (3fs.), -ila (3pl.).22 In conclusion, the conservative element we wish to draw attention to here is the liI base and the lack of the Iwl element in the Qaraqosh enclitic copula. The Iwl element appears to be an innovation that occurred in most other dialects of Iraqi Kurdistan but not on the eastern periphery of NENA in south eastern Iraqi Kurdistan and the central and southern NENA area in Iran. (iv) The two prepositions of earlier Aramaie *1- (,to, for') and *Cal ('upon') became homophonous in the historical development of many NENA dialects. The Qaraqosh dialect has preserved the two prepositions in the fonn of the two homophones 1- with their original senses of 'to, for' and 'upon' respectively (see §13.3.13-14). This differs from other documented NENA dialects from Iraqi Kurdistan and Southern Turkey that have resolved the ambiguity resulting from this homophony by abandoning 1- in the sense of 'upon' and replacing it by apreposition derived from the word for head (re§). A reflex ofthe original preposition *Cal is preserved in some NENA dialects in Iran (Younansardaroud 2001: 182-183) and also in the dialects ofTuroyo, Mlal;tso and Hertevin. A vestige of the original distinction in fonn between the two prepositions *1- and *cal has been preserved in their inflection with pronominal suffixes in the Qaraqosh dialect. When plural suffixes are added to 1- that is derived from *cal, the suffixes are always preceded by an lei element: ~allehan (3pl.), ~allexun (2pl.) ~allenan (lpl.). This lei element is a contraction ofthe diphthong *ay ofthe corresponding fonns in earlier Aramaie (cf. Classical Syriac Clayhon, Clayxun, Clayn). When plural suffixes are attached to 1- that is derived from *1-, on the other hand, pronominal suffixes are added without this lei element, e.g. ~alhan, ~alxun, ~allan.

(v) Some lexical items that have undergone morphological innovations in most other documented NENA dialects have been preserved in an archaic 22

I am grateful to my research students Eleanor Coghill and Kristine Mole for supplying these details conceming the Alqosh and the Tel Kepe dialects respectively.

INTRODUCTION

17

form in Qaraqosh. The word for 'son', for example, is ~iJbra (cf. Syriac brä) rather than brona with the diminutive suffix -ona, which is the usual form in most other lmown dialects. Another case is the word maya 'water', which is close to the Classical Syriac form mayyä. Most other dialects have made innovations in this form, e.g. Alqosh: maye, 'En Nune miya, Jewish Arbel maCe.

Relationship with other dialects Since descriptions are still lacking for many NENA dialects, including some spoken in the vicinity of Qaraqosh, it is at present not possible to make a systematic assessment of the position of the Qaraqosh dialect within the NENA group. Judging by comparative data that are currently accessible, it can be stated, in broad terms, that the morphology of the dialect shows a greater affinity to that of the Alqosh dialect and some other dialects in the Mo~ul area than to NENA dialects spoken in other regions. This is clearly seen in its pronominal morphology. Distinctive shared features with Alqosh include the innovative form ofthe 3rd person singular pronominal suffixes with a final pharyngal and the presence of an interdental in the singular near deixis demonstrative pronoun: Qaraqosh

Alqosh

3ms. suffix 3fs. suffix

-iJ/:t -a/:t

-e/:t -a/:t

Near deixis ms. Near deixis fs.

~ag,a

~al

~ag,i

~al

Baq;)lla Aradhin

-eh -ah )ag,a )ag,i

-e -a(h)

Chr. Zakho -u

-aw

~awwa

)awwa

~ayya

~ayya

Features in the morphology of Qaraqosh that differ from Alqosh tend to be due to a greater tendency to archaism, as has been discussed above, rather than to the sharing of innovations with other dialects. These archaisms may have been preserved in the Qaraqosh dialect on account of its location on the periphery of the NENA area. Another possible factor is the settlement of large numbers of Jacobite Christians from Takrit in the town during the Middle Ages. The Takritis no doubt were drawn to settle in Qaraqosh on account of the fact that the inhabitants of the town practiced Jacobite Christianity. They settled also in neighbouring Jacobite villages such Baq;)lla, but not in Nestorian villages further north, such as Alqosh. Since many of the linguistic archaisms of the Qaraqosh dialect are found also in that of Baq;)lla, the speech of the Takriti immigrants may have had an impact on the language of the communities in which they settled. It would have to be assumed, of course, that the Takriti

INTRODUCTION

18

Christi ans at this period spoke a form of Aramaic rather than Arabic, which cannot be verified from existing historical sources. It is worth noting a feature in the verbal syntax of the Qaraqosh dialect that is not characteristic of Alqosh. This is the expression of the progressive present by combining the copula with the inflected form of the present verb, e.g. k-ila k-fata 'He is drinking', k-ila k-fatya 'She is drinking'. In Alqosh, by contrast, the progressive is expressed by a construction containing an infinitive, e.g. wole bi-ftaya 'He is drinking' , wola bi-ftaya 'She is drinking' . Such constructions with the infinitive are widely attested in the NENA dialects. The combination ofthe copula with an inflected verb to express the progressive is found also in the Bart~lla dialect and also on the Iranian periphery ofthe NENA area, e.g. Christian Senaya spoken in Sanandaj, Iran: qaflen-yen 'I am killing' (Panoussi 1990: 118). In the area lying immediately to the East of Qaraqosh and Bart~lla a progressive construction is attested that is formed by combining the particle lä with the present verb. This has been documented in the Jewish dialects of Arbel, Ruwanduz and Rustaqa (Khan 1999: 111-114, Khan 2002), e.g. lä faten 'I am drinking'. The construction has been reported to be used also in Christian dialects of the Arbel region, such as that of Koy Sanjak. 23 It can be regarded as a typologically more developed form ofthe progressive construction that is used in the Qaraqosh dialect, since this particle appears to be a fossilized form of the copula that has come to be used in an invariable form throughout the paradigm. 24 Method 0/ research

Background A number oflinguistic descriptions have been made ofNENA dialects in the region ofMo~ul. The early works by Guidi (1883), Sachau (1895) and Rhetore (1912) stressed the essential unity of the Aramaic spoken by Christians in an area extending from Mo~ul to Anqawa and Shaqlawa in the east and Zakho in the north. The same applies to the work of Socin (1882), who brought together a collection of literary texts in NENA dialects from an area ranging from Urmia to Mo~ul, and Maclean (1895), who made references to the Alqosh dialect in a grammar that aimed to be 23

Hezy Mutzafi (personal communication).

24

In Jewish Amedia and in Be~pan (south-eastern Turkey), a progressive

construction with a copula and a finite verb is reported to be used alongside a construction with an infinitive (Hobennan 1989: 45; Sinha 2000: 131).

INTRODUCTION

19

equally wide in scope. In these pioneering years of Neo-Aramaic research, scholars were at pains to draw attention to the basic similarity among the NENA dialects with which they were familiar compared to the dialect of Tur (Abdin. Guidi, Sachau and Rhetore referred to the Aramaic that they were describing by the name Fellil:zi ('rurallanguage'). Their work did not take adequate account of the linguistic diversity that is now known to exist among the Neo-Aramaic dialects of the region. The identity of the Neo-Aramaic that they describe is not completely clear. It appears that all of these scholars regarded the form of Neo-Aramaic that was used for literary compositions in the area as a type of regional standard language and this was the guiding focus of their descriptions. They clearly used literary compositions as their sources as weIl as data on the related spoken language. The prestigious literary form of NeoAramaic in use in the region had developed largely in Alqosh and so the dialect that they describe corresponds closely to the dialect of this village. It appears, however, that their descriptions do not always reflect the dialect of Alqosh in its pure vemacular form, judging by a comparison with the spoken Alqosh dialect that exists today. Their descriptions, a fortiori, supply no or only minimal information about the numerous other Neo-Aramaic dialects ofthe region that diverge in their structure from the literary form of the language. Given the diversity of Neo-Aramaic dialects that are spoken in the Mo~ul region,z5 each dialect requires aseparate description. The form of Neo-Aramaic used in the literary compositions from the region, furthermore, should be treated separately from the spoken dialects. In recent decades a number of studies of the spoken Christian dialects of the region have been published, including articles on the dialects ofTel Kepe (Sabar 1978,1993), Telesqof(Rubba 1993), Zakho (Hoberman 1993) and a mono graph and aseries of artic1es on the dialect of Mangesh (Sara 1974, 1990, 1993). At Cambridge research has been carried out by my students on various dialects including those of Alqosh,26 Zakh0 27 and Tel K~pe.28 In recent years publications relating to various Neo-Aramaic literary compositions from the region have appeared, some accompanied by linguistic descriptions. It is now clear that many of these works that were composed at an earlier period have a complicated manuscript

25 26 27 28

This diversity has been noted already by Tsereteli (1972). Ph.D. thesis by Eleanor Coghill (in progress). M.Phil. thesis by Kristine Mole (2000). Ph.D. thesis by Kristine Mole (in progress).

20

INTRODUCTION

transmission, in which scribes from different dialectal backgrounds have left their mark on the text. 29 The grammar For the reasons outlined above, the primary aim of the present work on the dialect of Qaraqosh is to provide a detailed linguistic description and sampies of texts. There is no systematic attempt to make a comparison with other dialects of the region or to investigate the history of these dialects, since such work can only be undertaken when we have full synchronic linguistic descriptions of a larger number of the individual dialects. The format of the grammatical description presented in this volume closely follows the model of my description of the Jewish Arbel dialect (Khan 1999). It includes sections on phonology, morphology and syntax. The studies of the phonology and morphology are based on data elicited by a questionnaire and on material extrapolated from the text corpus. The syntax is almost entirely based on the text corpus. As in my grammar of the Jewish Arbel dialect, the transcription of the texts includes an indication of intonation group boundaries and the position of the nuclear stress within intonation groups. These suprasegmental signals are often referred to in the description of the syntax. In addition to a glossary of verbs and a general glossary of non-verbal lexemes and particles, a chapter is added that arranges the lexical material of the dialect in a selection of semantic fields. It is hoped that this will facilitate the use of the volume for comparative lexical research in the NENA dialects. The glossaries include words that are found in the text corpus and also those that have been gathered from elsewhere. The origin of loanwords is indicated where it has been possible to identify this. The majority of these are from Arabic or Kurdish. Some words that appear from their form to be of Kurdish origin could not be traced in available lexicons of Kurdish, which are lacking for many dialectal varieties of the language. In such cases, where the origin of the word is uncertain, no indication of origin is indicated in the glossary. Informants and texts Since no previous descriptions have been made of the Qaraqosh dialect, the present work is entirely based on my own fieldwork. This has been 29

A major research project (known as Dorek) that aims to publish a large number of these texts together with a linguistic description is currently under way in Turin under the direction of F. Pennacchietti. Further information, including a fuH bibliography of the field is available at the website http://haI9000.cisi.unito.itlwf/ DIP ARTIMEN/OrientalislDoreklliterat.html#Lithome.

INTRODUCTION

21

carried out over the last three years among infonnants from Qaraqosh who have settled in Europe. The majority of my infonnants are now resident in London. Most of the texts that are published in this volume were recorded from speakers of various ages who had a good competence in the language. All have left Qaraqosh within the last decade, after the Gulf War. The majority of recordings were made in London (infonnants K, F, S). The texts ofinfonnant B were recorded in Rome. Infonnant Bis a priest and scholar who has a good knowledge of Classical Syriac. Infonnant K served as a deacon whilst he was a resident in Qaraqosh, but can read Classical Syriac only with great difficulty. The other infonnants from whom texts were recorded (F and S) have no knowledge of the Classicallanguage. The texts include descriptive passages conceming customs, traditions and daily life as weIl as narratives. To these texts, which consist of spontaneous speech, I have added transcriptions of recordings made of a variety of composed texts, including a play perfonned on stage, which consists entirely of dialogue, recitations of popular poems, proverbs and the dialect translation of the Gospels recited during church services. The recordings of the play and the Gospels were made in Qaraqosh by friends of my infonnants. Most of these texts contain numerous Arabic elements, which, as already remarked, have now become a characteristic feature of speech in the Qaraqosh dialect. These are nearly all individual words rather than connected phrases and clauses, so it was decided not to mark them as extraneous elements in the transcription of the texts by a special notation. The transcription of these Arabic elements in the texts is problematic since Arabic has a different phonological system from that ofthe Aramaic dialect (see §2.5.). The Arabic words that are found in the text corpus are included in the glossaries, although in many cases they cannot be considered as established loan-words in the dialect (§20.3.).

PHONOLOGY

CHAPTERONE

CONSONANTS 1.1. Phoneme inventory Labials Dental/ Palatal Alveolar

Stops/affricates Unvoiced Voiced Emphatic Fricatives Unvoiced

p

b

t d

c j

Velar Uvular Pharyngal Laryngal

k g

q

!

/

Voiced

1 s (/

x

I;

g

c

h

z Emphatic

~

rj Nasal Lateral Tap/trill Approximant

m

n

r

w

y

The consonants I/I, Irjl and /CI are found only in loan-words, the first two mainly from Arabic and the third mainly from Kurdish. A large number of such loans have become integrated into the language, e.g. k-/eti 'they flow past' (S:97), b-flan bela 'in such-and-such a house' (F:67), mfil;i 'they exhale' (Poems 14); rarjya 'content' (F:73), murjba{la 'he proved' F:117), k-I;arjri 'they attend' (K:41); cu-mandi 'nothing' (F:3), dewarci 'pedlar' (F:22), pacpacoka 'very small' (K:61), cayxana 'tea-shop' (S:104), cmakla 'he wilted' (F:33).

26

CHAPTERONE

1.2. Notes on the phonetic realization 0/ the consonants Iml

This consonant is sometimes slightly pharyngalized, especially in the environment of lul and Iwl, e.g. Yu-k-mwunsax [?ukn;I\V{}l}.sax] 'we have a good time' (K:6). In cases where the word does not contain Iwl, a labial glide is sometimes heard before a following vowel, e.g. Yumma [?u~~~~] 'a hundred' (K:31). Ibl

This is usually a voiced bilabial stop [b], but occasionally after a vowel it is realized as a voiced bilabial fricative [ß], e.g. da-halra [dre'ßa8ra] 'for behind' (B:29). Iwl

In most cases this is a labio-velar [w]. In the environment of Iyl it is sometimes realized as a labio-palatal [q], e.g. maywsa ['mejqJre] 'she dries'. Idl

In some sporadic cases in fast speech this is realized as a fricative after a vowel, e.g. mad?Jrha [m;;,'ö;;,rh;;,] 'he returns them' (F:12). The consonant Idl and its fricative counterpart 141 are, nevertheless, distinct phonemes, as is shown by minimal pairs such as guda 'wall' : gu4a 'skin for churning'. Inl

When adjacent to a velar or uvular consonant, Inl is genearlly realized as a nasal velar [1]], e.g. kan k-saqUha ['kre:1] k"freq'li:hI] 'ifthey take them' (F:6).

Ij/

This is normally pronounced as a voiced affricate [d3]. When it is in contact with a following consonant, the stop component of this is sometimes elided, e.g. jbOni ['3bo:ni:] 'my will' (Gospels 53), k-ajbali [kre3'bre:li:] 'It pleases me' (= I like it) (Play 167).

27

CONSONANTS Ikl

In the environment of front cosonants, this is sometimes realized in the region ofthe palatal [cl, e.g. u-k-sate [ucJa:te:] 'they drink' (K:11). lxI

This phoneme is occasionally realized phonetically as an uvular stop. Often this is combined with the fricative element, xwuxun-asxan ['?reJx~n] 'Heat up!' (F:18), molpi ['m;,lpi:] 'they teach' (F:66), >urxa ['?ufxre:] 'road' (F:7). A short lai vowel in this context sometimes becomes centralized. This is generally not a consistent feature and the same words are also heard with the retention of the lai, e.g. xmarta 'she-ass' (K:8; cf. xmara 'ass'), mxjgran 'I spin' (cf. mxagar 'he spins'), qadjmta (K:25) qadamta (S:65) 'early in the rnorning', Mb (F:87) - kac;} (K:42) 'rnats' . Phonemic oppositions, nonetheless, are still found in stressed closed nonfinal syllables between lai and lai, e.g. qa{alhan 'their murderer' : qa{alhan 'he murders them', sa>la 'fever' : sa'la 'hour' . In stressed closed syllables that occur in word-final position, vowels are either long or short. Since stress generally falls on the penultimate syllable of a word, this applies largely to monosyllabic words. The distribution of vowel length here differs according to the quality of the vowel. (i) The vowel lai in such contexts is in principle pronounced short, e.g. djx ['d~x] 'how?' (F:63), bjs ['b~J] 'a lot' (F:41), mjn ['m~n] (B:155), >jn ['?~n] 'ir (B:173). (ii) The vowels lil and lei in word-final stressed syllables are in principle pronounced long, e.g. ma-i->ll hal-tix [m~l'?i:1 hrel'ti:x] 'from top to

48

CHAPTER TWO

bottom' (K:44), ri! ['ri:3] 'upon' (K:74), ben ['be:n] (S:9). We see here again the complementarity between short ItJI and long liI and lei. (iii) The vowel 101 in this context is pronounced long in some loan-words, e.g. col ['fo:l] 'ground outside the town' (B:ll1). In words of native Aramaic stock, the vowel is generally pronounced short in fast speech with the quality [:>]. In slow deliberate speech it is sometimes lengthened slightly, e.g. PloX ['p8:>:x] 'Open!'. (iv) The vowel lul is in principle short, e.g. kud ['kud] 'each' (B:I0l), kul ['kul] 'all' (B:I09). (v) The vowel lai in some words is in principle pronounced short, e.g. bas ['bres] 'only' (F:2), ham ['hrem] 'also' (F:16), har ['hrer] 'still' (F:57). In other words it is in principle pronounced long, e.g. blH ['ba:fl 'weIl, good' (K:74), !dl ['fre:l] 'cloak' (B:161). In theory, therefore, there could be a phonemic opposition between short and long lai in this context, though none have been identified. This variability in length of lai has arisen from the fact that the majority of the words in question are loan-words from Kurdish or Arabic, where long and short a are indeed separate phonemes. In the transcription a macron has been placed over the long lai in such words. 2.2.2. Open syllabi es Vowels in stressed open syllables are in principle long, e.g. wanat ['wre:nret] 'sheep' (F:l), JihtJn ['8i:hm] 'they came' (F:l), bela ['be:8re] 'house' (F:20), gurtJ ['gu:r~] Omen' (F:99), gora ['go:rre] 'man' (B:71). Exceptions to this are as folIows: (i) A syllable that is closed may be opened up in fast speech by the elision of the letter at the beginning of the following syllable. The laryngal letter PI is particulary prone to be elided. When this occurs, the vowel in the first syllable remains short, as if it were still in a closed syllable, e.g. !lima « Mm'a) 'she hears', 'lira « 'ar'a) 'ground', tlira « tar'a) 'door', k-agtJn « k-tJg'tJn) 'I know'. The letter Irl is also sometimes elided, especially in the verb 'mr 'to say', and the same phenomenon is found, e.g. k-lima « k-amra) 'she says', k-limi « k-amri) 'they say'. Note also the word ma-qiida 'how much?' « ma-qadra). The lack oflengthening in these circumstances can give rise to minimal pairs that are distinguished only by the length of the vowel, e.g. g-zadtJn 'I throw' (zdy) : g-zlidtJn

VOWELS

49

«

g-zad>an) 'I fear' (zd». Minimal pairs are also occasionally found consisting of a form of Aramaie stock and a loan-word, e.g. k-amar 'he says' : kiimar 'a belt'.

(ii) A short vowel in a closed syllable remains short when the syllable is open by the attachment of an enclitic, e.g. dax-ila ['d;}xi:l;}] 'how it is' (F:96), xwuxCm-alla!.z [xwu:,xqumlhh] 'mix it'. Vowels that remain short in open syllables in cases such as (i) and (ii) above are marked with a breve diacritic in the transcription, with the exception of the vowel lai, which is always short in word-internal position. Vowels in unstressed open syllables are sometimes lengthened in slow deliberate speech. (i) This applies to all vowels in word-final position, including lai, which is shown by instrumental analysis to be realized usually with a similar length to other vowels in final open syllabies. So the key feature opposing lai to other vowels in word-final position in minimal pairs such as k-zade 'they throw' : k-zada 'he throws' and tori 'my ox' : tora 'oxen' is quality rather than length, e.g. lila ['8i:b:] 'he came', tuha ['tu:h;}:] 'they sat down', xanna ['x;}nn~:] 'others', >ana ['?re:m:] 'these', nasa ['nre:II:] 'people'. (ii) In non-final position this applies to all vowels except lai, which is always in principle short. All occurrences of lai in open non-final syllables are either epenthetic vowels that are inserted to break a consonantal cluster, e.g. maca/ffha 'they feed them' (F:68), masu!ra 'gone away' (F: 107), ma!.za(jri (K:45), or vowels in syllables that have been opened by the insertion of an epenthetic vowel after it, e.g. g-maxam>ii1a [g"m;}x;}m'?re:l;}] 'she leavens it' (B: 131; cf. g-maxma> 'he leavens '), ma>amgi [m;}'?;}möi:] 'they baptize' (K:45; cf. mrmag 'he baptizes'), marakxiwa [m;}f;}k'xi:wo] 'they used to make soft' (B:39; cf. markaxwa 'he used to make soft'). Vowels other than lai are regularly short in open unstressed syllables only if they are epenthetics. These generally occur before pharyngals and laryngals and have the quality of the vowel in the following syllable, e.g. miiJiimra [mo''lomrre] 'from wool' (B:161). Such epenthetics are marked with a breve diacritic in the transcription. In fast speech, however, all vowels in open unstressed syllables tend to be shortened. When pronounced short in this way, final lai in an open

50

CHAPTER TWO

syllable tends to have lower amplitude than other vowels and sometimes becomes totally inaudible, e.g. tel ['le:l] 'it is not' (F:56 < lela), tel ['le:8] 'there is not' (F:34 < lela), /:lei ['he:l] 'many' (F:112 < /:lela), k-iimil [kre'mi:l] 'they call it' (-B:39 < k-iimila). Note that in all cases the preceding vowel, which was originally in an open syllable, still tends to be lengthened, as if it were still in an open syllable. When a word ends in the sequence -Cya or -Cwa, the reduction ofthe final lai results in a final lil or lul vowel, e.g. duni « dunya) 'world' danu « danwa) 'tails'. An unstressed lei in a final open syllable tends to be centralized in fast speech and often becomes indistinguishable from lai. This applies particularly to the far deixis demonstrative 'ane which is often not clearly distinguished from the near deixis form 'ana. When the vowel lai is pronounced short in non-final open syllabies, it sometimes take on the centralized quality of lai, e.g. madfJrha « madarhan) 'he returns them' (F:12), marisiwa « marisiwa) 'they used to rinse' (B:39), zamoryala « zamoryala) 'songs' (Poetry 22). The lengthening of a vowel in an open unstressed syllable in word final position is occasionally replaced by aspiration, e.g. rsoma [r"'fo:mreh ] 'tomorrow'.

2.3. The phonetic realization ofthe vowels lil In word internal position this is, as a general rule, long and realized in the region of [i:], e.g.lihan ['8i:hm] 'they came' (F:I).1t is only short ifit is an epenthetic that has assimilated to the quality of a following long liI vowel, e.g. dPira [di'?i:r;:):] 'he returned'. In the environment of an emphatic consonant or Iql it is often realized with a high back quality in the region of [w], e.g. xe{lha ['xe:tu!:hl] 'they sew them' (K:17), raqlqa [ra'qw:qo] (K:23). lai The phonetic realization of lai is generally in the region of [;:)], [~] or [I], e.g. xtfJrta ['xt;:)fta:] 'beautiful (f.)' (S:3), nasa ['nre:fl:] 'people' (K: 11). The raised qualities [~] and [I] are often conditioned by a partial assimilation to preceding a lei or lil vowel respectively, especially when the consonant that separates them is a laryngal, e.g. kul/eha ['kulle:h~]

VOWELS

SI

'all of them' (K:I0), m-malineha [mmre:8i:'ne:h5:] 'I shall bring them' (F:5), k-maJiha [k"mre:8i:hI] 'he brings them' (F: 12). In the environment of the rounded glide Iwl, it sometimes has the rounded quality [y], e.g. da-lw~sta [dre'lwystre] 'forclothing' (B:18). lei

This is realized in the region of [e], e.g. Bagdeda [bay'de:d5:] (B:18), gdedela [y"de:'de:8re] 'a woman from Bagded;:)' (B:19). lai

This is generally realized in the region of [al or [re], e.g. wanat ['wre:nret] 'sheep' (F:l). When long and not adjacent to emphatic consonants or back vowels, it is often raised to the region of [e], by a process that is analogous to the so-called 'imäla in Arabic, e.g. plala [p"'8e:lre] 'twisting' (B: 19), J:zawaka [ha'we:kre'] 'weaver' (B:20), kam-maraJMla [k~m­ m~r~?'Je:I~] 'she woke hirn' (F:4). Short lai sometimes has the raised quality of [e] in the environment of high vowels and the glide Iyl, e.g. yarixa [je'ri:xre] 'month'. The vowel sometimes has the back quality [0], especially in the environment of emphatics and pharyngals, e.g. qeta ['qe:t9:] 'summer' (B:18), Camra [')omra] 'wool' (B:18), and also in the environment ofthe labials Iwl and Ibl, e.g. 'ayawa [?re'yo:wo] 'it was (f.)' (B:21), da-halra [dre'ß08ra] 'for behind' (B:29). In the environment of Iwl it is sometimes even raised to [::>], e.g. k-zawal [k"'z::>:wol] 'he used to go' (B:23), k-amiwalha [kre'mi:w::>lh~:] (F:2). 101

This is realized in the region of [0] when long and in an open syllable, e.g. 'axona [?re'xo:nre] 'brother' (F:3), g-moxal [g"'mo:x~l] 'he feeds'. when short it is generally lowered to the region of[::>], e.g. soqqa ['J::>qq~] 'leave them!' (F:5), g-moxla [g"'m::>xlre:] 'she feeds' . Short 101 is occasionally centralized towards the region of [u], which is the usual realization of short lul. In such cases, therefore, it is transcribed as lul, e.g. ka-mu'liwala [bmu?'li:wol"] 'they inserted it' (B:22 < ka-mo'liwala; cf. ka-mo'al 'he inserts'), 'adyu ['?~d3U] 'today' (B:65 < 'adyo).

52

CHAPTER TWO

/u/

When long this generally has the quality of [u], e.g. guba ['gu:ba] 'sewing machine' (B:18). When short it is generally centralized slightly and realized as [u], )urxa ['?urxre:] 'road' (F:7), susta ['sustre:] 'horse'(F:13).

2.4. The historical background ofthe vowels 2.4.1. /il

In final open syllables, the liI vowel is derived from an original final *l, e.g. 'my grandfather' < *sä!JI sawi < *j:zäzyäli xazyali 'she sees me' saq/i !laii )ahi

'they take' 'thirty' 'she'

< *säqlln < *tläIln < *hl

In word-internal open syllables, /i/ is derived from either stressed *l or stressed *e, e.g. (i) From *l:

'thick' 'saint' 'dead'

'he bestows' : xala 'it is sweet'. The elision offinal PI, therefore, causes the collapse of this distinction, e.g. qala daha 'he uproots/fries now'.

SYLLABLESTRUCTURE

63

A syllable does not have a vowel as its onset but always begins with at least the laryngal PI, e.g. Ja.na 'I', Ja.hu 'he', Ji./ana 'tree', g-da.Jar 'he returns (intransitive)', g-mad.Jar 'he returns (transitive)'. This syllable initial PI is often elided in natural fast speech, as is the case when occurring at the close of syllable. It is particularly susceptible to elision when in contact with a preceding consonant. When it is elided, the vowel in the preceding syllable continues to be treated as if it were still in a closed syllable and remains short, e.g. 'ara « 'ar'a) 'ground', g-zlida « g-zad'a) 'she fears', g-mlidar « madjar) 'he returns (transitive)', mud/ra « mud'/ra) 'he returned (transitive)'. The laryngal PI at the beginning of a word is generally elided when a vowelless particle is prefixed to it, e.g. b-aya duka « b-'aya) 'in that place' (F: 114), b-idalla « b-'idalla) 'with their hands' (S:69), w-ahu « w-Jahu) 'and he' (B:169), w-aqlalla « w-'aqlalla) 'and their legs' (B:175), l-aqlalla « l-'aqlalla) 'to their legs' (B:175). An initial PI is frequently elided also when the preceding word ends in a consonant. In such cases the vowel forms a syllable with this consonant across the word boundary, e.g. lazam a.xni ['lre:.zI.'m rex.ni:] « lazam 'axni) 'we must' (F:97), Mdax iyewa xayaf; ['hre:.dre.x i:.'ye:.wo] « hadax 'iyewa) 'his life was like that' (F:12), benaf; al-bfmha ['be:.nre.h ~l.'bm.h~] « benaf; Jal-banha) 'between her and them' (F:31), MI umma ['hre.'l um.mo] « hai Jumma) 'until a hundred' (K:32). When this occurs, the initial PI is omitted in the transcription. The elision and resyllabification does not regularly take place in this context. It does not take place across an intonation group boundary or when there is a slight hesitation in speech between the two words, e.g. dax 'amxal# 'how they could be free' (F:63). The sequence CV + 'v sometimes contracts to CV at the juncture between words. This occurs: (i)

Regularly when the initial 'V is a prosthetic vowel, e.g. qaruta I-Bagdeda « qaruta 'al-Bagdeda) 'near to Bagded~' (F:7), nasa k-alewa I-giban « k-alewa 'al-giban) 'people used to come to us' (F:22).

(ii) Occasionally when the two vowels in the CV + 'v sequence are the same quality, e.g. ten- axa « lena 'axa) 'they are not here' (F:26), 'ahi -yawa « 'ahi 'iyawa) 'it was' (B:70).

64

CHAPTER FOUR (iii) Occasionally when one ofthe vowels is short lai. In such cases it is the lai vowel that is elided, e.g. zall- ahu « zalla Jahu) 'he went' (F:13), pesax tiw- iixa? « tiwa Jaxa) 'Should we remain sitting here?' (F:97), m$alyan- iyewa « m$alyana Jiyewa) 'they used to pray' (B:68), Ju-xalad « Ju-Jaxalad) 'and the eating of (F:66), Ju-tlan « Ju-Jatlan) 'and we have' (K:85). Sometimes the contraction is only partial, in that the el is retained but the lai vowel is assimilated to the quality ofthe second vowel, e.g. driha Jaq/alad ['dri:hre ?req'lre:8~d] 'they put the legs of ... ' (F:53), Jahu-la Jupra ['?re:hu:lu '?uprre] 'it is soil' (K:30). For the sake of orthographie consistency these assimilations in vowel quality are not marked in the transcription.

On some occasions also the laryngal Ihl is elided at the beginning of a word when preceded by a word ending in a vowel. The sequence CV hV may contract to CV, e.g. ma-wlla « ma-hawila) 'What is it to her?' (Poetry 2). 4.3. Word initial clusters of consonants Clusters of two consonants often occur at the beginning of a word. The cluster is sometimes pronounced without being broken by an epenthetic vowel. This is generally the case if the first consonant is a sibilant and/or the second is a sonorant continuant such as /l/ or Iyl, e.g. staya 'drinking' (F:82), xlulana 'weddings' (K:37), platlan (K:34), dyaqtat 'beating' (Poetry 14). It is also found with other clusters, even where the second consonant is the laryngal el, e.g. k-Jara 'it sets' (B:120), in which the Ikl and the el are articulated together giving the impression of a glotttal ejective. Initial clusters, however, are often pronounced with an epenthetic vowel between them. This is sometimes an ultra-short central vowel, which is not represented in the transcription, e.g. q!ala ['q~.t(;t:lre] 'killing' (F:4), k-payas ['k~pre:y~n 'it becomes' (K:14), k-bahri ['k~rehri:] 'they shine' (Poetry 24). Occasionally it is a regular short vowel. This is found mainly when the second consonant of the cluster is the laryngal el. In such cases the epenthetic vowel generally has the quality of the vowel following the laryngal, e.g. raJasla « ~asla) 'he woke up', dPira « dJira) 'he retumed', riPos « rJos) 'wake up!', riPasa « rJasa) 'waking up' (infinitive). When the second consonant of the cluster is Iwl, it is

SYLLABLESTRUCTURE

65

sometimes preceded by a short epenthetic vowel with the quality of lul, e.g. hUwalla « hwalla) 'he gave', hUwela « hwela) 'birth'. On numerous occasions word-initial clusters are broken by prefixing a prosthetic vowel, which generally has the central quality of lai, e.g. ~askina 'living' (F:3), ~anqasa 'beating' (F:4), ~am!u~amha 'they tasted' (F:70), ~ambina 'it seems' (F: 105). In most cases these prosthetic vowels are optional, but in some monosyllabic words they have become stressed and become an integral part ofthe morphology, e.g. ~abra 'son', ~asta 'six (m.)', ~ansa 'women'. This is shown by the fact that they are retained throughout the inflection of the word, even when the consonantal cluster is broken, e.g. ~abarhan 'their son', ~assat 'six (f.)'.

An initial Iwl in clusters generally shifts to ~u-. This is the normal realization of the conjunctive particle w- before a consonant, e.g. ~u-1iha 'and they came' (F:9), ~u-pasla 'it became' (F:29), ~u-manha 'and from them' (F:36). When a word beginning with a cluster is closely connected to a preceding word that ends in a vowel, the first consonant of the cluster is often syllabified with the preceding vowel, e.g.

ld k-sawaqla ['Ire k.Jre:.'w;;,q.lre] 'it does not allow it' (F:47) ~eka

b-zalha? ['e:.kre b.'zrel.h;;,] 'Where would they go? (F:76)

k-ila k-qara ['ki:.l;;, k.'qo:r;;,:] 'he reads' (F:48) sawi k-!alabwa ['so:.wi k.gl:'l;;,bwo] 'my grandfather claimed' (F:90). When a word beginning with an initial ~u- or ~i- is closely connected to a preceding word that ends in the low vowel lai, they are syllabified with the preceding word and pronounced as the glides [w] and [j] respectively. Most cases of ~u- in this context are the conjunctive particle and this is written with the preceding word in the transcription. EIsewhere the transcription does not represent the syllabification, e.g.

xamsa-w {lali 'thirty-five' (F:15) galda-w pasra 'skin and flesh' (F:58) suwwa itala ['Juw.wre j.'tre:.8re] 'seven churches' (K:20)

CHAPTER FOUR

66

4.4. Word internal clusters 0/ consonants

The sequence VCCCV within a word is usually syllabified VCC .CV with an epenthetie vowel splitting the consonantal cluster in the first syllable, e.g. g-mapasriwala « g-mapsriwala) 'they melt it' (B:125) g-maxam'ala « g-maxm'ala) 'she leavens it' (B: 131)

« g-matryala) 'it makes it wet' (B: 141) k-maralxila « k- marlxila) 'they boil it' (S:76)

g-mataryala

Occasionally the sequence VCCCV is retained without an epenthetic. In these cases the syllabification is VC.CCV, e.g. markxiha [m;;lf.'kxi:h;;l] 'they soften them' (K:16)

The sequence VCCV is generally syllabified as VC.CV, e.g. xamsa ['xrem.Jre)'five' (F:9) laJWa ['lreS.wa] 'there was not' (F:23) pa1ti ['PQJ ..tj:] 'they go out' (K:41)

In a few cases, however, VCCV is syllabified as V.CCV, in whieh the second syllable begins with a cluster. This occurs mainly where the first consonant is a sibilant and/or the second is one of the glides Iwl and Iyl, e.g. ka-mq6qya [k;;lm.'qo:.qyre] 'she crows' (Proverbs 15) y6ma dj-tre ['dI.tre:] 'the second day' 4.5. Allegr%rms

In fast speech, syllables are sometimes elided or contracted. This occurs especially where vowels are divided by one ofthe glides Iyl and Iwl. For example, the past copula forms -iwa 'he was' and -iyewa 'they were' are distinguished in slow speech, but in fast speech the plural form generally contracts and is indistinguishable from the singular. The sequence /awa/ is sometimes contracted to 101, e.g. g61:z < gawal:z 'in it'. For the sake of orthographie consistency, these allegro forms are generally transcribed in their uncontracted form.

CHAPTER FIVE

WORDSTRESS The position ofword stress is largely predictable. Since, however, there is some variation, the place of stress is marked in the transcription on all words that bear it. The transcription of the recorded texts also marks the boundaries of intonation groups by a short vertical sign I. Intonation contours are not represented, but a distinction is made between the nuclear stress of the intonation group and non-nuclear stress. The nuclear stress, which is the most prominent stress of the intonation group, is marked by a grave accent (v) and the non-nuclear stress is marked by an acute accent (v), e.g. btis )asx;m mJSxa-w ltitLax dii)wa l 'But heat the oil and do not worry' (F: 18). As a general rule, in a word with more than one syllable the stress is placed on the penultimate syllable. This applies to all categories of word, e.g. hela 'house', k-palax 'he opens', !lala 'three', tJmmaL 'yesterday', m-balar 'after'. In some cases the stress is placed on a syllable earlier than the penultimate. Most of these are verbal forms that have pronominal suffixes. The suffix is frequently ignored and the stress placed on the penultimate syllable of the remainder of the verbal form, e.g. k-ogi/a

«

k-6di + La) 'They make for it' (S:III)

« k-iimaxwa + La) 'We used to call it' (F:16) g-deqiwaLha « g-deqiwa + Lha) 'They used to crush them' (K:27) )asxanni « )asxan + Li) 'Heat for me' (F: 17) zJLwaLa « zaLwa + La) 'He went' (F: 110)

k-iimaxwaLa

The position of stress in verbal forms with pronominal suffixes is not, however, completely fixed and sometimes the suffix is taken into account when stress is assigned to the word, e.g. g-Lemila

«

g-Lemi + La) 'They gather it' (K:58, but g-LemiLa in the

previous clause) qediwiiLa

«

k-amriwaLa

qediwa + La) 'They used to lead it' (B:78)

«

k-amriwa + La) 'They used to call it' (B: 148)

68

CHAPTER FIVE

The stress sometimes falls on the final syllable of a word due to the elision ofthe final vowel (usually lai), e.g. Jarxos « Jarxosa) 'driving along' (F:8) basim « basima) 'pleasant' (F:19) majWal « majWala) 'villages' (F:22)

On rare occasions the stress is shifted to the final syllable even when there is no elision ofthe final vowel, e.g. k-amaxwalha 'We call them' (K:50) k-atwi 'They sit' (K:42).

Stress position in some loan-words is irregular, e.g. tanaga 'tin' qondara 'shoe' jarmina 'woman'sjacket' xamok 'woman's scarf

CHAPTERSIX

STRESS GROUPS Occasionally a short word is combined with another word in a single stress group and only one ofthe words bears stress. The stress may fall on either the first or second word, depending on the nature of the component words and on their relative informational importance. Such stress groups occasionally consist ofthree words. In most cases each ofthe component words can bear its own stress and examples of this can be found in other contexts. If the stress falls on the final word of the group, its position in this word is normally the same as it would have been if the word stood independently. If, on the other hand, the stress falls on the first word of the group and this word consists of more than one syllable, the stress is often placed on the final syllable of the word, rather than on the penultmate one, where it would be placed if the word stood independently. The loss of stress in one of the words can lead to the elision of a vowel, ifthe preceding syllable ends in a vowel, e.g. ld-k-xli « ld k-axli) 'they do not eat' (K:64). Some of the most common types of words that are combined with other words in stress groups are as follows. Ci) Numeral + counted nominal. The stress falls either on the nominal following the numeral or on the numeral. The stress is regularly put on the final syllable ofthe numeral: Stress on the nominal: xa-bela 'a house' (F:82), xa-mandi 'something' (F:75) gga-Mbla 'one week' (F:ll0) tre-sur!a 'two policemen' (F:67). Stress on the numeral: xa-mandi 'something' (F:I03), tre-ro/at 'two rolls' (S:43), tre-~alpa 'two thousand' (F:51), xamsl-metar 'fifty metres' (F:114), suww~-sannal 'seven years' (Play 36), tmana-sann-ila l '(his age) is eight years'(Play 141). Examples of the occurrence of stress on both components: xa daqlqa 'one minute' (F:55), xa y6ma 'one day' (F:91), tre xmara 'two asses' (B:53).

70

CHAPTER SIX (ii) Predicate + copula. The stress generally falls on the predicate. The presence ofthe copula is ignored with regard to the rules of stress placement and the stress is put on the penultimate syllable ofthe first word, e.g. xoral:z-ila « xoral:z + ila) 'He is his friend' (F:92) ~wPela

«

~wPa

+ ila) 'He is painted' (K:44)

p$fx-iyax « Nixa + iyax) 'We are joyful' (K:6) 'ekena

«

'eka + ina) 'Where are they?' (Poetry 11)

swawan-iwa « swawan + iwa) 'He was our neighbour' (F:20) hadax-iyewa « hadax + iyewa) 'They were like that' (S:112)

Examples ofthe occurrence ofstress on both components: maskina gdedaya m~alyan- iyewa 'The poor inhabitants of l

Bagded;) used to pray' (B:68) fa-'axni b-Takrat 'iyaxwa qameJa l 'We are were formerly in

Tikrit' (K:20) hfzdax 'iyawa maJa 'The town was like this' (Poetry 1) l

In some exception cases the stress falls on the copula, e.g. 'ahat-iyat raxmuJa 'you are love' (Poetry 23).

(iii) Negator + verb/nominal/adverbial. The stress is usually placed on the negated item, though occasionally examples are found of it falling on the negator. Stress on the negated item: la-k-aJa 'He does not come' (F:11), la-g-basam 'It will not be cured' (F\:54), la-xxa 'not anybody' (F:24), cu-mJndi 'nothing (F:34, S:112). Stress on the negator: fa-la-qamla 'he did not get up' (F:5), /{z-k-xli 'they do not eat' (K:64), wa-la-xxa 'nobody' (F: 11), cu-mandi 'nothing' (F:3). Examples of the occurrence of stress on both components: /{z kam-qat~lla 'He did not kill hirn' (F:42), /{z k-saw~qla 'It does not leave it' (F:47), /{z ka-mhJmnat 'You do not believe' (F:79).

STRESS GROUPS

71

(iv) Quantifier + nominal. The stress normally falls on the nominal, though is occasionally placed on the quantifier. Stress on the nominal: kud-xa 'everybody' (F:33), kul-m?mdi 'every thing' (F:19), kud-miqla 'every time' (K: 14). Stress on the quantifier:

Ja-kud-xa

'everybody' (F:103),

kull-mandi (S:89).

Examples of the occurrence of stress on both components: kull faxta (F:50) 'all the dirt', kull Mla 'all the job' (B: 109), kud M>ta 'every year' (B:I01). (v) Prepositions and conjunctive particles. These are often combined with the item that follows them in a single stress group. The stress is generally placed on the second item, e.g. mim-tama 'from there' (F:86), ma-xa hal-xamfi 'from one to fifty' (K:31), max-gupta 'like cheese' (B:149), >aw-frag3 'or goods' (F:89). Occasionally the stress is placed on the initial particle, e.g. la-xxa 'for somebody' (F:90), la-gga duka 'for a place' (S:25), >am-xufka 'in the moming' (K:40). If the preposition consists

of more than one syllable, the stress would normally be moved onto its final syllable, e.g. balar-palg3d-yom 'after midday' (F:29). l

Examples of the occurrence of stress on both components: man tama 'from there' (K:54), max f3kwan3 'like ants' (B: 170), >aw MI >umma 'or until a hundred' (K:31). Prepositions and conjunctions consisting of a single consonant are regularly attached to a word without bearing stress, e.g. b-lel3 'at night' (F: 1), l-ane 'conceming those' (F:73), w-axni 'and we' (K:23). Ifthe preceding word ends in a vowel and the following word begins with a consonant, these particles are generally syllabified with the preceding word, so long as it is the same intonation group, e.g. >3xala b-dera (K:IO)

[?~.'xre:.lre

b.'de:rre] 'food in the monastery'

qaruta l-Bagdeda [qa.'ru:tre

l.brey.'de:d~]

'near to

Bagded~'

(F:7) galda-w pasra

['g~l.drew. 'p~s.rre]

'flesh and meat' (F:58)

72

CHAPTERSIX

In the transcription the conjunctive particle w 'and' is written with the preceding word when this syllabification occurs. Other particles, however, are regularly written attached to the following word irrespective of the syllabification. (vi) Verb + prepositional phrase with pronoun. Stress groups ofthis type are found with the prespositional phrase consisting of 'all('to, for, upon') + pronominal suffix. Unlike most other stress groups, the components here are treated together as one word for the purposes of stress position. The stress, therefore, falls on the last syllable ofthe verb, which is the penultimate syllable of the phrase as a whole: xalya-llaf:z 'It is sweet to hirn' (F:5), 'ahu gaf:zkl-llaf:z 'They laugh at hirn' (K:43), :>u-g-darewa-llaf:z 'They used to put on it' (K:55). Occasionally this prepositional phrase carries its own stress, e.g. darewa gas 'allaf:z 'They used to put petrol on it' (K:52).

MORPHOLOGY

CHAPTER SEVEN

PRONOUNS 7.1. Independent personal pronouns

3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

'ahu 'ahi 'anhan

2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

'ahat 'ahat 'axtun

1sI pers. sing. pI.

'ana 'axni

As is usually the case in the NENA dialects, most of these pronominal forms have undergone considerable historical development, largely by the force of analogy. The initial 'a- syllable has been generalized throughout the paradigm and prefixed to the 3rd person singular forms 'ahu « *hu) and 'ahi « *hi). The 2nd person singular forms 'ahat and 'ahat are likely to have developed the medial /h/ by analogy with the 3rd person singular forms 'ahu and 'ahi. The endings -at and -at are identical to the 2nd person singular inflection ofthe present verbal base, e.g. paJx-at 'you (m.) open', paJx-at 'you (f.) open'. The 3rd person plural form 'anhan is of common gender. The initial 'an- element is found also in the demonstrative pronouns 'ana 'these' and 'ane 'those'. The ending -han is identical to the 3pl. pronominal suffix. The initial 'ax- element in the 2nd person plural form 'axtun may have developed by analogy with the I sI person plural form 'axni. Altematively, it could be explained as having developed by metathesis

CHAPTER SEVEN

76

from ~atxun, in which the final -xun element would have developed by analogy with the 2pl. pronominal suffix ofthe same form. I 7.2. Prononminal suffixes on nouns and prepositions

The singular pronominal suffixes are as follows: 3rd pers.ms. fs.

-alJ, -alJ,

2nd pers.ms. fs.

-ux -ax

1st pers. sing.

-i

The pharyngal /IJ,/ in the 3sg. suffixes -alJ, and -alJ, has developed by strengthening the articulation of the original final *-h to prevent its elision. When these suffixes are added to nouns, the final inflectional vowels of nouns of Aramaic stock are removed, e.g. ~axona 'brother' > ~axoni 'my brother' , ~axonwala 'brothers' ~axonwaJi 'my brothers'. When singular and plural forms of a noun are distinguished only by the final vowel, the forms with singular pronominal suffixes are ambiguous as to number, e.g. tori may mean 'my ox' « tora) or 'my oxen' « tora). The inflection of tora with the full range of singular suffixes is as follows: 3rd pers.ms. fs.

toralJ, toralJ,

'his oxloxen' 'her oxloxen'

2nd pers.ms. fs.

torux torax

'your (m.) oxloxen' 'your (f.) oxloxen'

1st pers. sing.

tori

'my oxloxen'

The distinction between the singular and plural forms of the noun is retained when plural pronominal suffixes are attached. These suffixes

For a comparative study of pronouns in various other NENA dialects see Hoberman (1988,1990).

PRONOUNS

77

have distinct forms when they are added to plural nouns ending in the inflectional vowel -a: Basic form

Form on pI. nouns in-a

-han -xun -an

3pI. 2pI. 1pI.

-ehan -exun -enan

The retention of this distinction is a noteworthy archaism of the dialect. In most NENA dialects the distinction has been levelled, with one form of suffix being used in all circumstances. The lei vowel in the suffixes, -ehan, -exun and -enan derives from an original diphthong *ay (cf. §2.4.3.). The inflection ofthe noun tara 'ox' (pI. tara) with these suffixes is as follows:

torhan torxun toran

'their ox' 'your (pI.) ox' 'our ox'

torehan torexun torenan

'their oxen' 'your (pI.) oxen' 'our oxen'

If the plural inflection of the noun does not end in -a, the basic form of these suffixes is used, e.g. ~axonwala

'brothers'

~axonwalhan

~axonwalxun

~ilanat

'trees'

~ilanatan ~ilanatxun ~ilanathan

'their brothers' 'your (pI.) brothers' 'our brothers' 'our trees' 'your (pI.) trees' 'their trees'

If the singular form of a noun ends in a consonantal cluster after the removal of the final vowel, an epenthetic vowel is inserted between the two final consonants before the 2pI. and 3pI. suffixes, which begin with a consonant, e.g.

palga 'half

palagxun

palaghan

kalba 'dog'

kalabxun

kalabhan

mag la 'scythe'

magalxun

magalhan

karma' orchard'

karamxun

karamhan

CHAPTER SEVEN

78 gJlda 'skin'

g"IJdxun

g"IJdh"n

'Jbra 'son'

'"bJrxun

'"bJrh"n

za'la 'olive'

za'Jlxun

za'Jlh"n

tar'a 'door'

tarJ'xun

tarJ'h"n

When this epenthetic is inserted, the stress sometimes remains on the base word, e.g. pal"gh"n, kal"bh"n etc. If the second consonant of the final cluster is /w/ or /y/, these contract to the vowels /u/ and /i/ respectively when combined with the epenthetic vowel, e.g. danwa 'tail'

danUxun

danuh"n

dJhwa 'gold'

d"hUxun

dJgwa 'fly'

d"gUxun

d"hUh"n d"guh"n

'arya 'lion'

'arixun

'arih"n

If the noun ends in a geminated consonant, no epenthetic is added when the 2pl. and 3pl. suffixes are attached, e.g. IJbba 'heart'

IJbbxun

IJbbxun

'Jmma 'mother'

'Jmmxun

'Jmmh"n

dJmma 'blood' guppa 'wing'

dJmmxun guppxun

dJmmh"n gupph"n

Ifthe final geminated consonant is /w/, this is contracted to the vowel /u/, e.g. xuwwa 'snake'

xUxun

xuh"n

An epenthetic is not added if the second consonant of the cluster at the end ofthe noun stern is the Itl or 111 ofthe feminine ending, e.g. kJsta 'bag'

kJstxun

kJsth"n

susta 'mare'

sustxun

susth"n

tawJrta 'cow'

tawJrtxun

tawJrth"n

xmarta 'she-ass'

xmartxun

xmarth"n

In fast speech the 3pl. suffix -h"n undergoes a certain degree of phonetic weakening. The final Inl is frequently elided, e.g. 'aqlalh" 'their legs' (K:84),jrageh" 'their goods' (S:25). The enclitic copula is often attached

PRONOUNS

79

directly to this reduced form without the Inl being restored, e.g. sush-iliJ 'It is their horse.' When the Ihl is in contact with a preceding consonant, moreover, it is often assimilated to this preceding consonant, which becomes geminated and, if voiced, is devoiced, e.g. susawalliJ « susawalhiJn) 'their horses' (F:67), 'idalliJ « 'idalhiJn) 'their hands' (B:175), b-palakkiJ « b-paliJghiJn) 'in the middle ofthem' (K:24), baPPiJ « babhiJn) 'their father'. Similarly the final Inl of the 2pI. suffix -xun is sometimes elided, giJladxu 'your skin' (Play 121). The addition of the 3pI. or 2pI. suffixes -hiJn and -xun to a word generally causes a preceding open syllable to be closed. The vowel ofthis syllable, as a consequence, is shortened. Ifthe vowel is liI or leI, it shifts to the quality liJI (cf. §§2.1, 2.2.), e.g. 'aghiJn « 'irj + hiJn) 'their hand ', 'athiJn «'i! + hiJn) 'their church', ra~hiJn « ri~ + hiJn) 'their head', balliJn « bel-hiJn) 'their house' (B:23).

« sushiJ + iliJ)

A few loan-words that do not have a final nominal inflectional vowel take the stress on an epenthetic even when a singular pronominal suffix is added, e.g. baxiJt 'luck', baxiti ' my luck' , baxitux 'your luck', baxathiJn 'their luck'. Some singular nouns of feminine gender insert the infix.laltl before the pronominal suffix, e.g. malattan « mala) 'our village' . When the 3pI. and 2pI. suffixes are added, the infix is latl without gemination ofthe Itl, e.g. malathiJn 'their village', malatxun 'your village'. The Ihl ofthe suffixhiJn is, however, often assimilated to the Itl, which results in its gemination, e.g. malattiJn, mala!tiJ 'their village'. The full inflection of the word mala 'village' with pronominal suffixes is as folIows : 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

malattiJ!:z malatta!:z malathiJn

'his village' 'her village' 'their village'

2nd pers.ms. fs . pI.

mala!tux malattax malatxun

'your (m.) village' 'your (f.) village' 'your (pI.) village'

1sI pers.s.

malatti malattan

'my village' 'our village'

pI.

80

CHAPTER SEVEN

The distribution of the infix !cm/ among the nouns of the dialect examined in greater detail in § 10.14.

IS

Prepositions take the same pronominal suffixes as are added to nouns. They do not all use the same type of plural suffix. Some take the basic series -han, -xun, -an, e.g.

man 'trom' mannaI:z 'trom hirn'

manhan 'trom them'

ben 'between' benaI:z 'between hirn'

banhan 'between them'

gib 'with' gibaI:z 'with hirn'

gabhan 'with them'

txil 'under' txilaI:z 'under hirn'

txalhan 'under them'

gaw- 'in' gawaI:z 'in hirn'

gohan « *gawhan) 'in them'

Jal- 'to' JallaI:z 'to hirn'

Jalhan 'to them'

barqul- 'against' barqulaI:z 'against hirn'

barqulhan 'against them'

xag,arwan- 'around' xag,arwanaI:z 'around hirn'

xag,arwanhan 'around them'

Others take the series -ehan, -exun and -enan, e.g.

balar 'after' balraI:z 'after hirn'

balrehan 'after them'

qama 'before' qamaI:z 'before hirn'

qamehan 'before them'

Jal_ 'upon' JallaI:z 'upon hirn'

Jallehan 'upon them'

PRONOUNS

81

The usual fonn ofthe 3sg. singular suffixes has the pharyngal 11;,1, which, as explained above, is the result of the strengthening of an original *h in order to prevent it from being elided, i.e. -al;, < *-eh and -al;, < *-ah. There are, however, traces of 3sg. pronominal suffixes from which the final *h was elided without being replaced by the pharyngal. These can be identified in the endings -a « *-eh) and -a « *-ah) that are attached to the quantifier kull- 'all', e.g. y6ma kulla « *kulleh) 'the day, all ofit', i.e. ' all the day' (B:23), maJa kulla « *kullah) 'the town, all ofit', i.e. all of the town' (Poetry 3). This quantifier takes the plural suffixes ofthe series -ehan, -exun, -enan, but the stress is placed on the base kull-, e.g. kulleha 'all of them' (F: I 7), kullenan 'all of us'. On account of the lack of stress on the lei, the fonn kulleha in fast speech is sometimes reduced to kulle or even kulla, e.g. kulla gdedilya « kulleha) 'all the inhabitants ofBagded~' (K:IO).

The 2pl. pronominal suffix -xun I -exun is used in some contexts as a polite way of addressing a single person. The greeting slama Jallexun ' Peace be upon you', for example, is addressed not only to a group but also to individual people. 7.3 . Demonstrative pronouns

A distinction between near deixis and far deixis is expressed in both the singular and the plural ofthe demonstrative pronouns: Near deixis Jaga ms. Jr:itji fs. Jana pI.

Far deixis Jawa Jaya Jane

The near deixis singular fonns are occasionally pronounced haga and hagi with an initial Ihl. It is not clear whether this is a conservative pronunciation of original fonns with initial ha- or whether it is the result of influence from Arabic, which has demonstratives of a similar fonn. The masculine singular fonn appears to be derived from a combination of the two deictic elements *hä-gä. The final lil of the feminine singular fonn Jagi may have developed by analogy with the independent 3fs. pronoun Jahi.

82

CHAPTER SEVEN

The singular far deixis forms >awa and >aya are likely to have had the historical development < *>aw-hä < *hä-hü-hä and < *>ay-hä < *hä-hl-hä respectively. Occasionally a short form of the masculine singular demonstrative is used, without the final -a, e.g. b-aw-waqat 'at that time' (F:22), har aw-laxma 'that same bread' (K:71), da-w->ilbra 'for that child' (K:45). The distinction between the far and near deixis forms in the plural is made by the final vowel alone. In fast speech, in fact, the vowel lei ofthe far deixis form tends to be centralized, which results in the loss of the distinction between the two forms. The final lai may be elided altogether when the pronoun is closely connected to what follows by the relative particle d-, e.g. >an-d-ina gdedaya 'those who are inhabitants ofBagded;)' (F:I09), >an-d-ina mashar 'those that are famous' (B:35). The final lei in the far deixis form >ane would be expected to reflect an original diphthong (see §2.4.3.) and the historical development would be < *>äneyn < *>änayn. One may compare this to the 3pl. present forms offinal Iyl verbs, e.g. xaze < *I:täzeyn < *I:täzayn. The final lai ofthe near deixis form >ana may have developed by analogy with the nominal plural ending -a. Another demonstrative pronoun that is sporadically used has the form >ay. This is invariable for gender and number. It expresses near deixis and is always used attributively, e.g. >ay-sata 'this year' (B: 13), >ay-xfJIna 'this groom' (K:44), >ay heIa 'this house' (F:20), ay-raqqa 'these flat breads' (B:134), mfJn d-ay-dilpna ... mfJn d-ay-dilpna 'on this side and on this (other) side' (B:155). The form >ay may derive from a combination ofthe two deictic elements *hä + *1. Both of these elements are attested separately in other contexts, e.g. ha-Plulta b-batna 'Behold a virgin will be with child' (Gospels 6), >i->axa 'here', >i-hadax 'like this.' A further fossilized demonstrative is preserved in the form >fJdyo 'today'. The fact that the stop Idl appears in it rather than the interdental fricative lejl suggests that the initial >a- is an epenthetic (see § 1.4.1.4.). The original form can be reconstructed, therefore, as *dä-yom, or the like, without an original initial hä-. The same demonstrative element can also be identified in the form >annaqla 'on this occasion', in which it has been assimilated to the initial Inl ofthe word naqla 'occasion, instance'.

PRONOUNS

83

7.4. Interrogative pronouns mani ma,may J ema

'who?' 'what?' 'which?'

The form may ('what'?) is regularly used instead of ma when this pronoun is the predicate of the copula, e.g. may-la 'What is it?', may-na 'What are they?', may-la darmana? 'What is the medicine? (F:46) may-na k-og,i gura? 'What are the men doing' (F:99). One sporadically hears the form may used also where there is no foliowing copula, e.g. may k-ag,an?1 'What do I know?' (Play 24). On a few occasions the form ma is used before a copula, e.g. Janha mena? « ma-ina) 'What are they?' (S:60). Further variants of ma are ma-hi and ma-na. The form ma-hi has arisen by the coalescence of ma and the 3fs. pronoun Jahi, and so is transcribed here with a hyphen. Although the phrase can be used in the predicative sense of 'What is it?', it is also found used as a straight substitute of ma, e.g. max ma-hil bilti?1 'Like what, daughter?' (Play 49), da-ma-hi? 'For what?' (Poetry 9). It is sometimes shortened to ma-h , e.g. Jal-ma-h?1 'For what?' (Play 28). The form ma-na is a coalescence of ma with the plural demonstrative pronoun Jana and is used when plural reference is intended in the sense of 'what things', e.g. ma-na Jatli max ~almaxl bahUra bahUra l 'What things do I have like your glowing face?' (Poetry 13). The form Jema is invariable for gender and number, e.g. Jema klawa (m.) g-baJat? 'Which book do you want?', Jema Jurxa (f.) k-zala l-mala? 'Which road goes to the village', Jema klawa g-biJat? 'Which books do you want'?' 7.5. The independent genitive particle

3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

didaJ:z didaJ:z dadhan,datta

2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

didux didax dadxun

84

CHAPTER SEVEN 1si pers. sing. pI.

didi didan

The lil vowel is shortened to laI when the 3pI. and 2pI. suffixes are added. In natural fast speech the 3pl. fonn dMhan usually has the fonn dattan or datta, which develops by the assimilation ofthe Ihl to the devoicing ofthe Idl. The occurrence of the stop Idl after a vowel in these fonns rather than the interdental fricative IgJ is no doubt the result of assimilation to the stop in initial position. 7.6. Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns

Reflexive pronouns are fonned by attaching pronominal suffixes to the noun roxa, which literally means 'soul': 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

rouf; roxaf; roxehan

2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

roxux roxax roxexun

1SI pers. sing. pI.

roxi roxenan

The reciprocal pronoun is the invariable fonn g(},äga. The historical development of this is < *x(},ägl < *f;(},äg,e. The initial consonant is regularly pronounced voiced by partial assimilation to the adjacent voiced fricative Igl.

CHAPTER EIGHT

VERBS 8.1. Verbal stems

Verbs with triliteral roots are used in one of three sterns with distinctive patterns of inflection. In addition to these there are a number of quadriliteral verbs. We give below for each of these four categories the various parts that are used in the formation of verbal forms. Stern I Plx I 'to open'

Present base: Past base: Passive participle: Imperative: Infinitive:

palaxPlixplixa Plox plaxa

Stern 11 qdm 11 'to present, propose' Present base: Past base: Passive participle: Imperative: Infinitive:

mqadammqudimmqudma qadam qad6ma

Stern III rkx 111 'to soften'

Present base: Past base: Passive participle: Imperative base: Infinitive:

markaxmurkixmurkxa >arkax )arkoxa

86

CHAPTER EIGHT

Quadriliteral

drdm 'to gossip' Present: Past: Passive participle: Imperative: Infinitive:

mdard(Jmmdurdimmdurdma dard(Jm dardom(J

The three triliteral sterns are the descendants ofthe p'cal, paccel and Jaj5 cel sterns respectively in earlier Ararnaic. The Qaraqosh dialect exhibits a greater degree of archaism than most other NENA dialects in that it preserves the imperative and infinitive forms in all sterns without any analogical change. In most NENA dialects, the forms of the imperative and infinitive have been adapted to conform to the structure ofthe present and past bases, which are the descendants of the participles of earlier Aramaic. This has resulted in the analogical extension of the m- prefix of the erstwhile paccel and Jaj5 cel participies to the imperative and the infinitive. The Qaraqosh dialect preserves the original forms ofthe paccel and Jaj5 cel imperative and infinitive without the m- prefix. The Alqosh dialect in the following table is representative of the majority of other Chaldean Christian dialects:

Qaraqosh

Alqosh

Stern 11 Imperative Infinitive

qat(J1 qat61(J

mqa{il mqat6le

Stern III Imperative Infinitive

Jaqt(J1 Jaqt61(J

maqtil maqto1e

It is noteworthy that the dialect also preserves, all be it in a fossilized form, the Itl element of the passive/reflexive sterns of earlier Aramaie in

some verbs. This can be identified, for example, in sPr 'to descend' (see §8.l2.10. below), which appears to be the reflex of an original JelP'cel stern verb corresponding to Syriac Jest"gar 'to pour down; to come'. The reflex of the corresponding p'cal form s'gar exists in the dialect in the stern I verb sJr 'to pour down' (transitive). Note also the verb Pp 'to bend over', which is treated as a stern I verb but derives historically from the

VERBS

87

root *cWp 'to be double, to fold', the initial /t/ being originally the prefix of one of the passive/reflexive sterns (cf. Classical Syriac >eJcayyaß 'to droop'). Another possible case of a verb preserving an original /t/ infix is twx (stern III) 'to show' (see §8.IO.5.), which seems to be a secondary formation from an original >eJpaccal form (>eßtawwi) with metathesis of the first two radicals.\ A vestige of an original /t/ infix ofthe >eJP'cel stern can also be identified in the /t/ of the stern I verb txr 'to remember', in that the unvoiced /t/ is the result of a partial assimilation ofthe a /t/ prefix to the initial /d/ ofthe root « *>ett/sar < *>etd'/sar). In most other cases the /t/ prefix of the >eJP'cel and >eJpaccal sterns have become completely assimilated to the initial radical of the root and the verbs are treated structurally as stern 11 in the modem dialect. Such stern 11 forms, however, retain the original passive/reflexive meaning of the erstwhile >eJp'cel and >eJpaccal sterns (§8.16.1.). In addition to the passive participle, nominal forms that may be appropriately termed active participles can be derived quite productively from verbal roots. These have the following forms: Stern I:

qatala

Stern 11:

mqa{lana

Stern III:

maqtiJ!dna

Although these forms may be derived reasonably freely from verbal roots as a productive inflection, they do not playa role in the verbal system, unlike the passive participle. There is, moreover, a certain lexical restriction on their derivation. They will be dealt with, therefore, in the chapter on nouns (§10.6.2.). 8.2. Inflection 0/ the present base

The present base is derived historically from the active participle of earlier Aramaic. As is usual in the NENA dialects, it is inflected for person and number by aseries of suffixes. The suffixes of the 1sI and 2 nd person are in origin enclitic pronouns. The forms of the suffixes on verbs with a strong final radical are as folIows: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI. I

-a -I

For vestiges ofthe reflexive Itl element in other neo-Aramaic diaJects see TsereteJi (1964).

CHAPTER EIGHT

88 2 nd pers.ms. fs.

pI. 1st pers. ms. fs. pI.

-iJt -at -itu -iJnl-na -an -ax

8.2.1. Stem I verbs When these suffixes are added to the present base of stem I verbs, the lai vowel of the base form paliJx- is in a stressed open syllable only in the 3ms. form, which has zero inflection. In accordance with the mIes of vowellengthening, the lai in the 3ms. is long. When inflection suffixes for the other forms are attached, the vowel after the second radical of the base is elided and the preceding syllable becomes closed. As result of this, the long vowel is shortened. The only exception is the alternative form of the 1ms. inflection -na, before which the second vowel of the base is retained. The full paradigm of the inflection of present base paliJxis as follows: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

pal iJX palxa palxi

2 nd pers.ms.

palXiJt palxat palxitu

fs.

pI. 1st pers. ms. fs. pI.

palXiJnlpalaxna palxan palxax

As is the case in the other NENA dialects, some of the inflectional endings of the present base of verbs with strong radicals appear to have been transferred by analogy from the inflection of final weak verbs. 2 This certainly applies to the 2ms. formpalxiJt (cf. bGXiJt 'you weep' < *bäxe-t) and the 1ms. form palxiJn (cf. bGxiJn < *bäxe-nä). The 2ms. enclitic pronominal suffix on a strong verb would originally have had an lai 2

Cf. Hobennan (1988: 567-568,571-572) and Khan (1999: 91).

VERBS

89

vowel, i.e. *päll;-at. The Ims. inflection of the strong verb would have been originally *pälel;-nä, which, indeed, is the direct antecedent of the alternative 1ms. form pal~xna. The 2pI. ending -itu appears to be derived from the original enclitic on strong verbs, which had the form *päll;i-ttön in Classical Syriac. The 2pI. ending on final weak verbs in the dialect is -etu, e.g. baxetu 'you (pI.) weep' « *bäxe-ttön). The form of the 1pI. suffix -ax probably arose by analogy with the first syllable ofthe independent pronoun ~axni. 8.2.2. Stern 11 verbs The same inflectional endings are attached to the present base of stern 11 verbs that have a strong final radicaI. As in stern I, when inflectional vowels are added, the short IlJI ofthe second syllable is elided. The stress remains on the first syllable of the present base, with the exception of the 2pI. form, e.g. qdm 11 'to propose'

3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

mqddlJm mqadma mqadmi

2nd pers.ms.

mqddmlJt mqadmat mqadmltu

fs. pI. 1sI pers. ms. fs. pI.

mqadmlJn mqadman mqadmax

This stern is the descendant of the pa«el of earlier Aramaie, but there is no vestige of the original gemination of the second radicaI. Even in the 3ms. form mqadlJm, where the middle radical is followed by a vowel, the gemination has been lost and the preceding vowel lengthened as a result ofa general phonetic process in the language (see §3.). When the lai vowel after the second radical is short in a closed syllable, it is sometimes centralized and pronounced IlJI (see §2.2.1.). This applies to all forms except the 3ms., where the stressed lai in an open

CHAPTER EIGHT

90

syllable is pronounced long. Examples: mqadma « mqadmi), etc.

«

mqadam), mqadmi

8.2.3. Stern III verbs In the conjugation of the present base of stern III, maCCaC, the short lai in the second syllable is elided when inflectional endings are added. The resulting cluster CCC is generally broken by the insertion of an epenthetic between the first two consonants (see §4.4.). The stress is often placed on this epenthetic, which is in penultimate position, except in the 2pI. form. In some cases, however, the epenthetic is ignored for the purposes of stress placement, and the stress is maintained on the preceding syllable, again with the exception of the 2pI. The conjugation ofthe present base ofthe stern III verb rkx 'to soften' in its various forms is as follows: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

markax markxa - marakxa - marakxa markxi - marakxi - marakxi

2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

markxat - marakxat - marakxat markxat - marakxat - marakxat markxitu - marakxitu - marakxitu

1st pers. ms. fs. pI.

markxan - marakxan - marakxan markxan - marakxan - marakxan markxax - marakxax - marakxax

If the rarer form of the Ims. with final -na is used, there is a change in syllabification: markaxna. The lai vowel in the initial syllable ma- is sometimes centralized and shifts to lai (see §§2.2.1., 2.2.2.), e.g. markax « markax), marakxa « marakxa), marakxi « marakxi), etc. This can lead to homophony with the pattern of the stern II conjugation. Astern II form such as mxagran 'I spin round', for example, may be pronounced with the lai centralized to lai, viz. mxagran and, furthermore, the initial cluster may be split by a short epenthetic, viz. m'xagran, maxagren. This results in a pattern that sounds identical to that of the stern III form marakxan « marakxan).

VERBS

91

8.2.4. Quadriliteral verbs The present base of quadriliteral verbs has a syllabic structure that is similar to that of stern III present bases, viz. mCaCCaC-. When the inflectional endings are added, the /a/ of the final syllable of the base is elided, which results in the cluster CCc. This is generally broken by an epenthetic between the first two consonants, which sometimes takes the stress and other times is ignored by the rules of stress placement. The conjugation ofthe present base of drdm 'to gossip' is as follows: 3 rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

mdardam mdardma ~ mdaradma ~ mdaradma mdardmi - mdaradmi - mdaradmi

2 nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

mdardmat - mdaradmat - mdaradmat mdardmat - mdaradmat - mdaradmat mdardmltu - mdaradmitu - mdaradmitu

I sI pers. ms. fs. pI.

mdardman - mdaradman ~ mdaddman mdardmat - mdaradmat - mdaradmat mdardmax - mdaradmax - mdaddmax

8.3. Injlection ofthe past base As indicated above, the past base derives historically from the passive participle in the absolute state. The subject of the past base is expressed by the following inflectional endings: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

-la -la -han

2 nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

-lux -lax -xun

1sI pers. sing. pI.

-li -Ian

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For convenience this series of suffixes will be referred as the L-suffixes. The pronominal suffixes that are attached to nouns and prepositions without the Jl/ element will be referred to as simple suffixes. The L-suffixes are in origin pronominal suffixes combined with the preposition 1-, which were agentive phrases in a passive construction ('by hirn', 'by her', etc). This construction is characteristic of the NENA dialects. Originally it was used only with transitive verbs, the agent being expressed by the agentive prepositional phrase and the patient being construed as the grammatical subject of the passive participle. In the Qaraqosh dialect the use of the construction has been extended to intransitive as weIl as transitive verbs. In many dialects in the eastem NENA area, it is still restricted to transitive verbs. 3 In addition to the unmarked form of the past base, transitive verbs also have a feminine and a plural form that express feminine and plural objects respectively. These do not occur frequently, but nevertheless are still sporadically used by speakers. In verbs with a strong final radical these have the endings -a (fs.) and -i (pl.), which are vestiges of the fs. and pI. ending in the absolute state of earlier Aramaic. The past bases of qfl 'to kill, to beat', for example, are: q!il- (unmarked form), q!ila- (fs.) and q!ili- (pl.). The fs. and pI. forms are used to express fs. and pI. objects as folIows: q,iltiltJ 'He killed her', q!ilUtJ 'he killed them'. The Jl/ is elided from the 3pl. and 2pl. suffixes unless they attached to a base ending in an lai vowel, in which case they have the forms -lhtJn and -lxun respectively, e.g. q!ilalhtJn 'they killed her'. The 3ms. and 3fs. suffixes are derived from *-leh and *-lah. Unlike the pronominal suffixes on nouns and other prepositions, the *h in these forms have been elided and have not been strengthened to a pharyngal. This is, no doubt, because the development *leh > ltJ and *lah > la did not lead to any potential ambiguity. A shift such as *-eh > -tJ or *-ah > -a in the adnominal suffixes, on the other hand, would have led to a confusion with the plural and singular noun inflection. 8.3.1. Stern I verbs The full inflection of the past base of the stern I verb Plx 'to open', pJix-, is as folIows:

3

See Hopkins (1989).

VERBS 3 rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

plaxla plax1a plaxhan

2 nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

plaxlux plaxlax pla:xxun

1sI pers. s. pI.

Plax!i plaxlan

93

The liI vowel ofthe past base shifts to laI, its short equivalent (see §2.1.), throughout the paradigm, since the addition of the L-suffixes always puts it in a non-final c10sed syllable, in which a vowel is regularly pronounced short (see §2.1.). The liI vowel is retained in the fs. and pI. past bases (Plixa- and pJixi-), since it occurs in an open syllable throughout their inflection, e.g. plixala, Plixila. 8.3.2. Stern 11 verbs The inflection of the past base of the stern 11 verb qdm 'to present', muqdim-, is as follows: 3 rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

mqudamla mqudamla mqudamhan

2 nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

mqudamlux mqudamlax mqudamxun

1sI pers. sing.

mqudamli mqudamlan

pI.

The liI vowel of the base mqudim- is replaced by its short equivalent laI when the suffixes are added. The original paccel passive partciple, from which the stern 11 past base is descended, had the form *mqaddam with an laI vowel in the final syllable. This vowel has been replaced by liI apparently by analogy with the stern I past base form. The lil is elided in the fs. and pI. forms ofthe base: mqudma- (fs.), mqudmi- (pI.).

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8.3.3. Stern III verbs The inflection of the past base of the stern III verb rk:x 'to soften', murkix-, is as follows: 3rd pers.rns. fs. pI.

murkiJxla murkaxla murkaxh,m

2nd pers.rns. fs. pI.

murkaxlux murkaxlax murkaxxun

1sI pers. sing. pI.

murkaxli murkaxlan

The lil of the base shifts to its short equivalent lai when the inflectional suffixes are added. The original JapCel passive participle, frorn which the stern III past base is descended, had the form muqta1 with an lai vowel in the final syllable. The lil ofthe past base, therefore, rnust have developed by analogy with the form of the stern I past base. As we have seen, this process of analogy affected also the past base of stern 11 verbs. The liI is elided in the fs. and pI. forms ofthe base: murkxa- (fs.), murkxi- (pI.). 8.3.4. Quadriliteral verbs The inflection of the past base of the quadriliteral verb drdm 'to chat', mdurdim-, is as follows: 3rd pers.rns. fs. pI.

mdurdamla mdurdamla mdurdamhan

2nd pers.rns. fs. pI.

mdurdamlux mdurdamlax mdurdamxun

1sI pers. sing. pI.

mdurdamli mdurdamlan

As in the past bases of triliteral verbs, the Ii/ vowel is replaced by lai when the inflectional suffixes are added.

VERBS

95

8.3.5. Variant forms ofinflection ofpast bases The 3pl. suffix -han is often reduced in natural fast speech to -ha. In many cases, moreover, the initial Ihl of this suffix is assimilated to the final consonant of the verb resulting in the gemination of this consonant, e.g. Plaxxa « plaxhan), mqudamma « mqudamhan), murkaxxa « murkaxhan). When the final consonant of the past base is a voiced stop, this is devoiced when the final Ihl ofthe 3pl. suffix is assimilated to it, e.g. x~alla 'they harvested' « x~a4han), brakka 'they made holes' « braghan), muqlappa 'they tumed over' « muqlabhan). The final Inl of the 2pl. suffix -xun is also elided on some occasions. When the final radical ofthe past base is Inl, the JlJ ofthe L-suffixes is assimilated to this with resuling gemination of the Inl, e.g. mzubanna « mzubanla) 'he sold', mzubanna « mzubanla) 'she sold', mzubanhan 'they sold', mtuntanna « mtuntanla) 'it smoked'. If the -han suffix is phonetically weakened in the way described above, the 3ms. and the 3pl. inflections of such past base se can become homophonous, i.e. mzubanna « mzubanla) 'he sold' vs. mzubanna « mzubanhan) 'they sold' . When a verb has Irl as its final radical, the JlJ of the L-suffixes are assimilated to this, but the Irl is generally not geminated. As a result, the preceding Ii/ vowel of the past base is in an open syllable and it remains a long Ii/ when inflected by the L-suffixes rather than shifting to its short equivalent lai, e.g. zqlra « zqir + la) 'he wove', zqlra « zqir + la) 'she wove', zqlri « zqir + li) 'I wove', mfudlra « mfudir + la) 'he sent', mupflra « mupfir + la) 'he melted (transitive)'. The last syllable ofthe base remains c1osed, however, with the 3pl. and 2pl. suffixes, e.g. zqarhan 'they wove', zqarxun 'you (pI.) wove', mfudarhan 'they sent', mupfarhan 'they melted'. Ifthe 3pl. suffix is phonetically weakened and the Ihl is assimilated, the Irl is geminated, e.g. zqarra « zqarhan) 'they wove', mfudarra « mfudarhan) 'they sent' , mupfarra « mupfarhan) 'they melted'. 8.4. Injlection ofthe passive participle

In addition to the past base, all verbs also have a passsive participle, which is used in some compound verbal forms. This is the descendant of the passive participle of earlier Aramaic with nominal inflectional endings corresponding to the original determined state. The nominal inflection distinguishes the three categories of masculine singular, feminine singular and plural. The various forms are as folIows:

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Stern I verbs ms. fs. pI.

p1Zxa plaxta P1Zxa

Stern 11 ms. fs. pI.

mqudma mqudamta mqudma

Stern III ms. fs. pI.

murkxa ~ murakxa ~ murakxa murkaxta murkxa ~ murakxa ~ murakxa

Quadriliteral ms. fs. pI.

mdurdma ~ mduradma ~ mduradma mdurdamta mdurdma ~ mduradma ~ mduradma

The passive participle of the sterns 11 and III retains the original laI after the second radicaI. This appears in the feminine singular form but is elided elsewhere. One should contrast this with the past bases of these sterns, in which the original laI has been replaced by liI by analogy with stern I. The same applies to quadriliteral verbs, which has laI after the third radical in the feminine singular form. Note the various syllabic possibilities for the masculine singular and plural forms of the stern III and quadriliteral verbs. These involve the optional insertion of an epenthetic laI. In some cases this epenthetic has the quality of lul by assimilation to the preceding lul vowel, e.g. murukxa, murukxa, mdurudma, mdurudma. 8.5. Injlection ofthe imperative

The inflection ofthe various forms ofthe imperative is as follows.

VERBS

97

Stern I sing. plural

Plox P1UxU

Stern 11 sing. plural

qadam qadmu

Stern III sing. plural

Jarkax Jarkxu - Jarakxu - Jarakxu

Quadriliteral sing. plural

dardam dardmu - daradmu - daradmu

Although in the majority of verbs no gender distinction is made in either the imperative singular or the imperative plural, this distinction is expressed in the imperative singular ofweak verbs with a final /y/ radical, e.g. dry 'to put': dri 'Put (ms.)!', dre 'Put (fs.)!', dro 'Put (pl.)!'. The plural imperative occasionally has the inflectional ending -un rather than -u, e.g. PIUxun, qadmun, Jarkxun, dardmun.

8.6. Particles attached to verbal forms Various particles may be attached to the inflections of the present and past bases. We give the most common of these here, since they will be referred to in the ensuing description of the weak verbs. More details concerning their function can be found in chapter 15.

8.6.1. kVerb forms derived from the present base that express an indicative mood generally have the particle k- prefixed to them, e.g. k-palax 'he opens,.4 The form palax without a prefixed particle often has an irrealis function and will be referred to as the subjunctive. A more detailed discussion of the use of the indicative form k-palax and the subjunctive palax will be 4

This particle is likely to be derived historically from a fossilized form of the active participle of the verb qym. It is related to the preverbal particle qä- in Babylonian Talmudic Aramaic.

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reserved for the section on syntax (§15.1.1-2.). It should be pointed out, however, that a k- prefix before a verb form that begins with a consonant is often elided and the structural distinction between the indicative and the subjunctive is, therefore, lost. This loss of the k- prefix before a consonant has become a regular feature in some NENA dialects. 5 When in contact with a voiced consonant, the k- prefix is frequently voiced and pronounced g-, e.g. g-basam 'he recovers', g-zaqar 'he weaves'. A prosthetic vowel is often placed before particle when the verbal base begins with the sequence CV-, e.g. >ak-palax, >ag-basam, >ag-zaqar. When the particle is prefixed to verbal bases of stern 11 and quadriliteral verbs, both of which begin with the cluster mC-, an epenthetic vowel is usually inserted after the k- to break the cluster by resyllabifying it, e.g. ka-mqadam 'he presents', ka-mdardam 'he chats'.

8.6.2. badThe particle bad is prefixed to an inflected form of the present base when it expresses a future action or a apodosis of a condition (see § 15.1.5.), e.g. bad-palax 'he will open'.6 The phonetic shape ofthis particle is variable. The Idl is sometimes devoiced before an unvoiced consonant, e.g. bat-I:zaka 'he wirl speak'. Before a vowel, the medial lai is elided, e.g. bd-araq 'he will flee'. In fast speech the particle is reduced to b- before a consonant, e.g. b-gdrd 'he will pull'. Before labials the b- may become totally assimilated, e.g. m-markax 'he will soften', and the resultant gemination at the beginning of the word is susceptible to weakening in accordance with §3. Before a vowel the initial Ibl often becomes barely audible or is elided altogether, e.g. bd-64i 'they will do', d-ale 'they will come'. Ifthe verbal base begins with Ihl, this is generally elided and the Idl of the prefix is devoiced, e.g. t-awa « bad-hawa) 'he will be', t-ewul « *bad-hewul) 'he will give'. In the reading of the Gospel translations forms such as d-ale are sometimes pronounced da->ale, with the initial PI restored and an epenthetic placed after the d- (e.g. Gospel 16).

5

6

See Khan (1999: 89). This particle, which is widespread in the NENA dialects, has usually be regarded as a phonetically attentuated the verbal form bare d- 'he wants to', or bya (pl.). Imperative: 'ar'i (ms.), )ar)e (fs.), )ar)o (pl.). Infinitive: )ar'aya. 8.8.9. Verba primae Iyl, mediae PI The verb yl 'to enter' falls into this category. In the recorded fonns of this, both Iyl and PI are retained throughout the inflection. The present is fonned regularly: g-ya'al 'he enters', g-ya)la 'she enters', g-ya)li 'they enter', etc. When the 1ms. ending -na is used, the final radical Il! assimilates to the Inl of the suffix: ya)anna « ya)alna). Sometimes the vowel after the PI in the 3ms. fonn is laI, by assimilation to the quality of the preceding vowel: g-ya)al. In the past base fonns, the initial cluster ly)1 is broken by an epenthetic vowel either before or after the first radical: )ay)Mla 'he entered " )ayalla 'she entered " )ayalhan 'they entered ' , etc. The sequence layl at the front of such fonns is often contracted to the vowel lil, e.g 'PMla 'he entered' , etc. Passive participle: )ay)llaPi'i!a, )ay)MtaPPalta, 'aYllaPPlla. The imperative fonns are yo)ol (sing.), yu)lu (pl.). These contrast with the imperative fonns of the strong verb, which have a stressed vowel after the second radical: PloX (sing.), P1UxU (pl.). The vowel before the PI developed as an epenthetic vowel and the stress moved onto this penultimate syllable by the regular rule of stress placement: *yol > yo'ol > yo)ol. The stress position in the plural fonn yu)lu, which causes the elision ofthe vowel after the PI, is no doubt by analogy with the singular fonn. The infinitive is 'ayalaPi)ala. The initial Iyl verb yl 'to enter' is derived historically from the final geminate root *wrj 'to do': 'awarj 'that he does (subjunctive)', k-awarj 'he does' (indicative), k-aw;Jrjna 'I do', k-orja 'she

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does', k-odi 'they do'. In the 3ms. and Ims. forms the I~I often shifts to lul, e.g. k-awud 'she does'. In the past base the initial PI is elided. Tbe vowel of this base is generally lul rather than lai by assimilation to the Iwl, e.g. wud-: wudla 'he did', wudla 'she did', wudhan 'they did', etc. Passive participle: wida (ms.), wudta (f.), wida (pI.) Tbe medial Iwl is contracted in the imperative, which has the following forms: ~od (sing.), ~udu 'do!' (pI.). Tbis differs from medial Iwl with a strong initial radical, which retain the Iwl in the imperative (cf. xwox sing., XWUxu pI.). Tbe Iwl is retained in the infintive and an epenthetic separates the first two radicals: ~awada. 8.8.14. Verba primae Iyl, mediae Iwl Tbe verb yws 'to dry' falls into this category. Its inflection combines the characteristic featuers of initial Iyl and medial Iwl verbs. Present: g-yawas 'he dries', g-yosa 'she dries', g-yosi 'they dry'. Past: ~iwasla 'he dried', ~iwasla 'she dried', ~iwashan 'they dried'. Passive participle: ~iwiSa (ms.), ~iwasta (fs.), ~iwisa (pI.). Imperative: ~iwos (sing.), ~awsu. Infinitive: ~iwasa.

8.8.15. Verba mediae Iwl, tertiae PI Tbe verb {W~ 'to sleep' « *tfltf 'sink [into sleep]) falls into this category. Its inflection corresponds to that of middle Iwl verbs with a strong final radicaI. The PI is retained throughout the inflection. Present base: k-!aw~ 'he sleeps', k-!o~a 'she sleeps', k-!~i 'they sleep'. Past base: {W~la 'he siept' , {W~la 'she siept' , {W~han 'they siept' . Passive partciple: {Wi~a (ms.), {W~ta (fs.), {Wi~a (pI.). Imperative: {Wo~ (sing.), {Wu~u (pI.). Infinitive: {Wa~a. 8.8.16. Verba mediae Iwl, tertiae Iyl (paradigm §9.1, no. 11) The medial Iwl is retained throughout the inflection of the present base, with the exception ofthe 3fs., 2fs. and Ifs. forms, in which the sequence lawl is contracted to 101, e.g. rwy 'to grow': g-rawa 'he grows', g-roya « *g-rawya) 'she grows', g-rawe 'they grow', g-rawat 'you (m.) grow', g-royat « *g-rawyat) 'you (f.) grow', g-rawan 'I (m.) grow', g-royan « *rawyan) 'I (f.) grow'. The contraction in the 3fs., 2fs. and Ifs. forms is due to the fact that the lawl sequence is in a closed syllable.

VERBS

109

The medial Iwl is retained in other inflections. The past base has the pattern ofthat offinal Iyl verbs with a strong medial radical, e.g. rwila 'he grew', rwila 'she grew', rwihan 'they grew', etc. Passive participle: ruwya, rwila, ruwya. Imperative: rwi (ms.), rwe (fs.), rwo (pl.). Infinitive: rwaya. The verb rwy derives historically from raflä with post-vocalic medial *b. Some verbs of this pattern, however, derive from roots with *b in final position and a weak medial radical, The verb twy 'to repent', for example, is derived historically from *twb, which would have been expected to develop into tyw in the dialect. Likewise xwy 'to diminish, fai!' is derived from *J:zwb, which, according to the usual mIes, would have developed into xww. In the modem dialect, roots with final Iwl are not tolerated when the medial radical is Iyl or Iwl, so the patterns Cyw and Cww have been changed to Cwy. 8.8.17. Verba tertiae Iwl (paradigms §9.1, no. 12, §9.2, no. 10) The final radical in verbs of this category derives historically from postvocalic *b, e.g. kJW 'to write' « *ktb), qrw 'to approach' « *qrb), rkw 'to ride' « *rkb), xrw 'to destroy' « *J:zrb). The present base is inflected as in strong verbs, except that the sequence lawl in the 3ms. form and the Ims. inflected with -na contracts to the vowel lul, e.g. kJW 'to write': k-kaJWa 'she writes', k-kaJWi 'they write', k-kaJWan 'I (m.) write', but k-kalU 'he writes', k-kaluna 'I (m.) write'. In the past base the pattern CCiw- contracts to CCu-, e.g. kju[a 'he wrote', kJlila 'she wrote', kluhan 'they wrote', etc. Passive participle: kjlwa (ms.), kluta (fs.), kjlwa (pl.). Note that in the feminine form of the participle the stop Itl rather than the fricative IJ/ occurs after a lul that derives historically from the contraction of an original *b (see §1.4.1.3.). Imperative: klU 'write!' (sing.), klUWU 'write' (pl.). Infinitive: klawa. 8.8.18. Verba tertiae Iwl, primae PI The verb ~tw 'to sit' belongs this category. Although this is derived historically from the root *ytb, it is inflected in the dialect as an initial PI root. In the present base forms, the final Iwl is retained except in the 3ms. and the Ims. inflected in -na. The initial PI is elided when the k- prefix is attached, e.g. ~atu 'that he sits' (subjunctive), ~atuna 'that I sit'

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(subjunctive), ~atwa 'that she sits' (subjunctive), ~atwi 'that they sit' (subjunctive), etc., k-atu 'he sits', k-atwa 'she sits', k-atwi 'they sit', etc. The past base has the form tu-, in which the initial PI has been elided, as is the case in the past base ofthe initial PI verbs ~xl 'to eat' and ~mr 'to say', e.g. tuZa 'he sat', tula 'she sat', tuhan 'they sat'. Passive participle: tiwa (ms.), tuta, (fs.), tiwa (pt). Note that the feminine ending in the form tuta has a stop rather than a fricative 111 since the lul is the result ofthe contraction ofan original *b (see §1.4.1.3.). The imperative forms are ~itu (sing.) and ~;Jttu (pt). These may be compared with the imperative forms of other initial PI verbs, e.g. ~ixol (sing.), ~;Jxlu (pt), ~imor (sing.), ~;Jmru (pt). The plural imperative form ~;Jttu has developed from the assimilation of the Iwl to the preceding Itl, viz. *~;Jtwu > ~;Jttu. The initial PI is retained in the infinitive and is separated from the Itl by an epenthetic when syllable initial: ~atawa.

8.9. Weak verbs in stern 11

8.9.1. Verba primae PI The verb ~rq 11 'cause to flee, elope with' falls into this category. In careful speech the PI is retained in all forms. Present base: ka-m~araq 'he causes to flee', ka-m~arqa 'she causes to flee', ka-m~arqi 'they cause to flee', etc. Past base: m~ur;JqZa 'he caused to flee', m~ur;JqZa 'she caused to flee', m~ur;Jqhan 'they caused to flee', etc. Passive participle: m~urqa (ms.), m~uraqta (fs.), m~urqa (pt). Imperative: ~araq (sing.), ~arqu (pt). Infinitive: ~ar6qa. In fast speech the PI is often elided when in contact with a preceding consonant, e.g. ka-maraq, mur;Jqla. Some verbs in this category appear to derive historically from ~aßcel forms of a medial weak or final geminate verb, the PI prefix of which has come to be interpreted as the initial radical of the root, e.g. ~rS 'to compress (with a rolling-pin)', which is probably derived from the ~aßcel form of rn, which means 'to crush or pound' in Classical Syriac. 8.9.2. Verba mediae N The medial PI is retained in all forms in careful speech and so verbs in this category are inflected like strang verbs. This is illustrated by the verb !~m 11 'to taste'. Present base: ka-m!a~am 'he tastes', ka-m!a~ma 'she tastes', ka-m!a~mi 'they taste', etc. Past base: m!u~;Jmla 'he tasted',

VERBS

111

'they tasted'. Passive participle: m{u.>ma (ms.), m{u~amta (fs.), m!u~ma (pl.). Imperative: !a~am (sing.), !a~mu (pl.). Infinitive: {a~oma. In fast speech the PI may be elided, especially when in contact with a consonant. m{u~amha

8.9.3. Verba tertiae N The verb {m~ 'to taste' (a doublet of rm) belongs to this category. The PI is retained in all forms. Present base: ka-m!am~ 'he tastes', ka-m!am~a 'she tastes', ka-m!am~i 'they taste', etc. Past base: m!um~la 'he tasted', m!um~han 'they tasted'. Passive participle: m!um~a (ms.), m!uma~ta (fs.), mtum~a (pl.). Imperative: tam~ (sing.), tam~u (pl.). Infinitive: tamo~a. In fast speech the PI may be elided, especially when in contact with a consonant. 8.9.4. Verba primae Iwl The verb wns 11 'to enj oy oneself, which is a root borrowed from Arabic, falls into this category. In the present the 3ms. is formed regularly: ka-mwanas 'he enjoys himself. In the rest ofthe paradigm the lai usually becomes lul by assimilation to the preceding labial Iwl, e.g ka-mwunsi 'they enjoy themselves', ka-mwunsax 'we enjoy ourselves'. Past base: mwunasla 'he enjoyed himself, mwunashan 'they enjoyed themsevles'. Passive participle: mwunsa (ms.), mwunasta (fs.), mwunsa (pl.). Imperative: mwanas (sing.), mwunsu (pl.). Infinitive: wanosa. 8.9.5. Verba mediae Iwl The verb rw{ 11 'to shake (intr.)' falls into this category. The Iwl derives historically from a geminated *ww rather than a *bb, which would appear in the dialect was Ibl (cf. Syriac ~elrawwa! §1.4.1.1, §8.16.l). The Iwl contracts when in contact with a following consonant. Present base: ka-mrawa{ 'he shakes', ka-mro{i 'they shake'. Past base: mruwafla 'he shook', mruwathan 'they shook'. Passive participle: mruta (ms.), mruwatta (fs.), mruta (pl.). Imperative: rawat (sing.), rotu (pl.). Infinitive: rawota. 8.9.6. Verba mediae Iwl, tertiae PI (paradigm §9.l, no. 14) The verb !W 11 'to put to sleep, leave (land) fallow' falls into this category. Its inflection corresponds to that of medial Iwl verbs with a strong final radical such as {wIll. The PI is retained in all forms. Present

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base: ka-mtawaY 'he puts to sleep', h-mt6>i 'they put to sleep'. Past base: mtuwiYla 'he put to sleep', mtuwiYhan 'they put to sleep'. Passive participle: mtu>a (ms.), mtuwa>ta (fs.), mtu>a (pI.). Imperative: tawaY (sing.), t6>u (pI.). Infinitive: taw6>a. 8.9.7. Verba mediae Iyl (paradigms §9.1, no. 15, §9.2, no. 12) The verb :jyd II 'to hunt', a loan from Arabic, falls into this category. In the inflections ofthe present base the syllable layl contracts to lei except in the 3ms. and the Ims. with the ending -na, e.g. h-m:jayad 'he hunts', ka-m:jayadna 'I hunt', but ka-m:jeda 'she hunts', ka-:jedi 'they hunt', etc. The past base is inflected regularly as in a strong verb: m:juyadla 'he hunted', m:juyadla 'she hunted', m:juyadhan 'they hunted', etc. In the passive participIe the sequence luyl shifts to lil in the (ms.) and (pI.) forms: m#da (ms. < *m:juyda), m:juyadta (fs.), m:jida (pI. < *m:juyda). In the imperative the sequence layl is contracted in the plural: :jayad (sing.) :jedu (pI.). Infinitive: :jay6da. 8.9.8. Verba mediae Iyl, tertiae PI The verb fy 11 'to send', a loan from Arabic (fyC), falls into this category. The final PI is treated as a strong consonant and so the inflection of the verb resembles that of ~yd 11. Present base: ka-mMyaY 'he sends', ka-mfayiYna 'I send', but h-mfe>a 'she sends', h-fe>i 'they send', etc. Past base: mfuyiYla 'he sent', mfuyiYla 'she sent', mfuyiYhan 'they sent', etc. Passive participle: mfi>a (ms. < *mfuya), mfuya>ta (fs.), mfi>a (pI. < *mfuya). Imperative: MyaY (sing.) fe>u (pI.). Infinitive: fay6>a. 8.9.9. Verba primae PI, mediae Iyl Verbs of this category are conjugated in the same way as middle Iyl verbs that have a strong initial consonant such as :jyd (see §8.9.7.), e.g. >yd 11 'to celebrate a festival' (a 10an from Arabic cyd). Present base: h-m>ayad 'he celebrates', ka-m>eda 'she celebrates', ka-m>edi 'they celebrate'. Past base: m>uyadla 'he celebrated', m>uyadhan 'they celebrated'. Passive participle: m>ida (ms.), m>uyadta (fs.), m>ida (pI.). Imperative: >ayad (sing.), >edu (pI.). Infinitive: >ay6da. 8.9.10. Verba tertiae Iyl (paradigms §9.1, no. 16, §9.2, no. 13) The verb dry 11 'to thresh' falls into this category. The inflectional endings of the present base are identical to those that appear in the

VERBS

113

inflection of final Iyl verbs in stern I. The full paradigm for dry 11 without verbal prefixes is as follows:

3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

mdara mdarya mdare

2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

mdarat mdaryat mdaretun

1sI pers. ms. fs. pI.

mdaran mdaryan mdarax

The past base has the pattern mCuCi-, e.g. mdurila 'he threshed', mdurihan 'they threshed'. Passive participle: mdurya (ms.), mdurela (fs.), mdurya (pI.). Note that the sequence *ay is contracted in the fs. form « *mdurayta). Imperative: dari (ms.), dare (fs.), daro (pI.). Infinitive: dar6ya. 8.9.11. Verba primae PI, tertiae Iyl The verb 'by 11 'to swell' falls into this category. It is conjugated in the same way as verbs such dry 11 with a strang initial consonant. Present: ka-m'aba 'it (m.) swells', ka-m'abya 'it (f.) swells', ka-m'abe 'they swell'. Past: m'ubila 'it swelled'. Passive participle: m'ubya (ms.), m'ubela (fs.), m'ubya (pI.). Imperative: 'abi (ms.), 'abe (fs.), 'abo (pI.). Infinitive: 'ab6ya.

8.10. Weak verbs in stem 111 8.10.1. Verba primae PI There are two types of inflection of these verbs according to the etymology ofthe initial PI. (i) Verbs in which the PI is derived historically from the laryngal *, (paradigms §9.l, no. 18, §9.2, no. 15) The inflection of verbs of this class is identical to that of stern III initial Iyl verbs. The initial syllable of the present base has an 101 vowel, e.g.

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III 'to feed': g-m6xal 'he feeds', g-m6xla 'she feeds', g-m6xli 'they feed', etc. This is a heritage from earlier Aramaic, in which the ~apcel of verbs of this type were generally treated as initial waw verbs. The past base is muxal-, with lul in the initial syllable, e.g. muxalla 'he fed', muxalla 'she fed', muxalhen 'they fed', etc. Passive participle: mu.xla (ms.), muxalta (fs.), mu.xla (pt). The imperative forms have 101 in the initial syllable: ~6xal (sing.), ~6xlu (pl.). The infinitive has lai in the initial syllable, rather than 101: ~ax61a.

~xl

(ii) Verbs in which the 1'1 is derived historically from the pharyngal *c In verbs of this class the PI is retained in all inflections and the inflection is like that of the strong verb, e.g. ~mg III 'to baptize' « *Cmg). Present base: ka-ma~mag 'he baptizes', ka-ma~amgi ~ ka-ma~amgi 'they baptize'. Past base: mu~magla 'he baptized', mu~maghan 'they baptized'. Passive participle: mu~umga ~ mu~umga (ms.), mu~magta (fs.), mu~umga ~ mu~umga (pl.). Imperative: Wmag (sing.), Wamgu Wamgu (pl.). Infinitive: ~a~m6ga. 8.10.2. Verba primae el, tertiae Iwl The verb ~tw III 'to place' falls into this category. This verb is treated here as initial PI, since it is given the inflection of initial PI verbs in stern I, although the root historically had an initial y, which was in turn a development of an original initial w. As we have seen, however, there is no distinction between initial PI and initial Iyl verbs in stern III. The present base has 101 in the initial syllable and retains the final Iwl throughout the paradigm except in the 3ms. and the Ims. with the inflectional ending -na, e.g. g-m6twa 'she places', g-m6twi 'they place', g-m6twan 'I (m.) place', but g-m6tu 'he places', g-motuna 'I (m.) place'. The past base has the form mutu-, e.g. mutula 'he has placed', mutula 'she has placed', mutuhan 'they have placed', etc. Passive participle: mutwa (ms.), mut6ta (fs.), mutwa (pt). The feminine ending -ta here has the stop Itl rather than the fricative 111 since the preceding vowel 101 has developed from a contration of the sequence *alJ (see §1.4.1.3.). The imperative forms are ~6tu (sing.) and ~6ttu (pl.). The plural form has developed from an original *~6twu, which would correspond in pattern to ~6xlu (,feed!'), by the assimilation ofthe Iwl to the preceding Itl. We have seen the same type of assimilation in the imperative of ~tw I ('to sit'), viz. ~itu (sing.), ~attu (pl.). Infinitive: ~at6wa.

VERBS

115

8.10.3. Verba mediae PI In careful speech the medial PI of verbs of this category is retained throughout its inflections. This is illustrated by the verb d~x III 'to extinguish'. In forms derived from the present base, a stressed epenthetic is placed before the PI when an inflection suffix beginning with a vowel is added and the lai of the initial ma- syllable is elided: k-mad~ax 'he extinguishes', ka-mdtrxa 'she extinguishes', ka-mdj~xi 'they extinguish', etc. A further epenthetic may be placed after the PI, e.g. ka-mdtraxa 'she extinguishes'. The past base is mud~ax-, e.g. mud~jxla 'he extinguished', mud~jxla 'she extinguished', mud~axhan 'they extinguished', etc. Passive participle: mudj~xa (ms.), mud~axta (fs.), mudtrxa (p!.). Imperative: ~ad~ax (sing.) and ~adu/xu (p!.). In the plural imperative a stressed epenthetic is placed before the PI that generally has the quality of lul by assimilation to the final vowe!. A further epenthetic may be placed after the PI. In such cases both epenthetics are short, even though they stand in open syllabies, e.g. ~ad{Piixu. The infinitive follows the regular pattern: ~ad~6xa. In fast speech, however, the medial PI is often elided, especially when the PI is immediately adjacent to the preceding consonant. Vowels that are short before the elision of the PI remain short, even if occurring in a stressed opened syllable, e.g. g-mddax « mad~ax) 'he extinguishes', mudjxla « mud~axla) 'he extinguished', ~ad6xa « ~ad~oxa) infinitive. 8.10.4. Verba tertiae el In careful speech the final PI is retained throughout the inflections in verbs of this category. The pattern of the inflections, in such cases, is the same as that of strong verbs. In the present, an epenthetic is generally inserted between the first two radicals when an inflectional ending is added and the lai of the maprefix is either elided or reduced to lai, e.g. zd~ III 'to frighten': g-mazda~ 'he frightens', g-mazjd~a 'she frightens', g-mazjd~i 'they frighten', etc. Past base: muzdtrla 'he frightened', muzdtrhan 'they frightened', etc. Passive participle: muzjd~a (ms.), muzda~ta (fs.), muz;}d~a (p!.). The recorded forms ofthe imperative are ~azd~ (sing.) and ~azd~u (p!.). Note that there is no epenthetic between the first two radicals in the plural form. Infinitive: ~azd6~a.

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8.10.5. Verbamediaelwl The verb twx III 'to show' falls into this category. Etymologically it appears to be derived from the root *~wy. It seems to be a secondary formation from an original JeJpaccal form eel~awwi) with metathesis of the first two radicals. In the dialect, however, the Itl is treated as the initial radical of the root. In the present base the medial Iwl is retained in the 3ms. and the 1ms. inflected by the ending -na. The following vowel is usually lul rather than liJI, by assimilation to the Iw/: g-matwux 'he shows', g-matwu.xna 'I show'. When the form has other inflectional endings the Iwl is generally contracted to lul: g-matuxa « *matuwxa) 'she shows', g-matuxi « *matuwxi) 'they show', etc. Past base: mutwu.xliJ 'he showed', mutwu.xhiJn 'they showed', etc. Passive participle: mutu.xa (ms.), mutwaxta (fs.), mutu.xiJ (pt). Imperative: Jatwux (sing.), Jatwuxu (pt). Infinitive: JatwoxiJ. 8.10.6. Verba primae Iyl (paradigms §9.1., no. 5, §9.2., no.5) The stern III forms of this category are identical in pattern to those of initial PI verbs, as we see in the inflection of yqg, III 'to kindie' . The present base and imperatives preserve the original 101 of earlier Aramaic. Present base: g-m6qeg, 'he kindies', g-m6qtja 'she kindies', g-m6qtji 'they kindie' , etc. Past base: muqag,liJ 'he kindled', muqag,la 'she kindled', muqag,hiJn 'they kindled', etc. Passive participle: muqg,a (ms.), muqag,ta (fs.), muqg,iJ (pt). Imperative: JoqiJg, (sing.), Joqg,u (pt). Infinitive: Jaqog,iJ. 8.10.7. Verba primae Iy/, mediae PI The verb yl III 'cause to enter, bring in' falls into this category. The medial PI is retained in all forms and the verb is inflected like other initial Iyl verbs. Present base: g-moJiJl 'he brings in', g-m6Jla 'she brings in', g-moJli 'they bring in', etc. Past base: muJalliJ 'he brought in', muJaUa 'she brought in', muJ;}lhiJn 'they brought in', etc. Passive participle: muJla (ms.), muJalta (fs.), muJliJ (pt). Imperative: WiJI (sing.), Wlu (pt). Infinitive: JaJ6liJ. 8.10.8. Verba mediae Iyl (paradigms §9.1, no. 19, §9.2, no. 16, §9.3, no. 4, §9.4, no. 4) In the 3ms. inflection of the present base the vowel of the ma- prefix is generally short, although it occurs in an open stressed syllable, e.g. zyd III

VERBS

117

'to add': g-mlizad 'he adds'. This is likely to have arisen by analogy with the short vowel in the corresponding form ofthe strong verb, viz. maq{al. When inflectional endings are added to the present base, the stress shifts to the next syllable and the laI vowel is generally reduced either to zero or to short laI, e.g. ka-mzida - g-mazida 'she adds', ka-mzidi - g-mazidi 'they add', etc. The past base is muzad-, e.g. muzadla 'he added', muzadhan 'they added'. The lul in the initial syllable is sometimes elided: mzadla. Passive participle: muzida, muzadta, muzida. The imperative has the forms Jlizad (sing.) and Jazidu (pl.). The shortness of the laI in the initial open syllable is apparently due to the analogy ofthe corresponding forms of the strong verb Jaq!al, Jaqa!lu. Sometimes the consonant after the initial stressed vowel of the singular imperative undergoes secondary gemination, e.g. Jassam balux 'pay attention' (imperative of sym III). Infinitive: Jazoda. 8.10.9. Verba tertiae Iyl (paradigms §9.1, no. 20, §9.2, no. 17) The verb xzy III 'to show' falls into this category. The inflectional endings of the present base are the same as those of final Iyl verbs in sterns land 11: ka-maxza 'he shows', ka-maxzya 'she shows', ka-maxze 'they show', etc. If the second radical does not easily form a cluster with the /y/ in the 3fs., 2fs., and lfs. forms, an epenthetic is added between the first two radicals. In such cases the laI of the ma- prefix is usually reduced to laI, e.g. sxy 111 'to make swim': ka-masxa 'he makes swim', ka-masaxya 'she makes swim', ka-masaxyat 'you (f.) make swim', ka-masaxyan 'I (f.) make swim'. The past base is CuCCi-, e.g. muxzlla 'he showed', muxzihan 'they showed', etc. Passive participle: muxazya (ms.), muxzila (fs.), muxazya (pl.). Imperative: Jaxzi (ms.), Jaxze (fs.), Jaxzo (pl.). Infinitive: Jaxzoya.

8.11. Weak quadriliteral verbs A few quadriliteral verbs contain weak radicals. These include the following.

8.11.1. tCdy 'to assault' This has the regular final inflections of a final Iy/ verb. Present: ka-mtaCda 'he is hostile'. Past: mtuCdlla 'he was hostile'. Passive participle:

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mtu'jdya (ms.), mtu'dela (fs.), mtu'adya (pl.). Imperative: ta'di (ms.), ta'de (fs.), ta'do (pl.). Infinitive: ta'doya. 8.11.2. hymn 'to believe' (paradigms §9.1, no. 22, §9.2, no. 19)

The verb hymn 'to believe' is treated as a quadriliteral verb with a Iyl as the second radical, although historically the initial Ihl was an inflectional prefix ofthe hap'el stern. The Iyl is contracted in the present base forms. In the 3ms. *ay contracts to lei: ka-mheman « *mhaymen) 'he believes'. When the first syllable is c10sed as result of the addition of inflectional suffixes, the lei is reduced to lai (see §§2.1., 2.2.), e.g. ka-mhfJmna 'she believes', ka-mhamni 'they believe', etc. The past base is mhiman-, e.g. mhimanna 'he believed', mhimanna 'she believed', mhimanhan 'they believed'. Passive participle: mhamna (m.), mhimanta (fs.), mhamna (pl.). Imperative: heman (sing.), hamnu (pl.). The Iyl is completely disregarcled in the infinitive form: hamona. 8.11.3. qwqy 'to crow' (referring to a bird) (paradigm §9.l, no. 23)

This verb has two weak radicals. Its inflectional endings are those of other final Iyl verbs. Present base: qoqa 'he crows', qoqya 'she crows', q6qe 'they crow', etc. Past base: quql/a 'he crowed', quqfhan 'they crowed', etc. Passive participle: quqya (ms.), quqi1a (fs.), quqya (pl.). Imperative: qoqi (ms.), qoqe (fs.), qoqo (pl.). As in hymn, the second radical is ignored in the infinitive: qaqoya. 8.11.4. Verba primae !'I Initial!'1 in quadriliteral verbs such as )rml 'to become a widow(er)' )rzn 'to become cheap' is treated like a strong consonant throughout its inflection. Present base: ka-m)armal 'he becomes a widower.' Past base: ma)urmalla 'he has become a widower'. Past participle: maJuramla (ms.), maJurmalta (fs.), ma)uramla (pl.). Imperative: )armal. Infinitive: )armola.

8.12. Irregular and defective verbs

8.12.1. 'to fall' The present base of this verb has the radicals np I, e.g. g-napal 'he falls', g-napla 'she falls', etc. In the past base the Inl shifts to Iml by partial

VERBS

119

assimilation to the labial Ipl, e.g. mpfJlla 'he fell', mpfJlla 'she fell'. Sometimes the assimilation is total without any clearly audible gemination, which gives the form the appearance of a medial Iyl verb, e.g. pfJlla 'he fell'. The same applies to the imperative and infinitive forms. Imperative mpol - pol (sing.), mpulu - pu lu (pl.). Infinitive: mpala pala. 8.12.2. nJy III 'to cause to be forgotten, obliterate'

The stern I form nJy 'to forget' is inflected regularly. In some cases the stern III form is derived historically from an JapCel in which the initial In/ was assimilated to the m with resulting gemination of the latter. In the dialect this gemination has been lost. Present base: ga-maJa 'he obliterates' « *maJJe < *manU), ga-maJya ' she obliterates' , ga-maJe 'they obliterate' . Past base: muJila 'he obliterated', muJila 'she obliterated', muJihan 'they obliterated'. Passive participle: muJya (ms.), muJila (fs.), muJya (pl.). Imperative: JaJi (sing.), JaJo (pl.). Infinitive: JaJOya.

A regular stern III form is also used for this root, in wh ichthere is no assimilation and the Inl is treated like a strong consonant: manJa (present base), munJUa (past base). Other verbs with initial Inl regularly retain the Inl in all inflections, e.g. nxp III 'to embarrass' (present base: manxap), nhr III 'to kindIe' (present base: manhar). 8.12.3. ywJ III 'to dry (trans.)

Stern III ofthis verb is attested in two distinct doublets. In one of these the root consonants are ywJ and the initial Iyl is retained throughout the paradigm. This differs from the stern III of other initial *y verbs such as yqg. The explanation is that ywJ derives historically from a genuinely initial Iyl root, whereas as yqg is derived historically from an initial *w root. Present: maywaJ 'he dries', maywJa 'she dries ' , maywJi 'they dry' . The Iwl in these forms is pronounced as a labio-palatal glide [q]. Past: muywfJJla 'he dried', muywfJJla 'she dried' , muywfJJhan ' they dried'. Passive participle: muywJa (ms.), muywaJta (fs.), muywJa (pl.). Imperative: JaywaJ (sing.), JaywJu (pl.). Infinitive: JaywoJa.

In the other doublet the initial Iyl is replaced by the vowel 101, by analogy with the stern III form of other initial Iyl verbs. The medial Iwl, furthermore, is replaced by the stop Ibl, probably as a device to avoid the complete coalescence of the medial radical with the preceding vowel.

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Present: g-m6bas 'he dries', g-m6bsa 'she dries', g-m6bsi 'they dry'. Past: mubasla 'he dried', mubjsla 'she dried', mobjshan 'they dried'. Passive participle: mubsa (ms.), mubasta (fs.), mubsa (pI.). Imperative: ~6bas (sing.), ~6bsu (pI.). Infinitive: ~abosa. 8.12.4.

~zl

'to go' (paradigms §9.1, no. 24, §9.2, no. 20)

The present base of this verb is za-, which appears to be a reduced form of the infinitive ~azala. This base not conjugated with the regular present inflectional suffixes, but rather with the L-series suffixes, which are normally used to inflect a past base, e.g. k-zala 'he goes', k-zala 'she goes', k-zaU 'I go'. The final lai of the 3ms. suffix is often elided in natural fast speech, which results in the form k-zal. In the 3pI. the suffix is -lhan, in which the prepositional element 111 of the suffix has been retained after the lai vowel: k-zalhan 'they go'. Subjunctive forms: zala ~ zal '(that) he goes', zaU '(that) I go' etc. The past tense affix wa is inserted between the base za and the L-suffixes, e.g. k-zawala 'he used to go', k-zawala 'she used to go' , k-zawalhan 'they used to go' , etc. The past base is zal-, which exhibits the elision ofthe initial PI ofthe root, e.g. zjlle 'he went', zjlla 'she went', zjlhan 'they went', etc. Passive participle: zila (ms.), zjlta (fs.), zila (pI.). The imperative has the irregular forms sagi 'go!' (sing.) and sago. The infinitive is ~azala. We should mention also the forms ~az6la (ms.), ~az6lta (fs.), ~az6Ia, which act as active participles in predicative constructions such as k-ila ~az6la 'he is going' (see §15.6.). 8.12.5.lYy 'to want' (paradigm §9.1, no. 25)

In the conjugation of the present, the vowel of the base generally changes by assimilation to the quality of the vowel of the suffix. Although the root of the verb had originally a final Iyl (*bCy), the inflection of the present differs from the usual inflection of final Iyl verbs, in that the Iyl does not appear in the 3fs., 2fs. and 1fs. The full paradigm ofthe present indicative is as folIows. Note that the prefixed particle regularly has the voiced form g- by assimilation to the initial Ibl: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

g-bPa ~ g-ba~e g-ba~a

g-be~e

VERBS 2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

g-biYat g-bd/at g-beYetun

1si pers. ms.

g-biYan g-bdYan g-bdYax

fs. pI.

121

Note that in the forms g-Wa, g-Wat and g-Wan the lil is the long equivalent ofthe final lai in word internal position (see §§2.l, 2.2.). In fast speech the PI is often elided in the present, which results in contracted forms such as g-bi 'he wants', g-ba 'she wants', g-be 'they want', g-bax 'we want', etc. The past base has the regular pattern of final Iyl verbs, viz. bYi-, e.g. ~i!a 'he wanted', bYi!a 'she wanted', bYihan 'they wanted', etc. The PI is often elided in these forms, e.g. bila. Passive participle: brya, ~ila, brya. Infinitive: byaya. 8.12.6.

yrP 'to know' (paradigms §9.1, no. 26, §9.2, no. 22)

In the conjugation of the present base, the three radicals of the root are retained only in the 3ms., viz. k-yatj~ 'he knows'. In the rest of the paradigm, the PI, which would be in contact with the middle radical, is elided, as is often the case with final PI verbs. The initial Iyal syllable in these forms is reduced to a short lai. The full paradigm is as folIows: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

k-atja k-atji

2 nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

k-atjat k-atjat k-atjitun

1si pers. ms. fs. pI.

k-atj,Jn k-atjan k-atjax

k-yat)~

The subjunctive forms are formed by the removal of the k-, viz. yatj~, Yatja, Yatji, etc. The rest of the inflections are identical to those of other

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initial Iyl verbs. Past base: ~i4~/a 'he knew', ~i4~/a 'she knew', ~i4~han 'they knew', etc. In fast speech the initial ~i- is sometimes elided, e.g. 4~/a 'she knew' (F:30). Passive participle: ~i4Pa (ms.), ~i4~ta (fs.), ~i4Pa (pl.). Imperative: ~i4o~ (sing.), ~i4u~u (pl.). Infinitive: ~i4a~a. 8.12.7. 'to give' (paradigms §9.1, no. 27, §9.2, no. 23) This verb is derived historically from *yhb. The initial *y, however, does not appear in any of the forms. The present base is hew- for all forms except the 3ms. The initial Ihl is elided when apreverbal particle is attached. Examples: hewa '(that) she gives' (subjunctive), k-ewa 'she gives', hewan '(that) I give' (subjunctive), k-ewan 'I give', hewi '(that) they give' (subjunctive), k-ewi 'they give'. 3ms. inflection ofthe present base is hewal, with a finalIlI. The lai vowel in this form generally shifts to lul by assimilation to the Iwl, e.g. k-ewul 'he gives'. When pronominal object suffixes are added, the medial lewl sequence is often contracted in fast speech to 101, e.g. kam-olla « kam-hewulla) 'he gave hirn'. The finalIlI is found in the past base hwil-, e.g. hwalla 'he gave', hwalla 'she gave', hwalhan 'they gave'. The initial cluster is often broken bya short epenthetic with the quality of lul, e.g. hUwalla, etc. Imperative: hai (sing.), Milu (pl.). Infinitive: hwala, hUwala. 8.12.8.

~JY

I 'to come' (paradigm §9.2, no. 21)

This has the usual inflectional endings of final Iyl verbs. The initial!'1 is generally elided after apreverbal particle in the present base: ~ala '(that) he comes' (subjunctive), k-ala 'he comes', k-aJYa 'she comes', k-ale 'they come', etc. The past base is li-, in which the initial!'1 is elided, e.g.l11a 'he came',l11a 'she came',lihan 'they came'. Passive participle: ~aJYa (ms.), lalta (fs.), ~aJYa (pl.). Note the irregular fs. form lalta with the reduplication of the IJ/. The imperative is expressed by the irregular forms: Mlux (sing.), Mlxu - halxun (pl.). The endings -lux, -Ixu, -Ixun in these can be identified as 2nd person pronominal L-suffixes. The infinitive is ~alaya. We should mention also the forms ~aloya (ms.), ~alolta (fs.), ~aloya, which act as active participles in predicative constructions such as k-lla ~aloya 'he is coming' (see §15.6.). Note again the reduplication of the IJ/ in the feminine form.

VERBS

123

8.12.9. J]y III 'to bring'

The eausative of J]y is derived historieally from the Jap'eL stern of the root, so this may be regarded as belonging to stern III in the dialeet. Sinee, however, the initial PI has been elided in all infleeted forms, it eould, in a purely synchronic analysis, be eonstrued as either stern III or stern 11. The infleetion of this is predictable in most of its forms. Present base: k-maJa 'he brings', k-ma]ya 'she brings', k-maJe 'they bring'. Past base: mUJila 'he brought', muJila 'she brought', muJihan 'they brought' . Passive partieiple: mlttya (ms.), muJaJta (fs.), mu]ya (pI.). Note the irregular fs. form with the reduplieation ofthe IJI. This is found also in the fs. passive participle of J]y I 'to eome': JaJta (see §8.12.8.). The imperative is expressed by the forms heJi (sing.) and hOJu (pI.), which are irregular but nevertheless are clearly derived historically from the same root. Infinitive: JaJaya. 8.12 .10. ser I 'to deseend'

This verb appears to be derived from an original JeJpi1'el stern verb of the root *sgr, eorresponding to Syriae Jest"gar 'to pour down; to eome' . The Itl, however, has beeome eompletely lexiealized and is treated like a root eonsonant. The verb does not have the pattern of quadriliteral verbs, but rather the Istl cluster is treated as a fixed unit, as if it were a single eonsonant, and the verb is infleeted as if it were a triradical root with a medial PI (see §8.8.2. above). The PI is usually elided when in direet eontaet with the initial cluster st- . Present base: ka-staJar 'he deseends', ka-staJra 'she deseends', ka-staJri 'they deseend', ete. In the past base the I l! of the L-suffix is assimilated to the Irl, whieh remains ungeminated (see §8.3.5.): stira 'he deseended' « stJir + La), stira 'she deseended' « seir + La), starhan st{}rha - st{}rra 'they deseended' « seir + han). Passive participle: stira (ms.), starta (fs.), stira (pI.) « seira ete.). Imperative: star (sing.), sturu (pI.) « stJor, stJuru). Infinitive: stara « stJara). 8.12.11. ser III 'to bring down'

As in stern I, the cluster Istl is treated as if it were a single eonsonant and PI is regularly omitted when it is immediately adjaeent to the Itl of this cluster. Present base: k-mastar 'I bring down' « masear), k-mastjJra 'she brings down', k-mast{}Jri 'they bring down' . Past base: mustira 'I brought down' « mustJira), mustira 'she brought down' « museira), must{}rhan

124

CHAPTER EIGHT

'they brought down' « muJeClrhCln). Passive participle: muJt~ra (ms.), muJtarta (fs.), muJt~rCl (pl.). Imperative: ~aJtClr (sing.), ~Mt~ru - ~aJt~ru (pl.). Infinitive: ~aJt6rCl « ~aJt~orCl). 8.12.13. xyy I 'to live'

The inflection ofthe present base ofthis verb is k-xayCl, 'he lives', k-xaya 'she lives', k-xaye 'they live'. Note that the 3fs. does not have a geminate /y/. This is the case also in the 2fs. and lfs. forms: k-xayat 'you (fs.) live', k-xayan 'I (f.) live'. The gemination would be expected to occur according to the analogy of the regular final /y/ paradigm, in which the final /y/ radical clusters with the medial radical in the fs. forms, e.g. darya 'she puts', daryat 'you (fs.) put', daryan 'I (f.) put'. We can assume that the original gemination of the /y/ has been lost, in accordance with a regular phonetic process (see §3). The past base is xyi-, e.g. xyUCI 'he lived', xyila 'she lived', xyihCln 'they lived'. Passive participle: xyiya (ms.), xyila (fs.), xyiyCl (pl.). Imperative: xyi (ms.), xye (fs.), xyo (pl.). The medial /y/ radical in the initial cluster /xy/ of the preceding forms is sometimes elided in fast speech, e.g. xilCJ 'he lived', xiya (passive participle ms.), xi (imperative ms.). The infinitive is xyaya. 8.12.14. xyy III 'to cause to live'

Both the first and second /y/ are contracted in many inflections of this verb. Both are contracted in the inflections of the present base, with the exception of the feminine singular forms, e.g. maxCl 'he causes to live', maxe 'they cause to live', maxCln 'I (m.) cause to live', etc. In the feminine singular forms, both are preserved, with an epenthetic vowel inserted before the first: maxayya (3fs.), maxayyat (2fs.), maxayyan (1fs.). In the past base, the first /y/ is usually retained, e.g. muxyUCI 'he caused to live', muxyUa 'she caused to live', muxyihCln 'they caused to live', etc. The feminine singular and plural forms of the past base are muxya- and muxye-, e.g. muxyaZCI 'he caused her to live', muxyeZCI 'he caused them to live'. The forms of the passive participle are: muxuyya (ms.), muxyela (fs.), muxuyyCl (pl.). In my recordings the stressed epenthetic vowel in the ms. and pI. forms always has the quality of /u/ by assimilation to the preceding vowel. Imperative: ~axi (ms .. ), ~axe (fs.), ~axo (pl.). Infinitive: ~ax6yCl.

VERBS

125

8.12.15. hwy

The verb hwy is used in the sense of 'to be' and 'to be born'. These two senses are each restricted, by and large, to specific inflectional bases. The present base forms are used with the sense of 'to be'. When the preverbal particle k- is attached, the /h/ is elided, e.g. hawa '(that) he be' (subjunctive), k-awa 'he is', k-oya 'she is', k-awe 'they are', etc. The imperative forms are also used with this sense: hwi 'Be!' (ms.), hwe (fs.) and hwo (pI.). In fast speech the 3ms. and 3pI. are often pronounced k-aya and k-aye respectively, with /y/ rather than /w/. Inflections of the past base hwi- are only used in the sense of 'to be born', e.g. hwila 'he was born', hwihan 'they were born', etc. A short epenthetic with the quality of /u/ is sometimes inserted after the /h/, e.g. hUwila. The root hwy is also used in stern III in the sense of 'to give birth'. In the fs. forms ofthe present base an epenthetic with the quality of /u/ is inserted before the /w/, e.g. mahUwya 'she gives birth', bad-mahUwyan 'I (f.) shall give birth', mahawe 'they give birth'. The sequence /uw/ is sometimes contracted to /u/ in fast speech, e.g. mahUya 'she gives birth'. Past base: muhwila 'she gave birth'. Infinitive: Jahwoya.

8.13. Copula

8.13.1. Present enclitic copula The Qaraqosh dialect uses a cliticized present tense copula that is inflected as folIows: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

-ila -ila -ina

2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

-iyat -iyat -iyetu

1sI pers.ms ..

-iyan -iyan -iyax

fs. pI.

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126

For a discussion of the historical background of this copula and its comparision with that of other NENA dialects see the Introduction, pp.12-15.

When it is attached to a predicate that ends in a consonant, the fuH form of the copula is retained, e.g. the adjective biis 'good', which is invariable. Note that when the copula is attached, the stress remains on the predicate item: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

bas-ila 'he is good' bas-ila 'she is good' bas-ina 'they are good', etc.

2nd pers.ms.

bas-iyat bas-iyat bas-iyetu

fs. pI. 1sI pers. ms .. fs. pI.

bas-iyan bas-iyan bas-iyax

After a final consonantal Iyl, the lil vowel in the onset ofthe copula is usuaHy elided, e.g. qay-na « qay + ina) ganwi 'Why do they steal?' (Poetry 10). This is applies also to interrogative pronoun may 'What?' , which is the suppletive form of ma when the pronoun has the copula, e.g. may-la darmana?1 'What is the medicine?' (F:46), may-yat 'What are you?', may-yax 'What are we?'. In fast speech a geminated Iyyl in such constructions is often reduced to simple Iyl, e.g. mayat 'What are you?' « may-iyat), da-mayat mustaCjil? 'for what (why) are you in a hurry?' (K:50).

When the predicate to which it is attached ends in an lai vowel, the initial lil of the copula and the lai contract to lei, e.g. >axela 'he is here' « >axa + ila). Note again that the addition ofthe copula does not cause a shift in the position of the stress on the predicate item. The fuH paradigm is as foHows: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

>axela 'he is here' >axela 'she is here' )axena 'they are here', etc.

VERBS 2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

~axeYJt

1st pers. ms .. fs. pI.

~axeYJn

127

~axeyat

~axeyetu

~axeyan ~axeyax

In fast speech the 2ms., 2pI. and Ims. forms are contracted still further by the elision ofthe consonantal glide Iyl between the two vowels: ~axet 'you are here', ~axetu 'you (pI.) are here, ~axen 'I am here'. When the item to which the copula is suffixed ends in lil or lul, the initial lil ofthe copula is elided, e.g. ~jbri-1J « ~Jbri + ilJ) 'he is my son', ~ahi-la « ~ahi + ila) !a C61tJd xwa.xa' 'It is agame of mixing' (K:30), ~ahu-b « ~ahu + ilJ) ~irjJd mawtada m-maran. 'It is the festival of the birth of our Lord' (K:4). A final IJI is elided before the lit of the copula, e.g. p#x-iyax « p#XJ + iyax) 'we are joyful' (K:6), ~Jm-gald-ilJ 'it is from skins' « gJldJ + ilJ) (K: 15). 1

8.13.2. Past enclitic copula The past tense form ofthe enclitic copula is as folIows: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

-iwa -iyawa -iyewa

2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

-iYJtwa -iyatwa -iyetuwa

1st pers.ms ..

-iYJnwa -iyanwa -iyaxwa

fs. pI.

This paradigm consists of the element -i- inflected with the personal endings of final Iyl verbs. In the 3ms. the form -iyiwa regularly contracts to -iwa. In a similar way the 3pI. form -iyewa is occasionally reduced to the homophonous form -iwa by the contraction ofthe sequence liyel to lil, e.g. ~ane yomala xalYJ d-iwa ~Jm-tahra malYJ 'Those sweet days, which 1

1

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128

were (= d-iyewa) fuH ofwonder' (Poetry 5). The 2nd ms. and 1st ms forms -iyatwa and -iyanwa are frequently contracted to -atwa and -anwa. On some occasions the 3fs. form is pronounced -ayawa, due to the assimilation ofthe initial liI to the stressed lai voweI. As is the case with the present forms, these past forms are placed after the predicate and the stress remains on the predicate, e.g. bfis-iwa 'he was good', bfis-iyawa 'she was good', etc. When the word to which they are cliticized ends in a vowel, the same rules of contraction apply as have been described above for the present enclitic copula, e.g. ralJ6qewa « ralJ6qa + iwa) 'it was distant' (K:2), ~ahi-yawa « ~ahi + iyawa) 'it was' (B: 166), makix-iyewa « makixa + iyewa) 'they were humble' (S: 1). On some occasions the past copula bears its own stress, e.g. ~ahi ~iyawa d-~3zlal 'It was made of cloth' (K:29), fa-~axni b-Takrat ~iyaxwa qamela.1 'We were in Tikrit formerly' (K:20), Mdax iyewa xayal;.1 'His life was like that' (F:12). The vowel before the final -wa element often acquires a rounded quality by assimilation to the Iwl. In fast speech, forms such as -iyawa (3fs.) and -iyewa (3pI.), for example, are often sound like -owa. 8.13.3. Emphatic copula On many occasions the verbal prefix k- is attached to the present and past copula. In such cases the copula generally stands independently with its own stress. Henceforth this will be referred to as the emphatic copula. Present emphatic copula: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

k-fla k-fla k-ina

2nd pers.ms.

k-iyat k-iyat k-iyetu

fs. pI. 1st pers.ms ..

fs. pI.

k-iyan k-iyan k-iyax

VERBS

129

Past emphatic copula 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

k-lwa k-iyawa k-iyewa

2 nd pers.ms.

k-iyatwa k-iyatwa k-iyetuwa

fs. pI. 1st pers. ms .. fs. pI.

k-iyanwa k-iyanwa k-iyaxwa

In fast speech many of these forms of the emphatic copula are contracted. The glide /y/ is generally dropped between two high vowels, e.g. k-in « k-lyan), k-anwa « k-iyanwa). The final lai vowel ofthe 3ms. is often elided: k-il « k-ila). When a vowel immediately precedes the final -wa element in the past form, this vowel often acquires a rounded quality by assimilation to the Iwl. The forms k-iyawa (3fs.) and k-iyewa (3pl.), for example, are often heard as k-owa in fast speech. 8.14. Negative copula

The present tense copula has a special form when negated. This has resulted from a coalescence of the negative particle la with the encIitic copula. It generally carries its own stress. The full paradigm is as follows: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

/ela /ela lena

2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

leyat leyat leyetu

1sI pers.ms ..

leyan leyan leyax

fs. pI.

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130

The negative past copula is likewise formed by the coalescence of la with the past enclitic copula: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pI.

lewa

2nd pers.ms. fs. pI.

leyatwa leyatwa

1st pers. ms ..

leyanwa

fs. pI.

leyawa leyewa

leyetuwa

leyanwa leyaxwa

g.15. Arabic sfems

In addition to the numerous Arabic verbal roots that are adapted to the Aramaic verbal stern patterns, speakers sometimes use Arabic stern patterns with Aramaic inflection, e.g. 'they would take revenge against them' (S:20 present base< Arabic gth form verb Jintaqama)

m,mten,,d d,,-ktJ-masxewala qadasta Sara 'to the spring in which they made saint Sarah swim' (K:12). 10.16. Compound nominal phrases

10.16.1. Compounds with bi Many lexical items are formed by combining the element bi- with another word. The form bi « *be < *bel) is, in origin, the annexation form, or 'construct form', of bela 'house'. It is still used productively on some occasions in the sense of 'household of, family of, e.g. m-bel"d bi xalna MI bi-kalla 'from the house of the family of the groom to the family of the bride' (K:39), biJammi 'the family of my paternal uncle' (S:93), bi-xali 'the family of my maternal uncle' (S:93), bi-GJgya 'the family of G;}gya' (K:85), bf Sexa 'the family of Sexa' (K:85), bi-SJr/:!a 'the family of S;}rl).a' (K:19). In many cases, however, it has become lexicalized as a prefix in compound nominals. It has sometimes lost its original form and has coalesced phonetically with the word that follows it. Its original meaning has often been extended. Most compound nominals that contain

CHAPTER TEN

210

this element refer to spatial locations. A few have a temporal sense and denote times and seasons. Examples: Spatial sense: bi-laxma

'bread store'

Literally: 'place ofbread'

bi-guba

'tunnel'

Literally: 'place of a hole'

budra baxfima

< *bi-udra (cf. Syriac Jedd3 rä) 'storeroom' < *bi-xfima (cf. Akkadian bu baflmu) 'trough' Literally: 'place of a trough' 'lock' Literally: 'place ofbolts' 'middle offorehead' Literally: 'place of dripping' 'forehead' Literally: 'place ofthe forehead' 'stair' Literally: 'place of a step' « *dargä) 'sleeves' < be-idala Literally: 'place of the hands.,12

bi-xparta bi-sakra bi-na!opa bi-gwina bi-dar>a bedala

'threshing-floor'

Temporal sense: bi-yalda bi-qyamta bi-danxa barmafa

'Christmas' 'Easter'

Literally: 'time ofbirth' Literally: 'time ofresurrection'

'Epiphany' 'the evening'

Literally: 'time ofrising' < *bi-ramafa

Note also the noun spadila 'cushion, pillow', in which the /p/ can be identified as the bi element that has become metathesized after the initial /s/. It is derived from some such form as bi-sadila 'place ofthe pillow'. \3 10.16.2. Compounds with mari The word mari «*märe) is, in origin, the old annexation form of mara 'owner, lord'. It is used productively in the dialect in the sense of 'possessor of in order to express an attributive feature of a referent, e.g. 12

13

The presence of the lei vowel in this word suggests that it is a loan from another NENA dialect in which the prefix has the form be rather than bio Cf. Mandaic bisada, Syriac bessä(jyii and Jessiirje (pl.), Babylonian Talmudic Aramaic Jissiirjii, Arabic wisiida. The form without metathesis is found in Christian Salamas psiidiyii (Maclean 1895: 28, 1901: 35).

NOUNS

211

mari hela 'landlord', mari dena 'creditor', mari kalla 'father of the bride', mari qatta-w daquz 'The person with the bat and the stick' (B: 172). It is not restricted to human referents, as shown by Bagdeda Jahi mari sulQla Ju-mari FJnJala 'Bagded::l is a possessor of professions and crafts' (B:24). It is frequently used in apposition to another noun in order to express an attribute. The form is invariable and does not inflect for gender or number, e.g. l

gora mari safqa gura mari safqa baxta mari safqa

'a man with a hat' 'men with a hat' 'a woman with a hat'

10.16.3. Compounds with barWe should mention here the old compound nominal phrase bar-nasa 'person' (literally: 'son of a man'), which is still used in the dialect. A few other compounds with bar are attested, e.g. bar-!upra bar-zarJa

'strap used to secure saddle' (cf. B:75) 'seed'

bar-xalya

the name of a medicinal herb

Plurals of these nominals are formed by adding plural inflection to the second noun: bar-!upra, bar-zarJ".

CHAPTER ELEVEN

ADJECTIVES 11.1. Preliminary remarks

Adjectives of Aramaic stock and loan-words that have been adapted to Aramaic morphology are inflected for gender and number. In addition to the basic masculine singular form they are inflected for the feminine singular and the plural. Theyare closely related morphologically to nouns and most can, indeed, stand independently and function as nouns, in which case they become referential rather than attributive expressions. There is, nevertheless, a morphological justification for distinguishing attributive adjectives from nouns, in that attributive adjectives, unlike nouns, do not normally express gender differences in their plural form. When an adjective is used referentially, however, and functions as a noun, this distinction in gender is made in its inflection, e.g. Adjective gora suraya baxta surela gura suraya 'ansa suraya

'a Christian man' 'a Christian woman' 'Christian men' 'Christian women'

Noun suraya

'a Christian man'

surela suraya surayala

'a Christian woman' 'Christian men' 'Christian women'

In a few sporadic cases plural feminine forms are used when an attributive has predicative function, e.g. hOm kdn k-;gax ambnalan pesi su!xayala l 'even if we know that our daughters would become naked' (Play 178)

ADJECTIVES

213

11.2. Bisyllabic patterns (l) CaCa, fs. CaCta, pI. CaCiJ

xala

'new',

xalta (fs.)

xaliJ (pI.)

rabla (fs.)

rabiJ (pI.)

(2) CaCa, fs. CaCla, pI. CaCiJ

raba

'big'

The occurrence of the fricative IJ/ in the feminine ending after a consonant arose due to the fact that final consonant of the word was originally geminated and was followed by an epenthetic vowel, viz. rabla < *rabb~lä (see. §1.4.1.3.).

(3) CoCa, fs. CoCta, pI. CoCiJ

koma

'black'

komta (fs.)

komiJ (pI.)

The word zora, which has this pattern, exhibits a feminine singular fonn with /ul rather than 101, viz. zurta.

(4) CCiCa, fs. CCiJCta, pI. CCiCiJ

kpina mrida nqiga rxisa spiqa xlima xmi~a

xtira

'hungry' kpiJnta (fs.) 'rotten' 'thin' 'vibrant, moving' 'empty' 'thick' 'sour' 'beautiful'

kpiniJ (pI.)

As weIl as being a common adjectival pattern, this is also the pattern of the past participIe of stern I verbs, which can be derived by productive inflection, e.g.

brixa grisa gwira Slixa tqila

'blessed' 'ground' 'married' 'stripped; huIled' 'weighed, balanced'

CHAPTER ELEVEN

214

Passive participies of intranstive verbs generally express astate and are commonly used as attributes, e.g. npixa smixa skina swPa {WiYa ywisa

'swollen' 'standing' 'dwelling' 'sated' 'sleeping' 'dry'

Ifthe final radical is Iwl, this is contracted before the feminine ending -ta, e.g. xriwa 'bad', xruta (fs.), xriwlana makimana masamqana maxurana mayarqana mazarqana

'yellowish' 'blackish' 'reddish' 'whitish' 'greenish' 'bluish'

cf. Ja>la 'yellowness' cf. kyama 'blackness' cf. samqa 'redness' cf. xwara 'whiteness' cf. yarqa 'greenness' cf. zarqa 'blueness'

11.6. Irregular adjectives ofAramaic stock We can mention here the adjective xanna 'other', which has the irregular feminine form xarta. The plural is xanna, which is formed regularly from the singular. Note also the form {o < *{älJ 'good', which is invariable and only used in the comparative phrase baJ {o 'better' .

11. 7. Partially adapted loans A few adjectives that are borrowed from Arabic are given Aramaic inflectional endings in some, but not all, forms. This applies to a number of adjectives of the pattern CaCCa expressing bodily defects and colours that are loans from Arabic. The feminine ending of these is -a. This is a reflection of the dialectal Arabic feminine ending (with final >imäla).\ The final -a of the masculine singular form, by contrast, should be identified as the Aramaic inflectional vowel. The plural has the Aramaic inflectional ending -a and coincides, therefore, with the femninine singular form, e.g. Masc. sing.

Fern. sing.

Plural

Carja {arJa xarJa zarqa

Carja {arJa xarJa zarqa

Carja {arJa xarJa zarqa

'larne' 'deaf 'durnb' 'blue'

\ For the 'imäla ofthe vowel ofthe feminine ending in Arabic dialects spoken in the region see Jastrow (1978: 70).

CHAPTER ELEVEN

220

The Arabie loanword ml;aqqa has a similar infleetion: ml;aqqa

ml;aqqa

ml;aqqa

'true'

11.8. Unadapted loans

Some adjeetives that are loan-words are not adapted to the Aramaic infleetional morphology. Some of these adjeetives remain invariable and have no infleetion for feminine and plural, e.g. bäJ 'good' (Kurdish): gora bäJ 'a good man', baxta bäJ 'a good woman', naJa bäJ 'good people'. Further examples: >arzan 'eheap' (Kurdish), >lira (f.) >arzan 'eheap land', xabUJa >arzan 'eheap apples'; >agran 'expensive' (Kurdish), >ar>a (f.) >agran 'expensive land'; qaJmar 'naughty' (Turkish), brata qaJmar 'naughty girl', >iyala qaJmar 'naughty boys'; >ara (f.) far! k-6ya 'the ground is moist' (S:38), naJa faqir 'poor people' (S:2). Others retain some ofthe infleetion ofthe souree language, e.g. hedi 'slow' (Arabie), hadya (fs. Arabic infleetion), h~dya (pI. Aramaie infleetion); zangin 'rieh' (m. and f.), zanagin (pI. Arabic infleetion).

CHAPTER TWEL VE

NUMERALS 12.1. Cardina/s 12.1.1. Numerals 1-10 The distinction between the masculine and feminine forms of the cardinal numerals from 1 to 10 has been preserved in the dialect. One of the two forms is used when the numeral is combined with a masculine noun and the other when it is combined with a feminine noun: With masculine noun

With feminine noun

1 2 3 4 5

xa tre {Jala

gga tfJtta {fJllal

~arlYa

~arb~

xam§a

xamma§

6 7 8 9 10

~asta

~fJnat

M~a

Mww~

tmanya

tmana

tas~a

tan~

~asra

~fJssar

Examples: xa g6ra 'one man', gga baxta 'one woman'; tre gura 'two men', tfJtta ~fJn§a 'two women'; !lala gura 'three men', {fJlIal ~fJn§a 'three women', etc. The initial voiced Igl in the feminine form gga has resulted by partial assimilation of an original unvoiced *x to the following voiced Igl « *x4a < *lJ4ä). In some circumstances, the stress in the feminine form tfJUa is shifted onto a final open syllable. When this takes place, the final vowel is generally given a front quality in the region ofthe lei vowel and so is pronounced taUe, e.g. tatte-~an§a 'two women' (K:47), tatte-naqla 'two times' (S:33), tafte mandarunat 'two wheels' (B:58), t"Ue xajwala 'two sisters' (S:90).

CHAPTER TWELVE

222

In natural fast speech the PI is generally elided in the masculine form

'arb'a. The gemination in the feminine forms tal/al, SUWWiJ', tass;}' and 'aSSiJr has resulted as a consequence of the shift of the stress to an epenthetic vowel that broke an initial consonantal cluster, the original forms being *t"!äl, *s'l}ac, t"sac and c'sar respectively (§3). The gemination in the feminine form 'aSSiJt has resulted from the stressing of a prosthetic vowel, which was attached to the form by analogy with the masculine 'iJsta. 12.1.2. Numerals 11-19 Cardinals from 11 onwards have one invariable form, which is used with nouns ofboth genders. The numerals 11-19 are as folIows: 11

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

xadj'siJr trj'siJr !iJ!ta'siJr 'arba'siJr xamsa'siJr 'iJsta'siJr suwa'siJr tmana'sar tsa'siJr

The stop Idl after the vowel in xadj'siJr probably developed from an originally geminated *dd. This seems to have been secondarily geminated in order to allow an lai vowel to follow the initial letter, presumably by force of analogy with the form for one, xa: xada'SiJr < *xaddj'siJr < *1/gaCsar (see § 1.4. 1.4.). . The medial PI is sometimes elided in fast speech. If this occurs in the word for '12', the initial component is pronounced tre, with a long lei, e.g. tre-SiJr (K:4). 12.1.3. Tens 20 30 40 50 60

'asri {lali 'arbi xamsi 'asti

NUMERALS 70

§6Ji

80

tmani

90

ta~Ji

223

The -i ending in the tens is derived historieally from *-in, which was the status absolutus of the maseuline plural. 12.1.4. Hundreds

100 200 300 400

Jumma tre Jumma tIa!a Jumma JarbJa Jumma ete.

Note that the word Jumma 'hundred' is treated as maseuline in gender, although historieally it is feminine. In natural speech the phrases for 200 and above are usually eombined into a single stress unit and the initial J u_ ofJumma is elided, e.g. tre-mma (F:112), !la!a-mma (F:112), ta~Ja-mma (F:l). 12.1.5. Thousands 1,000 2,000 3,000 4,000

Jalpa tre Jalpa tIa!a Jalpa JarbJa Jalpa, ete.

12.1.6. Combination ofnumerals Cardinals are eombined by the eonjunetion W-. Units are plaeed before tens, otherwise the arrangement is in deseending order, e.g. Jarba-w Jasri 'twenty-four' (B:3), xamma~ w-arbi l 'forty-five' (F:90), Jumma-w {la!a-w Jasri 'one hundred and twenty-three', Jalpa-w ta~Ja-mma-w xa-w-~oJi '1971' (S:104). 12.1.7. Cardinals with pronominal suffixes Distinet forms of the eardinals 2-10 are used when they are eombined with a pronominal suffix. Note that the stress is generally plaeed on the base of the numeral rather than on the suffix. There are two alternative forms for the numeral '2' in these eonstruetions:

224

CHAPTER TWELVE

tarwenan tarwaxun tarwehan

'the two of us' 'the two ofyou' 'the two ofthem'

tarwalnenan tarwalnaxun tarwalnehan

'the two ofus' 'the two ofyou' 'the two ofthem'

3

{lalnenan {lalnexun {lalnehan

'the three ofus' 'the three ofyou' 'the three ofthem'

4

Jarbalnenan Jarbalnexun Jarbalnehan

'the four of us' 'the four ofyou' 'the four ofthem'

5

xamsalnenan xamsalnaxun xamsalnehan

'the five of us' 'the five ofyou' 'the five ofthem'

6

Jastalnenan Jastalnexun Jastalnehan

'the six ofus' 'the six ofyou' 'the six ofthem'

7

soJalnenan soJalnexun soJalnehan

'the seven of us' 'the seven of you' 'the seven ofthem'

8.

tmanyalnenan 'the eight of us' tmanyalnexun 'the eight of you' tmanyalnehan 'the eight ofthem'

9.

tasJalnenan 'the nine ofus' tasJalnenexun 'the nine ofyou' tasJalnehan 'the nine ofthem'

2

10. Jasralnenan Jasralnexun Jasralnehan

'the ten ofus' 'the ten ofyou' 'the ten ofthem'

NUMERALS

225

12.2.0rdinals A distinct ordinal form is used for 'first', viz. qamaya, fs. qameja, pI. qamaya. The remaining ordinals are expressed by combining the cardinal with the genitive partic1e d-. The cardinals 2-10 have the appropriate form in accordance with the gender of the noun: 1st 2nd 3rd

4th 5th 6th

7th 8th

9th 10th

With ms. nouns qamaya d-tre da-tlaja d-arb'a d-xamsa d-asta d-so'a d-tmanya d-tas'a d-asra

With fs. nouns qameja d-tatta d-!allaj d-arba' d-xammas d-assat d-suwwa' d-tmana d-tassa' d-assar

With pI. nouns qamaya d-tre da-{laja d-arb'a d-xamsa d-asta d-s6'a d-tmanya d-tas'a d-tas'a

Ordinals from 11 th onwards are, likewise, expressed by the partic1e d- and the appropriate cardinal: 11 th

lih

13 th

d-xada'sar d-tr/J'sar d-!alta'sar etc.

Examples: g6ra qamdya 'the first man', bdxta qameja 'the first woman', J:talotyaja qamaya 'the first gifts', g6ra d-tre 'the second man', baxta d-tatta 'the second woman', J:talotyaja d-tre 'the second gifts'; y6ma d-arb'a-wasri 'the twenty-fourth day'. In some cases the stress is put on the partic1e d- in the phrase d-tre, resulting in the form da-tra with the reduction of the final -e to -a, e.g. y6ma d~-tra 'the second day' (K:6).

12.3. Fractions The words for 'half and 'quarter' are as folIows: 'half 'quarter'

palga carak

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226

The word carak is a loan from Kurdish. It is does not take pronominal suffixes, e.g. carak dattan 'a quarter of them'. It is sometimes given an Arabic plural pattern, e.g. tlala cawarak 'three quarters', but can also be used without plural inflection, e.g. tlala carak 'three quarters'. Other fractions may be expressed by the structure xa b- + cardinal, e.g. xa ba-tlala 'a third', xa ba-xamsa 'a fifth'. Arabic terms, however, are now commonly used for these, e.g.lull 'a third', xums 'a fifth'. Also the Arabic word rub< 'a quarter' is now more commonly used than the Kurdish word carak.

12.4. Days ofthe week xosaba trusaba tlaJisaba ~arbisaba

xamsisaba ~aruta

sabla

'Sunday' 'Monday' 'Tuesday' 'Wednesday' 'Thursday' 'Friday' 'Saturday'

The days Sunday-Thursday are derived historically from the phrases *xa b-saba 'the first in the week', *tre b-saba 'the second in the week', etc. The Itl after the vowel in ~aruta is a stop rather than a fricative since the preceding lul is the result ofthe contraction ofthe *uQ (see § 1.4.1.3.).

12.5. Names ofmonths tasri qamaya tasri da-tra ktinun qamaya ktinun da-tra ~aswa! ~a4ar

nisan ~iyar

xzirun tamuz {abax ~ilun

'October' 'November' 'December' 'January' 'February' 'March' 'April' 'May' 'June' 'July' 'August' 'September'

NUMERALS

12.6. The seasons

satwa bahdr qe!a payz{m~

'Winter' 'Spring' 'Summer' 'Autumn'

227

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

PARTICLES 13.1. Preliminary remarks

The term 'particle' is used in a broad sense to include all items that do not fall into the categories of noun, pronoun, adjective or verb. Some of the particles take nouns as their complement to express relations between elements in a clause, Others take clauses as their complement to express relations between clauses. These two classes of particle are termed 'prepositions' and 'clausal conjunctions' respectively. The large residue of particles that do not fall into one of these two classes have various disparate functions, including adverbs, quantifiers, determiners, connectives and interrogative particles. Apart from the prepositions, most particles are uninflected. We bring together here all the particles except the quantifiers and determiners, which are discussed in the chapter concerning the syntax of nominals § 14.8. 13.2. Adverbs

There is no productive adverbial inflectional ending that can be used freely to create adverbs from nouns or adjectives. The ending -al, which appears in words referring to languages such as sural 'Syriac', may possibly be derived historically from the adverbial ending *-äJil of Classical Syriac, though these words are now often treated syntactically as nouns rather than adverbs. Some adverbials have the ending -aya, e.g. qamaya 'formerly', baraya 'outside', gawaya 'inside'. This also may be derived historically from the adverbial ending *-äJil . The adverbial form qamu 'first' exhibits an ending -u, which may be derived ultimately from the ending *-ul, which is found on some adverbials in earlier Aramaic (cf. Biblical Aramaic n'l!F'l 'for the second time'). Some adverbs have the endings -a or -ela, which may be identified with the masculine and feminine singular nominal inflections, e.g. qama 'forwards', Mlra 'backwards' (cf. qama 'the front', Mlra 'the back'),

PARTICLES

229

qamela 'formerly'. Indeed these are sometimes accompanied by prepositions: ~al-qama, ~al-balra, ~ab-qamela. We give here a fuH inventory ofthe adverbial particles. (i) Spatial adverbs ~axa

tama ~aJ->il,

l-il

~al-tix

roma eal-)baraya eal-)gawaya qama Mlra

'here' 'there' 'above; beyond' 'below' 'upwards' 'outside' 'inside' 'forwards' 'backwards'

(ii) Temporal adverbs 'now' 'today' barma~a 'in the evening' 1 t3mmal 'yesterday' la13mmal 'the day before yesterday' laJ/a13mmal 'three days ago' rMma, Mma 'tomorrow' « *ramf + yoma) m-xu~ka, xu~ka 'in the moming, this moming'2 qadamta 'in the early moming' 'formerly' qamaya 'formerly' (b-)qamela 'first' qamu 'afterwards, then' (ba-)dwaye 'early' qalla 'last year' ~3tqa daha

~adyo, ~ajjo

1

2

The form rmaJiJ eannot be used on its own as a noUll. The noun ramJa, whieh has the meaning of 'evening' in earlier Aramaie, is used in the dialeet to refer speeifieally to 'evening prayer'. The word XiJJka 'darkness', whieh is cIearly related to the expression (m-)xuJka, is distinguished from it by the quality of the internal vowel. The word ~apra, which in earlier Aramaie has the sense of 'morning', is used in the dialeet to refer specifieally to morning prayers (§20.2.3.).

CHAPTER TlllRTEEN

230 ta/la qelax najas Jabad Jannaqla Je-gaha

'two years ago' 'rarely' 'immediately' 'never' 'on this occasion, in this case' 'at that time'

(iii) Interrogative adverbs Jeka kela leka m-/eka Jjmma m-jmma djx Jjkma ma-qiid(a) qay

'where? whither?' 'where?' 'whither?' 'whence?' 'when?' 'since when' 'how?' 'howmany?' 'howmuch?' 'why?'

(iv) Adverbs ofmanner htidax qalla hedi

bös

'thus' 'quickly' 'slowly' 'weIl'

13.3. Prepositions

Prepositions are either placed directly before a nominal or are combined with the partic1e d, which is sometimes bonded to the end of the preposition. Tbe practice of combining the preposition with d is not completely consistent and is not found at all with some prepositions. Monosyllabic prepositions are frequently linked with their nominal complement in one stress group. This is always the case with those that have a base consisting of a single consonant, such as b- 'in', 1- 'to'. Most prepositions can take pronominal suffixes. These are the simple series of pronominal suffixes that are attached to nouns (§ 7 .2.). In many cases a different allomorph of the preposition is used before the

PARTICLES

231

suffixes, e.g. max 'like', but maxwal(Jl-roxalxim 'You witness against yourselves' l

(Gospel 11) (5) k-amriwa b-roxalh(Jn:1 'They were saying to themselves'

(Gospel 22) Expressions of exclusivity and isolation eorresponding to English 'by myself, by yourself ete. are generaHy expressed by a eonstruetion eontaining the form xog- infleeted with the appropriate pronominal suffix rather than the form rox-. The fuH infleetion of the xog- is as foHows. Note that the plural suffixes are ofthe series -eh(Jn, -exun and -enan: 3rd pers.ms. fs. pl.

x6g(J1,z x6gal,z xogeh(Jn

2 nd pers.ms.

x6gux x6gax xogexun

fs. pl. 1sI pers. sing. pl.

x6gi xogenan

The form xog- either stands independently or is eombined with the preposition l-, e.g. (6) bas-anh(J xogeh(J 'Only they by themselves' (F:64) (7) maya pefiwa l-xogeh(Jn l 'The water stayed by itself (B:115) (8) I,zammam k-ogiwal(J l-x6g(J1,z naqtala l-baraY(J1 'They would l

sometimes build the bathroom by itself outside' (S: 106) (9) >il(J gupta k-ogfla l-xogal,z.1 'There is eheese that they make by

itself (S:72) The reciproeal pronoun ggag(J may be the direet objeet of averb, the eomplement of apreposition or the eomplement of the genitive particle din a nominal phrase. (i) Direet objeet (10) >u-k(J-mbarki ggag(J1 'And they bless one another' (K:46) (11) qa!liwa gga# 'They fought eaeh other' (B:64)

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

275

(12) nasa riha ggaf!a l 'People supported each other' (S:27) (13) hal-daha lewetu q,ila ggaf!iJ?1 'Until now you have not beaten

each other?' (Play 37) (ii) Complement of apreposition (14) 'ahi-la {laJa ~oqawat ris iJggaf!iJ,1 'This consists ofthree boxes

on top of each other' (K:33) (15) k-saqiJlliJ m-masta-wl baz~qliJ max-ggQ4iJl 'He takes it (the seed) with his fist and casts it evenly (literally: like each other)' (S:35) (16) tre k-atwlwa l 'u-gu 'aqlaJ1iJ1qe~iwa b-ggaf!a. 1'Two people used

to sit, while touching each other with their feet' (B: 174) The reciprocal pronoun combined with the preposition b- often has the sense of 'together': (17) 'u-gadliwalhiJ biJ-ggaf!a. 1'And they would plait them together'

(B:35) (18) 'ane piJrktiniJ g-mo'/iwalhiJ biJ-gga# 'They would insert the "idols" together' (B: 183) (19) '~mma t-~a$~lhiJ k-talbi b-ggaf!iJ b-urxa m~ndil 'When it

happens that they have to search together for something on the road' (F:I03) (iii) Genitive particle (20) ganwiwa burumyaJiJ d-gga# 'They would steal each other's

pots' (B:17) (21) q,al diJ-ggaf!iJ 'Fighting each other battle (i.e. battle)'

Reciprocal actions can also be expressed by constructions with xa (f. gf!a) 'the one' and XiJnna (f. xiJrta) 'the other', e.g. (22) xa ganuwwa burumJiJd x~nnal 'One would steal the pot of

another' (B: 17) (23) xa k-zal eka-x~nnal 'One goes to the house of another' (K:5) (24) gga b-m~akya x~rtal 'One woman was talking to another'

(K:48)

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CHAPTER FOURTEEN

(25) grja k-iyawa tuta m-qab~l xarta l 'One woman was sitting

opposite another' (K:68) 14.6. Annexation constructions

As described in § 10.15.1., when one noun is annexed to another by means of the particle d, the first noun in the phrase, i.e. the nomen regens, may undergo a certain phonetic reduction or it may retain its original form. In the majority of cases it undergoes reduction in the form of the centralization of a final lai vowel to I~/. In such cases the particle d is generally syllabified with the first noun if the second noun, the nomen rectum, begins with a consonant. The two constructions, therefore, may be represented by the two variant phrases klaw~d qafa and kplwa d~-qafa 'the book of the priest.' These are recursive and more than two nouns may be connected together in annexation, e.g. bab~d )ax6n~d )ammi 'the father of the brother of my mother' (B:25), dukl~d I:tfarJ~d liixma 'the place of the storage of bread' (B: 15). In such annexation chains, the two aforementioned types of construction may be combined, e.g. darmana )~d-garw~d torala 'the medicine ofthe mange of cows' (F:46). The first element in the klaw~d qafa construction may consist of two or more nouns conjoined together by the coordinative particle )u-, in which case the -~d ending is attached to the last noun, e.g. wanat-u toral~d Bagded~ 'the sheep and cows ofBagded;}' (F:l). The structural difference between the klaw~d qafa construction and the klawa d~-qafa construction reflects different degrees of prosodie bonding between the nouns. The first noun in the klawa d~-qafa construction is prosodically more independent than the first noun in the klaw~d qafa construction. This is reflected by the fact that an intonation group boundary would not normally fall immediately after a nomen regens in a klaw~d qafa construction, but this is quite possible in the case of one in a klawa d~-qafa construction, e.g. c~r6x~d galda l )~d-baqorl 'shoes of skin, of cattle' (B:34), Ju-m-xalwa k-orjiwa mafxal d-arw~1 'From yoghurt they used to make oil ofsheep' (B:121). This difference in prosodie connection is generally used by the speaker to express a difference in semantie connection between the two nouns in an annexation construction. The second noun in a klawa d~-qafa construction usually has a greater degree of semantic independence from the first noun than is the case in a klaw~d qafa construction. This is clearly seen in examples such as (1), where the second noun represents new information whereas the first noun has been mentioned previously.

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

277

The newly introduced referent ofthe nomen rectum is given greater focus grammatically by using a kJawa diJ-qaJa construction: (1) b-Mla g-loJiwa paJma,l paJma da-Jula. 1 ~ana taxarna bliJ ~iJb-BagdediJ,1 biJ-l-xamslniit,1 biJ-s-sittlndt,' guriJ badewa g-loJiwa palma da-camra' 'At work they wore a paJma, a paJma for work. I remember weH how in Bagded~ in the fifties and sixties the men began to wear a paJma of wool.' (B: 167-8) Similar cases are (2) and (3), in which the nomen rectum of a kJawa da-qaJa construction is itself a nominal phrase consisting of two nouns annexed in a kJawad qaJa construction. This latter nominal phrase is the focus of new information and the speaker expresses this grammatically by separating it from the first noun, which represents old information: (2) ~u-~atlan ~i4a xanna,1 ~i4a raba l ~ahu-la ~ida da-qyamtad maran. 1 'We have another festival, the "great festival", that is the festival ofthe resurrection ofOur Lord.' (K:7) (3) kiJm-amarra: k-maJCzxxiJ darmana.' kam-amarra: may-liJ darmana?' kiJm-amarriJ k-maJCzxxiJ d(zrmana ~ad-garwad torala.' 'He said to hirn "We shaH bring the (necessary) medicine". He said to hirn "What medicine?" He said to hirn "We shaH bring the medicine of the mange of cows".' (F :46)

Note also (4), where the kJawa da-qaJa construction is used in a situation in which the syntactic bond between the nomen regens and nomen rectum is loosened since the nomen rectum consists of two coordinated items separated from the nomen regens by a negative particle: (4)

za piJJli-ba qatta,' la d-xa!tlJa-w za d-s~arta.1 'It does not have remaining in it a stick neither ofwheat nor ofbarley.' (B:62)

On some occasions, the kJawa diJ-qaJa construction is used to express a strong assertion of the phrase as a whole in order to make it the focus of special attention. In (5) below, for example, the nominal 'the clothing of women' is a central component of the discourse toric of the foHowing clauses and so is given prominence by the speaker. In (6) 'the food of 5

As explained in n.4, I am adopting the view that the 'discourse topic' is propositional in structure. The clause in this example, in fact, corresponds closely to the proposition enshrining the discourse topic of what folIows, in that it subsumes the general content of the propositions expressed by the following clauses.

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CHAPTER FOURTEEN

people' is presented assertively since it is an unexpected phenomenon that horses should eat it: (5) da-Je!ri l ml:zakinaya can-lusta 'tJd-'linstJ. 1 '1 shall tell Geoffrey about the clothing ofwomen' (B:152) (6) 'am-molpi susawala stayad caraql 'u-xalad bSfl,[a d-nastJ. 1'They teach the horses to drink arak and eat the food ofpeople' (F:66) The klawa da-qasa construction is also found in sentence adverbials that mark a reorientation in the discourse by setting the temporal framework for the ensuing clauses. The prominence of these is also expressed by separating them from the what follows in their own intonation group: (7) yoma da-tra l 'On the second day .. .' (K:6) (8) yoma da-!lala l 'On the third day .. .' (K:39)

The nomen rectum in the klawa da-qasa construction has more syntactic independence from the nomen regens than is the case in the klawad qasa construction and may be separated from the nomen regens either by the insertion of some intervening material (9-10) or by fronting it to the beginning of the clause (11). All such constructions give greater informational prominence to the nomen rectum. They are common in the poetry ofthe text corpus: (9) 'ab-qala ~apya da-zamira l 'With the pure sound of the pipe' (Poetry 2) (10) malela da-xlulana l 'It is a town ofweddings' (Poetry 4) (11) da-raxmula k-oga 'iga,l malan,l 'u-da-stama k-pesa yawanta l 'It

makes a festival of love, our town, and becomes a dove of peace' (Poetry 18) The nomen rectum is sometimes added in a separate intonation group as an apposition to the preceding noun in order to elaborate on it (12-13) or correct it (14): (12) earoxad galda l 'ad-baqorl 'shoes of skin, of cattle' (B:34) (13) 'atlan Mla xanna,1 'ad-xamra l 'We have another profession, that ofwine' (K:18) (14) 'u-'atla balrat kamiha,l 'ad-xasab l 'It has what they call "knives", ofwood' (K:28)

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

279

(15) gug,a may-ywa?' galdat para' >ad->azza c!tdatan >ad->;JZza' k-og,fwala gug,a.' 'What was achum? The skin of a young lamb,

of a goat, usually of a goat, (B:122)

they made this into achum.'

A noun may be govemed by the annexation particle d without a preceding nomen regens. Most cases of this construction are found in predicative position after the verb 'to be' (copula, hwy) or 'to become' (pyf), e.g. (16) Ja >ag,a pafma' >as-sawi-iwa.'

«

>ad-sawi-iwa) 'This pafma

belonged to my grandfather' (F: 112) (17) >ab-jawan da-k-oyawa da-/:talana' 'in a mortar that was (made)

ofmarble' (K:23) (18) >ahi >iyawa d->;JZla.' 'It was (made) of cloth.' (K:29) (19) Bi-fpfta >ahi maJa sureja,' daha pafla kulla d-fabaka.' 'Bi-spita is a Christi an village, but now has come to belong to the fabaka

(ShiCite Muslims).' (B:180) (20) bad-pefa d-raxmuJa' >u-d-basmuJa >u-banyana.' 'It will become

(a town) of love, delight, and buildings' (Poetry 4) A nomen rectum without a nomen regens goveming it may be used in some circumstances outside of predicative position, e.g. (21) ka-mzamri da->urxaJa.' '(The people) of the roads (Le. the

wayfarers) sing' (Poetry 29)

In the Gospel translations, a pronominal genitive suffix sometimes occurs on the nomen regens that anticipates the nomen rectum. This construction is not used in everyday speech and appears to be an archaism in the Gospel translation or an imitation of Classical Syriac syntax. Examples: (22) >abra/:t ad-Dawid 'the son ofDavid' (Gospel 3) (23) b-famma/:t ad-rabbi.' 'in the name ofthe Lord' (Gospel 19) (24) fb6na/:t d-awi' 'the will ofmy Father' (Gospel 53)

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280

14.7. Attributive adjectives

Attributive adjectives that modify a noun are placed after it and agree with it in number and gender, e.g. kipa raba 'a big stone' (K:75), tobba zurta 'a small ball' (K:31), q(WiJ zoriJ 'small pieces' (B: 144). If a pronominal suffix is used, this is placed on the noun rather than on the adjective at the end ofthe phrase, e.g. belan )atiqa 'our old house' (S: 104), beliJl) raba 'his big house', SUSiJl) koma 'his black horse.' The adjective may have material dependent on it, usually in the form of a prepositional phrase, e.g. mala qaruta I-BagdediJ1 'a town close to Bagdeda' (F:7), duka ral)uqta can-mala 'a place distant from the town' (F:112). An adjective normally occurs together with the noun it modifies in the same intonation group. On some occasions, however, it is placed in a separate intonation group, which gives a greater degree of informational prominence to the adjective. It is often appropriate to translate such constructions by a non-restrictive relative clause, e.g. (1) maciJdiJd para' zora,l d-Ia k-awiJ MCd mi$a xfJlya l 'the stomach of a lamb (which is) young, which has not yet sucked milk' (B:I13) (2)

tXlliJ zubun k-oyawa saxtal mnuqasta.1 'Under the zubun there was the saxta, (which was) decorated. (B:160)

(3) I)ubbaybdt )iJd-dfJhwa,1 mfJlYiJ m-samca l 'granules of gold,

(which were) full ofwax' (B:27) The adjective may be separated from the noun it modi fies by intervening material. In such constructions the adjective is often in aseparate intonation group from that of the noun, e.g. (4)

b-dariJt maya b-gawiJl) qaririJ1'You would put cold water in it'

(B:124) (5) biJ-gga-)urxa,1 yaCni Ia jalil can BagdediJ ral)Oqta l 'on a road, not very far from Bagdeda' (F: 13) (6) biJd-MhiJr zona d-roxala l b-riJxmula mfJlYiJ mfJlYiJ mfJlYiJ1 'The time ofthe souls that are full oflove will shine out' (Poetry 8)

In some isolated cases, the noun may be connected to an adjective by the annexation particle d. This is found, for example, before the adjective ml)aqqa 'true' (see §11.7.): xabra diJ-ml)aqqa l ' the true news' (F:I08), Mxta diJ-ml)aqqiJ1'a true woman' (Play 51). The adjective itself may be

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

281

modified by annexing it to a noun, e.g. gora komad pala 'a black-faced (i.e. shame-faced) man', gora xwarad kosa 'a white-heared man', xLlJi smoqta da-palai 'my rosey-faced sweet-heart' (Poetry 3). In a few cases, an adjective is placed before the noun. This applies to the Kurdish loan-word xos 'good', e.g. xos>ammalal 'good mothers' (Play 120), which is no doubt influenced by the original Kurdish syntax (possibly via Iraqi Arabic). In other cases, the place of the adjective before the noun appears to be restricted to emotionally charged phrases, e.g. maskina gdedaya 'the poor inhabitants of Bagded~' (B:68). In such cases the preposed adjective is sometimes connected to the noun by the particle d-, e.g. m~u~yad xamyanil 'my departed father-in-Iaw' (literal1y: who is protected) (Play 13), b-aga hajimad macra{ 'in this accursed (literally: collapsed) showroom' (Play 107). An adjective may be used without a head noun in two circumstances: (i) When it is in predicative position, e.g. basimeLal 'It is delicious' (B:121), soti daha xt;rteLa 'my grandmother is beautiful' (S:lO), )aqLalha yarix-inal 'Their legs are long' (K:84). (ii) When it is used a referential expression and treated syntactically as a noun, e.g. zora ka-sta)ar 'the small (grain) falls through (the sieve)' (B:144), )ila tre bPal sqoL rabla l )u-haLLi zurta 'There are two eggs. Take the big one and give me the small one.' In such cases it may be combined with a demonstrative pronoun: )arji xaltal 'The new one' (Play 63), ana zara l 'The small ones' (Play 109)

14.8. Non-attributive modifiers

Nouns are also modified by a number of words that do not denote attributes. These include quantifiers, determiners and interrogative particles. Many of these are invariable in form and some are placed before the noun. 14.8.1. )ay 'any'

This particle, which is no doubt a loan from Arabic, is an indefinite modifier that is used in positive clauses, e.g. )ag-dar;tLa Pay garma,1 )ay ga/da,! k-mapsar )ay xaLiyya. 1'(When) you put it on any bone or any skin, it melts any cell.' (F:47). It may be placed before the indefinite particle xa when this is used as an independent nominal, e.g. )ay-xa d-ila mar)a ~ababal 'Any one who is ill with pustules .. .' (S: 16). It should be

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distinguished from the particle §7.3.).

~ay

that functions as a demonstrative (see

14.8.2. kud 'each, every'

This is used before a singular indefinite noun and has a distributive sense ('each of the items of the set named by the noun'), e.g. kud-ita 'each church' (B:177), kud sa~ta 'each year' (B:I0l), b-kud malal 'in each village' (F:89). It is used with the particle xa 'one' when this stands independently and functions as a noun, e.g. kud-xa cmaklJ b-ditkJl:z 'each one withered in his place' (F:33), kud xa-tlJ qattal 'each one has a stick' (B:171), kad xa-iba kipanJI 'each one has stones in it' (B:185). It may also be used in a distributive sense before numerals that designate groups of entities, e.g. kad ~ista so~al 'every six or seven' (F: 103). 1

14.8.3. kulla

This is a quantifier that may be used with singular or plural nouns and placed either before or after the noun. (i) Before a singular noun: When the noun is definite, the quantifier has the sense of 'the whole of, all (of)', kalla mala 'the whole of the town' (F:75), kalla BagdedJ 'the whole of Bagded~' (B:3), kalla zar~a 'the whole of the crop' (S:36), kalla ~ar~a 'the whole earth' (Poetry 23). Before an indefinite noun the particle has the form kuli without a vocalic ending and usually has the sense of 'every', Le. the entire set of items named by the noun, e.g. b-kUlI ditka 'in every place' (F:89), kull-m?mdi 'everything' (F: 19, S:22, Play 184), kuli mal 'everybody' (B:3), kali saxta 'every spot of dirt' (F:50). It is also found in the adverbial expression kuli y6ma 'all day', e.g. k-anwa kall y6ma tiwa b-belal 'I sat in the house all day.' (ii) After a singular noun: The noun is always definite and the meaning of the quantifier is 'the whole of, all (of)', e.g. mala kalta 'the whole town' (Poetry 3), BagdedJ kulla 'the whole of Bagded~' (F:98), sa~ta kitlla 'the whole year' (B:145), sabla kitlla 'the whole week' (B:138). After a masculine noun, the quantifier sometimes has the ending -J rather than -a, e.g. y6ma kultJ 'the whole day' (B:23, S:61). This may be a vestige of a 3ms. pronominal suffix. It resembles the form of 3ms. suffix of the Lseries (-IJ) rather than that of the simple series, which has a final pharyngal (-JI:z). The corresponding 3fs. suffix would be -a, which would be homophonous with the nominal inflection -a. This 3fs. suffix should

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

283

perhaps be identified in the examples cited above, in all of which the noun is feminine. (iii) Before a plural noun: The particle in this context has the sense of 'all.' The noun is always definite and in most cases the particle has a 3pl. pronominal suffix that agrees with the noun, e.g. kulleha naJa 'all the people' (K:79), kulleha gurd mala 'all the men of the town' (F:I02), kulleha ~~rwa 'all the sheep' (B: 102), kulleha !:zujjala 'all the clothes' (B: 158). Occasionally the pronominal suffix is omitted and the particle has the form kull with no vocalic ending, or has the ending -a, which may be an epenthetic. This construction is restricted to plurals of generic nouns where all items in the class named by the noun are intended, e.g. ~abhar kulliabbawala' 'Give light to all hearts' (Poetry 2), kalla naJa 'all people, everybody' (S: 18), kulla xlulana d-mala 'all weddings of the town (i.e. any weddings)' (Poetry 27). In the constructions with pronominal suffixes, on the other hand, the noun is adefinite referential expression. This refers to a specific group of items in the class named by the noun, which can be indentified in the context. (iv) After a plural noun: The noun appears always to be adefinite referential expression rather than generic. The particle takes a 3pl. pronominal suffix that agrees with it, e.g. nafa kulleha 'all the people' (B:8), nafwala kulleha 'all the relatives' (K:45), !:zujjala kallehan 'all the clothes' (B:167). When the particle follows a noun at the beginning of a clause, the noun could sometimes be analysed as standing in extraposition with the phrase kullehan acting in the body of the clause, e.g. ~ana Mrxa didux kulleha b-g~rwa' 'Those bullocks of yours - all of them have mange' (F:46). The 10cation of intonantion group boundaries on some occasions show us, however, that the speaker considered the particle to be more closely connected to the preceding noun than to the ensuing clause. In such cases it is best to treat the particle as standing in apposition to the noun, e.g. nafwala kulleha' k-zalha l-~ita' 'all the relatives go to church' (K:45). (v) The particle mayaiso be used independently of a noun. It may be used pronominally to refer to a specific referent that is identifiable in the context. When the referent is singular the particle has the form kulla and has the sense of 'the whole of, all of, e.g. banewala kalla b-gora' 'They would build all of it with brick' (K:88), daha p~fla kalla d-fabaka' 'Now it has come to belong in its entirety to the fabaka (Shi'ite Muslims)' (B:180), kalla g-fe~iwala b-{ina 'They plastered all of it with mud' (S:112). When the referent is plural, the particle takes a pronominal suffix, e.g. k-arewa f~ra kulleha' 'They all participated in the

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round of the harvest' (S:41), fa-kul/ehan m~ud;Jrra xabra l 'So, they all sent news' (F:109), kam-madarha kul/eha l-malal 'He returned all of the them to the town' (F: 17). The pronominal suffix may be also 1pI. or 2pI., e.g. kullena k-agax 'We all know' (S:40), kullexun k-agitun 'You all know.' When it is used generically in the sense of 'everything' or 'everybody', it has the form kuli with no vocalic ending or kulla, e.g. qamayad kuli 'first of all' (B:153, B:174), tjhira qama kuli da-Maryam majdalaniyal 'He appeared before all (others) to Mary Magdalene' (Gospel 28), kulla l jamCila I-dapna l 'They gather everything to one side' (S:42), k-awe kulla wiga kulleeal 'Everybody has made kulleea' (S:85).

14.8.4./:tela, /:tel 'much, many.' This modifies either a singular noun of mass or a plural noun. It is placed either before or after the noun: (i) Before the noun: sawi }aJWal/:tel dena l 'My grandfather had much debt' (F:88), /:tela na~al }atwalha biralal 'Many people had wells' (K:87), }a_twalha Mla /:tukyala }ab-Bagdedal 'They had many stories in Bagded~' (F:118), }u-}aJWa /:tela jamaca d-k-ogiwa malxawal 'There were many people who made winnowing forks' (K:27). (ii) After the noun: maSxa /:telai 'a lot of oil' (B:123), dahwa /:tela 'much gold' (Poetry 2), }u-na~a /:telai 'and many people' (K:41), }agi }iga ma-yla mubxela }ammala /:tela?1 'Has not this hand made many mothers weep?' (F:18), sawi k-!alabwa palsa /:telai 'My grandfather had a claim of much money' (F:90). The modifier may be separated from the noun by another element, e.g. takan }iba xalya-zza /:tela. I 'But a goat has a lot of milk' (B: 104), birala }aJWalan /:telai 'We had many wells' (K:87).

(iii) The word /:tela may be used independently of a head noun. This is found where it functions syntactically as a noun, e.g. }u-zla /:telai 'and there are many' (K:50), /:t$alwala /:telai 'He had accrued much' (F:90), and when it occurs in predicative position, e.g. ma!ra bt-awa /:telai }u-bt-awa zar}a /:telai 'The rain will be abundant and the produce will be abundant' (B:13), na~ad mala /:tel-ina l 'The people ofthe town are many'. (iv) It may modify an adjective, e.g. /:tela basima kawa l 'It is very tasty' (K:67), Bagdeda l }ahi-la mala }ataqta /:telai 'Bagded~ is a very ancient town' (K: 1). It mayaIso function as an adverbial intensifier, e.g. fa-btlbad Xafzl/:tela k-yagaJ }agil 'The father ofKhalil knows this very weil' (S:36),

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

285

ag-marr J:zela l 'It hurts a lot' (B:44), ~iba d-~araq J:zela l 'It can run fast'

(K:84). 14.8.5. xa (gga f.)

This may act as an indefinite marker before singular nouns. In most cases it is placed before the noun, e.g. xa zangin 'a rich man' (K:49), xa-mfmdi 'a thing' (K:25), gga ~amma 'a mother' (F:3), gga duka 'a place' (S:26). On some occasions it is placed after the noun, e.g. J:zdl Ma 'a state' (S:7), wa~la gga 'a single piece' (K:14). The usage ofthis particle with nouns has been discussed in §14.1. It may be used independently of a noun with the sense of 'somebody', e.g. qtJUa belanl xa l 'He killed somebody in our house' (F:21), xa-mma da-k-zal Mar Qiryaqos 'When somebody goes to (the church of) Mar Qiryaqos .... ' (S:84). The masculine and feminine forms xa and gga may

be contrasted with each other and have the specific sense of 'a man' and 'a woman', e.g. xa-mma da-k-saqJlwa gga 'When a man took a woman (in marriage) .. .' (S:2). 14.8.6. xanna (f. xarta, pI. xanna) 'other'

This may be placed before or after the noun irrespective as to whether it is indefinite or definite: (i) Before the noun: xJnna mJndi lelal 'There is not another thing (= There is nothing else)' (B:167), ~Jtlan xJrta taC6lta 'We have another game' (K:35), kam-moMUa xJrta duka 'He took it to another place' (F:116), mda~rfha xarta naq/a,l 'They bring them back another time (= again)' (F:67), xJrta gaha 'another time, again' (S:76), xanna mandiyanal 'other things' (F:86), g-malewa xJnna xatta l 'They would bring other wheat' (B:61), w-ane taLlal xJnna ~O(j,alal 'the three other rooms' (S:105), w-ana xJnna caqalal satqiwa 'The other polite ones stayed quiet' (B:66). It is sometimes combined with the noun in the same stress group, with the stress falling at the end of the modifier, e.g. xanna-mandi-la l '(lt) is another thing' (Play 118). (ii) After the noun: ~Jtlan ~iga xanna l 'We have another festival' (K:7), ~Jtlan Mla xanna l 'We have another profession' (K:18), ~Jtlan ta C6lta xarta l 'We have another game' (K:33), ~ita xJrta 'another church' (K:21), ~Jtlan ~igawala xannal 'We have other festivals' (K:I0), ~ane raba xanna l d-ina mannaJ:z1 'the other important people who were with hirn' (F:63), ~agi J:zukila xJrta 'this other story' (F:20).

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(iii) The word xanna mayaiso be used independently of a head noun. It may be indefinite or definite. Examples where it is indefinite: JaJwa xlmna l 'There was another man' (F:9), Jatlan xarta k-amraxla sorwal 'We have another one (type of food - Jaxalta) called sorwa' (K:63), w-aJwa xarta Jal-palga 'and there was another in the middle' (B:155), tre xanna l 'two others' (K:33). It may have a non-specific reference and be modified by a quantifier, e.g. g-bPat xamiwa xanna?1 'Do you want a little more?' For reciprocal constructions consisting ofthe elements xa and xanna see §14.5. When definite it is always preceded by a demonstrative pronoun: baCden Jaya d-paJxa k-ewala da-Jaya xarta paJxala bas-raba. 1'Then, the one opening out (dough) gives it to the other woman, who opens it out into bigger pieces' (K:68), Jaya xarta k-iyawa k-saJra. 1 'The other one would stoke it' (K:69), w-ane xanna l da-k-ogdxxa n-nura l 'The others, which we make on the fire' (S:66). (iv) When used with words associated with time, xanna may have the meaning of 'next', e.g. xanna trusaba 'next Monday', xarta MbJa 'next week,' Jap-payas bas xarta sabJa l 'He will be good next week', xarta naqla la ka-msamaJ;nayuxl 'Next time I shall not forgive you.' 14.8.7. ger

This Arabic word is occasionally used before an indefinite noun in the sense of 'another' when the noun has non-specific reference, e.g. Jibux zonathan m-ger duka Jarzan l 'You can buy them cheaply in another place (elsewhere). ' 14.8.8. Jakma

This is a quantifier that is used before a noun as follows. (i) Interrogatively, e.g. Jakma nasa J1J b-aga beJa?1 'How many people are th~re in this house?' Jakma JaxonwaJa Jatlux?1 'How many brothers do you have?' (ii) Indicatively in the sense of 'some, several' as a plural equivalent of the indefinite partic1e xa, e.g. Jakma basäan Bagdeda JaJwalan l 'We had some orchards in Bagded;:l' (K:83). When used with this sense, it is, in fact, often combined with the indefinite partic1e xa, e.g. b-aga beJa JiJ xa-Jakma nasal 'In this house there are some people', baJar xa-Jakma yomaJa 'after several days', Jana xa-Jakma sannal 'These (last) few years' (Play 168), k-ila wigaJ; xa-Jakma xorawaJa l 'He has made himself a few friends' (Play 168),/0, pasla xa-kma sanna d-la JaqlaJa l 'So, he remained

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

287

for several years without legs' (F:59), ka-mtamtmi xa-kma tamtomyala. 1 'They mumble some mumblings' (B:45). (iii) Exclamatorily, e.g. b-famma d-alaha,1 '?Jkma 'axonwala 'atlux!1 'By God, how many brothers you have!', 'akma naqltila b'ili d-jamaCna 'iyalax!1 'How many times have Iwanted to gather your children together!' (Gospel 17). (iv) It mayaiso be used independently of a head noun in the indicative sense of 'sorne, several', e.g. fa-qay da-pafla xa-kma?1 'And why were some left alive?' (F:15), man d-ana taColyala bad-tax?Jrnal xa-'?Jkma l 'I shall mention some ofthese games' (B: 170). 14.8.9. qassa

This is a quantifier with the sense of 'a few.' It is placed before the noun, e.g. 'u-qassa xortmana-w baq?Jllal 'and some chickpeas and ful beans' (K:25). It mayaiso be used independently of a head noun, either as a noun, e.g. Mlla q?Jssa 'Give hirn less!', or as an attribute in predicative position fa-paHa nafa q?Jssa l 'The people became few' (S:24), nafa q?Jsseyewa m-malal 'The people in the town were few' (S:2), yaCni qassewa taCdmul b-p?J!sal 'Dealings in money were few' (F:86). It is also found used adverbially, e.g. m-balar g-lemila qassa qassa 'Afterwards they gather it up, little by little' (K:58), ak-palxi laxma l-farfa l qassa qassa heil da-k-payaf raqiqa l 'They spread the bread on the surface little by little until it becomes thin.' (B:133). l

l

14.8.10. qasam

This is a quantifier with the sense of 'a few.' It is equivalent in meaning and usage to qassa. It is placed before a noun, e.g. 'u-'ila qasam nafa k-ale m-Bagdeda MI Mar Benheim ba-rxafal 'There are a few people who come from Bagded::l to Mar Behnam on foot' (K: 11). In the text corpus it is more frequently used independently of a head noun in the sense of 'sorne, a little', e.g. k-6rji q?Jsam,1 k-ami gurgur zod 'They make some called 'small burghul' (B:145), Mq/i xalwa qamaya,1 qasam m-d-awa xalwa d-aJWa t?Jmmall 'They take some old yoghurt, a little ofthe yoghurt from the previous day' (B: 120), 'ana mandarunat appa baltat,1 qasam hadaxl 'u-qasam hadax 'These wheels have knives, some like this and some like that [informant indicates with his hands]' (B:58). When used

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independently in this way, it may be modified with an adjective, e.g. k-faqliwa qjstJm zora 'They take a tiny little bit' (B: 114). 14.8.11. xanawa

This is a quantifier with the sense of 'a little quantity of.' It is used with singular nouns of mass or nouns referring to abstract concepts. It may be placed either before or after the noun: (i) Before the noun: tJg-dare xanawa ba#a l 'They put in a little quantity of onion' (S:61), dtire xanawa mjfxa b-gawtJl;l 'They put in it a little oil' (S:68), 'u-kfin xanawa zjmra g_Ca!tJ g-raqga mala kulla l 'And if a little singing goes up (into the air), the whole town dances' (Poetry 12). (ii) After the noun: drihtJn CtJrfiq xanawa m-maya l 'They put in a little arak with the water' (F:70), mafte!tJ xjlya xanawa l 'They give hirn a little milk to drink. ' (iii) The word xanawa mayaiso be used independently of a head noun, e.g. la-g-darax xanawa l-aqlalux?1 'Should we not put a little on your legs?' (F:49), dri/tJ xanawa l 'They put in a small quantity' (F:53),fa-'antJ xjlhtJ xanawa l 'They ate a little bit' (F:70),fa bclltJr xanawa l 'After a short while' (F:55). (iv) It mayaiso modify an adjective, e.g. paytJs 'aga xanawa ndctJm l 'It becomes rather soft' (S:53), and act as an adverbial, e.g. 'u-xanawa l k-falqihtJ1 'They boi I them a little' (K:66), k-ami 'aga ktJ-mxaf!iltJ xanawa?1 'Do they say that this should be diluted a little?' (F:50). 14.8.12. xanawunta

This is a variant of xanawa, which is used by informant B. It is formed by adding the feminine diminutive ending -unta (see §10.6.4.). In the text corpus it is used with plural nouns and singular nouns of mass, e.g. g-zar'i xanawunta xortmantJ1 'They cultivate a few chick-peas' (B:46), 'u-darya xanawunta malxa l 'She puts in a little salt' (B: 130), g-malYa maya} xanawunta l 'She brings a little water' (B:130). It is used to modify also other elements in a clause, e.g. xanawunta btJf-l;eltJ1 'a little more (later)' (B:52). 14.8.13. ma

(i) This particle may be used as an interrogative modifier of a noun, e.g. ma calfimtJ btJd-OrjtJt 'What sign will you make?' (Gospel 43).

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

289

(ii) The partic1e mayaiso function as an exc1amatory modifier of nouns and adverbs to express either approval or disapproval, e.g. ma xabuf-ina/l 'What (good/bad) apples they are!', xze ma-$alma ~~tlax/l 'See what a cheek (literally: face) you have!' (Play 126), ma-xtira ka-mbakyatl l 'How beautifully she speaks!' (Play 56). (iii) The partic1e ma is also used before a repeated ocurrence of a plural or collective noun to make the c1ass denoted by the noun more general, e.g. xabUfa ma-xabUfa 'apples or things Iike that (e.g. other fruits)', tuna ma-tuna 'straw and things Iike that' (e.g. other agricuItural produce such as wheat, barley etc.), bujjala l ma-bujjala l 'c1othes and the Iike' (Play 178). A usage that may be related is the repetition of the noun with the first consonant changed to Iml to express the same sense, e.g. carazl marazl 'nuts and things Iike that' (Play 171). 14.8.14. qad

This may be used as a modifier of nouns in the sense of 'as much as.' It is placed before the noun, e.g. abd-axal qad xamfi nafa ~aga 'It would it a much as fifty people' (F:74),ja qad kulla mala ~abd-axlil 'It would eat as much as the whole town' (F:75). It may take pronominal suffixes in place of the noun, in which case the Idl is geminated, e.g. tatta naqla qaddab 'twice her size', {allal naqla qaddab 'three times her size', m-qaddi-la 'he is as big as me. ' 14.8.15. ma-qiida, ma-qad

This is a quantifier that may be used as a modifier of a nouns either interrogatively or exc1amatorily. The partic1e is placed at the beginning of the clause and the modified noun is generally placed at the end: (i) Interrogatively: ma-qiida g-bPat flkar?1 'How much sugar to you want?' (ii) As an exclamatory particle: ma-qad ~aJWa faxta l-aqlillab l 'How much dirt was there on his legs!' (F:54), Ja-ma-qad ag-jamCi qattalal 'How many sticks do they gather!' (= they gather many sticks) (B: 183), ma-qiida ~ila ~iyalal mpula{ha roxalad nafwallal ta Ms ~enehal 'How many boys are there who have pulled out the soul oftheir families notjust their eyes' (Play 149). The initial ma ofthe phrase may optionally be omitted, e.g. ~6 qdda ~atlan palsa l-barayll 'Oh, how much money we have outside!' (Play 113).

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(iii) It may be used independently of a head noun. This usage is found in questions conceming the price of something, e.g. ma-qiideliJ? 'How much is it?', ma-qiida >ane xabusiJ?1 'How much are those apples?' Note also ma-qad atxu gwiriJ? 'How long have you been married?' (Play 35). (iv) It is also found used as an exclamatory adverbial, e.g. ma-qad-iwa k-rax~mla' 'How much did he love her!' (S:6), Ja-ma-qad iJg-zadlwa' 'How much did they fear!' (S:23), ma-qad biJs-k-ariJq balriJ!; 'How much does he run after it! (= He runs quickly after it) (S:13); and as a clausal conjunction, e.g. BagdediJ >u-ma-qad roya,' malan,' la-nasya >{zx kalla t-oya,' malan l 'However big Bagded;} becomes, our town, it does not forget how to be a bride, our town' (Poetry 21), ma-qad ra!;qat m~nni,' ya xUla, la-g-naslnaJ 'However far you are from me, oh sweetheart, I shall not forget you' (Poetry 23), >u-ma-qad >iJJwabux palt~tlal >ahiJ(-iYiJ( qawil 'In accordance with how far you can pull it out, you are strang' (B:184). 14.8.16. zayodiJ

In origin this quantifier is astern 11 infinitive. It may modify a noun by being placed after it, in which case it has the sense of 'too much', 'in excess', e.g. >atU kaci zayodiJ1 'I have too many feIt rugs', >atU taxtala zayodiJ1'I have too many chairs', hal diJ-g-zal awa pasra zay6diJ m~nhiJl 'until the excess flesh is removed' (K: 16). It may be used independently of a head noun in the sense of 'a greater quantity', e.g. halliJ zayodiJ1 'Give hirn more!, >asri >alpiJ,' >aw zayodiJ1

'twenty thousand, or more' (B:3). When compared with a following noun, it is combined with the preposition miJn, e.g. BagdediJ,' mari zay6diJ m-xamsa-w >fJsri >alpiJ nasiJ1 'Bagded;), (a town) with more than twenty thousand people.' 14.8.17. >ema

This may be used interrogatively in the sense of 'which' , e.g. >u-b-ema >[ga k-ayiwa?1 'In which festival was this?' (K:54), or indefinitely in the sense of 'any', e.g. >u->ema mcalliJm,' mdarriJs1taliJbl kiJ-m!;akiJ manniJ!; 'Any teacher, school master or student who speaks with hirn ... ' (Play 160). 14.8.18.flan 'such-and-such'

Examples: Ja llhiJn l >ax-kud-yoml b-flan bela JaniJ tre-surtal 'So, those two policemen came every day to such-and-such a house' (F:67), mobUwa

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

291

m-Bagdeda malalan farwat da-flan duka da-simal l 'They would take furs from Bagdeda to such-and-such a place, to the North' (F:86). It can be used emphatically, as in y6ma tre lela ... flan-mandi l-gibal.z. 1'One or two days is not a such a big deal for hirn' (F:6).

The word flan and also the form flanaya, which is expanded with the gentilic ending (§10.6.3.), may be used independently ofa head noun in the sense of 'so-and-so', e.g. ma-halxu zalan xazax flan. I 'Let's go to see so-and-so' (F: 106), ~ekela flanaya?1 'Where is so-and-so?' (F: 107). 14.8.19. hadax

This word may be used as a determiner before a singular or plural noun in the sense of 'such a', 'such', e.g. tela hadax mJndil 'Such a thing does not exist' (F:78), tela nasa b-mheman hadax mandyanal 'There is nobody who believes such things' (F:79). It may be used independently of a head noun in predicative position, e.g. hadax ~iyawa malal 'Such was the town' (Poetry 1), hadax-iyewa belawala qamaya l 'Such were the old houses' (S: 112), hadax iyewa xayal;l 'such was his life' (F: 12). The word hadax is used most frequently, however, as an adverbial particle in the sense of 'in such a way, thus', e.g. hadax g-banewa l 'They would built in such a way' (S:lll), hadax kosiwa pJsral 'They preserved meat in this way' (B:151), ~awa darmana lazam hadax ka-msagall 'This medicine is supposed to work in such a way' (F:54). 14.8.20. eu

This is used as a negative determiner in the sense of 'not any.' The predicate of the clause in which it occurs is itself always negative, e.g. eu-mandi lalWala l 'He had nothing' (F:3), lel eu-mJndil 'There is nothing (no problem)' (F:34), lalWa la bmJntu l la eu-mJndi l 'There was no cement, not anything' (8:112), ~u-eu-mandi m-~a4a ~alma lena g-mabJhri?1 'And they do not give light to anything in this world?' (Poetry 9), la-g-zQda~ man-eu-nasal 'He is not afraid of anybody.' 14.8.21. la

This particle is generally used to negate a verbal predicate. It is also used as a negative determiner before the particle xa when this is used as an independent noun with an animate sense. The phrase la-xa 'nobody', therefore, is the animate equivalent of eu-mandi 'nothing. ' As with eumandi, the predicate of the clause is also negated, e.g. lelan la-xa b-or;la

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CHAPTER FOURTEEN

'There is nobody in the room', ta1Wa la-xa l 'There was nobody (there)' (F:24). When the stress falls on the la, the initial lxi is usually geminated (see §3), e.g. wa-la-xxa la-k-alCl mannil 'Nobody will come with me' (F:ll).

14.9. Comparison 0/ adjectives or adverbs Comparative constructions are formed by placing the particle bCl~ before an adjective or adverb and the item with which it is compared, if this is mentioned, is introduced by the preposition mCln or, occasionally, by (an, e.g. (1) Yaga ba~ yarixa mCln-d-ageIClI 'This one is longer than that one' (2) Yahu ba~ karya mClnna/:l-UClI 'He is shorter than her' (3)

malattan rablela,l ya(ni (an-ma1Wata surayCl kullehCln rablela 'Our town is big, it is bigger than all other Christian villages'

(4)

Yana ba~ rableyan,l ~CI-dCl-b-mbenan ba~ zurtal 'I am the older, although 1 look the younger' (Play 125)

(5) siii telCl siij,l giban tanurtela,l rabla baJ narJa/ta l 'As for the 'hot-plate', there is no hot-plate, in our community it is the oven (that is used), which is big and cleaner' (B: 138) (6) g-bti~/i bCl~-qallal 'They cook more quickly' (K:64) (7) k-ala ba~ basima Yamma da-garsatlCl m-maklna l 'It turns out more tasty when you grind it in a machine' (S:53)

Comparative degrees of nominalized adjectives are formed in the same way, e.g. (8)

tela ba~ basima m-klayalad Bagdedal 'There are none that are more delicious than the chickens ofBagded~.' (B:I06)

(9)

bacden Yaya d-palxa k-ewala da-Yaya xarta palxalCl baJ-rabal 'Then, the woman opening out (the dough) gives it to the other woman, who opens it out into bigger pieces ' (K:68)

The comparative degree of the quantifiers belCl 'a lot' and qClssa 'a little' can also be formed by baJ, e.g. (10) halla baJ /:lelCl palsal 'Give hirn more money!'

(11) halla baJ qassa palsal 'Give hirn less money!'

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

293

(12) hdlla ba~ I:zela l 'Give him more!' (13) hdlla ba~ qassa l 'Give him less!'

(14) ~ana k-ajabli mbaqranl ~em d-atla ~iy(llal ba~ I:zela m-mnala. 1 'I should like to ask, which one has more sons than daughters' (Play 127) (15) ~al-ma mrukazlax ba~ I:zela l ~ab-rab6ya d-iyala?1 'What di"d you

concentrate on the most, when bringing up the boys?' (Play 130) (16) pa~la taqriban ~ax-~qalla yarxa ba~-I:zelal 'It took almost a month more' (F:72)

The comparative degree ofthe adjectives bä~ 'good' and xriwa 'bad' are formed irregularly with the suppletive forms ba~ {O 'better' and ba~ pis 'worse', e.g.

(1 7)

~aga ba~-!o

man-d-agela 'This is better than that.'

(18) ~ahu ba~-!o mannal:z-ila 'He is better than her.'

(19)

~ahu ba~-pis

mannal:z-ila 'He is worse than her.'

(20) xazax' kiin k-agaf ba~-!ol 'We'U see whether you know better. ' (F:51) (21) ma-qad xagrat ba~-!o-lal 'The more you go round the better it

is.' (S:99) The particle ba~ sometimes functions as an intensifier of an adjective without anY necessary implication of comparison, e.g. (22) dabd~tad Bagdeda k-ewa xa du~a ba~ basima. 1 'The bee of Bagded:l gives an extremely delicious honey.' (B:II0) (23) wa-da-g-dare tuma b-gawal:z,1 k-aJYa ba~ basamta. 1 '(When)

they put garlic in it, it is extremely tasty.' (S:77) The superlative degree is expressed as foUows: (24) ~ahu ba~ yarixa m-kulleh-ilal 'He is the taUest' (literally: 'He is taU er than all ofthem') (25) ~aga ba~ I:zaziqa m-kulla malelai 'He is the strongest man in the town' (26) ~aga ~qalla ba~ I:zela m-kullehal 'He has taken the most'

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

294

(27) xalla bas /:lela m-kulleha 'He has eaten the most' l

(28) xalla bas qassa m-kulleha l 'He has eaten the least' Equality between two items may be expressed with the particle qad (§14.8.14.), e.g. m-qaddi-Ia 'He is as big as me', or with the preposition max 'like', e.g. zangin ma.x ax6na/:l-ila 'He is as rich as his brother. ' 14.10. Numerals

Cardinal numerals are placed before the counted nominal, which follows in apposition. The nominal is in the plural after all numerals above 'one', unless it is a loan-word that has not been adapted to Aramaic morphology and does not take plural inflection. The only exception to this is the word Jumma 'hundred' , which remains singular when preceded by numerals, e.g tre Jumma 'two-hundred', tlala Jumma 'three-hundred', JarbJa Jumma 'four-hundred', etc. The word Jalpa 'thousand', by contrast, is made plural after numerals, e.g. tre Jalpa 'two-thousand', tlala Jalpa 'threethousand', JarbJa Jalpa 'four-thousand', etc. The words yoma 'day' and naqla 'time, instance' have two plurals, one ending in -a (yoma, naqla) and one in -ala (yomala, naqlala). The plurals in -a tend to be used after numerals and the plural in -ala elsewhere, e.g. {lala yoma 'three days' (K:5), Jasta y6ma 'six days' (K:37), tatte-naqla 'twice' (S:34), {allal naqla 'three times' (K:46), but b-yomala d-Agosus Kaysar 'in the days of Augustus Caesar' (B:8), yomala xaraya 'the last days' (S:9), naqlala 'sometimes' (K:81). The cardinal and ordinal numerals from 1 to 10have different forms according to whether the nominal is masculine or feminine (see § 12.1.1.), e.g. xa-ybma 'one day' (F:l) - gg,a-sabla 'one week' (F:ll0), tre xmara 'two asses' (B:53) - tatte-qaplat 'two groups' (K:31), tlala ybma 'three days' (K:5) - {allal naqla 'three times' (K:53), etc. A curiosity in this respect is again the word Jumma 'hundred' , which, although historically feminine, is preceded by the forms of the numerals from 1 to 10that are used with masculine nouns. The feminine forms of the numerals 1 to 10 are used for counting in an absolute fashion, without reference to a counted item. This is illustrated by the following:

g-zal ek-ila gg,a dilka,1 g-zal ag-mana gawa/:l mnaya,1 duwarta g-zal ag-mana,1 gg,a, talta {allal, JarbaJ, xammas, Jassat, suwwaJ,

8YNTAX OF NOMINAL8

295

tmana, tana> Jassar hal xamsi Jaw-hal umma. 'The one whom they do not hit goes to where there is a place, in which he can go and count. He goes into the courtyard and counts, one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten up to fifty or up to a hundred. ' (K:32) 1

A group of numbered items may be presented as a single whole by placing xa before the phrase. The masculine form xa is used even when the counted noun is feminine, e.g. xa-tatta saJala l 'for two hours' (8:70), i.e. for aspace oftwo hours. When the number of times is left imprecise, two or more numerals are placed together asyndetically, e.g. taUa fJllal gaha 'two or three times' (8:55), baJar t!ala Jarba yomala l 'after three of four days' (F:96), Jarba xamsa gura ham 'also four or five men' (F:9), payas xamsa Jasta y6ma 'It lasts for five or six days' (K:71). These numeral expressions may be presented as a single whole by introducing them by xa, as described above, e.g. dare Jab-sJmsa l xa-tre {lala yoma l 'They put them in the sun for two or three days' (K: 17), k-male xa Jasta soJa maxwalan l 'They bring six or seven like us' (8:98). 80me expressions of multiples are as folIows: tatta naqla qadda/:l 'twice her size', {allal naqla qddda/:l 'three times her size', {allal naqla Ms raba manna/:l-ilal 'He is three times bigger than her', kam-maJila tafta naqla bas /:leta /:lalotyala m-qdd ma-d-kam-malYaICJI 'He brought her twice as many gifts as she brought hirn.' An alternative way of expressing this is kam-malila /:lalotyala Ms /:lela Jam-ma d-kCJm-malYala tatte-gaha. Expressions relating to the dock: tatt-u palga 'half past two', tatt-u carCJk 'quarter past two', tatt-u JassCJr 'ten past two', fMlal Jalla carCJk 'quarter to three', {Mlal Jalla Jassar 'ten to two.' Expressions relating to the calendar: Jarba-w Jasri b-yarxa 'the twenty-fourth of the month' (B:3), Jasta ba-kanun da-tre 'the sixth of January', b-sat xammCJs w-arM 'In the year (19)45' (F:90), m-qamela {allal JarbCJ J sannCJ 'three or four years aga' (8:23), daha m-qamCJ xamsi sJnna 'fifty years aga' (8:103), b-ana Janat suwwCJJ sanna da-fatta 'in the last six or seven years.' Numerical expressions relating to age contain the word 'umraPumra 'age', e.g. Jakma sanna Jumrux?1 'How old are you?' Jana Jarbl-sCJnn-ila Jumri 'I am forty years old.' ma-qada JumrCJ d-Jbrux?1 'How old is your son?' xadJJsar sann-ilCJ JUmrCJ/:l1 'He is eleven years old.' w-ahi 'umra/:l l /:lawall l tmanya-w tmani sannCJ hadaxl 'she is about eighty-eight years old' (literally: her age is .... ) (S: 10), (umurhCJn Jassat sanna hal-tassCJJ JassCJr l

l

1

296

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

'(those) whose age range from six years to nine or ten years' (K:33). Percentages are expressed as follows: xa m-umma '1%', ~umma m-umma '100%',xamsi m-umma '50%', ete. A unit of measure that is preeeded by a numeral is generally followed by the item that is measured in apposition, e.g. xa-tre d6lkat maya' 'one or two jugs of water' (F:52), lazam darat tre-~alpa santam' maya' 'You must add two thousand eentimetres ofwater' (F:51). Cardinal and ordinal numerals may be used independently of a head noun, e.g. Ja-xa-y6ma Jihan tre' 'One day two men eame' (F:23), qamaya gdali,' d~-tra gdaluX 'The first is for me and the seeond is for you', ~ahu qamaya mtila' 'He arrived first', ~ahu mtila da-tra' 'He arrived seeond.' s~nna

14.11. Adverbial expressions

Many nominals are used with the funetion of adverbials without an explicit marking oftheir relation by apreposition. The majority of these are temporal expressions, e.g. xa-yoma 'one day' (F:1), y6ma m-yomala 'one day' (S:12), y6ma qamiiya 'on the first day' (K:5), y6ma da-tra 'on the seeond day' (K:6), y6ma kulla 'the whole day' (B:23), t/ala ~arba yoma 'for two or three days' (F:98), qeta' ~u-si:Jtwa' 'in the summer and the winter' (B:22), si:J'la 'for an hour' (F:27), t~s~i s~nna 'for ninety years' (B:127), t?lllal naqla 'three times' (K:46), naqla xarela 'for the last time' (S:5), naqLala 'sometimes' (K:81, B:65, S:93), naqla b-sata 'onee a year' (B), waqta da-x~a4a 'at the time ofthe harvest' (S:40), (umra!:z 'throughout his life' (B:127), x~rta Mbla 'next week', Mbla da-J~tla 'last week.' In a few such temporal adverbials the nominal is in the absolute state with no infleetional vowel, e.g. palgad y6m 'at midday' (K:40), kud-yom 'on everyday' (F:67), ~~dyo 'today' (B:65). Temporal adverbial expressions with prepositions are also used. Some of these are parallel to the phrases eited above, e.g. ~ab-s~twa 'in the winter' (K:81), ba-naqLala 'sometimes' (B:137, B:150). Certain nouns relating to time are regularly used with prepositions when used adverbially. These include the singular nouns xuska 'moming', (a~riyya 'evening' and lela 'night', e.g. ~am-xuska (K:40), b-xuska (K: 16) 'in the moming', b-Lela 'at night' (F: 1), ba-(a~riyya 'in the evening' (B: 16).

SYNTAX OF NOMINALS

297

Occasionally nouns are used without prepositions as adverbials of space. This is found rnainly with beia 'house, horne' and palga 'rniddle', e.g. (1) qtalla beianl xa l 'He killed a person in our house.' (F:21) (2) gdedaya l tuna xazanwa beia b-bayegal 'An inhabitant of Bagded::l would store straw at horne in a store-roorn.' (B:67) (3) sa~ta kulla-tlan gupta beial 'Throughout the year we have cheese at horne.' (B:116) (4) k-ogawalhan agdiSa,l palga! J;aqal l 'She made thern into a pile in the rniddle ofthe field.' (B:93) (5) g-dareha palgad kuheba cala-mu-d peJi J;azlqa l 'They put thern in the rnidst of the rneat-balls in order for thern to becorne strong.' (S:51) (6) J;arjira k-ogiwa man d-aga qada budraial 'In the depot they rnake piles ofthis produce.' (B:91)

Due to the preponderance of beia and palga in these constructions, it is possible apreposition b- has becorne phonetically inaudible by assimilation to the initial consonant of the word, which would be particularly prone to happen before a labial. Parallel exarnples can be found in which the preposition is perceptible, e.g. 'ab-beia 'at horne' (B:51, S:89), p-palgad labbi 'in the rniddle of rny heart' (Poetry 22), g-darewa jalas ap-palgaJ;1 'They used to put a coin in the rniddle of it' (K:30). One sporadically finds a noun without apreposition that expresses a destination after a verb of rnovernent, e.g. kam-saqalha beia l 'He took thern horne' (F:108). In most cases, however, the preposition I-is used in such contexts, e.g. g-da~ri I-heia 'They return horne' (K:40), k-maieha I-beia l 'They bring thern horne' (K:76). Adjectives are occasionally used as adverbials ofrnanner. These are always rnasculine singular, irrespective of the gender or nurnber of the subject ofthe clause, e.g. (7)

wulla bas-xayar yarixa b-babaJ;1 'He looks long at his father.' (Play 141)

(8) ya-ga ma-xtira ka-mJ;akyatf l 'Look, how beautifully she speaks!' (Play 56) (9) k-jetan qamaya I-beia l 'I shall go horne first.' (Play 29)

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

298

(10) I;.atta t-ayapptJ d-raxsi tqUa l 'so that they could walk steadily.'

(Play 182) (11) k-ila k-saJra I;.azlqa talga l 'It is snowing heavily.'

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

THE SYNTAX OF VERBS 15.1. The function of the verbal forms derived/rom the present base

The verbal forms are categorized here according to their structure. The categories include the form qa{tJl and a variety of forms that are derived from this by the attachment of prefixed or suffixed particles, viz. k-qa{al, k-qa{alwa, qa{alwa, bad-qa{al, bad-qa{alwa, kam-qa{al. In addition to these, there is a range of verbal forms derived from the present base that arise from the combination of one of the forms just cited with a form of the verb 'to be', viz. k-ila k-qa{al, k-iwa k-qa{al, k-awtJ k-qa{al, k-awiwa k-qa{tJlwa, bad-awa k-qa{al, k-iwa ktJm-qa!tJl, k-awa kam-qa{al. For convenience of reference, these designations, which are stern I forms, are used to refer also to equivalent structures in stern 11 , stern III and quadriliteral verbs. 15.1.1. k-qa!al

This form expresses an indicative mood in contrast to the form qa!al without the particle k-, which functions as a subjunctive. When the present base ofthe verb begins with a consonant, however, the k- prefix is often elided in normal fast speech and so the structural distinction between the indicative and the subjunctive is lost. In verbs beginning with the weak radicals PI and Ihl, however, the k- prefix is regularly preserved and the initial radical is generally elided, e.g. k-axltJn 'I eat' Cxl), k-ogan 'I make' Cwff), k-ewtJn 'I give' (hw). In many NENA dialects, the prefix k- is regularly omitted in roots beginning with a consonant. The situation in the dialect of Qaraqosh reflects a transitional stage towards this. In what follows, forms in the text corpus that begin with a consonant and have no k- prefix are categorized as k-qa!al on the basis of their function. In most cases the k-qa!al form expresses an imperfective aspect. Its tense reference is relative rather than absolute and is dependent on the context. Its basic, default tense, however, is the present. The following usages can be distinguished.

300

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

(i) It may express an imperfective habitual aspect with present tense reference, i.e. the deictic centre of the tense is the time of speaking, e.g. (1) yoma da-tra l ~ak-paltax ~al-baraya,l ~al-derad Mar Benham l ~aw-dera m-Mar Matti. 1 ~u-k-zalan k-Mqlax ~axala miJnnan,l kubeba ~u-dolma.1 ~u-k-raqgai ~u-k-mwunsai ~u-k-zamrai 'On the second day we go out to the monastery of Mar Benham or the monastery of Mar Matti. We go and we take food with us, kebabs and dolma. We dance, have a good time, and sing.' (K:6) (2) ~u-tama ka-ma!e gdedaya,1 ba-rxaJa kulleha k-zalha. 1 ~u-ka-m~ale,1 k-ogi qudafa b-f~la-~assarl ~u-k-atwil k-axli ~u-k-Mte ~u-k-64i palo~al 'The inhabitants of Bagded~ arrive there, they all go on foot. They pray, they hold mass at ten o'clock and sit down. They eat, drink and share things.' (K:13) (3) g-maIax galda l ... zoniha m-Mo~ul,1 ~u-g-maIehan Bagdeda. 1 ~ag-bafriha,1 g-dare fap leha,1 ~u-ka-mxalliha, markxiha m-maya,1 ~u-g-bafriha,1 baana zaLhan kullehan,' >axar mandi' qsamliar.,' kud >i~ta ~o>a' k-zaL b-gg,ii->urxa' 'They all set off and finally split up, every six or seven men going on a (different) road.' (F:I03) (14) pana tlwa ~a>la,' tatta,' naq/a k-maryaLha f!iirta-w' naqLa cay-u' naqLa qiihwa' 'They remained seated for an hour, two (hours), while she brings them first breakfast, then tea, and then coffee.' (F:27)

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

302

The c1ause in which the k-qa!al verb occurs is sometimes an elaboration on or explanation of some event expressed by a past verb, e.g. (15) kam-amzra: 1ma-tlax k-~oyat?1 mira: La, leI cu-mJndi,lla~annahu k-ada soti kdn k-amala b-naxarra b-beial 'He said to her "Why are you shouting?" She said "No. There is nothing the matter". (She said this) because my grandmother knows that if she tells hirn, he would slaughter them on the spot.' (F:34)

(16) fa-lJ,aramiyya d-ilrj,i maia k-iyewa hajima I-Bagdeda.1fa-rxasel-u ~arxos d-uwanat fa-k-saqal waqat yail hal-l-tl~ 'As soon as he has gone to sleep, they paint hirn, from top to bottom' (K:44) 15.2.2. q{alwala

This form may be used as a pluperfect, in that it expresses explicitly that the event is temporally anterior to past events expressed by the q{alla or k-qatalwa forms, e.g. (1)

'u-'alWa qameIa k-zawalha 'al-bi-guba,l 'u-m-bi-guba k-zawalha a/->enad da-ka-maslJ.ewala qadaJta Sara,l 'ab-maya 'ad-iyewa

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

320

sarya da-platwala nrJafta max dahwa 'In fonner times there l

l

were some who went into tunnels, and by the tunnels they went to the spring where they bathed Saint Sarah, in the water that was dirty, - (Saint Sarah) who had come out pure as gold' (K:12) (2) /.l$alwala /.lela l saqwal dena la-xxa l qurgaya,1 sawi k-!alabwa palsa /.lela l 'Much had accumulated, a debt had accrued against

a certain Kurd. My grandfather was elaiming much money' (F:90) Sometimes the purpose of using the q!alwala fonn is not necessarily to mark temporal anteriority and so it is not appropriate to translate it with an English pluperfect. Rather it is used to present an event with a more distant, backgrounded perspective, if it is judged to stand outside the main narrative line. This is an illw;tration how narrative verb fonns express not only different tenses, i.e. different degrees of temporal distance from the deictic centre of the speaker, but can also be used to express different degrees ofperspective or staging. We have already seen how the k-qa!al fonn, which has adefault present tense reference, may be used to express events with a elose perspective, when they are judged to be prominent in the narrative line. In some cases a q!alwala fonn that is used in this way introduces a section of background material and is continued by one or more q!alla fonns. Examples: (3) ~ci4a briwala b-sat xammas w-arbi 'This happened in the year l

forty-five.' (F:90) This is a background comment regarding the setting ofthe ensuing narrative (4) baCdenjiwalhal nasad maja datta,l rabad maja datta l ~al-Bagdeda l-giban l ~u-biha d-saqli jarl 'Then, the people of their town together with the head of their town came to us in Bagded::l and wanted to take revenge.' (F:43) This is a supplementary section that is appended at the end of the narrative, after the main drama has been related. (5)

zalwala cam-Yusul ~u-muxtar Bi-Ba/.lina,l ~aga muxtarad Bagdeda b-waqta/.ll 'Unele Yusuf went together with the head

of the town (known as) Bi-BaQina, who was the leader of Bagded::l at that time.' (F: 11 0) This is presented as background infonnation on the narrative.

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The q{alwala form mayaiso be used in a section that presents background to expository, descriptive discourse. The description of the customs and traditions of Bagded;} by informant K, for example, is preceded by a section that concems the introduction of Catholicism into the town. This contains several q{alwala forms, which should not necessarily be interpreted as expressing temporal anteriority to other past verbs in the discourse. A large amount of the descriptive text, in fact, is presented in the present tense with k-qa{al verb forms. The use of q{alwala forms is rather a reflection of the fact that the section is considered by the speaker to present background to what follows. Some of the q{alwala forms are continued by q{alla forms: (6) Bagdeda l 'ahila mala 'atfJqta /;leb. 1 ya'fJlwala kaliaka 'alla/;ll (an-'urxad da-xxa l samma/;ll Mar Yo/;lanna Dilemi.1'ahu mu'fJlla kaliaka 'alla/;l.1 'ahu mu'fJlla kaliaka 'alla/;l.1 'u-bniwala dera,! k-amriwala derad Mar-Qur{aya,! .,. 'u-wugwala ~awmacl 'u-ba(den lila la-Bagdeda,1 qrula l-Bagdeda,! 'u-mu'fJlla kaliaka 'alla/;ll 'Bagded;} is a very ancient town. Catholicism entered it by means of one named Mar Yobanna Dilemi. He brought Catholicism into it it. He built a monastery, which was called the monastery of Mar Qurtaya .... He made acelI. After this he came to Bagded;}, he came close to Bagded;} and brought Catholicism into it.' (K: 1-3) In general, therefore, we can say that the q!alla and q!alwala forms express different degrees of distance from the deictic centre of the speaker, whether this be temporal distance or distance in staging perspective. Since the distinction is often not one of temporal distance, the translation of q{alwala with the English pluperfect is often inappropriate. It should be pointed, moreover, that even when the intended distinction is temporal, the q{alwala form is also used in some cases in a way that does not correspond to the English pluperfect. When sentences are elicited from informants, most informants prefer to use q!alwala to translate an English preterite referring to an action with no present relevance, e.g. zalwala tammal 'He went yesterday', whereas they use the q{alla form to render the English present perfect, e.g. zalla daha 'He has gone Gust) now'. When the q{alla form is used to express the main narrative chain of events, therefore, this is likely to be presenting the events with a closer perspective than is the case with the English preterite.

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15.3. The verb 'to be'

The verb 'to be' can be expressed in various ways. These include the enclitic copula, the emphatic copula and a form of the verb hwy. In general, these perform different functions. 15.3.1. The enclitic present copula The enclitic copula tends to be used when the predicate expresses a permanent property of the subject or is identificatory, e.g. ~abraJ; bdJ-ilal 'His son is good', ~awa gora ~abraJ:zilal 'That man is his son'. In such cases the subject is definite with a specific referent. Examples from the text corpus: (I) ~ana ~anJal tarweha !attimat-ina l 'These women are both gossips.' (K:48) (2) ~ara braxtela l 'The land is blessed.' (S:48) (3) ~aqzalha yarix-ina l 'Their legs are long.' (K:84) (4) 'ahu l 'igaJ; skinelal 'He - his hand is a knife.' (F:34) (5) 'aga paJmad ... d-YaCqub-ila?1 'Is this the pasma of Ya'qub?' (F:I13)

The present enclitic copula sometimes has a past tense reference in clauses that are syntactically subordinated to or closely associated with a clause with a past verb form, e.g. (6) b-ana 'alna l kam-Jama'la Putrus ~61u qal da-~wa,ya,lla'annahu ballatta qarutela l-ballattan l 'At that point, Putrus )Olu heard the sound of shouting, for their door was opposite our door.' (F:32) (7) m-balar ma da-mtila daraja l benaJ; al-banha l ~annahu niyatta xrutela l 'After she has reached a point between her and them (that she realized that) their intention was bad.' (F:31) (8) !a-lihan taqriban ~arbi z31ma,l w-anh-ana ganaw-ina l 'About forty men came and these were thieves.' (F: I) (9) zalha l-J;aqal .. Majzd /jamad xanawa ~ahu muhandas dattila l 'They went to the field ... Majld ij:amad is a bit like their engineer.' (F:45)

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15.3.2. The present emphatic copula The present emphatic copula generally expresses more immediacy and salience than the enclitic copula. It tends to be used, therefore, when the speaker is drawing attention to a contingent situation that is not necessarily a permanent property of the subject, e.g. ~abri k-ila b-bela l 'My son is (as we speak) in the house'. If a permanent property is being predicated ofthe subject, the enclitic copula is preferred. Examples ofthe emphatic copula from the text corpus: (1) fa-~anha k-fna niyatta xruta l 'They - their intention (in this case) is bad.' (F:33)

(2) yaCni daha k-fyax ratjya b-tre Mr!a k-axli ~u-Mte ~u-fa!ri ka-mgade yomiyya l 'We are content (in this case) for the two policemen to eat and drink and to have breakfast and lunch every day.' (F:73) (3) k-ina bticda ma-fa-llahl ~iyala zoral 'They are still, by God, young children.' (Play 43) (4) ~u-~fdi ~u-~fda da-xliJil k-fna msuqla b-saqyalal 'My hand and the hand of my sweetheart are decorated by rings.' (Poetry 1) 15.3.3. The past enclitic copula Predicates with the past enclitic copula express astate in the past that was permanently in existence, without the connotation of inception and end, e.g. (1) agi malattan zurta-iyawa,l ~u-nafa makix-iyewa d-g-ceJi b-gawal:zl 'This town of ours used to be small and people were simple who lived in it.' (S:I) (2) naJa ... masakin iyewal fuqara~ iyewal 'The people were wretched, were poor.' (F:2) (3) xali btibad ~ax6nad ~ammi qenayewal 'My uncle, the father of the brother ofmy mother, was a goldsmith.' (B:25) (4) cammi Yassi l Mlal:z dabaJ-iwa l 'My uncle Yassi - his profession was bees.' (B:I09) (5) b-qamela l Mlla nafa l zanagin-iyewa l 'Formerly, everybody was rich.' (S:59)

(6) hadax-iyewa belawala qamaya. 'The old houses were like this' (S:112) 1

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(7) ~i1.1Wali tatte xa.1Wala gwlr-iyewa. I ja-tre yal-iyaxwa b-bela,1 ~ana w-axoni. 'I had two sisters who were married. We were two boys at horne, I and my brother.' (S:90) 1

15.3.4. The past emphatic copula If a predicate expresses astate in the past that is contingent to a particular moment or space of time and exists only temporally, the past emphatic copula is preferred to the past enclitic copula, e.g. (1) k-iyawa l-gaway aM 'She was inside (at that moment).' (F:30) (2) ~u-k-iwa tabCan babi ~u-cammi b-waqta~ manha,1 kam camwali k-iyewa l 'My father and uncle were, of course, among them at that time, also my (other) uncles were (with them).' (F: 104)

The particular period during which the state was in existence, however, is often not clearly delimited, but simply understood to be an indeterminate period in the past. This is due to the fact that, unlike the actual present, which is expressed by the present emphatic copula, the past is of indefinite duration. As a result, the meaning of the emphatic past copula k-iwa often appears to overlap with that of k-awiwa, the k-qatalwa form of the verb hwy, which expresses a habitual state in the past (see § 15.3.6. iii). The forms of the two paradigms are, indeed, similar in fast speech and are difficult to distinguish. Examples: (3) w-a4i masturta k-iyawa da-m- ci1ddat pasala l 'This cover used to be composed of several pieces of cloth.' (B:153) (4) baxta k-iyewala karakka l 'A woman had karakka' (B:159) 15.3.5. The emphatic copula is avoided in certain contexts where the proposition in some sense lacks communicative salience. It is restricted, for example, to factive propositions, Le. it signals that the speaker is committed to the factuality of the proposition that it expresses. It is generally not used, therefore, when the proposition is being questioned in an interrogative clause or when the proposition is hypothetical in conditional clauses: (1) A: ~i1bri b-belela?1 B: ~el ~i1brux k-ila b-bela. 1 'A: Is my son in the house? B: Yes, your son is in the house' (2) kitn ~i1brux b-belela,1 bad-naqa~naya.1 'If your son is in the house, I shall hit hirn'

SYNTAX OF VERBS

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If a question does not relate to the factuality of a proposition, the emphatic copula may be used, e.g. (3)

qay 'abrux k-iliJ b-bela?1 'Why is your son in the house?'

Even when the context is factive, the emphatic copula tends to be omitted if the clause is syntactically subordinated and so the proposition is presented with less communicative salience. This applies, for example, to subordinate clauses introduced by the particle d-, such as relative clauses and complement clauses: (4)

baqiJr m-gora d-iliJ b-bela! 'Ask the man who is in the house!'

(5)

k-agiJn d-iliJ 'abrux b-bela l 'I know that your son is in the

house' Examples from the text corpus: (6) 'u-'ane rabiJ x;mniJ1 d-fna manniJ!;.1 'And the other chiefs who

were with hirn' (F:63) (7) 'ana taxarna -mma-d-anwa zora,l baba k-awudwali ciJroxiJ1 'I

remember when I was young, my father use to make me ciJroxiJ.' (B:36) (8) yom d-iyanwa zora mpalli miJ-xmara l 'One day when I was

young I fell from an ass.'(B:43) (9)

g3>la d-ila niyattiJ xruta l 'She realized that their intention was

bad.' (F:30) Furthermore, in a main clause the emphatic copula is avoided if the speaker wishes to place focus on one referent in the clause rather than on the predication as a whole. In such cases the enclitic copula is attached to the focused element. These focused items would normally be marked by the nuclear stress in the intonation group. Certain interrogative particles, for example, are typically focused by a speaker and so he would naturally avoid the emphatic copula in the clause and attach the enclitic copula to these, e.g. (10) may-la salfa?1 'What is the story?' (F:99) (11) da-maY-YiJt musta'jiJll-aniJ palsox?1 'Why are you in a hurry for

that money of yours' (K:49) (12) 'ekena l 'ekena l 'ane naJiJ brixiJ1'Where are they, where are they, those blessed people?' (Poetry 11)

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Likewise, the enclitic copula is attached to items in statements when the speaker wishes to make them information foci, even when a contingent situation is being referred to, e.g. (13) A: ~eke/tJ ~;}bri?' B: ~;}brux b-bele/tJ' 'A: WHERE is my son? B: Your son is IN THE HOUSE.' (14) A: man-iltJ b-bela?' B: ~abruxiltJ b-bela' 'A: WHO is in the house? B: YOUR SON is in the house.' (15) A: ~;}mmux b-bele/a?' B: babiltJ b-bela' ta ~ammi' 'A: Is your mother in the house? B: My FATHER is in the house, not my MOTHER' (16) A: ~;}brux b-karme/tJ?' B: lai ~;}bri b-bele/tJ' 'A: Is your son in the orchard? B: No, my son is in the HOUSE' In general, therefore, we may conclude that the emphatic copula is more attention drawing and expresses greater communicative salience than the enclitic copula. It is used to draw attention to a particular contingent situation and this only when the clause is factive. We may say that it draws attention to the proposition expressed by the clause as a whole. This would explain why it is not used when particular attention is directed to one focused component of the clause rather than to the overall proposition. 15.3.6. The verb hwy (i) k-qa{tJ/ form The k-qa{tJ/ form of the verb hwy tends to be used when the predicate expresses a property that is characteristic of the subject or when it describes a habitual situation, e.g. kud-yama ~;}bri k-awtJ b-bela' 'Every day my son is (habitually) in the house'. The subject of hwy often refers to a class rather than to a specific referent, e.g. {laxtJ kamtJ k-awe bd~ 'Black lentils are (as a general rule) good'. Examples from the text corpus: (1) ~a4a {ina k-awtJ bds' 'This (type of) earth is good.' (S:97) (2) ~u-kullehtJ gdedaya k-awe xa-jam'r-u' kullehtJ k-awe IwistJ' J:tujjala ~uq/tJ' 'All the inhabitants ofBagded~ are one group and are all dressed in fine clothes (habitually duing the festival of Mar K~ryakos)' (K:13)

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327

kuli man dJbraJ:z bUka,J 'until she had borne her son (while

being) a virgin.' (Gospel 8) (4)

b-agi Mdam ak-sahgitun ~al-roxaJxunl d-iyal- iyhun ad-~ane da-q!Jlhan la-nbPa. 1 'By this, therefore, you witness against

yourselves, that you are sons of those who murdered the prophets.' (Gospel 11) (5)

~aL->Ifu~ Na~raya ~ag-ba~etunl 'You are seeking Jesus of

Nazareth.' (Gospel 25) (6)

k-maJewa I-qamaya l 'They would bring the first ones.' (S:54)

15.11.3. Passive participle When a verbal form containing the passive participle has a direct object in the form of a nominal, the passive participle is sometimes annexed to the object nominal by means ofthe genitive particle d-, e.g. (I)

k-ila xilad xabufa l 'He has eaten the apples.'

(2) xiltad xabuf-ila?1 'Has she eaten the apples?' (3)

k-ila muxalta d-arwanaf 'She has fed the sheep.'

(4)

k-ila muzfJd~ad abro~ 'He has frightened your son.'

(5)

Lela xli~a d-axala l 'He has not finished eating.'

In such constructions the participle is treated syntactically like a noun and its relationship with the object is expressed by a syntactic structure that is

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368

characteristic of nouns. As we have seen, this is regularly the case when the participle takes a pronominal object, in that it always takes the simple series of suffixes, which are attached to nouns an prepositions, and never takes the L-series suffixes, which are characteristic of verbs. When the object is a full nominal, however, the participle mayaiso be treated syntactically like a verb and used without the genitive particle d-. This is the usual type of construction that is found in the text corpus, e.g. (6)

}:zatt-ima k-iyan xazya ~a4a nasal 'Even I have seen this man.' (F:I05)

(7) ~a4i ~i4a ma-yla mubxela ~ammala }:zela?1 'Has not this hand made many mothers weep?' (F:18) (8) tela mxulla ~aqlala}:zl 'He has not washed his legs.' (F:48) (9) bi-qyamta,1 Mm k-awe kulla wi4a kulleeal 'At Easter also everybody has made kulleea.' (S:85)

Note also constructions such as that in (10) below, where the passive participle has a stative sense: (10) ~u-xzihimjwanqa ... lwisa badla xwarta l 'and they saw a young man ... dressed in a white robes' (Gospel 24) A pronominal copy of the object nominal is attached to the participle if the nominal is fronted, e.g. (11) pasma}:zl k-iwa muCalqa}:z la-#iwa l 'He had hung up his pasma on the cross' (F: 117) 15.11.4. Active participle The nominal patterns CaCaCa (CaCaCta f.), mCaCCana (mCaCCanila f.) and maCCCana (maCCCanila f.), which are used with the function of active participles denoting habitual activity for verbs of sterns I, 11 and III respectively, are generally connected to the patient of the action by the genitive particle d-, when the action is transitive, e.g. (1)

~ita,l ~ammad kullenan,1 msadranila da-Sli}:za l 'The Church, the

mother of us all, the sender of the apostles.' (Play 111) (2) ~Uraslem,' ~Urasleyem,' qa!alta da-nbPa' 'Jerusalern, Jerusalem, killer ofthe prophets.' (Gospel 17)

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369

In the translation of the Gospels, the patient is sometimes marked by the preposition !-, e.g. (3) 'UriJs!em,l 'UriJs!eyem,l ... rajamta 'iJ!-'ema diJ-msudriJ !-gibax,l

'Jerusalern, Jerusalem .... stoner ofthose who are sent to you!' (Gospel 17) 15.11.5. Infinitives An infinitive is generally treated syntactically like a noun and so is annexed to an object nominal by means ofthe genitive particle d-, e.g. (1) 'iJm-mo!pi susawala staYiJd (iJraql 'u-xa!iJd bM!a d-nasiJ 1'They

would teach the horses to drink arak and eat the food of people.' (F:66) (2) 'u-k-ogi pa!o'iJ d-iJxa!a l 'They make a division of the food.' (K:I0) (3) 'iJ!-ma mrukazlax bas J;etiJ 1'iJb-rabOYiJ d-iya!iJ?1 'What did you concentrate on the most, when bringing up the boys?' (Play 130) (4) 'ahu kiJ-msaga!wa biJ-raqo'iJd ... 'iJd-qondarat 'His profession

was to make shoes.' (K:50) (5) 'u-'atlan birala BagdediJ,1 'an diJ-k-ma'tiJmdiwa gdedaYiJ 1

'iJ!-'astoYiJd '" d-iJwanat dattiJ 'u-nasiJ 1 'We have wells in Bagded~, upon which the inhabitants depend to provide drink for their sheep and for people.' (K:87)

Occasionally it is treated syntactically like a verb and has no genitive particle before a object nominal, e.g. (6)

xal# waga ay-raqqiJ,1 darehiJ l-!aryanilal '(When) they finish making those raqqiJ, they put them in the tray.' (B: 134)

15.11.6. Indefinite pronominal objects When a singular pronominal object is indefinite, it may be expressed by the particle xa or may be left without any explicit expression. The choice between these two constructions is dependent on the status of the object. The conditioning factors are the same as those that motivate the use or omission ofthe indefinite particle xa as a modifier of a noun (see § 14.1.), in that it tends to be used if the referent is specific and/or textually prominent and omitted when non-specific and/or textually incidental.

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Contrast (1) and (2), where the object is specific, with (3), where the object is non-specific: (1) qtalliJ belanl xa l 'He killed somebody in our house.' (F:2I)

(2) Ju-manhiJ tJanniJ xa l 'He lifted one ofthem up.' (F:36) (3) heJi sklnal 10 b-naxiJrnay~ 16 b-naxiJrnay.1 'al-muhim mUllla. 1 "'Bring a knife! Either I shall kill you or I shall kill hirn" Now (literally: what is important), she brought (one).' (F:40-4I) The same phenomenon is found with plural indefinite objects expressed by the phrase xa-'iJkma, which is the plural equivalent of the singular indefinite pronoun xa. Contrast (4), where the object is specific and referring to items mentioned later in the text, with (5), where the object is non-specific in a negative clause: (4) man d-aniJ taColyala biJd-taxarnal xa-'akma l 'From among these games I shall mention some.' (B:I70) (5) bJiliJ manna~ lamarat 'u-Ia-xzlliJ. 1'He sought from it fruit but did not find (any).' (Gospels 35) 15.12. Double direct objects

The verb 'wg 'to do, to make' and certain causative verbs may take two direct objects, e.g.

k-ogala kubba bat 'She make it into reels.' (B:I9) (2) 'u-k-ogawalhiJn iJgdlsal 'She would make them into a stack.' (B:93)

(1)

(3) kCJ-miJxiJgriliJ magab~al 'They make hirn go round the altar.' (K:46) (4) 'u-g-bi'iJ d-mo'alwala burga l 'He wants to make it enter a hole.' (B:I7I) (5) 'iJm-molpi susawala staYiJd ciJraql 'They will teach the horses the drinking of arak.' (F:66) 15.13. Indirect object

The various constructions that are used to express the pronominal indirect object on verbal forms have been amply illustrated already in (§8.18.4. and §8.18.5.). We shall restrict ourselves here, therefore, to noting two

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371

details of the syntax regarding full nominal indirect objects and the indirect objects of passive participles. (i) When an indirect object nominal is placed after the verb, there is

generally no agreement element in the form of a pronominal copy on the verb: (1) >u-k-ewul da-kul/eha nasa 'He gives to all the people.' (K:I0) (2) kam-amar da->amma~ 'He said to his mother.' (F: 18) (3) kam-amar I-amma~ 'He said to his mother.' (F:17) (4) /a-liha I-Putrus >Olu 'They came to Putrus )Olu.' (F: 10)

Agreement pronouns occur sporadically when the indirect object is a topical referent that plays a prominent role in the discourse, e.g. (5) >u-km-amira da-scHi l 'He said to my grandmother.'(F:38) (6) ma'alfiha da-susawala 'They give fodder to the horses.' (F:68) l

Pronominal agreement elements are used more frequently when the indirect object is fronted before the verb, e.g. (7) da-Je/ri l m~akinaya 'an-Iusta >ad->ansal 'I shall tell Geoffrey about the cIothing ofwomen.' (B:152) (8) da-Majid Ifamad kam-amira l 'He said to Maji:d ijamad.' (F:50)

(ii) Verbal forms containing the passive participle cannot take L-suffixes, since, as we have seen, the passive participle is treated syntactically like a noun with regard to pronominal suffixes. A pronominal indirect object is sometimes expressed by attaching the simple series of suffixes to the participle, e.g. (9) wul/a yamkan layan a~kilaJ >al-MIlad axoni >agi xalta. 'Oh, perhaps 1 have not told you about the bride of my brother, the new one.' (Play 63) l

1

(l0) kolla wiga~ xa->akma xorawala l 'He has made hirnself some friends.' (Play 168) It mayaiso be expressed by an independent prepositional phrase, e.g. k-ila mira gdala~ 'He has said to hirn', k-ila msudra klawa da->ammaJ:z 'He has sent the book to his mother' > k-ila msudra klawa gdala~ 'He has sent the book to her'.

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15.14. The use olthe particle bas with verbs

The particle bas is used before adjectives and adverbs to form comparative constructions, belan bas-raba man-beluxilal 'Our house is bigger than your house', halla Ms /Jela palsa' 'Give hirn more money!' It is also used before verbs. The position of the particle is always immediately before the verb, including when the verb is negated by the negator la. The particle may be used with a negated verb to express the sense of 'not any more', e.g. (1) /a bas-k-ala d-qas~lil 'He does not come anymore to see me'.

When the verb is not negated, and also occasionally when it is negated, the particle functions as a general intensifier. In the vast majority of occurrences of the particle in this sense before verbs in the text corpus, the verb is in the k-qa!al form, although, in most cases, the action referred to is in past narrative contexts. This verbal form is used to give a past action greater immediacy and prominence (§ 15 .1.1. v), which is consistent with the intensifying function performed by the partic1e. The appropriate translation of the preverbal bas varies according to the context. It is often best translated by an adverbial denoting some kind of enhanced intensity in the manner, frequency or duration of the action or situation expressed by the verb, e.g. (2) bas ka-mbasla.1'She cooks a lot.' (S:92) (3) daha bas k-og,ila ~aytjan ma-ktana. 1'Now they often make it also out offlax.' (B:158) (4)

ra~san

bas-baxe 'They immediately wept bitterly.' (F:l13)

(5) ~awa xanna l ma-l-tixl Ms k-~awa,1 ka-mxarba!-I 'The other person below is screaming loudly and is distraught.' (F:41) (6) bas-k-araq balra/J,Ila kam-!apUa. 1'He runs for a long time (or: at full pelt) after it, but did not catch it.' (S: 13) (7) /a bas-k-ag,i ~eka zalha. 1'They do not know at all where to go.' (S :24) (8) Roberf bas ka-mqama~1 u-ka-mCayat prfxa prfxa m-pa~xula.1 'Robert is leaping excitedly and shouting, flying, flying in the air with joy.' (Play 149)

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373

On a few occasions the purpose of using the particle is to give an enhanced prominence to the proposition expressed by the clause as a whole. In such cases, the clause is usually the climax of a chain of events and/or refers to some unexpected situation. When it has this function, it is generally not appropriate to translate the particle with an adverbial expression. Examples: (9) ~u-lalcJl y6ma hadaX ~u-hal gga !atra l p;}fJa taqriban ~ax-sqalla yarxa bas-l:zela. 1 susawala la-pasla-ppa d-axli tuna-w ~a~aral ~u-la-pasla-ppa d-sate maya. 1bas-sate Caraq ~apyal ~u-bas-k-axli

maraqa-w ~u-gurgur!1 'The third day, likewise, until a time - it took almost a month more - when the horses could no longer eat hay and barley and could no longer drink water. They drink pure arak and eat soup and burghul!' (F:72) (10) !a-!'anna xa-manha} ~u-kam-zadila taqriban bas-parax p-poxa. 1'He picked one of them up and threw hirn so that he almost flew in the air.' (F:37)

CHAPTER SIXTEEN

THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF PREPOSITIONS The morphology and basic uses of the prepositions have been described in § 13.3. In this chapter we shall take a c10ser look at the syntax and semantic range of the main prepositions, particularly those that have multiple functions. 16.1. b-

This preposition has a variety of uses. A pronominal suffix cannot be directly attached to it but must be attached to the phrase b-gaw-. The uses of b- and b-gaw-, therefore, are considered here together. The phrase b-gaw- originally meant 'in the inside of (cf. the adverbial gawaYiJ 'inside'). It is now, however, used as a suppletive form for the fuH semantic range that is exhibited by b- before nominals. (i) Spatial and temporallocation It expresses location in a perceptible space: b-6t;la 'in a room' (F:30), b-Kalak 'in Kalak' (F:84), b-ida!an 'in our hands' (K:7), ~iJb-samsa 'in the sun' (K: 17). It is also used in relation to an abstract space, e.g. b-agi j:zala 'in this state' (F:97), b-xayi 'in my life' (Poetry 7), pusu biJ-slama 'Remain in peace' (Play 57), b-sena '(Go) in peace' (Play 22). l

l

In some cases it is used in an ingressive sense, e.g. (I) g-darela b-siJndaniJ1'They put it into jars.' (K:58) (2) darela b-xalya l 'They put it into the milk.' (K:57) (3) ~awa diJ-k-satiJ m-bira maya I la-g-raYiJq iJb-gawaj:z.1 'Whoever

drinks water from the weH does not spit into it.' (Proverbs 17) (4) mpjlliJ b-riJxmu!aj:z.1 'He fell in love with her.' (S:6) It is not restricted, however, to location within something, as shown by cases such as b-rJssiJ 'on their head' (K:65), b-gga-~urxa 'on a road'

(F:103).

SYNTAX OF PREPOSITIONS

375

Examples of temporal location: b-lela 'at night' (F: 1), Jab-satwa 'in winter' (K:81), b-waqtal; 'at that time' (F:IlO), b-qameJa 'previously' (K:50), b-igad bi-yMda 'at the festival ofChristmas' (K:59), ba-{/abax 'at your betrothaI' (Poetry 15), Jab-rab6ya d-iyala? 'when bringing up the boys' (Play 130), ka-mJedax Jab-gawal} 'we celebrate on it (the day)' (K:4).

We have seen in §14.11. that similar temporal and occasionally also spatial adverbials are expressed by a nominal alone, without a preposition, e.g. xa-ybma 'one day' (F:l), qe{a l Ju-satwa l 'in the summer and the winter' (B:22). (ii) Instrument It is often used in relation to the instrument or means by which an action

is performed, e.g. (5)

qameJa zarJaxwa b-Jbjarl 'In former times we used to cultivate

with the plough.' (K:25) (6)

Ju-qe~ila b-magla l Ju-k-lemila b-magzunyaJa l 'They cut it with

scythes and gather it with sickles.' (K:51) (7)

ga-bazaqla bzaqa l b-idaJa l 'He spreads it (the seed) by hand.'

(K:26) (8)

Ju-labbal} marira l b-sikar la xala l 'Her heart is bitter and is not

sweetened by sugar.' (S:6) (9)

Ju-baCden ak-maJewalha ba-xmara har-al-beJa l 'Then they take

them straight horne by ass.' (K:29) (10) Ju-Jigi Ju_Jiga da-xliJil k-ina msuqla b-saqyaJa l 'My hand and the

hand of my sweetheart are decorated by rings.' (Poetry 1) (11) qa{lax ab-gawal; ~apra 'We kill sparrows with it.' (K:35)

(iii) Accompaniment Closely related to the previous category is the usage of the preposition to express some kind of accompaniment, e.g. (12) g-zamriwa b-d6h61 u-zbrna l 'They would sang with the drum

and pipe.' (K:39) (13) Ju-k-alewa nasa b-~anujal 'People would come with cymbals.'

(K:53) (14) qateia b-ba~Mlal 'They fry it with an onion.' (B:146)

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376

(15) Ja-'ansa ka-m!aekela,1 d-xazax >ekela ya'ni,l mileil ielal 'We must go and search, go and search in order to see where his corpse is, to see where he is, whether he is dead or not (dead).' (F:97) 17.1.8.2. Subject-copula-predicate If a subject nominal or independent pronoun occurs in the clause, this is normally placed before the copula, e.g. (1) Yci'qub /el axa,1 goral;,1 >u-yal zara len- iixa. 1 "'Ya'qub is not here," - her husband - "and the young children are not here.'" (F:26)

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(2) Ja-'{ma daha /ena m-J:zukzia daha l 'These are not part of the story now.' (F:9) (3) 'aya d-ila 'aIolta l Lela swotan xaIta?1 'The woman who IS coming - is not she our new neighbour?' (Play 15) (4) xliJi Lela mannil 'My sweet-heart is not with me.' (Poetry 9) (5) 'axala Lela dzdux. 1kasa Lela dzdux?1 'The food is not yours, but is not the stornach yours!' (Proverbs 11) 17.1.8.3. Postposition ofsubject The subject is postposed after the copula on a few occasions in the text corpus. In such cases it is placed either before or after the predicate. Constructions of this type are generally used when the clause has the status of a supplementary addition, which explains or elaborates on what has been discussed in the preceding discourse, e.g. (1) 'eka zalha 'anal 'arw-u wanat k-maIih-ahu yaCni. 1fa-LeI-aga muskila. 1'He would bring back those sheep wherever they had gone. This is not a problem (for hirn).' (F:5-6) (2) tora leyan xazya,l /eyan xazya b-Bagdeda tora. 1 'Oxen are not seen, oxen are not seen in Bagded;;}.' (B:70) In one example in the text corpus a sentential subject is postposed, presumably due to its length: (3) 'u-kawi Lela bfis d-J:zabsat roxax ab-heIa. 1 'It is certainly not good to imprison yourself in the house.' (Play 28) 17.1.8.4. Negation of a phrase The negative copula is used also to negate an individual word or phrase rather than a predicate, e.g. (1) A: g-bi'at d-aIat?1 B: LeI daha l 'A: Do you want to come? B: Notnow.' (2) A: t-ewatli 'aga kIawa?1 B: LeI 'ag,a. 1t-ewunnayux xanna. 1 'A: Will you give me this book? B: Not this one. I shall give you another.' (3) Lall;;}: d-iimatlan saMral 'u-la-k-agax heIa m-gara. 1 Katu: 'e xaJlI nasa 'ammi,l LeI max 'aga da-qo,ra.1 'Lall;;}: We are like blind people. We do not know the house from the roof. Katu:

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Yes, sister, (we are) illiterate people, not like one who knows how to read.' (Play 51-52) 17.2. The existential partieles

The existential particle ~ila(n) and its corresponding past form ~ajWa are used to predicate the existence of a referent. The equivalent negative particles lela(n) and lajWa deny the exist of a referent. 17.2.1. Particle-nominal The referent whose existence is asserted or denied is normally placed after the particle. It is indefinite in status and bears the nuclear stress, e.g. (1) ~ila narma l 'There is land free from stones.' (S:37) (2) ~ila gurgur. ~u-~iJa xa!!a grisa l 'There is burghul. There is also ground wheat.' (S:50) (3) ~ila mantaqa k-amila Ifawi l 'There is a place called I:Iawi.' (S:48) (4) ~u-ajWa heim zamara l b-waqtal}l 'At that time there were also singers.' (K:39) 1

(5)

~ajWa

xagarwanal} ~ilanat 'There were trees around it.' (K:2)

(6) ~ajWa nasal qa{lanal 'There were belligerent people.' (F:2) (7) ldjWa la-xa l 'There was nobody.' (F:24) (8) !elan maJd-agi I}ukija l 'There is nothing but this story' (F:98)

17.2.2. Nominal-particle

In certain circumstances the nominal is placed before the existential particle. The examples attested in the text corpus can be classifed as follows: (i) An indefinite noun bearing the nuclear stress is fronted before the

particle when it is presented in parallel with other referents in the adjacent discourse. The purpose is to express a set relationship between the referents. The fronted referent, therefore, is to be interpreted as one item in a list ofrelated items. In (1) below, for example, 'electricity' and 'cars' are presented as two items belonging to a set, which may be characterized as 'the set of appurtenances of the modern world'. Example (2) occurs among a list of animals that are to be found in Bagded~:

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(1) xaya maklx-iyewa.1 La kahraba~ ~ajwa,l

La siyarat ~ajwa.1 'Life

was humble. There was no electricity. There were no cars.' (S:24) (2) susawa1a -jwa l 'There were horses.' (B:99)

(ii) An interrogative particle is fronted before the particle and bears the nuclear stress, e.g. !a-ma-yjwa?1 'What was there?' (S:25)

(iii) A construction where an indefinite nominal is fronted and the nuclear stress falls on the existential particle is used in cases where the nominal has already been mentioned in the preceding clause. The nuclear stress on the existential particle marks the predication or denial of existence as new informtion rather than the referent of the nominal. This construction is used in (1) below, for example, to assert the existence of something, in a context where its existence is questioned. In (2) the negative and positive particles are asserted due to the fact that they are judged by the speaker to be unexpected and so bearing new information: (1) GK: ~ajwa dabafa?1 B: dabaf-ajwa l 'GK: Were there bees? B: 'THERE WERE bees' (B:107) (2) gumla p-para l ~u-para lelan,! ~u-gumla ba-~alpal ~u-~alpa ~llan.1

'(When) a camel costs a penny, THERE IS NOT a penny, but (when) a camel costs a thousand (pennies), THERE ARE a thousand (pennies)' (Proverbs 6) The same construction is used when the referent of the fronted nominal has not been explicitly mentioned before but is associated with a previous mentioned referent in a set relationship and so is not completely new. In (3), for example, xanna mandi 'another thing' refers to something in the set of clothes wom by men. The clause (4) is used in a context where 'the lands of our countryside' have already been mentioned: (3) wa-rifad l],ujja1a kullehan k-aywalha xaclyya. I ... xanna mandi le1a. 1 'On top of all the clothes they had a xaCiyya . ... There is

nothing else.' (B:167) (4)

~u-max ~aralad bariyya didan le1al 'There is nothing like the

lands of our countryside.' (S:4 7)

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(iv) In some cases the item that is placed before the existential particle is adefinite noun and the nuclear stress falls on the particle. Such constructions are used to predicate or deny that the referent in question is in the presence of the speaker rather than that simply that this referent exists. The item placed before the particle is either a nominal, usually a proper name, or an independent pronoun of any person, e.g. (1) ~agi Katu ~adyu htil-daha lela l 'Katu is still not here today.' (Play 3) (2) ftrqub lela l 'YaCqub is absent.' (F:95) (3) ya-ga y6ma gnilal w-ahat lelal 'WeIl, the day has come to an end and you are not here.' (Play 5) 17.2.3. Particle alone If a referent has already been introduced in the preceding context, explicit mention of it may be elided in subsequent clauses containing an existential particle, e.g.: (1) dabas-alWa l ~e.1 ~alWa taxarnal ... dabasta-lWa. 1k-ogawa dilsa ~e,l bas daha /ela. 'There were bees. Yes, there were, I remember ... The bee (was a species that) was found. It used to make honey, yes, but now there are none.' (B:I07-108) 1

The particle lela can be used in conversation at the end of a statement as a device for seeking confirmation from the interlocutor. It may be translated 'is that not so?', e.g. (2) ~amdartixxa p-poxa lela l 'We winnow them in the wind - is that not so?' (S:46) (3) k-ogila mdilra, I b-garome /ela l 'They make it into a circle, with a rolling-pin - is that not so? (S:55) (4) bffden ka-mrapel- ana-~ansa lela l 'Then the women stick it (onto the oven) - is that not so' (S:70) 17.2.4. Possessive constructions The existential particles are commonly used together with L-suffixes to express possession. 17.2.4.1. Particle-possessed item The item possessed is normally placed after the particle. It is typically indefinite and bears the nuclear stress, e.g.

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422

(1) ~atlan sula mannal:z l 'We have business with hirn.' (literally:

There is to us business with hirn) (F:27) (2) ~atlan ab-Bagdeda .Mww~ ~italal 'We have seven churches in Bagded~.'

(K:20)

(3) ~alWalan bayegat. 1'We used to have basements.' (F:37) (4) ~alWalha belawalal 'They had houses.' (S:22) (5) Jatta mandi. 1 'They have something.' (i.e. they are up to

something) (F:28) (6) ~u-~atli ~asar taballat ~all~ 'You owe me ten marbles.'

(literally: I have ten marbles against you) (Play 2) (7)

ltitlux dacwa l 'Don't worry (literally: You have no claim).'

(F:54) 17.2.4.2. Possessed item-particle The possessed item is occasionally fronted before the existential particle. The examples of this construction in the text corpus may be classified as follows. (i) When the slot of the possessed item is filled by an interrogative or exclamatory expression, e.g. (1) ma-tlax? 'What is the matter with you (literally: What have

you?)' (F:34) (2) ma-na Jatli max ~almaJ bahUra bahUra?1 'What things do I

have like your glowing face?' (Poetry 13) (3) xze ma-~alma Jatlax!1 'See what a cheek you have!' (Play 126)

(ii) When the speaker wishes to draw particular attention to the nominal in the 'item possessed' slot. In such cases the fronted item bears the nuclear stress. In (1) below, for example, he wishes to give particular prominence to the distance which the person fell when thrown down into the basement. In (2) the fronting ofthe phrase cu-mandi ('nothing') gives greater force to the expression: (1) ~arba~sar bi-darwala ~atlanl hal da-g-mtira l-bayega. 1'We have fourteen stairs, until he reaches the basement.' (F:37) (2) cu-mandi lalWala. 1'He had absolutely nothing' (F:3)

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17.2.4.3. Possessor expressed by a nominal If the possessor is expressed by a nominal, it is normally not made the complement ofthe preposition 1- but rather is extraposed and resumed by an L-suffix. This reflects the fact that the L-suffix is acquiring the properties of verbal inflection as is the case in the qralla form of the verb. Examples: (1) sawi Ja!Wal /:lei dlma l 'My grandfather had many debts.' (F:88) (2)

Jammi Ja!Wala saqtad mlla. 1 'My mother had an indigo shirt.'

(B:30) (3)

kud xa-tla qiltta. 1'Each one had a stick.' (B:171)

(4) Ja nasa rabcan Jatla /:lassa sadsa htir ka-msagla. 1 'But a person

always has a sixth sense working.' (F:29) An independent pronoun mayaiso be placed in extraposition, I .e.g. (5)

Jana l Jatli t/tila Jiyala.I(Play 128)

(6)

Jana htim l Jatli JUla m3nxu. 1 (Play 92)

(7)

w-axni /ti!Walan xala l (S:90)

The only examples where extraposition is not used are where the possessor is an indefinite item that is referentially specific, e.g. (8)

t~anta Ja!Wa la-xa l stalta b-karma/:l. 1 'A man had a fig tree

planted in his vineyard.' (Gospel 35) 17.2.5. Expression of ability As explained in §8.20., the expression Jiba 'he is able' is composed of a shortened form of the existential particle together with a pronominal phrase with the preposition b-. We shall draw attention here to one aspect of the syntax of this expression, namely the placement of a nominal that refers to the agent ofthe clause. As in the possessive expression Jatla, the pronominal suffix in Jiba has become an obligatory inflectional element and so a co-referential nominal must be extrposed, e.g. (1) kawi nasal htir Jiba t-awa bii~ 'A person can always be good.'

(Play 55) (2)

soti leba da-d-Jamra ... 1 'My grandmother could not say .. .'

(F:24) I

The motivation for the redundant use of full pronouns together with pronominal inflection in such constructions will be considered in §17.3.8.

CHAPTERSEVENTEEN

424 17.3. Verbal clauses

17.3.1. Basic verbal c1auses A verbal c1ause may consist of a verbal form alone, with the participants of the activity expressed by affixes but without any other independently standing components, e.g. (1) dfJrha l 'They returned.' (F:I09) (2) tuha l 'They sat down.' (F:26)

(3) mgudzha l 'They had lunch.' (F:29) (4)

k-ila k-~oyal 'She is screaming.' (F:18)

(5) kam-madfJrha l 'He returned them'. (F:16) (6)

kam-laq!lla. 1'They caught her.' (F:31)

17.3 .2. Verb--direct object The normal position for the placement of a direct object nominal is after the verb, e.g. (1) k-6gi qudafa l 'They hold a mass.' (K: 10) (2)

k-Mm~i tunela/:t.1 'They listen to his words.' (F:45)

(3)

rkula susta dzdaJ:z 1'He mounted his horse.' (F: 13)

(4)

mufxanna mfJha l 'She heated the oil.' (F:19)

(5) rila solil 'They seized my grandmother.' (F:35) (6) heli skzna l 'Bring a knife.' (F:38) (7) /ela mxulla ~aqlala/:tl 'He has not washed his legs.' (F:48) (8) layat giqa /atmad SalO/:ta?1 'Have you not tasted the punch of Saloba?' (Play 199) (9) kam-ogalha cay.1 'She made tea for them.' (F:26)

As can be seen in the examples cited above, the nuc1ear stress is normally placed on the direct object nominal rather than the verb. Some sporadic cases are found in the text corpus where the nuc1ear stress is placed on an imperative form of a verb rather than on the following object nominal, e.g. (10) heli maya!1 'Bring water!' (F:51)

(11) pa/at ~aqlali!1 'Take out my legs!' (F:57)

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17.3.3. Verb---prepositional phrase A prepositional phrase expressing an indirect object or some other complement ofthe verb is normally placed after the verb, e.g. (1) kam-amjr da-mmaJ:z1 'He said to his mother.' (F:5) (2) Ja-Jiha I-Putrus )Olul 'They came to Putrus 'Olu.' (F:I0)

(3) )u-jila I-heja l 'He came to the house.' (F:16) (4) k-zala I-Mo~u/l 'He goes to Mo~ul.' (F:87)

(5) mo)alla l-rifaJ:z. 1'He plunges it in his head'. (F:41) (6)

kam-dariha )a!-!afat. 1'He put them in the basin.' (F:52)

(7)

k-iwa djryaJ:z ba-~l'iwal 'He had put it on a cross.' (F: 112)

(8)

)araqla bajreha l 'He ran after them.' (F: 16)

17.3.4. Verb---object-prepositional phrase When the c1ause also contains a direct object nominal, this is normally placed before the prepositional phase complement if the latter contains a nominal, e.g. (1) k-odi xamra da-)itaja l 'They make wine for the churches.'

(K:18) (2)

la-g-darax xanawa l-aqliijux?1 'Should we not put a little on

your legs?' (F:49) (3) g-dare catam da-~liwa )al-Iefal 'They put a sign ofthe cross on

the dough.' (K:22) Ifthe prepositional phrase is pronominal, it is placed either before or after the object nominal. When placed after it, the nuc1ear stress is often retracted to the object nominal. Examples: (4)

)u-g-darewa-llaJ:z basma. 1 'They used to put incense on it.'

(K:55) (5) )u-g-darewa-llaJ:z mafxa l 'They used to put incense on it.' (K:59) (6) )u-mu)jlla kaJ!aka )allaJ:z. 1 'He brought Catholicism into it.' (K:3) (7) k-Mqlax )axala mannan l 'We take food with us.' (K:6) (8) g-dare fap teha l 'They put rock salt on them.' (K: 16)

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17.3.5. Subject nominal-verb-(object) A subject nominal may be placed before the verb, e.g. (1) suraya kulleha k-pa~xil 'All the Christians rejoice.' (B: 1)

gdedela baxta maskjtta k-paJ/awa l 'The poor woman in Bagded~ used to spin.' (B: 19) (3) !:zaramiyya l/ha l 'Thieves have come.' (F:4) (4) gjrma pl3{lal 'The bone came out.' (F:56) (2)

(5) Ja-sawi rxjmla Mal 'My grandfather fell in love with a certain woman.' (S:3) (6) futalad bela hilr la-xal$il 'Jobs in the house never finish.' (Play 25) (7) gureha k-fate l 'Their husbands drink.' (Play 70)

(8) darmana htir k-ila ka-mbaxarl 'The medicine is still steaming.' (F:56) (9) tawjrta k-ewaluxx3lya l 'A cow gives you milk.' (B:I01) (10) 'upra k-fatiwa f3xta l 'The soil used to absorb (literally: drink)

the dirt.' (B: 103) (11) Ja Musasu k-il-xaza 'aqlala!:zl 'Musasu sees his legs.' (F:56) On some occasions the subject nominal is placed in a separate intonation group, e.g. (12) xorawala!:zl kam-( ejill 'His friends left hirn.' (S: 13) (13) qenayad Bagdedal xaf3lwa l 'The goldsmith of Bagded~ would cast Gewelry).' (B:26)

(14) (ammi Fransu,l 'abad ta k-palat am-bela?1 'Uncle Fransu never leaves the house?' (Play 106) (15) bata1al k-axal 'u-ka-m!:za$al baf-!:zela m-jahilya l 'An unemployed person eats and brings in more that a hardworking person.' (Play 116) When the subject nominal is in the same intonation group as the verb, it generally does not bear the nuclear stress, unless it is a focus of new information. When the verb in the clause is a compound form that contains the copula (i.e. k-ila k-qatal, k-ila qtila and related forms), the copula is attached to the subject nominal, marking it as prominent (see

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§ 17.1.1.). An example found in the text corpus is (16) below, in which the subject nominal is contrastive focus: (16) ~u-x-tayat k-ewatlan m-kfs da-mxa/fimax?1 ~itela k-ewalan,1

'You are not giving us anything from the purse of your parents, are you? THE CHURCH is giving to us' (Play 111) 17.3.6. Verb-subject nominal The subject mayaiso be placed after the verb. Two main factors can be identified that condition this ordering of components. On some occasions the main motivation for the use of the construction is to give prominence to referents that are newly presented into the discourse and that are to play an important role in what follows. This is elearly seen in narratives, where the introduction of protagonists at the beginning of the story is often expressed in such a construction. These subject nominals are typically indefinite with a specific referent or newly introduced proper names, e.g. (1) xa-yoma,1 b-/ela tabCan,'lihan !:taramiyyal ~al-Bagdeda.1 'One day, at night of course, thieves came to Bagded;).' (F: 1) (2) fa-Jihan taqriban ~arbi zJlma l 'About forty men came.' (F:l) (3)

~u-msatri-lla!:t tre surtal 'Two policemen used to govem it.'

(F:60) (4)

xa yoma l lila Musasu l ~u-~Abu Sabib,' Babad Sabib,1 ~u-ma sJmma!:t ~awa xanna?1 - Mafid /jamad 'One day Musasu came along, )Abu Sabib, (that is) Bab;)d Sabib, and what's his name, the other one - Majid I:Iamad.' (F:44)

On many occasions, however, the postposition of the subject after the verb does not have this presentative function. The subject is often definite in status and is familiar to the hearer from the previous context or is, at least, related in some way to the previous context. In such cases the motivation for the construction is to express the existence of a elose semantic relationship of the clause with the preceding discourse. In a narrative this relationship may be one of elose temporal sequence and spatial continuity, e.g. (5) kam-ami/al da-soti kam-amila ~agi ... 1 da-~atti kam-amila ~agi hanna dJdxu-Ia?1 ~aga pasmad ... d-YaCqub-ila?1 xira soli,1 xira ~(ltli.1 la-pasla-ppa da-m!:take l 'They said to her, they said to my grandmother "Is this ... ", they said to my aunt (as weIl) "Does this thing belong to you? Is this pasma YaCqub's?" My

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CHAPTER SEVENTEEN grandmother looked. My au nt looked. They could no longer speak.' (F: 113)

(6) baf ~Abu Sabib ka-m~aya/.l.1 kam-amin Majid lJamad "Abu SabIb cries out. MajId l;Iamad said to him.' (F:55) (7) mufxanna mafxal ~u tmaf/- ig,a/.ll kaIßtta/.l u-ra~sanl smaxla l nazU dUlalJl 'She heated the oil and he plunged his arm, his hand, in and immediately his bleeding stopped.' (F: 19) (8) ~u-driha m-b{zlar ma-d-xalha,l drihan Carfiq xanawa m-maya.1fa ~am!u~amhal ~awwal yoma l susawa1a. 1'They put out (for them), after they had eaten, a Httle arak with water. The horses tasted (this) on the first day.' (F:70)

The construction mayaiso be used to express elose spatio-temporal sequence in the description of customary events, e.g. (9) ba'den k-ale ... ~al-bela.1 k-asaq xalna l g-zadiwa rifa/.l palsal 'Then they come home. The groom comes up and throws money over her.' (K:41) (1 0) ~u-bacden ~ag-moblila ~al-tanurta,1 ... ~aya xarta k-iyawa k-fQ~ra.1 k-§axna tanurta l k-samqa. 1 'Then they would take it to the oven, as the other woman was stoking it. The oven heats up and becomes red.' (K:69) (11) ~u-k-og,iwala gg,a bUdra rabla,l ka-msamaxla tara,1 ... wa-k-xadriwa §ama§a l 'They would make it into a big pile, which we call tara, .. The deacons would go around it.' (B:6-7)

The postposition of the subject after the verb is also found where the elause expresses an explanation or elaboration ofwhat precedes. By using the verb-subject construction the speaker presents the elause as being elosely connected with what precedes rather than being connected with what follows, e.g. (12) maya pefiwa I-xog,ehan,l ~u-gupta k-pefawa. 1 Ia-xarwa ~adi-gupta,1 peJa M~ta kulla. 1 'The water used to remain by itself and the cheese used to remain. This cheese does not go stale, it remains for the whole year.' (B: 115-116) (13) kam-tapiha ba-gt}a-~urxa,l yaCni /a ja/U can Bagdeda ra/.loqta,1 ~u-leyewa matya l-mala datta lJaramly.1 'He caught them up on a road, which was not very far from Bagded;:" (for) the thieves had not arrived in their village.' (F:13)

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(14) dabafta-J.Wa. 1k-Otjawa dufa ~e,1 Ms daha leJ;J.llxatla Bagdeda,1

p;Wa madina,1 fxatla. 1'The bee (was a species that) was found. It used to make honey, yes, but now it is not found. (This is because) Bagdeda has become dirty. It has become a town. It has become dirty.' (B:I07-108)

The connection with what precedes may be explicitly expressed by a partiele such as Irannahu 'because', e.g. (15) kam-amira: 1ma-tlax k-$oyat?1 mira: M, tel cu-mandi.l/rannahu k-ada soti Mn k-amala b-naxarra b-bela. 1'He said to her "Why are you shouting?" She said "No, there is nothing the matter". (This is) because my grandmother knows that if she teIls hirn, he would slaughter them on the spot.' (F:34) (16) ~ahi-Ia baf-sahl Irannahu ka-m!6m;m ~Qda daqut ka-mtaman ~idala.1 'This is easier, since the small stick bruises, it bruises the hands.' (K:36)

The foregoing examples show that two conditioning factors for this construction must be distinguished, viz. the speaker's intention to give prominence to newly introduced referents that are to play an important role in what follows and the speaker's intention of presenting the elause as being elosely connected semantically with what precedes. On a number of occasions where the subject is postposed after the verb, these two factors are not so elearly distinguishable, in that the subject is a newly introduced referent and the elause also has a elose semantic connection with what precedes. In such cases, therefore, it is possible that more than one factor is operative. Examples: (17) ~u-k-ale waqtad naMla ka-mnafliwa b-idala,! m-magla,! k-amrila magla. 1~u-k-alewa ~anla,! k-04iwa ko4a l 'They come at the time of reaping and reap by hand, with the sickle, they call it "the sickle". Women used to co me and make piles.' (K:26-27) (18) mobli l-ita,1 cala-mu-d yawaf. 1kän-~ilan {armal darewal tama,! ~ad-yawa~ MI da-d-~ala ~i4a,! darewa gas ~al/a~1 ~u-k-nahrila.1 ~u-k-alewa nala b-~anujal "u-palti qala,1 xag,ri xa4arwan tahra tal/al naqla. 1'They bring it to the church in order for it to dry. If there is a porch, they put it there to dry until the festival comes, when they would put petrol on it and kindie it. People would come with cymbals. The priests come out. They go around the tahra (wonder) three times.' (K:52-53)

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(19) ma!ra bt-awa /:telai ~u-bt-awa zara ~ela.1 'The rain will be abundant and so the produce will be abundant.' (B:13) (20) ~u-ka-m~ale ba-Ca~rlyya,1 k-6gi quda!a,1 ~u-k-ale samasa m-Bagdedal 'They pray in the evening and hold mass . Deacons come from Bagdedd.' (K: 11) (21) ~atlan !aC6lta xarta,l k-amrila !aC6lta ... da-!agatla,l ~ahi-la !lala /:toqawat ri! aggaga,1 bacden tre,1 bacden xa,1 bacden tre xanna. 1 galaban ka-m!OClila bnalal 'We have another game called the game of !agalla. This invovles three boxes on top of each other, then two, then one, then two others. Usually girls play it.' (K:33) In (17) and (18) the verb-subject construction is used by the speaker to present the action that is expressed by the clause as sequential to those described in the preceding clauses and as being, moreover, an integral component of the overall event that is described in these clauses. In (19) the connection is likewise one of temporal and logical sequence. In (20) and (21) the verb-subject clauses are most easily interpreted as elaborations that are closely tagged onto what precedes them. In most of these examples the subject referent has an incidental status and does not play an important role in what folIows. The factor of semantic binding to what precedes, therefore, is likely to the crucial one. Verb-subject constructions are often used in a main clause following a temporal clause that is introduced a temporal particle. Such verb-subject clauses are explicitly signalled as being closely sequential to what precedes by the syntactic subordination of the temporal clause, e.g. (22) Mlar ma-da-ka-m~alax ram!a,1 daJa~rlyya,l ~ak-pal!i !ama!al u-qa!al b-i/:tti/iil. 1k-pal{i l-darta. 1'After they have performed the evening prayers, for the evening service, the deacons and priests come out in festive celebration. They come out into the courtyard. ' (B:4) (23) ~amma da-ka-mba!lanwala l k-mayajWa ~alla/:t m/:tu~yad xamyanil 'When I used to cook it, my departed father-in-Iaw used to die for it (Le. he used to love eating it).' (Play 13)

(24) ~e-ga da-!m~l ana k-ina g-be~e d-taCda-lla/:t,l ~abla!!al kaffa dida/:t u-ta~~a dlda/:t l nqa!a.l 'When he heard that they wanted to harm her, he started punching and slapping (literally: his fist and slap knocked a hitting)' (F:36)

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(25) ~amma di1-g-ma/ewa li1-gdi~al k-aIiwa sawala. 1 'When they completed the stack, the man who transported (the crops) would come.' (B:94) When a c1ause with a subject that is postposed after the verb also contains an object nominal, this may be placed either after or before the subject, e.g. (26) ~qalhi11 /:!aramlYYi1 1~uwanat-ul toraia l 'The thieves took sheep and cows.' (F:7)

(27) mani kdm-~ama~la?1 b-ani1 ~aInal ki1m-~am~li1 Putrus ~6lu qal di1-~wayal 'Who heard her? At that point, Putrus 'Olu heard the sound ofthe shouting.' (F:32) (28) k-arewa ~~ra kullehi1 1'They aIl participated in the round (ofthe harvest).' (S:41) In general, when the subject nominal is placed before the verb, the speaker intends to present the c1ause as having a greater degree of semantic independence from what precedes than when the subject is placed after the verb. The judgement as to whether the clause is more or less independent is largely based on the choice of the individual speaker as to how he wishes to present the discourse to the speaker. We can, nevertheless, identify a general tendency to use a subject-verb construction in the foIlowing contexts. (i) Generic statements Clauses that express generic or proverbial statements have by their nature a certain degree of semantic independence from the preceding context and are generaIly expressed by a subject-verb construction, e.g. (29) ba!alal k-t1xi1l ~u-kd-m/:!a~i1l bi1~-/:!eli1 m-jahaya. 1 'An unemployed person eats and brings in more that a hardworking person.' (Play 116)

(30) ~aga d-ild sab~,1 xaji,1 b-aga y6ma mxali1~ roxi1/:!1 'Whoever is a lion, my sister, nowadays saves himself.' (Play 75) (31) ~awa di1-k-Jati1 m-bira mayal la-g-raYi1q i1b-gawa/:!.1 'Whoever drinks water from the weIl does not spit in it.' (Proverbs 17) (32) ~ulali1d heIa har la-xal#1 'Housework never finishes' (Play 25) (33) tawarta k-ewalux xaLya. 1'A cow gives you milk' (B:101) (34) ~upra k-~atiwa ~axta.1 'Soil absorbs filth' (B:103)

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(ii) Non-sequential actions When a clause expresses an action that the speaker wishes to present as overlapping temporally with the preceding action rather than being sequential to it, the subject-verb construction is often used, e.g.

(35) Ja mqudamla yaCni ra1abla naqla xarela,' La kam-ewilaJ.lila.' fa-nasad maJ.a kulleha bas-k-adiwa b-gawalJ' 'So, he proposed, that is he requested her, finally, but they did not give her to him. The people ofthe town all knew about it' (S:5) (36) 'u-jamCala' k-otjala taqriban xamsi-sti raqqa-w,' daryala ...

'al-rabaq.' 'u-baAbu Sabib is saying .. .' (F:53) (51) fa-lJ,aramiyya d-agi mala k-iyewa hajima l-Bagdeda. 1 'Thieves from this town had made a raid on Bagded~.' (F:8) (52) ~u-bacden ~ag-mobUla ~al-tanurta,1 ... ~aya xarta k-iyawa k-sa~ra.1 'Then they would take it to the oven, ... (while) the other woman was stoking it.' (K:69) (53) Putrus ~61u k-iwa {WPa l 'Putrus >alu was asleep.' (F:4) 17.3.7. Subject verb agreement In principle, the inflection of the verb agrees in number, gender and person with the subject nominal. When, however, a plural subject nominal is placed after the verb, the singular form of the verb is occasionally used (1 and 2). Similary, the verb is sometimes singular when it is followed by a subject that consists of several coordinated nouns (3 and 4): (1) bacden ~atlan ~ab-satwa ~ak-pala{ Ulan ~askapa ~u-lagna.1 bacden k-pala{ Ulan xarosya,l ~u-bacden k-pala{ lilan .... ~atlan xarqzza' ~u-arenal 'Then in the winter ~askapa and lagna (a kind of artichoke) grow for us (to eat). Then xarosya grow for us (to

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eat). Then xarqiz3 (the plant ofthe lagn3) and ~aren3 (mallows) grow for us' (K:81) (2) payaswa xar!3 k-paltiwa b-aga sabl. l 'In this way the wheat would grow.' (B:51) (3) xa yoma l Jil3 Musasu l ~u-~Abu SabIb,1 Bab3d SabIb,1 ~u-ma samm31; ~awa xanna?1 - Majzd lJamad 'One day there came Musasu, 'Abu Sabib, (that is) Bab~d Sabib, and what's his name, the other one - Majid I:Iamad' (F:44)

(4) bm-maryalh3n badam l;ay6rta ~u-zdiela.1 'Astonishment and fear had afflicted them.' (Gospels 27)

17.3.8. Independent subject pronouns A pronominal reference to the subject of the c1ause is contained within the inflection of a verb and so the additional occurrence of an independent subject pronoun is redundant with regard to the identification of the subject. The use of an independent pronoun does, nevertheless, have discourse functions. These functions are performed both by independent pronouns in verbal c1auses and also by those that occur in copula c1auses. The following discussion, therefore, will inc1ude examples from both verbal and copula c1auses. 17.3.8.1 Clause initial subject pronouns Pronoun not bearing the nuc1ear stress When an independent subject is placed before the verb or copula and does not bear the nuc1ear stress, the motivation for the use of the pronoun is generally to mark some kind of semantic discontinuity in the discourse. The discourse function of such c1auses, therefore, is similar to that of c1auses with subject nominals in initial position. The various types of semantic discontinuities inc1ude the following. (i) Shift in topic referent

An independent subject pronoun is used when there is a change in subject. In most cases the new subject is also the topic referent in the c1ause and often also in subsequent c1auses, e.g. (1) k3m-amzra: ~asx3nni masxa,1 maql3d masxa.1I-ahi k-ila xazya l k-ila ~zg31;1 ~3q!~ta m3n-d-axa,l k-lla k-$oya. 1 'He said to her: "Heat some oil for me, a frying-pan of oill". She sees that his hand is cut off from here and yells.' (F: 17-18)

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(2) ja-xorawalal) kam-ceflf ahu zalla. 1 'His friends left hirn and he

went away.' (S:13) (3)

drihan ~axala,1 ~axalad nafal m-tunal ~u-ma-sCara.1 mutuhan maraqa-w rlJZza l ~aw-gurgur.1 ja-~ana xalha xanawa. 1 'They added food, the food of people, together with the hay and barley. They served soup, rice and burghul. They (the horses) ate a Iittle.' (F:69-70)

An independent pronoun is often used at the beginning of a turn in conversation or at the onset of a section of discourse, e.g. (4) k-amal ana k-ina g-be>e d-tacdeli. 1 'She says to hirn "These people want to harm me.''' (F:35) (5) ~6xni k-6gax l6xma raqiqa l 'We make thin bread.' (K:23) (6)

b-fatad tmani l ~axni-hMlan belan ~atiqal 'In the year (19)80, we demolished our old house.' (S: 104)

(ii) Non-sequential actions On some occasions where an independent subject pronoun is used, there is no change in the subject referent. In such cases the use of the pronoun reflects a discontinuity on another level of the discourse. One such discontinuity is the lack of temporal sequence between the action of the clause and that ofthe adjacent discourse. Rather, the action ofthe clause overlaps temporally with it, e.g. (7) driha ~aqlalad ~Abu Sabib,1 w-ana k-ina k-Mte car6.q (abcan. 1 'They put the legs of) Abu SabIb (in the basin) - they, of course, were drinking arak.' (F:53) (8) xa manhai w-ahu ka-mqa{iJll qa#a kaIßttal)1 'One ofthem cut off his hand with his sword whilst he was fighting.' (F: 16) (iii) Boundary in section of discourse The discontinuity can sometimes be identified with the onset of a new section of discourse. Consider the following examples: (9) xa yoma l liliJ Musasu l ~u-~Abu Sabib,1 Babad Sabib,1 ~u-ma fammal) ~awa xanna?1 - Majzd lfamad. 1 ~ana zalha,1 k-ina ~az6la k-Mt- eka?1 b-I)aqal diJ-Musasu. 1'One day Musasu came along, (together with) )Abu SabIb. (that is) Bab;}d SabIb. and what's his name, the other one - Majid ijamad. They went drinking. Where? - to the field ofMusasu.' (F:44)

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(10) Ja-kud-xa k-ila fina xa-mandi l cala-mu-d xapril ~fJmma t-J;a~fJlha k-!albi b-ggaga b-urxa m3ndi. 1Ja-~anfl zalhfln kul/ehem,1 ~axar

m3ndil qS3mhan i 'Everyone is carrying something, in order to dig, when it happens that they have to search together for something on the road. They all set off and finally split up' (F:103) (11) g-ba~an t-awetu basima. 1~ana muPalli,l g-ba~an az-zaU. 1'Bless you (literaIly: I want you to be weIl), but I am late and I must go' (Play 57) (12) ~axni k-6gax laxma raqiqa l ~u-k-6gax jai>a ma-tabaqa,l ~u-k-6gax jai>a ~-~ubala,l w-axni mashiirin-iyax ab-kubeba raba l 'We make thin bread. We make layered flat breads. We make finger breads. We are famous for the big kubba.' (K:23)

In (9) the c1ause with the subject pronoun ~ana zMha marks the onset of the narrative after a preliminary section that introduces the main characters onto the scene. In (10) the c1ause ~ana zMhan coincides with the return to the main narrative after a background section that describes the participants. The c1ause ~ana mus~MU 'I am late' in (11) marks a shift in the discourse topic? The c1ause preceding it, by contrast, is a comment on the speech of the previous speaker. The following c1ause g-ba~an az-zaU without an independent pronoun continues the discourse topic begun with ~ana muP311i. The shift in (12) marked by the c1ause w-axni mashürln-iyax ab-kuMba raba can also be identified as a shift in discourse topic. In the preceding discourse the speaker talked about the baking of various types of bread, whereas here he shifts to talk about the custom of cooking meat balls. In some cases, a c1ause with an independent pronoun coincides with a shift in the topic referent and also some form of discontinuity on another level discourse. In (13) and (14) below, for example, the second c1ause not only has a different topic but also is non-sequential to the first: (13) ~ax6ni k-sa~ar tanurta l w-ana g-garman garoma l ~aw ~ana k-zaU tanima ~ahu garam garoma. 1'My brother would light the oven and I would roll with the rolling-pin, or I would go to the oven and he would roll with the rolling-pin.' (S:91) l

(14) ~ana bad-ambaq3rnexul w-axtu jobuU.1 'I shall ask you (questions) and you answer me.' (Play 123) 2

For the notion of discourse topic see the note on p.264.

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In some cases the main motivation to use an independent pronoun is to express the independence of the clause for the sake of giving it prominence. This appears to apply to the folowing: (15) 'ana g-bPan taballa l b-taballa!1 'I want a marble for a marble!' (Play 2) (16) 'ana has rableyan l 'I am the older one.' (Play 125) (17) 'axni pjslan bas-!itqara m-!uqara. 1 'We have become poorer

than the poor.' (Play 81) (18) Bagdeda l 'ahUa mala 'atjqta l,tela. 1 ya'jlwala kaJlaka 'allal,tl can-'itrxad da-x:xaI sammal,tl Mar Yol,tanna DUemi. 1'ahu mu'alla kal1aka 'allalJ,.1 'Bagded~ is a very ancient town. Catholicism entered it by means of one named Mar Yol,1anna Dilemi. He brought Catholicism ioto it.' (K: 1) Pronoun bearing the nuclear stress When the independent pronoun bears the nuclear stress, the function of the construction is generally different. The motivation for the use of the pronoun in such cases is normally to express an information focus on the pronominal referent. This may be contrastive or inclusive. Sometimes a nuclear stress occurs also on the predicate of the clause, which can be regarded to be the result of the bonding together of two intonation groups by sandhi. 3 Examples: (i) Contrastive (19) talWala nasa msihdla, I 'iuni msacdtixwala. 1 'My mother did

not have somebody to help her, we helped her.' (S:91) (20) 'ana m-masaxnaya gadaya l 'I (not you) shall heat up the lunch.' (Play 31) (ii) Inclusive (21) 'ana-ham la k-masj'lan. 1'I also shall not delay.' (Play 30)

(22) ham-axtu mpil-iyetu?1 'Are you are also reduced (to poverty)?'

(Play 102) (23) heim axtun badam ml6 kela da-'awahalxun. 1 'You also,

therefore, fill up the measure ofyour fathers.' (Gospel 12) For the notion of intonation group sandhi see Cruttenden (1986: 43).

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(24) I;att-ana k-iyan xazya ~a4a naJa l 'Even I have seen this man.'

(F:I05) When the verb in the clause is a compound form that contains the copula (Le. k-ila k-qalal, k-ila qlila and related forms), the copula is attached to the pronoun, which marks it as a prominent component (see §15.4.1., §15.5.1.), e.g. (25) naql{zla k-6ya ~ammi mar~la,1 k-zala l-duka,1 malalan ~eka bi-cammi,1 ~eka bi-xali,1 ~ana-~iyan ka-mbtzJlan.1'Sometimes my mother is ill and goes to some place, for example to the horne of my patemal uncle or the horne of my matemal uncle, and I cook.' (S :93)

Example (26) below is a rather unusual construction in which the speaker uses the copula three times to mark a prominence on a pronoun, an adverbial and the verb respectively, each of these being presented in separate intonation groups. The effect of this is that each of these components is asserted to forestall any misunderstanding on the part of the hearer: (26) murJballa b~annahu ~ahu-lal ~axelal q!ilelal 'But he left proof that he killed (hirn) here.' (F: 117) 17.3.8.2. Postposed subject pronouns Independent subject pronouns are on some occasions postposed after the verb. In such cases they generally come at the end of the clause, after any other complements of the verb, such as a direct object or prepositional phrase. This construction expresses greater continuity and cohesion with the preceding discourse than the construction where the pronoun stands before the verb. The purpose of the use of the pronoun in many cases appears to be to give prominence to the clause as a whole. When it has this function, the nuclear stress is often retracted to another complement ofthe verb, e.g. (1) ~eka zalha ~anal ~arw-u wanat k-maJih-ahu yaCni. 1 'Wherever those sheep had gone, he would bring them back' (F:5) (2) fa-l-muhim l zall- ahu l ~u-rkula susta didal;l 'The important thing is, he went and mounted his mare' (F: 13) (3)

b-ana ~alnal kam-Jam~la Putrus ~61u qal da-~waya,ll~annahu ballatta qarutela l-ballattan.lfa-~anha k-ina niyatta xruta miran. 1 ra~san y~all-ahu . 1 'At that point, Putrus 'Olu heard the sound

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of the shouting, for their front door is opposite our front door. We have said that their intention was bad. He ente red at once.' (F:32-33) (4) Itrannahu d-awahat >a/aha ka-mrax~mlux.1 'You-God has mercy on you.'

(Play 122) (9) ja->atja k-rab{iwala I-koral 'This-they tied it to the harness.'

(S:33) (10) >ana g-dareha,1 g-dareha m-maya. 1'These-they put them, they

put them in water.' (S:65)

On some occasions, the extraposed pronoun is uttered in aseparate intonation group, e.g. (11) ja->ahu l JfJnla dida/:l l xalya-lla/:l l 'He-his sleep was sweet to

hirn.' (F:5) (12) Mm axnil klU ffJmman am-fammanad juqara!1 'Also usregister our name among the names of the poor!' (Play 99) (13) ja->awa x~nnal/a ki1m-qa!fJlla 'This other one-he did not beat

hirn.' (F:42) On rare occasions more than one extraposed element is placed at the front of the clause and each is resumed by a coreferential pronominal element within the clause, e.g. (14) !abCan >axni >agi /:lukila l Mbi k-/:lakUanila,1 /a k-/:lakaxl- axni. 1

'Of course, we, this story-my father teils us it, we do not tell it ourselves' (S:4)

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(ii) Resumptive element

In a large proportion of the examples of extrapositional constructions in the text corpus the resumptive element is an object pronominal suffix, e.g. (15) Jawa pJsra kosiwala kwasa l J~b-dan~1 'The meat-they stored it

in large jars.' (K:59) (16) !a-Jan~ gar~1 k-awewa k-salqiwalh~ ~ele b-nura. 1 'These

bricks-they used to bake them weIl in the fire.' (S:95) (17) Jan~ g-darewalh~ b-s~ndan~1 'These-they would put them in

pots.' (S: 108) As indicated in § 15.11.2., the syntactic structure ofthese constructions is, in fact, ambiguous. This is because direct object nominals are often accompanied by a coreferential object agreement suffix on the verb even when they are placed after the verb, whereas the object nominal itself does not have any object marker attached to it. It follows from this, therefore, that the initial nominal in examples such as (15) and (16) could be interpreted as a fronted object nominal rather than an extraposed nominal. Since their syntactic function, however, is the same as other extrapositional constructions, they are treated here as extraposition, despite this ambiguity of structure. In several examples the resumptive element is a pronominal suffix that is the complement of preposition, e.g. (18) Jan~ Jiyal~ zad hQr xal~l 19ux mJnh~.1 Ju-Cammux Fransu,1 bas-hQll~ da-Jtawa. 1 'Those young children-just wash your

hands of them! Your Uncle Fransu-just let hirn sit.' (Play 105) (19) w-axni l ma bd-al~ lilan?1 'We-what would happen to us.'

(Play 7) (20) Jagi -xalta k-amaxla basust~ ~amme(ja.1 'This dish-we call it

wheat kemels (with) ~amme(ja.' (K:60) The occurrence of a genitive pronominal suffix as a resumptive element is rarely attested in the text corpus, e.g. (21) hQm axni l kjU sJmman ~m-s~mman~d !uqara!1 'Also we-

register our name among the names of the poor!' (Play 99) (22) !a-Jahu l sJnla dld~~1 xalya-ll~~1 'He-his sleep was sweet to

hirn.' (F:5)

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The extrapostion of a subject nominal from a main clause is rarely attested. This is largely due to the fact that, as we shall see, the sequence subject nominal + verb is in general equivalent in syntactic function to extraposition. A few sporadic cases occur in my recordings of an extraposed subject that is resumed by an independent subject pronoun before the verb, e.g. (23) tunaYJd maran l 'anhJ mbasmi xaYJ. 1'The words ofOur Lordlet them cure (our) life.' (Play 204) Constructions such as (24), where an interrogative particle occurs between the subject and the verb, can be regarded as extrapositional: (24) 'agi 'iga may--la mubxela 'Jmmala f.zeliJ?1 'This hand-has it

not made many mothers weep?' (F:18) Subjects quite frequently stand in extraposition before subordinate adverbial clauses, e.g. (25) suraYJd BagdedJ '~mma d-g-ya'/iwa l-ita falxiwa cJroxJ. 1'The Christians of Bagded:r-when they entered a church, they took off their shoes.' (B:69) (26) Ja-'aniJ 'awwal ma-dJ-JihiJ1 m-awwal yoma,1 mJcaljihJ da-susawala,1 kiJ-moxllhJ-wl k-ina k-maftehJ,1 'They-as soon as they came, on the first day, they feed the horses, give them food and give them drink.' (F:68) (27) Ja-xa-mma diJ-k-faq~lwa gga, ta k-ewiwala -lla da xa-mucallJml 'aw da xa-zangin. 'A man-when he wanted to marry a woman, they would give her (in marriage) only to a teacher or to a rich man' (S:2) I

1

(28) BagdedJ 'u-ma-qad roya,l malan,l la-nafya 'ax kalla t-oya,l malan,l 'Bagded:r-however big it becomes, our town, it does

not forget how to be a bride, our town.' (Poetry 21) On a few occasions the resumptive element in an extrapositional construction is a nominal rather than a pronoun, e.g. (29) qenayal 'axni xali qenayewal 'A goldsmith - my uncle in our family was a goldsmith.' (B:25) In some cases, the resumptive nominal is not completely co-referential with the extraposed nominal but rather stands in a set relationship to it. The resumptive nominal constitutes an item subsumed by the set denoted by the extraposed nominal, e.g.

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(30) ~u-Caraq' satilux sa{lad Caraq ~a(# '(As for) arak-it will drink

for you a bucket of arak.' (F:75) (31) ~u-salfat /Jujjala' ma-/Jujjala,l k-iyax ~ana' ~uJammux ~}su). y)mya' da-la miYlax ~ad /Jujjala k)rya,l w-ana da-ka-m.xeli ~al-bela ~abaJ 'As for the story of clothes and the like-I and your uncle >Hu> have vowed not to bring those short clothes and those that you can see through into the house ever.' (Play 178) In a similar manner, the phrase kud-xa ('each one') in (32) and (33) below is related to the extraposed element in being an item in the set that the extraposed element refers to: (32) ~ana ra~san kud-xa cmakla b-duka/J.' These people-at once each one withered in his place.' (F:33) (33) w-ane ~umma-zlam,l kud-xa !~ina 'These one hundred men-

each one is carrying (something).' (F:I02) An extraposed item may be left without any explicit resumption in the clause. In such cases the extraposed element sets the orientation of the clause, similarly to a clause initial adverbial, without playing a syntactic role in the clause. (34) laxma k-lesi lesa' '(With regard to) bread -

they knead

dough.' (S:67) (35) xalwa xalya maralxUa' '(With regard to) yoghurt-they boil the

milk.' (B: 119) A speaker sometimes extraposes the 1pI. independent pronoun in this way when referring to activities in his own horne or community. This is the case in (36) and (37). In (37) a second item is extraposed, which, unlike the pronoun, does have an explicit resumptive element: (36) ~axni baba d-iyala zara k-sata.' 'We-the father ofthe children was drinking.' (Play 143)

(37) ~axni p)sra' g-naxriwala' 'We, meat-they would slaughter it (=In our community, people would slaughter (animals for their) meat).' (B:149)

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17.3.17.2. Function The function of the extraposition of an item at the front of a verbal clause is similar to that ofverbal clauses with initial subjects (§§17.3.5-6.), in that the extrapositional constructions in general express some kind of discontinuity and reorientation in the discourse. As with subject-verb constructions, the initial nominal expresses the topic referent of the clause, which often has topical status also in the following clauses. The types of discontinuity that are expressed by the extrapositional verbal clauses in the text corpus can be classified as follows: (i) Shift in topic referent When the speaker directs attention to a new topic referent, this is often placed at the front of the clause in extraposition, if it is not the subject of the clause. In (1) below, the speaker shifts attention to the land earJa) and its method of cultivation after discussing the various crops that are grown in the region. 'The land' remains the topic referent that is the centre of attention in the subsequent few clauses and there is no shift to another topic. This is reflected by the fact that subject nominals in subsequent clauses such as mJ!ra ('rain') and XJ!!J ('wheat'), which are incidental rather topical, are placed after the verb: (1)

g-zarJiwa,1 Jara g-ragiwala htidax JJzala-w JJlaya,l k-ami/J krawa,l Ju-htidax JJtnaya. 1 b-mzab/iwa,l ZJbJl,l JJb-bela. 1 Ju-g-zarJiwa-w l k-aJiwa mJ!ra,1 payaJwa xa!!J k-pal{iwa b-aga JJbl.' 'They cultivated. The land-they would plough it like

this, back and forth, it was called krawa and like this [informant indicates with his hands] (was called) JJtnaya. They would spread on it manure from (animals kept in) the house. They would sow seed, the rain would come and in this way the wheat would grow.' (B:50-51) Further examples of extrapositional constructions used to express a shift in the topic referent are as folIows: (2)

JammJJ:z kJm-mJr~M1J k-amalJ: 1 qu-llux. 1 J:zaramiYYJ lihJ. 1 !a-Jahu l Janla didJJ:z1xalya-llJJ:z,1 !a-[Q-qJmlJ. 1'His mother woke

hirn and said to hirn: "Get up! Thieves have come." But hehis sleep was sweet to hirn and he did not get up.' (F:4-5) (3) !a-kJm-zadUJ-w' ZJllJ. 1 Jaga xanna kJm-!aJJnn-u l bm-dari/J tXil-d-aqlJJ:z.1 'So, he threw hirn and he disappeared. Another

one-he picked hirn up and put hirn under his foot.' (F:38)

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(4) kam-mosaqlC1 l-SUSC1 didC1f.!,! kam-rabauC1 b-SUSC11~u-kC1m-sadarhC1 da-mC1rwal1C1,1 fa-~awa x?mna La kam-qa!aUC1 cala-mu-d mobC1l aga,! f.!atta d-amC1r qa~~a may-la,1 'He brought up his horse, tied l

them to the horse and sent them to their family. Another onehe did not beat hirn up, so that he would take (the news), in order that he would tell people what the story was.' (F:42)

(5) w-anC1 raqqC1 rabC1,1 ~C1g-garoma palxihC1,1 ~C1b-gira k-amUC1, I '(As for) the big raqqC1, they open them out with 'rolling-pins', with what is called a gira ('long rolling-pin').' (S:71) (6) qamela LaJWa ma!bax, 1 f.!ammam k-ogiwalC1 l-XOgC1f.! naqLala l-baraYC1 1 'In the old days there was no kitchen. (As for the bathroom), they would sometimes build it separately outside,' (S:106) l

The new topic may have inc1usive focus, in which case it bears nuclear stress. In (7) the extraposed item stands in a separate intonation group:

(7) ham axni l klu samman C1m-sC1mmanC1d fuqara!1 'We also-, register our name among the names of the poor!' (Play 99) Related to the topic shift function of extraposition is the use of the construction to place an item at the front of the c1ause in order to set it up in parallel with an item in the following or preceding clause, which is also placed in initial position. The effect of this is to establish each of the initial items as topic referents in their respective c1auses. The structural parallelism also expresses that the two items are semantically linked in some kind of set relationship. Examples:

(8) lC1J annahu pasmC1f.!1 k-iwa mUCC1lqC1f.! lC1-#iwa,1 bas lass?JttC1f.!1 La kC1m-matwUxla,1 'because his pasma-he had hung it up on the cross, But his corpse-he did not reveal it.' (F: 117) (9) qattawanC11 kC1-mpaltihC1 l-d?Jpna-wl xC1t!aWanC11 pesi l-d?Jpna,1 'The coarse bits-they put them out on one side and the fine wheat grains remain on the other side' (S:45) (1 0) ~anC1 Xa!!C1 griSC1 1 g-darehC1 J C1m-maya,1 ~u-pasra g-deqUC1 b-sC1ndana l 'The ground wheat-they put them in together with water and the meat-they grind it in a (thing like an) anvil.' (S:52) (11) ~anC1 ~iyalC1 zorC1 1 har xalC1l igux manhC1,1 ~uJammux Fransu,1 bas-haUC1 da-~tawa,1 'Those young children-just wash your

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hands of them! Your Uncle Fransu-just let hirn sit.' (Play 105) (ii) New section of discourse

Extraposition is also used where there is not necessarily a change in topic referent but there is, nevertheless, a discontinuity on some other level of discourse. In several cases, the extrapositional verbal clauses in the text corpus occur at the onset of a new section of discourse. Consider the following: (12) k-og,iwa masxa b-ag,i !arlqa. 1~u-masxa g-mCJpCJsriwalCJ 1 ~amma dCJ-paICJ!Wa ag,i qrasta mCJpCJsrlla. 1'They used to make oil in this way. The oil-they used to melt it, when this cream was produced they would melt it.' (B: 125) (13) ~aJWalan birala j.zeLCJ BagdedCJ. 1hal-daha ~atlan piSi ~CJI-birala.1 birCJd Bi-Soqqat,1 ~u-birCJd Bi-B~nna,l ... bira l xaprila b-~ig,a xpara. 1 'We had many wells in Bagded;). Until now there are some who live by (drawing water from) weHs. (We could mention) the weH of the Soqqat family, the weH of the B;)nna family, ... A weH-they dig it by hand.' (K:87-88) (14) ~aJWa !aC6lta k-amila pCJrkanCJ. 1Ja-ma k-og,iwa?1 qattala zod ~u-k-aywa saxta-w ~yana.1 k-aliwa m~!ra,1 wa-k-og,iwa,l g-naqsiwa bCJ-qattala. 1 ~ane pCJrktinCJ g-mo~liwalhCJ bCJ-gg,ag,CJ. 1 ~ema k-am~rwa;1 yaram bCJdd~m.1 ~ana bCJ-naqasna qatti. 1'There was agame caHed pCJrkanCJ ('idols'). What did they do? There were smaH sticks, and mud and filth. When it rained they played this, they knocked the sticks (into the mud). These "idols"-they would insert them together. Somebody would say "yarCJm bCJddCJm" I shaH knock in my stick.' (B: 182-183) (15) Ja-q~mhCJI skihCJ. 1skihCJ 'eka b-zalhCJ?1 !abCan ~a! ... k-amiwa! qlirJi d-Mo~u!,1 ~ahu d-iwa mas~a! !CJ-sur!a. 1 qlirJi d-Mo~u!1 yaba kCJm-mam!e!CJ j.zukila,l kCJm-iimllCJ;1 'So they went and made a complaint. (When) they made the complaint, where would they go? üf course, to somebody known as the judge ofMo~ul, who was responsible for the policemen. The judge of Mo~ul-they reported the story to hirn and said to hirn ... ' (F:76-77) In (12) the topic referent continues to be the 'oil' (mCJsxa). The speaker uses the extrapositional construction, in which the topic referent is reidentified at the head of the clause, in order to express syntacticaHy a

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CHAPTERSEVENTEEN

demarcation between two stages in the preparation of the dairy product. In (13) the extrapositional clauses coincides with the transition to a description of how wells were made after a section enumerating the weHs that were still in existence in Bagded;}. In (14) the extrapositional clause signals the onset of the section describing the details of how the game was played after an introductory section. In (15) the extrapositional clause expresses a boundary in the discourse that corresponds to areturn to the main narrative after a short explanatory section. A topic referent is sometimes placed in extraposition at the onset of a turn of conversation, e.g. (16) :>(lhat ~ataha ka-mraxamlux. 1 ~am-hiidax kam-fadirux ~allan.1 'You-God has mercy on you. For this reason he has sent you to us.' (Play 122) (17) ~agi ~iga may-la mubxela ~ammala l}ela?1 'This hand-has it not made many mothers weep?' (F:18) (18) ~awa I}akiyux ta maraxfatla b-rW!1 'That talk of yours-do not direct it against me!' (Play 203) (iii) Topic referents obligatorily resumed by L-suffixes In certain verbal clauses, an initial topic referent regularly stands in extraposition and is resumed on the verb by an L-suffix. These include constructions expressing 'liking' with the verb ~jb and 'naming' constructions with the verb ~mr, e.g. (19) babi k-ajabli qrayal 'My father likes reading (literally: My father---i"eading pleases hirn).' (20) kawi ~anal k-ajbali fdqa. 1'I like joking.' (Play 167) (21) ~anal ta k-~ajabli ~atawa qam-balla. 1'I do not like sitting before the front door.' (Play 46) (22) ~ana k-ajabli mbaqranl 'I should like to ask.' (Play 127) (23) hagi k-amrUa krawa l 'They call it "first ploughing.'" (K:26) (24) ~a4a k-amriwala nqara. 1'This is called "pricking.''' (B:44) (25) ~anhan k-amraxxa xOla da-~liwa g-baxya,l ~u-Maryam de Maryam. 1'We call these (hymns) "She weeps under the cross" and "Mary, Oh Mary!'" (K:78)

In such constructions, the pronominal L-suffix affixed to the verb has become grammaticalized and cannot be replaced by an independent prepositional phrase, such as l-babi k-ajab qraya. The relationship

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expressed by the preposition is marked on the verb alone. A similar type of grammaticalization has, of course, occurred in clauses with the qtalla form of verb, in that the relation expressed by the 1- preposition is likewise marked only on the verb and the nominal to which the pronominal element refers is treated syntactically like a subject, without a preposition, e.g. (26) garma platza. 'The bone came out.' (F:56) 1

(27) Ja-sawi rxamla woman.' (S:3)

ggol 'My grandfather fell in love with a certain

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN

CLAUSE SEQUENCES 18.1 Connective partie/es

Two main clause conjunctions are used, viz. the particles latter is a borrowing from Arabic. 18.1.1.

~u

and Ja. The

~u

When functioning as a clausal conjunction, the particle ~u is generally prefixed to the initial word of the clause. On a number of occasions, however, it is suffixed to the final word of the preceding clause and has the form -u without the initial PI. When this final word ends in a high vowel such as lai, liI or lei, this high vowel is generally elided, e.g. (1)

kJalfih-u l mafteha mayal 'They feed them, give them water to

drink.' (F:67) (2) k-zalh-u k-ale

ranal 'They go back and forth on them.' (K:74)

(3) ~u-kulleha gdedaya k-awe xa-jamic-u l kulleha k-awe IwHa l J:zujjala $uqla. 1 'All the inhabitants of Bagded~ are one group

and are all dressed in fine clothes.' (K:13) If the word ends in the low vowel lai, the suffixed particle has the form w,e.g. (4) bas ~afxan maha-w latlax da~a.1 'Just heat the oil and do not

concern yourself about it.' (F: 18) (5)

k-$6~i ~idalad kalla-w g-da~ri.1 'They dye the hands ofthe bride

and come back.' (K:39) (6) k-zalha llaJ:z d-saqlila-w k-zalha l-~ital 'They go to her (the

bride) in order to take her and go to the church.' (K:40) Occasionally, due to a hesitation, the speaker attaches a particle as a suffix to the end of one clause and then repeats it as aprefix to the following clause, e.g.

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463

(7) k-malital;il-u,1 >u-tabCan darmima l tarklz dida!:zl >asti m->umma. 1 'He brings it to hirn and, of course, the concentration of the rnedicine is sixty percent.' (F:47) (8) >ajwa xagarwana!:z >ilimat-u,l >u-wugwala ~awmac.1 'There were trees around it and he made a cell.' (K:2) Regarding the function of the particle >u, in general terms it can be said to express a closer relationship between clauses than does the particle Ja, which is also used as a clausal connective (see §18.1.2. below). In narrative, the particle >u is sornetirnes placed before a clause that is sequential to what precedes. The usual practice is to place the particle before the last in a chain of sequential clauses, e.g.

(9) >araqla balreha,1 kam-madarha l >u-Jila I-bela l 'He ran after thern, retumed thern and carne horne.' (F:16) (10) Jihan !:zaramiyyal >u-sqalha ma-d-sqalha m-Bagdeda. 1 'Thieves carne and took what they took frorn Bagded~.' (F:4)

(11) >aga xanna kam-ta>ann-ul kam-darf/a txil-d-aqla!:z.1 'He picked up another one and put hirn under his foot.' (F:38) In such sequences the clause that is preceded by the conjunction is presented as expressing an action that is closely linked, temporally and/or spatially, with the action expressed by the preceding clause. The conjunction marks the endpoint in the chain and so has a certain pausal force. In fast rnoving narrative, therefore, rnany clauses expressing an event sequence are connected together without the conjunction, e.g. (12) muJila skina. 1mo>alla l-risa!:z.1 kam-qaya#a. 1za/la b-gand6r- eka d-awa xanna. 1 >awa xanna l ma-I-ti~ bas k-~awa,1 ka-mxarba{.1 stira /la!:z,1 kam-qata/la m-d-agi qtalta.1 'She brought the knife. He plunges it in his head. He cut it off. It went rolling to where the other person was. The other person below is screarning and is distraught. He went down to hirn and beat hirn in the same way.' (F:41)

A large proportion of the occurrences of the conjunction >u in the text· corpus are used before clauses that are not sequential to what precedes, but rather express an event or situation that overlaps temporally with what precedes, e.g.

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(13) kam-tapiha ba-gga-Jurxa,! yaCni la jalil can BagdMa ra!JOqta,1 Ju-leyewa matya l-mala daUa J:zaramiy.1 'He caught them up on a road, which was not very far from Bagded~, for (literally: and) the thieves had not arrived in their village' (F:13) (14) driha Jaqtalad JAbu Sabfb,! w-ana k-ina k-Mte Carttq tabcan.1 'They put the legs of 'Abu Sabib (in the basin) - they, of course, were drinking arak.' (F:53) (15) aga kam-arila. 1kam-rabJt!a,! w-aqlalaJ:z har k-ina m-ma k-amila l taJat 'He held hirn. He tied hirn up, while (literally: and) his legs were still in what do you call it - the basin.' (F: 56) (16) ja-lihan taqriban Jarbi zMma l w-anh-ana ganaw-ina. 1 'About forty men came and these were thieves.' (F: 1) To present several events as being parallel aspects of a situation rather than strictly sequential events, the conjunction is placed before each clause, e.g. (17) ja-susawal1a tabCanl k-motwilha 1- ... JaUa daka xtt$$a l kJaljih-u l maJteha maya,! Ju-k-mrorjih-u l mdaJriha xarta naqla,1 u-hiLdax. 1'They, of course, put their horses in a special place, which people have, and (people) feed them, give them water to drink, exercise them and bring them back again, and so on.' (F:67) 1

In expository discourse, J u is often used to link clauses that express parallel aspects or features ofthe situation that is being described, e.g. (18) yoma qamaya l ka-mJedax xorawalan,1 Ju-xa k-zal eka-xJnna,1 Jeka-naJwala. 1yoma dJ-tra' Jak-pa1tax Jal-baraya,! Jal-derad Mar BenhiLml Jaw-dera m-Mar Matti. 1 Ju-k-zalan k-Mqlax Jaxala mannan,1 kubeba Ju-dolma. 1 Ju-k-raqga) Ju-k-mwunsa) Ju-kzamra) 'On the first day, we celebrate it (with) our friends and one person goes to visit the other, and with relatives. On the second day we go out to the monastery of Mar Benham or the monastery of Mar Matti. We go and we take food with us, kebabs and dolma. We dance, and have a good time and sing.' (K:5-6)

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18.1.2·fa

The conjunctive particle fa is generally prefixed to the beginning of the clause. On a few occasions it bears its own stress, e.g. (1) fa

q~ml~

'and he arose' (F:18)

(2) fa k~m-amira:1 'and she said to hirn' (F:18) (3) fa nas~ k-alewa l-giban. 1'and being used to come to us' (B:21) In general, the particle fa marks a greater boundary in the discourse than does Yu. In a narrative, speakers use fa as a means of signalling the onset ofthe main stages in the progression ofthe events, e.g. (4) xa yoma l Jil~ Musasu l Yu-Y).bu SabIb,1 Bab~d SabIb,! Yu-ma siJmm~1:t Yawa x~nna?1 - Ma[id /jamad. 1 Yan~ ziJlh~,1 k-ina Yazol~ k-sat- eka?1 b-I:taq~l d~-Musasu.1 fa murkuhul Yanu-frageh~1 'One day Musasu came along (together with) )Abu SabIb, (that is) Bab;Jd SabIb, and what's his name, the other one - MajId I:Iamad. They went drinking. Where? - to the field ofMusasu. They loaded their goods (into the car) ... ' (F:44-45) (5) miJrr~:1 la ka-mhiJmn~t,! halux rxos miJnnan. 1 'ada /a k~-mhem~n.1 !abCan /a ka-mhem~n.llel~ nasa ka-mhem~n hadax m~ndyan~.1 ... fa-lil~ I-Bagded~.1 'They said "If you do not believe it, come with us". He does not believe it. Of course he does not believe it. There is nobody who would believe such things .... So, he came to Bagded;J.' (F:79-80)

(6) 'atlan 'ax majiiz k-amaxwal~1 staY~r ~1-bayega.1 YafWalan bayegat.lfa-!yann~ xa-miJnh~,1 'u-k~m-zadil~ taqriban b~s-par~x p-poxa. 1 'We have a kind of passageway, as we call it, which goes down to the basement. We used to have basements. He picked one of them up and threw hirn so that he almost flew in the air.' (F:37) The particle fa is also used to mark the onset of other types of discourse segments. Consider the following:

(7) yaCni kan k-aw~t dar~t xa barmll,! /az~m dar~t Y~srPalp~ barämll. 1fa-taxftf did~1:t laz~m d-aw~ I:tel~ l:tel~.1 fa-da zall~ muJil~ xa-tre dolkat maya,1 k~m-darih~ '~!-!iJs~t.1 'That is, ifyou use one barrel, you must add twenty thousand barrels. So, the dilution should be very great. He went and brought one or two jugs ofwater and put them in the basin.' (F:52)

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(8) {aC6ltat tatta l ~ahi-la ba-mna,ya,1 ~ahi-la xa-mandi,l ytiCni max t6bba zurtal ~u-payaJwa k-maniwa,l ma-xa hal-xamsil ~aw MI ~umma.1 Ja-k-awe tatta hannat,l tatte-qaplat k-awe,l nasa k-awe l-gawaya,1 nasa k-awe l-baraya.IJa-g-naqJi tabba,1 ~emad qe/:tila k-mayal,1 ~ahu d-la qe/:tila g-zal ek-ila gga duka,l g-zal ag-mana gawa/:t mnaya. 1 'Another game involves counting. It involves

something like a small ball. (One person) stays counting, from one to fifty, or to a hundred. There are two things, two groups, some people are inside and some people are outside. They throw a ball. Whoever they hit is out. The one whom they do not hit goes to where there is a place, in which he goes and counts.' (K:31-32) (9) ~atlan xarta {aCalta l ~ahi-la qatta-w daquz. 1ka-m{aCli ~anJ-u gura b-gawa/:t.1 ~u-g-naqas ... ~aga daqus z6ra k-awa darya ba-gga gum~la,l ~u-g-naqasla b-qattal ~u-g-mapraxla.1 ~ema k-~ari[al k-asaq, k-asaq ~aPil.1 Ja-~anJa ka-m!aCliwa b-JaLawat,l ~ahi-la baJ-sahl l~annahu ka-m!aman ~aga daquz l ka-m!aman ~idala.1 'We have another game, this is qatta-w daquz (the bat and the

stick). Women and men play it. Somebody hits a small stick that is put in a hole, he hits it with a large stick and makes it fly up. The person catching it moves away, moves out ofthe away. The women used to play this with shawls. This is easier, since the small stick bruises, it bruises the hands.' (K:36) In (7) the first Ja marks a transition from a specific explanation to a generalization and the second Ja signals the return to the main narrative chain. In (8), which is expository discourse, the speaker uses Ja to introduce various sections that describe different features of the game. The three sections that can be identified are an initial general description, followed by a specific description of the organization of the players (fak-awe tatta hannat), which in turn is followed by a description of the action of the players (fa-g-naqsi tabba). In (9), which is also expository discourse, the Ja introduces information that is supplementary to the main description (fa-~ansa ka-m!aCliwa b-salawat). The particle is sometimes even used to introduce the opening clause ofthe entire narrative, e.g. (10) Ja-xci yoma,l k-iyawa Bagdeda msuy!arta. 1'Once, Bagded;} was

governed.' (F:60)

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The use of the particle fa often coincides with the occurrence of some other synactic feature that marks a boundary in the discourse, such as the subject nominal or pronoun placed before the verb (§ 17.3.5-6, § 17.3.8.) or an extraposed nominal or pronoun (§ 17.3.17.), e.g. (11) drihan ~ax(lia,1 ~axalad nasal m-tunal ~u-ma-sara.1 mutuhan maraqa-w r;JZza l ~aw-gurgur.1 fa-~ana xalha xanawa. 1 'They added food, the food of people, together with the hay and barley. They served soup, rice and burghul. They (the horses) ate a little.' (F:69-70) (12) yomiyya l k-zawalha,1 yaCnil k-farril ka-mgade l ka-mcase l ~ek da-xa beia. fa-~agi salfa grasla,1 yaCni pasla sanna. 1 'These two policemen had two horses. Every day they would go and have breakfast, lunch and dinner in somebody's house. This situation dragged on, it went on for years.' (F:61) (13) kam-mosaqla l-susa didal,z,1 kam-rabatta b-susal ~u-kam-sadarha da-marwalla. 1fa-~awa xanna l la kam-qaralla cala-mu-d mobal aga,ll,zatta d-amar qa~~a ma-yla. 1'He brought up his horse, tied them to the horse and sent them to their family. He did not beat up one ofthem, so that he would take (the news), in order that he would tell people what the story was.' (F:42) (14) m~uyal,zla.1 m~uyal,zla, la-k-amat mani kam-sam~la?1 b-ana ~aInal kam-sam~la Putrus ~6lu qal da-~waya,l lrannahu ballatta qarutela l-ballattan.lfa-~anha k-ina niyatta xruta miran. 1 'She shouted. When she shouted, who do you think heard her? (Literally: would you not say who heard her?) At that point, Putrus )Olu heard the sound ofthe shouting, for their front door is opposite our front door. They-we have said that their intention was bad.' (F:32-33) As with other syntactic means of expressing discourse boundaries, such as word order, the placement offa is ultimately determined by the choice of the speaker as to how he wishes to present the discourse to his hearer. In some cases a speaker seems to mark off a clause or section of discourse from what precedes withfa in order to give it prominence. This may apply to (15) and the secondfa in (16):

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(15) yaCni kiin-k-axal razza-w maraqa,l gurgur-u maraqa,1 >abd-axal qad xamsi nasa >aga.lja qad kuUa mala >abd-axli,1 >axalad nasa. 1 'That is, if it (a horse) eats rice and soup, burghul and soup, it will eat the quantity of fifty people. It will eat the amount of food eaten by the people in the whole town.' (F:74-75) (16) ja->ahu l sanla dlda/:l l xalya-Ua/:l,lja-la-qamla. 1'But his sleep was sweet to hirn and he did not get up.' (F:5) 18.2. Intonation group boundaries

When presenting aseries of clauses, the speaker may utter each clause in a separate intonation group, e.g. (1) ja-qamla,1 rUa soti. 1bUa d-xanaqla. 1'He went and grabbed my grandmother. He wanted to strangle her.' (F:35) (2) muJila sklna. 1mo>alla l-dsa/:l. 1kam-qaya~la.1 zaUa b-gand6r- eka d-awa xanna. 1'She brought the knife. He plunges it in his head. He cut it off. It went rolling to where the other person was.' (F:41) (3) >u-k-raqgax >u-k-mwunsax >u-k-zamraxl 'We dance, have a good time, and sing.' (K:6) (4) tuha. 1kam-ogtilha cay.1 kam-iimiliha: 1 'Now, they sat down and she made tea for them. She said to them:' (F :26) On a number of occasions more than one clause is placed in the same intonation group. This is found particularly with short verbal clauses, often consisting of no more than the verbal form without any nominal complements. If there are nominal complements, these tend to occur in the final clause. In general, the effect of placing two or more clauses together in the same intonation group is to present the activities expressed by the clauses as being closely related to the extent that they can be interpreted as forming components of a single overall event. The clauses of the series, moreover, usually have the same subject. The first verb in such series is often a verb of movement or the verb qym 'to arise', e.g.

(5) Musasu zaUa mJila rasat. 1 'Musasu went and brought a basin.' (F:50) (6) ma-halxu zalan xazaxjlan. 1'Let's go to see so-and-so.' (F:I06)

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(7) uiU malYayux kursi l 'Let me go and bring you achair.' (Play

88) (8) bacden k-ale xe!iha l 'Then they come and sew them.' (K: 17) (9) Ja-k-alat k-axlatla.1'You come and eat it' (S:76) (10) Ja qamla kam-amar da-~amma!:z:1 'He got up and said to his

mother .. .' (F:18) (11) Ja-~ane qemi jeli jeU yacni. 1 'So, they set about searching and

searching.' (F: 101 ) (12) Ja-qamha bniha fuwwr ~itala 'ab-Bagdeda.1 'So they went and

built seven churches in Bagded~.' (K:21) The elose bonding of these verbs of movement with the verb that follows them is reflected by the fact that, when an object nominal complement of the second verb is fronted, it is generally placed before the initial verb of movement rather than immediately before the verb that govems it, e.g. (13) duwarta g-zal ag-mad 'He goes and counts a round' (K:32)

Other types of verb are sometimes combined together in this in the same intonation group when the speaker wishes to present them as expressing closely related activities, which are components of the same overall event, e.g. (14) 'u-tama k-axU k-Mte k-raqgi k-mwunsi. 1'They eat there, drink, dance and make merry.' (K: 11) (15) k-axU ~u-k-Mte ~u-k-6gi palo'a l 'They eat, drink and share

things.' (K: 13) (16) k-!:zabsiwa g-darewa m-maya-w maIxa. 1'They sealed it and put

it in water and salt.' (B: 11 7) (17) 'amma!:z kam-marrMla k-amala l 'His mother woke hirn and said

to hirn ... ' (F:4) 18.3. Intonation patterns

The relationship between elauses is also signalIed by the pitch contours associated with the nuelear stress in an intonation group. By means of intonation contours the speaker conveys to the hearer a wide range of signals, some of which belong to levels of expression that have no direct correlations in linguistic structure, such as numerous personal attitudes. For this reason it was decided not to mark the intonational pitch contours

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in the the transcription of the texts. Here we shall restrict ourselves to a brief examination of the intonational signals that mark semantic continuity and discontinuity across c1auses. The semantic connection .between c1auses is an issue that has been discussed in numerous places in the foregoing discussion of syntactic structure. We may distinguish two basic types of intonational contours that are relevant for the present discussion, namely a contour expressing disjunction and one expressing conjunction. Following the terminology that is customary in the field of intonation, we may refer to these as 'major juncture' and 'minor juncture' respectively. 18.3.1. Major juncture The intonation expressing major juncture typically has a rising falling pitch contour. The rise occurs on the nuc1ear stress and the fall is spread over any remaining syllables in the word and indeed over any remaining words in the intonation group that come after the word bearing the nuc1ear stress. This contour is represented by the symbol /\. It expresses completeness and disjunction from what follows. As is the case with many syntactic expressions of disjunction, the decsion as to where such a signal of disjunction should be placed is generally govemed by the choice of the speaker as to how he wishes to present the discourse to the hearer. Examples:

(1) >asxanni masxa/\ I 'Heat oil for me!' (F: 17) (2) fa-La-qamla/\ I 'He did not get up' (F:5)

(3)

so ti >ax-msukakla ba>annahu >atta mandi/\ I 'My grandmother kind of suspected that they were up to something' (F:28)

This type of disjunctive intonational signal typically occurs at the type of discourse boundaries that have been discussed at various places above in connection with syntactic structure. They typically coincide, moreover, with syntactic expressions of discourse boundaries, such as clause initial subject nominals or independent pronouns, c1ause initial extraposed items and particles such asfa-. 18.3.2. Minor juncture The intonational contour that is typically associated with minor juncture consists of a low rise in pitch on the nuc1eus that continues to rise across remaining syllables after the nuc1eus. It is represented here by the symbol/. This contour signals incompleteness. In narrative it marks a

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elause as non-final in a chain and elosely connected semantically with what folIows, e.g. ~aramiYYJ/ 1 )u-fqalhJ ma-d-fqalhJ m-BagdedJ / 1 'Thieves came and took what they took from Bagded;}.' (F:4)

(1) lihJn

(2) mUlila skina / I mo)alla l-rlfJ~ / 1 kJm-qaya#J / 1zallJ b-gand6rekJ d-awa xanna" I 'She brought the knife. He plunges it in his

head. He cut it off. It went rolling to where the other person was.' (F:41) (3) )u-ba~den lilJ IJ-BagdedJ / 1 qrulJ I-BagdedJ/ 1 )u-mu)allJ ktiJlaka )alla~" I 'After this he came to Bagded;}, he came elose to Bagded;} and brought Catholicism into it.' (K:3) (4)

k-ila g-bti)a d-)arqa / I bm-laq{Ua" I '(When) she wants to flee,

they caught her.' (F:31) The incompleteness and connection to what follows that is expressed by this type of intonation contour is often expressed also by some aspect of the syntactic structure. A low rising pitch, for example, is usually found on syntactically subordinate elauses that precede their main elause, e.g. (5) e-ga d-YJ)allJ / 1)anJ ra)san kud-xa cmaklJ b-dub~" I 'When he entered, each person at once withered in his place.' (F:33) (6) )amma dJ-b-mbaf/anwaIJ / 1 k-mayajWa )allJ~ m~u~YJd xJmyani" I 'When I used to cook it, my departed father-in-law

used to love it (literally: die for it)'. (Play 13) (7)

klin k-faqlihJ daha / I )am-madarha m-balar" I 'Ifthey take them

now, he will bring them back later.' (F:6) 18.4. Stress position

The normal position of stress in a word containing more than one syllable is on the penuitimate syllable (§5 .). In some cases, however, the nuelear stress is placed on the final syllable. This is, by and large, restricted to the last word of an intonation group. It occurs with relative frequency in lively dialogue, such as is found in the theatre play text ofthe corpus. The length ofthe vowel in the stressed syllable is normally also extended. The function of this stress shift appears to be to give added prominence to what is expressed in the intonation group. The elause where it occurs is often the elimax of a chain elauses. Examples:

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(1) d-iim~tltJ ~a~ara xltJ~ta.1 'He is like a tooth-paste tube that is finished.' (Play 19) (2) gze biiti. 1 halax,! halaJ baytJn qamtJ btJlltJuan!1 'Look, girl, come, come, make an appearance in front of our (front) door!' (Play 45)

(3) /a g-naxpa roxaj:zl ~aq,i k-atwa qarya?1 'Does she have no shame sitting and reading?' (Play 60) (4) j:zujjalan p~sstJ mjurtJj!?J!1 'Our clothes have become (indecently) slit.' (Play 70) (5) ya ~amtJr beliix!1 'May your house be prosperous!' (Play 5) It is found in a number of vocative expressions of a lively nature, e.g. (6) ~fmur xalti. 1'Tell (me), aunt!' (Play 40) (7) ~u-ba~d Lalle l 'What next, Lalle!' (Play 59) (8) Katu. 1'Katu!' (K:76) The stress shift is occasionally found in other types of discourse at the end of a section of the text, e.g. (9) ~u-~~1Wa qamela k-zawalhtJ ~tJl-bi-gubtJ,! ~u-m-bi-gubtJ k-zawalhtJ tJl-~entJd dtJ-ktJ-masj:zewala qad~sta Sara,! ~tJb-maya ~tJd-iyewa sarytJ 1 dtJ-pla{Wala ntj;Jfta max dtJhwa. 1 'In former times there were some who went into tunnels, and by the tunnels they went to the spring where they bathed Saint Sarah, in the water that was dirty, (Sarah) who came out pure as gold.' (K: 12) 18.5. Pausalfeatures specific to the reading ofthe Gospel

18.5.1. Suffixed nasal consonant A pausal phenomenon that is heard in the recitation of the Gospel is the pronounciation of a final -m or -n on a word ending in a vowel where there is a pause in the reading, e.g. (1) ~awa dtJ-q!~lxun benal hayakla l-maq,tJbj:za-m. 1 'whom you murdered between the sanctuary and the altar.' (Gospel 15) (2) w-aq,eltJ sb6ntJd man dtJ-ktJm-sadiri: 1 kull ma-dtJ-hewul/i1 la msak~rna m~nntJj:z,1 /aktJn maqtJmnay y6ma xaraya-m I 'and this is the will of hirn who sent me: (that) I should not lose

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(anything) of aIl that he has given me, but raise it up at the last day.' (Gospel 52) (3) m-sab al-aga xtamla ~altlha-m. 1 'For on hirn has God set the seal.' (Gospel 40) mani bad-amgandarran kipa m-tar~ad qora-n?1 'Who will roll away the stone for us from the door ofthe tomb?' (Gospel 22) (5) ~u-da-nafa mandi la marhan,1 m-sabab d-iyewa zdPa-n. 1 'and they said nothing to any one, for they were afraid' (Gospel 27) (4)

18.5.2. Splitting a closed syllable As in the colloquial form of the dialect, a penultimate stress is sometimes moved to the final syllable of a word at points where the Gospel reading slows down or pauses. A phenomenon that is found in the Gospel reading in relation to the proper name ~Udflam 'Jerusalern' is that when the stress is shifted to the end of this word, the final syllable may be split. This is found in the text corpus in the second of two vocative expressions ofthe word: ~Uraflem,l ~Urafleyeml (Gospels 17).

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SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES 19.1 Relative clauses

Relative c1auses may be attributive and modify a head nominal or they may stand independently of a head nominal and have themselves the status of a nominal. We shall refer to these types as attributive relative c1auses and nominal relative c1auses respectively. 19.1.1. Attributive relative c1auses Relative c1auses that have attributive fimction are always placed after the nominal that they modify. They may be explicitly connected to the head nominal by the partic1e d, which is either prefixed to the first word of the c1ause or is suffixed to the end ofthe head nominal (§10.l5 .). These may be termed syndetic relative c1auses. Attributive relative c1auses mayaiso be placed after the head nominal asyndetically, without the partic1e d. The distribution of syndetic and asyndetic attributive relative c1auses is conditioned to a large extent by the definiteness of the head nominal. 19.1.1.1 . Definite head nominal When the head nominal is definite, i.e. it has a specific identifiable referent or refers to an identifiable generic c1ass, the relative c1ause is syndetic. A distinction should also be made between restrictive relative c1auses, which are crucial for identifying the referent ofthe head nominal, and non-restrictive ones, which present supplementary information conceming a nominal whose referent is assumed to be already identifiable. This difference in function sometimes gives rise to distinct syntactic structures. (i) Restrictive c1auses

In many cases the head nominal of a restrictive relative c1ause is introduced by a demonstrative pronoun. Since the referent ofthe nominal is only identifiable after the utterance of the ensuing relative c1ause, the demonstrative lacks the ostensive function of pointing to the occurrence of the referent elsewhere in the discourse. Rather, they alert the hearer

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475

that the referent of the nominal can be identified somewhere in the context, in this case by the relative clause, which allows the hearer to identify specifically which referent is being talked about (see § 14.3.2.). Examples: (1) ~awa qatma da-k-payaswa. 1'the ash that was left' (K:53) (2) l~annahu p$lx-iyax b-awa y6ma da-k-ala maran Jab-gawa!:z.1

'Since we are joyful on the day when Our Lord comes.' (K:6) (3) la k-male man d-aga {lna l da-k-saqllwala l m-dukwala qariwa. 1

'They do not bring mud that they take from nearby places.' (S:96) (4) k-ina muxtira daha Jagi mantaqa d-iyax tiwa b-gawa!:zl 'They

have now chosen the place in which we live' (S:28) (5) Ja-tuhan jamaca,1 ... ~u-~ane raba x?md d-ina mimna!:z.1 'So, a

group sat down, ... and the other chiefs who were with hirn.' (F:63) In the text corpus, restrictive relative clauses with adefinite antecedent nominal that is not introduced by a demonstrative pronoun are only sporadically attested, e.g. (6) majWal d-ina-xagran Bagdedal 'the villages that are around Bagded~'

(F:22)

When the head nominal refers to a generic class, a verbal form in the relative clause that is derived from a present base is normally in the subjunctive form (§15.1.2.), e.g. (7) la-pasla-ppa da-m!:zamli l nasa naxraya d-ale Jatr-u mgad-u mCase b-belal 'They could no longer tolerate outsiders who

came and ate breakfast, lunch and dinner in their horne.' (F:62) (8) susa d-axal l gurgur-u maraqa-wl d-sata caraq,1 dax $ayar?1 'A

horse that eats burghul and soup and drinks arak - how could this happen?' (F:79) As can be seen in the foregoing examples, the relative clause is sometimes put in a separate intonation group from that of the head nominal. It is, nevertheless, normally kept adjacent to the head nominal. Only sporadic examples are found where it is separated from it by intervening material, e.g. (9) ~u-nasa makix-iyewa d-g-Cesi b-gawa!:zl 'and the people were

simple who lived in it' (S: 1)

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(ii) Non-restrictive c1auses Only a small number of non-restrictive relative clauses that follow a definite antecedent are attested in the text corpus. Most of these are found in the poetic texts, e.g. (10) >anjal >ad-qadifa Luqa da-k-amar b-yomala d-Agosus Kaysar. 1

'the Gospel of Saint Luke, who is speaking in the days of Augustus Caesar' (B:8) (11) >u-m-bi-guba k-zawalha a/->enad da-ka-masxewala qadafta Sara,1 >ab-maya >ad-iyewa sfJrya,l da-plarwala ntJafta max dahwa. 1 'By the tunnels they went to the spring where they

bathed Saint Sarah, in water that was dirty, (Sarah) who came out pure as gold.' (K: 12) (12) u-I-xa~aJ; kamar da-sfJhra,1 Mayu, Mayu,1 da-Ia-majhela xaggaJa l 'On her back there is a belt of silver, Mayu, Mayu,

whom dances do not tire.' (Poetry 27) (13) >u-m-rxaftaJ; d-ila tqMta' ka-mzamri da->urxaJa. 1'On account of

her manner of walking, which is poised, the wayfarers sing.' (Poetry 29) (14) ~almaJ; d-ila bahUd 'Her face, which is radiant' (Poetry 30)

In the Gospel texts, non-restrictive relative clauses are introduced by a demonstrative pronoun preceding the relative particle d, e.g. (15) >u-hdl damma da-Zxariya,1 bard Baraxya,l >awa da-qtalxun benaJ hayakla l-magabJ;a-m .1'to the blood of Zechariah, the son of Barachiah, whom you murdered between the sanctuary and the altar' (Gospel 15) (16) rjhira qama kuli da-Maryam majdalanlya,l >aya d-fO>a satana mpularwala mfJnnaJ;.1 'He appeared before all (others) to Mary

Magdalene, from whom he had cast out seven demons' (Gospel 28) (17) b-awa zamiinlJihan nafa kam-~akela 'an aglilaya l >ane d-Pilatus xwUxla dammhan ab-gabaya~ dfJthan. 1 'At that time, people

came and told hirn of the Galileans, whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices.' (Gospel 30)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

477

19.1.1.2. Indefinite head nominal When the head nominal is indefinite, an attributive relative clause may be syndetic or asyndetic. In the majority of cases the relaive clause is restrictive. (i) Syndetic restrictive (1)

~ojar ~ahu-la xa-mfmdi d-garasla xmara. 1 'The plough IS

something that an ass pulled.' (K:25) (2) mandyan da-xale. 'Things that are sweet' (S:79)

(3) pala!-lux raqqa da-k-ajabla labbux. 1 'A raqqa is produced that will please your heart (Le. you will find it delicious).' (S:71) (4) nadir xazat belad /eba tawarta. 1 'You rarely see a house that does not have a cow.' (B:100) (5) fa-~amma da-k-ogi jaPad la-k-ayappa gupta, I dare xanawa masxa b-gawa/;I 'When they make jaPa that do not have cheese in them, they put a little oil in it.' (S :68) (6)

kan /elan nasad masirat ab-gawa/;I ~aqlab kipa w-asar abgawa/;.I 'If there is nobody with whom you can consult, turn over a stone and consult with it.' (Proverbs 2)

The head nominal may have an adverbial function, e.g. (7)

yom d-iyanwa zora mpalli ma-xmaral 'One day when I was young, I fell from an ass.' (B:43)

(8)

ya(ni naqla xarta d-k-ale mqalwila ~ara.1 'that is (ploughing) a second time when they come to turn over the land.' (K:26)

(ii) Asyndetic restrictive (9)

~atlan ~axalta k-amaxla harisa. 1'We have a dish called harisa.'

(K:62) (10) MI da-m!iha /a-gga duka (amuqtela. 1 'until they arrived at a place that was deep.' (S:26) (11) ~u-~ila qasam nasa k-ale m-Bagdeda MI Mar BenMm ba-rxasa. 1

'There are a few people who come from Behnam on foot' (K: 11)

Bagded~

to Mar

(12) ~u-~atlan ~arbr xammas (awayal hal-daha l k-ogi xamra. 1 'We still have four or five families who make wine.' (K: 18)

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(13) ja-tela heIa la-k-naxar .Mrxa l 'There was not a family that did not slaughter abullock.' (S:59)

(14) ~iIa nasa [iJbbalJ nixa b-aga yoma?1 'Is there a person whose heart is content nowadays?' (Play 96) (15) ~u-[ela m?mdil b-agi duni ga-mazd~li.1 'There is nothing in this world that frightens me.' (Play 195)

(iii) Non-restrictive On some occcasions, where an indefinite noun is already specified by an attributive expression or adverbial adjunct, the relative clause that follows it can be interpreted as non-restrictive, e.g. (16) ja nasa !ab(an ~iJtla lJassa siidsa har ka-msagla. 1'But a person has a sixth sense, which is always working' (F:29) (17) gura badewa g-losiwa pasma d-(amra' d-k-aywa zqira zqara b-Bagdedal 'The men began to wear a pasma of wool, which was woven in Bagded~' (B:168)

(18) ~ahi -yawa ~uwana,1 ma(adad paral zora,! d-la k-awa bQ(d mi~a xMya,! da-g-mela ~ammalJ.1 'It was (from) a sheep, (from) the stomach of a young lamb, which had not yet sucked milk, whose mother had died.' (B: 113)

In some cases such non-restrictive relative clauses have a demonstrative pronoun before the relative particle, e.g. (19) ja-~iJmma da-g-banewa[a,1

k-ogiwa ~6da rabia leIa,1 ~agi da-k-aiewa b-gawalJ nasa. I 'So, when they built it, they made a big room, - is that not so? - into which people would come.' (S:105)

(20) ~ujiJt[an birala Bagdeda,1 ~an da-k-ma~tamdiwal gdedaya l ~aJ->astoyaJ ... d-awanat diJtta ~u-nasa.1 'We have wells in Bagded~, upon which the inhabitants depend to provide drink for their sheep and for people.' (K:87)

19.1.2. Nominal relative clauses Relative clauses that do not modify a head nominal but are themselves referential expressions with the status of a nominal can be classified as follows.

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479

19.1.2.1. Pronoun as head A nominal relative clause may have an independent personal or demonstrative pronoun standing at its head preceding the particle d, e.g. (1) w-ahu d-ta g-laqamwa,1 k-paYiJfwa xsira.1'Anyone who did not catch it would lose.' (B: 172) (2)

~ahu d-la qel}ila g-zal ek-iJiJ gga duka l g-zal iJg-mana gawal} mnaya l 'The one whom they do not hit goes to where there is a

pi ace, he goes there and counts.' (K:32) (3) ~aga d-iliJ mannal}l man-ila?1 'The one who is with her-who is he?' (Play 17) (4)

~awa diJ-k-ftltiJ m-bfra maya l la-g-raYiJq ab-gawal} .1 'Whoever drinks water from the weil does not spit in it.' (Proverbs 17)

(5) ~aya d-ila ~aJoJtal te/a fw6tan xaJta?1 'The woman who is coming - is not she our new neighbour?' (Play 15) (6)

k-ya~li ~aniJ d-iyewa (azimiJ 1'Those who were guests come in"

(K:42) (7)

~an da-g-na!ri xaJna l 'Those who look after the groom.' (K:44)

19.1.2.2. Indefinite particle xa as head The antecedent may be the indefinite particle xa, with either a specific or non-specific reference. The relative clause may be either syndetic or asyndetic, e.g. (1) ~ay-xa d-iliJ mar~a l}ababiJ1g-mobU/a llal},1 g-masxeliJ b-gawal} ag-basiJm. 1 'Anyone who is ill with pustules, is taken to it and made to swim in it, and he is cured.' (S: 16) (2)

YiJ~alwala kaJlaka ~allal}l (an-~urxiJJ da-xxa l fammal}l Mar Yol}anna Dilemi. 1 'Catholicism entered it by means of one

whose name is Mar Yol}.anna Dilemi.' (K: 1) 19.1.2.3 . Interrogative particle as head A relative clause can be introduced by one of the interrogative particles ma 'What?' , mani 'Who?' and ~ema 'Which?' . When linked to a

following relative clause by the particle d, these produce nominal phrases that refer to a class of entities. In a similar manner, the clause mayaiso be introduced by an adverbial interrogative, such as ~eka 'Where?,' dax 'How?' and ~amma 'When?,' which form subordinate clauses with an

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adverbial function. Relative clauses with interrogative particles as heads often have a generic reference ('whoever, whatever, wherever, etc.), especially when they are placed at the beginning of the sentence. Examples: (1) 'u-sqalha ma-d-sqalha m-Bagdeda. 1 'and they took what they took from Bagded~.' (F:4) (2) jamCiwa l ma-da-k-soqlwa 'uwanat 'u-torala .1 'They used to gather what the sheep and cows left.' (B:6) (3) 'ajWa man-da-k-awugwalha sakla ~/iwal 'There were some who made them into the shape of a cross.' (K:56) (4) kuli man da-g-napal b-idalla,l 'abad /(z k-awlla sajaca. 1 'Anybody who falls into their hands never has intercession (i.e. he is doomed).' (Play 135) (5) 'u-kud ag-pesi jonaqyala,1 kam-molpeha 'amma masatqi man da-ka-mbaras ab-gohal 'When they became young women, I taught them when to silence anybody who incites them.' (Play 182) (6) 'ema d-lwa suraya,l qar/iwala.1 'They killed whichever person was a Christian. ' (S: 17) (7) w-ema d-g-laqamwa 'agi qatta zurta,1 darlwala b-salab,l 'ahu kas?Jbwa. 1 'Whichever person caught the small stick, put it in his cloak and he was the winner' (B: 172) (8) 'eka d-ajWa xa suraya l qafliwala ba-Cfr/iql 'Wherever there was a Christian, they would kill hirn in Iraq' (S:20) (9) Mnax suwwa' 'itala dax-d-iyaxwa l suwwa' 'itala b-nkrat. 1'Let us build seven churches, as we were seven churches in Tikrit.' (K:20) (10) Mla yoma l gdedaya la k-awugwa sulab 'u-kasabwa laxmab,l b-da'lad bi-gwina,l dax-da-k-amar klawa qadisa. 1 'There was

not a day when a man from Bagded~ would not practice his profession and eam his bread, by the sweat of his brow, as the Holy Book says.' (B:24) (11) har dax-da-xeran l 'ahu-la. 1'Just as I look, that is what it is (i.e. I feel what I look like).' (Play 90) Adverbial clauses introduced by 'amma d- are discussed below together with other temporal clauses (§ 19.3.1.).

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

481

Clauses introduced by the head ma d- mayaiso refer to an abstract situation. This is found after a comparative adverb in (12): (12) ld xaswitul d-il3 ld!ma k-mamrfrU I b~s l}el3 m3-ma-d3-bm-mam3r~ali x{ilJd taxalluf didan .1 '00 not think that there is a punch that hurts me more than the sin of our backwardness hurts me.' (Play 200) The copula in these constructions is occasionally omitted, e.g. (13) qa!alta d3-nbP3,1 ~u-rajamta ~3/-Jema d3-msudr3 l-gibaJ 'Killer of the prophets and stoner of those who are sent to youl ' (Gospel 17)

Sporadically relative constructions introduced by interrogative particles are asyndetic, without the particle d, e.g. (14) ma ~alaha k-ewulh3 'What God gives' (K:80) (15) ~ema k-~arilJI k-asJq, k-asJq ~3/-Jil. 1 'Whichever person catches

it moves away, moves out ofthe away.' (K:36) (16) fa-~ekewa ~az6lJ l-~urxal k-amiwala ~urx3d Minara. 1'Where they were going (was) on the road that they called the Minara road.' (F:7)

We may include here clauses introduced by the interrogative particle ma-qad ('How much?') without a following d. These form adverbial clauses. In (17) and (18) these clauses have a concessive sense. (17) ma-qad ral}qat m3nni,1 ya x!ila, la-g-nasinax.1'However far you are from me, oh sweetheart, I shall not forget you.' (Poetry 23) (18) Bagded3 ~u-ma-qad roya,1 malan ,1 la-nasya ~ax kalla t-oya,l malan.1'However big Bagded::l becomes, our town, it does not forget how to be a bride, our town.' (Poetry 21) (19) ma-qad daY3s bJs-!6-la.1 'The more it crushes the better'

Literally: However much it (the threshing machine) crushes, it (impersonal) is better. (S:44) (20) ma-qad xagnt bJs-!o-la. 1'The more you go around the better' Literally: However much you go around, it is better. (S:99)

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482

Relative clauses introduced by an interrogative particle are occasionally found used in an attributive function qualifying a preceding nominal, e.g. (21) fa-~awwal mandi ma-dJ-k-ogi,1 ~anJ xat!J grisJ 1 g-darehJ ~Jm-maya.1 'The first thing that they do is they put in the ground

wheat together with water.' (S:52) (22) ha dukla ~eka d-iwa darya gawa~.1 'Behold the place where he

was laid.' (Gospel 25) 19.1.2.4. Without a head Some sporadic examples are found of nominal relative clauses without a head element that are introduced by the particle d. In the text corpus, these are attested only in the Gospel texts, e.g. (1) JmburxelJ d-atJ b-sammJ~ Jd-rabbi. 1'Blessed is he who comes in the name ofthe Lord' (Gospel 19)

Normally, however, such phrases without a head are asyndetic and lack the particle d. The majority of the examples of this construction in the text corpus refer to plural groups, e.g. (2)

~u-~a1Wa qamela k-zawalhJ ~JI-bi-gubJI 'In former times there

were some who went into tunnels.' (K:l2) (3)

~u-atlan Jg-garfi cJrliql 'We have (people) who brew arak.'

(K:19) (4)

~ilJ g-dare masxa b-gawJ~.1 'There are some people who but oil

in it.' (S:67) (5)

~ilJ k-me~ilJ ~ilJ k-marJlxilJ. 1'There are some people who churn

it and some who boil it.' (S:74) (6)

~ilJ k-awe daqiqJ 1k-awe nacam. 1'There are some that are smalI,

that are powdery.' (S:51) A possible example of a phrase referring to a singular referent is (7):

(7) k-matewa kUd-xa matalan baxtJhila-wl xatJhila-w l bartJd cam~a,l bartJd xala. 1'Everyone bro~ght, for e~a~ple, his wife, (literally: the one who is his wife), his si ster (literally: the one who is his si ster), his female patemal cousin, his female matemal cousin.' (S:40)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

483

19.1.2.5. Naming constructions with the verb ~mr Such asyndetic nominal relative phrases are commonly used in connection with 'naming' constructions with the verb ~mr ('to say'). The name ofthe item in question is normally placed before the verb, e.g. (1) ~u-~atla bal{at k-amihal 'It has what are called "knives.'" (K:28) (2) k-6diha ~ullor k-amaxla l 'They make it into what is called "~ullor.'" (K:58) (3) ~u-payaf jaPa ma-{abaqa k-amtixxa. 1 'and it becomes what we call jaPa from the tray.' (K:72) (4) ~ila k-awe fl6xa diqa k-amihi l 'There are some that are called fine lentils.' (S:64)

The name occasionally is placed after the verb, e.g. (5) ~ila gurgur.1 ~u-~ila xaUa grisa,1 ~u-~ila k-limila grisa.1 'There is burghul. There is also ground wheat, and there is what is called groats.' (S:50) (6) ~u-txilad masturta g-darewa l k-amrihan l frantiyya. ' 'Under the cover they used to put on what were calledfrantiyya.' (B:154) In sporadic cases in the text corpus the relative phrase ofthis construction is introduced by the particle d, e.g. (7) ~ana ... fakyalad t~la da-k-amtixxa .1 'What we call "The testicles ofthe fox.'" (K:81) (8) k-ina muxtlra daha ~adi man{aqa d-fyax tiwa b-gawa/:!,I Bagdeda ~ay-da-k-amilal 'They have now chosen the place in which we live, (the place) that is called Bagdeda.' (S:28)

19.1.3. The internal structure ofrelative clauses In syndetic relative clauses, which open with d, the verb or copula is normally placed immediately after the particle. Ample illustration of this can be found among the examples that are cited above. The copula is always in its enclitic form. The emphatic copula is avoided in this syntactic context (§ 15.3.5.). This feature of the internal structure of the relative clause no doubt arises since the particle d has a status similar to that of a clause initial topic element in a main clause, particularly a clause initial pronoun. Such a clause initial pronoun would be expected to be normally followed by the verb in a verbal clause. In copula clauses,

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furthennore, a clause initial subject pronoun frequently has the enclitic copula attached to it rather than to the predicate (§ 17.1.2.5.). If the relative clause is asyndetic, on the other hand, the copula is not placed in initial position. In the attested examples of these constructions, the copula is either attached to the predicate, e.g. (1) below, or is omitted, e.g. (2) and (3) below. It has been shown in § 17.1.7. that the copula is omitted also in some clauses that cannot necessarily be interpreted as relative clauses but nevertheless have a similar function in that they provide supplementary infonnation conceming what precedes: (1) Ml d"-mtih,, lj-gg,a duka Camuqtela.1 'until they arrived at a place that was deep' (S:26)

(2) >11" mlfa ljbb"J:z nlxa b-a4a yoma?1 'Is there a person whose heart is content nowadays?' (Play 96) (3) yrjlwala kaJ/aka >allaJ:z1 can->urx"J da-xxa l Jamm"J:z 1 Mar YoJ:zanna Dilemi. 1 'Catholicism entered it by means of one whose name is Mar Yol).anna Dilemi.' (K: 1) If the element that serves as head is not the grammatical subject of the verb or copula in the relative clause, there is nonnally a resumption of the head in the fonn of a pronominal suffix that indicates its syntactic role in the clause, namely complement of apreposition (4-5), complement of a noun (6-7) or direct object (8--9): (4) k-Ina muxtlr" daha >agi man!aqa d-IYax tlW" b-gawaJ:z1 'For this

reason they have now chosen the place in which we live.' (S:28)

(5) rJhlr" qam" kuli da-Maryam majdalaniy",1 >aya d-M>a satan" mpulj{Wal" mannaJ:z.1'He appeared before all (others) to Mary Magdalene, from whom he had cast out seven demons.' (Gospel 28) (6) y~jlwala kaJ/aka >allaJ:z1 can->urx"J da-xxa l Jamm"J:z 1 Mar YoJ:zanna Dilemi. 1 'Catholicism entered it by means of one whose name is Mar Yol).anna Dilemi.' (K: 1) (7) >11" naJa ljbb"J:z nlxa b-aga yoma?1 'Is there a person whose heart is content nowadays?' (Play 96) (8) la k-male m"n d-aga tinal d,,-k-Jaqliwal,,1 m-dukwala qariwa. 1 'They do not bring mud that they take from nearby places' (S:96)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES (9) ~6jar ~ahu-ItJ xa-mandi d-gartJJltJ xnu'lra. 1 'The plough

485 IS

something that an ass pulled' (K:25) In the attested examples, the pronominal object suffix is omitted if the verb already has another pronominal suffix, including L-suffixes that mark the subject in the qltJlItJ verb form, e.g.

ma dtJ-ql~lItJ.1 'He killed the ones whom he killed (literally: what he killed)' (F: 15)

(10) bas ycrni qlalltJ

(11) ~u-hdl damma diJ-Zxariya,' bard Baraxya,1 ~awa diJ-qlalxun benal hayakla l-magiJb/:za-m. 1'to the blood of Zechariah, the son

of Barachiah, whom you murdered between the sanctuary and the altar.' (Gospel 15) (12) kuli ma-diJ-hewulb~ 'all that he gives me' (Gospel 52)

19.2. Indirect questions

19.2.1. Polar questions Indirect polar questions (i.e., yes-no questions) may be introduced by a conditional particle (1) or may be asyndetic with no explicit syntactic marker (2): (1)

la-k-agiJn kfin-iYiJt JmPtJ/:z1 lo-La.1 'I do not know whether you

have heard of it or not.' (F:83) (2) bas la yag~ k-iliJ q{iliJ/:z lo-La. 1'But he did not know whether he

had killed hirn or not.' (F:93) 19.2.2. Questions introduced by an interrogative particle Various subordinate clauses that are introduced by interrogative particles may be classified as indirect questions, e.g. (1) fa-k-ina mxu1!iJ l-qama diJx-iJb-ganwi l wanat-u toraliJd BagdediJ. 1 'So they had planned in advance how to steal the sheep and cows of Bagded;}.' (F: 1) (2) biJt-f:zakinux ~an-BagdediJ,' ycrni dax lUa-w l dax paJla malattan,' ~u-dax iJmtihiJ nah l 'I shall tell you about Bagded;}, that is, how

it came to exist and how it became our town, how the people came to it.' (S: 19)

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(3) soti baJ-ralba b-xer d-alaha mfmnaf,t ma-'awug. 1 'My grandmother asks him what on earth he is doing.' (F:39) (4) la k-agan ma-yna cabiral 'agi M'ta 'amnala zoral b-aga baryani. 1 'I do not know why this year the young girls are so mad about (cooking) biryani.' (Play 12) (5) 'u-lti baJ-k-agat 'emela Jaqfr. 1'You do not know who is poor.' (Play 82) (6) la-k-agan 'ekela l 'I don't know where he is.' (F:I07) (7) 'ad-xazyan qay muJ'Mla l 'Let me see why she is late.' (Play 3) (8) daha 'aga'/i qay la-g-malYa.1 'Now I know why she does not give birth to children.' (Play 61) (9) 'u-kud ag-peJi jonaqyala,1 kam-molpeha 'amma maJatqi man da-ka-mf,taraJ ab-goha,l 'u-kud ag-gori l 'amma maJatqi gureha l 'u-day} mrabe 'iyaleha!1 'When they became young women, I taught them when to silence anybody who incites them. And when they married, (I taught them) when to keep their husbands quiet and how to bring up their children.' (Play 182) If an indirect question clause that is introduced by an interrogative particle contains a subject nominal, this is often extraposed before the particle, e.g. (10) 'u-g-bl'an d-xazan l tarbiya dax-ila. 1'I want to find out what the upbring of children is like.' (Play 120) (11) 'u-daha bad-qaJ'af 'alma dax-ila malya 'oqana raba. 1'Now you see how the world is full of great troubles.' (Play 202) (12) f,tatta d-amar qa$$a may-la. 1'in order that he would tell people what the story was.' (F:42) (13) xze 'enad xa# ma bad-qaJ'a. 1 'See what the eye on my back sees.' (Play 60)

(14) lazam zalanjelax,1 zalanjelax d-xazax lanaf,t 'ekelai 'We must go and search, go and search in order to see where his corpse is.' (F:97) (15) Ja-k-agi 'urxa d-alaya 'ekela l 'u-d-azala l 'They know where the road on which people come (literally: the road of coming) is situated' (F:I0l) (16) 'axzil~ 'axzilax Lalla,llabbawalanl ma-qiidena $apyal 'You see, you see Lalle, how pure our hearts are.' (Play 93)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

487

19.2.3. Idiomatic usages Some speakers have the practice of introducing new information that is regarded as worthy of particular attention by an interrogative word, to which the new information supplies the answer, e.g. (1) x-xoxil-eka, b-aga pasra. 1 'They mix it - where? - in the meat.' (S:54) (2) b-baYlu pefi p-palga ma-hi?1 pefi p-palga miJlya pasra. 1 '(This is) so that they become what in the middle? (lt is so that) they become in the middle fuIl of meat.' (S:56) 1

(3) pefi k-lefila, k-lefila, k-lefila b-idal1a,1 dackUa bdf. 1 cala-mu-d ma-hi?1 da-xam;r qalla-w d-ala kalla bdf. 'They knead it 1

thoroughly with their hands, compressing it weIl. For what purpose? So that it rises quickly and everything comes out weIl.' (S:69) This question and answer structure may sometimes be blended together and put in the same intonation group, with the result that the whole construction is most easily interpreted as an assertion, e.g. (4) Ja man ila b-bela laiWa )am-cada soti 'Who was in the house? l

- there was nobody except my grandmother (i.e. there was nobody in the house except my grandmother)' (F:23) 19.3. Temporal clauses

Subordinate clauses that function as temporal adverbials in relation to the main clause are introduced by various particles, which are mostly connected to the clause by d-, or ma d-, e.g. )amma d- ('when'), )e-gaha d- ('when), kud ('when'), qama d- ('before'), balar ma d- ('after'), hai d('until'), )awwal ma d- 'as so on as', kuli ma d- ('while'). The syntax of some of these is examined here. 19.3.1. )amma

The particle )amma is used elsewhere with an interrogative function in the sense of 'When?.' When it is connected to the front of a clause by d-, it has the sense of a temporal subordinate clause. This clause is normaIly placed before the main clause and, in most cases, is uttered in aseparate intonation group from that ofthe main clause. As is the case with relative clauses, in this type of subordinate clause the verb is normaIly placed at the front, immediately after the d-. In syntactic contexts where the

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speaker wishes to place the nominal or pronoun at the front, in order, for example, to express a shift in topic or the onset of a new discourse section (cf. §I7.3.5-6., §I7.3.8., §I7.3.l7.2.), these are extraposed outside ofthe subordinate clause, e.g. (1) suraYiJd BagdediJ l 'amma d-g-ya'liwa l-fta salxfwa ciJroxiJ. 1'The

Christians of Bagded~when they entered a church, they took offtheir shoes.' (B:69) (2) Ja-xa-mma diJ-k-saqalwa gga, ta k-ewfwala -lla da xa-mucalliJm l 'aw da xa-zangln. 1 'A man-when he wanted to marry a

woman, they would give her (in marriage) only to a teacher or to a rich man.' (S:2) (3) 'aniJ b-/:IaqiJl 'amma diJ-xa~g,lwa,l k-aJYawa mgadsan/Ja. 1'When

those in the field harvested, the "shock-gathering woman" used to come.' (B:92) (4) 'ara 'amma d-karwUa l k-zalhiJ cadiJ/I 'u-bacden g-naqsi xutat xanniJ mucdkisa. 1 'When they perform krawa (first ploughing)

on the land, they go along straight, then they make other furrows in the opposite direction.' (B:80) As already noted in § 17.3.6., the main clause also normaH y has the verb in initial position, with the subject following it. This is compatible with the general function of verb--subject constructions to signal that the clause is closely cohesive with what precedes, in this case cohesive temporaHy. Two subordinate clauses may be conjoined and govemed by the same 'iJmma particle. In (5) the second clause is introduced by d-. It is also to be noted that two occurrences of d are found at the front of the first clause: (5) 'ahi 'amma diJ-d-k-og,ila b-idalliJ l wa-diJ-g-dare tuma b-gawa/:l,1 k-aJYa bas basamta. 1 'When they make it with their hands and put garlic in it, it is very tasty.' (S:77)

In (6) the 'iJmma appears to be attached asyndetically to the clause, withoutd: (6) 'u-'amma b-da'ax zonal d-iJd-roxata xiJskaniJ,I biJd-bdhiJr zona d-roxala l b-riJxmula malYiJ malYiJ malYiJ.1'When the time of the

dark souls is extinguished, the time of the souls that are fuH of love will shine out.' (Poetry 8)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

489

The main clause may express an action that is temporally.sequential to the action in the subordinate clause or one that overlaps with it temporally. (i) Temporally sequential In these constructions, the action in the temporal clauses has been completed before the action ofthe main clause takes place: )amma d-xal~a bdxta lyafa k-darya Ca lama da-~liwa.1 'When a woman finishes kneading, she puts on it a sign of the cross.' (K:22) (8) )amma d-xal~zwa budraJa,l deqzwa garagra. 1 'When they have finished making the piles, they crush (the produce with) the threshing machine.' (B:91) (9) )amma da-g-malewa la-gdifa l k-aJfwa sawala. 1 'When they completed the stack, the man who transported (the crops) would come.' (B:94) (10) )amma da-g-ma!a l-awa cadad k-nahila l kasbi. 1 'When he reaches that number, he finishes it (the round) and they win.' (K:32) (7)

In (11) below the subordinate clause is placed after the main clause. Both clauses are in the same intonation group and the nuclear stress falls at the end of the subordnate clause. This ordering of clauses and the intonation group structure has the effect of putting particular focus on the subordinate clause: (11) koala baf baszma )amma da-garsatla m-makina. 1 'It turns out more tasty when you grind it in a machine.' (S:53) In (12) the temporal clause continues a preceding conditional construction and refers to a hypothetical situation. The main clause is introduced by the particle bad- (reduced to d- before a vowel), which is characteristic of apodoses of a condition (§ 19.4.2.): (12) hin k-dma lajwa la-xa mJildal:t,1 kolla k-sahtalha. 1!a-)amma zalh- dmi da-sawi l kolla k-sahtalan,1 kam-sahtalan,l d-axalla q!alta. 1'If she says there was nobody at horne except her, she is (in effect) kicking them out. And, when they go and tell my grandfather "She is kicking us out", "She has kicked us out", he would give her a severe beating (literally: would he eat her beaten).' (F:24-25)

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(ii) Temporal overlap

In such constructions the temporal clause describes the circumstances in which the action of the main clause takes place, e.g. (13) >ana taxarna -mma-d-anwa zora,1 btlba k-awugwali caroxa. 1'I

remember when I was young, my father use to make me caroxa.' (B:36) (14) b-bela l >amma d-k-ogawa >fJmmi,1 k-molpawalan kull-mandi. 1

'At horne, when my mother worked, she used to teach us every thing.' (S:89) (15) >amma da-k-ogiwa >axala,l k-agiwalla-kpaya. 1'When they made food, they made it on a open stove.' (K:73) (16) >amma da-k-agax gitrgur,1 malax xfJ!!a l >u-ka-mxallaxxa. 1'When

we make burghul, we fetch wheat and wash it.' (K:74) 19.3.2. >e-gaha

This particle consists ofthe Kurdish loan-word gaha 'time' and the prefix e-, which can be interpreted as a contracted form of the demonstrative pronoun >ay (§7.3.). The gaha component is sometimes contracted to ga. The phrase >e-gaha may be used as an adverbial in a main clause in the sense of 'at that time', e.g. >e-gaha qa/:zla l-giba/:z ba>annahu ... >aga k-ila q{ila/:z. 1 'At that

time he realized that this man had killed hirn' (F:105) When functioning as a subordinating particle, it is connected to the clause by d-. The usage of temporal clauses introduced by >e-gaha d- is similar to that of clauses opening with >amma d-. The action of the main clause may be sequential to the subordinate clause or may overlap with it temporally. (i) Temporally sequential (2) e-ga d-ya>fJlla,l >ana ra>san kud-xa cmakla b-ditka/:z. 1 'When he

entered, each one ofthem at once withered in his place.' (F:33) (3) >e-ga da-Jma>l ana k-ina g-be>e d-taCde-lla/:z,l >ablfJJJal ktlffa dida/:z u-ta~~a dida/:z nqaJa. 1'When he heard that they wanted to l

harm her, he started punching and slapping (Literally: His hand and his slap knocked a hitting).' (F:36)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES (4)

491

~egaha da-qJmla Y6sa[ am-fanlaJ:z,1 wugla dax-da-kam-mwu$ila malaxad rabbi. 1 'When Joseph woke from his sleep, he did as

the angel ofthe Lord commanded hirn.' (Gospel 7) (ii) Temporal overlap In some of the examples of this in the text corpus, the temporal clause is placed after the main clause: (5)

~e-gaha d-iyawa {lJbta Maryam ~JmmaJ:z da-Yosai ~am-qama ma d-yag~lal ~ambuyJnna b,Jnta m-roxa d-qudfa. 1'When his

mother Mary was betrothed to Joseph, before he knew her, she was found to be with child ofthe Holy Spirit.' (Gospel 1) (6)

kam-mJ:zakinux yJmkan ~e-ga d-iyan-mJ:zukya ean-igad bi-y31da.1'I told you (about it) perhaps when I spoke about the

festival of Christmas.' (B: 147) (7)

w-ahi-la taetlql la-~Jnjal ad-qadifa Luqa,1 e-gaha d-malaxad k-amri l ka-mzamri l mujatta da-~ataha bU,Ji:llu,1 ~u-fena-w flama b-ar~a.1 'This is a gloss on the Gospel of Saint Luke, when the

angels say, when singing praises, "Glory to God on high, and tranquillity and peace on earth.'" (B:7) 19.3.3 . kud

This particle, which also has the sense of 'when', is derived historically from a combination ofthe particles *k and *d and corresponds to the form kag of Classical Syriac. It is used far less frequently than ~amma d- or ~e-gaha d-. The main clause may be temporally sequential (1) or overlapping (2) with the subordinate clause. The subordinate clause may be placed after the subordinate clause (3) (1) ~u-kud g-rawe,1 kam-molpeha l da-raxfi hedi hedi,1 ... ~u-kud ag-pefi jonaqyala,1 kam-molpeha ~amma mfJtqi man da-ka-mJ:zaraf ab-goha,l ~u-kud ag-goril ~amma mfJtqi gureha l ~u-da} mrabe ~iyaleha!1 'When they grew up, I taught them to walk very slowly, so that they did not easily cut themselves, and so that they did not loose their legs (and trip). When they became young women, I taught them when to silence anybody who incites them. And when they married, (I taught them) when to keep their husbands quiet and how to bring up their children.' (Play 182)

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(2) >u-klid ag->ara b-alaha l >abad la-xasar. 1 'and when (anybody)

trusts in (literally: holds onto) God, he never loses.' (Play 97)

(3) w-axni ma >jtlan am-naJa,l klid >arbai ma>alqila b-aqlillaJ;?1 'What should we do to such people, when they hang a sheep by its legs?' (Play 73) 19.3.4. (m-)qama This particle is connected to the clause by d, ma. or ma d. The verb in the clause is normally in the present subjunctive form (qa!al), including when the verb in the main clause is a past form. The subordinate clause may be placed either before or after the main clause. Examples: (1)

qama d-k-ala >igad bi-ya/da,l k-zalha,l >u-xa~tan caJirad Bi-gagya,l k-zalha barayal >al-daJta. 1'Before Christmas comes, they go - especially the family of Bi-G~gya - they go out into the countryside.' (K:51)

(2)

m-qama ma-ma!ax Mar Qur!aya k-samxax,l >u-ka->amrax >anäifd,l >u-#ola.1 'Before we reach (the monastery of) Saint Quqaya we stop and chant hymns and say prayers.' (K:79)

(3) >e-gaha d-iyawa !ljbta Maryam >jmmaJ; da-Yosa/' >am-qama

ma d-yaga>la l >ambuyjnna b!jnta m-roxa d-qudJa. 1'When his mother Mary was betrothed to Joseph, before he knew her, she was found to be with child ofthe Holy Spirit.' (Gospel 1) (4) Ja ... kam-amar l-jmma/:l m-qama d-m/:lakya l 'He said to his

mother before she spoke ... ' (F: 17) 19.3.5. (m-)balar

In the text corpus this is connected to the clause by ma d. It is generally placed before the main clause, though is sporadically put after it, e.g. (1) >u-balar ma-da-g-nexa Ja>ta,l g-ragela. 1'After it rests for a year, they plough it.' (B:82)

(2) balar ma-da-ka-~alax ramJa,1 da-ca~riyya,l >ak-pal!i JamilJa l u-qaJa l b-i/:ltifiil.1k-pal!i l-darta. 1'After they have performed the evening prayers, for the evening service, the deacons and priests come out in festive celebration.' (B:4) (3) wa-Mm balar ma-d-xa~giwa,l k-soliwa. 1 'Also, after they harvested, they transported (the produce away).' (B:88)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES (4)

493

)u-driha m-btilar ma-d-xMha,l drihan car/iq xanawa m-maya. 1 'They put out (for them), after they had eaten, they put out (for them) a little arak with water.' (F:70)

In (5) below the subordinate clause is placed after the main clause and preceded by a demonstrative that refers to the main clause. The effect of this is to mark the temporal clause explicitly as a supplementary tag to the main clause: (5) ka-marlxila m-maya,1 )aga m-balar-ma d-malxila m~/xa.1 'They boil it with water - this after they have added salt to it.' (S:75)

Example (6) illustrates how a subject is extraposed when the subordinate clause is in initial position and the speaker wishes to place the subject before the verb: (6)

famaf-u qafa,l btilar ma-da-kam-m$ale,l qare )~nja/l 'After they have prayed, the deacons and priests read the Gospel.' (B:8)

19.3.6. hai

When functioning as a subordinating particle, this is connected to the clause by d. The following usages can be distinguished. (i) End point of an action In most cases it introduces a clauses expressing an action that marks the endpoint of another action and is to be translated by English 'until'. The clause normally opens with a verb rather than a nominal. Examples: )arxafha, )arxafha, )arx~sha,l yoma btilar yoma,l MI da-mtiha la-gga duka Camuqtela. 1'They walked and walked and walked, day after day, until they arrived at a place that was deep.' (S:26) (2) Ju-g-ragewa b-gawal;z MI d-xaskawa duni. 1'They would plough with it until the world became dark (Le. until dusk).' (K:25) (3) b-aqlalla ka-ml;zarki. 1 k-zalh-u k-ale r~na,1 MI da-k-yofi bdf. 'They go back and forth on them, until they become very dry.' (K:74)

(1)

1

(4) Ju-bifden am-maMara' bafriha,1 dare malxa )alleha,1 MI da-gzal awa pasra zayoda m~nha.1 'Then they strip them on the

stripping board and put salt on them, until the excess flesh is removed.' (K: 16)

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CHAPTER NINETEEN

(5) k-zalha qalpi MI da-k-peJi maJu.xa. 1'They go on peeling until they become smooth.' (K:75)

(6) ld xazetali man-dahal Ju-MI da-d-Jamritun ambitrxela d-ata b-Jammal; ad-rabbi. 1'You will not see me from now, until you say, "Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord.''' (Gospel 19) If the action in the hai c1ause is not fulfilled from the perspective of the verb in the main c1ause, the verb of the hai c1ause is in the subjunctive, e.g.

(7) Ja-k-Mqal waqat yffni waqat MI d-mate mala. 1'It takes time, that is time until they would reach the village' (F:8)

(8) darewal tama,1 Jad-yawai- MI da-d-Jala Jiga,l darewa gas Jfjllal;l Ju-k-nahrUa. 1'They used to put it there to dry until the festival came.' (K:52) A c1ause denoting an unfulfilled action that contains a subjunctive form occasionally expresses purpose, e.g. (9) MI da-d-Jala-llexun l kalla damma ~-~älal;in da-bazl- 1- dra I 'that upon you may come all the blood of the righteous that was shed on earth' (Gospels 15) (ii) End point and starting point In the examples adduced above, the hai c1ause is c10sely connected in sense with what precedes, in that it marks the limit of the action expressed in the c1ause that comes before it. In some cases, however, it is presented as beng connected in sense to a greater degree with what follows it. The effect of this is that it expresses an action that is the end point of what precedes but at the same time the starting point of what follows. In such contexts the appropriate English translation is often 'until when ....'. The semantic connection ofthe c1ause with what follows is usually expressed on the level of intonation by a rising pitch contour. Examples: (10) k-zawalha m-belad bi xalna MI bi-kallal ba-zmara-w ba-rqaga. 1 MI da-g-matel k-~M Jidalad kdlla-w g-daJri. 1'They went from

the house of the family of the groom to the family of the bride, singing and dancing, until, when they arrive, they dye the hands ofthe bride and come back.' (K:39)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

495

(11) k-pal{i k-are xaggiJ. 1 MI diJ-xa~ka,1 k-ale l k-ya>li l-bela,1 k-ya>li >aniJ d-iyewa (azimiJ,1 k-ale k-atwi. 1 'They go out and join

together in cireles of dancing, until, when it gets dark, they come and enter the house.' (K:41-42) (12) ja->aniJ tre sur!a l >j]wal tre susawala. 1 yomiyya l k-zawalhiJ,! yaCni l k-ja!ri l kiJ-mgade l kiJ-m{a~el >ek diJ-xa hela. ja->agi salfa gra~la,! ya{ni pj~la ~anniJ.1 ja-MI d-lila ggalatd gdedaYiJ la-piJ~lj-PPiJ diJ-mbamli hadax ya{ni. 1 ... ja-tuhiJn jama{a l ... tuhiJn mujtiJkjrhiJn djx >iJm.xal~i miJn-d-aniJ1 'These two

policemen had two horses. Every day they would go and have breakfast, lunch and dinner in somebody's house. This situation dragged on, it went on for years. Until, when a time came in which the inhabitants of Bagded;) could not tolerate it any more .... a group sat down ... they sat down and considered how they could free themselves from them.' (F:61-63) A similar relationship between the preceding and the following discourse is sometimes expressed in a main elause by a combination of word order and intonation. Informant B, for example, uses constructions such as those illustrated in (13-15). Here the first elause is verb initial with a topical subject nominal. This syntax is generally used to express a elose connection with what precedes (§ 17.3 .6.). Tbe rising intonation contour, however, signals that the elause is preliminary to what follows (§18.3.). In most cases, an appropriate translation would, again, be 'until when ... ': (13) k-payj~wa xagjrwa baywan,! y6ma kulliJ1tre,! >iJ!lala.1 xaliJ~wa ~?J>ra,1 g-miJqiJlbiwaliJ g-malewa xjnniJ xa!!iJ1 'The animal

continued going round the whole day, two (days), three. (Until, when) the round was finished, they would turn it out and bring other wheat.' (B:61) (14) ja-miJn-d-aga >ibtiraql BagdMiJ k-ogawa >ibtif/il raba. 1>u-ba{fj naqlala yaliJ zod >jUiJ mujaza# >iJq-qam~i >u-xagri nura. 1 ... xaliJ~ nura,! ~ama~-u qa~iJ biJd-ya>li biJd-~alxi.1 >u-na~iJ pe~i xeri,!

'Bagded;) used to make a great celebration over this bonfire. Sometimes the small children become daring and jump around the fire .... (Until when) the fire is finished, the deacons and priests go in and derobe ..' (B:II-13) (15) k-~a>riliJ b-tanurta. 1xal# ~>ara,1 k-zala baxta kiJ-m!apya. 1'They

stoke it in the oven. (Until, when) they finish stoking the oven, the woman goes and sticks (the bread to the sides).' (B: 134135)

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CHAPTER NINETEEN

19.4. Conditional constructions

Conditional constructions consists of two components, the protasis clause, which presents the condition, and the apodosis clauses, which expresses the consequent to the condition. The protasis is normally placed before the apodosis, though in some circumstances this is reversed and a condition of an event or situation is added after the latter has been expressed. The protasis is introduced by the conditional particle kän ('ir) or, less frequently, by the particle ~an ('ir). These are sporadically combined in the phrase ~an kän ('ir). Whereas ~an is likely to be the original Aramaie conditional particle, the form kän appears to be a loan from Arabic. This would be the Arabic past form of the verb 'to be' (kwn), which is used in a fossilized form in the conditional constructions of some Arabic dialects. Occasionally the temporal particle ~amma is used in the protasis of a conditional construction in place of one of these purely conditional particles. When the particles kän or ~an are combined with the negative particle la, the final Inl often assimilates to the /11, which results in the forms luilla ('ifnot') and ~~lla ('ifnot') respectively. On some occasions, the two particles are separated. This is specially the case where the speaker gives the negative particle la prominence by pronouncing it with its own stress, e.g. klin La k-ydd~ 'ifhe does not know' (Play 55). In what folIows, we shall classify the conditional constructions according to the verb form of the protasis and the apodosis. 19.4.1. Protasis (i) k-qa{al This verbal form is used in protases that refer to actions that the speaker assurnes to be real possibilities in the actual or generic present (1-3) or potentially real in the present or the future (4-5): (1) klin k-Jaqliha daha l ~am-madarha m-balar. 1 'If they take them

now (which they are indeed doing), he will bring them back later.' (F:6) (2) ytian k-awa d-aJiwa xa~a'

xslrux.' 'If the face (of the coin) were to turn up (literally: come), you won. Ifthe back were to turn up, you lost.' (B:173) (xi) k-awiwa qtila A compound consisting of the k-qatalwa form of the verb hwy and the passive participle is used in protases denoting a counterfactual event in the past with perfective aspect, e.g. (22) klin k-awatwa :>a[ya tammal,1 t-awanwa bela.' 'If you had come

yesterday, I would have been at horne.'

(23) :>an k-awatwa miri k-iyat azola' bd-awanwa :>a[ya mannox.' 'If you had said that you were going, I would have come with you' (xii) Verb gapped When the protasis is negated, the verb and its arguments may be gapped if these are understood from the context with only the negative conditional particle remaining, e.g. (24) :>u-bad-hewa lamarat.' :>u-kalla' .Mta xarta qlMa. 1 'and it will bear fruit, but ifnot, next year uproot it.' (Gospel 38) 19.4.2. Apodosis Apodosis clauses contain various types of verbal form. These include a number offorms that contain the prefixed particle bad-. (i) bad-qatal

This is the regular future form and is used as a future verb in apodoses that follow protases referring to the present or the future, e.g. (1) klin k-saqUha daha l :>am-madarha m-biilar. 1 'If they take them now, he will bring them back later.' (F:6)

(2) la:>annahu d-awa madarha' b-.Mqal palakk- ahu.' 'For, ifhe were to bring them back, he would take half of them.' (F: 12) (3) kam kullexun kalla b-tawetun l hiidaxl bad-halkltun.' 'If all of you also do not repent, you will perish likewise.' (Gospel 32)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

501

(ii) btJd-qa!tJlwa This is used to refer to a customary event in the past after a protasis that also refers to a customary event or situation in the past (4) or after a protasis that refers to a counterfactual situation in the past (5): (4) ~tJn-iyawa budrattux qaruta l-budratti,1 d-aJiwa tuna l-gibux. 1'If your budra were near my budra, the hay would come to you (when you winnowed it).' (B:64) (5) klin k-awjtwa ~j1Ya tammal,1 t-awjnwa bela. 1'If you had come yesterday, I would have been at home.' (iii) bd-awtJ q!ila This compound form is used in apodoses referring to an event of perfective aspect in the past following a protasis referring to a counterfactual event of perfective aspect, e.g. (6) ~jn k-awjtwa mzri k-zytJt azbla l bd-awjnwa ~j1Ya mannox. 1 'If you had said that you were going, I would have come with you.' (iv) k-qa!tJI In the attested examples, this occurs in an apodosis that follows a protasis referring to the present and expresses an event that temporally overlaps with the event ofthe protasis, e.g. (7) ~u-klin xanawa zjmra g-an kasbiwa mal}allad Mar-Ifana l k-amdwa: 1wo wo mal}allad ita,! k-axli la k-a4an ma b-Bi-fpita. 1'If the district of Mar I:Iana won, they would say: "Woe district of the Church, they eat - I don't know what - in Bi-spita." (B:180) It is also used after protases referring to a counterfactual situation, either in the present or in the past, e.g. (11) >an-k-awaxwa ba-yomala da->awahalan l La ka-farkaxwa manhan

ab-damma da-nbPa. 1'If we had been in the days of our fathers, we would not have taken part with them in (the shedding ot) the blood ofthe prophets.' (Gospel 10) (12) >e wullax >an-kdn ag-naxpawa,! la k-oyawa qama ballattal} ak-sarya. 1'Yes, look, if she had shame, it would not be dirty in front ofher door.' (Play 60)

(viii) qtalla This past verbal form is found in apodoses referring to a specific punctual event in the past, e.g.

(13) u-kän-iyat ka-mbaqratli,! ya-bartad mali,!la->ane yomala xMya,! zalhan yomali. 1'If you ask me, 0 girl of the town, about those sweet days, my days have gone.' (Poetry 6) (14) >an k-awa d-aJiwa $alma,1 ksablux. 1 >an k-awa d-aJiwa xa$a l xsirux. 1 'If the face (of the coin) were to turn up (literally: come), you won. If the back were to turn up, you lost.' (B: 173) (ix) Imperative The apodosis may contain an imperative form, e.g.

(15) >an-kdn-iyat gora l xala$ roxux!1 'If you are a man, save yourselfl' (Play 203)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

503

19.4.3. Protasis after the apodosis A condition expressed in a protasis is occasionally placed after its consequent. The protasis in such cases generally has the status of a tag that elaborates on what precedes, sometimes as an afterthought, e.g. (1) qay ta qas~nayl ~u-kfin tayan ak-xalman?1 'Why should I not see hirn, ifl am not dreaming?' (Play 158)

(2) ma k-amriwa?1 wo, wo ~al-mal;zalla Mar-lfana,1 k-axli gurgur ba-~yana,l ~an kasbdwa mal;zallad Ita. 1'What did they say (to the losing side?): "Woe to the district of Mar I:Iana, they eat burghul with mud," ifthe district ofthe Church won.' (B: 179) (3) ~u-dariwa qanlla,ll;zdtta ~iga ta zala-w alYa pesa cadal,1 ~an-iwa ~Igal 'He would put a cane on it, so that the arm would not move back and forth, but remain straight, if it was an arm (that was being treated).' (B:42) 19.4.4. Asyndetic conditional constructions On a number of occasions the semantic relation between aseries of clauses is that of condition and consequent, but they are juxtaposed asyndetically without a conditional particle. It is often appropriate to translate such clauses by a English conditional sentence. Sometimes these asyndetic structures contain verbal forms that are characteristic of conditional constructions, such as the form bad-qatalwa and compounds with the verb hwy, e.g. (1) 'aga qmds-iliJ,1 biJd-darewa niJqdt,1 tal/al ~iirb~,1 ~axa Mmca,1 b-~o~iwa soqta. 1 '(lf) this is the material, [informant

demonstrates with his hands] they would put three or four spots ofwax here and they would dye the shirt.' (B:32)

(2) k-awe kam-ganwUan,1 ~anjax tapat.1 '(lf) they have robbed us, you still have time to catch them.' (F: 10)

In other cases, the verbal forms are not characteristic specifically of conditional contexts. A number of these constructions have k-qatal forms in the initial clause, e.g. (3) la ka-mhamnat,1 haluX rxos mannan. 1'(lf) you do not believe it, come with us!' (F:79) (4) malat uwana l;zaywan,1 k-saxat. 1 '(lf) you bring a sheep or animal, it gets dirty.' (B:I03)

504 (5)

CHAPTER NINETEEN k-6ya budrattux qaruta I-budratti,l naqltila ma k-ogiwa?1 b-xagra. 1'(lf) your budra is elose to my budra, sometimes what

did they do? (They do the winnowing) by turn.' (B:65) Similar constructions are found with imperatives in the initial elause. In such cases, the imperative does not perform the act of a command to undertake an activity, but rather it invites the hearer to focus attention on a potential activity, e.g. (6) 'lxulla-so'iJt!1 'Eat and you will not be sated.' (B:118) (7)

Stl 'u-la-so'iJt.1'Drink and you will not be sated.' (B: 124)

In (8) below there are two conditions, linked by the partiele '0 ('or'), tagged after a preceding statement. The first is asyndetic and the second is syndetic: (8) kawi nafa l hcir 'lbiJ t-awiJ bilf,1 yagiJ' qraya 'o-klin la k-yagiJ,.1 'Surely person can always be good, whether he can read or not.' (Play 55) It should be noted that none of these asyndetic constructions express

counterfactual conditions, for which explicit conditional particles seem to be necessary. 19.4.5. Exelamatory expressions related to conditional constructions Several exelamatory expressions occurring in the text corpus are elosely related to conditional constructions: (1) /:zarIim 'iJn-kalia pafliJ beili l-gibax!1 '(lt would be) a crime, if my mind was not with you! (i.e. I was worried about you).' (Play 7) (2)

/:zarIim klin la kiJ-mkaiWax fiJmmanenan. 1'(It would be) a crime,

if we do not register our names.' (Play 81) (3) 'alwa haYlwa tlwa b-bela!1 'If only he would stay at horne!'

(Play 107) (4)

m-an Xal$lWa xayaxl 'If only your life would come to an end!'

(Play 171) (5)

ya-rel 'iJn-k-awiJt axiJl fanina!1 'If only you could eat fanina!'

(B:124)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

505

19.5. Concessive clauses

Concessive clauses are expressed either by a conditional construction (1-3) or by the particle s connected to d at the front ofthe clause (4-5). If the verb after d is derived from the present base, it is in the indicative. The phrase s + d followed by the subjunctive, by contrast, is used to express a wish (§15.1.2. i). (1) Ju-saljat l}ujjaJa l ma-l}ujjaJa,1 k-iyax Jana l Ju-Cammux ;[su:). yamya l da-la m6>/ax Janal l}ujjaJa karya,l w-ana da-ka-mxeli Jal-heJa Jabad,l ham kdn k-adax ambnaJan pesi sulxayaJa. 1 'As

for the story of clothes and the like - land your uncle '!Su' have vowed not to bring those short clothes and those that you can see through into the house ever, even if we know that our daughters would become naked (through lack of clothes).' (Play 178) (2) Jana har-b-zali sula l ham kän-iyan jahya l 'I shall still go to

work, although I am tired'. (3) I}atta kdn layat kpina l tazam d-axlaf 'Although you are not

hungry, you must eat.' (4) Jana b{}s rabJeyan,1 sa-da-ka-mbenan b{}s zurtal 'I am the older,

although I look the younger.' (Play 125) (5) sa-d-iyat musaJla l har-Iazam msaglaf 'Although you are late,

you must still go to work'. Note also the asyndetic conditional structure (6) (cf. §19.4.4.), which can be interpreted as having an essentially concessive sense: (6) k-awe kam-ganwilan,1 Janjax tapat. 1 '(If/Although) they have

robbed us, you still have time to catch them.' (F:I0) 19.6. Complement clauses

19.6.1. Introduced by complementizer particle Subordinate clauses containing the subjunctive that are complements of various verbs and expressions have been described in §15.1.2. These are generally introduced by the particle d. The subjunctive is used since the action ofthe verb in the subordinate clause is as yet unrealized, e.g. (1) Jaxni g-b(;zJax d-sakax I-ane l 'We want to complain conceming those people.' (F:73)

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(2) g-manCi yala zora d-qam#1 'al-nud 'They prevent the small children from jumping onto the fire.' (B: 12)

Complement clauses mayaiso be of factual content and these, likewise, are normally introduced by d. If they contain a present verbal form, this is in the indicative. Similarly, they may contain the copula or the existential particle ('ilan, lelan), which are only used in the indicative. The d at the beginning of the clause is normally followed immediately by the verb, copula or existential particle. Examples: (3) gYla d-ila niy{Jtta xruta. 1'She realized that their intention was bad.' (F:30) (4) nSUax d-iyat tuta qama ballattan. 1'You have forgotten that you are sitting in front of our door.' (Play 126) (5) La k-yaga' 'ahu d-kam-qatallal 'He does not know that he killed hirn.' (F:94) (6) 'u-xzihan d-iwa mgunadra 'awa kipa l 'and they saw that the stone was rolled back.' (Gospel 23)

Factual complement clauses are also used in prohibitions against belief in the factuality of something, e.g. (7) la mhamnat d-ila xanna-mandi max l;aJma l da-k-napa' da-mnala battatan. 'Don't believe that there is anything at all that can benefit girls better like modesty.' (Play 178) d-ila (8) La xaofwitu l Latma k-mamra'lil baof J;eb ma-ma-da-kam-mamar'ali xtilad taxalluf didan. 1 '00 not think that there is a punch that hurts me more than the sin of our backwardness hurts me.' (Play 200) l

1

A clause that is nominalized by an initial d mayaiso serve as the subject in a clause, e.g. (9) da-oftiri m-Jammal lewa d-'ogan ba-ofbonil 'The fact that I came down from heaven was not to do my own will' (Gospel 51) A factual complement clause is also introduced by the Arabic particle 'annahu or ba'annahu. In such cases, the clause often opens with a nominal or independent pronoun, e.g. (10) k-agi ba'annahu k-ina tiwa 'ana surayal 'They know that the Christians have settled there.' (S:22)

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

507

(11) k-ina txfr" b;:rannahu Jahu k-iwa Jaloya m-Arb"l' 'They remember that he was coming from )ArbIl.' (F: 101) (12) hal d"-mtU,, xabar Jek"d soti Ju-babi waJamwali' Jannahu Ya'qub lel".' 'until the news reached my grandmother, my father and my uncles that Ya'qub was missing.' (F:95) (13) murJbat/" b"Jannahu Jahu-l,,' Jaxel,,' qtllel,,' 'But he left proof that it was he who had killed hirn here.' (F: 117) (14) fa-may-l" sarr?' sarr Jannahu J"m-molpi susawala stay"d '"raq' Ju-xal"d bMla d-nas".' 'What is the secret? The secret is that they would teach the horses to drink arak and eat the food of people.' (F:66)

19.6.2. Complementizer particle omitted Occasionally the complement clause is not introduced by a particle and follows the verb ofthe main clause asyndetically, e.g. (1) k-yag~ k-U" Jaga muftakra b-aga mandi.' 'He knows that he has thought about this deed.' (F:93) (2)

I"Jan k-agi malalan' sawi bas "g-bila.' 'because they know that my grandfather loves her.' (S:8)

19.6.3. Extraposition and raising of a subject nominal A subject nominal of a complement clause, of either factual or nonfactual content, may, in certain circumstances, be extraposed before the complementizer particle. In the attested examples, the extraposed nominal is placed either before or after the verb in the main clause, e.g. (1) sutal"d bela qabli d-xal$i?' 'Do they permit house-work to end?' (Play 24) (2) ki1m-molpay Jagi duni' d-Ua d"x-d,,-k-amrftu Jtixtu mlaqqajin,' d-Ua magaba.' 'I taught hirn that this world is, as you cultured people say, that it is a (wild) forest' (Play 162)

In some cases it is made one of the components of the main clause and is either treated as the direct object of the main verb or is govemed by a preposition. The complementizer particle introducing the sub ordinate clause either remains in place or is omitted, e.g. (3) k-xaz"n Jaqtali k-fna k-saxni' hedi hedi.' 'I find my legs are getting hot slowly.' (F:53)

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CHAPTER NINETEEN

(4) daha k-iyax ratJya b-tre JUr!a k-axli "u-Mte "u-fa!ri ka-mgade yomiyya,' bas la-ham susawala k-axli nafsad "axala. 1'Now, we are content for the two policemen to eat and drink, to have breakfast and lunch each day, but not for the horses also to eat the same food.' (F:73) (5) La Jaqat J:tazqul~ ad-gaJ:tka "allux 'Do not allow your strength to laugh at you.' (Play 202) (6) g-manCi yala z6ra d-qam~il "al-nura l 'They prevent the small children fromjumping onto the fire.' (B: 12)

19.7. Cleft constructions In a few sporadic pi aces in the text corpus, relative eIauses are found as a component of a eIeft sentence. Such constructions are not used very often in the dialect. The purpose of eIeft constructions is to give one item particular prominence by making it a predicate. The remainder of the eIause is nominalized by the partieIe d and functions as the subject of the predication. The nominalized phrase may have the status of a nominal relative eIause or a complement eIause. In the available examples, the nominalized phrase is placed after the predicate. The nueIear stress occurs both on the predicate and on the nominalized phrase at the end of the intonation group, by the bonding of two intonation groups through sandhi. In example (3) the copula is omtted: (1) qay, may-la da-g-marxas bar-nasa.' moxaJ:t1 16 zargulaJ:t?1 qay,

may-la da-g-maJ:tzaq nasa,1 raxmula 16 skinala?1 'Why, what is it that controls a man, his mind or his shoes? Why, what is it that makes a man strong, love or knives?' (Play 186) (2) >u-"agel d-k-oglla da-gupta. I 'It is this that they make into cheese.' (S:73) (3) fa-qay da-pasla xa-kma?1 'And why is it that some were left alive?' (F:15) (4) har hal-daha-la da-g-da>ra m-dawam. 1'It is only now that she is retuming from work.' (Play 17) In § 15.4.1. and § 15.5.1. it has been shown how the copula in the verbal forms k-ila k-qa{al and k-ila q{ila may be suffixed to a component of the eIause when this has particular prominence, e.g.

SYNTACTIC SUBORDINATION OF CLAUSES

509

(4) xabuJ-iltJ k-axtJI?116 goztJ?1 'Is he eating APPLES or NUTS?'

Although these constructions may have the appearances of eIeft sentences when the verb is in the 3rd person, the fact that the copula agrees in person with the verb shows that the verb is not interpreted as a nominal relative eIause that is the subject ofthe copula, e.g. (5) xabUJ-iytJt k-6.xltJt?1 16 goztJ?1 'Are you eating APPLES or NUTS?'

CHAPTER TWENTY

THELEXICON 20.1. Preliminary remarks

The lexicon of the NENA dialects is of great interest from a comparative and historical point of view. Relatively little work, however, has been carried out in this field, largely because scholars have concentrated so far on producing synchronic descriptions of individual dialects. 1 In the current state of research, moreover, it is not possible to make a systematic comparison of the lexicon across the NENA dialects. Such an undertaking can only be carried out when a wider range of dialects have been documented. In this chapter we shall restrict ourselves to some general observations concerning the background of the lexicon of the Qaraqosh dialect and to the arrangement of a selection of lexical items in semantic fields. 20.2. Historical considerations

Many lexical items of Aramaic origin in the Qaraqosh dialect have a meaning that corresponds directly to the meaning of their cognates in earlier forms of literary Aramaic. Several items, however, have undergone a semantic development from the meaning that was expressed by their literary cognates. It must be borne in mind, of course, that the NENA dialects are unlikely to be direct descendants of the classical Aramaic dialects' and so some of the differences in meaning may have already existed in proto-NENA many centuries ago. It is, nevertheless, of interest to examine the types of semantic differences from the classical forms of the language that are exhibited by some of the lexical items in the dialect. 20.2.1. Lexical items in the dialect sometimes exhibit a meaning that is more specific than that of their cognates in Classical Syriac. In such 1

An investigation of some NENA lexical items, mainly from the Aradhin dialect,

has been made by Krotkoff (1985). Some of Sabar's publications also relate to lexicography, e.g. Sabar (1982, 1984, 1990).

THELEXICON

511

cases, the basic meaning of the dialectal word is subsumed by the more general basic meaning ofthe Syriac word. This often arises since another lexical item is used in the dialect with a related meaning. The word JarxJl (pI. Jarxawala) in the Qaraqosh dialect, for example, denotes specifically a 'water-mill', whereas the cognate in Classical Syriac ral:zyä (pI. rl:zawälä) refers to a 'mill' in general, including a hand-mill. The reason for the narrowing of the meaning range of JarxJl in the dialect is likely to be the existence of another lexical item that denotes specifically a 'hand-mill', viz. garusta. The semantic range of the Syriac singular form ral:zyä, moreover, includes also the sense of 'mill-stone,' which is a component ofthe mill, whereas the dialectal word JarxJl refers only to the mill as a whole. A 'mill-stone' in the dialect must be expressed by the phrase kipJd JarxJl 'the stone of the mill'. The verb krw in the dialect has the specific meaning of 'to plough the first set of furrows in one direction', in contrast to the ploughing of the second set of furrows in the return direction, which is denoted by the verb tny. The cognate of krw in Classical Syriac kral! denotes, by contrast, 'ploughing' in general. In the dialect, the generic sense of 'ploughing' is expressed by the root njy. The verb xll 11 'to wash' is more restricted in usage than its Syriac cognatel:zallel. The dialectal verb xll 11 is used to express the washing of individual parts ofthe body (such as hands, feet etc.) and various objects but not clothes. The Syriac verb, by contrast, is used to express also the washing of clothes. The narrowing of the semantic range of the verb in the dialect has arisen due to the existence of another verb to express specifically the washing of clothes, viz. msy. To wash oneselfby covering the body in water, in a bath or a shower, is expressed in the dialect by the verb sxy I 'to bathe (also to swim),' as is the case with the Syriac cognate sl:zä. The cognate of Syriac saCrä 'hair' (in general) is srra, but the dialectal word is restricted in sense to 'goat's hair'. Other words are used to refer to hair in general, viz. kosa (collective), mrSJ (sing. mrJsta). The Syriac noun tarCä denotes a door or gate in general, whereas the cognate tarJa in the dialect is generally used to refer only to an internal door in a house. The dialect uses a different word to refer to a front door or gate, viz. bJlla. 20.2.2. In other cases, by contrast, a dialect word has a meaning that is wider than that ofthe Classical Syriac cognate and subsumes it. This has often arisen as a result of additions or losses in related areas of the lexicon.

512

CHAPTER TWENTY

The semantic range of the verb xzy in the dialect, for example, includes both the sense of 'to see' and 'to find', whereas the cognate in Syriac denotes only 'to see'. This has arisen, no doubt, due to the loss of the Syriac verb 'efkalJ. 'to find' in the dialect and also to the fact that the dialect uses the Arabic loan-word qs' to denote specifically 'to see'. The basic meaning of the verb (n in the dialect includes both the sense of 'to carry' and 'to pick up'. The cognate in Syriac, on the other hand, is restricted to the sense of 'to carry', whereas the sense of 'picking up' is expressed by another lexical item, such as 'arim, which has been lost in the dialect. The verb dry is used in the dialect as the general word for 'to put', whereas the cognate verb dra in Syriac has the sense of 'to sprinkle, scatter'. It appears that the expression of the transference of location that was a semantic component of the Syriac verb dra became the dominant feature and the verb came to be used more generally without being associated with a specific manner of action. The specific action of 'scattering' is now expressed by other verbs, such as bzq or byz. The verb sym, the cognate ofwhich in Syriac is a general verb 'to put', has come to be restricted in the dialect to the sense of 'to ordain (a priest)' in stern I and to the fixed collocation with the object bai with the sense of 'to pay attention' in stern III. The verb 'tw in stern III is largely restricted to the sense of placing a stable object on a horizontal surface. Its most common usage in the text corpus is in the context of serving food. The verb qtl is used in the dialect not only in the sense of 'to kill' but also in the sense of 'to beat up' without necessarily killing the victim. This broader semantic range may have arisen due to the fact that a metaphorical usage of the word has come to be included in its basic meaning. The basic meaning ofthe adjective xriwa includes both the sense of physically 'destroyed' and also the general sense of 'corrupt' or 'bad.' The basic meaning of the cognate root in Syriac IJ.rb, however, is restricted to the sense of 'to be desolate, waste, dried up'. 20.2.3. A further type of semantic change is where the basic meaning of the dialectal word does not directly subsurne nor is subsumed by the basic Syriac meaning but rather is associated with some aspect of the contextual usage of the Syriac cognate. This is a broad category that includes various types of development, some examples of which are the following. The verb !W' denotes 'to sleep', whereas the basic meaning of the Syriac cognate is 'to sink'. In Syriac the verb is sometimes used in the

THELEXICON

513

context of 'sinking into a deep sleep' (e.g. tl]r b'-senlä 'sunk in sleep' J. Payne-Smith 1903: 166). The action of 'sinking' is expressed in the dialect by another root, viz. {ms. The adjective I:zaziqa in the dialect means 'strong' (cf. also I:zazqula 'strength' and I:zzq III 'to strengthen'), whereas the cognate root in Syriac has the sense of 'girding onto the body.' The sense of the root in the dialect appears to have arisen from the fact that the Syriac verb is often used in the context of strengthening oneself by girding oneself with weapons. A parallel semantic develop no doubt lies behind the Hebrew cognatel:zäzäq 'strong'. As already remarked, the verb rtjy in the dialect means 'to plough' . The basic meaning of the Syriac cognate, however, is 'to move along, to flow' or in the causative 'apcel stern 'to lead.' The dialectal meaning presumably arose either due to the association of ploughing with the flowing ofthe plough across the field or, more likely, with the leading of draught animals. The action of leading animals in general is now expressed in the dialect by the verb rxs III and this, no doubt, facilitated the development of the specific meaning of rtjy. The verb n,sw has the sense of 'to set traps' and the noun na,sawa means 'trapper'. The cognate verb in Syriac n',sal] means 'to set, fix' in general. Clearly the verb was commonly used in the context of setting traps and this specific contextual usage developed into its basic meaning. The verb rxs denotes 'to walk' in the dialect, whereas the Syriac cognate has the sense of 'to creep'. The dialectal meaning no doubt developed out of the feature of 'slow movement' that is associated with the act of creeping. The verb smx 'to stand, stop' is cognate with Syriac sma/s, which has the sense of 'support, prop up, sustain' and 'rest oneself, recline'. The element of immobility that is associated with these meanings in Syriac has apparently developed into the basic meaning ofthe verb in the dialect. The verb st'r, which is used in the dialect in the sense of 'to descend', is cognate with the earlier literary Aramaie root sgr, which had the sense of 'running, flowing' (cf. Babylonian Talmudic Aramaic: s'gar 'to run, flow'). The feature of fast movement and runnng, which is typically associated with descending, came to be interpreted as the basic meaning of the word. The word x(Jgga in the dialect refers to a type of dance that is associated with a festivity, whereas the Classical Syriac cognatel:zaggä denotes simply 'festivity or feast.' The words ,sapra and ramsa, which are the dialectal reflexes of the Classical Syriac words ,saprä 'moming' and ramsä 'evening', are

514

CHAPTER TWENTY

restricted in the dialect to the sense of moming and evening prayer respectively. These activities were originally only contextually associated with the moming and evening, but subsequently became the core meanings of the words. The purely temporal expressions of moming and evening have been replaced in the dialect by other words, viz. m-xuJka 'in the moming', qadamta 'in the early moming', ba-rma~a (a doublet of ramJa) 'in the evening', ca!jriyya 'evening'. The word !jalma in the dialect has the sense of 'face', whereas its cognate in Syriac means 'image, figure, form'. Presumably the development here arose from the fact that the face is typically the most conspicuous and characteristic feature of a human figure. One could perhaps compare this to the background of Italian viso 'face' (= FrenchlEnglish visage), which is derived from Latin visus 'appearance' . The adjective xlima in the dialect means '(physically) thick', whereas Syriac ~limä denoted 'sound, firm, strong' in both a physical and spiritual sense. The feature of 'thickness', which is typically associated with an object that is physically robust, has become the basic meaning of the word. Other words exhibiting a semantic change that should perhaps be inc1uded in this category are burga 'hole', Jahara 'blind' and xtira 'beautiful'. The cognate burga in Syriac means 'tower, turret; pigeoncote' « Greek purgos). The association here seems to be that such structures contained holes through which pigeons entered. The word then came to denote a pigeon-hole, i.e. apart ofthe original whole. The dialect then came to use another word to denote specifically a pigeon-hole, viz. rozimta, so burga came to be used to refer to a hole in general. The Syriac cognate of Jahara denotes somebody who observes a night vigil. Presumably the association of such an activity with darkness led to its acquiring the meaning of anybody enveloped in darkness and then specifically a person who has lost his sight. The Syriac cognate of xtira is defined by J. Payne-Smith (1903: 164) as 'haughty, swollen with pride.' The feature of 'beauty' was apparently interpreted as a typical association ofpride. 20.2.4. The meaning of a word occasionally shifts to the extent that it denotes a completely distinct referent from the one denoted by the Syriac cognate, though in the same semantic field. This generally arises due to the use of another lexical item to express the meaning of the Syriac cognate. The word xalwa, for example, means 'yoghurt' and rather than 'milk', which is the sense of the Syriac cognate ~all!ä. 'Milk' in the

THELEXICON

515

dialect is expressed by the word xalya or xiJlya « *~alyä 'sweet'). The word diJbbora in the dialect means 'hornet', whereas its Syriac cognate debburtä normally has the sense of 'bee'. A 'bee' is referred to in the dialect by the term dabasa (literaIly: 'honey-maker'). 20.2.5. As already shown by Krotkoff (1985: 124-126), a number of lexical items in the NENA dialects, especially those relating to agriculture, can be traced back beyond Classical Aramaic to Akkadian or even Sumerian. These include words in the Qaraqosh dialect that are found also in other NENA dialects such as siJ/qa 'ploughshare' (Syriac sekk'lä, Akkadian sikkatu), mara 'spade' (Syriac marrä, Akkadian marru, Sumerian mar) and budra 'threshing floor' « bi + idra: Syriac )edd'rä, Akkadian idru). The Qaraqosh dialect also contains a number of such words that are undocumented so far in other dialects. Some of these, moreover, cannot be traced in earlier literary Aramaie. One such case is the word baxsimiJ, which denotes a storeroom (for grain) in the roof of a house. It is reasonably certain that this is a descendant of the Akkkadian term bit lzaszmi 'barn, storehouse,.2 Another possible example is raxi~a 'pile of straw (usually barley)', which could weIl be related to Akkadian rabz~u 'pile ofharvest produce (especially straw).'3 20.2.6. FinaIly, it should be noted that the etymology of many words of apparently Semitic stock in the dialect is uncertain or problematic. Some such words that the Qaraqosh dialect shares with other NENA dialects have been discussed by Krotkoff (1985: 129-134). These include items such as {Cl 'to play' « taCCel 'fawn' < taClä 'fox'?), )aqla 'leg' (connected to Syriac Caqlänä 'ankle chain'?), nalYala 'ears' « )erjnälä? cf. the form riJs-nala 'earring', literally 'on the ears', which is used in Qaraqosh), baxta 'woman' « Syriac bä!seltä 'weaveress, spinster' ?). Many others could be added to these, the etymologies of which become increasingly more speculative, for example s)l III 'to delay', which possibly has some connection with the word s~la 'hour' (cf. Syriac Säclä 'hour, moment' also Hebrew SäCä 'to gaze, linger') and duqsa 'branch' (cf. Akkadian daqäsu 'to bend down'?).4 2

3

4

The Assyrian Dictionary 0/ the Oriental Institute 0/ Chicago (= CAD), vol. 6, Chicago, 1956, p.l41; Von Soden, Akkadisches Handwärterbuch (= All), vol. 1, Wiesbaden, 1964, p.334. Salonen (1968: 274),AH, vol. 2 (1972), 943. J. Black, A. George, N. Postgate, A Concise Dictionary 0/ Akkadian, Wiesbaden, 1999, p.56.

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CHAPTER TWENTY

20.3. Loan-words

Numerous words that are found in the Qaraqosh dialect are loans from languages with which speakers have been in contact at some period. The majority of the loans are from Arabic or Kurdish. It should be noted, however, that the origin of a word cannot be established with certainty in all cases. This applies especially to Kurdish, since many words that appear from their form to be of Kurdish origin cannot be identified in the existing Kurdish lexicons. In recent years the number of Arabic elements that are used by speakers has vastly increased, especially among the younger generations who have been educated in Arabic-speaking schools and colleges. The proportion of Arabic elements that are nowadays introduced into speech does not, however, accurately reflect the native Aramaic lexical resources of the dialect. A distinction should be made between (i) loan-words that do not have any existing Aramaic equivalent and (ii) those for which a native Aramaic substitute is still available in the dialect. The vast majority ofKurdish loans fall into the first category, whereas many ofthe Arabic lexical items that are now in use belong to the second. It may often be more appropriate, therefore, to treat the Arabic items as arising from 'code-switching' by speakers rather than lexical loaning. Arabic nouns that fall into the second category are generally used, in fact, without any adaptation to the native Aramaic inflectional morphology. Arabic verbs, on the other hand, are generally fitted into Aramaic inflectional patterns. They, nevertheless, sometimes retain their original Arabic stern structure (§8.15.). Speakers who use Arabic elements in place of available resources in the dialect are generally aware of these existing resources and can supply the Aramaic equivalent if asked, e.g. /:zuzn = ~oqana 'sadness', ~awwal yoma = yoma qamaya 'the first day', tcfämul b-palsa = huwala-w §qala b-palsa 'dealing in money', qsamhan = pl~han 'they divided', k-sa/:zab = k-gara§ 'he drags'. A noteworthy phenomenon is that in some cases the corresponding dialectal words for such Arabic items are themselves loanwords, including Arabic items or roots that entered the dialect at an earlier period, e.g. nihäya = xla~a 'end', fakr = taxmanta 'thought', k-jam'ala = g-lemala 'she gathers it', ~a'b = za/:zmat 'difficult', maxjar = qa§la 'barracks'. The second item in these pairs are usually regarded by speakers as old original words and belong to the frist category of loans discussed above, whereas the first item is recognized as a clear import from Arabic and belongs to the second category of loans. The established Arabic loan-words have been adapted to Aramaic morphology in various ways. Verbal roots are generally fitted into the

THELEXICON

517

Aramaic inflectional patterns. Arabic, of course, has a larger number of verbal sterns than the Aramaic dialect. The Arabic 5th (taj{fCala) and 6th (tajtrala) forms are adapted by eliding the ta- prefix and treating them as Aramaic stern 11. This may have been facilitated by a similar merging of the original Aramaic reflexive/passive sterns ('eJpacel, ~eJpaccal) with sterns I-III in the modern dialect (§8.1., §8.16.1.). Several nouns have been formed in the dialect by applying loaned Arabic verbal roots to Aramaic nominal patterns, e.g. xal~ana 'saviour', !Jakyana 'speaker', m.xalfantJ 'parents', ~tJjbona 'wish, will' « Arab. Cjb) , jorapana 'inundation' « Arab. jrf). The same applies to some verbal roots borrowed from Kurdish, e.g. gandorta 'a tyre' « gndr 'to go round' Kurd.), garmozta 'a wrinkle' « grmz 'to be wrinkled' Kurd.). In a few isolated cases, the phonological form of an Arabic loan is adjusted in order to distinguish it from another potentially homophonous lexical item in the vocabulary. One such example is the Arabic verb darasa 'to study', which has the form drz with Izl in the dialect, apparently to distinguish it from the verb drs 'to vomit'. Arabic phonemes that do not belong to the Aramaic phonological system are generally retained in Arabic loans. In a few cases they are adapted. This applies especially to the weakening of the Arabic pharyngal ICI to the laryngal PI (§1.4.3.), e.g. Jam~a candle « JamC), lb 'to please' « Cjb). Sporadically one finds Arabic /fI appearing as the stop Ipl, e.g. nr 'to benefit' « nf'), jaropana 'inundation' (cf. Arabic järuf). Note also the verb qlw, which is a loan of the Arabic verbal root qlb with the Ibl changed to Iwl in conformity to the usual phonetic development of *b in this position in native Aramaic verbs, e.g. klW 'to write' « *ktb), rkw 'to ride' « *rkb). The doublet form qlb, which does not exhibit the shift of Ibl to Iw/, is more commonly used in dialect. Some of the Arabic loans that are regarded as old established words appear from their form to have entered the dialect through Kurdish, e.g. !JaJta 'need' « Arabic !Jäja), !Jalota 'gift' « Arabic xalCa). Some ofthese have doublets that have entered the dialect directIy from Arabic, e.g. xla~ta = !Jalota gift. In addition to Arabic and Kurdish, a few estabished words in the dialect are loans from Turkish, e.g. ~o4a 'room', qtJJla 'barracks', ktJca 'feit', balfa 'large knife', dolka 'jug', qazma 'pickaxe', yapragtJ 'stuffed vine leaves' or European languages, e.g. ~atnabtJl 'automobile', grosa 'large, coarse', maser 'nun' « French ma soeur). Some of these are likely to have have entered the dialect through Arabic or Kurdish.

518

CHAPTER TWENTY

With regard to the distribution of old established loan-words in the various semantic fields of the lexicon, the foBowing assessment may be made on the basis of the lists presented below. The basic, core areas of vocabulary (human body §20.4.1., family relations §20.4.2., basic adjectives §20.4.21. and verbs §20.4.23.) are predominantly of Aramaic origin. Different proportions of loans are found in other fields of the lexicon relating to the traditional way of life. Broadly speaking, the vocabulary relating to agriculture (§20.4.11.) and agricultural instruments (§20.4.6.) exhibits a smaBer proportion of loans than the vocabulary relating to the urban professions. The terms for people who practice the urban professions (§20.4.5.) are mainly loans, as are the names of many of the implements that they use (§20.4.6.). A conspicuously high proportion of loans is found in the fieIds of clothing (§20.4.10.) and culinary dishes (§20.4.14.). 20.4. Semantic fields In what follows various lexical items ofthe Qaraqosh dialect are arranged in a selection of semantic fields. The semantic fields that have been chosen by no means cover all attested lexical items, but include those that are likely to be among the most interesting from a comparative point of view. It is hoped that this arrangement of a selection of the lexicon will facilitate future lexical research in the NENA dialects. Recent Arabic words that are now often substituted for the older dialectal words have not been included. A fuB listing of recorded lexical items, including aB those occurring in the text corpus, are given in glossaries at the end of the volume. 20.4.1. The human body gusma body risa head kosa hair (collective) ma~asta, pI. m~sa hair (individual item) ~alma face pala face (poetic) bi-gwina forehead bi-na{opa middle of forehead (literally: 'place of dripping) ~ena eye

bibad ~ena pupil lappa eyelash tamrad ena eyelid garad ena eyebrow (literally: roof of an eye) naxira nose poqana nostril puqa nostril mxo{a nasal mucus, snot natyalta ear {arpad natyalta ear lobe

THELEXICON

JUHa cheek kumma mouth sapla lip sambela moustache (Kurd.) kaka tooth lifana tongue laJosajaw lrmajaw roqa spittle rira saliva zanqa chin daqna (full) beard daqanla small beard paqarta neck rufa shoulder Jaksa elbow (Arab.) Jüja hand; arm (§ 1.4.1.4.) #!a span of the hand zanda upper arm (Kurd.) :jubrla :ju~ala finger :jubrla rabla thumb xa:jra little finger !apra fingemail, toenail :jadra ehest (Arab.) deda breast Ju!ma, Ju!mala side, flank pppa side xa:ja back furla navel

519

xanalap sakla, pI. sakyala testicle bU:ja fundament farma fundament faqa shin, shank burka, pI. burkala knee Jaqla, pI. Jaqlala leg; foot qanilad Jaqla shin :jalmad aqla top ofthe foot JarJad Jaqla bottom ofthe foot kala froth on heated butter (Kurd.) xalwa yoghurt da'a yoghurt mixed with water (Kurd.)

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CHAPTER TWENTY

sanina yoghurt mixed with water (Arab.) Jullor curds (Kurd.)

maJrela rennet gupta, pI. gupyala cheese

20.4.13. Baking Jipaya baking yapaya baker (m.) yapela baker (f.) xasalta woman skilled in baking laxma bread lesa dough qamxa flour xmira leaven xmaJa leaven garoma rolling-pin grm roll out dough with a garoma gira long rolling-pin Jrs 11 roll out dough wth a gira raqqa thin bread (preserved dry) jaPa, pI. -a flat bread jaPa matabbaqa layered flat breads

jaPa d-~ubala small flat breads (made with fingers) jalJa d-atlan sulalad Bagdeda, >ahu-la sulad kaca,1 >aw >ahu-la can Camra 1

k-awa. 1deqile ba->aqlaJa,1 xagila l-guniyya,1 >u-k-zalha >u-k-aJe >allaJ:t,1 hOl da-k-dayaqwa >u-dare maya, I kud-naqla k-dare maya,1 xagar ka-mdarak,1 k-payas wa#a gga,1 >u-ka-mdarak hedi hedi, I >u-k-payas kaca. 1 (15) >atlan xarta sagla,1 >ahi-la ... sulad xanna,1 sulad farwat,1 wa->am-galdila,1 g-malax g31da

l

•••

z6niha m-Mo~ul,1 >u-g-maJehan

INFORMANTK

543

Bagded;) (starting) from the Great Church, and then make a stop at the Chruch ofMar Zena, then at Sark;)s Bakos (Sergius and Bacchus), then at Mar Gorg;)s (Saint George), then we reach Mar I:Iana (Saint John), and afterwards we return to Mar YaCqob (Saint James) and then come to the Great Church. We bring a cross again to the Great Church. (10) We have other festivals -the festival ofMar Behnam in which we go, we go to (the monastery of) Mar Behnam, and there all the inhabitants of Bagded;) make merry and share out food. Father al-Khuri makes it. He makes it in the monastery and gives it to all the people. (11) They pray in the evening and hold mass. Deacons come from Bagded;). There are a few people who come from Bagded;) to Mar Behnam on foot. They eat there, drink, dance and make merry. (12) In former times there were some who went into tunnels, and by the tunnels they went to the spring where they bathed Saint Sarah, in water that was dirty, (Sarah) who came out pure as gold. (13) We have another festival, the festival of Mar Quryaqos (Saint Cyriacus). It is around Bagded;), distant from Bagded;) by three kilometres. 2 The inhabitants of Bagded;) arrive there, they all go on foot. They pray, they hold mass at ten o'clock and sit down. They eat, drink and share things. All the inhabitants of Bagded;) are one group and are all dressed in fine clothes.

Professions (14) We have the professions of Bagded;), one being the feit rug profession. It consists of wool. They stamp it with their feet. They roll it up on sacking. They go back and forth on it, until it gets thin and they put water on it, every time they put water on it. It compressed over and over gain, it becomes one piece, it slowly becomes compressed, and turns into a feIt rug. (15) We have another profession, another profession, the profession of furs. It (a fur) is made from skins. We bring skins, ... they buy them

Le. the monastery of Mar Quryaqos, where the festival is held (see Introduction, p.6).

TEXTS

544

Bagdeda. 1(16) ~ag-bafriha, 1 g-dare Mp -lleha, 1 ~u-ka-m.xalliha,! markxiha m-maya,1 ~u-g-bafriha,1 bacden gadiha,1 k-amrila b-jazar, ~u-bacden 1

am-mabfara l bafriha,1 dare maIxa ~alleha,1 MI da-g-zal awa pasra zayoda m?mha. 1 (17) dare ~ab-famfal xa-tre flala yoma,1 bacden k-ale xetiha,1 ~u-bacden pefa max-faklad ... d-farwa,1 k-amrila,1 b-Bagdeda,1 ~u-bacden

k-xomila koma I ~u-k-04ila tantufyala,1 ~u-~ti4a Mla btis ab-Bagdedela mojad. 1 (18) ~atlan Mla xanna,! ~ad-xamra,1 k-04i xamra da-~itala,1 k-male ~apMla koma,! ~u-markxihal ~u-k-04iha xamra. 1 ~u-~atian ~arb~ xammaf

Cawayil hal-dahal k-64i xamra. 1 manha biJamman Toma Moma l ~u-bi d-Aqlimus. 1 (19) ~u-atlan ag-garfi caraql ba-~apMlal ~aw b-qazba. 1~u-manha ~atian

d-k-awu4 bi-Sarj:za,! ~aw bi-Rabtina /jannu,1 ~usta-YaCqu,! k-64i caraq.1

The churches of Bagded;}

(20) ~atian ab-Bagdeda fuwwa~ ~itala,1 l~annahu b-nkrat ~a1Waiha fuwwa~ ~itala.1 fa-~axni b-nkrat ~iytixwa qamela. 1 ~awalan ~u-sawalan

~am-nkrat yewa. 1 Jihan Bagdeda,1 fa-marha

btinax Mwwa~ ~itala

dax-d-iyaxwa l Mwwa~ ~itala b-nkrat. 1(21) fa-qamha bniha fuwwa~ ~itala ~ab-Bagdeda.1 ~itala ~anh-ina ~ita rabla l k-amrila ~itad Tahira. 1~ita xarta

k-amrila ~ita m-Mar Yoj:zanna. 1~ita xarta k-amrila ~ita m-Mar yacqo.1 ~ita xarta k-amrila ~ita m-Mar Zena .1~u-~ita xarta k-amrila ~itad Sarkas Bakos,1 ~u-xarta ~ita k-amrila ~ita m-Mar Gorgas,! ~u-xarta ~ita k-amrila ~ita

da-Smoni. 1

INFORMANTK

545

from M01?ul and bring them to Bagded~. (16) They strip them and put alum on them. They wash them, soften them with water and strip them. Then they stretch them (with a tool) called ajazar. Then they strip them on the stripping board and put salt on them, until the excess flesh is removed. (17) They put them in the sun for two or three days. Then they sew them. Then it comes to have the form of afarwa ('fur'), as they call it in Bagded~. Then they put a black cover on the back and put tassels on it. This profession only exists in Bagded~. (18) We have another profession, (the profession) of wine. They make wine for the churches. They bring black dried grapes, soften them and make them into wine. We still have four or five families who make wine. These include the family of our uncle Toma Moma and the family of Aqlimus. (19) We have (people who) brew arak, with dried grapes or dates. Those who do this include the family of S~rl.ta, the family of Rabana l:Iannu, 'usta YaCqu, who they make arak.

The churches ofBagdeda (20) We have in Bagded~ seven churches, because in Tikrit they used to have seven churches. We were formerly in Tikrit. Our ancestors were from Tikrit. They came to Bagded~ and said: Let us build seven churches as we were seven churches in Tikrit. (21) So they went and buHt seven churches in Bagded~. The churces are the Great Church, called the Church of the Immaculate (Virgin). Another church is called the Church of Mar Yol.tanna (Saint John). Another church is called the Church of Mar YaCqo (Saint James) Another church is called the Church of Mar Zena. Another church is called the Church of S~rk~s Bakos (Sergius and Bacchus). Another church is called the Church of Mar George). Another church is called the church

See Introduction, pp.4-6.

of Shmoni. 3

Gorg~s

(Saint

TEXTS

546 Bread and meat-balls

(22) 'u-'iliJ lefa diJ-k-6gax axni laxma manniJ/:t,1 k-lefa:t 'u-'agi cadiJ har-mojrid-ila heil-daha 'iJt-DkriJt,l 'amma d-xal~a baxta lyafa k-darya calamiJ diJ-#iwa,l 'anhiJ la-k-agi may-la heil daha,l liJ'annahu 'anhiJ mfiJlmim-ina l Ja-k-ina fqUiJ heigi !abfca' m-qamela,l yaCni 'awa1!iJ sawa1!iJ k-ina-fqila/:t,l g-dare calam diJ-#iwa 'iJl-lefa,1 (23) 'axni k-6gax laxma raqiqa l 'u-k-6gax ja!>iJ miJ!abbaqiJ,1 'u-k-6gax japiJ ~-~ubala,l w-axni mafhürln-iyax iJb-kubeba raba,l 'ahi-la cibara Can gurgurl 'u-g-darax pasra b-gawiJ/:t 'u-deqaxliJ,I 'iJb-jawan diJ-k-oyawa diJ-/:tiJtana,l 'u-deqiliJ,1 (24) bacden 'iJk-palXihiJ1 'u-g-dare pasra b-pali>kh,1 'u-k-falqihiJ1'u-kiJ-mqadmihiJ n-nafiJ,1 heigi 'iJxalta MliJ mafhar iyawa b-BagdediJ,1

Agriculture

(25) 'iJb-BagdediJ,I qamela zar'axwa b-'ojar,1 '6jar 'ahu-liJ xa-mandi d-gariJfliJ xmara ,l k-zawalhiJn qadamta ~abli/:t,l 'u-g-ragewa b-gawiJ/:t heil d-xafkawa duni,l liJ'anna /:teliJ Mla jiJhwewa,l 'u-gga si>kla 'iyawa,l g-zar'axwa BagdediJ xa!!iJ 'u-s'ariJ 'u-{loXiJ,1 'u-qassa xortmaniJ-w baqi>lliJ,1 (26) heigi k-amrila krawa l bacden 'iJtnaya l yaCni naqla xarta d-k-ale mqalwUa 'ara,l bacden iJg-zara'la, giJ-bazaqla bzaqa l b-idala,1 'u-k-ale waqtiJd naMliJ kiJ-mnaWwa b-idala,l m-magla,l k-amrila magla,l (27) 'u-k-alewa 'i>nfiJ,1 k-odiwa kogiJ,1 'u-bifden k-malewalhiJ 1-/:ta(jira,1 'u-k-ogiwa gari>gra,1 g-deqiwalhiJ,1 'aniJ xa!!iJ deqiwalhiJ1 'aw-{l6xiJ, 'aw-s'ariJ,I deqiwalhiJ,I 'u-kiJ-mdarewalhiJ dar6YiJ m-miJlxawiJd xafab,l 'u-'aiWa /:teliJ jamaciJ d-k-04iwa miJlxawiJ,I Bi Nagara l k-04iwa miJlxawiJ d-xafab l 'u-d-giJlda,1 'u-kiJm-darewa b-gawiJ/:t,1

INFORMANTK

547

Bread and meat-balls (22) There is a dough from which we make bread. We knead the doughthis custom still exists in Tikrit-when a woman finishes kneading, she puts on it a sign of the cross. They (in Tikrit) to this day do not know what it is, for they are Muslims and took over this practice in former days, that is their ancestors took it over. They put a sign of the cross on the dough. (23) We make thin bread. We make layered flat breads. We make finger breads. We are famous for the big kubba. This is made of burghul wheat. We put meat in it and grind it, in a mortar that is made of marble. (24) Then we spread them (the layers ofburghul) out and put meat inside them. We then boil them and serve them to people. This is a dish that was very famous in Bagded;l.

Agriculture (25) In Bagded;l in former times we used to cultivate with the plough. The plough is something that an ass pulls. They would go out early in the morning and plough with it until dusk. The work was very hard, for there was one only ploughshare. We used to cultivate in Bagded;l wheat, barley and lentils, also some chickpeas and tUI beans. (26) They call it 'first ploughing' and then 'second ploughing', that is (ploughing) a second time when they come to turn over the land. Then (the cultivator) sews it with seed, he spreads it by hand. They come at the time of reaping and reap by hand, with the sickle, they call it 'the sickle.' (27) Women used to come and make piles. Then they took them to the threshing floor and operated the threshing machine and crushed them. They crushed the wheat, or the lentils, or the harley. They crushed them and winnowed them with a wooden winnowing fork. There were many people who made winnowing forks. The family of Nagara used to make winnowing forks of wood and leather, which they put on it.

TEXTS

548

(28) garagra l ~ahu-la xa-m~ndi d-gar~sla xmara. 1 ~u-~~tla baltat k-iimiha,l ~ad-xasab,l ~u-k-raxa~ ~u-k-sa/:taq ~ana x~!!a ~u-s~ara ~aw-!loxa,l k-sa/:taqqa,l MI da-k-awul1a naawa >aron' mnahrUa,'/a>annahu lila mJiJ:za' 'u-bhira duni,'lila b~hra yaawa qatma

da-k-payaJwa.'

kud-xa

k-talabwa

ma-d-ag-biwa,'

man-kull-labbaJ:z

ak-talab', >u->ataha k-ewulla.' (54) k-zawalan al-n~nxa,' n~nxa' k-zawalan g-Iemaxwa nanxa man-ekad ... da-ra>ol gamuJta.' man tama k-malaxwa n~nxa.' >u-b-ema >iga k-ayiwa?' b-igad Miiryam k-ayiwa.' (55) k-malewa gdedaya ytlu-g-darewa-llaJ:z

b~sma.'

>u-ka-mbaxriwala.'

>u-darewa-llaJ:z maya mqudJa.' >u->ahu >iga ntlilanat az-za>la,' k-malewalha m-qadiJa-w' k-6giwalha zora-w,' k-rabtiha.' >aJWa man-da-k-awugwalha Jakla #iwa' g-darewalhan ... b-~adraJ:z.' >u->aga mandi k-iwa rxiJa b-Bagdeda,l k-xagriwa Bagded-u ka-mbahewa b-gawaJ:z' la>annahu >ilana z-za>la >ahi-la >ilan d-yarqa ... >ilanad daymuma.'

INFORMANTK

557

Christmas and other festivals (51) We have a custom ll in Bagded;:l. Before Christmas comes, they goespecially the family of Bi-G;:lgya-they go out into the countryside. They take asses and take panniers, in order to gather together ~aron.12 They cut it with scythes and gather it with sickles. They tie it up, put it in the panniers and take it to Bagded;:l. (52) They bring it to the church in order for it to dry. If there is aporeh, they put it there to dry until the festival comes, when they would put petrol on it and kindie it. (53) People would come with cymbals. The priests come out. They go around the tahra (wonder) three times. They kindie the tahra, they kindie the ~aron, because the Messiah came and the world became bright, that is brightness came. The inhabitants of Bagded;:l would pick up from what was left, the ash that was left. Everybody asked for what they wanted. Each asks with all his heart and God grants it. (54) We would go (looking for) nanxa,13 we would go and gather nanxa from the valley of the bison. From there we would bring nanxa. In

which festival was this? It was in the festival of Mary. (55) The inhabitants of Bagded;:l gathered it into a basin, put incense on it, made it bum fragrantly and put holy water on it. It is a festival with a pleasant fragrance, that is, there is a very pleasant fragrance during the festival, which is given off from it (i.e. the plant). They distributed it (i.e. the fragrant plant) to the people. (56) As for the sprigs, the sprigs that they bring for Palm Sunday, they used to bring them from (the abbey ot) qadisa. In qadisa there are olive trees. They brought them from qadisa, they made them small and tied them together. There were some who made them into the shape of a cross and put them on their ehest. This thing was widespread in Bagded;:l. They would go around Bagded;:l and would show it off, since it was an olive tree, which is a tree that is green, an evergreen tree.

12

Literally: a thing. A kind ofthorn.

13

A fragrant plant.

11

TEXTS

558 Local food

(57) ~~b-Bagded~1 k-ogax gupta. 1 xalwax toriila,l k-malax xalya d;Jtt~.1 k-m~r~lxil~ xJlya,l g-dare ma~relal k-JaqUwala m-mac~d ~d-para zora,l ~u-darela b-xMya,l ~u-k~-~arya. 1 (58) m-bal~r g-lemila qassa qJssa,1

g-lemlla,1 ~u-m-balar-awa ~aya gupta k-6gi ~an~ maya d~-k-pUi,l k-6gih~ ~ullor k-iimaxl~.1 ~agi -xalta gga,l ~agi gga -xalta.1k-ogila kutlal~,1 bifdenl

g-darela b-s~ndiin~,I riJ s~ndan~ ~aJWa qojm~,I ~u-darewa-llaJ; bacden mJJxal cala-mu-d~d /a pay~Jwala rixa. 1 (59)

~u-~aJWa

b-qamela k-ogaxwa

~amma

d~-k-naxriwa

b-ig~d

bi-YJlda,l ~awa pasra koJiwal~ kwiiJa l ~~b-diin~1 ~u-g-darewa-ll~J; ham qOjma,1 ~u-g-darewa-ll~J; mJJxa,l ~u-mMxal J;atta d-/a mpal~{Wa rixa. 1 (60) ~atlan ~~xalyala m-d-an qamiiy~,I ~~xalt~d gurgur ~b-J;amme(ja . 1 ~ahu basusta b-J;amme(ja,1 malaxwala ~~m-diiJta,l J;amme(ja,l ~u-k-Jalqllal ~agi basustal ~u-g-darela b-giiw~J;.1 ~agi -xalta k-iimaxla basust~

1.tammerJa.1 (61) ~~xalt~t tatt~ gurgur p~cp~coka,l ~ahu-l~ gurgut daqiqa J;el~,I

k~-mbaJlilel ~u-qale ba~l~ ~u-maJxa ~Jll~J;.1

(62) ~atlan ~~xalta k-iimaxla harisa.1 ~an~ ~~xalyal~d burumlal d~-k-ogtixx~ b-tanurta,l ~il~ gga-m~nh~ k-amraxla harisa,l ~ahi-lal can

basustal ~u-g-dare mannaJ; JiiJ;am,l ~u-g~rmiim~, ~u-g-darela b-tanurta.1 m-xuJka qemi k-farri b-gawaJ;.1 (63) ~atlan xarta k-amraxla Jorwa. 1 ~ahi-la can ... k-ogaxwa ... g~rmam~1 ~u-pasr~d riJa,l ~u-k-lardaxwa lrada liixma,l ~u-qemi k-axli

m-xuJka. 1

INFORMANTK

559

Localfood (57) In Bagded;) we make cheese. We milk cows and bring their milk. They boil the milk. They add rennet, they take it from the stomach of a young lamb and put it into the milk, and it sets. (58) Afterwards they gather it up, little by little. After that, they make the water remaining from the cheese,14 they make it into what is called Jullor (,curds').15 This is a type of food. This is a type of food. They cut it into pieces. Then they put it into jars. On the jars they put stones. They put, then, oil on it so that it would not have a smell. (59) There was something that we used to do formerly, when they made a slaughter at Christmas, they stored the meat in large jars. They also put a stone on it and put on it oil and salt, so that it did not give off a smell. (60) From among the old dishes with have the dish ofburghul with f;ammetja . That is the kernel of wheat with f;ammetja. We used to bring the f;ammetja from the fields. We boiled the wheat kerneis and put it into it. We call this dish wheat kerneis with f;ammetja. (61) Another dish is 'tiny burghul.' This is very fine burghul. They cook it and fry onions and oil in it. (62) We have a dish called harisa. From among the food made in pots, which we make in the oven, there is one that we call harisa. This consists of wheat kerneis, together with which they add fat and bones. They put it in the oven. In the morning they get up and eat it for breakfast. (63) We have another dish, which we call forwa ('soup'). It consisted of ... we made from bones, and the meat of the head, and crumbled bread into it. They get up and eat it in the morning.

14

I.e. the whey.

15

This is prepared by boiling the whey remaining after the cheese has formed.

TEXTS

560

(64) )u-sopata )ahu-Ia {loxa l koma,1 ... k-awe diqa,1 g-basli bas-qalla,1

k-soqiwalha l cala-mu-d d-axliwa sopata. 1sopata ... k-axli b-lelal /a-k-xli m-xuska. 1 (65) )u-)atlan xarta -xalta ham b-burumla g-darela,l )ahi-Ia xasisa-w

baqalla k-amiha l basustal )u-baqallal )u-{loxal )u-xortmana. 1 xoxiha kulleha-w g-dareha,1 palti k-amrila xasisa-w baqalla. 1 (66) )ila xarta,1 yaCni tadad Bagdedal )ahu-Ia lagna.1/agna k-zawalha

l-dasta,1 k-malaxwa l /agna,l ka-mpaltaxxa b-)awolYala,l )u-malaxxa,1 ka-mna4faxxa l m-upra datta l )u-ka-mxallaxxa. 1 )u-xanawa l k-salqiha,l )u-g-dareha b-satla,1 dare malxa rassa,l )aw-malxa xalya-w sikar,l pesi max tarsa-w xmira,l pesi tada. 1 (67)

)atlan xaradla l k-malaxla

m-/jawi,l m-d-ekad Namrad

)u-Sallamiyya. 1malaxla. 1)aj C611a max-saklad salqa hadax,l ka-mkarabdlla l )u-k-male xalyula dare b-gawa!.z,l )u-payas max-saklad hanna. 1 bacden ka-mqalpila qa16p-u k-axllla.l!.zela basima k-awa. 1 (68) raqqa,l k-malax qamxal )u-k-Iesaxla. 1balar Iyasa k-alax ... )atlan

gira l )u-)atlan garoma. 1)atlan gira-w garoma,1 gga k-iyawa tuta m-qabal xarta,1 )aya palxa zora. 1bacden )aya d-palxa k-ewala da-)aya xarta palxala bas-raba. 1(69) )u-jamcalal k-ogala taqriban xamsi-sti raqqa-w,1 daryala ... )al-tabaq.1 )u-baCden )ag-moblila )al-tanurta,l sa)ra,1 )aya xarta k-iyawa k-sa)ra. 1 k-saxna tanurta l k-samqa. 1 (70) ka-mtapya,l k-amrila manzaq,1 ka-mtapya. 1 )ak-palta laxma. )ila gga-k-ta)pa l )ak-ta)pal awa laxma,1 daryala b-taryanila.1 (71) )u-baCden moblila la-kwara,1 tama darela ba-kwara,l )u-)amma da-g-be ka-mpalti. 1 har aw-Iaxma la-hanna yaCnil payas xamsa )asta y6ma )asra-yoma la x-xaru. 1haga laxma. 1

INFORMANTK

561

(64) SopatiJ, this consists of black lentils. These are fine and cook

more quickly. They left them, in order to eat fopatiJ. They eat fopatiJ at night. They do not eat them in the moming. (65) We have another dish that they also put in a cooking pot. This is known as 'boiled wheat and beans', wheat kemeis, beans, lentils and chick-peas. They mix them all together and put them (in the pot). They take it out and call it boiled wheat and beans. (66) There is another (dish). It consists of pickies from Bagded~, namely lagniJ. They went to the fields and brought back lagniJ. We extract them (from the ground) with (instruments known as) )awo!yala and bring them back. We clean the mud offthem l6 and wash them. They boil them a little and put them in buckets. They put salt on them, or salt, milk and sugar. They become like pickles and leaoven, they become pickles. (67) We have mustard. We bring it from I:Iawi, from Nimrid and Sallamiyya. We bring it. It is like chard in appearance. They blanch it and bring the juice of cooked dates to add to it and it comes to have the appearance ofhenna. Then they peel it and eat it. It is very tasty. (68) As for raqqiJ, we bring flour and knead it. After kneading we come ... we have a gira 17 and we have a garoma. 18 We have a gira and a garoma. One woman used to sit opposite the other. One opens out (the dough) into small pieces. Then, the one opening out (the dough) gives it to the other woman, who opens it out into bigger pieces. (69) She gathers it (i.e. the dough) together and makes it into approximately fifty or sixty raqqa, then puts it into a tray. Then they would take it to the oven, as she stokes it, as the other woman was stoking it. The oven heats up and becomes red. (70) She sticks (the bread to the sides, with an instrument) that they call a manzaq.19 She sticks (the bread to the sides). She takes the bread out. There is a woman who bends it, she bends the bread and puts it in the tray.20 (71) Then they bring it for storage. They put it there in storage, and take it out whenever they want. The same bread does not ..., it remains for five or six days, for ten days, without going stale. This (is what I have to say about) bread.

16 17

18 19

20

Literally: We clean them from their mud. Instrument in the form of a long stick used in baking bread. Instrument resembling a rolling-pin. Instrument consisting of a pole with a round flat piece at the end for holding the bread. The !aryanila is a tray with sides onto which the newly baked bread was placed.

TEXTS

562

(72) bacden ~atlan japtJ mtJ!abbaqtJ,I japtJ mtJ!abbaqtJ. 1k-ogi qamxa k-IeSiltJ,1 ~u-g-dare masxa b-gawtJJ;,.1 bacden tJk-paJxUtJ-w l g-dare masxa-w k-IeflltJ. 1 bacden k-maJe gupta. 1 ~u-b-garoma k-paJxlltJ. 1 bacden mobliltJ l-tanurta,1 ktJ-mbasllltJ,I ~u-paytJs japtJ mtJ!abbaqtJ k-iimtzxxtJ. 1 (73) ~aJwalan xarta ... ~amma dtJ-k-ogiwa ~tJxala,l k-ogiwalltJ-kpaya. 1 ~tJkpaya

may-Ia?1

~ahi-Ia

duka l

k-ogiwala

b-tina,1

~u-g-darewa

marktJnyaJa,1 ~u-~antJ ... k-iimaxwalhtJ dtJstiyaJa,l ~u-darewalhtJ ~allaJ;,,1 ~u-k-taxsawa txasa,l baxta k-iyawa tuta,l ~u-k-taxsa ~tJ~urtJ,I ~u-g-daryawal ~aya dtJstiJa ~tJl-awa nura' ~u-k-ogawa -xala. 1

(74) ~amma dtJ-k-ogax gurgur,1 maJax xa!!tJ1 ~u-ktJ-mxallaxxtJ,I ktJ-mdakehtJ 1 ~anstJl ~u-ktJ-mnaqehtJ.1 ~u-ktJ-mosqihtJ ~al..., k-salqihtJ dasta raba,1 ~u-k-mosqihtJ l-gartJ. 1 k-sa!xihtJ ris garawaJa. 1 yoma l ktJ-mJ;,arki gohtJ,I k-asqi,l b-aqIaJJtJ ktJ-mJ;,arki. 1 k-zalh-u k-aJe rasstJ,1 MI dtJ-k-yosi biiS. 1(75) bacden mtJsttJ~rihtJ m-gartJ,1 darehtJ b-gawantJ,I ktJ-~aJe k-moblihtJ ~ebd daniJk. 1 daniJk maY-[iJ?1 daniJk ~ahu-[iJ can-kipa raba,1 ~tJk-maxgirtJ

sustJ. 1 ~u-ktJ-mqaltJp qalpehtJ. 1 k-zalhtJ qalpi MI dtJ-k-pesi masUxtJ. 1 (76) bacden k-maJehtJ l-beJa,1 ktJ-mpal!ihtJ,1 gurgur zora,1 gurgur raba,1 gurgur palgaya. 1 k-moblihtJ makina-wl k-ogi !laJa ~anwactJd gurgur,1 gurgur zora-w palgaya-w raba. 1~u-~aga gurgur daqiqa J;,eltJ k-oglltJ da-kubebtJ. 1

Easter (77) ~atlan ~aruta,l ~aruttJd ... dtJ-J;,asa k-iimaxla. 1 ~tJk-pal!ax tJl-baraytJ,1 ~tJk-pal!i kullehtJ maraJ;,tJI. 1~arba~stJr marJ;,alat,l kud-xa rt-nc ,'VX§l!UJ e1{98-q a.JpP ,'bvqlli-UJ aMp-Jf Mpc ,'vJd1J8 vJpZbvu-vq ,'vJd1J8 el{98 a.Jpp-8 !P9-Jf ,eclll( (Lf r) ,"ll!VUJ e/1PZ ,VJd1J8 M-VU!XV§ VUJX1JZ ,'VUlXV§ VUJX1JZ eMp-Jf-p VUJUJl}c ,"JecQs-VZ znX!c ,"enizvdUJ-eJf tZe§llq-8 px (9H) ,"bvzullUJ-UJ ez?dviUJ-eJf tvblbv.J ,'vAdl!c eMp-Jf-ep VUJX1Jl VMpc ,"vAdlliUJ-eJf V1X1Jq vZpz-Jf ,'V.Jllc§ JSlpx (5;[ r) ,"VJ.J1JuVJ-q eZJ.Lcv§-Jf ,'e.Jllcs n-iil}x peu!,J ,'eM.Jl!c peu!,J tVU1JJ e.Jpc§ ,'vJ.J1JUVJ ,'v.Jllc§ !.JcP§ ,'vJ.J1JUVJ "l.JcP§-Jf !/pz-8-nc ,"vJ1UVtUvi-l el{a.JpP ,'ebbll.J-AV VppM !Sl1JX (p[ [) ,"vblbv.J §dpd-Jf-ep ZPI{ vssl}b vssl}b ,v§.Jll!-Z vUJX1JZ !xJpd-Jfe ,"vUJQ.Jv8-nc ,V.Jl8 eJ!c ,"V§.Jll!-Z el{!xJvd-Jfe uap>pq-n c ([[ r) ,"ebbll.J el{!.JUJv-Jf ,'e)llb eupo-Jf ,'v)llb v)pb !/bp§-Jf ,;,eNdvA-8 xl}P ,"eZ,!dVA-8 ,'tje§llAl vSlpx ,"elll§az-8 (~[r) ,"VcllUJx eJ?z t1l1,'!P,?> VUJX1Jl vP9->t-P vUJUJl}c ,"V.J1UJX ecpUJx ,elllcUJexeUJ-8 ,'eclll( elPpo-p vcpq-8 vWUJl}c (([r) ,"eZllbo§-nc o!,?q 'H?q '§~q el1J§al-8 ,"VXll!UJ V1U!'MVUVX VtUpp-nc ,'vcllq-8-ep pUJ-ep qVSptj-MVc tVJU1JMVUVX ,'VAllUJ VA1PUJ-8 (OH) ,"elllPl-8 V1X1Jq ,' vXUJ llb vPPc ,"V.JllMX vXUJpb VM!pd ,"VUllXJ elvM!uxvJ ,'eiil!x vMUqoUJ-8 (6U) ,"VAllUJ VM1l}c ,'§vUJ.Jll)J-l vMUqoUJ-8 vU.Jl}xvJ ,"lex.Jllc l!UJP-Jf eiil}x vMUqoUJ-8 VU.Jl}XVJ VUp ,'vJ'!UJvb-q eJil}x VM!Iq0UJ (8~ r) P"B;}Jg

Sl.X3:.L

P6S

INFORMANTB

595

Bread (128) In the old days they used to take wheat, I remember they used to take wheat to what was called a (water-)mill. I remember they used to take it to Karmash, where there was water. (129) They used to take the wheat there and grind it. It would become white flour. A woman makes this flour into dough. (130) She brings water, just a little or however much she requires, and adds a little salt. She kneads it very weil and then leaves it. (131) When she wishes to make jaP(J,59 she leavens it with yeast. When she makes ordinary bread, she does not do so, there is no leavening. (132) She kneads it. When she finishes kneading it, they bake it. How do they bake it? They take (the dough) piece by piece, they make it into pieces, which they call raqq(J.60 (133) Then they spread them out on a surface. 61 There (are instruments known as) gira 62 and garoma. 63 They spread the bread on the surface little by little until it becomes thin. (134) When they finish making those raqq(J, they put them onto the tray. Then they go to stoke the oven, they stoke the oven with straw, the straw (used for) sheep, straw of wheat and barley. They stoke this in the oven. (135) When they finish stoking the oven, the woman goes and sticks (the bread to the sides). They stick on the bread that is baked with (a tool known as) a manzaq.64 (136) When one (of the breads) is cooked, they take it out. If you eat it, you will not be sated. When it is warm bread, warm bread and cheese, there is nothing like it. (137) They make jaP(J and put cheese in them, sometimes cheese, or if they are layered jaP(J, they put oil in them, and stick them (to the oven). If you eat them, you will not be sated. (138) This is baking, this is what they call baking. As for the säj,65

59 60 61

62 63 64

65

Pieces of flat bread resembling pizzas. Pieces of thin unleavened bread. Ajarfa is a flat surface made ofmarble. Instrument in the form of a long stick used in baking bread. Instrument resembling a rolling-pin. Instrument consisting of a pole with a round flat piece at the end for holding the bread. Large hot-plate for making flat bread.

596 tanitrtela,l rabla

TEXTS

Ms na(jfJjta.1 benama saj yoma b-yoma,l giban g-yape

da-sabla kitlla. 1 (139) g-yape yoma,l >fJdyo,1 sabla kulla laxma darela bi-laxma. 1sqol raqqa l >u-g-resllal m-maya,l >ixulla-so>at.1>ixul >u-la-so>at. 1

Burghul (140) gitrgu~ k-dmi x~!!a /:zanditla,1 yaCni rllba. 1 k-salqihan,1 dareha d-dfJsta,l sltJqa,l >~sri wazna,1 >umma tagara,1 >~sri wazna >umma tagar-ina. 1 (141) k-salqlla,l xa!{ila napxa,1 pesa nacam. 1 ka-m!a>nila m-dfJsta,l maywSila,1 g-yosa,1 g-yosa,1 ma k-Odi?1 k-moblila l-makina,1 makina g-ma!aryala,1 (142) qamela k-oyawa garitsta. 1 garusta m-d-at;!a kipa l xarsana d-ila kull-mal burgaga,l garusta k-ot;!iwa b-it;!a,l garsiwa bela. 1 (143) >at;!i qal~pla k-zala,l qalfJpla,l k-zala,1 qal~plad xa!!l1a,1 payas IfJbba. 1

>~mma d-payas IfJbba,1 ma k-ot;!i?1 garslla. 1makina l taxnala. 1(144) >~mma d-payas qamxa,1 k-ot;!ala qara zora. 1>u-bacden b-urbala,1 zora ka-sta>ar. 1 b{zCden >urbala bas-zitrta,1 zora ka-sta>ar. 1 (145) k-ot;!i qfJsam,l k-ami gurgur zora,1 gurgur daqiqa,1

gurgur palgaya,1 >u-gurgur grosa,l

>u-k-xaznila da-sa>ta kitlla. 1 (146) ka-mbasal gurgur ma-pfJsra,l gurgur grosa,1 gurgur da-kubeba,l gurgur da-yapraga. 1 qa!ela b-ba~fJlla,l >ixul la-so>at. 1ba~fJlla,1 qlila-lla/:z dri-lla/:z l >ixulla so>at. 1

INFORMANTB

597

there is no säj, we use the oven,66 which is big and cleaner. Whereas the säj is used each day, in our community they bake for the whole week. (139) They bake one day, (let's say) today, (then) they put the bread in the bread store for the whole week. If you take a raqqa and it is sprinkled67 with water and you eat it, you will not be sated. If you eat, you will not be sated.

Burghul

(140) Burghul is called

~andula

wheat, i.e. large (sized wheat grains).

They boil them, they but them in big pans and boil them, twenty wazna, a hundred tagara--twenty wazna are a hundred tagara. 68 (141) They boil them. The wheat seed swells and becomes soft. They lift it out of the pans and dry it (until) it drys out. When it dries, what do they do? They take it to a machine and the machine moistens it. (142) In the old days there was a garusta (hand-mill). The garusta consisted of a rough stone, which was full of holes. 69 They would operate the garusta by hand and do the grinding at horne. (143) The husk comes off, the husk, it comes off, the husk of the wheat seed, and the kernel (of the seed) remains. When the kernel remains, what do they do? They crush it. The machine grinds it. (144) When it becomes flour, they make it into small portions. Then (they use) a sieve and the small grains fall through. Then (they use) a smaller sieve. The small grains fall through. (145) They make some called 'small burghul', and (also other types known as) 'fine burghul', 'medium sized burghul' and 'large burghul.' They store it for the whole year. (146) Burghul is cooked with meat, (this is) large burghul, burghul for kubeba and dolmas. If it is fried 70 with an onion, eat it and you will not be sated. Fry an onion for it, and put it (the onion) in it, then eat and you will not be sated.

66 67

68 69 70

Literally: In our community there is the oven. Literally: They sprinkle it. The wazn and the (agar are units ofweight. Literally: which was all holes. Literally: They fry it.

598

TEXTS

Winter (147) rabcan Bagdeda Le/a manraqa qar3tta I,zeta ~akidan.1 bas koMxwa

pasra. 1 kam-ml,zakinux Y3mkan ~e-ga d-iyan-ml,zukya Can-igad bi-ya/da.1 g-naxriwa b-igad bi-ya/da. 1 duni qaratta,1 g-naxriwa pasra. 1 (148) ma k-ogiwa?1 ruraya,' yaCni nastoraya b-rura,' manraqa kurdiyya,1 k-amriwala qalya. 1 ka-mbaJliwa,' b-Ml,zam didal,zila. 1 (149) ~tixni pasra l g-naxriwala,' ~u-k-ogzwa maya-w ma/xa,1 tamaman max-gupta. 1 maya-w ma/xa,' ~u-zadewala p3sra b-ana maya-w ma/xa. 1 (150) ~u-ka-mpalri wa-la

ka-mrawal I,zela,' yaCni ~aklar mandi l mudda ~oma.1 rabcan ba-naqtala

~an-k-aywa bela Jaxtana,' ml,za~liwal max-J3kal roPa p3sra. 1 (151) bas basima k-awzwa p3sra kwiJa. 1 p3sra darewala b-ana maya,1 ka-mpalri b-y6ma b-yoma l ka-mxalliwata,1 darewala b-dastlla,1 ka-mbaJliwala. 1 hadax koJiwa p3sra. 1

Women's clothes (152) da-Jejri l ml,zakinaya can-luJta ~ad-~anJa.1 rabcan qamela btixta g-loJawa l ~alw3Jtad riJa l qamayad kull.1 (153) ~3tlan qamayad kuli l-cil lacak,1 ~aw jamadana k-iimila,1 g-loJiwala gura l ~u-~anJa.1 ~tixa ~3tla btixta k-6ya masturta,1 I,zamila roxal,z.1 w-agi masturta k-iyawa da-m-cMdat pasala,1 k-iimiwala qunjar. 1(154) ~u-txilad masturta g-darewa l k-amrihan l jrantlya. 1 jrantzya g-loJiwalhan ~a.xa,1 ~al-bi-gwlna.1 cadatan k-ayewa m-dahwa.1(155) w-ane jrantiyya k-awe ~3Jta J6~a m3n d-ay-dapna l ~u-~3Jta M~a m3n d-ay-dapna,1 w-3lWa x3rta ~al-palga k-iimila bi-naropa.1

bi-naropa duklad ka-narpa m-maya. 1 (156) txila m-jamadana g-darewa l

cazrana,l cazrana g-darewalhan al-dapna,l ~al-~u~~ad yamna,' ~al-~u~~ad

INFORMANTB

599

Winter

(147) Of course, Bagded~ is certainly not a very cold district. But, we used to preserve meat. I told you (about it) perhaps when I spoke about the festival of Christmas. They would slaughter (animals) at Christmas. The weather was cold, and they would slaughter (animals for their) meat. (148) What did they do? The mountain folk, that is the Nestorians in the mountains, in the Kurdish area, called it qalya ('fat of the tail'). They used to cook in its fat. 71 (149) In our community, people would slaughter (animals for their) meat, and prepare water with salt, just (as they did) with cheese, water with salt, and threw the meat into this water with salto (150) They would take it out, it did not last a long time, at the most (up to) the period of the fast (i.e. to the fast of Easter). Of course sometimes, if the house was dirty, they would have something like worms in the meat. (151) But, preserved meat was delicious. They would put the meat in this (salty) water. They would take (some of it) out each day and wash it, then put it in a pan and cook it. They preserved meat in this way.

Women 's clothes

(152) I shall tell Geoffrey about the clothing of women. Now, in the old days a woman wore clothing on the head, first ofall. (153) We have, first of all, at the top (on the head) the lacak or the jamadanJ, as they call them, which were worn by both men and women. Here the woman has a cover, with which she protects herself. This cover used to be composed of several pieces of cloth. They used to call it a qunjar (a kind of cap). (154) Under the cover they used to put on what were called !rantiYJ. They would wear jrantiYJ here, on the forehead. Usually they were made of gold. (155) These jrantiYJ were six or seven (in number) on one side and six or seven on the other side, and there was another in the middle (of the forehead) called the bi-na!opJ. The bi-na!opJ (means) the place that drips with water. (156) Under the jamadanJ they would put on (azranJ. They would put on the (AzranJ on the side, on the right cheek and on the

71

I.e. the Nestorians used this for cooking in the winter.

600

TEXTS

cappa. 1 k-staYriwa,! k-ayewa m-dahwa,! wa-malya m-samca,1 xagarwan risa. 1 (157) k-staYrax Yal-}pljjalad gusma. 1(158) sal,! sal mnuqsa,! Yaw sal miiJamra cadatan. 1daha bas k-ogila Yayf/,an ma-ktana.1k-satarwa kulleha j:zujjala. 1(159) Mxta k-iyewala karakka. 1wa-txfla karakka k-aywa zubun. 1 (160) Yu-zubun,1 txfla zubun k-oyawa suqta l mnuqasta.1 (161) wa-sal

k-aywa mnuqsa.1 Yak-palat man-Yarwacad lusala. 1 (162) wa-g-loMwa b-idala baxtal qulbal Yu-saYra. 1 Yu-b-aqtala g-loMwa xalxala. 1 (163) Yu-baCden ana-taxarna,! ba-l-xamsinat taxarna bas,! ba-Yansa qamaya,! Yane zangin l k-aywalha k-iimfwalha gadlat. 1(164) Yu-losawa b-aqtalaj:z caroxa. 1 Yagi lusta Yad-Yanse Yad-Bagdeda. 1

Men's clothes

(165) gura g-losiwa b-rassa jamadana. 1 gura g-losiwa jamadana Yaw tacaJ( Yaw kaftyya k-iimrila. 1 wa-k-aywa tre jamadana b-satwa da-d-la qayarra. 1 (166) lustad gora Yahi-yawa zubun. 1 Yu-txflad zubun k-aywa sarwala yarixal wa-earoxa b-aqtala Yaklar mandi. 1(167) wa-rlsad j:zujjala kullehan k-aywalha xaciyya.

I

xaCfyya Yahi-la da-j:ztiram. 1xanna mandi

lela. 1 b-sula g-losfwa pasma,1 pasma da-sula .1 (168) Yana taxarna bas Yab-Bagdeda,1 ba-l-xamsinat,1 ba-s-sittinat,! gura badewa g-losiwa pasma da-camra' d-k-aywa zqira zqara b-Bagdeda,! ta-x~aga.1 w-k-ogfwalha karakka Yayf/,an,1 kam ~ufiyyal wa-law ba-qeta.1 (169) ba-x~aga Mbi k-zawala l w-ahu lwfsa pasma YadJamra,! Yaw karakka l da-dJamra. 1Yagi lustad gura Yab-Bagdeda. 1Yu-baCden l daha glabla bas g-losi gutra-w Cagall max badwayan.1

INFORMANTB

601

left cheek. They used to come down-they were made of gold and were full of wax-around the head. (157) We come to the clothes ofthe body. (158) Säl, a decorated säl or usually a säl made of wool. Now they often make it also out of flax. It would cover all the clothes. (159) A woman had karakka (short jacket) and under the karakka there was the zubun (long robe). (160) The zubun, under the zubun there was the saqta (thin shirt), which was decorated. (161) The sal was decorated. It stands out as one of the most splendid pieces of clothing. (162) A woman wore on the hands small bracelets and large bracelets. On the legs she wore anklets. (163) And then, 1 remember, in the fifties, 1 remember well, the old women, the rich onesthey hand what they called 'tresses.' 72 (164) They wore caroxa shoes73 on their feet. This is the clothing of the women of Bagded;).

Men 's clothes

(165) Men used to wear ajamadana on their head. Men used to wear a jamadana or a lacak, or what they call a kafiyya. They would have two jamadana in the winter so that they did not get cold. (166) The clothing of a man consisted of a zubun. Under the zubun there were long trousers and there were caroxa shoes on the feet, generally. (167) On top ofall the clothes they had a xaciyya. The xaCiyya is for dignity. There is nothing else. At work they wore a pasma, a pasma for work. (168) 1 remember well how in Bagded;) in the fifties and sixties the men began to wear a pasma of wool, which they had woven in Bagded;), for harvesting. Karakka were also made for them, also woolen, even in summer. (169) At harvest-time my father would go dressed in a pasma of wool or karakka of wool. This is the clothing of men in Bagded;). Now, it has become common for them to wear a gutra (white headscarf) and cagal (circular band), like the bedouin.

72 73

Tresses of silver attached around the be1t, worn mainly by a bride at a wedding. Made from plaited leather.

602

TEXTS

Games (170) !oHan l gdedaya kCJ-msaMlwa l:z,elCJ,I wa-)jJWa )aytjan mawäsim

ICJ-nyaxa. 1bCJ-qe!a sula,1 max sCJkwanCJ. 1)u-b-satwa,l g-nexiwa nasCJ. 1k-ale )igawala,l )iga bi-yiJIda,l )i(ja bi-qyamta,l )ilä )äxirihi. 1!a-)j(jCJn taCo1yala k-iyewa mawjada. 1mjn d-anCJ taCo1yala bCJd-taxarnal xa-)akma. 1 (171) xora. 1x6ra may-la?1 kCJ-m!ac/iwa b-xora,l )ahi-yawa tacolta l ...

kCJ-sabha l nawan mti taC61tCJd hOki. 1 wa-)jJWa tre !ariq'en. 1 kud xa-tliJ qatta. 1 )ema d-naqjswa tobbCJ,I )u-g-bPCJ d-mo)jlwala burga,1 )jmma dCJ-mo)jlwala burga,l kasjbwa !ariq didCJI:z,.1 (172) kCJ-mtac/iwa nqasCJd qatta-w daquz k-amraxla,l qatta-w daquz. 1 k-aywa gurCJ1 )u-)ansCJ kCJ-m!ac/iwa. 1g-naqjswa mari qatta-w daquz. 1w-ema d-g-laqjmwa )agi qatta zurta,1 dariwala b-salCJI:z,,1 )ahu kasabwa. 1 w-ahu d-la g-laqjmwa,1 k-paYCJswa xsira. 1 (173) baCden ~alma ya-xa~a.1 ma gWCJt?1 ~alma, ~urta )CJd-piJIsCJ,1 )aw xa~~CJn.l!a-g-zadewal pjlsCJ b-poxa. 1)jn k-awCJ d-aJiwa ~alma,1 ksablux. 1)jn

k-awCJ d-aJiwa xa~al xsirux. 1 (174) bacdenl I:z,awdjiz,l djx dCJ-k-6ya daha. 1k-iimaxwala mazicf #ra-w ~ubiJJla.1 tre k-atwiwa l )u-gu )aqla!1CJ1 qel:z,iwa b-ggagCJ. 1 qamaYCJd kull qamj~wa xa )aqla. 1(175) )jn ibCJ d-qamCJ~1 g-darewa tre )aq[iJ;la. 1)jmma

d-ibCJ d-qamCJ~1 k-male )ida!1CJ l-aqla!1CJ,1 yaCni k-male #!a l-aqla. 1 )CJn k-ayjJWabCJ d-qamj~wa k-malewa )ida!1CJ w-aqla!1CJ. 1 )CJmma k-il k-aywa I:z,ii.jiz cdlil )u-qamCJ~wa wa-ta qayCJI:z, CJb-gohCJ,1 )aga ahu-wa rabCJI:z,.1 (176) nqasa b-ra!sCJ. 1ma k-ogiwa?1 k-jgCJt BagdedCJ )ahi-la mqusamta

mal:z,alldt,l mal:z,allad ita,1 mal:z,allCJd Mar-lfana. 1(177) kud-ita-yla mal:z,alla,1 mal:z,allCJ Mar-GurgCJs,1 mal:z,allCJ SarkCJs u-Bakos,1 mal:z,allCJd Bi-Smoni,l

INFORMANTB

603

Games (170) Of course, an inhabitant of Bagded~ worked very hard, but there were also periods of rest. In the summer (they were) at work like ants. But in the winter people rested. The festivals came, Christmas, Easter etc. So, there were games. Ishall mention some of these games. (171) xora: What is xora? They would play xora and this was a game that resembled to some extent the game of hockey. There were two teams. Every one had a stick. Whoever hit the ball and tried to get it in a hole-when he got it in the hole, his team won. (172) People played at hitting (in the game of) qatta-w daquz (the big sticklbat and the small stick) as they called it, qatta-w daquz. Men and women played. The person with the big stick and the small stick hit (the small stick with the big stick). Whoever caught the small stick, put it in his cloak and he was the winner. Anyone who did not catch it would lose. (173) Then (the game of) 'heads and tails. 74 What do you need? A face, i.e. the picture on coins, and their back. They would throw coins in the wind. If it tumed out to be the face,75 you won. If it tumed out to be the back, you lost. (174) Then (the game) of 'barriers', as it is (known) now. We used to call it 'He adds a span (ofthe hand) and a toe.' Two people used to sit, while touching each other with their feet. First of all he (another person) would jump over one foot. (175) If he could jump over, they would put out two feet. If he could jump over these, they would put their hands to their feet, that is they would put the span of the hand to the foot. If he could jump, they would put out their hands and their feet. When there was a high barrier, and he jumped without touching them, he was the Wlnner. (176) (The game of) kicking. What did they do? You know Bagded~ is divided into districts, the district of the Church,76 the district of Mar I;Iana. (177) Each church is a district, the district of Mar Gurg~s, the

74 75

76

Literally: Face and back. Literally: Ifthe face were to come. l.e. the main church in Bagdeda known as al-Tähira.

TEXTS

604

mal:ullla Mar-Yifqub. 1(178) fa-~an ma!:zalla k-ogawa munafasa m-ma!:zalla b-/ela,l k-ogiwa nqaJad rafsa. 1 jwanqa g-jamCiwa,l g-naqJiwa,1 ~ema d-a!Waba da-naqaJ rafsa da-x?mna. 1 (179) ma k-amriwa?1 wo, wo ~al-ma!:zalla Mar-!fana,l k-axli gurgur ba-$yana,1 ~an kasbawa ma!:zallad

ita. 1(180) ~an kasbiwa maf:zO,llad Mar-!fana l k-amriwa: 1wo wo ma!:zallad ita,1 k-axli Ia k-agan ma b-Bi-Jpita. 1Bi-Jpita ~ahi mala surela,1 daha paJla kulla d-Jabaka. 1(181) wo wo ma!:zalla Mar-!fana,l k-axli gurgur ba-$yana. 1 wo wo ma!:zallad ita,1 k-axli gurgur b-Bi-Jpita. 1 (182) ~tJ1Wa taColta k-iimila parkana. 1fa-mit k-ogiwa?1 qattala zora l ~u-k-aywa JtJxta-w $yana. 1 k-aJiwa matra,l wa-k-ogiwa,l g-naqJiwa

ba-qattala. 1(183) ~ane parMna g-mo~liwalha ba-ggaga. 1~ema k-amarwa: 1 yadm badam. 1~ana ba-naqaJna qatti. 1fa-ma-qad ag-jamCi qattala,1 ~ema da-k-aywal qattatta!:z,1 k-amriwala mukra,1 g-ya~tJlwa b-~upra,1 ~aga laIWabux d-palriJtwala.1 (184) ~u-ma-qad ~aIWabux pa/tiJt/al ~ahat-iyat qawi. 1 tabCan taC61ta Jaxtanila,1 taxtJrna biu,l patoxa,1 tina,l wa!:zla b-$ulana,1 $ulta,l $ulana. 1 (185) !:zalusa: 1g-jamCiwa kipana. 1~arbaJsar kipana,1 Jarba~sar xanat. 1 ~ana xanat kud xa-iba kipana. 1kud xana ~iba J6~a basqa. 1~arba~sar xanat,1 J6~a ma-l-gib,d J6~a ma-l-gibi. 1 kud xana ~iba J6 Ja basqa. 1 (186) ~ema

d-k-awugwa J:zisab,1 m-xanata!:zl g-dariwa basqa,l ~eka-d-awa xana xanna,1 ~u-la-k-aywa zo~a,l ~aw-kiltta,1 ~awa d-maJiwa basqaJ:z 1~u-la-k-fa(jla b-iga!:z zo~a,1 aw-la-k-fatjla b-igaJ:z katta,l Jahu-wa rbiJ:za ~agi !:zalusa. 1

INFORMANTB

605

district of Sark~s u-Bakos, the district of Bi-Smoni, the district of Mar YaCqub. (178) So, if one district competed with another at night, they kicked one another. 77 Young men would gather together and hit (each other by kicks), whoever could kick somebody eIs'!. (179) What did they say (to the losing side?): 'Woe to the district of Mar J:Iana, they eat burghul with mud', ifthe district ofthe Church won. (180) Ifthe district of Mar J:Iana won, they would say: 'Woe to the district of the Church, they eat-I don't know what-in Bi-spita. Bi-spita is a Christian village, but now has come to belong in its entirety to the sabaka (ShiCite Muslims). (181) 'Woe to the district of Mar J:Iana, they eat burghul with mud', 'Woe to the district ofthe Church, they eat burghul in Bi-spita.' (182) There was agame caIledparkana ('idols'). What did they do? There were small sticks, and mud and filth. When it rained they played this, they knocked the sticks (into the mud). (183) They would insert the 'idols' together. Somebody would say 'yaram badam ('My dear idol').78 I shall knock out my stick.' Then they gather up as many sticks as they can, and the one who got his stick, which was called a mukra ('rod ') - this went into the ground and you could not get it out ... (184) In accordance with how far you can pull it out, you are strong. Of course, this was a dirty game, I rememer weIl the filth, mud and mire on the rubbish heaps. (185) (The game of) /:ta/usa: People would gather stones. (There were) fourteen stones, and fourteen squares. Each of these squares has stones on them. Every square has seven pebbles. There are fourteen squares, seven on your side and seven on mine. Every square has seven pebbles. (186) Whoever calculated a move from his squares and put pebbles in another square, without it forming an even or an odd number (whatever the case may be), when there does not remain in the hand of the one moving his pebbles an even number, or there does not remain in his hand an odd number, he is the winner ofthis game Qf /:ta/usa.

77

78

Literally: They did the hitting of kicks. This phrase is in Kurdish.

INFORMANTS The marriage ofthe infonnant's grandfather (1) d-I;.akinay can-maJattan xamzwa,l >agi maJattan zurta-iyawa,! >u-naJCJ

makix-iyewa d-g-ceJi b-gawal;.,1 >CJb-qameJa,1 (2) Ja yaCni,1 naJCJ qflsseyewa m-maJa,1 >u-gwara $acb-iwa,1 Ja-xa-mma dCJ-k-Jaqatwa gga, ta k-ewiwala -lla da xa-mucallCJm l >aw da xa-zangin. 1ta k-ewiwala da-naJCJ Jaqir,l (3) Ja-sawi rxamlCJ gga,l gga yaCni l;.elCJ xtflrta -yawa,1 bm-bPila,1 dax dCJ-b>ilCJ d-Jaqfllla,! b-m$acbiwa I;.dl-CJllCJI;.,1 (4) (abCan >axni >agi l;.ukiJa l babi k-I;.akilanila,! ta k-I;.Qkaxl- axni.1 (5) Ja mqudamlCJ yaeni (alabla naqla xareJa,1 la kCJm-ewilfll;.ila,1 Ja-naJCJd maJa kullehCJ bCJf-k-CJgiwa b-gawCJI;.,1 Ja-mpula{hCJ zamorta-llal;. waqtal;.l k-dmi:1 (6) kela dalab,! kela dalalCJ,1 >u-labbal;. marira' b-Jikar ta xalCJ?1 Ja->agi g-naqJiwala da-sawi,l yaCni, ma-qad-iwa k-raxflmla,! yaeni mpallCJ b-rCJxmuJal;.,1 (7) >al-muhim,1 zallCJ yoma l JilCJ yoma,1 mJuya>ICJ naJCJ-lIal;.,1 naqla xareJa yaCni d-Jaqfllla,1 kCJm-amarrCJ -lla k-ewitu/a,l >CJm-marflqnaya,1 l~anna m{ile ICJ-l;.dl gga yaCni l g-bi>CJ d-Jaqfllla,! d-peJa gdalCJl;.,1 (8) Ja-ICJ-Mga naJCJ ta-bCJJ k-zalhCJ k-ialbila,1 ICJ>an k-flgi maJalan l sawi baJ CJg-bila,1 w-ahu sabac-iwa,1 >u-nacar-iwa,1 >u-mafhar-iwa m-maJa l;.elCJ,! k-CJgiwalCJ,1 (9) Ja-panCJ nCJJwaJal;. yaeni Jatra l ben e >u-ben la,l ben e >u-ben la,l yomaJa xaraYCJ1 qbalhCJn d-Jaqfllla,1 (10) Ja-MI daha yaCni l naJCJ k-I;.akel- agi salfotti'JI;.,1 ma-qad iyawa yaCni .. , daha, soti daha xtartela-w hal daha,l {abCan sawi mfltlCJ,I w-ahi cumral;.l I;.awali l tmanya-w tmani JannCJ Mdax,l bas hal-daha xtflrtela,l maldmil;. didal;. piJ-ina,1

INFORMANTS The marriage ofthe informant 's grandfather (1) I shall tell hirn a little about our town. This town of ours used to be small and the people were simple who lived in it, in the past. (2) The people were few in the town and marriage was difficult. When a man wanted to marry a wo man, they would give her (in marriage) only to a teacher or to a rich man. They used not to give her to poor people. (3) Now, my grandfather fell in love with a woman, a woman who was very beautiful. He wanted her. As he wanted to marry her, they made his life difficult. (4) Of course, this story is (as it is) told to us by my father, it is not told by us ourselves. (5) So, he proposed, that is he requested her, finally, but they did not give her to hirn. The people ofthe town all knew about it and produced a song about her at that time, saying (6) 'Where is the flirtatious woman? Where is the flirtatious woman? Her heart is bitter and is not sweetened (even) by sugar.' They taunted my father with this, since he loved her so much, he had fallen in love with her. (7) Now, one day,19 he sent people to her, finally, in order to marry her. He said to them 'If you do not give her (to me), I shall elope with her.' For he had reached a point where he wanted to marry her and (wanted) her to become his. (8) For this reason people, do not go to ask for her hand, since they know that my grandfather loves her. He was tough80 and fierce, and was very weil known in the town. They knew hirn. (9) Her family spent some time wavering between 'Yes' and 'No', between ' Yes' and 'No.' Finally,81 they agreed that he could marry her. (10) Until now people tell this story of his. How she was ... even now my grandmother is beautiful. Of course, my grandfather has died. She is ab out eighty-eight years old, but she is still beautiful, her features remain.

79

80 81

LiteraIly: Aday went and a day came. Literally: Alion. LiteraIly: In the last days.

608

TEXTS

The legend of Mar Behnam (11) >ila mimtaqa,1 k-dmila mcmtaqad der Mar Behnam. 1 >aga Mar

Behnam yaCnil ... fa ... xalalJ, marrleyawa,1 sjmmalJ, Sara. 1(12) fa-zjlla yoma,1 Jila yoma,! >aga ka-m~ayadwa,! ka-m~ayjdwa b-turana,! w-jIWal arbi xorawala. 1 fa-y6ma m-yomalal k-ina plita 1-~eda,1 la>anna xalalJ, marrleyawa l k-iwa g-bPa d-xazila darmana. 1(13) fa-k-ina plita 1-~eda,1 gzila gazal.1xorawalalJ,l kamJefil1u-ma-qad bas-k-araq balralJ, yacni.1fatra ... lJ,ela bas-k-araq balralJ,,1 la kam-taplla.1 fa-xorawalalJ, kam-cefill ahu zalla.1 zjlla >rjqla balralJ,.1 (14) r;Jhira qadisa-llalJ,,1 rabcan w-ahu tiwa k-narjr ad-xaz-eka pisa gazal. 1mlJ,ukila mannalJ,.1d>ira,1 d>ira l-malalJ,.1(15) xorawatalJ, kam-qarllwalhal >u-xalalJ, kam-xalliwala maya,! b-manraqa d-sjmmalJ, >enad kur/la. I fa-kam-xallila m-manraqa,1 palri maya b-gawalJ,,! k-dmila >enad kur/la. I >ag,i manraqa MI daha moiild-ila. 1(16) >ay-xa d-ila mar>a lJ,ababa l g-mobilla -llalJ,,1 g-masxela b-gawalJ,l ag-basam. 1>ana k-iyan zlla-llalJ,,! k-iyan qsPalJ,.1 >ax6ni k-il-sjlJ,ya b-gawalJ,.1 >aIWala lJ,ababa bsamla.1 (17) fa->aga dera,! ... b-qamela suretula leyawa muntasarta yaCni. 1 >ema d-iwa

suraya,1 qarllwala. 1 ... fa-mustahjrwala

lJ,ela

b-suretula-wl paswal qadisa. 1(18) >u-daha mojad-ila dera didalJ,,! >u-lJ,el nasa g-zerlla. 1 k-ayjtla mazar x# k-zalha kulla nasa g-zerila m-lJ,el dukwala. 1

The history of Bagded;l

(19) bat-lJ,akinux Can-Bagdeda,1 yaCni djx 1lla-wl djx pjsla malattan,! >u-djx amtiha nasa,1 >u-djx amkuwjnna Bagdeda. 1 (20) >a~lan yaCni,1 sawalan w-awalan >ana qamayal k-iyewa skina manraqa >ab-Cfraq,! >ahi

INFORMANTS

609

The legend 0/Mar Benham (11) There is a plaee ealled the monastery of Mar Behnam. This Mar Behnam, his sister, who whose name was Sarah, was ill. (12) One day,82 he was hunting, he was hunting in the mountains and he had forty friends with hirn. One day, they went hunting, beeause his sister was ill and he wanted to find a eure for her. (13) They went hunting and he saw a gazelle. His friends left hirn as he runs at full pelt after it. 83 He runs for a long time after it, but did not eateh it. His friends left hirn and he went away. He went and ran after it. (14) A saint84 appeared to hirn, who was sitting waiting to see where the gazelle had got to. He spoke with hirn. He retumed, he retumed to his town. (15) His friends were killed. They washed his sister with water, in a plaee ealled the 'Sulphur Spring.' They washed her in the plaee, where water issued forth. It is ealled the 'Sulphur Spring.' This plaee still exists. (16) Anyone who is ill with pustules, is taken to it and made to swim· in it, and he is eured. I have been to it and have seen it. My brother has swum in it. He had pustules and was eured. (17) As for this monastery ... onee Christianity was not widespread. Whoever was a Christian was killed. He (Behnam) beeame very famous for his Christianity and beeame a saint. (18) And now his monastery exists and many people visit it. It has a special time ofvisiting, when everybody goes to visit it from many plaees.

The his tory 0/Bagdeda (19) I shall tell you about Bagded;), that is, how it eame to exist and how it beeame our town, how the people eame to it, and how it beeame Bagded;). (20) Originally, our early aneestors used to live in a plaee in Iraq that is ealled Takrit. They used to live there. Why were they living

82 Literally: A day went and a day came. 83

84

Literally: And how much is he running after it! According to tradition this was Saint Matthew (see Introduction pp.6-7).

610

TEXTS

k-iimila Takrit. 1k-iyewa tlwa tama. 1qay-iyewa tlwa tama?1 ltran ... ~eka d-J1Wa xa surayal qa{liwala ba-Cfrfiq,l mantaqmiwa mJnnaJ:z. 1 (21) Ja-m-duka duka mhujJrha ~ana naswaJan,1 mastaqJrra tama b-TJkrat. 1 Ja-man-tamena ~J1Ya.1 Ja-y6ma m-yomaJa,l ham kam-qa!iih-u l bas-k-arqi baJreha. 1(22) k-Jgi btrannahu k-ina tiwa ~ana surayal w-ana musalmanaw k-mustaCdiha. 1Ja-J:z~Jlta xiläJfit benal1a,l Caraqqa.1 ~J1Walha ~ita bniJa,l ~J1Walha beJawaJa. 1kult mandi {abCan ... hal daha k-ila mojüd ~ita.1 (23)

m-qameJa {altaJ ~arba~ sJnna ba-Cfrfiq kam-xazeta. 1 mojfid-ila-~ita txiJa talta. 1Ja-ma-qad ag-ziidiwa. 1 yaCni J:zatta ~ita d-iyewa hanyaJ:z 1 k-iyewa banyaJ:z txiJa ta/la. I ltran ag-zadiwal ltran musalmana qa{liwalha. 1 (24) ~u-J:zela q!alha m-nasa didan.IJa-passa nasa qassa,lla bas-k-agi ~eka zalha. 1

qamha. 1qameJa ta1Wa ndqal. 1yaCni xaya makix-iyewa.1la kahrabiP ~a1Wa,l ta siyarat ~J1Wa.1 (25) Ja-ma-Y1Wa?1 la-xmaryaJa l ~asarhal jrageha la-xmaryaJa-w l ~u-qamha.1 jJlha IJ-gga duka t-6ya xtiJa,1 xtiJa J:zatta d-ta xazeha nasa. 1 (26) ~arxJsha, ~arxasha, ~arxasha,1 y6ma MJar yama,l hal da-m{iha IJ-gga duka Camuqtela.1 tuha b-gawaJ:z.IJa-~agi duka daha,1 yaCni d-ila maJattan ab-gawaJ:z,l ~ahi Bagdedila. 1.... (27) Ja-Bagdeda yaCni bdila l

man-d-awa zana. 1bdila man-d-awa zana,l nasa riha ggaga. 1~u-pasla pasla maJa rabJa. 1 pasla xanawa xanawal hal da-rwlla. 1 (28) ~u-b-ana zad Jiha-ltaJ:z,l kam-qa!liha,l kam-marqiha nasa. 1Ja-la-~aga k-ina muxtira daha ~agi man{aqa d-iyax tiwa b-gawaJ:z,1 Bagdeda ~ay-da-k-iimila,l ~a{-{ayr

aPaswad,1 Qaraqos.1 w-axni ba-lisanan,l k-iimaxla Bagdeda,1 Bh Xudayda,1 ~ay k-iimlla. 1 (29) Ja-daha maJattan k-ila pasta rabJa-wl ... ~u-tärix yaCnil da-k-iimiran l d-ina-lya

man-tama. 1

naswaJan am-Bkrat,l ~a1Ya

INFORMANTS

611

there? Since, ... wherever there was a Christian, he would be killed, in Iraq. They would take vengeance on it. (21) So, our ancestors migrated from place to place and settled there in Takrit. It is from there that they came. One day, they killed them also (there, in Takrit) and persecuted them. (22) They (the Muslims) know that the Christi ans have settled there, and the Muslims attack them. Disputes arose between them and they fled. They had a church (which they had) built and they had houses. Everything ... until today the church exists. 85 (23) Three or four years aga it was found in Iraq. The church is situated under the hill. How afraid they were! Even the church that they had built, they had built it under the hill. For they were afraid that the Muslims would kill them. (24) They, indeed, killed many of our people. The people became few in number and did not know at all where to go. They set off. In the old days there was no transport. Life was simple. There was no electricity, there were no cars. (25) What was there? They bound their goods to donkeys and set off. They searched for a place that was low, low, so that people would not find them. (26) They walked and walked and walked, day after day, until they arrived at a place that was deep. They settled in it. This place now, in which our town is situated, is Bagded~. (27) Bagded~ began from that time. 86 It began from that time and people supported each other. It gradually became a big town. It slowly grew little by little until it became big. (28) In former times, they came there (to Takrit). They killed and drove the people away. For this reason they have now chosen the place in which we live, (the place) that is called Bagded~, 'The Black Bird', Qara Qosh. Wein our language call it Bagded~, Bet Xudayda, as they call it. 87 (29) Now our town has become big .... (This is) the history, which teIls us that our ancestors88 came from Takrit, they came from there.

85 86

87 88

The reference is to a church in Takrit. The informant is following the popular tradition that the fugitive Christians from Takrit founded the town. In reality, the town had been in existence for several centuries at the time of the Takriti migrations in the Middle Ages. See Introduction, pp.l-3. For the history ofthe name ofthe town see Introduction, p.l. Literally: our relatives.

TEXTS

612

Agriculture (30) ~