The Mycenaean Cult of the Dead 9781841718149, 9781407328041

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BAR  S1372  2005  

The Mycenaean Cult of the Dead

GALLOU  

Chrysanthi Gallou

THE MYCENAEAN CULT OF THE DEAD

BAR International Series 1372 B A R

2005

The Mycenaean Cult of the Dead

Chrysanthi Gallou

BAR International Series 1372 2005

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1372 The Mycenaean Cult of the Dead © C Gallou and the Publisher 2005 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841718149 paperback ISBN 9781407328041 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841718149 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2005. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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Για τους γονείς µου, Κωνσταντίνο και Αλεξάνδρα, µε απέραντη αγάπη και σεβασµό

TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

iv

ABBREVIATIONS AND TECHNICAL TERMS

v

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION: AIM, OUTLINE AND SETTING OF THE STUDY Background And Motivation Scope and Setting The scope The setting Outline of the Study Catalogue of LH IIIA-B graves in the central areas of Mycenaean mainland

1 1 1 1 1 2 5

CHAPTER II. THE CULT OF THE DEAD IN MYCENAEAN GREECE: THEORETICAL DISCUSSION AND FRAMEWORK Understanding and Defining Sacred Ritual in the Archaeological Record Definition and functions of ritual activity The archaeological recognition of ritual activity Ancestor cults: definition, general characteristics and functions The cult of the dead in the Mycenaean world: the problem History of research A sacred place of the dead: Architectural arrangement and ritual experience in Grave Circle A at Mycenae A brief narrative of Grave Circle A's 'historical development' The original appearance of the monument The LH IIIB modification Schliemann's altar: a matter of controversy since 1876 The Power of Ancestors: Death, Religion and Politics at LH IIIB Mycenae The Atreus Treasury and the Tholos of Clytemnestra The Cult Centre at Mycenae Grave Circle A: a special locus for congregations? 'He who has nothing old has nothing new': some further concluding thoughts on the symbolic manipulation of the sacred and ancestral geographies of LH IIIB Mycenae The Mycenaean cult of the dead as ritual action: a new approach to the operation of belief CHAPTER III. MYCENAEAN AFTERLIFE AND SYMBOLISM Symbolic art and death in Mycenaean Greece: An introductory framework An approach to the study of past symbolism Psyche and the hereafter Allegories of psyche in Late Helladic funerary art: the archaeological evidence Late Helladic examples of winged apparitions Late Minoan III examples: a comparison A fresco of chthonic nature from the Cult Centre at Mycenae Birds Birds on Late Helladic III sarcophagi ‘Kαινοφανή ειδώλια’ and other bird models Butterflies and the notion of psychostasia ‘To the House of Hades’: Mycenaean deathscape and symbolism ‘To the Elysian plain and the bounds of the earth’: The journey of the soul to the Mycenaean underworld The offering of boats and chariots to the dead Earlier examples The Mycenaean evidence The otherworldly voyage of the Mycenaean soul: the iconographical evidence The sarcophagi iconography Tomb carvings By boat, chariots or wings: concluding thoughts on the voyage of the soul to the Mycenaean underworld ‘to the mead of asphodel, where the spirits dwell’: Visions of the Mycenaean underworld Mythological creatures Palm trees i

13 13 13 14 14 16 16 19 20 20 21 21 24 25 26 28 30 30 33 33 34 34 35 35 35 36 38 39 39 40 43 43 43 43 44 46 46 48 48 49 49 51

Religious icons: the deposition of figurines in Mycenaean tombs Anthropomorphic figures and figurines in Mycenaean sacred and domestic contexts: a summary of their function and meaning Religious icons for the dead: a re-assessment of previous studies on their function and meaning Through the eyes of Hera: an investigation of the religious function and symbolic/eschatological meaning of figures and figurines in Mycenaean tombs Multiple figurines Seated figurines, empty thrones and the cult of the dead Large figures, θεοφορία and Mycenaean funerary cult The iconography of death: learning about death and afterlife in Late Helladic times

52 52 52 54 54 55 57 58

CHAPTER IV. MYCENAEAN FUNERARY LANDSCAPES, TOMB DESIGN AND SYMBOLISM Introduction The location of Mycenaean funerary landscapes vis-à-vis the settlement Cemetery orientation and symbolism The symbolic significance of life-giving water in Mycenaean death The abodes of the dead: tomb design, ritual and symbolism Houses for the gods in Mycenaean Greece The 'holy triad' of Mycenaean funerary architecture: dromos, stomion and chamber Liminality, rites of passage and the sanctity of funerary ritual: a brief account The symbolic function of the tombs' dromos The ritual significance of the stomion Decorated façades and wall paintings in Mycenaean chamber tombs Elaborate cult buildings and tholos tombs The iconography of Mycenaean chamber tombs: description, distribution, dating and artistic comparanda Grooves The symbolism of the chamber Benches Side chambers Final thoughts on funerary landscapes, architectures of death and symbolism in Mycenaean times Table IV.I: Catalogue of side chambers, benches and grooves mentioned in the text Table IV.II: Catalogue of benches mentioned in the text

60 60 60 61 62 63 63 64 64 65 66 67 67

CHAPTER V. RITUAL ACTION AND THE MYCENAEAN CULT OF THE DEAD Ritual activity as performance in the context of Mycenaean religious practice Feasting with the ancestors: Libation and Sacrifice in Mycenaean tombs Feasting with the gods in Mycenaean Greece Libation rituals and drinking ceremonies Sacrificial rituals and banqueting in Mycenaean sanctuaries ‘The souls are nourished by libations’: Libation rituals and drinking ceremonies in Mycenaean tombs The significance of drinking vessels in the dromos and the stomion of Mycenaean tombs Drinking and pouring ceremonies within the burial chamber: the archaeological evidence ‘...and around it poured a libation to all the dead...’: concluding remarks on the significance and purpose of libation rituals and drinking ceremonies in the Mycenaean cult of the dead The occurrence of drinking vessels and pottery associated with liquids in the funerary contexts of the central areas of the Mycenaean dominion The Linear B ‘dipsioi’ and the offering of oil to the dead Animal sacrifice and banqueting in Mycenaean funerary contexts Animal sacrifice in LH IIIA-B funerary contexts Animal sacrifice and the iconography of death Blood rituals and the connection between libation and sacrifice Animal sacrifice in the Mycenaean funerary agenda: An account of the material evidence and of the previous arguments Animal figurines, altars and sacrificial tables in Mycenaean tombs Dying for the dead: were the Mycenaeans performing human sacrifice in honour of their ancestors? po-re-na and the performance of human sacrifice in Mycenaean religious contexts A new proposal on the interpretation of ‘porena’ The archaeological evidence for human sacrifice in Mycenaean funerary locales Secondary burial rites and the cult of the dead in Mycenaean times Secondary burial rites before the Mycenaeans: a brief account

82 82 82 83 83 85 87 88 91

ii

68 70 71 72 73 74 76 79

93 94 97 98 99 99 101 102 104 105 105 108 110 112 113

Secondary burial treatment in LH IIIA-B: a concise description of the practice and the archaeological evidence Tracing the absent dead: removal and ‘cenotaphs’ in Mycenaean funerary locales What may the remains of secondary burial treatment say about the Mycenaean attitude towards death? Fire rituals and burnt offerings Commemorative rites and feasting in honour of the dead in LH IIIA-B times Tomb markers in Mycenaean tholos and chamber tombs Feasting and commemorative meals Funerary games and the cult of the dead in Mycenaean times Sacred places of the dead: The case of the Dendra ‘Cenotaph’ Breaking the tomb’s silence: Ritual action and the Mycenaean cult of the dead Renfrew’s ‘Deductive System’ and the Mycenaean cult of the dead From individual to ancestor in Mycenaean cultic activity Table V. 1. Animal figurines in the cemeteries of the central areas of the Mycenaean dominion

113 115 117 120 123 123 124 125 127 129 129 132 133

CHAPTER VI. AN EPILOGUE TO THE MYCENAEAN CULT OF THE DEAD The elites, the gods and the ancestors in Mycenaean society A Theoretical Framework EMyc Greece: a state in process The evidence from LH IIIA-B Greece The creation, transformation and continuity of traditions related to the cult of the dead in Mycenaean society

135 135 135 136 137 137

BIBLIOGRAPHY

141 167

LIST OF MAPS AND FIGURES

172

MAPS

177

FIGURES

iii

ACKOWLEDGEMENTS

The completion and publication of this book owes a great deal to friends and colleagues for their encouragement and support, and it will always be a pleasure to acknowledge my dept to them. The responsibility for all views and mistakes of fact or judgement in this study remains entirely mine. I wish to take this opportunity to express my deepest gratitude to my PhD supervisor Professor W.G. Cavanagh, who supported and encouraged the completion of this work to a degree far exceeding his duty as supervisor. His critical reading, valuable advice and constructive comments saved this study from many errors and flaws. It has been a great honour to be introduced by him to the fascinations of Aegean Archaeology and I thank him for leading the way. I am most obliged to my PhD referees, Professor Keith Branigan and Dr Mark Pearce, for their useful comments and suggestions and their valuable guidance on matters of publication. I warmly thank Dr James Roy who ‘speaking from a position of complete ignorance’ during our long discussions over dinner, offered much more to the completion of this work than he could possibly realise. He offered generously the time to read the final draft, improve the English and make constructive comments. My sincerest thanks go to Dr Irene Lemos for her trust, encouragement and valuable help through unforeseen difficulties. I wish also to acknowledge my gratitude to Professor C. Mee, Professor J. Henderson, Professor A. Poulter, Dr M. Parker Pearson, Dr Ch. Sourvinou-Inwood, Dr G. Muskett, Dr J. Kim, Mrs A. Panagiotopoulou, Mrs El. Zavvou and Ms E. Zouzoula for their useful comments, help and support on several occasions. Dr M. Georgiadis has offered endless opportunities for stimulating discussions on Mycenaean cult and death and devoted valuable time in editing this book. Mrs Ioanna Gallou-Mpoulougouri prepared the drawings in this book and therefore I thank her. Many thanks are owed to the staff of the Department of Archaeology and the Hallward Library at the University of Nottingham, the Library of the Hellenic Society in London and the Library of the British School at Athens for their valuable help in practical matters. I am immensely indebted to the ‘J.F. COSTOPOULOS FOUNDATION SCHOLARSHIP’ and the GREEK ARCHAEOLOGICAL COMMITTEE (UK) as well as the ‘ΚΟΙΝΩΦΕΛΕΣ ΙΔΡΥΜΑ ΑΦΩΝ Π. ΜΠΑΚΑΛΑ’ for providing me with the financial means to undertake my research. I wish also to acknowledge my debt to the ARTS AND HUMANITIES RESEARCH BOARD (AHRB) for the honour to be selected for an EU studentship in the year 2000 competition. The greatest debt of all goes to the most precious people in my world –my family- for believing in me and allowing me to choose my own path. As a small token of love, gratitude and respect I dedicate this book to my parents, Konstantino and Alexandra.

iv

ABBREVIATIONS AND TECHNICAL TERMS

List of Abbreviations (Bibliographical abbreviations are cited in the Bibliography section) EBA EH EMyc GCA GCB LBA LH LM MBA MH MM ShGr(s)

Early Bronze Age Early Helladic Early Mycenaean Grave Circle A Grave Circle B Late Bronze Age Late Helladic Late Minoan Middle Bronze Age Middle Helladic Middle Minoan Shaft Grave(s)

Glossary agrimi αιµατοκουρία anthemion askos bothros chamber tomb

choai cist grave dromos (pl. dromoi) eidolon enagismata epichosis (e.g. of the dromos) exarchos griffin καινοφανή ειδώλια ker kernos (pl. kernoi) kourotrophos krater kylix (pl. kylikes) larnax (pl. larnakes) Minoan Genius Nekyia nekyomanteion or nekromanteion ολοκαυτώµατα peribolos pit grave

wild goat blood-sacrifice performed in honour of the dead flower a vase in the shape of a sack, skin, ring or animal a pit or hole dug in the ground, a trench tomb hewn into the soft rock of a sloping surface (hill-side) forming an artificial cave. They consist of a dromos, a stomion and a burial chamber (circular or rectangular in shape). One or more side-chambers occasionally lead off the main one. Multiple Burials were set either on the floor, in pit or cist graves, or on a bench. Often disarticulated bones are found in these tombs. drink offerings to the dead small underground built graves of oblong shape, roofed with slabs. The floor was occasionally strewn with pebbles. Used for single burials. the passageway to a tholos or chamber tomb the image (the likeness) of the deceased food provisions for the dead the filling of the dromos, etc principal of a procession or of ritual acts mythological creature, which encompass the head and the wings of a bird and the body of a lion newly introduced figurines a death-spirit of uncertain origin and changing form; a ravisher and swallower ritual vessel, occasionally consisting of two or more smaller vessels, with small handles attached in a ring, used for libations one who nurtures children a mixing-bowl, or any large wide-mouthed bowl, used for the mixing of wine and water a stemmed drinking goblet a clay coffin/sarcophagus demons with leonine or ass-like features the encounter between the living and the dead, usually initiated through ritual death-oracle whole burnt offerings surrounding wall simple shallow grave, of oval or rectangular plan, dug out in the earth or the soft rock. Used for single burials. v

prothesis psyche psychopompos Psychostasia or kerostasia rhyton (pl. rhyta) Sphinx stirrup jar stomion tholos or beehive tomb

tritopatores tumulus

the laying out of the corpse; the wake or vigil the soul conductor of souls the weighing of the fate of the soul a vase intended for pouring libations, either funnel- or cone-shaped, or in the shape of an animal (e.g. bull, hedgehog) or an animal head (e.g. bull) mythological creature, which encompasses the body of a lion, the head of a human and the wings of a bird a closed oil vessel with a false spout rising on top to support two handles in the shape of a stirrup, and a real spout farther down the spout the door passage of a tholos or a chamber tomb stone-built burial chamber, consisting of a round and corbelled chamber approached via the dromos and the stomion. Burials were housed either on the floor or in simple graves (pits or cists). Occasionally, a side-chamber leads off the main one. Used for multiple burials spirits of the long departed (literally ‘fathers of the third degree’) mound created above ground of heaped earth, stones, or a combination of both. Burials were inserted into it, placed in pits or cists.

vi

typical Mycenaean tomb types, i.e. tholos and chamber tombs, excavated in the central areas of the Mycenaean dominion, viz. the Argolid, Korinthia, Attica, Boeotia and Euboea, during the acme of Mycenaean civilisation, i.e. the LH IIIA-B period (ca.1425/1390-1190/1180 BC) (map 1).

CHAPTER I Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting of the Study Background And Motivation Humans have invested an astonishing amount of intellectual energy and artistic accomplishment on speculations about the nature of death and a possible afterlife1. The awareness of the finality of life and the attempts of prehistoric peoples to grasp the meaning of death via belief systems and religious enquiries are mirrored in the conscious choice and construction of landscapes for the dead, the use of symbolism serving claims of regeneration, transcendence, immortality and afterlife, and the remains of past ceremonies involving acts of propitiation towards the ancestors.

Through a thorough examination of the available archaeological material, namely the products of controlled archaeological excavation (architecture, pottery and ritual remains), the iconographical evidence and Linear B documents, this study aims to assess and challenge assumptions, which, as it shall be argued, amount to prejudices relegating the cult of the dead as a disreputable and taboo subject. It will be argued that for the Mycenaeans the ancestors were not simply motionless and decomposing livid bodies, but spiritual entities considered to dwell in a sphere between the human and the sacred, invoked to provide benefits and placated with sacred rituals and offerings to ensure the well-being of the living community.

The establishment and performance of a cult in honour of the dead in Mycenaean Greece has been considered to-date a taboo subject by the majority of excavators and scholars. The stimulus was provided by Schliemann’s excavations in Grave Circle A at Mycenae and the discovery of the ‘altar’ above Shaft Grave IV. Since then, scholars have invested an incredible amount of work on the matter, with fundamental papers presented by Wiesner, Andronikos, Nilsson and others.

Issues regarding eschatological symbolism –as reflected in funerary art and architecture and in notions of afterlife and the post mortem survival of the soul-, the respect for the dead, the ‘invention’ of cultural identity and tradition and the question of homogeneity in Mycenaean funerary practices and attitudes will be assessed within the scope of this study. Furthermore, it will contribute towards the codification of Mycenaean eschatological beliefs and, subsequently, the framing of a hermeneutic model with reference to the archaeological recognition and study of Mycenaean post-funerary ritual.

The direction of research was shaped by G.E. Mylonas who was concerned with the matter for more than 25 years (1948-1975) and reached the conclusion that the Mycenaeans showed no respect to their dead after the decomposition of the flesh and, subsequently, no cult of the dead was practised in Helladic times. Such was the impact of his scholarly work that the rejection of funerary cult in Mycenaean Greece still predominates in modern bibliography. However, since 1951, when Mylonas’ fundamental paper on the Cult of the Dead in Helladic Times appeared, research has been restricted to brief mentions or insufficient studies, failing, though, to interpret specific issues of the Mycenaean mortuary attitude and beliefs.

Thus, the crux of this project is not only to illuminate ‘obscure’ aspects of Mycenaean religious and eschatological beliefs, but also to document the diversity of repeated diagnostic indicators of symbolic value appropriate for the recognition and study of rites performed in honour of the venerated ancestors in LH III times.

On the other hand, the new data and approaches on the recognition of ritual activity in the archaeological record as well as the artistic codification of Mycenaean funerary practices and beliefs in the repertoire of the Tanagra sarcophagi indicate that the general denial of the practice of funerary cult in Late Helladic times should not be taken at face value and a re-assessment of the previous arguments and re-examination of the mortuary record seems necessary.

The setting Given the mass of archaeological evidence from Mycenaean funerary contexts, it was decided to restrict this study in chronological and spatial terms. Chronologically, it focuses on LH IIIA-B times, thus representing the period from 1425/1390-1190/1180 BC2.

Scope and Setting The scope 2

The traditional Aegean Late Bronze Age absolute chronology has been discussed by P. Warren and V. Hankey (1989), although radically challenged by Betancourt and Manning (1995, 1999) after the re-dating of the Thera eruption to ca. 1628 BC. According to Warren and Hankey (1989: 169) the LH IIIA-B period covers the period ca. 1390-1185/80 BC.

The aim of this book is to examine the evidence for the performance of ancestor veneration in LH III Greece with emphasis placed mainly on the data from the 1

Whaley 1981: 1.

1

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting High Low LH I ca. 1680-1600/1580 1600-1510/1500 LH IIA 1600/1580-1520/1480 1510/1500-1440 LHIIB 1520/1480-1425/1390 1440-1390+ LH IIIA1 1425/1390-1390/1370 1390+-1370/1360 LH IIIA2 1390/1370-1340/1330 1370/1360-1340/1330 LH IIIB 1340/1330-1190/1180 1340/1330-1185/1180 LH IIIC 1190/1180-1065/1060 1185/1180-1065 Late Bronze Age Chronologies (Source: Shelmerdine 2001: 332, Table 1).

Modified

1390+ -ca. 1370 1370-1310/1300 1310/1300-1190/1180 1190/1180-1065

and the post interment treatment of the dead are suggestive of regional variants deriving from an attempt at conscious differentiation and invention of local cultural identity and tradition.

Following the deep political changes of LH I-II times, LH IIIA-B witnessed the emergence and consolidation of a highly hierarchical and centralised political system. Given the construction and decoration of the rulers’ dwellings, the fortification of the citadels with Cyclopean walls and the evidence from the Linear B administrative texts a process of political unification under local rule is indicated with, indisputably, regional variations. Excavations have revealed major palatial centres at Mycenae, Tiryns, Athens, Thebes, Orchomenos and Iolkos and evidence suggests that other territories in their vicinity were under their palatial administration, e.g. Euboean sites are mentioned in the Linear B texts from the Arsenal at Thebes3. A process of religious consciousness is also apparent in the establishment of official cult places within the Mycenaean citadels and the regular offerings to gods and sanctuaries documented in the Linear B tablets.

Nevertheless, the choice of the central areas of the Mycenaean dominion and the chamber and tholos tomb types as the focal point of this study is a conscious one dictated by the quality of the information conveyed by the three categories of archaeological material. These areas and tomb types present evidence for similar settlement and burial patterns respectively, and, more importantly, they have attracted the interest of excavators resulting in ample bibliographical references and archaeological publications. Unfortunately, archaeologists dealing with the funerary material from the areas covered in this study face three problems: a. the plundering of almost all tholoi and of several chamber tomb cemeteries, b. the fact that earlier archaeologists were mostly attracted by and practised ‘treasure archaeology’ paying less attention to the ‘unimportant’ pottery finds5, c. in most cases the life span of chamber tombs covers a long period (LH II-III), rendering the dating and study of specific architectural and ritual elements, e.g. grooves, benches, animal bones, difficult if not impossible, and d. although certain cemeteries, e.g. Mycenae, Tiryns, Dendra, Asine or Prosymna, have attracted scholarly interest, there seems to be a bias against the smaller or poorer sites.

Relative uniformity is attested in the establishment of formal cemeteries during the period under discussion4. Pit and cist graves continue in use with slight variability observed in their distributional patterning as contrasted to the preceding period. Their simple architectural form, the custom of single inhumation and the large sample represented in the areas under consideration allow generalisations, and therefore only in exceptional cases will the evidence from a number of simple graves be discussed in this book. The disparate cultural traditions reflected in the restricted presence of poorly preserved tumuli from the study area, present complications for the analysis of the data and their incorporation into the wider context of this study. Similarly, earlier local traditions are mirrored in the construction of twelve graves of the Gamma type in the West Cemetery at Eleusis.

Outline of the Study Chapter I. Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting The rationale and the aim of this book are presented and the regional and chronological boundaries are set in Chapter I. Moreover, the reasons behind the choice of this specific period and tomb types are discussed. A catalogue of the cemeteries under investigation complements the analysis of the regional setting of the study.

On the other hand, the typical Mycenaean tomb types, viz. the tholos and the chamber tombs (figs. 1, 2), reached a high level of standardisation and consolidation and an increase in the number and size of chamber tomb cemeteries occurred during this time span. Uniformity is observed in the architectural plan and mode of disposal, whereas, as shall be argued, the remains of ritual activity 3 Viz. Amarynthos (a-ma-ra-tu-de and a-ma-ru-to) and Karystos (ka-ru-to) (Aravantinos 1987: 35-38; Schachter 1996: 894). 4 Cavanagh and Mee’s book A Private Place: Death in Prehistoric Greece (1998) covers in the most remarkable way the theme of death and mortuary practices in prehistoric Greece.

5

As ‘treasure archaeology’ I define the interest on behalf of earlier archaeologists in the precious finds (metal objects, precious stones, sophisticated finds and objects) of any tomb or other excavated site.

2

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting Chapter II. The Cult of the Dead in Mycenaean Greece: Theoretical Discussion and Framework

Chapter IV. Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism

This chapter covers the theoretical background of the study. The first part, which is entitled ‘Understanding and defining sacred ritual in the archaeological context’, comprises the definition and functions of ritual activity, the archaeological recognition of cult and a general discussion of ancestor worship (definitions, general characteristics and functions).

The act of placing the dead is instrumental in the negotiations between life and death. The positioning of cemeteries vis-à-vis habitation areas and the location of tombs within cemeteries have been employed by scholars as indicators of socio-political and economic claims and differentiation. This chapter combines three broad issues, namely cemetery alignment, tomb design and eschatological symbolism.

The section, under the title ‘Ritual action and the cult of the dead in Mycenaean period’, presents a detailed history of previous research on the subject of ancestor worship in Mycenaean Greece. A thorough examination of Grave Circle A, specifically the ‘historical’ development of the monument, its role in modern debate on prehistoric ancestor cults and its socio-political and religious importance during LH IIIB, provides the prelude to and serves as the background for our understanding of the establishment and performance of ancestor veneration in LH IIIA-B mainland. Special reference is made to the fact that ‘artificial landscapes’ were created in LH IIIB Mycenae, linked to the divine and ancestral sphere, and to the examination of the reasons behind the symbolical manipulation, on a political and religious level, of these specific locales. In the third part of this chapter new approaches and perspectives are proposed, namely a definition of the term ‘cult of the dead’ and a series of indicators of cultic activity to be applied in the study of the Mycenaean cult of the dead.

The first part deals with the question whether eschatological tenets and ritual practices dictated the spatial positioning of Mycenaean cemeteries in relation to the settlements. Special reference is made to the connection between cemeteries and water, as well as to the religious significance of water and its association with the rites in honour of the dead. The second part examines the metaphysical symbolism of the tripartite plan of the typical Mycenaean tombs and its association with the rites of passage related with death. Chapter V. Ritual action and the Mycenaean cult of the dead The objective of this chapter, which is subdivided into three parts, is to investigate the ritual act of 'giving' honours and offerings to the Mycenaean dead by drawing parallels from contemporary religious observances. The first section deals with the performance of libation, sacrifice (animal and human) and feasting in honour of the sacred dead. Possible Linear B recordings of names, festivals and offerings for the dead are also placed in perspective.

Chapter III. Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism Preliterate peoples have expressed their eschatological beliefs through actual acts associated with the denial of death, e.g. by covering the corpse with ochre so as to give the impression of a living person or by depositing supplies with the dead for their journey to the underworld, or through artistic representations, realistic or abstract, depicting their belief in the post mortem survival of the soul and the existence of a land of the dead. Undoubtedly, such a belief would have been made easier the establishment of a set of sacred rites in honour of the ancestors.

The second part explores the religious significance of secondary treatment of the dead and suggests that the custom signalled the starting point in Mycenaean ancestor cult. The third section investigates the existence of places especially designed as cult places for the ancestors with focus placed on the so-called Cenotaph at Dendra. Answers to the aforementioned matters are sought through the investigation of the archaeological material, LH III funerary art and the Linear B documents.

The first part of this chapter is devoted to an introductory consideration of symbolic art and death in Mycenaean Greece. The following section deals with the issue of the soul, its survival and its allegories in Late Helladic art. In the third part the belief in the journey of the soul to the Mycenaean underworld and visions of the afterworld are discussed under the general title ‘Mycenaean Deathscape and Symbolism’. The fourth section covers the subject of figurines, their deposition with the dead and their multiple functions. Chapter III concludes with final thoughts on Mycenaean afterlife and symbolism and the possibility of new approaches and perspectives via detailed contextual explorations of Mycenaean symbolic systems.

Chapter VI. An Epilogue on the Mycenaean cult of the dead Having managed to pinpoint religious action-moments in LH funerary locales and to gain access in the identification and understanding of the Mycenaean desire to provide the dead with divine status and honours as well as post-funerary ceremonies and offerings, as suggested in Chapters II, III, IV and V, the objective of this last chapter is to place the evidence for the performance of a Mycenaean cult of the dead into a ‘historical’ framework and to investigate the reasons behind the establishment and practice of this cult. Regional and chronological developments, ideas of 3

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting ancestorhood, the invention of tradition and cultural differentiation, the interaction between centre and

periphery as well as between upper and lower social strata will be assessed within this ‘historical’ narrative.

4

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting CATALOGUE OF LH IIIA-B GRAVES IN THE CENTRAL AREAS OF MYCENAEAN MAINLAND (viz. Argolid, Korinthia, Attica, Boeotia and Euboea)∗ ARGOLID AND KORINTHIA (map 2) Pits, Cists, Built Graves and Unfinished Dromoi (used for interments) Aidonia

Argos

2 (1 unfinished dromos) 30+

Krystalli-Votsi 1998.

BCH 79 (1955) Chr. 244; ArchDelt. 19 (1964) Chr. 123; Deshayes 1966; Protonotariou-Deilaki 1966: 239-247; ArchDelt. 28 (1973) Chr. 98-99, 122123; ArchDelt. 29 (1973-4) Chr. 227;Kaza-Papageorgiou 1985: 1-21; ArchDelt. 47 (1992) Chr. 89; Syriopoulos 1995: 1006, 1107; Lewartowski 2000: 64-66; Papadimitriou 2001: 17-20.

Aria

1

BCH 79 (1955) Chr. 244; Lewartowski 2000: 66.

Asine

1

Lewartowski 2000: 67.

Kato Almyri

1 undr

ArchDelt. 35 (1980) Chr. 102-104.

Kokla

7

ArchDelt. 37 (1982) Chr. 83-85; Syriopoulos 1995: 1006, 1107.

Lerna

1

Caskey 1954: 8-9; Wiencke 1998.

Methana

1

ArchDelt. 46 (1991) Chr. 73; Lewartowski 2000: 68.

Mycenae

5+

Charitonides 1952: 19-24; Taylour 1955: 214; Mylonas 1972: 116; ArchDelt. 40 (1985) Chr. 93.

Nauplion

5+

Charitonides 1953; Dragona-Latsoudi 1977: 86.

Prosymna

1

Blegen 1937: 223-224.

Tiryns

Zygouries

>50

1

Müller 1930: 101ff.; ArchDelt. 19 (1964) Chr. 117-118; Grossman and Schäfer 1971: 64, 75; Rudolph 1973: 29-32; Gercke et al. 1975: 11-12; Avila et al. 1980: 7-8; Kilian 1978; idem 1980: 176-177; idem 1981a: 171173; idem 1982: 395; idem 1983: 289. Blegen 1928: 65. Tholos Tombs

Berbati

LH IIA-IIIA1

Frizell 1984: 25-44; Pelon 1976: 3∗; 1998: 96-100.

Dendra

LH IIB-IIIA1

Persson 1931: 8-67; Pelon 1976: 4.

∗

Following Cavanagh and Mee (1998), in the case of tholos tombs and tumuli the date of use is given, whereas for the other tomb types the number of tombs in each cemetery is cited. Since Hope Simpson and O.T.P.K. Dickinson’s Gazetteer of Aegean Civilisation in the Bronze Age has been included in the site catalogue of Cavanagh and Mee (1998: 137-145), it was decided not to include it in this catalogue. ∗

In all tholos tombs’ entries of the present catalogue, the bold number refers to Pelon’s catalogue of tholos tombs (Pelon 1976). 5

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting Galatas, Magoula: Tombs 1 & 2

LH II-IIIA2/B1

Kokla Mycenae: Genii Tholos, Clytemnestra Tholos, Atreus Treasury

LH IIB-IIIA1 LH II-IIIA1/B1

Prosymna Tiryns: Tholoi 1&2

LH II-IIIA LH IIIA1/B(?)

Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001a: 33-34; eadem 2001b: 218-219. ArchDelt. 36 (1981) Chr. 94-97; Demakopoulou 1990a: 113-123; eadem 1993; eadem 1997; Pelon 1998: 121-123. Kavvadias 1909: 274-281; Wace 1921-23b; Pelon 1976: 1G-J.

Stamatakis 1878; Kavvadias 1909: 289-290; Wace 1921-23b: 330-338; Pelon 1976: 2; Syriopoulos 1995: 1005. Drangendorff 1913: 347-354; Brommer 1939: 251-252; Müller 1975: 1-6; Pelon 1976: 5; idem 1998: 100-103 ; Syriopoulos 1995: 1107.

Chamber tombs 13+

ArchDelt. 35 (1980) 102; Syriopoulos 1995: 998; Krystalli-Votsi 1998: 21-31; Cherry and Davis 2001.

Apatheia, Galatas

7

Hamilakis 1996a: 153-155; Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001a: 137; eadem 2001b: 217-218.

Argos

27

Vollgraff 1904: 364-399; Kavvadias 1909: 291-292; Arvanitopoulos 1916: 73-74; Deshayes 1953: 59-89; 1956: 361-365; 1966; 1969: 574-616; ArchDelt. 26 (1971) Chr. 76-78; Schachermeyr 1976: 133; Syriopoulos 1995: 1006, 1107; Touchais and Divari-Valakou 1998: 12; Darcque 1998: 105.

Aria

2

Arvanitopoulos 1916: 83; BCH 79 (1955) Chr. 243-244; Syriopoulos 1995: 1008.

Asine

9+

Frödin and Persson 1938; Syriopoulos 1995: 1008, 1108-1109; ArchDelt. 50 (1995) Chr. 103-104; Gillis 1996; BCH 124 (2000) Chr. 805.

Aidonia

Athikia Berbati

Report of illicit excavations in the Mycenaean necropolis [Corpus 56 (January 2004): 7]. 8

Demaina/ Haghios Leonidas

Säflund 1965; Holmberg 1983; Syriopoulos 1995: 1004, 1105. Syriopoulos 1995: 1004.

Dendra

12

Persson 1942a; Åström 1977; Syriopoulos 1995: 1005-1006, 1106.

Derveni

2

Syriopoulos 1995: 1097-1098.

Galataki

5

Verdelis 1956; Syriopoulos 1995: 998.

Haghios Gerasimos (Korinthia)

Syriopoulos 1995: 1098.

Kato Almyri

20

ArchDelt. 35 (1980) Chr. 102-105; ArchDelt. 46 (1991) Chr. 106-107; Syriopoulos 1995: 998.

Kiveri

7

ArchDelt. 22 (1967) Chr. 179-180; AR 1968-1969: 14; Schachermeyr 1976: 135; Syriopoulos 1995: 1008, 1108.

Kokla

8

ArchDelt. 37 (1982) Chr. 83-85; ArchDelt. 47 (1992) Chr. 92; Demakopoulou 6

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting 1993; eadem 1997; Syriopoulos 1995: 1006, 1107. Krines

1

ArchDelt. 21 (1966) Chr. 123ff; ArchDelt. 22 (1967) Chr. 163-164; Schachermeyr 1976: 99; Syriopoulos 1995: 996, 1098.

Lygourio

2

ArchDelt. 27 (1972) Chr. 215.

Mazi

2

ArchDelt. 49 (1994) Chr. 151-152; ArchDelt. 50 (1995) Chr. 101; AR 1999-00: 37.

Moulki

Hope-Simpson and Dickinson 1979: 69.

Mycenae

31+

Tsountas 1888; idem 1890: 36; idem 1891: 2-11; idem 1893; idem1896; idem 1899: 102-103; Kavvadias 1909: 281-288; Philadelpheus 1919: 34-35; Wace 1932; PAE 1952: 469; Verdelis 1962: 67-81; ArchDelt. 19 (1964) Chr. 118-121; Mylonas 1972: 114-116; Schachermeyr 1976: 115; ArchDelt. 35 (1980) Chr. 110; ArchDelt. 36 (1981) Chr. 99; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985; Shelton 1993; eadem 2000; Palaiologou 1995: 195; BCH 124 (2000) Chr. 798; Daniilidou 2000.

Nauplion

100+

Kondakis and Kastorchis 1878: 183-201; Kastorchis and Kondakis 1879: 515-526; Lolling 1880a: 143-163; Stais 1892: 52-54; idem 1895: 261; Kavvadias 1909: 290291; Arvanitopoulos 1916: 82; Charitonides 1953: 195-204; ArchDelt. 28 (1973) Chr. 90-94; ArchDelt. 29 (1973-74) Chr. 202-203; Schachermeyr 1976: 131; Dragona-Latsoudi 1977: 86-98; Syriopoulos 1995: 1007, 1108.

Nea Epidauros

1

Nea Korinthos Nemea/ Barnavos

Hope Simpson and Dickinson 1979: 53. Vanderpool 1954: 232; Syriopoulos 1995: 997.

1

Nisi

AR 2003-2004: 19. Mountjoy 1999: 65.

Palaia Epidauros

21+

Stais 1888: 155-158; idem 1893b: 21; Kavvadias 1909: 291; Aravantinos 1974: 7084; ArchDelt. 36 (1981) Chr. 99-100; ArchDelt. 37 (1982) Chr. 90; ArchDelt. 46 (1994) Chr. 156; Syriopoulos 1995: 1006, 1106-1107; Arch.Delt. 53 (1998) Chr. 131; AR 1999-2000: 37.

Perachora: Skaloma

14+

ArchDelt. 35 (1980) Chr. 109-110; ArchDelt. 50 (1995) Chr. 107-108; Syriopoulos 1995: 1098.

Phychtia/Boliari

3

ArchDelt. 19 (1964) Chr. 118-121; Syriopoulos 1995: 1003, 1105.

PriphtianiMonasteraki

6+

Arvanitopoulos 1916: 90; Philadelpheus 1919: 35-38; Charitonides 1952: 19-30; Syriopoulos 1995: 1004-1005, 1106.

Prosymna

35

Blegen 1937; Verdelis 1956: 10-11; Protonotariou-Deilaki 1960: 123-135; Schachermeyr 1976: 116; Syriopoulos 1995: 1005.

Rethi

Mountjoy 1999: 65.

Schoinochori (Melichi)

5

Renaudin 1923: 190-240; Syriopoulos 1995: 1005.

Sikyon

1

Aslamatzidou 2004: 63.

Tiryns

13

Rudolph 1973: 23-126; Schachermeyr 1976: 131; Syriopoulos 1995: 1007, 11071108.

Vraserka

8

Arvanitopoulos 1916: 91; ArchDelt. 36 (1981) Chr. 97-99; Demakopoulou 1987; Syriopoulos 1995: 1005, 1106.

Zygouries

2

Blegen 1928. 7

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting ATTICA AND SALAMIS (map 3) Pits, Cists and Built Graves Aigina: Kolonna

Welter 1938: 511-512.

Athens: Dimitrakopoulou Str.

3

ArchDelt. 27 (1972) Chr. 52-53; Pantelidou 1975: 77-79; Onasoglou 1979: 33, 37-38; ArchDelt. 35 (1980) Chr. 28-31; Mountjoy 1995: 40.

Athens: A. Theklas 11 Str.

1

ArchDelt. 34 (1979) Chr. 27-28.

Athens: Aeropagus

1

Dörpfeld 1892: 445.

Athens: Agora

12

Immerwahr 1971.

Athens: Makriyianni 23-27 & Porinou Str.

3

ArchDelt. 23 (1968) Chr. 73-75; Pantelidou 1975: 66-71; Schachermeyr 1976: 92; Mountjoy 1995: 32-33.

Athens: Promachou 2

1

Pantelidou 1975: 61-66; Schachermeyr 1976: 92; Mountjoy 1995: 14-15.

Athens: Veikou 123125 & Aglauron Str.

2

Pantelidou 1971: 433-438; eadem 1975: 95-106; Schachermeyr 1976: 92; Mountjoy 1995: 33.

Brauron (Lapoutsi)

2

ArchDelt. 21(1966) Chr. 98; ArchDelt. 39 (1984) Chr. 45.

Eleusis

13+

Skias 1898: 52; idem 1912: 17-18; Mylonas 1953-54: 35-44; idem 1975b.

Pallene: Glyka Nera

31

Kakavoyiannis 1999-2001: 62-70; Masouridi 2001.

Marathon

2

ArchDelt. 34 (1979) Chr. 90.

Markopoulo: Kopreza

1

Stais 1893b: 21; idem 1895: 216-217.

Salamis: Haghia Kyriaki

1

ArchDelt. 20 (1965) Chr. 125-126.

Thorikos

1

Stais 1895: 221; Syriopoulos 1995: 988.

Vari-Varkiza: Kamini

3

Theocharis 1960: 266-269; Varvitsas 1968: 110-111; Benzi 1975: 193-197.

Voula-Alyki

4

Papadimitriou 1955: 99; idem 1957: 29-34. Tumuli

Marathon III

LH IIIB

Marinatos 1970a-c: 63-68, 155-163, 351-357; Pelon 1976: 84-85; Schachermeyr 1976: 96; Syriopoulos 1995: 983, 1090.

Marathon IV

LH IIIA

Marinatos 1970c: 63-68, 155-163, 351-357; Pelon 1976: 84-85; Schachermeyr 1976:96 ; Syriopoulos 1995: 983, 1090. Tholos Tombs

Marathon

LH IIBIIIA1

Soteriades 1932; idem 1934: 29; Marinatos 1970b; idem 1970c; Pelon 1976: 31; Schachermeyr 1976: 96; Syriopoulos 1995: 983, 1090; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 82.

Menidi

LH IIIB

Lolling 1880b; Lolling 1887: 139; Wolters 1889; idem 1899: 103; Kavvadias 1909: 305-306; Stubbings 1947: 2, 18, 70; Hope Simpson 1958-59: 292-294; Pelon 1976: 32. 8

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting Thorikos: Tholos B (Circular)

Stais 1893a: 12-15; idem 1895: 222-225; Kavvadias 1909: 306-307; Gasche and Servais 1968: 17-102; Pelon 1976: 30.

LH IIAIIIB

Chamber tombs Athens: Acropolis

1

ArchDelt. 20 (1965) Chr. 30; ArchDelt. 21 (1966) Chr. 36.

Athens: Agora

33

Immerwahr 1971; Schachermeyr 1976: 93-94; Syriopoulos 1995: 984, 1091; AR 1998-99: 4-6; AR 1999-00: 6-7; BCH 124 (2000) Chr. 763; ArchDelt. 53 (1998) Chr. 51-52; McK Camp II 2003: 241-280.

Athens: Dimitrakopoulou Str., Koukaki.

3+

ArchDelt. 21 (1966) Chr. 85; Nikopoulou 1970: 171-179; Schachermeyr 1976: 92; Pantelidou 1975: 71-77, 80-95; Onasoglou 1979.

Athens: Erechteiou Str.

3+

ArchDelt. 40 (1985) Chr. 13-14.

Athens: Garibaldi Str.

1

ArchDelt. 21 (1966) Chr. 90; Schachermeyr 1976: 92; Pantelidou 1975: 54-57.

Athens: Makriyianni

1

ArchDelt. 39 (1984) Chr. 8-10.

Athens: Parthenonos Str.

1

ArchDelt. 22 (1967) Chr. 112; Schachermeyr 1976: 92.

Brauron (Lapoutsi/ Chamolia)

10

Stais 1895: 196; Nicole 1911: 80; Stubbings 1947: 6; Papadimitriou 1956: 8187; ArchDelt. 21 (1966) Chr. 98-100; ArchDelt. 22 (1967) Chr. 131; Benzi 1975; Schachermeyr 1976: 98; Syriopoulos 1995: 988, 1092.

Eleusis

6

Mylonas 1975b; Schachermeyr 1976: 94-95; Syriopoulos 1995: 984, 1090; AR 2003-2004: 7.

Charvati Pallene: Glyka Nera

Levi 1963: 23. 23+

BCH 124 (2000) Chr. 770; Kakavoyiannis 1999-2001: 55-62; Masouridi 2001; Mountjoy 1999: 489.

Kalamaki Koropi

35

PAE 1950: 166.

Markopoulo: Kopreza

22

Stais 1893b: 21; idem 1895: 213; Kavvadias 1909: 307; Stubbings 1947: 6; Benzi 1975; Syriopoulos 1995: 988, 1092.

Markopoulo: Lygori

10

Stais 1895: 193; Kavvadias 1909: 307; Syriopoulos 1995: 1092.

Markopoulo: Merenda

1+

Petrou 2003a: 28; AR 2003-2004: 8.

Markopoulo: Porto Rafti

Kyparissis 1927-28: 59-60; Stubbings 1947: 7; Benzi 1975.

Mt Hymettos

Stubbings 1947: 57; Crouwel 1973; Schachermeyr 1976: 97.

Palaion Phaleron

AA 1943: 303; Stubbings 1947: 8; Syriopoulos 1995: 985, 1092.

Pikermi

3

Kyparissis 1927-28: 60-64; Stubbings 1947: 7; Benzi 1975; Syriopoulos 1995: 984, 1090.

9

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting Salamis: Haghia Kyriaki

ArchDelt. 20 (1965) Chr. 125-126.

7

Salamis: Boukoromiza

Petropoulakou and Pentazos 1973: 123.

Salamis: Chalioti/ Selenia (Limniones)

Phourikis 1916: 8; Pallas 1916: 114; Robinson 1950: 1-9; Traulos 1961-62: 39; ArchDelt. 23 (1968) Chr. 113; Schachermeyr 1976: 98; Anastasiou-Alexiou 1991; Tzavella- Evjen 1992; Syriopoulos 1995: 1091.

Salamis: Paloukia

Petropoulakou and Pentazos 1973: 127; Syriopoulos 1995: 985, 1091.

Spata

2

Milchhöfer 1877a-b; Haussoulier 1878: 185; Furtwängler and Löschke 1886: 35; Kavvadias 1909: 303-304; Nicole 1911: 9, 73; Benzi 1975; Syriopoulos 1995: 985, 1091; Grammenou 1996: 140-141 (also her unpublished PhD thesis).

Vari-Varkiza

8

BCH 78 (1954) Chr. 110; Theocharis 1960: 266; Vavritsas 1968: 110; Themelis 1974: 423-427; Benzi 1975; Schachermeyr 1976: 94; SgouritsaPolychronakou 1988a; Syriopoulos 1995: 988, 1093.

Vari-Vourvatsi (Kitsi)

7+

Kyparissis 1927-28: 65-66; Stubbings 1947: 7; Benzi 1975; Syriopoulos 1995: 988, 1093.

Velanideza

5+

Kyparissis 1927-28: 64-65; Stubbings 1947: 7; Syriopoulos 1995: 1091.

Voula-Alyki

13+

Papadimitriou 1953; 1955; 1957; Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1988a; eadem 1988b (non vidi); Syriopoulos 1995: 988, 1092; BCH 124 (2000) Chr. 769.

BOEOTIA (map 4) Pits Tanagra

Spyropoulos 1973a: 16; idem 1977a: 25-26; idem 1979b: 21-22; idem 1980a: 55.

7

Tumulus Orchomenos

LH III

Soteriades 1905; Kavvadias 1909: 318; Pelon 1976: 85; Syriopoulos 1995: 1081. Tholos Tomb

Orchomenos, Minyas Treasury

LH IIIB

Schliemann 1881a: 17-39; idem 1881b: 135-151; Kavvadias 1909: 312-315; Pelon: 33.

Chamber Tombs Chaironeia

2

AM 63-64 (1938-390) 177.

Davlosis Kallithea: Pyrgari

ArchDelt. 24 (1969) Chr. 179.

15

ArchDelt. 19 (1964) Chr. 199; ArchDelt. 20 (1965) Chr. 242; ArchDelt. 23 (1968) 224; Spyropoulos 1970d; ArchDelt. 26 (1971) Chr. 213; 10

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting Schachermeyr 1976:163; ArchDelt. 38 (1983) 134; Syriopoulos 1995: 979, 1084. Kleidhi

ArchDelt. 19 (1964) Chr. 199.

Mikro Vathi (Aulis)

PAE 1956: 94; PAE 1960: 39; Syriopoulos 1995: 977, 1082.

Mouriki

6

ArchDelt. 26 (1971) Chr. 217; Schachermeyr 1976: 160.

Pharos Avlidos Tachi (ancient Potniai)

ArchDelt. 21 (1966) Chr. 200.

2

BCH 123 (1999) Chr. 737-738; BCH 124 (2000) Chr. 863.

Tanagra: Dendron/Grava and Gephyra/Ledeza

300+

See the reports by Spyropoulos in PAE 1969-1979, 1980-1983 and Ergon 1969-1984; Schachermeyr 1976: 160-163; Syriopoulos 1995: 979, 1084.

Thebes

240+

Kavvadias 1909: 319; Keramopoullos 1910a; idem 1910b; idem 1917; Papadakis 1919: 33; ArchDelt. 22 (1967) Chr. 227, 229; ArchDelt. 23 (1968) Chr. 213-214, 218; ArchDelt. 24 (1969) Chr. 173, 177; ArchDelt. 25 (1970) Chr. 218; ArchDelt. 27 (1972) Chr. 307; ArchDelt. 28 (1973) Chr. 252; Schachermeyr 1976: 170ff.; Symeonoglou 1985; Syriopoulos 1995: 978, 1084; Pharaklas 1996; Tzavella-Evjen 1997.

Thisbe-Palaiokastro

3

Heurtley 1923-1925: 41, 44; Evans 1925: 1; Syriopoulos 1995: 980, 1085.

Vouliagma

1

ArchDelt. 22 (1967) Chr. 242.

EUBOEA (map 5) Pits Androniani

1 shaft

Hankey 1952: 60; Syriopoulos 1995: 980-981. Tholos Tombs

Katakalou: Haghia Paraskevi

LH IIIA

Kavvadias 1909: 377; Papavasileiou 1910: 39; Pelon 1976: 36; ArchDelt. 39 (1984) Chr. 127; Syriopoulos 1995: 981-982.

Oxylithos: Evrima

LH IIIA2-B

Kavvadias 1909: 377; Papavasileiou 1910: 24; PAE 1912: 112; Sackett et al. 1966: 73; Pelon 1976: 37; Syriopoulos 1995: 981, 1086.

LH III

Kavvadias 1909: 377; Papavasileiou 1910: 42; Sackett et al. 1966: 49; Pelon 1976: 35.

Bellousia

Chamber Tombs Aliveri: Livadhi

1

Sackett et al. 1966: 69; Syriopoulos 1995: 982.

Androniani

Hankey 1952: 60; Sackett et al. 1966: 75; Syriopoulos 1995: 980-981.

Avlonari

Theocharis 1959: 313; Sackett et al. 1966: 71; ArchDelt. 38 (1983) Chr. 154.

Chalkis: Panayitsa

1

ArchDelt. 25 (1970) Chr. 248; Choremis 1972: 45-68; Schachermeyr 1976: 159; Syriopoulos 1995: 981, 1086; Sapouna-Sakellaraki 19972: 22. 11

Introduction: Aim, Outline and Setting Chalkis: Trypa/Vromousa

20

Kavvadias 1909: 376-377; Papavasileiou 1910: 21; idem 1911: 236ff.; Hankey 1952: 49; Theocharis 1959: 312; Sackett et al. 1966: 57; Syriopoulos 1995: 981, 1086; Sapouna-Sakellaraki 19972: 22. Sackett et al. 1966: 64.

Eretria Kyme

2

ArchDelt. 39 (1984) Chr. 124-125.

Limni-Panaghia

1

Sackett et al. 1966: 108-109; ArchDelt. 33 (1978) Chr. 130; Syriopoulos 1995: 980.

Manika

1

ArchDelt. 25 (1970) Chr. 248.

Mistros

6

Tsirivakos 1969: 30-31; Schachermeyr 1976: 159.

Oxylithos: Moni Mantzari

1

Hankey 1952: 60; Sackett et al. 1966: 74; Syriopoulos 1995: 981.

Psachna

3

ArchDelt. 19 (1964) Chr. 213; Sackett et al. 1966: 33; Syriopoulos 1995: 981, 1086.

Rovies

Sackett et al. 1966: 48.

12

CHAPTER II The Cult of the Dead in Mycenaean Greece: Theoretical Discussion and Framework

Understanding And Defining Sacred Ritual In The Archaeological Context Definition and functions of ritual activity

Sunt aliquid manes 6 Letum non omnia finit

‘In search of interpreting past societies’ attempts to transform ritual into material form or to provide artificial and constrained landscapes of ritual action, archaeologists have frequently disagreed on the terminology of the word ‘ritual’ and on the value of a comprehensive definition applicable to a multidimensional series of meanings and functions’8. Unfortunately, the archaeological category ‘ritual’ is often defined principally by the absence of a good alternative explanation, in the way that if a feature cannot plausibly be explained in rational ‘functional’ terms, then it may be ascribed a ‘ritual’ function9.

The study of past ways of thought as deduced from material remains presents so many challenges that it seems, by any reckoning, an uncertain venture. Similarly, the identification and elucidation of early cult practices from the archaeological record is a challenging task, and the analysis of the belief systems which sustain them an even more difficult problem7. However, the formulation of a series of indicators could reasonably contribute to the archaeological recognition of ritual activity and experience in prehistoric societies. The possibility of the performance of ceremonies connected with a cult of the dead in Mycenaean Greece has been under discussion since the discovery of a rather curious circular construction, possibly an altar or bothros, in the area of GCA at Mycenae. The communis opinio on the matter, with the exception of a few scholars, is that no cult of the dead was practised in Mycenaean Greece, and any attempt to prove the opposite has been rejected or avoided. Moreover, the discussion of this important issue has been restricted to brief and/or insufficient studies. Nonetheless, in the light of new data and approaches, the need for a reexamination and re-evaluation of the archaeological data seems not only requisite but inevitable.

The word ritual is a cliché and at the same time ambitious, obscure and also revealing10. In the disciplines of archaeology, anthropology and sociology, ritual has been taken ‘to be purposeful, preordained human activity, engaged in at a particular time and place with the explicit purpose of changing the social or emotional state of either the individual or group’11, ‘the organised performance of behaviours intended to influence spiritual powers’12 or ‘δρώµενα things done, λεγόµενα things said or sung, δεικνύµενα things displayed or... things envisioned in epiphany’13. Rappaport defined ritual -both human and animal, religious and secular- ‘as conventional acts of display through which one or many participants transmit information concerning their physiological, psychological or sociological states either to themselves or to one or more of their participants’14.

The objective of this chapter is not only to explain the background against which this book is written, but also to suggest that there are criteria in the definition and study of Mycenaean ancestor cult that have been too lightly dismissed or overlooked. These arise from the archaeologist’s ability to recognise and interpret postfunerary cult activity in the Mycenaean archaeological record: the definition of the term cult of the dead, characteristics, function, purpose and means of performance.

Ritual actions, Matz’s rituelle Bewirkung, are meaningful and purposeful, viz. for the human to communicate with and induce the divinity to affect the human or the material world15, characterised by formalisation, periodicity and purposive character16. Ritual behaviour demonstrates visual, verbal, spatial and temporal dimensions, occurring at times and in places of religious or symbolic significance, involving the display and manipulation of representative objects and

The assessment of previous scholarly work suggests that GCA at Mycenae offered the stimulus for the investigation of the extremely controversial subject of the cult of the dead in Late Helladic times. Thus, in the second part of this chapter, it will be demonstrated how and why GCA became a distinct, if not unique, locus for ancestral rituals in association with the formation of sacred and ancestral landscapes within the citadel of Mycenae in LH IIIB times. The evidence from Circle A will provide the prelude to and will serve as the background for our better understanding of the establishment and performance of ancestor veneration in LH IIIA-B Greece.

6 7

8

Parker Pearson 1999: 194. Renfrew 1994b: 52; idem 1996: 390-2. 10 Due to the vast bibliography on religion and ritual performance it is impossible to refer to all definitions given by scholars from different disciplines. A thorough examination of the subject has recently been undertaken by C. Bell (1992, 1997). See also J.N. Bremmer (1998) and F. Bowie’s Anthropology of Religion (2000), especially chapters 1 and 6. 11 Arens 1988: 224. 12 Peoples and Bailey 2000: 220. 13 Warren 1988: 12-13. 14 Rappaport 1971: 25. 15 Warren 1988: 13. 16 Renfrew 1985: 14; idem 1994b: 49; Parker Pearson 1999: 194. It should be noted, though, that the term ‘ritual’ apart from its religious application, could also bear a secular character (Renfrew 1985: 14). 9

Propertius, IV, 7,1. Renfrew 1994a: 51.

13

Theoretical Discussion and Framework transcendental forces. Furthermore, the active participation of the celebrants in a range of ritually determined actions is required22. Briefly, Renfrew’s archaeological indicators of ritual require a. focusing of attention, b. a boundary zone between this world and the next, c. the presence of the deity, and d. participation and offering23.

employing definite patterns of speech, movement and behaviour17. Often, archaeologists and scholars of related disciplines are called to comment on and draw conclusions from the aspects and functions of sacred ritual. According to Parker Pearson’s synopsis, ‘ritual performance often reveals other worlds of spirits, deities or ancestors to the participants, serving up declared truths about the meaning of life and death, speaking of worlds beyond the boundaries of the here and now, and seeking to establish seemingly autonomous social categories and distinctions such as between living and the dead, ritual and mundane, or sacred and profane’18. Sacred ritual entails worship, acts of propitiation towards supernatural powers and the acknowledgment of the power of the transcendent.

On the other hand, Wright has stated that Renfrew has merely succeeded in creating a method for identifying places of worship but not criteria for the study of religion, e.g. definition and structure of belief systems, practice and symbolism, the structure of religion and its role in society24. In his study of the archaeological correlates of religion, he has suggested that archaeologists could make considerable progress in the reconstruction of past religions by recognising that religious behaviour, i.e. the expression of commonly held societal beliefs and values, is almost always symbolised in physical form, e.g. in objects and spaces of worship and in the configuration of other social spaces25.

The archaeological recognition of cultic activity Undoubtedly, any entry into the religious cosmos of past societies is inordinately difficult. Investigating the universals of past religious thought there is always the danger that scholars may carry to the inquiry their own culturally encapsulated, and perhaps stereotyped, view of the essence of religion19. Starting from the fact that the term ‘religion’ entails certain correlates which are certainly general if not universal and by which the investigation can be advanced, Renfrew established four criteria/indicators of cultic activity and presented a series of interpretative indicators20.

Ancestor cults: definition, general characteristics and functions Many contributors to the sociology of religion and the archaeology of death and ritual have seen in the institutions that centre upon death the core of their studies26. The emphasis put on the body-soul dichotomy and the beliefs associated with this perception has resulted in and attracted the enduring interest of scholars in many areas of the study of religion and ancestor cult27.

The basic and most important point to have stressed was that ‘in practice the recognition may be on the basis of context: single indications are rarely sufficient in themselves. Any single find of supposedly cult significance, could, for instance, be dismissed in the absence of other evidence either as a toy or as a secular prestige object’21.

The association between death and divinity was first stressed by the Sicilian writer Euhemerus (ca. 315 BC), who maintained that the worship of the gods in antiquity originated from the worship of the dead28. This theory, known as Euhemerism, taught that the spirits venerated as divine had once animated the bodies of mortals with extraordinary powers. After their death these fearsome men were distinguished and received more honours than the ordinary dead. Consequently, they were attributed divine qualities and were raised to the sphere of the immortals. Their true biographies passed out of memory

Considering the essence of religious ritual as being the performance of expressive actions of worship and propitiation by the human celebrant towards the transcendent being, Renfrew suggested that cult observances employ a range of attention focusing devices; on the occasion of its performance, sacred ritual is situated at the boundary between this and the supernatural worlds, transferring the celebrant within this liminal zone and securing the attention of the

22

Renfrew 1985: 18ff.; idem 1994b: 51. Renfrew 1985: 18ff.; idem 1994b: 51. 24 Wright 1995a: 341. It should be noted, though, that in a later study Renfrew discussed the belief system underlying cult ‘in the context of the analysis of the iconography of depictions in which aspects of the world are figuratively represented’ (Renfrew 1994b: 51). 25 Wright 1995a: 341ff. 26 Goody (1962: 13ff.) has given a detailed account of the background and trends concerning ancestor cult and funerary ceremonies in the field of sociology. The study of Death in Prehistoric Greece has been recently undertaken by Cavanagh and Mee (1998). 27 Tylor 1929; Goody 1962: 14. 28 Frazer 1913: 24; Nilsson 19502: 584ff.; Bowie 2000: 14. 23

17

Leach 1976: 81; Peoples and Bailey 2000: 220. Parker Pearson 1999: 194. 19 Renfrew 1994b: 47. Also Merrifield 1987: 1-21. 20 Renfrew 1985: 14ff.; idem 1994a: 51-53; idem 1996: 390392. He (ibid.) also urged that ‘to list common features is not, therefore, to advocate a mechanical, ‘check-list’ approach’, ‘nor is any particular ‘score’ to be regarded as conclusive. But any archaeological recognition of ritual and hence religion, is likely to be based upon such indications, as well as upon information from representational schemes of painting or other depictions, and or information from such texts as may survive’. 21 Renfrew 1985: 15. 18

14

Theoretical Discussion and Framework as religion itself39. In several ancient and modern ancestor-worshipping societies, several classes of dead, mainly children, unmarried daughters, persons who failed to produce descendants, strangers and social outcasts were excluded from the sphere of the sacred dead40.

or were rather transformed by legend into a myth, which at some point covered completely their original nature29. In 1913, Frazer argued that the worship of the dead has indeed perhaps been the most influential and commonest form of natural religion30. According to his judgement, the deification of the dead presupposes the belief in the immortality of the soul or rather its survival for some time after the burial and its ability to ‘exercise great power for good or evil over the destinies of the living, who are therefore compelled to propitiate the shades of the dead out of a regard for their own safety and wellbeing’31.

In The Archaeology of Death and Burial Parker Pearson argues that the formalisation of what could be called ancestor cults requires ‘the awareness of -and expression given to- the permanence of death which can be contrasted with the transitory nature of life’, and the existence of ‘a set of beliefs relating to the supernatural presence and powers of the ancestors’41. In many societies, ancestors are believed to be immortal beings, whose ontological position lies between humans and the sphere of the sacred42. They may be regarded as possessing power equivalent to a deity and hence may be accorded cult status and considered able to influence society to a similar extent43.

However, the nineteenth century belief that ‘ancestor worship, associated as it is with the universal fact of death became the archetypal form of primitive religion'32 and formed ‘the root of every religion’33 has long since passed from view. Subsequent studies on the theme have provided a stimulating point of access to related problems of religion, society and culture, so that an association between eschatology and theology seems inescapable34.

Certainly, the reverence of ancestors is closely linked to cosmological perceptions, to ideas of the soul and the afterlife, and to a society’s regulation of inheritance and succession44. Through time and social processes, ancestor cult has embodied a variety of forms and attitudinal characteristics and comprises part of broader religious and social systems.

Scholars have urged for a distinction between funerary rites and the worship of the dead. Hardacre has argued that the rites of death, including funerary and mortuary rituals, are regarded as falling within the purview of ancestor cult only when memorial rites beyond the period of death and the disposal of the corpse are carried out as a regular function of a kinship group; when ancestors are collectively and regularly accorded cult status by their descendants, acting as members of a kinship group, such practices are considered as ancestor cult35. According to Barrett, ancestor rituals establish the presence of ancestors in rites concerned with the living and could also play a part in the rites of burial, whereas funerary rituals are specifically concerned with human burial36. For Peoples and Bailey ancestral cults or ancestor worship are beliefs and rituals surrounding the interactions between the living and their departed relatives37.

It is a basic human characteristic to search for logical explanations regarding death. Indeed, the construction of ancestorhood and the establishment of ancestor cults enhance the memory of the dead, and, therefore, provide the participants with an assurance that the material world is insignificant. The remembrance of the dead contributes to the denial of the finality of death, via the participation in post-burial rites and/or by inculcating beliefs about the existence of an afterlife, in which the spirits of the departed continue in existence. The event of death holds a key place in human social geographies. Ancestor rites provide additional insights into ways in which the dead were incorporated into cosmologies and social practices. In the universal event of death, social ties and orders may be legitimised, appropriated or even challenged, identities of power and rank may be (re)defined, and/or proclaimed. In view of that, ancestor cults may serve intellectual (or cognitive), psychological and social functions.

Durkheim denied that funeral rites and rites of mourning constitute a cult of the dead, as cult in general ‘is not a simple group of ritual precautions which a man is held to take in certain circumstances; it is a system of diverse rites, festivals and ceremonies which all have this characteristic, that they reappear periodically’38. It should be noted, though, that the institution of ancestor worship is properly regarded as a religious practice, not

29

Frazer 1913: 24. Frazer 1913: 23-24. 31 Frazer 1913: 24-25. 32 Goody 1962: 14. 33 Spencer 1885: 411. 34 Hardacre 1989: 62; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 113. 35 Hardacre 1989: 63. 36 Barrett 1998: 31. 37 Peoples and Bailey 2000: 233. 38 Durkheim 19686: 63. 30

39

Hardacre 1989: 63. Formal ancestor cults are a feature of modern societies in eastern Asia, Africa and Oceania. 40 Wolf 1974: 146ff, 154ff.; Johnston 1999: 71ff. 41 Parker Pearson 1999: 158. 42 Parker Pearson 1999: 165. 43 Hardacre 1989: 63. 44 Hardacre1989: 63; Goody 1962; Wolf 1974; Fortes 1976: 7; Soles 2001: 229.

15

Theoretical Discussion and Framework attaching to them52. He introduced the term ancestral religious tendance arguing that the term worship is often misleading53.

The cult of the dead in the Mycenaean world: the problem Trying to understand and interpret the cosmological and metaphysical perceptions of the Mycenaeans may seem an enterprise whose conclusions, prima facie, could be nothing more than speculation or well-defined guesses45. To proceed with any past notions on ritual and eschatology means to be forced to employ a minimum of material traces. The starting point of the present investigation regarding the veneration of ancestors in Mycenaean Greece is the almost universal belief that letum non omnia finit46; death does not end all. The meaning of death and its memory will forever form part of humanity’s metaphorical transformations of life and death. Grainger has suggested that there is definitely a connection and interaction between death and religion because of death’s ‘urgent demand for answers to ontological and teleological questions, questions about the origin and the purpose of the living’47.

In order to find an answer to the question whether the Greeks worshipped their dead or at least some of them, Farnell focused on certain parameters regarding the location of the (pre-)Mycenaean tombs near the settlements, the elaborate provision for the tendance of the departed in the Shaft Graves, the iconographical programme of the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus, the Homeric poems and the Hesiodic poetry54. On the topic of Mycenaean monuments, he concluded that the evidence is suggestive of mere tendance prompted by family affection rather than actual worship of the spirits of the departed. He excluded, however, certain tombs, which were tended for many generations, arguing that ‘tendance long maintained is likely to engender actual worship’, as well as the representation on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus, although, according to his argument, it would be difficult to tell whether the spirit of the departed was being revered as hero or ancestor55. After having discussed the literary sources, Farnell concluded that great personages probably received actual worship after their death and that occasional sacrifices to ghosts were not unknown in the Homeric times56.

History of Research48 Unquestionably, research on the cult of the dead in Mycenaean Greece was pioneered by the discovery and the finds of GCA at Mycenae. The existence of a cultic device, namely an altar, in its burial ground raised in the 19th century the question whether the inhabitants of mainland Greece practised a cult of the dead in Late Helladic times49.

In his study on Minoan-Mycenaean religion, Nilsson defined the cult of ancestors as ‘the service of the dead moulded into regular and fixed forms and repeated at fixed intervals, performed by the members of the family and prolonged for generations; when such a regular cult of the dead is severed from the family and becomes a concern of the public in general, a hero cult arises’57. He made a sharp distinction between funerary customs, which are performed only on the occasion of a burial, and Farnell’s ancestral religious tendance, the bringing of offerings and sacrifices to the dead and their tombs on certain days or on certain occasions58.

In 1909 Kavvadias attributed the practice of ancestor veneration in Minoan-Mycenaean times to the human need to placate the dead in return for favourable treatment50. He thought that the dead were not worshipped only at the graves but also in the houses, a fact proved by the presence of altars in the courts of Mycenaean megara, which he thought were altars of Zeus Herkeios originating from ancestor cults51. Concerned with Greek ideas of immortality, Farnell urged for a distinction between ancestor cult, hero cult and the general religious ‘tendance’ or θεραπεία of the dead; a distinction on the basis of the root-idea affecting their geographical distribution and the sentiment

Considering the indications for cult from the Mycenaean monuments, Nilsson attributed ceremonial character to the small niches found occasionally empty in the dromos, the sacrificial pits, the traces of fire and the remains of banquets held in the tomb59. Special

45

Ucko (1969) and Hawkes (1954) warned against the scholar’s ability to perceive the sort of religious institutions and spiritual life prehistoric peoples might have had and adopted a rather gloomy view on the subject. 46 Propertius, IV, 7,1 47 Grainger 1998: 54. 48 Due to the limitations and restrictions imposed on the length of this study, it has been determined to include only the studies that have covered in detail and are in direct relevance to the issue of the Mycenaean ancestor cult. Mere statements regarding the rejection of ancestor cult in Mycenaean Greece appear frequently in excavation reports without, however, any further discussion on the matter. 49 The evidence from GCA and the previous arguments will be discussed below. 50 Kavvadias 1909: 748. 51 Kavvadias 1909: 748.

52 Farnell 1921: 2, 342ff. However, he pointed to the fact that all three categories ‘are liable to blend, the one to the other’ (ibid.). 53 Farnell 1921: 344. 54 Farnell 1921: 3-18. 55 Farnell 1921: 5. 56 Farnell 1921: 5-18, where he accepted that clear evidence for the worship of the dead is given in the Homeric Nέκυια. 57 Nilsson 19502: 586. Nilsson’s definition has become the core of all studies concerned with the Mycenaean cult of the dead. 58 Nilsson 19502: 585-586. 59 Nilsson 19502: 587ff. It is appropriate to discuss in detail the evidence he quoted for each specific element, as well as the

16

Theoretical Discussion and Framework of Mycenae and its glory, serving as an historical landmark66.

reference was made to chamber tomb 2 at Dendra, which he regarded as ‘an outstanding testimony to the cult of the dead in the Mycenaean Age’60. He underlined the importance of ancestor cult in GCA at Mycenae in association with the funerary stelai and Schliemann’s ‘altar’61.

In 1968 Andronikos discussed thoroughly the issue of the cult of the dead in his Totenkult and adopted a sceptical attitude towards the view that classified the Mycenaean ancestor cult as non-existent67. He admitted that the traces of such cult practice disappear easily from the archaeological record and adopted Nilsson’s methodological approach68. After having cited the previous studies on the issue, his argument centred upon the evidence for ritual activity in Asine tomb 5, Mycenae tomb 523, Dendra tomb 10, the Grave of the Hyperborean Virgins and the altar from Grave Circle A69.

Mylonas pioneered research on the matter starting in 1948. He suggested that the Mycenaeans were honouring by a special cult the spirits of a few chosen departed individuals, destined and allowed to interfere with the world of the living and exercise influence in it62. In 1951 and 1958, though, he denied the existence of conclusive evidence to prove or even to indicate the practice of a general cult of the dead in Helladic times on the Greek mainland. He stated that the real evidence for the veneration of ancestors in those times comes exclusively from the Royal Cemetery of Mycenae. He agreed with the earlier scholars that the altar unearthed by Schliemann was put in place during the rearrangement of GCA in LH III times, and, to him, this element served as proof that at least in those times a cult in honour of the princes buried in the Shaft Graves was held at Mycenae63.

Several years later, the general denial of the existence of ancestor cult in Mycenaean Greece was reversed by the excavations in the Mycenaean cemetery of Tanagra and the discovery of the celebrated larnakes. For the first time their rich iconographical repertoire elucidated and gave substance to the burial practices and the metaphysical beliefs not only of the Tanagran community but also of the entire Mycenaean world70.

That the cult was practised even before the late Mycenaean era seemed to him to be indicated by the fact that the area of the graves was enclosed within the city walls, and also by the discovery of a hollow by Keramopoullos. The repeated use of the area was certainly proved by the stratified ashes. He was also of the same opinion as Keramopoullos that this hollow was used for the veneration of the dead and that it was filled when the Grave Circle was re-arranged and that it was replaced by the round altar placed over Shaft Grave IV64.

In 1974 Spyropoulos summarised the data from the excavations and discussed in detail issues regarding funerary practices, metaphysical beliefs and symbolism reflected in the iconography of the larnakes71. Following the analysis of the iconographical repertoire, he argued that there was no doubt that the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus depicted religious ceremonies in honour of the dead and that the Homeric Poems reflected the cult of the dead and the funerary contests of the Mycenaean period72. His study centred on and emphasised the importance of funerary games associated with the practice of tomb cult, with special reference to the larnax with the chariots from Tomb 22 and the permanent installation of what seem to be a stadium and an exedra associated with the frescoed Royal Tomb at Megalo Kastelli, Thebes73.

However, after the excavation of Grave Circle B, the further investigation of GCA and the study of the writings of Schliemann, Wace and Tsountas, Mylonas stated that no substantial evidence was found in the fill of GCA to indicate that it was used for a cult or other religious rites after its reconstruction. In examining the evidence from Circle B, he concluded that the Mycenaeans did not respect its area despite its circular wall65. The builders of the Clytemnestra Tholos cut into Grave Circle B and violated its integrity; the stonecutters, who prepared the blocks used in the construction of its vault or mound, worked the stone in the area of the GCA and its adjacent section. The mound over the tholos of the same tomb extended over the Circle perhaps covering more than half of its area. He also stated that the area of GCA was respected as the burial place of the ruling clan who laid the foundations

66

Mylonas 1961-2: 291-355; idem 1966; 1973. Andronikos 1968: W127ff. 68 Andronikos 1968: W127. 69 Andronikos 1968: W128-129. 70 The tombs and their finds are still unpublished. However, valuable information can be obtained from interim reports in the Archaiologikon Deltion, the Athens Annals of Archaeology, and the Proceedings and the Ergon of the Greek Archaeological Society at Athens during 1969-1984. 71 Spyropoulos 1974: 9-33. 72 Spyropoulos 1974: 22-23, where he refers to the Homeric funeral games for Patroclus (Il. Ψ), and the iconographical depiction of Sophilos’ dinos (Kakridis 1987: fig. 91; Carpenter 1991: fig. 315). 73 Spyropoulos 1970b: 192, fig. 17 (for the larnax with the chariots); idem 1973b: 256ff. (for the peridromos and the exedra of the Royal Tomb at Thebes); idem 1974: 22-24 (for a thorough discussion of the evidence); Spyropoulos and Spyropoulos 1997: 32-34. It is also worth stressing S. Morris’s suggestion that the chariot races on an amphoroid krater from Tiryns ‘may allude to funerary games, which would make the 67

data from GCA and tomb 2 at Dendra, in the relevant sections of this book. 60 Nilsson 19502: 600. 61 Nilsson 19502: 606ff. 62 Mylonas 1948: 134-147; idem 1949: 62-63. 63 Mylonas 1951a: 105; idem 1958. 64 Mylonas 1951a: 105. 65 Mylonas 1961-62: 291-355; idem 1966; 1973.

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Theoretical Discussion and Framework ruling class practised some kind of a cult of the dead, and b. that the cult served the individual and his family or class83. According to his argument, the Mycenaean cult of the dead was intended to politically exploit and impress the populace, whatever notions there were about the dead in the remote past of their history. Undoubtedly, the idea of a powerful figure that influences the living and claims earthly honours and possessions, and the preservation, by means of an impressive ritual, of the memory of this leading figure, are a valid reason for organising and maintaining a cult84.

With respect to the Royal Tomb at Megalo Kastelli, he expressed the view that it was visible and known in antiquity, and that hero cult was definitely practised there as indicated by the later finds74. His conclusion that a sharp distinction between burial customs and the cult of the dead is observed on the larnakes is constantly validated by the archaeological data and the comparisons with other media of the Mycenaean funerary art. Hooker challenged Mylonas’ statement that Mycenaean funerary monuments were mere ‘temporary shelters for the trip to the lower world’ by pointing to the increasing size and elaboration of several tombs75. He went further discussing the practice of sweeping aside the remains of earlier interments and argued that ‘disrespect for the physical remains does not exclude veneration for an impalpable part of the human personality’76.

Dickinson argued that there is evidence for rites associated with the funeral, although none is as well documented as one would like85. He mentioned briefly the occurrence of libation vessels in association with the tombs as well as the evidence for ritual lamenting on the Tanagra larnakes. However, he denied the existence of any traces of any general cult of the dead, and argued that even in special cases like GCA the proof remains unclear. As far as the altar in GCA is concerned, the same scholar suggested that it certainly seems from the stratigraphical data to be a feature of the original use of the Circle in the 16th century, but not a constant site of cult activity through into later Mycenaean times. No mention, however, was made of the grotto in the same site published by Keramopoullos.

Some years later, Iakovidis denied the existence of a cult of the dead before Geometric times, suggesting that a tomb cult, in the sense that gifts and sacrifices continued to be brought to the dead on certain days and on certain occasions, was never practised in Late Helladic times, and that this tendance was later extended to the ancestors in general and not only to the deceased members of the family77. In 1980 Tsagarakis urged the need for a new approach to the subject and proposed to return to the Homeric Epics78. He concentrated on the evidence from the bothroi located near some (pre)Mycenaean graves and argued in favour of the worship of the dead in Mycenaean Greece79. He stated that there must have been a need or desire to honour, placate and communicate with the dead or some of them by presenting them with gifts at the burial or afterwards periodically80. Other explanations put forward were foreign influence and demonstration of wealth81. He also rejected the fear of the dead as a possible cause for the cult and supported the idea of the divinity of the Mycenaean king, which was expanded after his death at his tomb82.

Research to prove the performance of post-funerary rites in honour of the dead in prehistoric Greece has recently been undertaken by Protonotariou-Deilaki86. In her thesis on the Tumuli of Argos she drew a line between funerary customs and the cult of the dead or hero-cult87. The funerary customs were subdivided into two categories; the ‘ταφικά έθιµα’, which consist of rites necessary during the burial, and the ‘νεκρικά έθιµα’, ceremonies and offerings intended for the dead after the burial. From the latter category evolved the ‘λατρευτικά νεκρικά έθιµα’ or ‘ηρωολατρεία’, ceremonies for the reverence of distinguished ancestors or heroes88. She commented on the discovery of bothroi and bolstershaped structures in Middle Helladic and Mycenaean burial contexts and associated them with the pouring of libations for the dead and the Homeric tradition89. In her view, the placement of a grave marker over the tomb offers justifiable grounds for the belief that the relatives visited the burial place for post-burial libations and rites at fixed times, in a kind of memorial service. The occasional discovery of holes in the covering slabs could support the above statement for the pouring of libations90. The burnt strata in the tumuli mixed with

He assumed that Homeric ritual reflects genuine religious practices and drew two conclusions: a. that the seated figure with cup an enthroned deity of the dead presiding at the games, if not an image of the dead’ (Morris 1992: 209). 74 Spyropoulos 1973a: 255ff. 75 Hooker 1976: 196; Mylonas 1957: 85. 76 Hooker 1976: 196. 77 Iakovidis 1977b: 120-126. 78 Tsagarakis 1980: 229-240. 79 Tsagarakis (1980: 112-240) examined the evidence for altars and bothroi from GCA at Mycenae, Drachmani, Archanes and other Mycenaean sites, as well as the iconographical evidence (the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus and other larnakes) and the literary sources (Homeric Nekyia). 80 Tsagarakis 1980: 235, 238. 81 Tsagarakis 1980: 238 and note 71, where he cites Nilsson 19743 (I): 377. 82 Tsagarakis 1980: 239.

83

Tsagarakis 1980: 240. Tsagarakis 1980: 240. 85 Dickinson 1977: 47; idem 1994: 229-230. 86 Protonotariou-Deilaki 1980: 126ff; eadem 1990a: 82-83. 87 Protonotariou-Deilaki 1980: 139ff. 88 Protonotariou-Deilaki 1980: 139ff. 89 Protonotariou-Deilaki 1980: 142-145. 90 Protonotariou-Deilaki 1990a: 82. In her discussion on the cult of the dead in Mycenaean Greece, Sourvinou-Inwood 84

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Theoretical Discussion and Framework instances, such as the LH IIIB renovation of GCA at Mycenae and the depositions along the Great Poros Wall in the Prehistoric Cemetery, which however were not indicative of ongoing cult, but rather of a tendance by the later generations. This interest in the dead in Late Helladic times extends occasionally to re-used or reentered burial sites and may be reflected in the mention of ti-ri-si-ro-e in the Linear B tablets99.

animal bones were interpreted as the remains of immolatory sacrifices during and after the burial91. Summing up, she proposed that the cult of the dead in prehistoric Greece is suggested by the mentions in the ancient sources (Homeric and Hesiodic poems), the archaeological data (ritual devices and installations, remains of sacrificial and pouring ceremonies) and the survival of the custom from the Geometric to the Christian era (hero cult, martial games, memorial services)92.

In conclusion, in the light of the previous argumentation, it is clear that the majority of previous studies on the cult of the dead in Mycenaean Greece have denied its existence and that the idea has long since been considered outdated. Moreover, it is evident that the issue has been to-date the subject of intense speculation, but not of systematic investigation. Broader questions vis-à-vis chronological developments, regional variations, the issue of homogeneity or heterogeneity of Mycenaean religious and funerary expression and beliefs, plus the setting of post-burial rites in the broader Mycenaean religious context still remain unanswered.

Contra the above statements, Sourvinou-Inwood wrote that the traditional view that no cult of the dead was practised in Mycenaean Greece is periodically but not convincingly challenged, ‘especially since some of these challenges are based on culturally determined 'logical' judgements’93. According to her argument, the modality of the spatial articulation of the burial space expresses radical separation and total absence of contact, although one should not exclude the possibility of other forms of contact with the ancestors far from the grave94. On the basis that it is not open to proof whether the dead were considered to have been finally incorporated into the realm of ancestors until their remains had been reduced to disarticulated bones, she rejected the idea that any ceremony of secondary burial, addressed either to the dead or the chthonic deities, can be considered ‘relevant to the behaviour towards, or to the eschatology pertaining to the nature of, the shades after they were fully integrated into Hades’95. She concluded that cult of the dead and heroic cult was practised undeniably only in eighth-century Greece96.

Before proceeding with any further suggestions or approaches to the subject, it is necessary to outline the evidence from GCA, a monument of great significance to the investigation of ancestor reverence in LH III Greece. A sacred place of the dead: Architectural arrangement and ritual experience in GCA at Mycenae The distinct architectural arrangement and the remains of ritualistic nature in GCA offered the prelude and the stimulus for the investigation and study of ancestor worship in Mycenaean Greece. Such was its influence that scholarly work has focused either on a search for similar evidence in the tholos and chamber tombs- in order to verify the existence of ancestor veneration-, or on the rejection of the idea for lack of exact parallels. Moreover, archaeologists have attempted to trace remains of religious ceremonies in the original LH I phase of the monument, whereas the significance of the LH IIIB renovation of the GCA and the contemporaneous major building scheme apparently executed at Mycenae have been to a certain degree underestimated.

Wright confined the emphasis placed upon the respect or worship of the ancestors to the symbolic use of monumental architecture of all types and the establishment of monumental ancestor settings in LH IIIB times, and in particular, to the maintenance and (re)use of chamber tomb cemeteries over a long span of time and to the monumental burials in the tholoi97. In an exhaustive survey of archaeological evidence for early Greek ancestor veneration and hero cult, Antonaccio has argued that occasionally ‘the Mycenaeans singled out particular tombs for special treatment, but usual offerings and rituals performed at burials in chambers and tholos tombs are not worship of the dead’98. She concluded that general veneration was not practised in the Bronze Age apart from a few special

After a brief narrative of the Circle’s ‘historical’ course, the analysis of its ritualistic devices -with special reference to Schliemann’s altar- and the presentation of the previous argumentation on the matter, the objective of the following section is to demonstrate that the rearrangement of GCA was a conscious, non-arbitrary activity aimed at the creation of a respected ancestral ground and the construction of ancestral lineage and the advertisement of power on behalf of the ruling group of LH IIIB Mycenae. The extent to which this ancestral locale was incorporated into and influenced the sacred

(1995: 92) has argued that Protonotariou-Deilaki’s view on the semata ‘involves a serious misunderstanding of the complex function and significance of the grave marker’. 91 Protonotariou-Deilaki 1980: 145; eadem 1990a: 82. 92 Protonotariou-Deilaki 1980: 126 and note 7, 146. 93 Sourvinou-Inwood 1995: 92. 94 Sourvinou-Inwood 1995: 91 and note 228. 95 Sourvinou-Inwood 1995: 93. 96 Sourvinou-Inwood 1995: 94. 97 Dabney and Wright 1990: 52. Wright’s ideas on patterns of allegiance to lineal ancestors will be discussed below. 98 Antonaccio 1995: 245.

99

Antonaccio 1995: 245. The role and character of the ti-ri-siro-e are discussed in Chapter V.

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Theoretical Discussion and Framework transverse wooden beams. These closely spaced beams, covered by thin stone slabs or straw (τύφη)106 and, in turn, sealed with impermeable clay, πλέσια107, supported the ceiling of the burial chamber. The shaft was filled with earth forming a small mound marked by a small heap or a circle of stones and, occasionally, crowned by a decorated or plain stela108.

and secular landscapes of Mycenae will be assessed in these terms. A brief narrative of Grave Circle A’s ‘historical’ development The original appearance of the monument

The dead were placed on a layer of pebbles with their funeral furnishings arranged around them. The remains of at least nineteen persons were uncovered109. There are few indications regarding the position of the skeletons. It has been argued that they were buried in a contracted mode of inhumation110. At least in the case of Grave VI, secondary treatment of skeletal remains is attested111, whereas Schliemann argued that in Grave V a body was preserved by embalming112. The orientation of the bodies does not seem to have played an important role113. Furthermore, libations and sacrifices followed by feasting are attested114.

Entering the citadel of Mycenae, just to the south of the Lion Gate, extends the area of GCA (fig. 3a). Its six royal Shaft Graves formed part of the Prehistoric Cemetery area and judging by the pottery sequence and the other exquisite finds the Circle flourished during the LH I period. Its original appearance is lost forever leaving questions of interpretation still unanswered. Moreover, the scarcity of stratigraphical details in Schliemann’s final account of the excavations and the presentation of Stamatakis’ excavation of Grave VI only in interim reports render the understanding of the history of GCA difficult and abstruse100. Fortunately, Schliemann’s Tagebuch, his correspondence with The Times and with Max Müller, complement to a significant degree the final publication101.

The orthodox answer to the question whether the Shaft Graves of GCA were surrounded by a wall at the time of or just after their completion is ‘yes’, although doubts have been expressed recently by Gates and Laffineur115. In 1891 Tsountas pointed to the remains of a perpendicular section of a curving wall at the foot of the western retaining wall of the Circle116. According to his observations, it was ‘vertical to the height of five feet, and thence slopes inward’, a remnant of the older foundation wall, on which the LH IIIB one was afterwards constructed117. Subsequent studies on the matter, the striking similarities with Circle B and the pottery recovered from among its stones proved that this wall belonged to the close of the MH era118.

Besides, the later discovery and excavation of GCB outside the Cyclopean walls elucidate to a significant degree the rather obscure original phase of GCA102. The accidental location of GCB on a small knoll outside the fortification walls was followed by its excavation in three main campaigns103. It enclosed several graves, most of them intact. Of the 26 sepulchres unearthed, 14 were typical Shaft Graves and 6 were cist graves cut in the natural rock. Just like GCA, it formed part of the Prehistoric Cemetery, which covered the area of the slope west of the Citadel, and remained in use from late MH to LH IIB, when it was last used to receive the rather peculiar grave Rho. So, it is slightly earlier than GCA, though their period of use overlaps briefly104.

106

In the bibliography the Greek ‘τύφη’ (Typha) stands for straw/reed (Marinatos 1953: 59). Mylonas (1966: 91) described it as ‘a simple thatch of twigs and dried leaves’. See also Rackham 1983: 329. 107 After the name of the village of the material’s extraction (Vasilikou 1995: 28). 108 Heurtley 1921-23:126-146; Mylonas 1973: 245 for general remarks; Younger 1997: 229-238. 109 Three burials were found in Shaft Grave I, one in II, five in III (three women and two children), five in IV, three in V and two in VI (Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 94; Wace 1949: 59-60). 110 Wace 1949: 60; Graziadio 1991: 410, notes 57-59. 111 Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 96; Mylonas 1983: 31-32. Dickinson (1977: 48) has stated that ‘since all of the graves which contain more than one burial, except Grave VI, are large enough to allow the insertion of later burials with a minimum amount of disturbance, it seems unlikely that there were originally more burials that had been pushed aside and had decayed so far as to be undetectable’. 112 Schliemann 1880: 296-298; Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 9596; Mylonas 1969: 125-142; Dickinson 1977: 49. 113 Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 95. 114 Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 96-97, 150. 115 Gates 1985: 265-268; Laffineur 1987; idem 1990: 201. 116 Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 110-111. 117 Tsountas 1893: 107; Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 111. 118 Mylonas 1961: 150-160; idem 1962: 111ff; idem 1966: 95; Iakovidis 1977a: 112; idem 1996: 1042.

The Shaft Graves of Mycenae form the prototype for the definition of the grave type (fig. 4). In functional terms they are deep quadrangular shafts, quite large, their size defined by the multiple character of the burials105. The inner faces of the shaft were either lined with low rubble walls or rock-cut ledges on which rested the ends of 100

Schliemann 1880; Stamatakis 1877: 25-26; Schuchhardt 1891: 270-273. 101 Dickinson 1976: 159-168; idem 1977: 46, 114, Ch. III (3) note 1; Åkeström 1978: 42-43. 102 Mylonas 1973; Dickinson 1977: 40-46; Antonaccio 1995: 49 with further bibliography on discussion following the final publication. 103 Mylonas undertook the final publication of the results in 1973. 104 Much has been written on the chronology of the Circles and I refer, in brief, to Mylonas 1973, Dickinson 1977, Gates 1985: 263-274, Graziadio 1988: 343-372 and 1991: 403-440, Laffineur 1987: 117-125 and 1990: 201-205, Kilian 1986: 159198 and Xenaki-Sakellariou 1989: 177-182. 105 Mylonas 1973: 243-245; Dickinson 1983: 56; Iakovidis 1983: 38; Treuil et al. 1989: 335; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 2829.

20

Theoretical Discussion and Framework however, scholars have argued that a hero cult might have been established here in later periods judging by the presence of a sherd bearing a dedicatory inscription to a ‘hero’. Jeffery dated it to about 475 BC126 and ‘the sherd is of course not certain proof that a hero was venerated even in the Greek age on the place where the old Mycenaean kings were buried but there is a definite probability that this was so’127. Laffineur has suggested that part of this heroic cult should be the ashes and animal bones discovered at the foot of the stelai128.

An altar discovered, according to Schliemann’s descriptions, above Grave IV has been considered to be the proof for post-funerary ritual activity in the burial ground. Likewise, a hollow, excavated by Keramopoullos between Graves I and IV, must have also received the appropriate rites in honour of the dead not only during the period of their use but also later after the practice of burials in the Circle had ceased119. The LH IIIB modification

GCA was maintained as a cult centre until the downfall of Mycenae129. It does not seem to have suffered any destruction or alteration either in Classical or Hellenistic times. Probably ‘the tradition of sanctity clung to the spot and made it respected; and its echo still lingered when Pausanias visited Greece’130.

What happened during the interval LH IIA-LH IIIB remains a mystery120. During the LH IIIB period, though, it was resolved to enclose and preserve this ancestral ground as a kind of temenos121. An elaborate double ring of vertical slabs roofed with massive covering slabs of the same shelly sandstone material enclosed the Shaft Graves and part of the Prehistoric Cemetery. Access to the burial ground was gained by a well-constructed entrance in the north section of the Circle. When the construction of the ring wall and its imposing entrance was completed, the sculptured grave stelai that had stood over the graves at the original LH I level were re-erected over the graves in random order at the new level122.

The controversial theory that the rulers of early Mycenae were commemorated and offered divine honours is principally the consequence of Schliemann’s original interpretations. The discovery of the so-called altar, the enshrining of the six royal Shaft Graves within the circular parapet and the special arrangements made in order to include this burial ground within the defence walls have been considered the best evidence for the divine character of those reposed therein. However, objections and doubts have been expressed on the authenticity of the altar and even as regards the reliability of Schliemann’s descriptions of the finds, arguments strengthened by the actual lack of the structure and detailed archaeological data.

The date of the parapet is given by the LH IIIB sherds found in the fill of the Circle’s parapet and in its supporting wall123. More analytically, several trial pits performed at several levels and places of the supporting wall produced pottery classified first by Wace as simply LH III, and later as early LH IIIB124. Additionally, Laffineur recognised in the former publication sherds in ‘panel style’ of LH IIIB2 date, similar to the material uncovered by Mylonas in the adjoining west Cyclopean wall125.

Schliemann’s altar: a matter of controversy since 1876 (fig. 5) On December 6th, 1876, Schliemann announced the discovery of an elliptical structure of Cyclopean masonry in the form of a well, which marked precisely the centre of Shaft Grave IV in GCA131. This monument is now lost but according to the description and the drawings published, this hollow-like structure was built of 4-5 courses of presumably un-worked stones arranged in a double ring, measuring 1.22m in height by 2.13m x 1.60m in length and in width respectively132.

The cultic character of GCA seems to have been preserved until the collapse of the Mycenaean palaces; 119

However, as will be shown below, the positions of the altar and the hollow have been widely disputed. 120 The pottery found in the Circle is dated from LH IA to LH IIA (only in Grave I) (Dietz 1991: 247-250 and fig. 78). The bulk of pottery dates to the LH IB period (idem 1991: 250, fig. 78). 121 The author of this book accepts the conventional belief that the Shaft Graves stood within a peribolos and did not form part of a tumulus, a theory pursued primarily by Tsountas [1885: 35ff.; Tsountas and Manatt (1897: 106-114)] and more recently by Gates (1985: 268-269) and Protonotariou-Deilaki (1990b: 85-89). 122 Note, however, Laffineur’s dissenting opinion (1995: 86ff). 123 Wace 1921-23a: 110; Papadimitriou 19570: 106. 124 Wace 1921-23a: 108-109; Wace and Stubbings 1954: 246. 125 Laffineur 1990: 203 and especially notes 26 and 27; Mylonas 1961: 159; idem 1966: 24-33, 73ff, fig. 23b (illustration of LH IIIB sherds from the west Cyclopean wall). Gates (1985: 263-274) has suggested that the remodelling of GCA should be attributed to two phases in LH IIIB (and also in LH IIIC for the second phase of the re-arrangement), whereas Laffineur (1990: 201-205) proposed a development in four phases during the LH IIIB period.

The excavator recognised in this peculiar structure ‘a primitive altar for funeral rites’ performed in honour of those buried in the Circle, and based his belief on the discovery of two rectangular slabs in the form of tombstones, ca. 0.85m long and 0.45m broad, and a 126

Jeffery 1961: 173-174 no 6. Nilsson 19502: 610. 128 Schliemann 1880: 92-93 (‘grey ashes of burnt animal matter’); Laffineur 1995: 90. 129 Wace 1921-23a: 125. 130 Wace 1954: 21-23; Pausanias II, 16, 6-7. 131 Schliemann 1880: 212-213. 132 Schliemann 1880: 212-213, plan F (ground plan and section, plan and section of altar and Grave IV). Measurements after Pelon (1976: 146). 127

21

Theoretical Discussion and Framework The altar and the subsequent discovery of the hollow are admittedly puzzling and the disappearance of the actual monuments and of proper publication–especially of Schliemann’s and Stamatakes excavations- has caused equally interest and confusion among scholars.

short column, which lay in an horizontal position below the altar, and which must have once served to mark the site of a sepulchre133. A continued cultic function of the area was confirmed by Keramopoulllos’ explorations in the area134. In winter 1913, the soft rock between Graves I and IV, almost in the centre of the Circle, collapsed and ‘revealed a hollow in the rock, which had a small opening towards shaft Grave I blocked by sun-dried bricks and a larger one towards Shaft Grave IV’135. This partly artificial hollow was filled with earth, stones and stratified burnt layers136. Among other finds, the epichosis contained pottery covering a long sequence beginning with Minyan-type pottery and ending with Mycenaean sherds137.

In 1891, Schuchhardt discussed in detail Schliemann's discovery and went further associating it with the small stone structure in the court of the palace at Tiryns141. He calculated the exact position of the altar above the grave and concluded that ‘above the graves in Grave Circle A a cultus of the dead had already been established; and that this cultus was not merely temporary is proven by the stelai, which were set up as lasting memorials to the dead’142. Similarly, Tsountas and Manatt suggested that offerings to the dead were attested by this raised sacrificial pit, intended to receive the blood of the victims slaughtered over it along with the customary libations143. The altar at Mycenae was ‘the proper medium for oblations to the dead, the drink and blood offerings supposed to find their way through it to the departed in the underworld’144.

At a depth of about 2 metres, the south-eastern part of the hollow was covered with a layer of ashes, extending 0.50m. A Mycenaean figurine was found in the earth filling of Shaft Grave IV. No more than 0.40m beneath the aforementioned hearth, another layer of ashes (0.01m deep) with hardened earth followed extending towards the interior of the hollow almost 1m from its northern wall. At the centre of the cavity, 0.15m below, another pyre was found. The bottom of the hollow was entirely covered with a layer of carbonised matter, which was thicker towards the north-eastern edge.

Considering the sacred character of the Shaft Graves, Wace reached the conclusion that although burial ceased in LH I, offerings were constantly brought to the dead as shown by Keramopoullos’ hollow145. He agreed with the argumentation of earlier scholars on the semi-divine character of the personages and argued that the dead of GCA were regarded as the temporary human manifestations of divinities and, thus, propitiated with proper rites. The cult should have flourished throughout the Mycenaean period and in LH IIIB ‘it was resolved to enclose and preserve as a kind of temenos the sacred area where the kings still lay in state’146. In his ‘Mycenae: An Archaeological History and Guide’ he repeated his belief that the Circle was set apart for the worship of the royal ancestors147.

To the question whether this hollow was artificial, Keramopoullos argued that such was the case, since, to the best of his knowledge, the natural rock in the vicinity of Mycenae does not form such cavities. Moreover, the discovery of the long sequence of pre- and Mycenaean sherds provides additional proof regarding its deliberate construction and repeated use138. The finds and the location of the bothros led Keramopoullos to propose that Schliemann’s altar was not placed above Grave IV; instead, it must have formed the stomion of the hollow he excavated. Therefore, the altar stood just at the centre of the royal burial ground and was intended to receive the liquid offerings in honour of the dead exactly like the sacrificial pit at Tiryns and the bothroi on Aigina139. The end of the Mycenaean era signalled the end of the use of this ritualistic unit; the bothros was filled with earth, stones and pottery from the neighbouring buildings, the ceilings of the Shaft Graves subsided and the performance of the cult of the dead in the area ceased until, probably, the Archaic period140.

Some years later, Rohde traced the prolongation of the cult paid to the dead beyond the time of the funeral in Pre-Homeric Mycenae148. He argued in favour of the altar above Shaft Grave IV and characterised it as 'a sort of funnel' intended to receive blood and various drink offerings for the dead. He compared this structure with the description of the hearths upon which offerings were made in a later age to heroes, and suggested that this Mycenaean structure corresponded closely with the description of devices employed for the permanent and performance of hero cult in the Circle, although he did not exclude the possibility that it might have been displaced from the buildings above (1918: 58, note 1). 141 Schuchhardt 1891: 156-57; Schliemann 1885: 206-7, 337340, figs. 137 and 138. 142 Schuchhardt 1891: 157. 143 Tsountas 1893: 107; Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 97, 150, 335. 144 Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 310. 145 Wace 1921-23a: 121-22. 146 Wace 1921-23a: 122. 147 Wace 1949: 62. 148 Rohde 1925: 23-24.

133

Schliemann 1880: 212-213. Keramopoullos 1918: 52-57. 135 Nilsson 19502: 608-609. 136 Keramopoullos 1918: 52. 137 Keramopoullos (1918: 52) mentioned a fragmentary stone axe, obsidian fragments, a lead sheet and a section of an antler in the unstratified layers (0-2m below modern surface). 138 Keramopoullos 1918: 53. 139 Keramopoullos 1918: 56-58; idem 1910a: 180-182. 140 Keramopoullos 1918: 56-58. Regarding the archaic inscribed sherd from the area, he stated that it could signify the 134

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Theoretical Discussion and Framework tombs of Ur158. He concluded that both the altar and the hollow were buried under the Circle’s floor level when it was modified in LH IIIB times159, an assumption also supported by Hooker160.

repeated veneration of the dead. He went on to consider the evidence for the tholos tombs with side chambers and concluded that the outer chambers were evidently intended to allow sacrifices to be made inside them- and not only once.

However, as Pelon has pointed out, Mylonas failed to explain how such a massive structure would have been raised over a tomb, which had received five successive burials161. His counter-argument complements Matz’s justifiable query, i.e. if it was to serve only the burial rites, why, then, was it not removed after the burial?162. To him, Keramopoullos’ suggestions on the position and function of the altar seem plausible and the hypothesis of an altar in the centre of the Circle corresponds to the spirit of its LH IIIB remodelling163.

Nilsson suggested that Schliemann’s altar was a typical altar of the cult of the dead and that Keramopoullos’ discovery could be related to it149. He argued that the traces of fire uncovered in this hollow were not accidental and that the hearths seem to prove that fire was used not only in the funerary rites but also in the cult of the dead. The repetition and the continuation of the cult in the later periods was confirmed, according to his argument, by the occurrence of a 6th century BC sherd bearing the engraved inscription τō hέροος εµ-150. Similarly, Herrmann and Hampe recognised in this altar ‘a monumentalisation of a sacrificial pit or bothros and thus a stabilisation of the cult’151, a view also shared by Andronikos152. Additionally, Yavis suggested that this altar and its counterpart from Tiryns could have been sacrificial pits in which offerings and sacrifices were made to the royal hero-worshipped ancestors153.

In 1983 Strøm discussed in full detail Schliemann’s and Keramopoullos’ discoveries and went further presenting similar, though later, material from the Athenian Agora164. Contra Mylonas, she found in the stratified layers and the Ψ- figurines of Keramopoullos’ hollow adequate proof of a cultic function165. Pointing to the early date of the excavations in GCA and to the lack of conclusive observations, she argued that the dark earth, the obsidian knives and the fragmentary pottery reported by Schliemann may be suggestive of sacrifices and votive offerings, and indicative of cult practice in the area166. The similarities she traced with a monument of the early 5th century BC from the Athenian Agora, led her to propose that the altar, just like the later Athenian counterpart, was erected in LH IIIB period ‘for the purpose of a sacrificial closing of the cult of the dead, which was disturbed because of the need of a monumental rearrangement of the reigning family’s burial ground fit for the new palace and its extended fortification’167.

On the contrary, Mylonas, Iakovidis, and Gates argued that this structure served only the burial rites connected with Shaft Grave IV154. In The Cult of the Dead in Helladic times Mylonas stated that the altar was placed over Shaft Grave IV in LH III times and it definitely served ‘a cult in honour of the princes buried in the Shaft Graves’155. According to his argument, proof for the practice and the repetition of such a cult was given by the special care taken for the protection and enclosure of the grave area within the Cyclopean walls and also by Keramopoullos’ discovery156. After the excavation of Circle B, the further investigation of GCA and the review of the earlier argumentation, though, he stated that there was no substantial evidence from the fill of the Circle to indicate that it was used for any religious rites after its construction, but rather that the area was respected merely as the burial place of the ruling clan and was preserved as an ‘historical landmark’157. By the formation of the epichosis he assumed this altar was connected only with the burial rites performed in Shaft Grave IV and accepted Marinatos’ reference to a libation ritual performed after the sealing of the royal

Recently, van Leuven challenged the traditional views with a hypothesis connecting the Temple Complex, GCA and the practice of a cult of the dead168. The connections exhibited take account of a. the contemporary establishment of the Temple and the remodelling of GCA as well as the close proximity of the two monuments, b. the correspondence in sex and number of the monochrome figures from the Temple to the dead of the Circle, c. the six small platforms and the 158

Mylonas 1966: 94, note 32; Marinatos 1958: 65 note 1. Also Iakovidis 1983: 38-39. 159 Mylonas 1966: 96, 178-179. 160 Hooker 1976: 195. 161 Pelon 1976: 147. 162 Matz 1958: 327. 163 Pelon 1976: 147. 164 Strøm 1983: 141-146. 165 Mylonas 1966: 96; Strøm 1983: note 8. 166 Strøm 1983:146. 167 Strøm 1983: 146. The Athenian monument shared similar characteristics with Schliemann’s altar -circular structure, poros blocks, re-used column capital- and contained a deposit of votive offerings dating from the middle of the 7th century BC into the early 5th century BC. 168 Van Leuven 1989: 191-201. He acknowledges, though, that the Temple was undoubtedly used for further kinds of worship.

149

Nilsson 19502: 608-609. Schliemann 1880: 115; Jeffery 1961: 173-174 no 6. 151 Strøm 1983: 142 and note 11, where she also cites Herrmann and Hampe. 152 Andronikos 1968: W127-128. 153 Yavis 1949: 34-35. However, he expressed his reservations regarding the primary character of the Tiryns pit. 154 Marinatos 1958: 65, note 7; Mylonas 1966: 94; Iakovidis 1977a: 115; idem 1983: 38; Gates 1985: 265. 155 Mylonas 1951a: 96. 156 Mylonas 1951a: 96. 157 Mylonas 1961-62: 308-311. 150

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Theoretical Discussion and Framework its importance in the formation of the sacred and ancestral landscapes of LH IIIB Mycenae.

large central one, for ritual display and prothesis ceremonies respectively, and d. the comparable material evidence from both monuments, such as Egyptian objects, amber beads and representations of snakes, as well as the occurrence of Linear B inscriptions in the vicinity of the Temple naming ka-ra-u-ko (Γλαυκος)169, which could refer to a dead person as in the later Greek mythology, and thus support a funerary role of the Temple170.

Summing up, the argument in this section will develop in two directions: a. the placement of the renovated GCA, its contemporary tholos tombs (the Atreus Treasury and the Tholos of Clytemnestra) and the newly established Cult Centre within the lived landscape of Mycenae during the 13th century BC, and b. the effect the properties of these locales had on human action as regards ideas of authoritative claims, ancestor worship and divine protection.

Additionally, the grotesque appearance of the monochrome figures from the Temple has been taken to support his proposed cultic purpose of the building. Like the associated snake models, these unique religious icons have often been interpreted as a reference to the underworld, compatible with the representation of the dead in other artistic media171. Van Leuven put forward the assumption that ‘the Shaft Grave dead represented divinities in their own religion’ and that ‘the statuettes could also have portrayed the dead in some other state than the ‘afterlife’, especially if used in funerary rites for contemporary people who had not yet journeyed to the afterlife’172.

The Power of Ancestors: Death, Religion and Politics at LH IIIB Mycenae175 The way prehistoric peoples perceived and exploited natural landscape is reflected not only in the conscious choice of locales for the living and their dead, but also in the formation of mythologies for the creation of mankind and their passage to the other world. At the same time, the conceptualisation of political ideas and philosophical enquiries are made concrete in terms of experiential or relational landscapes176. The present section considers landscape as a network of related places through which people perform, act and interact, acquire social authority and political access, create identities and tradition, and develop links with the sacred and the ancestral.

In an illuminating study on aspects of rulership at Mycenae in the Shaft Grave period, Laffineur proposed that the cult within the Circle must have begun during the Early Mycenaean period and continued uninterruptedly as is indicated by the pottery sequence from Keramopoullos’ hollow173. The same scholar connected Schliemann’s altar with the earlier phases of this cultic activity, mainly due to its position at a low level, immediately above the opening of Shaft Grave IV, and concluded that ‘cultic practices of a heroic nature, essentially collective and non-permanent in character, were performed over a long period of time in the area of the acropolis shaft graves, not that specific individuals, kings or not, were honoured by a monumental refurbishing of their burial area at a late stage of the Mycenaean period’174.

Following a process of emergence and consolidation of a hierarchical and centralised political system, the symbolic use and manipulation of monumental palatial, mortuary, sacred and military architecture, and the establishment of ancestor cult settings during the period 1340/30-1190/80 BC indicate the increasing focus on the power of the individual and signal the convergence of ideology and political centralisation177. The possible changes in the political stage of LH IIIB Mycenae are mirrored in the conspicuous advertisement of the power, wealth and legitimacy of the ruling élites, who undertook the planning and re-facing of the Lion Gate in conglomerate masonry, the re-building and decoration of the Mycenaean megaron, the renovation of the earlier (LH I) GCA, the construction and decoration of the tholoi of Atreus and Clytemnestra, and the establishment of the Cult Centre178.

More than a century after the exploration of GCA, the statements regarding its sacred character and the uniqueness of its architectural and ritualistic devices, are not as conclusive as they are supposed to be. Influenced by Schliemann’s ostentatious descriptions and declarations, most scholars have been to a certain degree disoriented choosing to place emphasis on individual elements of the Circle overlooking important issues such as why the renovation took place at that particular moment, its incorporation into the wider building scheme undertaken by the ruling group of Mycenae and

Wright has already discussed the careful placement of large monumental constructions as markers within the immediate outlying area of the LH IIIB citadel179 and has accurately pointed to the creation of a symbolic whole through a generalized juxtaposition of monumental forms; first, through a specialised masonry

169

MY Z 713. The name is also recorded on PY Cn 285 and PY Jn 706 (Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 96, 551). The name Γλαυκος is included in the list of men named by Homer as Trojans or as Trojan allies (Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 104105; Il. B. 876ff.). 170 Van Leuven 1989: 199-200. 171 Van Leuven 1989: 200 172 Van Leuven 1989: 200. 173 Laffineur 1995: 90. 174 Laffineur 1995: 90-91.

175

Gallou forthcoming. Term borrowed from Thomas 2001: 174. 177 Dabney and Wright 1990: 52. 178 Wright 1987: 171-184; Rehak 1992: 40-41 (with further bibliography). 179 Wright 1987: 180. 176

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Theoretical Discussion and Framework articulate their relationship to ancestors, landscape and the living community184.

style, then in terms of similar spatial forms -tholos tomb with dromos and façade; gateway with dromos and façade-, and finally through the ‘recycling’ of a traditional form, GCA180. This extended visual complex would have promoted a link between the monuments of the living and the dead inspiring a sense of awe and respect to anyone moving from outside the citadel through the Lion Gate and up the grand ramp way towards the palace at the top of the acropolis181.

natural

The skilful construction of the two Mycenae tholoi in conglomerate masonry, a style that became a hallmark of the architecture at Mycenae in LH IIIB times, has been considered as a symbolic act intended for the expression of the power and authority of the ruler/ruling group of Mycenae and its/their dynastic relation to preceding ancestors185. This act was further reinforced by the fact that the Lion Gate, the main entrance to the citadel was also constructed in conglomerate masonry in LH IIIB, and that all three monuments were contemporarily visible186. Moreover, the additional effort invested in the unparalleled decoration of the two tholoi, which could only be compared to the decoration of the Minyas Treasury at Orchomenos would have proclaimed the additional effort and expenditure invested in the construction and decoration of these impressive structures prompted by a desire to claim or enhance status.

Undoubtedly, the connection of GCA, the tholos tombs and the Cult Centre with notions of sanctity, ancestry and the past would have rendered them appropriate forces for socio-political stability and the maintenance of tradition, components that were accommodated within the socio-political circumstances and the élites’ legitimating expressions of authority. On the other hand, LH IIIB period was not merely one of socio-political alignment but also of consolidation of religious and ancestral consciousness manifested at Mycenae with the establishment of the Cult Centre, the refurbishment and enclosure of GCA within the Cyclopean walls, and the construction and elaborate decoration of the Atreus Treasury and the Tholos of Clytemnestra.

The outward expression of territorial dominance and the desire for display of the élites’ socio-political and economic status would have been reinforced by the strategic placement of the two tholoi within the lived landscape of LH IIIB Mycenae, in prominent proximity to the citadel. Indirect evidence and the excavation of surviving parts of the extended road network suggest that moving on the road from Prosymna to the Mycenae citadel, one would have encountered the prominent Atreus Treasury and the cluster of houses (House of Sphinxes, House of the Oil Merchant and House of the Shields) to the northeast of the tholos, before continuing north from the House of the Shields in full view of the Clytemnestra Tholos, veering then to the northwest to skirt the western side of the tomb before turning around its back to cut along the crest of the ridge towards the Lion Gate (fig. 3b)187.

The Atreus Treasury and the Tholos of Clytemnestra (figs. 6,7) At the time when all tholos tombs in the Argolid, outside Mycenae, were abandoned (with possibly the exception of Tiryns) and a sharp decline in tomb construction and burial furnishings is observed, interesting is the pattern followed in the incorporation and display of elaborate mortuary monuments at Mycenae, where the first use of the Atreus Treasury is given a terminus post quem of LH IIIA1 or early LH IIIA2 –its life span only to be interrupted by the Tholos of Clytemnestra (LH IIIA2IIIB1)- and then re-used in LH IIIB2, if the material uncovered by Wace under the threshold was the result of the re-use of the tholos182.

Thus, the validation of the status of existing political and social order in LH IIIB Mycenae would have been obtained via the function of the two tholoi as attentionfocusing devices (considering their elaborate construction and unparalleled decoration), their role as territorial markers (as this is dictated by their position on the main routeway to the citadel) and through claims of power and rank founded on lineal descent from the dead enshrined in them.

With his Tombs for the Living Andrew Fleming provided archaeologists with the stimulus to explore the various ways in which funerary mechanisms maintain, reinforce and relate to the structure and hierarchy of contemporary social organisation among the living183. Subsequently, through phenomenological approaches, recent studies and trends have sought to understand the morphology of tombs not in terms of functional expediency but rather as locales comprising a signalling system of components (subjects, movements, tasks, memories and activities) through which societies

Unfortunately, the looting of the tholoi under study has deprived scholars of remains of religious acts at these tholoi to commemorate the dead in memoriam. 184

Parker Pearson 1999: 139-141. Wright 1987: 177. The preference for conglomerate reached its peak expression in the third group of the Mycenae tholoi, namely the Tomb of Genii, the Atreus Treasury and the Tholos of Clytemnestra (ibid.) 186 Wright 1987: 180. 187 Mylonas 1962: 104-106; idem 1966: 87; Wace 1954b: 230ff., fig.1; Verdelis 1962: 87-88; Wright 1987: 180, notes 37-40; Lavery 1995: 264, map 1. 185

180

Wright 1987: 181-182. Wright 1987: 181-182. 182 The dating of the Atreus Treasury has raised intense debate. For further discussion, see Wace 1921-23b: 348-349; Pelon 1976: 175; Cavanagh and Mee 1984: 53; Wright 1987: 179, 183; Kopcke 1995: 88 and note 5) 183 Fleming 1973. 181

25

Theoretical Discussion and Framework The approach to the sacred structures seems to have been a circuitous and rather complicated one and each sanctuary must have formed an independent unit. Primary role in the circulation in and out was played by Mylonas’ Processional Way, which ran above the Centre to the east194. This processional ramp was also accessible from higher points on the slope and the megaron via paths and stairs195. It was probably closed off by double doors at either end so that access would be controlled and restricted196. An alternative route led from the Lion Gate and GCA along the West Cyclopean Wall, past the South House and through the courtyard with the round altar to the south of the Temple and the Room with the Fresco Complex197. This imposing corridor was comparatively narrow, about 1m wide, broadening in several places, for instance before the entrance to the Room of the Fresco and just beyond the south-eastern part of the Shrine198.

However, the overall architectural arrangement of Mycenaean tombs, as shall be demonstrated in Chapter IV, is specifically designed as a space within which a number of people (mourners and/or celebrants) could act. Public participation in the ceremonies would have been possible, given the care taken for the whitestuccoed floor of the tholoi and the presence of an open area before them. The decorated façade would have formed the boundary zone between the world of the living and the sphere of the ancestors and would have provided the locus for the performance of post-liminal rites. The Cult Centre at Mycenae (fig. 8) It has been suggested above that the establishment of official places of worship within the Mycenaean citadels highlight the motivation of the ruling élites to accumulate control not only over socio-political and economic resources but also over religious institutions. The relatively uncomplicated and uniform stratigraphy and its pottery sequence date the Cult Centre’s incorporation into the citadel to LH IIIB1 times and its abandonment, after a short period of time, in the LH IIIB2 period188. According to the methodological approach advocated by Renfrew, several architectural elements, certain activities and the material evidence are suggestive of its function as a ‘specialised and purpose built structure set aside for cult practice’189.

The religious function of the Cult Centre is reflected in the coherent arrangement and use of its static and movable cultic devices and paraphernalia. Experience inducing devices were employed for the performance of sacrifices, drinking and pouring ceremonies and the consumption of food and drink199. The presence of braziers may indicate the burning of incense or a similar activity200, which thereby stimulated the sense of smell. It has been suggested that the presence of braziers and lamps may reflect the manipulation of light in ritual and possibly, the performance of nocturnal ceremonies201. Thus, the material remains202, the specially arranged installations203 and the implements of sacrifice204 are the

The small size of the rooms of the complex points to a modest scale of activities and participation190. This restriction was most probably imposed by the controlled and rather complicated access to the Cult Centre itself. Moreover, the relatively small size of the courtyards would not allow large gatherings and the mass participation of celebrants in ritual activities may have been restricted191. Moore and Taylour have suggested that the rooms of the Temple must have had a capacity of around twenty people192. They also implied that the small courtyard with the round altar to the S of the Temple could be highly significant for public or semipublic display, assuming that ‘an element of ‘Public Display/Hidden Mystery’ may have been involved’193. Thus, it seems plausible to suggest that the whole area of the Cult Centre could entertain approximately 100 people.

194

Mylonas 1981: 315-316, 309-310; Moore and Taylour (1999: 9-10, fig. 1) provide a detailed description and a schematic plan of the Cult Centre indicating the main building units and possible routes of access. 195 Mylonas 1981: 309ff.; Moore and Taylour 1999: 79, 115. 196 Mylonas 1977: 73; idem 1981: 318; Whittaker 1997: 166. 197 Mylonas 1975a: 153-155; Rutkowski 1986: 175. 198 Rutkowsi 1986: 180-181. 199 Mylonas 1981; Whittaker 1997: 146-156; Moore and Taylour 1999: 32ff, 78ff. 200 Moore and Taylour 1999: 79, 85-86. 201 Moore and Taylour 1999: 115. The role of light in Archaic and Classical Greek cult has been recently discussed by Parisinou (2000). 202 Animal bones, ashes and sherds were found in a shallow pit near the round altar in the courtyard to the south of the Temple Complex (Mylonas 1981: 316). Mylonas also reported that the bones did not disclose signs of thorough burning or traces of breaking or cutting. Whittaker (1997: 148), though, assumes that the slaughtered animal was ritually consumed in some way. 203 Namely the round altar of the court connected with the Temple (Mylonas 1981: 316) and the installations in Room Gamma 1 of Tsountas’ House Shrine (idem op.cit. 313). 204 The sacrificial function of the model of an axe-hammer from the Temple Complex has been suggested by Moore and Taylour (1999: 79, 101-102). Rhyta, which may have been employed for the pouring of blood libations, have been found in late and unspecified contexts and have been attributed to the area of the Cult Centre (Evely and Runnels 1992: 5; Moore and Taylour 1999: plate 10). The bolster-shaped altar in Room

188

Mylonas 1981: 307-320; French 1981a: 43-44, 47-48; Moore and Taylour 1999: 1-3; Whittaker 1997: 165-172. 189 Rutkowski 1986: 175-182; Moore and Taylour 1999: 77ff, 114. The published account of the structures and the finds have been carefully summarised and discussed by Albers (1994: 1352). Whittaker (1997: 165-172) and Rehak (1995: 41-42) also provide a brief but sufficient description of the Cult Centre. 190 For the dimensions of the individual rooms of the Centre, see Whittaker 1997: 166, 168, 170. 191 Whittaker 1997: 145. 192 Moore and Taylour 1999: 114-115. 193 Moore and Taylour 1999: 79, 115.

26

Theoretical Discussion and Framework More analytically, the rock outcrop in Alcove 18 has been associated with the tradition from later Greek sanctuaries, where natural rock formations were thought to facilitate contact with the Underworld213. On the other hand, Dietrich connected this element with Minoan religious traditions and suggested that the rock's prominent position in the whole complex, which features tomb-like effects, underlines its undoubted cultic significance214; since the rock itself was screened from view by a wall, it could have served as a kind of inner sanctum215.

visible expression of the past sacrificial rituals. Of relation to these ceremonies may be the poses of several terracotta figures holding aloft axe-hammers (fig. 9)205. Vegetable or organic offerings were possibly placed on the clay and plaster tripod tables of offerings206. Ritual activities in the Cult Centre, as in every cult place, employed attention-focusing devices, mainly specific architectural elements (platforms, dais and benches)207, structures with special ritualistic features (altars, hearths and vats)208 and the necessary paraphernalia (offering tables, incense burners, lamps, figurines and ritual vessels)209.

Apotropaic and chthonic qualities have been attributed to the nineteen monochrome figures with the rather grotesque and forbidding expression from the area of the Temple and Room 32 of the Room with the Fresco216 as well as to the unique terracotta snake figures from the Temple Complex217. The funerary character of snakes is strengthened by the occurrence of LH IIIC vessels from the funerary contexts of Perati, Naxos, Ialysos and Kos decorated with painted or plastic snakes (fig. 13)218. Aravantinos and Godart have suggested that snakes, epe-to-i (ερπετοις), are recorded as recipients of offerings of wine in the sanctuary or the site of *63-te-ra-de recorded on TH Gp 196219 1 *63-te-ra-de [ 2 e-pe-to-i V 1 [ However, Palaima has dismissed this suggestion on the basis that e-pe-to-i signify ‘quadrapeds’ and not snakes220.

Following Wright’s suggestion that, in general Mycenaean cult centres vary in degrees of complexity and that several of them exhibit evidence of a constellation of cults, the diversity observed in the ritual function of the Cult Centre at Mycenae is intriguing210. Scholars have already commented on the association between the location of the cult centres and the defence walls and have attributed protective and war-like qualities to the deities venerated therein211. The worship of a warrior-goddess at Mycenae has been proposed by Rehak on the basis of iconographical evidence, namely Tsountas’ plaque and the Fresco in Room 31 (figs. 10, 11)212. Undoubtedly, the placement of the Cult Centre in immediate proximity to the Cyclopean walls and the GCA as well as its connection with the palace on the highest point of the acropolis would have served the need of the populace for divine protection in times of danger and, more importantly, the desire of the élites not only to centralise, control and exploit the religious landscapes of their rule, but also to strengthen the emphasis and concern placed by them on patterns of allegiance to lineal ancestors resting in the refurbished GCA.

Using the snake figures and the rock in Alcove 18 as comparative material, Taylour ascribed chthonic character to the monochrome figures221. Iakovidis suggested that the models of coiled snakes ‘point rather to an underworld cult, combined perhaps with the prophylactic properties usually attributed to the snake as 213

Whittaker 1997: 153 (with further references). Dietrich 1982: 8. He also compared the Temple's tomb-like effect with the two contemporary subterranean cult buildings at Thebes, excavated by Spyropoulos. 215 Dietrich 1982: 8. 216 Whittaker 1997: 149-152; French 1981b: 173-178; eadem 2001: 275-275; Moore and Taylour 1999: 46-62, pls. 11-22; Mylonas 1983: 145. Van Leuven’s approach (1989) has already been discussed above. 217 Moore and Taylour 1999: 63-69, fig. 21, plates 23-25. It should be noted, though, that a terracotta snake model has been reported by Walberg from Midea (Demakopoulou et al. 199697: 90). 218 Jacopi 1930-31: 321, fig. 68; Kontoleon 1959: 185, pl. 157a; Morricone 1965-66: 183-186; Mee 1982: 39-40; Benzi 1992: 392, pl. 108, 109; Whittaker 1997: 152-153; Vlachopoulos 1999: 307. Noteworthy is also the fragment of a large clay figure from Amyklai consisting of a hand holding a cup from which a snake is about to drink (Demakopoulou 1982: 55-56). 219 Aravantinos 1999: 68; Godart 2001: 465.

Given the proximity between the Cult Centre and GCA, and the existence of certain features with possible chthonic components from the Temple and the Room with the Fresco, specifically the monochrome figures (fig. 9), the clay snake models (fig. 12b) and the rock from the Temple Complex as well as the frescoed decoration of Room 31 (fig. 11), it is tempting to suggest that, at least, in these two units, in addition to the rites intended for the gods, ancestral ceremonies of chthonic character were performed.

214

Gamma 1 of Tsountas’ House implies a connection between sacrifices and blood libations (Mylonas 1981: 313). 205 Moore and Taylour 1999: 79. 206 Moore and Taylour 1999: 115. 207 Mylonas 1972: 120; idem 1981: 310; Taylour 1981: 49, 52; Moore and Taylour 1999: 79. 208 Whittaker 1997: 147. 209 Moore and Taylour 1999: 79; Whittaker 1997: 167ff. 210 Wright 1994: 61. 211 Rutkowski 1986: 185; Warren 1986: 156; Albers 1994: 120; Whittaker 1997: 155. 212 Rehak 1984.

220 221

Palaima 2003: 114.

Taylour 1970: 274, 278; idem 1983: 53-55. Mylonas denied the rock any ritual function pointing to the lack of emphasis given to the rock by the design of the Temple (Mylonas 1966: 93).

27

Theoretical Discussion and Framework the guardian of the household’222. He concluded that the monochrome figures possibly recalled the chthonic character of the mythic Ερινύες223. With reference to the new tablets from Thebes, Rousioti has argued that if the Mycenae figures are interpreted as divinities, then the snake figures could be considered as their attributes, since there is no evidence to support that the snakes themselves were actually cult statues224.

Nevertheless, the subsidiary nature of the Cult Centre among the sacred and ancestral locales of LH IIIB Mycenae is verified by the contrast between the pretentious display and strategic location of the refurbished GCA and the less elaborate and less centrally located Cult Centre230. Grave Circle A: a special locus for congregations? (fig. 14)

Moore has interpreted the monochrome figures as representations of cult celebrants or cult staff performing certain of the activities of the cult in perpetuity based on the posture of the figures and the discovery of one of them embedded in the plaster before a table of offerings in the north-east corner of Room 18225. French has suggested that a draped monochrome sexless figure may be the recipient of the offerings on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus226.

The preservation and renovation of a traditional resource, GCA, within the citadel wall was definitely instrumental in the maintenance of authority and tradition. The definition of and constraint on an official locus for congregations would have enhanced the ruling group’s claims to authority, power and lineage descent. The conspicuous placement of a communal resource and already established part of tradition, GCA, within the lived landscape of LH IIIB Mycenae, is indeed indicative of the motivation by desire of the ruling élites to make ostentatious statements regarding their ancestral ties with the past.

Recently, S. Morris argued that they were votive offerings of funerary character and meaning, i.e. ‘either images of mourners dedicated to ancestors, if not representations of ancestors themselves as protecting daimones, fundamental to how Greeks imagined the power of the dead227. Her argument is based mainly on the correlation between the Cult Centre and the earlier Shaft Graves, and on vase representations, e.g. the Warrior Vase228.

The importance of GCA as an area specially reserved for public assembly was first emphasised by Schliemann, who proposed that the parapet fulfilled two functions; the enclosure of the graves and the formation of a meeting place within the citadel231. He was deeply influenced by the Homeric and other descriptions of prehistoric meeting places of circular plan, occasionally lined with stones, and of the Agoras of later Hellenic cities where the living interacted in the presence of the tombs of heroes232. Gates re-assessed Schliemann’s hypothesis and reached the conclusion that the Circle could be identified as ‘a large space within the citadel suitable for larger numbers of people, convenient for clement weather’233.

A fresco, which was included in the decorative program of Room 31, has puzzled scholars with its rather unusual theme (fig. 11)229. On the upper register two female figures are depicted holding a sword and a staff or spear respectively, facing each other in an architectural setting. Were the figures depicted alone, an interpretation in military terms would have been plausible. However, there is one element that obscures the reading of the depiction, namely a pair of diminutive ‘floating’ figures, one drawn in red and the other in black.

Recently, Cavanagh discussed in detail the issue of open spaces -courts and squares- in Mycenaean towns and established eight indicators for their methodological approach: a. access, the degree to which it is easy or difficult to enter the place, b. size, the capacity of the place and its monumentality, c. orientation and focus, the shape and sense given to the space, d. visibility and perspective, the fact/state of being visible by and being able to observe/see someone or something respectively, e. appointment, the decoration and furnishing arrangements, and f. frontage, the buildings that look into the specific space234.

Although several scholars have suggested an eschatological approach to the depiction, its readings have been confined mostly to speculation rather than to systematic examination. Given the proximity between the Cult Centre and GCA as well as the existence of similar ‘flying’ figures in Late Helladic III funerary art, this scene could contribute significantly to our understanding of the Mycenaean eschatological beliefs and attribute chthonic character to the depiction. Thus, this important artistic production is included and fully discussed in Chapter III.

230

Dabney and Wright 1990: 52; Wright 1994: 62. Schliemann 1880: 125-129, 338-339. 232 Schliemann (1880: 125) ascribed the supposition that the Circle served as a Homeric Agora to Paley, with reference to the Shield of Achilles (Il. Σ. 497-508). His enthusiasm is reflected in the illustration of the wall ring serving as a bench (Schliemann op.cit. fig. 210a; Gates 1985: 271, notes 57-60). 233 Gates 1985: 270-272. 234 Cavanagh 2001: 120-121.

222

231

Iakovidis 1977: 128. 223 Iakovidis 1977: 127. 224 Rousioti 2001: 309. 225 Moore 1988: 219-225. 226 French 1981b: 174. 227 Morris 1992: 209. 228 Morris 1992: 210. 229 Taylour 1969: 94.

28

Theoretical Discussion and Framework According to his discussion, the roughly 500m2 area of the GCA was definitely designed for congregations of a large number of celebrants and not of political character235. Access to its ground was more direct than in other Mycenaean open spaces, controlled through the Lion Gate. Its roughly 500m2 area allowed the congregation of a fairly large number of people, whereas ceremonial performed inside would be visible from the walls, the roof of the Granary, the Ramp and buildings beyond, although not in such a formal manner as in the Great Court of the megaron236.

Surprisingly, little attention has been paid to the discovery of a row of pavement slabs laid on the ground along the inner side of the south-east sector of the Circle243. Wace’s restored drawing illustrates the row of pavement slabs covering the inside perimeter of the Circle244. Although it is unfortunate that only a small section of the paving has survived up to the present and little is known of the original level, it is tempting to assume that the eastern semicircle of GCA was paved with slabs, thus creating an proper space for those attending the ceremonies, in harmony with the carefully constructed entryway and its elaborate threshold.

Although there is no clear indication of the original height of the west Cyclopean wall, the view would be spectacular from within the Circle. The cultic usage of the area is confirmed by the Φ- and Ψ- figurines discovered by Schliemann237. Doubts on the fulfilment of the criteria of focus and orientation are expressed based on the (re)position of the grave stelai in the LH IIIB phase and the circular plan of the parapet238. Cavanagh’s approach accurately clarifies the public character of LH IIIB GCA and opens new perspectives for further approaches.

If we accept the view that ritual reinforces the consolidation of a congregational group, then the circular design of any sacred structure exhibits the double function of enclosing and, thus defining, the group in question, and creating a focal point or points for the activities of the exarchoi, the conductors of the rites245. The overall appearance of GCA points definitely to a deliberate arrangement of its individual features. In effect, once inside the area of the Grave Circle, the visitor is in a way ‘disorientated’ and given the impression of infinity, a symbolic expression of the circular shape with no beginning and no end. Moreover, being the single circular monument within the citadel makes it distinct and noticeable.

Nevertheless, the burial ground of the Circle was accessible through its elaborate entrance in clear view of the Lion Gate. Gates and Laffineur, though, suggested that the Circle in the first phase of the LH IIIB renovation lacked an entrance, which was a later addition239. Soon after its construction, the entryway was obscured by the newly constructed Granary and its north-eastern extensions240. Still, the erection of the Granary and its corridors following chronologically the Lion Gate and the renovation of the Circle would not have obstructed for some time the view to the LH IIIB Grave Circle241.

Additionally, Fleming has pointed to the fact that in the interior of a simple circle all points are neutral and equal, except for the centre246. However, by creating offcentre focal points, this ‘flaw’ could be easily eliminated. Thus, for anyone standing within the Circle the stelai and the altar/hollow complex would act as focus-of-attention devices towards which the rites would be addressed, whereas for those entering the citadel, the circular monument with the imposing entrance would have called for their attention.

Moreover, as Wright has already suggested, the interpretations put forward regarding the construction and renovation phases of the Circle do not ‘affect fundamentally the interpretation (here) except to suggest that the reconstruction of the circle in the 13th century B.C. marked a re-discovery of the Shaft Graves and the creation of a cult venerating them out of respect for the unknown predecessors of the present rulers’242. Even when the later construction of the Granary and its corridors rendered the access to the circle difficult, still, if needed, it could have been reached either through the Granary and/or the buildings of the Cult Centre.

The ceremonial processions to the LH IIIB Circle would have been elaborate with priests and/or priestesses carrying figures and offerings to the revered ancestors, most probably from the aforementioned areas of the Cult Centre; the performance of communal ritual activities pouring ceremonies and ancestral feasting- addressed to the revered ancestors of the ruling élites is confirmed by the presence of ritualistic devices, traces of fire and animal bones at the base of the stelai and the epichosis, as well as the stratified ashes and pottery sequence from Keramopoullos’ hollow, which was, in all probability, connected with Schliemann’s much debated altar247.

235

Cavanagh 2001: 129-130. Cavanagh 2001: 129-130. One could calculate the capacity of the GCA alone to ca. 120-140 people, excluding the worshippers attending the ceremonies from the areas outside the parapet. 237 Cavanagh 2001: 130; See also Schliemann 1880: 129, c.f. 71-74 and 88; Wace 1921-23a: 104-105. 238 Cavanagh 2001: 130. 239 Gates 1985: 270-271; Laffineur 1990: 202-203. 240 Gates 1985: 270-271; Laffineur 1990: 202-203. 241 Wright 1987: 181. 242 Wright 1987: note 41 contra Gates 1985. 236

243

Wace 1921-3a: 110-111, 124; Gates 1985: 270. The pavement slabs are made of the same materials as the double ring and the grave stelai and ‘project inwards from the inner face of the ring of vertical slabs almost exactly as far as the antae of the entrance project inwards’ (Wace 1921-23a: 111). 244 Wace 1921-23a: pl. XVIII. 245 The function of circular design in ceremonial monuments has been discussed by Fleming 1972: 57ff. 246 Fleming 1972: 59. 247 The existence of Schliemann’s altar in LH IIIB times has been widely disputed, as shown above. However, it seems

29

Theoretical Discussion and Framework ruling élite254. Its life span of about three hundred years, i.e. LH IIA-IIIB, might have served the same purposes as Tholos IV, both serving the symbiosis of burial architecture and public ritual activity255. Thus, it seems that the ruling élites of Late Helladic Pylos had already in early Mycenaean times conceived not only the importance of ancestral lineage and the manipulation of their ancestral geographies but also the religious significance of these ancestral locales.

‘He who has nothing old has nothing new’: further concluding thoughts on the symbolic manipulation of the sacred and ancestral geographies of LH IIIB Mycenae With reference to the scheme of LH IIIB Mycenae, interesting is a corresponding example observed in Messenia, albeit earlier in date. The excavated remains on the Mycenaean acropolis at Ano Englianos, Messenia, indicate that during the late MH/early LH period, a circuit wall was built around the highest point of the settlement defining the area later to be occupied by the palatial structures of the ‘Palace of Nestor’248. What is significant is the alignment of the elaborate LH I-II Northeastern Gateway towards Tholos IV, implying a relationship between the structures enclosed by the circuit wall and the tholos249.

Turning to LH IIIB Mycenae, the question whether its rulers attained and/or legitimised their control either by means of actual descent from the dead of the GCA and the tholoi, or through an established tradition, is difficult to answer. What is obvious, though, is the careful formation of a series of monumental locales embodying sacred and ancestral qualities. The placement of these locales within the powerful but at the same time, fragile socio-political landscape of LH IIIB Mycenae would have ensured access over political power, administrative authority and divine ancestry.

The presence of remains of a roadway heading from the entrance directly towards Tholos IV do not seem to be mere coincidence250 and could have served ritual purposes connected with funerary and post-burial practices. Bennet and Shelmerdine have suggested that perhaps the open space between the circuit wall and the tomb may have functioned as ‘a plaza of sorts, associated with funerary display when the tomb was in use’251.

The exploitation of the natural landscape by means of placement of monumental tombs as territorial markers, the juxtaposition of funerary, sacred and secular geographies and the manipulation of religion via the symbiosis of ritual, architecture and tradition would have provided a continuous reminder of the relationship between the living élites, ancestors and the divine, and consequently of lines of descent and lineage.

After the end of LH IIIA, when the palatial structures on top of the ridge were constructed, burials in the tholos had most probably ceased and the ruins of the circuit wall and the Northeastern Gateway were no longer visible, it is probable that the funerary monument stood prominently dominating the broad open area to the northeast of the palace citadel for at least two and a half centuries252. Thus, this monumental tholos would have served as territorial marker in immediate proximity to the citadel itself and as landmark of the ‘history’ and ancestry of the ruling élite as dictated by the presence of pottery dating as late as LH IIIB253.

The Mycenaean Cult of the Dead as Ritual Action: A new approach to the operation of belief 256 If the past is a foreign country, where people do things differently257, how can archaeologists who study only the partially recoverable remains of past societies ever hope to enter the cosmos of past metaphysical and eschatological beliefs?

Similarly, by LH IIA the construction of a new sepulchre, Tholos III, at a distance of ca. 900m from the palace might have been prompted either by the expansion of the settlement or the emergence of a new

In their discussion on the sanctity of prehistoric funerary ritual, Cavanagh and Mee have argued that the pair of mortal/immortal almost places death in the sphere of religion258. Their synopsis of prehistoric ritual actions negotiating the relationship between the living and the dead and beliefs concerning the soul and its fate refers to the primary treatment of the corpse and its characterisation through offerings, rites of separation, the negotiation of power and status and the human experience of death and memory259. Nevertheless, in a special relation to the sacred rituals of life stand death

inappropriate for the Mycenaeans to have created such an elaborate funerary monument reserved for cult without including the monumental altar, whose method of construction seems rather closer to the LH III period than to the LH I. 248 Bennet 1999: 12; Bennet and Shelmerdine 2001: 136. 249 Blegen et al. 1973: 4-18; Bennet 1995: 597; Bennet and Shelmerdine 2001: 136. It should be noted that the tholos lies ca. 145m to the northeast of the Palace of Nestor and ca. 70m from the edge of the hill (Blegen et al. 1973: 95, figs. 4, 301). 250 Blegen et al. (1973: 4) appeared reluctant as regards the purpose of this roadway. 251 Bennet and Shelmerdine 2001: 136. 252 Blegen et al. 1973: 108; Bennet 1999: 13. The absence of any architectural remains in the broad plaza between the palace area and Tholos IV may be suggestive of the fact that the area was left open, free for other structures (Blegen et al. 1973: 6468). 253 Blegen et al. 1973: 107ff.

254

Blegen et al. 1973: 73ff.; Bennet 1999: 12. The performance of public ritual associated with burial practices and funerary processions has been suggested by Bennet (1999: 13). 256 Part of the title is adopted after Warren 1988: 35 (caption of fig. 19). 257 Hartley 1953. 258 Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 106. 259 Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 106-107. 255

30

Theoretical Discussion and Framework and the religious ceremonies associated with the passage from life to the hereafter.

elements be considered in terms of a score certifying the identification of cult.

However, for lack of a proper definition and a coherent methodological approach to the issue of post-liminal activity in Aegean tombs, the Mycenaean relationship between the living and the dead concerned with the post mortem survival of the soul and the elevation of ancestors to a status comparable to a certain degree with the divine sphere is an issue notoriously difficult to deal with.

Modern anthropologists dealing with religion and cult possess four classes of data available at their disposal, i.e. verbal testimony, direct observation of cult practices, study of non-verbal records and the material remains of ritual activity265. On the other hand, the lack of verbal testimony, Warren’s λεγόµενα, and direct observation of past δρώµενα imposes a serious constraint on scholars undertaking the task to elucidate the belief systems of past preliterate societies. Consequently, they are forced to employ and study only two classes of data, viz. nonverbal records (signs, symbols and artistic representations) and the actual material remains of cult (relics of ceremonial activity, architectural remains, symbolic items and materials).

Considering the function and consequences of religion in general, Renfrew established four correlates for the recognition of religious activity in the archaeological record, namely focusing of attention, special aspects of the liminal zone, presence of the transcendent and its symbolic focus and participation and offering260. An important element he emphasised is that in practice the recognition of ritual activity may be on the basis of context and not on single indications of supposedly cultic significance261.

Mortuary evidence in general constitutes an extremely valuable archaeological resource, since it represents the direct and purposeful culmination of conscious behaviour, rather than its incidental detritus266. The present investigation of post funerary ritual in Mycenaean tombs, as in the case of Mycenaean religious practices, will be based on three classes of material: archaeological data (architectural remains and artefactual evidence), iconographical references (symbolic systems and items represented in art or existing in corpore) and epigraphical sources (Linear B tablets).

According to Renfrew’s analysis, every burial constitutes a highly symbolic event in which a remarkable investment of effort and the use of welldefined symbolism are witnessed262. Additionally, the existence of any set of eschatological beliefs practically affects the details of the practice of burial263. The relationship between burial form, religious belief and the relationship of society and its ancestors is by no means meaningless and purposeless; its religious importance can be investigated through detailed analysis and contextual investigation.

As cult observances employ a range of attention focusing devices, it is essential to examine whether Mycenaean tombs were organised in order to provide a place set apart for sacred functions and to facilitate performance of ancestor-addressed ceremonial acts. The requirement of attention focusing devices in the structure and equipment used in the rites may be reflected in the primary architectural plan of the burial facility, its individual features (e.g. altars, benches, hearths, sacrificial pits, side chambers) and in the movable equipment (figurines, tables of offerings and sacrificial slabs, lamps, incense burners, pouring and drinking vessels, figurines and other paraphernalia).

Taking into account the aforementioned parameters and approaches, the scope of this section -and subsequently of this study- is to propose a model for the recognition of religious activity in Mycenaean tombs. Given the spatial and temporal diversity observed in the adoption and expression of metaphysical and cosmological beliefs as well as the desire for cultural and traditional differentiation at an individualistic or communal level, this study does not focus on the establishment of a ‘mechanical check list’ for cult recognition in Mycenaean tombs264; the crux is rather to provide a model/guide of shared elements and features of ritualistic nature recognisable in the archaeological record. By no means should the absence of any predetermined features or the occurrence of additional

The boundary zone between the mortal celebrant and the world of ancestors may reflect special aspects of the liminal zone. An element of ‘Public Display/Hidden Mystery’267 may be implied by the architectural organisation of the funerary monument, e.g. the tripartite system of chamber and tholos tombs or the presence of open spaces in the proximity of the tombs. Concepts of cleanliness and pollution may be reflected in practices (fumigation, purification, removal), facilities (incense burners, scoops, basins of water), maintenance of the area or the location of the cemetery or the tombs in connection to the settlements.

260

Renfrew 1985: 18-19; 1994b: 50-53. Curiously, Renfrew’s methodology has been used relatively little in the study of Aegean religion, although the principles of contextuality could serve as an interpretative methodology [Peatfield 2000: 144. He (ibid.) employed this methodology as framework for the preliminary report of the Atsiphades peak sanctuary excavation]. 261 Renfrew 1985: 15. 262 Renfrew 1994b: 52-53. 263 Renfrew 1994b: 52-53. 264 Renfrew (1994b: 50) has warned against mechanical checklists and scores.

265

Renfrew 1985: 12. O’Shea 1981: 39 (my emphasis). Also Pader 1982: 110; Metcalf and Huntington 1991: 24; Wells 1990: 125. 267 Moore and Taylour 1999: 79, 115. 266

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Theoretical Discussion and Framework practice of sacred rites, ritual indicators corresponding to Mycenaean religious practices and beliefs.

The presence and participation of the ancestral spirits in the ceremonial acts may be reflected in the use of an actual cult image (abstract or realistic), allegories or ritualistic symbols depicted in two- or threedimensional funerary art. Finally, ancestor cult, as all cultic activities, requires participation and offering on behalf of the living celebrant. Although we lack Warren’s λεγόµενα268, representations of musicians, gesturing mourners and choral lament in corpore or in funerary representations provide valuable, albeit indirect, evidence for prayer, sound, gesture and performative acts. Post-funerary ritual may employ various devices for stimulating the senses, e.g. burning incense, or for inducing religious experience, e.g. dance or games (bull leaping, chariot races). Libation, sacrifice and feasting invoke the presence of the transcendent being and facilitate communication with it. The act of offering may entail breakage, hiding or discard connected with symbolic connotations, e.g. shattered kylikes. Great investment of wealth and display may be reflected in the construction of the sepulchre, the planning of its individual elements (carefully cut dromoi, decorated façades, side-chambers, benches, repository and sacrificial pits, cultic installations, etc.), in the equipment used and the offerings made.

Consequently, I consider the term cult of the dead as any regular and fixed religious or cultic activity that intends to invoke the presence of the dead among the living and gain communication with the ancestors with the aim of communion, mediation and benevolence for the living community, all purposes being achieved by means of offering, participation and fixed sacral or performative acts of propitiation and respect.

Nilsson’s definition of the Mycenaean cult of the dead as the service of the dead moulded into regular and fixed intervals, performed by the members of the family and prolonged for generations269, has shaped the core of modern research on the matter. Unfortunately, although this definition might have been appropriate in Nilsson’s times, when the study of Mycenaean religion was still in its infancy, in the light of the new data and approaches a re-assessment of the definition seems requisite. In general the formalisation of ancestor cults presupposes the belief in the immortality of the soul and its ability to possess power to a certain degree equivalent to a deity, and to influence society to a similar extent. More importantly, ancestor rituals establish the presence and participation of ancestors in the ceremonies. Although Nilsson’s definition stresses the elements of formalisation and periodicity, it fails to emphasise the presence of the spiritual entity towards which the rites are addressed. Furthermore, Nilsson suggested that the service of the dead was clearly a family matter. However, even if the cult of the dead was the foundation and expression of family identity in classical times270, the study of the funerary artistic repertoire and the actual remains of ritual activity in tombs, suggest -as it shall be demonstrated below- that at least in Late Helladic III times celebrating and honouring the dead was a communal affair expressed, inter alia, via the establishment of official loci of ancestor cult, the performance of male or female processions and the 268

Warren 1988: 13. Nilsson 19502: 586. 270 Burkert 1985: 194. 269

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inhabitants of Mycenaean Greece, can derive only from the detailed contextual explorations of their symbolic systems. The question ‘how can archaeologists ever hope to gain even a partially accurate understanding of Mycenaean metaphysical perceptions from the material remains alone?’ should be followed by and associated with ‘what did the Mycenaeans think about death?’ and ‘what did they do about it?’279.

CHAPTER III Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism Image is the medium to avoid absence, 271 to make the invisible visible .

Symbolic Art And Death In Mycenaean Greece: An Introductory Framework Ernst Cassirer’s statement that the human individual should be defined as an animal symbolicum emphasises human propensity to perceive signs from the environment and credit them with hidden meanings and, concurrently, the ability to construct, use and communicate through symbols272. Etymologically, the Greek root of the word symbol points to an element that stands for or represents ‘a visible sign of an idea or quality or of some other object’273. A symbol can be defined in terms of the information it conveys, i.e. the perceptual aspect, conveyed exclusively by its form, and the symbolic or metaphorical, carried by the associate pathways274. According to Ripinsky-Naxon, symbols could be categorised in three classes: the archetypal, the analogical and the arbitrary275.

Beyond any doubt, it is extremely difficult for an archaeologist who is left with the task of interpreting early representations, realistic or not, to make confident connections between tombs and thoughts280. The nature of Mycenaean multiple burials, the practice of secondary rites and the occasional cleaning of the tombs have deprived archaeologists of valuable information and material of ritualistic nature. Furthermore, the general denial of cult practice in Mycenaean tombs has to a significant degree discouraged any thorough and detailed studies of post-funerary rites and the symbolic applications they sustained.

The iconic identification of symbols in relation to the supernatural is often apparent, although the explanation of their function is a much more complex undertaking276. The symbolic category of representation corresponds closely to the literal meaning of the term symbol, and although not all symbols are visible or material, there is no doubt as to the symbolic function and role of all representations277. Metaphors, however, do not always supply sufficient information, partly because the role of symbols in religious and funerary contexts is to reinforce an already known idea and perhaps to act as a mnemonic278.

Schliemann was the first to point to the symbolic character of specific elements and artefacts related to the burials of GCA at Mycenae. Since then much scholarly work has been devoted to several aspects of Mycenaean funerary symbolism without, however, reaching any definite conclusions. The discovery of the Tanagra sarcophagi has opened a new chapter in the study of funerary art and, up to the present, constitutes the most complete artistic codification of mortuary practices and beliefs of Mycenaean mainland. Spyropoulos’s description and interpretation of the scenes, Vermeule’s Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry and Immerwahr’s paper on Death and the Tanagra Larnakes have offered an illuminating and inspirational view of Mycenaean allegories of death and afterlife281.

With reference to the mortuary sphere, humans have sought to transcend and annul life’s meaningless nature through notions of regeneration and claims of an afterlife. Given the lack of written documentation and the evidence only of monuments and artefacts, the most coherent insights into the metaphysical beliefs of prehistoric peoples, and, in the present case, the

In addition to the Tanagra larnakes, the rich repertoire of the Late Minoan III sarcophagi, the iconography of pictorial vases, the deposition of religious icons with the dead and the use of particular ornamental elements of regenerative/metaphysical symbolism have contributed significantly to the elucidation of the rather obscure Mycenaean eschatology282.

271

279

Schnapp 1994: 43. Cassirer 1944: 26; Goodison 1989: 191; Renfrew 1994a: 6; idem 2001: 129ff.; Dietrich 1996: 165. White (1949: 11) formulated the equation human behaviour=symbolic behaviour and concluded that ‘the symbol is the universe of humanity’. For further discussion and bibliography on how and why symbols are formed, see Pader (1982: 5ff), Goodison (1989: 191-201), Renfrew (1994a: 5ff) and Cognition and Material Culture (individual papers). 273 Renfrew 1994a: 5. The word symbol derives from the Greek word ‘συµβάλλω’, and ‘the notion of juxtaposition (of X against Y), of the representation (of X by Y) and of metaphor (where X is equated with Y) are closely related (Renfrew 1994a: 5); Goodison 1998: 191. 274 Ripinsky-Naxon 1995: 48-49. 275 Ripinsky-Naxon 1995: 48. 276 Renfrew 1994a: 8. 277 Renfrew 1994a: 8. 278 Renfrew 1994b: 53; Schnapp 1994: 43.

To adapt Parker Pearson’s questions on past societies’ response to death (1999: 21). 280 Vermeule 1979: 42. 281 Spyropoulos has discussed and illustrated several of the tombs, larnakes and other finds in preliminary reports in the Archaiologikon Deltion, the Athens Annals of Archaeology, and the Proceedings and the Ergon of the Greek Archaeological Society of the years 1969-1984. Regarding the iconography and symbolism of a large number of larnakes, see Spyropoulos 1974: 20-28; Vermeule 1979: 63ff.; Immerwahr 1995. 282 It should be noted that the use of comparanda from other regions may seem incompatible with the cover area of this study. However, the issue of symbolism is a wide one and it therefore seems inevitable to point briefly to the rich artistic repertoire from Mycenaean, Late Minoan III and Cypriot funerary contexts. However, the fact that in different regions the same elements could have been employed in a variety of contexts serving different beliefs and ideas, should render

272

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism The objective of the present examination of Mycenaean symbolic funerary art is to suggest the existence of and set the framework for codifying Mycenaean eschatological beliefs. In this respect, this chapter will focus on three broad issues: a. psyche and the hereafter, b. the Mycenaean Deathscape, and c. religious aspects related to the deposition of religious icons in the tombs. Before proceeding to the analysis of these issues, it is necessary to provide an approach to the process of examination followed in this chapter.

accepted terminology in the description and identification of scenes and artefacts286. According to Morgan, the meaning of an image or a symbol must depend on the relationship between the signified, equivalent to the object/idea of the image’s meaning, and the signifier287. The correspondence between description and identification is validated through a. the consideration of each element as an individual component in the formation of the symbolic representation or meaning, b. its assessment as a feature within the wider cultural context, and c. its significance as a formative constituent of human behaviour288. The identification of any given symbol or symbolic system should be classified in terms of human action and behaviour at a religious and/or funerary level, with reference to the context of occurrence.

An approach to the study of past symbolism Mycenaean burial and its associated rites are wellorganised events in which objects, acts and symbols serve a specific purpose connected with the afterlife needs of the dead and the metaphysical beliefs of the living. The treatment of the corpse, as in all cultures, aims at the creation of a carefully crafted artefact used to convey statements about death and the afterlife. The archaeological remains of body treatment, e.g. burial furnishings, decorative elements of the corpse or the burial facilities, comprise the culmination of rites of passage, which serve to separate the dead from the living and establish the ancestor spirits283.

Given the problem of divergence in interpretation, a more reliable reading should be dictated by a morphological, syntactic and contextual analysis, and the awareness of the extent to which the interpreter’s preconceptions on the matter are introduced to the examination of past symbolism. Contextual, morphological and syntactic analysis of the symbolic element or system followed, by cross-examination, cross-referencing and criticism of the hermeneutic model will underwrite to a significant degree the reliability of the interpretation.

Turning to the objectives of the present study, Mycenaean archaeological evidence on eschatological beliefs resembles a ‘picture book without text’ and it is the archaeologist’s task to furnish a text to these images284. Iconography, in general, acts as the codified documentation of a human group’s cultural responses to the natural and supernatural world through an intermixture of associations and metaphors. Surprisingly, despite the fact that archaeologists studying prehistoric art are all dealing with similar data and whilst there is basic agreement on the description of the scenes and their elements, yet diversity is observed at the level of interpretation285. However, since visual symbols are characterised by their multi-referential nature and polysemantic character, their understanding and reading should always be context dependent and not vice versa.

Psyche and the Hereafter The conscious denial of the post mortem loss of the soul offers comfort and hope to the living facing the inevitable drama of death. Whenever humans think about death and afterlife, they tend to imagine a spiritual tunnel that connects the burial shelter of the body and the soul’s eternal housing in a different dimension. In several cosmologies, ancestors are believed to dwell somewhere between the sphere of the sacred and the world of the mortals. The grave has always been the appropriate place and medium through which the appropriate acts and words reached the realm of the dead289.

The present study proposes the following process for the identification and assessment of Mycenaean symbolic systems

The issue of Mycenaean metaphysical beliefs and the fate of the soul after death is yet to be fixed, still remaining a taboo subject among scholarly circles. Several scholars, e.g. Rohde, Nilsson, Furley, Dietrich and Richardson, devoted part of their studies to early concepts of the soul based primarily on the Homeric sources290. However, as Vermeule has pointed out, ‘Greeks who visited the underworld in a literary mood

description→identification→classification→ interpretation→ verification. A thorough description of a given image, scene or symbol should be followed by identification. Scholars have already urged for a standardised and widely

286

scholars cautious of comparisons, oversimplifications and generalisations. 283 Parker Pearson 1999: 71. 284 To quote Nilsson’s statement on Minoan-Mycenaean archaeological evidence on religion (Nilsson 19502: 7). 285 I cite Morgan’s observation on the analysis of the Theran miniature paintings (Morgan 1985: 5).

Pini 1992. De Saussure 1960: 97-100; Morgan 1985: 7 and note 6. 288 A similar pattern has already been proposed by Morgan (1985). 289 Vermeule 1979: 42. 290 Rohde 1925: 3-43; Nilsson 19502: 619ff.; Furley 1956: 118, esp. 2, 4, 7-10; Dietrich 1965; Richardson 1985: 50-55. 287

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism did not describe the landscape very precisely, being more interested in themselves and their friends or enemies; so the relation between the underworld and the grave is misty’291.

description of the suitors’ souls passing to the underworld gibbering like bats295. Some years later, official excavations at Tanagra confirmed the existence of at least three more similar depictions in the artistic repertoire of the cemetery. In 1977 Spyropoulos illustrated one larnax whose front side depicted two winged figures in separate panels, whereas a single similar creature occupied the end panel296. Unfortunately, the poor state of preservation of the decoration and the quality of the illustrations render the reading of the images extremely difficult297. The spiral motif decorating the posts of the sarcophagus’ front side, the band of beam-ends running along its upper margin and the wide vertical checkerboard pattern that divides it into two figurative fields imply a simplified architectural setting (fig. 16a)298.

From the standpoint of funerary art, Mycenaean artists managed to create and crystallise a series of original scenes of ceremonial acts and eschatological beliefs, thus, offering modern archaeologists a unique glimpse to their notions on death, psyche and its survival in an afterlife. Moreover, they succeeded in ‘capturing’ and materialising the abstract image of the soul in the form of winged creatures or through metaphors of afterlife and regeneration. Allegories of Psyche in Late Helladic Funerary Art: The Archaeological Evidence

Each panel is decorated with one winged female figure, both presenting similarities with the creature on the Kassel larnax. Both apparitions are portrayed in a floating or flying pose, dressed in long straight robes and crowned with plumed caps. Their wings are of batlike appearance in an upward motion. The right figure moves towards the right turning her head back over her left shoulder, whereas the left one turns to the opposite direction. The rest of the decorative fields is scattered with curve-stemmed spiral motifs299.

Late Helladic examples of winged apparitions During the mid-60s, Vermeule pointed to the existence of a winged figure on the end panel of the Kassel larnax, product of illicit excavations in the Mycenaean cemetery at Tanagra, Boeotia (fig. 15)292. This ‘bizarre’ paleskinned female creature is depicted in a floating or flying motion, fluttering towards her right and looking back over the left shoulder. She is crowned with a flat cap decorated with three half-discs at the rim and a three-tailed plume rising in the air. She is dressed in a red and white robe, adorned with ‘broad tails’ or streamers attached at hip level293. Her ‘arms’, which curve up forming a broad arc, are rendered as stiff excrescences giving the impression of small bat-like wings. Her bare disproportioned feet with the downward-angled movement contribute significantly to the artistic rendition of the floating or flying action.

Two pairs of horns of consecration above a band of beam-ends crown a rectangular structure, which defines the architectural setting of the scene of the end panel (fig. 16b). The excavator has recognised the depiction as a holy place whose sanctity is emphasised by the horns of consecration300. Inside or just in front of this building a winged figure, similar to the ones described above, is portrayed, interpreted by Spyropoulos as a deity in epiphany, an interpretation he also put forward for the winged apparitions on the long side301.

Vermeule suggested three possible explanations regarding this apparition; the figure could be either a deity in epiphany responding to the lament of the mourners, or a winged spirit of death with the task of carrying the soul to the nether world, or, most probably, the psyche or the eidolon fluttering to the underworld294. She argued that the bat-like wings of this figure could appear as earlier imaginative models for the Homeric

Late Minoan III examples: a comparison Turning to Late Minoan III examples, an interesting creature, apparently of the same iconographical 295

Vermeule 1965: 127-128; Od. ω. 5-10. Spyropoulos 1977a: 31, pl. 12b; idem 1977b: 18-19, figs. 9 and 10. 297 The description of the decorative themes of this unpublished larnax is based mainly on personal communication with Dr Spyropoulos. 298 Immerwahr (1990: 125-126, 157) has already discussed the simplified architectural renderings on frescoes and on the larnakes. 299 Similar motifs, for example, have been employed on the long side of the Kassel larnax (Vermeule 1965: 127, pls. XXVa, b),and on the larnax from tomb 32 (Spyropoulos 1970b: pl. 48b; idem 1970c: 20, fig. 18). It is difficult to establish whether these motifs bear any symbolic connotations or are the reflection of Mycenaean horror vacui. Vermeule (1965: 127) suggested their function as ornamental fillings. 300 Spyropoulos 1977b: 19. 301 Spyropoulos 1977b: 19. 296

291

Vermeule 1979: 53. Vermeule 1965: 128, 146-147, pls. XXV(b) and XXVI(A); eadem 1979: 65, fig. 23; Immerwahr 1995: 116-117. 293 Vermeule (1965:127-128) and Mylonas (1966: 177-178) have suggested that they had exclusively funerary use symbolising locks of hair offered to the dead. However, Long (1974: 38-39, 42 notes 53-55) considered the above interpretation unconvincing on the basis of depictions of streamers appearing in non-funerary contexts as well as in funerary themes. Note that streamers are also attached to the robe of the deity depicted on larnax no 2 from tomb 24 at Armenoi, Crete (Tzedakis 1970: 221 fig. 9) and to the dress of two female mourners on the Kassel larnax (Vermeule 1965: 146, pl. XXVa). 294 Vermeule 1965: 127-128. Dietrich (1997: 37-38) also agreed with Vermeule’s suggestion. 292

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism tradition, is illustrated on one of the short sides of a sarcophagus from Milatos, Crete (fig. 17a)302. Although the sex is not indicated, Evans identified the figure as male303. The figure is depicted nude floating in the air above a single fish. The right arm is raised open-palmed, whereas a double curved object is suspended from its left hand. Evans identified the object as a figure-of-eight shield, whereas Alexiou as sea rocks304. The figure turns towards the right. From either side of his head stems a pair of ruffled lines, interpreted by Evans as the rayed emanation of the Knossian divinity as compared to the Babylonian Samas, and later as locks of hair305. He also attributed the upward curve of the excrescences to the descending motion of the figure306.

arms are depicted upraised with the palms open. The movement of the feet is no longer preserved. The facial characteristics have faded and with them any indication of the figure’s sex. However, the dress is reminiscent of the male figures on a number of sarcophagi of this period, namely the sarcophagi from Haghia Triadha and Tanagra313. Rutkowski’s assumption that this figure may be the deceased himself seems unlikely. Alexiou, who adopted Matz’s approach, suggested that this might be a chthonic deity in epiphany314. The movement of the arms resembles mourning, ritual or farewell gestures315. Personages dressed in ankle-length garments, single or in processions, are depicted on a number of the Tanagra larnakes316, therefore, it is plausible to identify the Vatheianos Kampos figure as a male mourner or a priest participating in the funerary ritual or the post-funerary acts.

Vermeule discussed the similarities between the Milatos figure and the Tanagra winged creature and concluded that Evans’ interpretation of the Milatos scene ‘much depends on its relation to the iconography of the mainland larnax307. Alexiou identified the figure as a female deity whose connection with the sea was attested by the presence of the fish and the rocks308. Kanta, in turn, stressed the divine nature of the representation suggesting iconographical links with the female figure with upraised arms from a sarcophagus from Armenoi309. Certainly, the Milatos figure is to a certain degree problematic but its occurrence on a funerary monument and its artistic association with the fish at the lower register is suggestive not only of its funerary nature but also of the link between death and the sea310.

A fresco of chthonic nature from the Cult Centre at Mycenae (fig. 11) Bizarre ‘floating’ figures are not confined only to the Mycenaean funerary art but are also to attested to contemporary fresco representations. Scholars have already pointed to a rather unusual element in the decorative programme from Room 31 at the Cult Centre at Mycenae. The fresco, which was found in situ, consists of two registers and is connected with a platform adjacent to the eastern wall of the room317. The platform functioned most probably as an altar and at its west end a ledge was found roughly shaped into three coalescing discs, in the form of miniature hearths, filled with ashes318.

In 1966 Rutkowski argued that on the short end of a LM IIIA larnax from the Vatheianos Kampos tomb (Nirou Khani area) a god is represented ‘taking care of the dead buried therein or even the deceased himself (fig. 17b)311. A single human figure is illustrated floating in the air dressed in a long robe with diagonal banding312. His

Of interest is the upper register of the fresco, which depicts two female figures facing each other in an architectural setting319. The left figure holds a sword, whereas the right one a spear or staff. Between these two standing figures, which have been interpreted as goddesses320, hover two diminutive naked figures. These

302

Evans 1901: 174-175; idem 1905: 489-491, fig. 107; Alexiou 1958: 217-218. 303 Evans 1905: 489. However, as Alexiou (1958: 218) has commented the absence of garment does not signify a male figure. To this the evidence from the gold sheet ornaments of nude female deities from Grave Circle A could be added (Karo 1930-33: 48, pl. XXVII,27). 304 Evans 1905: 489; Alexiou 1958: 218. 305 Evans 1905: 489. 306 Evans 1905: 489. 307 Vermeule 1965: 127. 308 Alexiou 1958: 218, where he also cited the Levi’s suggestion that this is a cultic scene, and Hall’s interpretation of the figure as Zeus-Poseidon or Velchanos. 309 Kanta 1980: 126, where she erroneously refers to a larnax from Pigi Rethymnou, citing Tzedakis’s article in AAA 4 (1971). To the best of my knowledge no figures with upraised arms are depicted on any of the Pigi larnakes. A larnax with a prothesis scene from Pigi Rethymnou has been recently published by Baxevani (1995: 15-33). Kanta (1980: 126) also mentions that the figure has been identified as a chariot rider but no further reference is given. 310 The symbolic use of marine elements in LM and LH funerary art is discussed below. 311 Rutkowski 1966: 134. 312 Alexiou 1958: 218-219; Long 1974: fig. 31; Kanta 1980: 44-45; Younger 1995a: 164 no 50, pl. LVc.

313

Watrous (1991: pls. 83c), Spyropoulos (1969a: pls. 4b, 6a; idem 1971a: 17a-b, 18a) and Vermeule (1965: 132-133, larnax no 9) have illustrated male figures on a number of sarcophagi. With respect to figures in long robes, Kanta (1980: 44) mentions the male figures depicted on the larnakes from Episkopi Ierapetras, Armenoi and Maroulas. These figures, however, are dressed in knee-length garments (see illustrations provided in Watrous op.cit. pls. 89b, 92a, 93a and b). 314 Alexiou 1958: 219. 315 Cavanagh and Mee 1995: 46ff., 54 (male mourners), figs. 1-5, 7, 9-10; Schoinas 1999: 257 fig. 1. 316 Supra note 293. 317 Taylour 1969: 94-95. 318 Taylour 1969: 94-95; Marinatos 1988: 245; Rehak 1984: 539. 319 Taylour 1969: 96, fig. 2; idem 1970: 276-277; Marinatos 1988: 247-248; Immerwahr 1990: 120-121; Rehak 1992: 4350. 320 Rehak (1984: 539) has suggested that the left figure is a warrior-goddess. N. Marinatos (1988: 247) argues that both figures are goddesses.

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism are sketchily painted, the upper figure rendered in black and the lower in red. Their arms, which end up in elongated branch-like fingers, are outstretched towards the left figure, whereas their feet are illustrated in a downward-angled movement321.

18). Spyropoulos has attributed this change to the artist’s attempt to differentiate between two semi-choruses of mourners326. Given the similarities, though, between the Tanagra winged apparitions and the ‘floating’ figures on the Mycenae fresco as well as the colour code employed in the aforementioned examples, it seems that the choice and use of bichromy was conscious and deliberate, and by no means due to the restricted Mycenaean palette. Wasilewska has demonstrated how colours could be employed and manipulated in religious contexts as symbolic markers dividing sacred from profane and, even when dealing with preliterate societies, how their significance could be assessed through comparative data from other disciplines, e.g. the field of anthropology327. In a compelling study of colour and its interpretations, John Gage maintains that the meaning of colour depends on the particular historical context and contingencies in which it is experienced and interpreted328.

Following an assessment of the possibility that these figures may represent figurines, human adorants or perhaps souls or spirits, Marinatos adopted the third explanation322. Immerwahr has interpreted them as symbolic eidola323. Suggesting their function as figurines, Rehak cites as a comparative element the depiction of a small figure carried by a mourner during a procession on a larnax from Tanagra324. Hägg wondered whether these enigmatic creatures are symbols of mortals or souls in the hands of the goddesses, but preferred, through lack of parallels, to leave the question open325. It has been argued in Chapter II that the close proximity of Grave Circle A and the Cult Centre as well as certain elements from the Cult Centre itself imply cultic activity in terms of ancestor worship. Nevertheless, for lack of comparanda from Mycenaean large-scale art, the interpretation of these vague human renditions is difficult and subject to various suggestions. It would be plausible, however, to stress two points: a. the ‘flying’ pose of the figures and b. the deliberate choice of red and black for their illustration.

In several human geographies, black signifies night and death329, whereas the association of red with life-giving blood is reflected on the early practice of adorning the corpse with red ochre or of using ochre as part of the burial paraphernalia330, the deposition of ochre in Helladic tombs331, even on the occasional placement of one or more red sherds with cremations in Late Neolithic Greek mainland332. Turning to the Mycenaean period, ‘the notion that the blood of the sacrificed animal ‘feeds’ or gives power to the dead person’ is not incompatible with the archaeological record, not least the scene on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus333. Furthermore, this Late Helladic belief is powerfully evoked in the Homeric Νekyia, where the ‘dark-clouding blood’ of the sacrificed sheep runs into the pit Odysseus dug and at the same time the hero promises on his return to Ithaka to sacrifice a barren cow to all the dead and an all-black ram to Teiresias334.

Comparative material for these ‘floating’ figures is, undoubtedly, provided by the Tanagra winged creatures, with which they share the hovering motion and the downward-angled movement of the feet. The supernatural elongated fingers of the Mycenae examples balance the lack of wings. The conventions in the drawing and colour code of the flying figures on the fresco from Room 31 are not unparalleled. The sketching technique and the bichrome matt colouring of the Tanagra sarcophagi most probably imply their conscious choice for the illustration of the abstract Mycenaean metaphysical ideas. The deliberate alternation of female figures in red and black attested on a larnax from tomb 22 may be suggestive of a similar choice and could serve as comparison for the fresco (fig.

The extent to which artists dealing with Mycenaean funerary art exploited the use of colour cannot be discussed with absolute certainty given the absence of adequate iconographical comparanda. However, applying the tenet that metaphors in artistic representations serve as reinforcing factors of already

321

Marinatos 1988: 248. Marinatos 1988: 248. Regarding the first interpretation, the lack of any means of suspension and the pose of the right female figure render the interpretation invalid. The deliberate inversion and defiance in the conventions of drawing and colour code exclude the explanation of human worshippers (Marinatos 1988: 248) 323 Immerwahr 1990: 121. 324 Rehak 1992: note 103. He also recognises in the pose of the male figures Minoan and Mycenaean prototypes from processional representations and interprets them as worshippers, according to the iconographic tradition of the mainland and Crete (1992: 48-49). 325 Hägg 1996: 605-606. Following Hägg’s suggestions, Whittaker argued that the position of the figures does not indicate the acceptance of worship and that the import of the scene could have been narrative (Hägg 1985a: 209ff.; Whittaker 1997: 152). 322

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Spyropoulos 1974: 24-25. Wasilewska 1991: 36-41. 328 Gage 1999. 329 Or even rebirth in the Egyptian cosmologies (Taylor 2001: 72). Even today Hades is believed to be dark and gloomy. 330 Schmandt-Besserat 1980; Laffineur 1991b: 232; Parker Pearson 1999: 150 (e.g. the Upper Palaeolithic Dolní Vestonice triple burial). 331 Sakellariou 1986: 15-18 (on ochre found in shaft grave Γ of Grave Circle B at Mycenae and a Middle Helladic cist grave at Argos). 332 Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 8-9 (e.g. the LN cremations at Plateia Magoula Zarkou). Gage (1999: 110) has pointed to the common root between the Sanskrit word rudhirā (=blood) and the terms ‘red’, ‘rosso’, ‘rouge’ or ‘rot’. 333 Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 115. 334 Od. λ. 29-41. 327

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism known ideas, memories or experiences, it would be plausible to argue that the sketching technique and the chromatic alternations on the Tanagra sarcophagi and the Room of the Fresco acted as mnemonic references for the participants in mortuary and post funerary acts. Whether these references denoted and/or emphasised the fundamental contrast between life and death/the world of the living and the realm of the dead, is difficult, if not impossible, to prove.

Circle A decorated with doves associated either with nude female figures or with tripartite shrines (figs. 19a,b)336. Many interpretations have been put forward regarding their function and significance337; however, as this is a period of radical changes and ideas to a significant degree associated with the adaptation of foreign traditions to the Early Mycenaean cosmologies, the symbolic context of birds in this period could not be discussed with absolute certainty, unless as part of a broader thorough discussion.

An additional element widely overlooked in previous studies and reconstructions of the fresco scene is that the Mycenaean artist had the intention to depict the left figure on the upper decorative register in an ascending motion. The left foot is illustrated in a lower level than the right one, while the weights and the fringe of her robe form a slightly oblique incline following the ascending movement of the feet. This feature is evocative of the dead person depicted on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus. In this case, the male figure stands before a building whose decorated façade is reminiscent of Mycenaean decorated tombs, just as the left figure on the fresco is standing in front of a decorated façade. His feet are hidden below the groundline, whereas the patterns on his garments are similarly illustrated in an oblique manner.

Due to the limitations and restrictions imposed on this book, the occurrence of birds in the LH I funerary context will be briefly discussed and only with the purpose of setting the background for the later depictions. Apart from the aforementioned examples, golden images of eagles have been unearthed in Shaft Graves III and V of Grave Circle A at Mycenae (fig. 20a)338. Gold leaf jewellery in the form of an owl has been reported from tombs of the Peloponnese, namely Tholos 3 at Peristeria, Tholos A at Kakovatos and Tholos IV at Ano Englianos (fig. 20b)339. In addition to the emblematic character dictated by the occurrence of pairs of birds, scholars have stressed the protective qualities of the motif of the eagle, associating it with the golden masks that covered the faces of the dead in several LH I graves340. The penetrating stare of the owl, its appearance and nocturnal nature renders it an appropriate symbol of death341. With reference to the owls from Peristeria, Marinatos assumed that they represented a bird-goddess of death corresponding to the oriental Lilith342. Laffineur attributed chthonic and magic value to it and considered its role as psychopompos, i.e. leader of souls343. As in the case of eagles, he associated the big eyes and the penetrating look of the owl with the funerary masks and concluded that they were apotropaic in character344. In conclusion, then, we note the fact that the motif of bird does occur in

Another element that should be pointed out is that the sword held by the so-called goddess is piercing the floor. Additionally, the importance of the left figure is strengthened by the fact that both the right figure and the small apparitions turn towards her and the fact that it seems as if a procession takes place directed towards the decorated building in front of which stands the left figure. Thus, it is tempting to suggest that the right figure is a deity or a priestess leading the souls in front of the left figure who could be identified as a chthonic divinity. The nude figures could and should be considered as souls, the lack of sex indication being the consequence of death, whose finality annuls and distorts human characteristics and existence.

336

Nilsson 19502: 333ff., fig. 154; Mylonas 1966: 138-139; Carter 1995: 290; 100 Years from the Death of Schliemann: 280-281, nos 220, 221. 337 Mylonas 1966: 138-139; Adrachta 1996: 84; ideam 2001: 95-98. 338 Schuchhardt 1891: 201, 262-263, fig. 264; Laffineur 198788: 11. It is strange, though, that the motif occurs only in two shaft graves, whilst, during the excavations on the citadel at Mycenae, a mould was found with the impression of an eagle intended for the manufacture of these gold ornaments (Schuchhardt 1891: 279); 100 years from the death of Schliemann: 310 (no 262), 311. Note also the possible occurrence of an eagle pattern on a gold sheet from Pylos Tholos IV (Blegen et al. 1973: 117, figs. 191: 11, 192: 6). 339 Blegen et al. 1973: 117, figs. 192: 1-4b; Laffineur: 198182; idem 1985: 250-252; The Mycenaean World: 107 (no 39 and plate). 340 Laffineur 1985: 252. 341 Especially in the case of owls, their chthonic symbolism persisted from the Bronze Age onwards. Still in modern Greece the ‘cry’ of the owl is taken to signify a forthcoming death. 342 Marinatos 1965: 118-119, pl. 140c; Laffineur 1981-82: 5. 343 Laffineur 1981-82: 13. 344 Laffineur 1981-82: 14.

In addition to the depicted winged figures, there is substantial evidence to suggest that other winged creatures from the natural world were also employed as metaphors for the soul. In the framework of introduction and incorporation of elements from the natural world to Mycenaean funerary symbolism, one should consider the evidence for the employment of bird and butterfly motifs as part of the funerary symbolism. Moreover, the afterlife symbolism of winged creatures in several civilisations originates in an ancient idea that the soul may appear in the guise of a flying animal, a bird or an insect335. Birds The symbolic presence of the bird in the Mycenaean funerary art is attested as early as the Late Helladic I times. Gold sheet ornaments were unearthed in Grave 335

Nilsson 19502: 47.

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism the earlier Mycenaean period and continues later in funerary context; consequently, it should definitely be attributed funerary qualities.

of the bird led N. Marinatos to question the aforementioned argument and to simply suggest that the creature could indicate an otherworldly landscape352.

As to the species of birds employed in Mycenaean funerary art, scholars have managed to identify doves, ‘perdix’, eagles, black woodpeckers or cuckoos, with most emphasis being put on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus345. As demonstrated above, though, the only so far recognisable species in the funerary context of the mainland are the eagle and the owl unearthed in the Shaft Graves of GCA346.

On both the long sides of an unpublished sarcophagus from Tanagra a human figure is depicted flanked by a pair of oversized birds353. The scenes, though badly preserved, are artlessly drawn in red. The degree to which one could draw any conclusions from such a brief description, is doubtful. It is clear, however, that, as contrasted with Vermeule’s larnax, the Tanagra scene is more peaceful, taking place in a rather idyllic landscape. As regards the gigantic birds on Late Helladic funerary monuments, an examination of the aforementioned examples renders Vermeule’s hypothesis, i.e. that they may be the pictorial equivalents of the soul, unconvincing. The fact that the bird is engaged in the chase of the human figures should be considered the first difficulty in her argument. In addition, the fact that the bird on the Swiss larnax bears a collar and the illustration of a pair of birds flanking a ‘human’ figure on the Tanagra example could classify the creatures as escorts or symbols of a chthonic deity354.

Birds on Late Helladic III sarcophagi With reference to the iconography of Late Helladic sarcophagi, Vermeule argued that apart from the impressive rendition of the invisible in the image of a winged creature, the passing to the nether world seems to be rendered in the different icon of the soul-bird, equivalent to the Egyptian ba-soul347. Her conclusion derived from the analysis of a larnax from the Swiss market, on which a very interesting scene is illustrated348.

Consequently, it is tempting to suggest that the Swiss larnax illustrates a narrative episode, most probably associated with the post mortem fate of the dead. If one follows the notion that only deities (or even priests partaking ceremonially of sacred divinity) are flanked by animals, fantastic creatures and their symbols, then it would be feasible to suggest that the figure depicted on the Tanagra larnax is associated with funerary cult, in which the oversized birds emphasise the presence of the chthonic deity.

In a framed scene, two male figures in short tunics move hastily to the right, followed by a gigantic bird (fig. 21)349. The ground line is indicated by a row of plantlike tendril spirals and the figures move among tall waving plants. The bird is depicted in a ‘just launching into flight’ motion, although his proportionately small open wings seem completely inappropriate for such an attempt. It bears a triple collar and its body is elaborately decorated with interior markings350. It has a scissorshaped bill and large claws. Vermeule suggested that this bird could stand pictorially for the soul or psyche of the dead, similar to depictions of birds perching on biers in Geometric art351. On the other hand, the gigantic size 345

‘Kαινοφανή ειδώλια’ and other bird models The excavations at the necropolis of Tanagra have revealed several odd figurines, unique so far in the Mycenaean world, which Spyropoulos has associated with funerary cult355. These καινοφανή ειδώλια comprise a winged creature with a bird’s head, an elongated

2

Nilsson (1950 : 336-340) cited the already proposed interpretations. Dr Spyropoulos has kindly informed me that during his University lectures at Athens, Sp. Marinatos had suggested that the birds on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus should be interpreted as κορώναι (=crows). Along the same line of argument, G.H. Watson III suggested that they could be seen as orioles, which are commonly seen in Greece, although they nest farther north (Long 1974: 41 note 13) or as ravens or similar birds, as proposed by Branigan (1970:119). Recently, Tsipopoulou and Vagnetti suggested that the birds with tall legs could be identified as cranes (1999: 131 citing Benson). 346 Laffineur 1985: 251-252. 347 Vermeule 1979: 65, 75-76. She (1979: 75) defined the basoul as having ‘a portrait face on a feathered body’ and described it as being able to ‘hover over a stiff corpse with the ankh-sign of life, or fly into the dead man’. 348 Vermeule 1965: 130-131, pl. XXVIII. 349 Vermeule 1965: 130-131. The hasty movement of the figures is indicated by the fluttered hair of the front figure and the position of the arms of both figures. 350 The collar of the gigantic bird is not attested in any other representations on pictorial vases. It is reminiscent though of the collar worn by the Sphinx depicted on larnax no 3 from Tanagra chamber tomb 51 (Spyropoulos 1971a: pl. 18b). 351 Vermeule 1965: 131, 140-141.

352

Marinatos 1997: 289. The larnax is now exhibited in the Archaeological Museum at Thebes. The excavator of the cemetery, Dr Th. Spyropoulos, has not included this larnax in his reports. However, Demakopoulou and Konsola [1981: 84 (no 11)] have given its dimensions and a brief description in the Guide. A reference to this larnax is also made by N. Marinatos (1997: 289 note 24). 354 In Aegean art mythological creatures are frequently depicted held on leashes by human beings (members of the priesthood or deities), crowning shrines and/or bearing an emblematic character, e.g. flanking human figures, sacred pillars or the throne. 355 Spyropoulos 1969a: 9-10, 13, pls. 2a, 7a; idem 1970b: 187188, fig. 8; 1971a: 8-9. Finials have been reported so far from chamber tombs 6 and 60. Four finials were discovered in situ on the lid of larnax 12 and another two were found on the lid of a larnax from tomb 60. At least twenty finials were unearthed in chamber tomb 6. Spyropoulos has suggested that these creatures could represent either birds or winged bulls (1970e: 222). 353

39

Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism serpentine body and a long flattened tail, on top of a circular or oval disc set on a schematic pair of horns of consecration (fig. 22)356. Their linear decoration consists of horizontal, diagonal and vertical lines, semicircles or anthemia, while some of the figurines were intended for suspension, as attested by the holes at eye level. The sockets at the corners of the lids of certain larnakes and the excrescences at the base of several figurines led the excavator to suggest that they were used as finials crowning the four sides of the sarcophagi357. It is noteworthy that a piece of lead sheet was discovered on the head of one model, which the excavator has interpreted as horns358.

and bird models were intended as toys in child burials363. However, the selection of specific types of figurines as burial offerings and their association to other representations may have profounder symbolic connotations.

Immerwahr has discussed the winged apparitions of the Tanagran sarcophagi in association with these curious figurines or soul-birds and concluded that the Mycenaeans ‘made a distinction between the corporeal body that perished after death and the spirit or psyche which left the body and continued some sort of existence’359. Having stressed the apotropaic and prophylactic qualities of the crowning finials360, Spyropoulos, additionally, believes that the artistic and archaeological evidence from the cemetery is suggestive of a distinction not only between the earthly remains and the spirit, but, most importantly, of the differentiation between the Homeric eidolon, represented by the winged creatures, and the psyche, in the form of a bird figurine361.

From the Argolid, a bird figurine was reported from the Atreus Bothros, pierced vertically by a small hole and French has suggested that it may once have been attached to the rim of a vase365. The wings are separately modelled and the whole is decorated in a naturalistic manner. A fragment from the same context seems to be part of a similar type366. Another rather simpler example was also reported from the Tholos of Clytemnestra367. No further bird figurines have been reported to the present from the LH IIIA-B cemeteries under investigation.

It is evident that birds held a key role in the Tanagran funerary attitudes. Apart from the unique finials, a number of bird models have been unearthed in several chamber tombs from Tanagra. At least 10 bird models, one identified as a dove(?), bearing linear decoration have been reported from chamber tombs 6, 60 and 103364.

To sum up. In general terms, the motif of the bird appears in Aegean iconography either as a natural element in the literalistic view or as an emblem or attribute, i.e. the symbol, the messenger, the arrival or the epiphany of a deity368. Turning to Mycenaean funerary art, the fact that birds are frequently depicted on sarcophagi associated with libations or feasting scenes could denote the presence and participation of the chthonic deity or the dead in the ritual acts369.

It should be noted that birds are frequently depicted on Late Minoan III sarcophagi associated either with imagery of sacrifice/libation or with allegories of the underworld362. Bird models have been unearthed in a number of Late Helladic burial places. PolychronakouSgouritsa has suggested that, just like the other types of figurines, the bird-shaped askoi and the feeding bottles,

Butterflies and the notion of ‘psychostasia’ 356

These figurines present similarities with the bird perching on a pair of sacred horns depicted on the LM IIIB sarcophagus from Giophyrakia (illustrated and described in Kanta 1980: 21, fig. 113). 357 Supra note 355. In addition, traces of an adhesive substance survived in the sockets of the lids and on the figurines’ base. 358 The excavator has reported: ‘…επί της κεφαλής του ενός (bird) καί προ των φυλλοειδών “πτερών” ευρέθη µολύβδινον έλασµα, κολοβόν...’ (Spyropoulos 1971a: 9). A similar lead sheet was also reported from another tomb (Spyropoulos 1971a: 9). 359 Immerwahr 1995: 117. She also suggested that the notion of the separation of body and soul at the time of death is indicated by the symbolic use of specific elements from the shaft graves of Mycenae (1995: 121 note 53). 360 Spyropoulos 1971a: 9. 361 Personal communication with Dr Spyropoulos. 362 Watrous (1991: 293) and Long (1974: 36, 40, 43 notes 6466) have discussed the iconographical links between double axes and birds in Late Minoan funerary contexts. I briefly refer to the sarcophagi from Haghia Triadha, Episkopi Ierapetras, Mallia, Giophyrakia and Palaikastro. The role of the bird in depictions of the underworld will be discussed below. Tsipopoulou and Vagnetti (1999: 129-131) summarised the arrangement in which birds appear: a. isolated, especially in ritual scenes, b. in heraldic position with a central element, and c. in panels.

The Mycenaeans were fascinated by the transformations and the life cycle of certain insect species. Gold leaf discs and sheets embossed with the pattern of butterflies, bees and marine creatures not only indicate an unusual 363

Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1987: 23. The occurrence and function of figurines in the funerary context will be discussed in detail below. 364 Spyropoulos 1969a: 10, 14; idem 1971a: 14; idem 1971c: 20; idem 1976a: 67, pl. 32ζ; idem 1976b: 11. Several figurines of the bird type from Tanagra are οn display in the Archaeological Museum at Thebes (Demakopoulou and Konsola 1981: 86-87). The number of figurines will definitely rise following the final publication of the excavation results. 365 French 1971: 160, pl. 24b, no 39-47. An example of a pair of doves surmounting the handle of a LH IIIB kernos has been illustrated by Vermeule (1960: 69, fig. 4). 366 French 1971: 160, pl. 24b, no. 39-54. 367 French 1971: 160. 368 Morgan 1988: 63; Thomas and Wedde 2001: 6. Interesting is the scene on the Sellopoulo ring in which a bird sweeps down from the sky with a chrysalis just below its beak (Popham et al. 1974: 217). 369 Note also Kourou’s suggestion that the bird figurines from the Geometric tombs at Naxos could be symbols of the souls of the departed (1999: 179-182).

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism body treatment but also imply a belief in the separation of the body and soul at the moment of death370.

symbolic of the continuous reappearance of life from death without, however, playing any part in any ontological dogma or expressing any ideas of afterlife377.

The butterfly’s funerary connotation finds its most expressive form in the very name of the insect, psyche, which most probably owes its origins to the life cycle and transformations of the creature, i.e. caterpillar→ chrysalis or nymph → butterfly371. The wide-open eyes on the head and the circular motifs on the wings of certain species of Lepidoptera must have been charged at some point with a prophylactic value372. However, the omission of this feature from several Mycenaean depictions led Laffineur to search for a deeper meaning and, subsequently, to the suggestion that the successive transformation stages of the butterfly could denote regeneration and thus a form of immortality373.

The chthonic significance of the butterfly is stressed by the presence of a pair of pupae on a sword blade from Shaft Grave I of Grave Circle B378 and the incised decoration of a butterfly with outspread wings on the socket of a spearhead from a warrior-grave at the New Hospital site at Knossos (fig. 24)379. There seems to be no other reason why an insect associated with rebirth and regeneration should adorn objects exclusively associated with death. Intriguing is the occurrence of engraved designs of butterflies on the golden scales from Shaft Grave III at Mycenae (fig. 25)380. Correspondingly, small scale pans of bronze, pierced at the rim with four suspension holes, occasionally accompanied the dead in their resting places ranging from LH II to LH IIIA date; in most instances no remains of the balance beam survived suggesting that it may have been made of some perishable material, most probably wood.

Golden discs embossed with butterfly motifs and golden models of the insect occasionally accompanied the dead as early as Late Helladic I (figs. 23a, b)374. Taking as the starting point for his investigation the appearance of a pair of butterflies and pupae over the head of the female ‘goddess’ on the left upper panel of the ‘Ring of Nestor’ and the occurrence of the motif in GCA at Mycenae, Evans understood them as emblems of regeneration375. Persson argued that the chrysalis, just like the epiphanies of the deity, either in a human or a bird form, is a sign that the divine powers participate in human grief376. Combining Evans’s and Nilsson’s approaches to the subject, Dietrich concluded that the pupae were

As regards the regions under investigation, decorated or plain scale pans have been reported to-date from Mycenae chamber tombs 46, 84, 515 and 529, the Kazarma tholos tomb, Prosymna tombs XXVI, XLIV, XXV, II and XLIII, Dendra tomb 10, Deiras tombs XXIV and 21bis, Thebes tomb 19, Thorikos Tholos III and the chamber tomb at Limnionas, Salamis381.

370

In Peristeria Tholos II, Sp. Marinatos unearthed six golden bee-ornaments, possibly dated to LH II period (Marinatos 1962: 97, fig. 99a-b; idem 1964: 95). The connection between the bee, honey, death and afterlife has been discussed, among others, by Cook (1895), Frödin and Persson (1938: 350-352), Elderkin (1939: 206-210, 213), Forbes (1957: 79ff., esp. 8789), Bodson (1978: 20ff.), Richards-Mantzoulinou (1979: 7678), Davaras (1984: 82-82, 86, 87-89) and Laffineur (1985: 255-257; idem 1987-88: 163-164). The regenerative qualities of certain sea species, e.g. octopus and squid, are discussed in the section of marine symbolism. 371 Cook 1925: 645, note 4; Laffineur 1985: 252. It should be noted that the word psyche in the sense of butterfly or moth is originally found in Aristotle’s Historia Animalium 551 A (Dietrich 1974: 122, note 322; Bremmer 1983: 82). 372 Cook 1925: 646. 373 Laffineur 1985: 252-255; idem 1991b: 231. 374 Regarding the cover areas of this study, relevant evidence has been uncovered in the cemeteries of Argolid and Attica, in particular, Mycenae and Thorikos (Laffineur 1987-88: 163). Mycenae, Grave Circle A: Schuchhardt 1891: 204-206, fig. 193 (shaft grave III); Evans 1930: figs. 100-102; Laffineur 1985: 252, figs. 4, 6, 7. Mycenae, Clytemnestra tholos: Wace 1923-25b: 365 fig. 79k, 373 no 12 note 1. Mycenae, T.518: Wace 1932: 87 no 76, 194, pl. XXXVIII: 76; Mycenae, T.15: Tsountas 1899: 103; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 77, no X2301(5-6), 310, pl. 12. Mycenae, T.102: Bosanquet 1924: 323, 324, fig. 1c; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 279, no 4902, 281, pl. 139. Thorikos Tholos IV: Mussche 1974: 19, figs. 11-13. Note also the evidence from Pylos Tholos IV (Blegen et al. 1973: 111, 117, figs. 190: 1,2, 191:1), Peristeria Tholos 3 (Marinatos 1965: 118, pl. 140a; idem 1967: 12, fig. 20) and the tholos at Kapakli (Kourouniotis 1906: 231, fig. 5, pl. 14). 375 Evans 1925; idem 1930: 150-151, figs. 95, 96, 97. 376 Persson 1942b: 88-89.

However, the practice of depositing scale pans with the dead was not confined merely to the aforementioned regions. It is worth mentioning the scale pans from the tholos tomb at Vapheio, the Grave Circle at Pylos, Tragana tholos 1, Koukounara tholos 3, Myrsinochori (Routsi) tholos 2, the MME tholos and Mavro Spelio tomb IV382. In the Grave Circle at Pylos the balance

377

Dietrich 1974: 121-122; idem 1997: 31-32. Mylonas 1973: 118 (I-291), 317, fig. 99a. 379 Hood and de Jong 1952: 249, 267 (II4), figs. 12, 15b, pls. 53a-b. 380 Schuchhardt 1891: 205 fig. 193; Sakellarakis 1971a: 47. 381 Karo (1930-33: 247, note 1), Spyropoulos (1972b: 102103), Tripathi (1988: 363-364), Cavanagh and Mee (1998: 53 note 121, 55) have already cited several of the funerary find spots of Late Helladic and Late Minoan scale pans. Mycenae: Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 119,146, 241, pls. 45, 115; Wace 1932: 58 no 20, pl. XXXIX,20. Kazarma: ProtonotariouDeilaki 1969: 4. Prosymna: Blegen 1937: 351-352, figs. 215.6,7, 543.5, 196, 443.2, 485. Dendra: Persson 1942a: 72-75 (plus a T-shaped gold-plate, probably part of the wooden cross-beam), fig. 86. Deiras: Deshayes 1966: 67 (DB 13), pl. LXIX, 2 (plus part of the cross-beam), 83 (DB 16), pl. LXXX, 4. Thebes (Kolonaki): Keramopoullos 1910a: 233; idem 1917: 178, fig. 129:3 (plus a long and thin bronze sheet). Thorikos: Mussche et al. 1971: 80 no 6, fig. 42. Salamis: Tzavella-Evjen 1992: 85. 382 Tsountas 1889: 145, 156. pl. 8,4; Blegen et al. 1973: 138, 168, fig. 228:5; Marinatos 1955: 248; idem 1956: 203; idem 1957: 99; idem 1960:196; Wilkie 1992: 251, 254; 276; 311, fig. 5-31, pls. 5-112, 5-131; Forsdyke 1926-27: 253, fig. 6, no 378

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism beam (or staff) was found, whereas the example from Mavro Spelio preserved, in addition to the pans, the scale-arm and the scale-handle383. In the Tomb of the Ivory Pyxides in the Athenian Agora, ‘a long piece of copper wire has been tentatively identified as part of a small symbolic balance’384.

The concept of psychostasia, the weighing of the souls, along the later Greek lines, has also been discussed by Dietrich and Sakellarakis393. Dietrich has maintained that Zeus’ scales in the Homeric kerostasia ‘were subject to an older tradition’ and that it is evident that the psychostasia in Homer constitutes a developed aspect of an earlier doctrine394. Spyropoulos, who summarised the available material, dated the mainland examples to LH I-IIIB times and expressed the view that in certain cases the psychostatic function of the scales is acceptable, whereas in other cases Persson’s argument should be applied395. Likewise, Immerwahr suggested that the small scale pans could have fulfilled a symbolic function, yet the more functional ones, e.g. the examples from Prosymna, may have served a practical purpose like the weighing out of cosmetics, pointing to their association with mirrors and other feminine equipment396.

Schliemann attributed symbolic significance to the scales and asserted that the practice of depositing them with the dead most probably reflects the Early Mycenaean adoption of the Egyptian belief on the judgement of the soul385. Evans stated that these fragile balances are ‘an allusion to the weighing of souls, suggesting an analogy with the Egyptian idea of Thoth and Anubis weighing the heart of the dead man against the feather of Truth’386. As well as that, he interpreted the two figures riding a chariot on the Enkomi krater as representing the deceased’s household in its sporting, military and economic aspect, and the man holding the balance as a steward (fig. 26)387.

Summing up, it seems that after LH I the use of the butterfly motif on scale pans ceases and is replaced by plain scale pans, yet retaining their primary symbolic character. Apart from the thinness and fragility of the scale pans uncovered in the funerary context, another element that argues against the practical use of these scales is the fact that in at least one case the suspension holes are not symmetrically placed on the pan, thus the practical use of the scales should be re-examined397. Moreover, in consequence of inadequate information on the sex of the individuals buried in each tomb, the theory that they were exclusively intended for female burials requires re-assessment.

Nilsson argued that it is not plausible to adduce the Egyptian judgement of the dead in interpreting the scales from GCA and rejected Evan’s theories on the basis that the conception of the judgement of the dead did not exist before the 5th century BC and that the ‘scales of Justice’ are to be found in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes and the later authors388. Following the Homeric tradition, though, he identified the male figure holding the scales on the Enkomi krater as Zeus with the Scales of Destiny389. Persson, on the other hand, adopted Evan’s interpretation as regards the scale pans from Shaft Grave III, but claimed that the frequent occurrence of scales and weights argues for their ordinary use in Late Helladic graves, thus representing the household of the dead in its economic aspect390. Their use for weighing small objects was also stressed by Blegen391. However, as Tsountas and Picard argued, their fragility renders them inappropriate as an actual means of weighing, thus they were most probably intended for funerary use392.

The notion of psychostasia is attested not only throughout the Mycenaean period as it also acquired a conspicuous place in later classical tradition. With reference to the LH I material one could detect foreign influences adapted to Early Mycenaean thought. What has not been stressed in previous studies is the fact that the Egyptian idea of the judgement of the deceased, which is mentioned as early as the Old Kingdom, was developed during the Second Intermediate Period with the introduction of Spell 125 to the Egyptian Book of the Dead (ca. 1750-1550 BC)398. Is it feasible, then, to assume that the Mycenae rulers during the Late Helladic I period via their contacts with Egypt came across this conception and consequently adapted it in their notions about death and afterlife? Given, though, the difficulties in the interpretation of symbols without the secure evidence of written sources, one should be cautious of oversimplifications and definite conclusions.

III,8; Spyropoulos (1972b: 102 and note 8) also mentions seven scale discs from Gournia. 383 Blegen et al. 1973: 139, 168; Forsdyke 1926-27: 253 no III,9. 384 Immerwahr 1971: 106 and note 68, 168 (I-24), pl. 33; Pantelidou 1975: 201. 385 Schliemann 1880: 198; Schuchhardt 1891: 204-205. 386 Evans 1930: 151. A brief but useful section on the Egyptian tradition of the Judgement of the Dead is found in Taylor’s Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt (2001: 18, 35-39, fig. 17). 387 Evans 1935: 658-659. See also Vermeule and Karageorghis (1982: 195-196, III.2) for an illustration and further bibliographical references. 388 Nilsson 19502: 34-35, 46-47; idem 1952: 691-692. 389 Nilsson 19502: 36. 390 Persson 1942a: 73. Lead weights have been reported from Tsountas’s excavations [Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 241 (ΔΜ 3144), pl. 115, 248 (ΔΜ 3214), pl. 119], the Kazarma tholos (Protonotariou-Deilaki 1969: 4), the Vapheio tholos (Tsountas 1889: 145, 156-157) and Thorikos Tholos III (Mussche et al. 1971: 8, fig. 43). 391 Blegen 1937: 351. 392 Tsountas 1893: 121; Picard 1948: 290. .

393

Dietrich 1964: 121ff.; idem 1965: 241-242; idem 1974: 121 and notes 317, 318; idem 1997: 31; Sakellarakis 1971a: 46. On an Attic red-figure cup Hermes is depicted holding a set of scales on the discs of which eidola of Achilles and Memnon stand (Carpenter 1991: fig. 325). 394 Dietrich 1964: 124. 395 Spyropoulos 1972b: 102 (notes 10-13), 103 (notes 1-3). 396 Immerwahr 1971: note 68. 397 E.g. the suspension holes on a scale pan from Prosymna tomb XLIV (Blegen 1937: 352). 398 Taylor 2001: 35-39, 196. Spell 125 is related to the fate of the deceased and the passage of the soul to a new life.

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism as an symbol of his maritime activities during his lifetime401. Moreover, the occurrence of ship motifs in Minoan mortuary contexts has been perceived as an appropriate Egyptian element adapted to the island’s requirements and traditions402.

‘In the House of Hades’: Mycenaean Deathscape and Symbolism The Mycenaean artists did not succeed merely in crystallising the abstract image of the soul but there is evidence to suggest that they included in their repertoire their belief in the voyage of the soul to its final destination as well as imagery of the Underworld. The majority of studies on Mycenaean Deathscape has placed emphasis on the evidence from LH I burial contexts, whereas a certain bias is observed against the later material, which has not been extensively assessed.

In addition to the Shaft Grave period material, which has been extensively examined, few studies have been devoted to relevant material from LH III funerary sites. Discussing the iconography of Late Minoan III sarcophagi, Watrous has succeeded in distinguishing between Minoan tradition and Mycenaean innovation403. On a similar line of argumentation, this section aims to explore the issues of innovation and conservatism in the Mycenaean eschatological belief in the last journey of the soul as well as the regional diversity observed in the expression of this notion. In particular, the offering of appropriate means for the transport of the dead to the underworld will be followed by a discussion of representations of the actual journey to the soul’s final destination. The study will focus on the study of funerary iconography, namely the sarcophagi, and the practice of depositing models of boats and chariots with the dead.

At the same time, the artistic themes of the Tanagra sarcophagi have broadened prehistorians’ field of research and understanding as regards Mycenaean mortuary practices and beliefs. Associated with and compared to the archaeological data and the remains of ritual activities in tombs, this unique repertoire is suggestive of the existence of a code of symbolic elements closely linked with the Mycenaean landscape and seascape of death. It has been noted above that Early Mycenaeans were preoccupied with elements of the natural world that stimulated the imagination with their regenerative qualities. The belief in the post mortem destiny of the soul and its journey to the world of ancestors was another route towards the denial of the finality of death. The aim of the following section is two-fold: a. to investigate the belief in the journey of the soul to the underworld and b. to explore aspects of the imagery of the Mycenaean Netherworld.

The offering of boats and chariots to the dead Earlier examples The earliest instances of boat depositions with the dead are attested in the mortuary traditions of Egypt and Mesopotamia404. Additional information on the destiny and passage of the deceased to the afterlife and the funerary barques is contained in the collection of Spells for Going Forth by Day (known as the Book of the Dead)405. The presence of ship patterns on rock-carvings in France, Italy, Scotland, Ireland and Scandinavia led Grinsell to propose the possibility of an indirect derivation of the boat of the dead in northern Europe from Egypt via the Aegean406.

‘To the Elysian plain and the bounds of the earth’: The journey of the soul to the Mycenaean Underworld The belief in the journey of the soul to the realm of the dead was long-lived and potent among Bronze Age peoples. To those who lived within reach of the sea or a great river, the placement of the nether world ‘in faraway lands next to deep-eddying Ocean’ was instinctively right and justified399. The overseas land of the dead would only be accessible by a vessel capable of transporting the soul safely on the underground waters; thus, a symbolic item of this journey was frequently buried with the dead as an archetypal symbol of departure and an important element in the rites of passage400.

401

Nilsson 19502: 623-630; Grumach 1968: 23-26; Alexiou 1972; idem 1973a; Davaras 1984; Watrous 1991: 298ff.; Dietrich 1997. 402 Watrous 1991: 298ff. 403 Watrous 1994: 298ff. 404 Vanschoonwinkel 1982: 21-24; Taylor 2001: 103-105, fig. 104. In the Old Kingdom of Egypt actual solar barques were frequently buried with the dead. Models of boats made of wood, terracotta or stone were deposited in the tombs of the Middle Kingdom, whereas the solar barque became an important element in the painted decoration of the royal graves of the New Kingdom (see also Morrison 1995: 131-132, figure 151). In the tomb of Abargi in the predynastic Royal Cemetery of Ur two boats, one of silver and one of copper, were deposited. More common, however, were the boats made of argil or bitumen, such as those uncovered in Farah, Tello, Kish, Obeid, Ur, Eridu and Abu Hatab (Vanschoonwinkel 1982: 21-24). 405 Taylor 2001: 196-198. 406 Grinsell 1941: 368-370. Davidson (1975: 76ff.) has also provided ample evidence on the ship of the dead in prehistoric Europe. Contra Grinsell, Vanschoonwinkel (1982: 21-24)

The majority of studies on the subject have centred upon the Minoan evidence. The practice of depositing model boats with the dead or of decorating funerary monuments with analogous patterns in prehistoric Greece has been interpreted either as a means of facilitating the deceased’s journey to the underworld or 399

Hes. Works and Days 171; Od. δ. 563-568; Davidson 1975: 73; West 1997: 155-156. On the journey to the underworld in Greek tradition, see Alexiou 1974: 189-193. 400 Davaras 1984: 72.

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism In the prehistoric Aegean, symbolic qualities of chthonic nature have been ascribed to several Early Cycladic ‘frying pans’ decorated with spirals and ships (fig. 27)407. Their chthonic character is undoubtedly justified by their findspot in graves near or in front the head of the dead and on occasions resting on the bones of the hand408. More than fifty model boats have been unearthed in Cycladic, Minoan and Cypriot graves409.

known to-date examples derives exclusively from the Argolid and Boeotia414. In 1895 an ivory boat-shaped pyxis was unearthed in front of the stomion of tomb 88 at Mycenae415 and has been interpreted as a boat with a bird-shaped prow dated to the LH IIIA1 period (fig. 29)416. Its counterpart was found in a slightly smaller LM IIIA ivory model deposited in pit-cave 7 at Zafer Papoura, Knossos, which Evans had identified as pyxis417. Sakellarakis stressed the practical use of these ivory pyxides and rejected the idea that all Minoan-Mycenaean funerary model boats functioned as means of transportation to the Underworld418.

On the occasion of the publication of a Middle Minoan I terracotta ship model from the Mitsotakis Collection, Davaras re-assessed and accepted the notion expressed in earlier studies that the occurrence of ships in funerary contexts bears eschatological character (fig. 28)410. Dietrich, on the other hand, proposed that ‘boats are appropriate gifts to the dead of a seafaring people and keen fishermen’, suggesting that the bathtub and boatlike shapes of several Minoan larnakes were quite unsuitable for crossing the sea to the other world; he also considered remote the hypothesis of the Greek myth of Danae and Perseus set adrift in a larnax from Acrisius as being reminiscent of the Minoan custom of burial at sea411. Other scholars have considered the interpretation of funerary boats in eschatological terms as arbitrary and illegitimate and interpreted the offering of a model boat as a reference to the deceased’s past profession412.

Near the stomion of chamber tomb 79 at Mycenae one small terracotta boat was uncovered along with a triple figurine (fig. 30)419. The model, a hand-made and inferior specimen as compared to other contemporary representations of vessels, has an elevated, almost vertical prow. Two clay cylinders inside the hold of the model must represent benches420. The discovery of two terracotta models was reported during the 1966 excavations of chamber tomb 4 at Megalo Kastelli, Thebes421; inside one of the boats the model of a small quadruped was found422. The Mycenaean cemetery of Tanagra in Boeotia has also yielded several interesting examples of votive boats423. In some examples human figures are depicted seated in them, while a bird’s head forms the prow of another model.

The Mycenaean evidence Unless future discoveries reverse the present situation, the earliest instance of the deposition of a boat on the Greek mainland is attested in Laconia. During the 1999 campaign, a terracotta model boat was found in a MH/LH I built shaft grave close to Sparta (the Gymnastic Society’s plot) and has been associated with the funerary ritual and the metaphysical beliefs of that period413. This discovery is important for the chronological introduction of the symbolism of the ship on the mainland. Regarding the deposition of model boats either of terracotta or of some other material in Late Helladic IIIA-B tombs, the evidence from the

Pini claimed that boats intended for the transportation of the dead to the nether world would have been much more commonly found in graves if such an afterlife belief lay behind their presence424. His assumption, though, that boat models were insignia of status and 414

Noteworthy is the discovery of a boat model in the Mycenaean sanctuary at Methana (Hamilakis and Konsolaki 2004: 137. 415 Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 244. 416 Sakellarakis 1971b: 188-233, figs. 1, 13. 417 Evans 1905: 416, fig. 22; Marinatos 1933a: 175, no 24; Sakellarakis 1971b: 193-195, fig. 4. 418 Sakellarakis 1971b: 222. 419 Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 220, 222: Π 3099, plate 104: 3099. Height of model (max.): 3.1 cm; length (max.): 7 cm. 420 Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 220, 222; Sakellarakis 1971a: 98, 99, no 3099; Mycenaean World 240, no 243. 421 Pharaklas 1967: 228. The excavator did not include these finds in his latest publication on Thebes (idem 1996: 214-216); Symeonoglou 1985: 289 (Site 191, Greater Thebes K-11). 422 The excavator has reported: ‘δύο πηλίνας λέµβους, εντός της µιας εξ αυτων µικρόν τετράποδον’ (?), without further mention to the models (Pharaklas 1967: 228). 423 All examples mentioned from the Mycenaean cemetery of Tanagra are unpublished. The information on the material cited in this section comes exclusively from personal communication with the excavator of the cemetery, Dr Th. Spyropoulos. A brief reference to some models is made in PAE 1969a: 14. Several models are on display in the Archaeological Museum at Thebes. 424 Pini 1968: 74.

expressed doubts on the validity of the evidence from Italy, France and Ireland. 407 Zervos (1957: 258) has assumed that ‘frying pan’ boats served as the sacred ‘barque solaire’ of the ‘Mother Goddess’, whereas Thimme (1965: 83-84) attributed funerary and cultic significance to these patterns in association to a Sea-Goddess and/Mistress of the Dead. Goodison (1989: 34-38, esp. 37) integrates the sun in her interpretation of ‘frying pans’. 408 For the function of ‘frying pans’ of the EBA Aegean and the previous argumentation on the subject, see Coleman 1985: 191-219, esp. 202-204. Coleman, however, holds a sceptical view on the religious significance of these objects. 409 Gray 1974; Marinatos 1933a; Davaras 1984: 59-63. 410 Davaras 1984: 72-75; Nilsson 19502: 623-624; Grumach 1968: 23-26; Alexiou 1972: 95-96. 411 Dietrich 1997: 27. The connection between the inhabitants of coastal Greece and the islands with the sea has also been stressed by Demakopoulou in her description of the model boat from Mycenae (Mycenaean World 240). 412 Pini 1968: 74; Sourvinou-Inwood 1995: 45-48. 413 The find is briefly presented in the Ergon of the Greek Ministry of Culture for the year 1999, p. 93.

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism profession contradicts his own argument, if one takes into consideration the occurrence of boat models in inland sites, such as Tanagra, and their absence from island sites, e.g. Rhodes425. One should not exclude, though, the fact that a perishable material, most probably wood, could have been used for their manufacture in an attempt to imitate actual boats.

LH III funerary art to the Shaft Grave period iconography433. The deposition of chariot models in LH III tombs, some equipped with parasols, stresses their civil function and their association with processions and ceremonies of cultic and/or funerary character434. Terracotta chariot figurines were unearthed in the cemeteries under investigation and, in particular, Argos, Mycenae, Nauplion, Prosymna, Vari-Varkiza and possibly Markopoulo435 (fig. 32). Chariot models are also attested in various other burial places of the Aegean, from Thessaly to the Dodecanese436.

In iconographical terms, the offering of a boat is not illustrated on any of the mainland sarcophagi. However, the offering of a white, crescent-shaped object, usually identified as a boat, to the deceased by a male procession is portrayed on one of the long sides of the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus (fig. 31)426. Long discussed the practical function of the boat suggesting that the vessel might furnish transportation for the journey to the underworld and that the cattle presented along with the model might represent either sustenance for the journey or the bulls supplied for the funeral games in honour of the dead427. Sourvinou-Inwood has suggested that the boat itself on the sarcophagus is to be associated with the divine cult practised in the cult unit of the Piazzale dei Sacelli428.

It has been assumed that boat and chariot models, as other types of figurines, could be considered as indicators of child burials, intended as toys to be taken to the underworld437. However, recent studies have ruled out any specific connection between child burials and figurines438. Without excluding, though, the use of several figurines as playthings, especially several uncovered in domestic contexts, the depictions of chariots in Mycenaean funerary art strengthens further the suggestion of the symbolic character and chthonic significance of the chariot as an allegory of the journey to the Underworld439.

On the other hand, Nauert put forward two explanations; one associated the boat offering with a deity who had assumed as a local function the protection of the maritime interest of Haghia Triadha, or a second explanation in which ‘the boat was symbolic of the cyclical journey of the deity to whom it was presented’, drawing a parallel with Osiris’s solar barque429. Preziosi, Hitchcock, Watrous and Hiller have also associated the offerings, boat and cattle, with the common practice of contemporary Egypt430. Laffineur has proposed a different explanation for the boat associating it with the water libations offered to the dead, according to the triple Homeric libation formula and interpreted the scene as part of a necromancy rite431.

In the same context of eschatological beliefs, it is worth mentioning the dual horse burial at the outer end of the dromos of the Marathon tholos and the horse burials from Dendra, both examples giving the impression of being yoked to a chariot (figs. 33a,b)440. Vermeule assumed that these burials were most probably supplemented by less expensive versions of painted 433

Watrous 1994: 301 note 95. Crouwel 1981: 134ff. 435 Argos: Deshayes 1966: 109 (DM 89), 200, pl. XCVIII(1). Terracotta dual chariot with occupant and parasol possibly dated to the early LH IIIB period. Mycenae: Tsountas 1888: 170; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 162, pl. 63 (dual chariot with two occupants and, possibly, parasol from a LH III tomb). Nauplion: Crouwel 1981: 161 (T34). Prosymna: Blegen 1937: 66-67, 256, 365-366, nos 415 and 416, figs. 617, 618 (two dual chariots with occupant and parasol from chamber tomb XXII). Vari-Varkiza: Crouwel 1981: 162 (T45). Dual chariot with two occupants from a LH III chamber tomb at Vari. Markopoulo: Long 1974: 31, 34 note 37 (with further bibliography). The model is of the dual type with two occupants. See also Crouwel 1981: 161 (T10), pl. 40a,b. 436 The best example of a chariot group comes from a LH IIIB chamber tomb from Megalo Monastirion, Thessaly (The Mycenaean World 131). See also the chariot groups from Rhodes (Karantzali 1991a: 293-294, fig. 27; eadem 1999b: 405-406 and note 19). 437 Blegen 1937: 255ff.; Mylonas 1954-55: 146; Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1987: 23, note 159; Karantzali 1991a: 294. 438 Van Leuven 1994: 42-60. 439 The discovery of a chariot group in the upper part of the fill of chamber tomb 3 at Pylona (Rhodes) led Karantzali to suggest that the artefact was part of the final dedication to the dead buried in the chamber, representing their journey to the Underworld (1999b: 406). 440 Vermeule 1964: 298-299, pl. XLVIII (B); ProtonotariouDeilaki 1990: 94-96, figs. 4,7,11-17. 434

The introduction of the symbolism of the ship in the funerary contexts of the mainland was followed by the introduction of another means of transport, namely the chariot. Mylonas was the first to have argued that three stelai from Shaft Grave V of Grave Circle A do not illustrate military events but races in honour of the dead buried therein432. Watrous was also tempted to associate the juxtaposition of chariot riders and marine motifs in 425

On the other hand, chariot groups have been deposited in Rhodian funerary contexts. 426 Long 1974: 46-49. 427 Long 1974: 46-49. 428 Sourvinou-Inwood 1995: 42. Conversely, Long (1974: 48, 52 note 53) has argued that the model from the votive deposit in Piazzale dei Sacelli and the other from the villa, ‘are short and dumpy compared to the boat on the sarcophagus and cannot be regarded of the same type’. 429 Nauert 1965: 96. 430 Presiozi and Hitchcock 1999: 179; Watrous 1991: 291; Hiller 1999: 361-368. 431 Laffineur 1991a: 277-285. 432 Mylonas 1951b: 134-147. However, Crouwel has expressed doubts regarding Mylonas’ suggestion and interpreted the scenes as military (1981: 119ff).

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism chariot kraters or terracotta chariot miniatures441. Along the same line of argument, she stressed the horse burials’ role in the expression of a continuum of feeling and ceremony beginning from the moment of death through the escort of the deceased to his resting place, to the funeral games and, eventually, on his journey to the underworld442.

burials of horses with the dead, but also with depictions of boats and chariots on several funerary monuments. The sarcophagi iconography A unique vision of the Mycenaean underworld is portrayed on the front side of a larnax from chamber tomb 47 at Tanagra, Boeotia (fig. 35). Although poorly preserved, the lower right section of the front panel depicts a ship with an up curved prow, a mast and a bank of oars sailing among floral patterns -most probably poppies- abstract forms resembling Φ- and Ψfigurines, ‘wheels’ and other circular motifs consisting of cross patterns and dots446. The scene is rendered in black and red. Spyropoulos has discussed the symbolic and metaphorical character of the image relating the ship to a funerary barque and the vegetation and the other symbols to an allegory of the land of shadows447. Immerwahr also commented on this ‘curiously unorganised composition’ and contrasted the ‘stark and amorphous’ scene of the Tanagra larnax with the idyllic nature of the Minoan journey to the other world448.

Taking into account the fact that the entrance of the tomb was the passageway marking the boundary between life and death, these horse burials may acquire eschatological connotations. Horse burials and the offering of chariot and boat models to the dead were most probably ritual acts intended for the safe passage and incorporation of the soul into the realm of the dead. The departure of the Mycenaean psyche was surrounded by powerful conventions of iconographical behaviour mixed with a shared and, at the same time, diverse pretence of knowing how the dead could reach the land of the dead. The otherworldly voyage of the Mycenaean soul: the iconographical evidence

The idyllic pilgrimage of the soul to the hereafter via a Nilotic and peaceful landscape has been illustrated on a LM IIIB larnax from Gazi (fig. 36)449. The ship occupies the main decorative panel, moving from right to left. In the foreground, just below the ship, a bird pecks at what seems to be a papyroid plant and a fish swims nearby450. The other long side is decorated with two octopuses, and each end panel bears two incurved altars.

The archaeological record has revealed a considerable amount of evidence regarding the Mycenaean belief that the soul, leaving its earthly housing, went on an otherworldly journey. In addition to the personal belongings of the deceased, drink offerings and food provisions were arranged neatly around the corpse. Certainly the meaning of these enagismata resulted not only from the family’s affection and respect, but also by their intention to contribute and assist the deceased to its transition to the nether world.

Alexiou commented on the general religious character of the decorative themes of the Minoan larnakes and suggested that the boat, as in the Egyptian and Mesopotamian funerary tradition, symbolises the passage of the dead to another dimension and the sea journey beyond the Ocean to the Isles of the Blessed451. Due to the absence of any occupation-related funerary depictions and everyday themes from Minoan funerary art, he concluded that any theories proposing that the motif of the ship marked a sailor’s grave should be considered invalid452. A boat in unsophisticated technique is also portrayed on a larnax of the same date but of unknown provenance, now in Switzerland (fig. 37)453.

As has been demonstrated above, in LH IIIA-B period winged hybrids appeared on the Tanagra larnakes. Through these depictions several families or individuals of the local community expressed their belief that the soul was to fly to Hades. Occasionally, the deceased is equipped with special boots for the journey beyond the tomb443. Two Mycenaean clay boots have been reported from Attica, one from chamber tomb Γ at Alyki and another one possibly from Pikermi, now at the National Archaeological Museum at Athens, painted with patterns at the ankles that resemble wings (fig. 34)444. Papadimitriou, followed by Konsolaki-Yannopoulou, associated it with the Egyptian practice of providing the dead with shoes for the journey to the Underworld445.

The juxtaposition of religious symbols and elements of chthonic character is further witnessed on the

The convention that the soul may ride a chariot or sail in a boat was materialised not only via the offering of terracotta chariot and boat miniatures and the rare

446

Spyropoulos 1973a: 21, pl. 10a. It should be noted that the decorative panel is ill preserved and, in addition to that, the flaking slip renders the reading of the scene extremely difficult. 447 Spyropoulos 1973a: 21. 448 Immerwahr 1995: 117. 449 Alexiou 1972: 86, 90-95, fig. 1; idem 1973a: 3-12, pls. 1-2. 450 Alexiou (1972: 86, 90-95; idem 1973a: 3-12) described two birds in the foreground, whereas Watrous mentions one bird and a fish (Watrous 1991: 298). 451 Alexiou 1972: 95-97; idem 1973a: 9-10. 452 Alexiou 1972: 95-97, note 4 (contra Evans); idem 1973: 7. 453 Gray 1974: 19, 47, C 40a.

441

Vermeule 1979: 60-61. Vermeule 1979: 61. 443 Vermeule 1979: 63-64. 444 Stubbings 1947: 55, fig. 24; Papadimitriou 1955: 94-96, pl. 25b,c. 445 Papadimitriou 1955: 96; Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 1990: 5354. For the continuation of the custom in later times, see Kourou 1999: 178-179. 442

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism iconography of a LM IIIB sarcophagus from a chamber tomb at Kalochorafitis. During an excavation campaign, Lembesi unearthed eight larnakes, one of which is interesting in terms of its unusual decoration. One of the long sides features a horse-drawn chariot with two occupants, a large bird and a boat sailing among fish; a deer, although a secondary motif, may imply a hunting scene454. The other side depicts bull hunting, three male figures, birds and a bucranium with a solar disc between its horns455. The two end panels bear a palm tree and an agrimi, and a large bird and a male figure respectively456. In addition, all scenes are scattered with the motifs of ‘wheels’ like the ones seen on the Tanagra larnax.

Grumach and Rutkowski argued that the main scene represents the symbolic departure of the deceased on a chariot465. Kanta, on the other hand, maintained that a funerary procession is depicted as indicated by the presence of kylikes, banners and various other objects, and identified the octopus as a filling ornament; however, she stressed the eschatological character of the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus and the larnax from Gazi466. Recently, Watrous supported the idea that the scene may be a Cretan version of the Mycenaean funerary concept of the chariot voyage of the dead to the nether world467. The ‘chariot tradition’ seems to have been followed by the artist of the LM IIIB larnax from Kavrochori (fig. 39)468. The front panel of the larnax is occupied by a large bird on a palm tree facing a chariot and its two horses; the motifs of a fish, a flower, and an argonaut are arranged around its margins469. The marine creatures have been taken as a metaphor of the sea, whereas the idea of the Underworld, to which the chariot is directed, is implied and emphasised by the presence of the palm tree and the bird470. The decoration of the end panels with motifs of octopus, fish and wavy lines may symbolise the journey across the sea. Marine and Nilotic elements co-exist on the decoration of the lid panels, another reference to the distinction between life and death. Accordingly, Rethemiotakis accepted the function of the chariot as the means of transportation to the underworld and added that the representation might have been the visual expression of a popular religious myth of that period471.

Alexiou stressed the ritualistic character of the decorative elements and Rethemiotakis has argued for the interpretation of the chariot and the ship as symbols of the descent to the underworld457. Sourvinou-Inwood maintained that the juxtaposition of a boat and a chariot on this larnax makes the above interpretation less likely and proposed that, in general, the boat in funerary contexts may have pertained to the social persona of the deceased- as did perhaps the chariot when it is not shown in operation during a funerary ritual458. Note, however, that representations of chariots participating in the funerary ritual occur on larnakes both of the mainland and Crete459. The notion of the chariot of the dead travelling over the sea is fully developed on the front panel of the larnax from Episkopi Ierapetras (fig. 38)460. A boat-shaped chariot is illustrated riding over an octopus, described by Vermeule as representing the sea, and a line of Y’s, which may indicate the sea waves461. One male figure leads the chariot holding reins and whip, accompanied by two passengers each holding ‘a circular object mounted upright on a shaft’, most probably parasols462. The second occupant seems to be holding a small, rectangular object in his other hand, identified by Vermeule as a rattle463. Three figures occupy the upper right register of the panel and proceed from left to right raising their hands in a mourning or farewell gesture. They seem to be holding kylikes and flowers, possibly lilies or poppies464.

At the cemetery of Zafer Papoura, a larnax of similar decoration was unearthed in chamber tomb 9 (fig. 40)472. The drawings, attributed in red on buff, are of the crudest kind and little has survived of the original decoration. Nothing can be read on its front side apart from the four-spoked wheel and part of the frame of a chariot, moving left. The rest of the panel is decorated with a hunting scene, whereas a palm tree decorates the partition of the two panels. A series of rock or wave patterns runs along the whole length of the face. The female figures riding a griffin-drawn and an agrimidrawn chariot on the east and west end respectively of the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus have been interpreted as goddesses expected to provide a divine escort of the soul ensuring its welfare and safe arrival in the underworld (fig. 41)473.

454

Alexiou 1973b: 471; Crouwel (1981: 160, L7) mentions only one occupant. 455 Alexiou 1973b: 471. 456 Alexiou 1973b: 471. 457 Rethemiotakis 1979: 258. 458 Sourvinou-Inwood 1995: 48, note 110. 459 Spyropoulos 1974: 23-24; idem 1972c: 207, see also plate in page 206; Crouwel 1981: 138-139, 160. 460 Vermeule 1979: 67-68; Kanta 1980: 156-158; Crouwel 1981: 138-139, 160, L6; Watrous 1991: 301. 461 Vermeule 1979: 67-68. 462 Crouwel (1981: 138) has put forward several interpretations regarding these objects, e.g. standards of some kind, a fan or sprinkler (for the smaller object). 463 Vermeule 1979: 67-68. 464 Rutkowski (1968: 226 note 41) mentions that one of the figures is throwing a kylix.

465

Rutkowski 1968: 226. Kanta 1980: 158. 467 Watrous 1991: 301. 468 Rethemiotakis 1979: 231, 243-258. 469 Rethemiotakis 1979: 231, 243-258; Watrous 1991: 301. 470 Watrous 1991: 301. 471 Rethemiotakis 1979: 258. 472 Evans 1905: 419-420,fig. 26a; Vermeule 1965: 135. 473 Long 1974: 32, 57, 74. 466

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism Tomb carvings

Although nothing analogous is known on the mainland, it seems that the carvings at Dramesi were not unique in the Aegean. The incomplete graffito of a boat equipped with an up curved prow and a bank of rowers engraved on the gypsum lining of the rock-cut sepulchral chamber of the Temple-Tomb at Knossos (fig. 43)481 could be considered as parallel to the slabs described by Blegen and could have borne the same metaphysical character. Despite the absence of more examples of similar tomb carvings, it is tempting to suggest their metaphysical nature as this is emphasised by their presence on the façade of the sepulchre that signifies the passage, the liminal zone between the world of the living and the sphere of the dead.

The belief in travel to the nether world did not find its visual expression merely via the decoration of sarcophagi with boats and chariots but also by means of tomb carvings. Up to present, only two monuments have provided evidence for the practice, one in the mainland and the other on Crete. Illicit excavations on the western slope of the hill at Dramesi in Boeotia unearthed a large structure built of large stone blocks with two massive lintel slabs over the possible doorway (fig. 42)474. Of interest is one of the stones uncovered, which in its original form must had been a rectangular pillar or anta, measuring 1.46m x 0.43m x 0.54m475. The fore face of the block is decorated with the patterns of six ships, sketched in broad and occasionally not definite outlines, arranged one above the other in a group of three near the bottom of the stone and a similar group of three near the top476. The boats are of various sizes and shapes, all proceeding from right to left477. Blegen took the pillar to be part of the façade of the ‘Treasury’ of king Hyrieus built by the Minyan craftsmen Trophonios and Agamedes, and identified the site with the Homeric town of Hyria478. Unfortunately, the date of the carvings cannot be estimated with absolute certainty. On the other hand, the artistic similarities between the block carvings and the ship on a LH IIIC pyxis unearthed by Kourouniotis at Tragana led Blegen to suggest that the Dramesi ships were carved during the Mycenaean period, and to the assumption that they were probably intended for the decoration of the sepulchre of a leader who participated in an expedition similar to the one against Troy479. Vermeule offered an alternative explanation interpreting the pillar as the ‘memorial for a sailor, who never came home’480.

By boat, chariots or wings: concluding thoughts on the voyage of the soul to the Mycenaean underworld Given the relative uniformity observed in LH III burial practices, of interest is the diversity detected in the Mycenaean artistic expression of the conceptual journey of the soul to the underworld. A case can be made, therefore, regarding the different existing traditions on the matter. The cemetery of Tanagra is indicative of this traditional syncretism acting as a crucible for the production of different notions. On a series of representations winged apparitions are flying to the Underworld, whereas a ship is depicted just entering the land of the ancestors and terracotta boat models are offered to the dead members of the community. The role of the boat as a means of transport to the prehistoric other world has been interpreted in relation to the Egyptian and Mesopotamian funerary practices. However, as Laffineur has urged, the practice in these Eastern Mediterranean civilisations originated in cosmological and mythological concepts possibly of no corresponding meaning for the Aegeaners482. It seems more likely that Greek seascape per se played an essential role in the formulation and development of the connection between death and the sea in prehistoric Greece.

474

Blegen 1949: 41. According to Blegen, the ‘Mycenaean pottery and human bones uncovered to the south of the “doorway” seem to indicate a tomb-deposit’. 475 Blegen 1949: 41. One of the faces of the pillar is badly damaged, the other three bear remains of shallow incisions or carvings. 476 The pillar was broken into two pieces. For the description of the carvings and the technique employed, see Blegen 1949: 41-42. 477 Blegen 1949: 41. 478 Blegen 1949: 41. Contra Blegen, Kilian-Dirlmeier (1995: 49) suggested that the tomb was a large cist-grave, whereas N. Papadimitriou (2001: 113) stresses the possibility that the tomb may in fact be a rectangular built chamber tomb. As regards the date of the tomb, Papadimitriou (2001: 113) suggests that the sepulchre must have been built at the transitional MH/LH phase and remained in use at least until LH IIA. 479 Blegen 1949: 42. With reference to Blegen’s statement on the character of the ships, it should be mentioned that fragments belonging to two LH IIIC kraters have been uncovered at the settlement of Kynos, eastern Lokris, not far from Dramesi, illustrating warships upon which warriors are fighting (Dakoronia 1996: 1171, note 30, pl. 4; Λοκρίδα, Ιστορία και Πολιτισµός: 43-44 and fig. 22, 98-99 figs. 3-5. 480 Vermeule 1964: 258.

Given the preoccupation of several Minoan larnakes with sea elements, N. Marinatos regarded the sea ‘as a source of life and a final resting place of the dead’483. She observed that in postpalatial art the association with the sea becomes explicitly funerary, whereas landscapes of the kind are untypical and almost absent on the mainland sarcophagi484. The same scholar pointed to the role played by molluscs and other sea creatures in the

481

Evans 1935: 956, pl. 66b. Laffineur 1991b: 233. 483 Marinatos 1997: 288. She also suggested (1993: 231) that the employment of see creatures in the decoration of LM sarcophagi is a symbolic reference to earlier Minoan burials at sea. 484 Marinatos 1993: 231; eadem 1997: 288, 291. 482

48

Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism on the account of its bird-shaped prow492. Note, though, that bird-prow boat models have been deposited in the cemetery at Tanagra. Moreover, since both examples have been unearthed in funerary contexts, the eschatological character of the bird could be stressed.

definition of seascape, ‘the marine counterpart of terrestrial fecundity’485. Elements of marine fauna were introduced and adopted in the funerary iconography of the mainland during LH I period. Images of octopuses, squids and frogs adorned the shrouds of the dead in Grave Circle A at Mycenae and tholos A at Kakovatos (fig. 44)486. Laffineur has suggested that the purpose of these funerary images was to provide the deceased with ‘magical assurance of protection or of accession to a new life in the other world’487. The magical symbolism of these creatures most probably derived from ‘their faculty of metamorphosis, their ability to regeneration or their hibernation habits’488. Keller attributed the golden figures of octopuses with seven tentacles from Shaft Grave IV to the artist’s intention to make a precise and indisputable reference not only to the mutilation –related to the hibernation behaviour of the creature- but also to the symbolic value of regeneration following death489.

Evidence suggests that the Mycenaean belief in the journey of the soul did not confine only to the sea, but was also extended to landscape travel. It has been stated above that Mylonas and Watrous were tempted to read in the iconography of certain stelai from Grave Circle A, the concept of the deceased riding his chariot to the afterworld. These readings, if correct, define the later Mycenaean tradition reflected on the repertoire of a number of LM III sarcophagi, the deposition of chariot models with the dead and the occasional horse burials unearthed in Mycenaean graves. Chariot scenes have been understood either as an abbreviated reference to funerary processions and funerary games or as an affordable substitute of actual horse burials493. Steel has suggested that they should be considered as denoting an aristocratic style494. Associating, though, the LH III vases with chariot representations from funerary contexts (fig. 46)495, the co-depiction of chariots and swordsmen as well as bullleaping scenes on a larnax from Tanagra (fig. 47)496 and the permanent athletic installations associated with the cemetery of Megalo Kastelli497, it would also be plausible to highlight the artist’s intention to illustrate the repeated games in honour of the dead.

During the same period, Mycenaean marine funerary symbolism was enriched with the introduction of the boat from Laconia. Although, sea creatures became extinct in the iconography of the LH III mainland larnakes, the symbolism of the ship survived either in the form of a decorative element or in the shape of a miniature offering model. Alexiou, who convincingly stated that occupationrelated themes and everyday life scenes are incompatible with the funerary iconography, expressed the view that all vases with ship representations, found either in tombs or in domestic contexts, were intended for funerary use490. Vases with ship decoration come to-date from Tragana, Skyros, Varkiza and Asine, dating exclusively to LH IIIC times491. In particular, the boat scene on the stirrup jar from Skyros has attracted scholarly interest (fig. 45); it has been described as a simple sailing vessel, whilst some have considered it to be a warship, mainly

‘to the mead of asphodel, where the spirits dwell’ (Od. ω, 13): Visions of the Mycenaean Underworld Whereas the Minoan larnakes deal with the world of the dead in the sense that the deceased continues an earthly existence in the Underworld, the mainland sarcophagi convey in the most remarkable way the message of death and the post mortem fate of the soul. In the following section focus is placed on two elements frequently depicted in the imagery of the Mycenaean underworld, namely mythological creatures and palm trees. Since there is ample evidence for their employment in the religious contexts of the mainland, it is interesting to examine their meaning and role in the Mycenaean funerary context.

485

Marinatos 1997: 288. Laffineur 1985: 259; idem 1987-88: 164; idem 1991b: 231. Sea creatures, e.g. seashells, were also unearthed at the funerary contexts at Peristeria, Messenia (Marinatos 1967: 12, fig. 16). 487 Laffineur 1984: 7. 488 Laffineur 1984: 7; idem 1987-88: 162; idem 1991b: 231. 489 Cited in Laffineur 1984: 7 and 1987-88: 164 and footnote 27. Given the existence of octopus’ figures with eight tentacles, though, Laffineur attributed the lack of one or more tentacles to artistic clumsiness (Laffineur ibid.). 490 Alexiou 1972: 92-95, 97; idem 1973: 7. 491 a) LH IIIC pyxis from Tragana Tholos A, Messenia: Kourouniotis 1909: 107-109, no 11, figs. 13-15; Korres 1977: 238-241, pls. 143d, 144 and 145a-b; idem 1978: 333. Korres (1977: 241) has suggested the probable existence of ship depiction(s) on pottery from Skias’s excavations of Tragana Tholos A (Skias 1909: 281); b) Stirrup jar from chamber tomb at Skyros: Parlama 1984: 146ff., figs. 31-32, pl. A; c) Krater from chamber tomb 1 at Varkiza/Vari (the 1960 excavation season): Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1988: 99, fig. 7δ; d) Stirrup jar from the settlement at Asine: Frödin and Persson 1938: 300-302, fig. 207(2); Kirk 1949: 117-118, fig. 5. 486

Mythological creatures Among ships, boats and winged figures, the Sphinx played an important role in the funerary iconography of 492

The Mycenaean World: 126, no 66. Vermeule 1979: 61-62. 494 Steel 1999: 805-806. 495 It is worth listing the examples from Kopreza and Nauplion (Stais 1895: 259, no 12; Protonotariou-Deilaki 1973: 91, pl. 90στ). 496 Spyropoulos 1969a: 14-15, pl. 13a; idem 1970b: 23-24, figs. 16 and 17. 497 Spyropoulos 1973b: 256-258; idem 1974: 22-24. 493

49

Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism Mycenaean mainland. The earliest indication of the occurrence of the creature in a funerary context is attested in Shaft Grave III of GCA, in which as many as six sphinxes and one griffin in gold plate were uncovered along with octopuses and butterflies (fig. 48)498. Nonetheless, it is difficult to determine the character of these early mythological depictions, which may have been merely decorative elements, adopted from neighbouring Mediterranean regions, or maybe emblems of religious and/or socio-political status.

bottom and a broad circle of red colour on top. The depiction of a sphinx would be, according to the excavator, in harmony with the mythological tradition of the particular monument505. Additionally, an ivory pyxis decorated with antithetical sphinxes on each side was uncovered in the same tomb506. However, the connection between human figure, sphinx and Boeotian locale should not be overstressed, mainly because of the creature’s occurrence in several other contexts. On the occasion of an interim report of the aforementioned larnax, Spyropoulos understood the scene as illustrating the particular moment during which the world of the mortals, represented by the human figure, unites with the sphere of myth, corresponding to the sphinx, ‘in the mystic context of religious symbolism’507. Vermeule has interpreted the sphinx as ‘the prototype of the ker of death, the attendant on the corpse if not its swallower’ and the sacred pillar as ‘the central pillar of the coffin-house’508.

During Late Helladic times, the sphinx seems to possess a central place in the iconography of death. On a number of Tanagra larnakes the mythological creature is depicted either alone in a floral background499, held on leashes by a female figure500 or standing opposite a sacred pillar connected with a priestess501. At this point, it is worth noting the larnax from tomb 15, which depicts on each of its long sides a winged sphinx -a bearded male and a female one- between two Mycenaean palm trees and ornamental fillings (figs. 49a,b). This remains to-date a unique representation of a male sphinx in the art of the Mycenaean Aegean.

N. Marinatos has convincingly interpreted the pillar as a barrier between two spheres corresponding to the earthly aspect, represented by the human figure, and its otherworldly counterpart associated with the mythological creature509. Additionally, she proposed that the other side of the larnax is suggestive of ritual actuality, whilst the column could stand for the tomb or the liminal zone between this world and the realm of the beyond510.

The connection of sphinx with death becomes explicit on a larnax from tomb 115502. Pace Spyropoulos, the artistic association of the mythological-symbolic nature of the sphinx, representing the sphere of the dead, and the grieving act of the female mourner, standing for the mortal aspect, expresses in the most profound way the encounter between life and death. This hypothesis is further supported by the fact that the larnax served as an ossuary for the remains of secondary treatment rites.

Golden, ivory and glass plaques engraved with the motif of one or more sphinxes adorned the shrouds or the biers in several burial contexts of the regions under investigation511. It is worth listing the examples from Deiras tomb VI512, Menidi tholos513, Clytemnestra Tholos514, Mycenae tombs 15 and 52515 and Spata516.

The scene on a larnax from tomb 51 has attracted scholarly interest (figs. 50a, b)503. On both sides a sacred pillar becomes the focal point of ritual action; on the front side two pairs of female priestesses flank the pillar, the exarchoi touching the shaft, whereas the obverse side depicts a single figure approaching from the right, being met by a Sphinx coming from the left, both touching the sacred pillar. The sphinx is wingless and portrayed with four legs and, strangely, with two arms. A bull and a horse fill the vacant space above and below its body.

In general terms, sphinxes bear emblematic and sacred character in Mycenaean palatial art. Their significance as insignia of sacred status is underlined by their representation on wall paintings, sealstones and ornaments, depicted crowning shrines or flanking sacred pillars and deities517. It seems, though, that during the LH IIIA-B period their religious significance was 505

A version of the Oedipus cycle has been inferred from analogous traditions. Spyropoulos has suggested that the image of a Sphinx in a rocky landscape decorated the interior of the frescoed chamber tomb at Megalo Kastelli, Thebes504. Unfortunately, the only surviving remains of the fresco comprise a rocky landscape at the

Spyropoulos 1972a: 310-311; idem 1973b: Spyropoulos 1972a: 310, pl. 252a. 507 Spyropoulos 1971a: 12. 508 Vermeule 1979: 69. A view also shared by Immerwahr (1995: 113). 509 Marinatos 1991: 290. 510 Marinatos 1991: 290. 511 Tzavella-Evjen 1970: 43ff; Poursat 1977a: 59. 512 Vollgraff 1904: 385-386, fig.22; Poursat 1977b: 113, pl. XXXVIII; 513 Lolling et al. 1880: pls. VIII,4, 10; Poursat 1977b: 148-149, pls. XLIV, XLV. 514 Wace 1921-23b: 370-371, fig. 81. 515 Tsountas 1888: 142; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 78 (E 2408), 132 (X 2451), 154 (E 2462), pls. 13, 36, 53. 516 Koumanoudis and Kastorchis 1877: pl. A; Haussoullier 1878: 203-204, 214-216, pls. XVII.2, XVIII.1; Tzavella-Evjen 1970: 45-46. 517 Immerwahr 1990: 137-138. 506

498

Schuchhardt 1891: figs. 186, 187. Spyropoulos 1970a: 35-36 (larnax from tomb 24); idem 1973a: 21, pl. 11a (larnax from tomb 15); idem 1979a: 34, pl. 20a. 500 Spyropoulos 1970a: 35(larnax from tomb 32). 501 Spyropoulos 1971a: 12, pl. 18b (larnax from tomb 51); idem 1971c: 13-18, figs. 12, 13. 502 Spyropoulos 1979a: 34. 503 Spyropoulos 1971a: 12; Demakopoulou and Konsola 1981: 84; Immerwahr 1995: 113. 504 Spyropoulos 1972a: 310-311. 499

50

Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism adopted in funerary iconography and symbolism coinciding with the establishment and consolidation of a set of religious acts in honour of the dead.

Palm trees Of interest is the association of sphinxes and genii with palm trees in sarcophagi representations and engraved plaques. Nevertheless, the association of sphinxes and palms as well as the depiction of isolated palms on the mainland sarcophagi rules out the use of the specific plant merely as a decorative element. The presence of palm trees on the mainland sarcophagi is co-depicted with other elements of the natural world527, with priestesses528, or with sphinxes529. It seems that for the Mycenaeans this particular species had borne symbolic connotations linked with afterlife and regeneration.

Taking into account the depiction of a griffin on a larnax from Palaikastro518 and of two others drawing a chariot on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus519 as well as the fact that griffins are regarded as royal emblems520 and/or as being subordinate to deities521, the Mycenaean choice of the sphinx seems to be conscious and deliberate serving the need and desire for divine protection. In the case of the frescoed royal tomb at Megalo Kastelli the sphinx, which is traditionally connected with it, could have additionally served the desire for display of social status and wealth.

In ethnographic terms there are indications of a strong correlation between the symbolic significance of trees and speculations about life and death530. Rival has argued that ‘tree symbols materialise the living process at three levels: that of individuals, that of communities, and that of life itself’531. Their evergreen appearance has made appropriate symbols of life, vitality and selfregeneration532. The life-giving nature of the palm that renders it an essential symbol of flourishing life and the overcoming of death has been recently stressed by Ellen and Morgan533. Morgan has ruled out any coincidence as regards the denomination of the bird phoenix after the corresponding Greek word for the tree; the mythical bird of Egyptian origin that rose from the ashes of a fire to a renewed life and symbolised Ba, the animated existence of the deceased534.

A brief reference to the association of mythological creatures and death should also be addressed with respect to the Minoan Genius. As regards its position in iconography, the Genius appears either single, in repeated pairs or as two figures symmetrically placed facing each other, accompanying or flanking a human being522. Occasionally, the demon is depicted stabbing lions, sacrificing deer, carrying dead animals or pouring libations523. The role of the genius as soul-escort has been highlighted by Chryssoulaki, who maintained that on a sealstone from a LH III cemetery in Achaia a genius is depicted carrying a young man in Minoan kilt, thus becoming ‘the mediator between this world and the divine, the carrier and the leader of sacrificed animals or human corpses’524. However, she does not exclude the possibility of the scene constituting an instant of mythical action, narrating the death and rebirth of a divine being and, consequently, the annual cycle of nature525. With reference to the scene depicted on the Tiryns Ring, Morris has associated the Genii holding libation jugs and moving towards an enthroned female figure as the Linear B di-pi-si-joi (Dipsioi or The Thirsty Ones) and wonders whether the scene, like that on the amphoroid krater from Tiryns, narrates a ritual act for a deity or figure associated with death as contrasted to depictions of standing goddesses and those with weapons526.

In Minoan art the palm has been identified as a sacred symbol associated with fertility and procreation, since it is most often artistically related to religious motifs and scenes, namely altars, horns of consecration, deities, genii and the imagery of libation and sacrificial acts535. The conceptualisation of palms as an exemplary kind of tree in Mycenaean religious and funerary symbolism is also clear. In addition to the representations of the plant on the mainland sarcophagi, palm trees and leaves were deposited in Shaft Grave III of Grave Circle A in the form of gold plates as early as LH I536. A glass plaque engraved with the motif of a palm tree from Nauplion was illustrated in 1880, whereas a similar plaque of gold was reported from Thebes537. Ivory plaques in the shape 527

Vermeule 1965: 131 (larnax no 5), pl. XXVIII; Spyropoulos 1974: pl. 11b; idem 1976a: pl. 33e. See also examples of LM sarcophagi with palm trees, argonauts and fish, e.g. the LM III larnax from the H. Vollmoeller Collection (Corpus 64, 2004, p. 6). 528 Spyropoulos 1971a: 13 (larnax from tomb 17). 529 Spyropoulos 1973a: pl. 11a; idem 1974: 14. 530 Rival 1998: 23; Bloch 1998: 44ff. 531 Rival 1998: 24. 532 Rival 1998: 23. 533 Frazer 1941: 119; Morgan 1988: 28; Ellen 1998: 66ff. 534 Morgan 1988: 28. 535 Marinatos 1984: 115-122 contra Nilsson 19502: 285. 536 Schuchhardt 1891: 200, 204. Palm tree-shaped sheets have been also reported from the chamber tomb at Alpochori in Elis (Kokotaki 1985: 103). 537 Kastorchis and Kondakis 1879: pl. no 1; Lolling 1880: plate for page 144 (no 5); Philios 1897: 100-101 and note 1 (in page 101).

518

Watrous 1991: 293, pl. 82:a. Long 1974: 28 ff. 520 Their association with rulers is suggested by their depiction in the throne rooms at Knossos and Pylos. 521 On a fragment of LH IIIB wall painting from Mycenae a deity carries a winged griffin (Kritseli-Providi 1982: 28-33, pl. Ba, 2a). On seals griffins flank deities, pose heraldically on either side of a deity or are held on leashes led by a personage (Younger 1995: 182ff; Palikisianos 1996: 841-842). 522 Chryssoulaki 1999: 115. 523 Marinatos 1993: 199-200; Chryssoulaki 1999: 115-116. 524 Chryssoulaki 1999: 116, pl. XVI,17. 525 Chryssoulaki 1999: 116. 526 Morris 1992: 209. 519

51

Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism of palm trees have also been reported, amongst other examples, from chamber tomb VI at Deiras (fig. 51)538.

at least the archaic period as indicated by a Boeotian figurine of archaic date, now at the Museum of Louvre, that appears to wear what must be a Φ-figurine as a pendant on a necklace542.

Religious Icons: the deposition of figurines in Mycenaean tombs

Kilian interpreted the distributional pattern of figurines associated with doors and hearths at Tiryns as evidence for their protective and apotropaic character543. He also classified all anthropomorphic and theriomorphic figurines, chariot models, miniature furniture and vessels, large animal figures, rhyta and large-size terracotta figures as characteristics of an assemblage deriving from Mycenaean official cult practices544. Wright has argued that figurines might have symbolised the large figures of Cult Centres and thereby provided a symbolic link to the seat of cult at the administrative centres545.

Terracotta figurines in great numbers and of many types have been uncovered in graves, sanctuaries and habitation levels of Late Helladic IIIA-B (fig. 52)539. Scholars have unanimously considered figurines associated with sacred and domestic contexts as votive offerings and religious symbols linked with the beliefs and sacred rituals of the Mycenaean society. On the other hand, the connection between burial and figurines is yet to be defined, whereas the fact that their interpretation is based mainly on the meaning and function of their counterparts from sanctuaries and habitation sites further obscures their role.

Religious icons for the dead: a re-assessment of previous studies on their function and meaning

Surprisingly, the fact that identical or similar types of figurines occur in different contexts has been too lightly dismissed by prehistorians. Based on comparisons with other Mycenaean artistic media and epigraphical sources, the variety of types deposited with the dead could not in any way be considered a mere coincidence but rather a conscious choice reflecting the desire of the living to express their beliefs and care for the dead.

Schliemann’s identification of the female and bovine figurines from his excavations at Tiryns, Mycenae and Grave Circle A with ox-eyed Hera ensured their conspicuous place in the history of Mycenaean culture and religion546. Since then, the ubiquitous prevalence of figurines in Mycenaean funerary contexts and the diversity observed in their typology and distribution has attracted scholarly interest, although no coherent explanation on their purpose has been produced so far.

Taking into account the above remarks and the tenet that symbol is context-dependent and not vice versa, the objective of this section is to examine the symbolic meaning and function of figurines in Mycenaean taphonomy and, with special reference to multiple and seated figurines, throne models and large figures, to suggest that they were inextricably linked with the religious life of the Mycenaeans and the practice of funerary cult.

Small terracotta figurines are commonly attested in the burial contexts of the mainland from LH IIIA onwards 547 . Most common are the female Φ- and Ψ-figurines and the kourotrophos type, several of which crowned with a wreath or bearing parasols548. Multiple and seated types are occasionally present. Animals, birds and chariot groups are not infrequent. In certain cases boat models and furniture are also included549.

Anthropomorphic figures and figurines in Mycenaean sacred and domestic contexts: a summary of their function and meaning

Figurines were characteristic grave furnishings in the funerary contexts of the Argolid (with the exception of Asine from where no figurines have been reported),

Small terracotta figurines in Mycenaean sacred and domestic contexts have been considered to signify the popular religious beliefs, as contrasted to the official cults or ‘the cults conducted by the elites’540. Their religious and talismanic function is corroborated by the fact that some of them were perforated for suspension or decorated with necklaces adorned with pendants541. Krogulska argued that their use as amulets survived until

542

Krogulska 1968: 230-231, pls. IX (fig. 28), XI (fig. 31). Kilian 1988a: 148. 544 Cited in Hägg 1995: 389. 545 Wright 1994: 75. The same scholar has suggested that they would have served the same function as the miniature portable paraphernalia related to saints sold at shrines and burial places (op.cit. 76). 546 Schliemann 1880; French 1971: 102. 547 Mylonas 1966: 114-116; French 1971: 107-108. 548 The kourotrophic type follows a standard form: a single female figurine of the T-, Φ- or Ψ-type nestles a single child against its left breast, either clasped in the left arm (in the Ψor T-type) or unclasped as in the case of Φ-figurines (Olsen 1998: 386). 549 Apart from the throne models that will be discussed below, few pieces of furniture have been unearthed to-date in Mycenaean tombs, i.e. a table from Zygouries T. XXXV (Blegen 1928: 64), a table and a ‘bier’ from Prosymna Ts. XLV and XXIX respectively (Blegen 1937: 366-367). See also Higgins 1956: 40. 543

538

Vollgraff 1904: 384-386. For a detailed discussion on the Mycenaean figurines and figurines, their typology and their function in religious and domestic contexts, see French 1971: 101-187; eadem 1981b: 173-177; Tamvaki 1973: 207-265. 540 Hägg 1981a: 38-39; idem 1996: 387; idem 1998: 110-111. The figurines unearthed in domestic contexts have been interpreted in religious terms or as toys (French 1971: 107108; Demakopoulou and Divari-Valakou 2001: 183). 541 Hägg a: 38 note 28; Wright 1994: 75-76, where he also cites Kilian-Dilmeier. 539

52

Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism Korinthia, Boeotia and Euboea. On the other hand, Attica seems to follow a completely different pattern of distribution. Cavanagh has observed that whilst figurines seem to have been common votive offerings in the cemeteries of the west coast of Attica (Voula-Alyki, Varkiza and Eleusis) and in the tombs of Salamis, they were rare at Athens and Thorikos, and totally absent from the cemeteries of Brauron, Kopreza, Ligori, Pikermi, Velanideza and Vourvatsi550.

and the Ψ- divinities, when found in sanctuaries, whereas in graves they fulfil a function similar to Persson’s Ushebtis. He maintained that anyone, who was incapable of acquiring anything valuable after death, would believe that figurines could secure comfort and protection in the other world559. Mylonas rejected Persson’s hypothesis and interpreted the Φ-icons as divine nurses and the Ψ-type as the Goddess of Blessing, both entrusted with the post mortem well-being of children. The multiple figurines and the kourotrophoi were also employed to verify this interpretation, since both types were assumed to have been exclusive in child graves. According to his suggestion, female animal figurines were intended to supply the milk for the journey to the Underworld, whereas the chariot models were simply toys560.

The absence of figurines from the Mycenaean cemeteries of eastern Attica does not entail, according to Cavanagh, different religious beliefs, but a variation of popular ones551. Along this line of argument, he has suggested that, whereas some of the variations in ritual practice can arise from differences of status and class, others are based on possible localised patterns of beliefs; thus, within this cultural framework and in terms of the opposition of village-community to village-community, important social or religious symbols are emphasised or ignored in diverse ways552.

Picard put forward a more generalised religious interpretation, which French also favours561. He proposed that different types of female figurines might have represented different aspects of the same deity or even different divinities, though in some cases they might have symbolised the worshippers. Animal figurines and other group models might have served as substitutes of everyday life elements used as offerings or as fulfilling magic or superstitious purposes.

More analytically, Kondakis remarked that female figurines accompanied child burials in the Nauplia district553. Some years later, Tsountas suggested that the deposition of figurines in the tombs at Mycenae was not dictated by religious beliefs or associations with the deities of the Underworld, but they were ordinary grave furnishings. He stated that figurines were to be found mostly in the poorer tombs of the cemeteries he had excavated554. Considering, though, his general remarks on the excavated tombs and their finds, it is clear that to Tsountas the term ‘poor tomb’ would stand for a funerary monument containing only pottery and not valuable items.

Tamvaki emphasised the probability of a non-religious function of the figurines, being instead favourite everyday items, such as children’s toys, votive objects of some kind or cheap substitutes for large religious figures connected with everyday life, household cult and popular religion562. They could have been reflections of fashion in Mycenaean society, although she did not exclude the connection of some of them with sympathetic magic and the wish for childbirth563.

Marinatos attributed the diversity observed in the distribution of figurines to the different religious beliefs and domestic gods of the lower social strata as contrasted to those of the royal and aristocratic clans555. Blegen pointed to the striking correlation between child burials and figurines at Prosymna and identified the female examples as nurses caring for the well being of the children after death, the animals as symbolic milk supply and toys, and the chariot groups as toys556. On the other hand, Wace appeared more cautious and Deshayes argued that they were not exclusive to child burials557.

Cavanagh has suggested that figurines in graves may represent either worshippers imploring the deity for the renewal of the mother’s fertility or the deity placed in the grave in order to achieve the renewal564. Similarly, Laffineur argued that Φ-figurines and animal models are elements of the imagery of fertility cults565. In his discussion of art for children, Gates argued that a figurine could serve as a toy or as a protector of the children after death. In another instance, the kourotrophos type has even been considered ‘the

Persson proposed a function similar to the Ushebtis of contemporary Egypt and argued that they were substitutes for wives and perhaps female servants558. Nilsson suggested that the Φ-type represented votaries

559

Nilsson 1925: 304-308. Mylonas 1954-5: 139-152; idem 1966: 114-116. Weisner (1938: 190-191) also regarded them as goddesses securing life after death. 561 Picard 1948; French 1971: 108. 562 Tamvaki 1973: 258. In 1975 She also suggested that figurines found in habitation sites and within houses could have been employed as images of ancestors, kept to be venerated by the living. She dismissed, though, this hypothesis on the grounds that all figurines are female (ideam 1975: 238). 563 Tamvaki 1973: 258. 564 Cavanagh 1977: 161. 565 Laffineur 1986: 80-81. 560

550

Cavanagh 1977: 161-163; idem 1998: 109, 113; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 74. 551 Cavanagh 1998: 113. 552 Cavanagh 1998: 113. 553 Αθήναιον 1880: 520. 554 Tsountas 1888: 167-171. 555 Marinatos 1927-28: 20, note 5; idem 1932: 38 note 7. 556 Blegen 1937: 255ff. 557 Wace 1932: 143; Deshayes 1966: 243. 558 Persson 1931: 89.

53

Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism archetypal symbol of the woman-nurse, hence the Goddess-Mother’566.

ossuary pits should not be associated merely with the removal of the grave furnishings of displaced primary burials but most likely with the deliberate ceremonial handling of the disiecta membra in the context of postburial ritual.

With respect to the protective character of female figurines, interesting is a group of kourotrophoi above the shoulder of which rises a parasol (fig. 53). Blegen suggested that the prototype of this type as well as the chariot groups with the ‘canopy’ might well have been set by a rhyton in elaborate form567. He confessed, though, that no actual rhyton of this type was known to him and that it could have been a mixture of elements of entirely different sources568. Following Crouwel’s suggestion the deposition of chariot models in LH III tombs, some equipped with parasols, stresses their civil function and their association with processions and ceremonies of cultic and/or funerary character569, it is tempting to suggest that the addition of a parasol to the typical simple kourotrophos type could have aimed to stress the religious significance of the item. Thus, could the various types of kourotrophoi be interpreted as different aspects of the Goddess-Earth who welcomes and embraces the deceased represented as a diminutive figure?

Turning to the second point, excavators frequently characterise as child burials, any badly preserved or decayed human remains or their total absence commonly attested in cists, niches or pits of the main chamber or the dromos of the tomb. However, the state of preservation of skeletal remains depends mostly on the conditions within the burial facility, the exposure of the corpse and its condition at the time of the burial. Based on a careful analysis of the data from Prosymna, van Leuven ruled out any specific link between child burials and figurines, suggesting that they were used against barrenness, miscarriage and birth defects, while quadrupeds were employed in order to enhance lactation or even male potency and robustness, and observed that tombs belonging to all four wealth classes have produced figurines572.

It is evident so far that traditional interpretations relate the deposition of anthropomorphic and theriomorphic figurines in tombs a. with the post mortem fate of the dead, in particular, the children, b. with deities associated with death or fertility (although the role of protector could have been played by the kourotrophic type), c. with everyday-related objects (toys) and d. with remedial qualities.

Through the eyes of Hera: an investigation of the religious function and symbolic/eschatological meaning of figures and figurines in Mycenaean tombs Although much scholarly emphasis has been placed on the purpose and meaning of simple anthropomorphic figurines in tombs, less attention has been paid to the religious significance of other types, i.e. multiple and seated figurines, ‘throne’ models and large figures, and their association with the Mycenaean religious practices. The evidence from other Late Helladic III artistic media and the epigraphical sources, though, suggest that they should not be considered mere votive offerings but rather elements fulfilling purposes of the ritual acts in honour of the dead and/or depictions of chthonic deities or the dead themselves.

Archaeologists have frequently stressed the rarity of figurines associated with primary adult burials as contrasted to the connection between figurines and primary child burials, e.g. Prosymna, Eleusis, Varkiza and Alyki570. Mylonas, who adopted the formula child burials ↔ figurines, argued that their frequency in disturbed contexts renders the understanding of their meaning and function problematic571. One, however, should be cautious as regards the definition of ‘disturbed contexts’ and the term ‘child burials’ in the absence of skeletal remains.

Multiple figurines Only three Mycenaean sepulchres associated with child burials, namely Mycenae tomb 79, tomb 6 at VoulaAlyki and tomb 4 at Glyka Nera, have produced to-date examples of the triple figurine type (fig. 54)573. These clay groups consist of two Φ-figurines attached to each other at the side with a diminutive figure, most probably a child, perched on their common shoulder. The indication of only two breasts in all four examples, one for each figurine, placed almost in the middle of their torso, completes the ‘Siamese’ appearance of the Φfigurines. In the model from Voula-Alyki and the one (of the two) from Glyka Nera the small figure clutches at the heads of the supporting figures and wears a necklace.

Very often excavation reports tend to describe as ‘disturbed contexts’ heaps of bones and skeletal remains ‘swept aside’ in the chamber or the dromos of the tombs, resulting from the cleaning of the chamber on the occasion of fresh interments. However, these heaps of bones, as shall be demonstrated below, are the result of ceremonial interference with the ancestral remains during the performance of secondary burial rites. Thus, the occurrence of figurines in heaps of bones or in 566

Gates 1992: 167-169, where he also cites Divari-Valakou’s view on the matter. 567 Blegen 1937: 366. 568 Blegen 1937: 366. 569 Crouwel 1981: 134ff. 570 Mylonas 1966: 115; Cavanagh 1977: 162. 571 Mylonas 1966: 114; idem 1975b: 251. However, he himself admitted that the child burials of graves Θπ13 and Μπ6 at Eleusis were not furnished with figurines (idem 1975b: 250).

572

Van Leuven 1994: 42-60. Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 222 (Π 3230), pl. 104; Papadimitriou 1954: 85; Kakavoyannis 1999-2001: 64; Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1999-2001; Masouridi 2001: 6-7. 573

54

Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism B Potniāi, the Mistresses, should also be considered in these terms583.

Interestingly, this type of figurine seems to relate iconographically to the triple ivory group found on the Citadel of Mycenae in which the child wears a necklace of round beads as in the terracotta examples (fig. 55). Mylonas, who examined in detail the examples from Mycenae and Voula-Alyki and compared them with the Mycenae ivory trio, proposed that they represent divine nurses taking care of the child they carry, and ruled out any association with Demeter, Persephone and the child Iakchos574. Polychronakou-Sgouritsa described them as holy triads protecting the child in whose tomb they were placed and wondered whether the BE 2821 figurine from Glyka Nera is connected with the ceremony of teo-po-ri-ja as this is described in KN Ga 1058575. The excavators of the Glyka Nera cemetery have suggested that these divinities represent the deities leading the dead child to the Underworld576.

For lack of solid written evidence on the nature of these deities and their cult, though, it would be reasonable to be cautious on the attribution of these mentions to the triple figurines. On the other hand, their resemblance to the ivory group from Mycenae speaks for their indisputable religious character and probably, for a similar if not identical function. Certainly, these groups should not be classified in the kourotrophic style, since there is no indication that the diminutive figure adorned with the necklace is under the protection of the female figures, considering its prominent position in all four groups. This remark is further strengthened by the scene on a LH IIIA2 krater from Klavdhia (Cyprus), where a small figure is being flanked by two larger figures584. In a recent discussion, Rystedt identified the scene as religious, in which the small figure plays the role of a cult image standing on a pedestal or an elevating element, and the two larger figures represent worshippers in act585.

Nevertheless, it would be hazardous to speculate on the identity and names of the divinities represented in the cited examples. Godart has recently climaed to have identified the triad Mother Earth, Zeus protector of fruit and Kore in the recently discovered Theban Linear B tablets577. In addition, the depiction of a holy triad on a larnax from Tanagra has been suggested by Spyropoulos, who associated the scene with the ivory group from Mycenae and attributed religious significance to the scene578.

Seated figurines, empty ‘thrones’ and the cult of the dead Seated figurines, dressed or nude, single or of the kourotrophic type, have been unearthed up to present in burial contexts of the Argolid (Mycenae, Dendra, Berbati, Nauplion, Prosymna), Korinthia (Kato Almyri), Attica (Agora, Voula-Alyki) and Boeotia (Thebes, Tanagra) (fig. 56)586. Based on the tripod fashion of the ‘thrones’, Mylonas paralleled them to the portable threelegged altars, often found with other cult paraphernalia, and suggested that they were the special seats of a divine figure587. In his view, the horn-like projections on top of some examples with solid back recall the horns of consecration and, therefore, provide another indication of the sacred character of the models588. Christopoulou has also pointed to the cultic significance of these models pointing to the incorporation of two religious elements in their typology; the tripod throne terminating in sacred horns, and the figurine589. To her, the placement of such models in the tombs may indicate the desire for the protection of the dead590.

Based on the epigraphical evidence connecting Mother Earth with animal offerings and attributes as well as on the later tradition, Godart has suggested that the Mycenaean ma-ka (Μα Γα) became the later Greek Demeter579. Although, the name of Demeter may not be attested in Linear B, the recording of Kore is appealing580. One should also not overlook the fact that Persephone may be recorded under the mention pe-re*82, which could, according to Ventris and Chadwick, be reconstructed as Preswā and compared with Πέρση and the first element of the compound Περσεφόνη581, a view also shared by Murray582. The connection between Demeter and Kore and their association with the Linear

574

I. Papadimitriou suggested that the enthroned figurines were associated with child burials, symbolising the Great Mother-Goddess whose worship survived in later

Mylonas 1956: 120. Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1986: 157-158 and 1999-2001: 146-147, where she also cites historical parallels and depictions of triple female deities from the Mycenaean minor arts as well as earlier and contemporary parallels from the Cyclades and Anatolia. 576 Masouridi 2001: 6-7. 577 Godart 2001: 464. 578 Spyropoulos 1975a: 426, pl. 302b; idem 1975b: 26, fig. 21. I am not sure, though, whether this suggestion could be applied to the interpretation of multiple figurines. 579 Godart 2001: 466. 580 Scholars have attributed the mention da-ma-te (PY 114=En 609) to Demeter, which in use at least does not signify a divine name, according to Ventris and Chadwick (19732: 410-411, 538). 581 Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 127, 410-411. 582 Murray 1979: 148. 575

583

Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 126-127, 410-411. For a fuller discussion of Potniai and their connection to Demeter and Kore, see Trümpy 2001: 417ff. 584 Karageorghis 1958: 385; Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982: 30, 98, IV.18. 585 Rystedt 2001: 396. 586 Mylonas (1956) discussed in detail several examples of thrones with or without occupants; Higgins 1956; French 1971: 167-172; Tamvaki 1973: 246-255. 587 Mylonas 1956: 118-119. 588 Mylonas 1956: 118-119. 589 Christopoulou 1988: 190. 590 Christopoulou 1988: 190.

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism periods591. He also proposed that these models were imitations of actual wooden thrones intended for deities592. Blegen assumed that the ‘throne’ models reflect in a way the style of furniture, presumably of wood, produced in LH III593. After having examined several examples from the citadel of Mycenae, Tamvaki concluded that one should not attribute religious significance to all versions of ‘thrones’ and seated figures and she inclined to believe that seated figures and the decoration of the models may indicate fashions and tastes in furniture as this is also reflected in other identified pieces of furniture, e.g. tables and biers594.

male figure in profile (fig. 57)600. The excavator has interpreted the scene as a narrative episode of the epiphany of a deity whose divine status and chthonic/regenerating qualities are expressed by the throne and the marine/vegetal setting of the rest of the decorated panels601. One is to wonder, though, why the ‘divine’ figure occupies a secondary place in the scene, tucked behind the conspicuous presence of the throne. In this fashion, the throne becomes the element of primary importance in the iconographical arrangement of the scene. In general terms, the throne played a significant role in Mycenaean religious life. PY Fr 1222 records the mention to-no-e-ke-te-ri-jo (thorno-helkē-tērion), which scholars have interpreted as the ‘Strewing of the Throne’ (θορνο-ελκτήριον)602, the ‘Raising of the Lamentation’ (στονο-εγερτήριον)603, a sacred banquet/sacrifice (θοινοεχετήριον)604 or as the unction of the throne (θορνοεκχευτήριον)605. Ventris and Chadwick, who preferred to leave the issue open, suggested that the mention could denote a shrine, without whatsoever pursuing the interpretation any further606. Hiller suggested that the best explanation is the libation on the throne performed in honour of the wanax who is a cult-figure himself607.

Without excluding the fact that these models might have been imitations of actual domestic furniture, Platon suggested that they were associated with religious performance and, in particular, the cult of the dead595. In general terms, the connection between enthroned figures and cultic activity has been established by their iconographical association with ritual offerings and ceremonial acts as depicted in large-scale painting, the minor arts and on pottery596. Additionally, many scholars have associated enthroned figures depicted in Mycenaean art with the world of the dead. Morris has suggested that the scene on the Tiryns ring could be a narrative episode of a ritual act for a deity or figure associated with death receiving libations by the Linear B ‘Thirsty Ones’597. Along the same line of argument, her suggestion that the seated figure holding a kylix on the Tiryns krater may be interpreted as an enthroned deity presiding the chariot races in honour of the dead, if not as an actual image of the deceased598, could be applied in the case of the terracotta enthroned figurines uncovered in tombs.

Considering the fact that artistic items deposited with the dead serve not only the needs of the dead but also the desire of the living to give substance to the religious/eschatological notions of their time, it would be feasible to suggest that the ‘throne’ models and the scene from Mesara reflect the association between death and religion in Late Helladic III times. If the suggestion that enthroned figures are the divine recipients of homage, offerings and acts, is valid, then the models of seated figurines in Mycenaean tombs could be interpreted in similar grounds, namely as chthonic deities, if not as the dead themselves, believed to be perpetually present in the tomb presiding over and receiving commemorative rites and honours from the living community. On a similar line of argument, if thrones are accepted as the seats of divine figures, then the ‘throne’ models without occupants in tombs could be considered as the aniconic presence of the chthonic deity or the dead ancestors, and/or as connected with special

Rather appealing is the existence of empty ‘throne’ models in the Mycenaean tombs. It is worth citing the examples from the Argolid (Mycenae, Nauplion, Dendra, Prosymna), Attica (Menidi, tomb at 50, Dimitrakopoulou Str. at Athens) and Boeotia (Thebes, Tanagra). Of exceptional importance is a ‘throne’ model from Tanagra decorated with double axes599. The motif of double axes is per se sacred and its occurrence on an equally sacred element, the throne, certifies the religious character and role of the find.

600

The cultic significance of ‘thrones’ in funerary contexts is supported by the decoration of a LM IIIA2 larnax from Klima Mesaras. The foreground of the right-hand half of one of the long sides is occupied by a large throne, behind which stands on an elevated platform, a

Rethemiotakis 1995: 174ff. A throne is also depicted on one of the long sides of a larnax from Pigi Rethymnou and has been associated with a prothesis scene (Baxevani 1995: 31, figs. 10-11. 601 Rethemiotakis 1995: 172ff. 602 Bennet 1955: 21, 30; Ruijgh (1967: 113), Gérard-Rousseau (1968: 224, where she also cites Bennett and Heubeck) and Hiller (1981: 121). 603 Palmer 1963: 252, who accepted the mention as a festival for the mourning over the dead Young god. 604 C. Milani’s interpretation cited in Gérard-Rousseau (1968: 225). 605 L.A. Stella and G. Maddoli cited in Gérard-Rousseau (1968: 225). This hypothesis is also supported by the recording of sage-scented oil in the same tablet (see Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 482). 606 Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 482. Murray (1979: 317) also chose not to support any of the aforementioned interpretations. 607 Quoted in the discussion in Politeia II: 391.

591

Papadimitriou 1954: 84-87. Papadimitriou 1957: 32. 593 Blegen 1937: 367. 594 Tamvaki 1973: 260-261. 595 Platon 400-401. 596 Karageorghis 1958: 386; Eiwanger and Donder 1988: 39; Immerwahr 1990: 118; Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1996: 135. 597 Morris 1992: 209. 598 Morris 1992: 209. 599 Demakopoulou and Konsola 1991: 86. 592

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism ceremonies involving the pouring of libations, as in the case of to-no-e-ke-te-ri-jo.

appears to be a wooden stick on the inside of a figure found close to the Cult Centre at Mycenae614. In a fresco fragment from the South House in the Cult Centre at Mycenae a pair of female hands is depicted holding a diminutive female figure (fig. 59a)615. Based on artistic similarities, Mylonas and Kritseli-Providi connected the scene with another fragment depicting a foot on a stool, and interpreted the whole as a seated goddess holding a votive offering616. Immerwahr prefers to consider this element as the facsimile of an actual female person, perhaps conveying the idea of a child dedication617. Another fresco fragment from Tiryns illustrates a life-size female procession, a member of which holds what appears to be a terracotta figure618 (fig. 59b).

Large figures, ‘θεοφορία’ and Mycenaean funerary cult The discovery of large wheel-made terracotta figures in the sacred places of major or minor centres led scholars to suggest that they were associated with the official level of cult in Mycenaean mainland (fig. 58)608. Up to present, large anthropomorphic figures have been unearthed at Mycenae, Tiryns, Phylakopi, Ayia Irini, Asine, Midea, Menelaion, Amyklaion, Tsoungiza and Aegina609. Concerned with the examples from Mycenae, Phylakopi and Tiryns, Taylour, Renfrew and Kilian have argued that they could have served as cult images610. On the other hand, M. Caskey interpreted the ones from the Temple at Ayia Irini as worshippers who stood or danced in constant attendance of a divine epiphany in terms of a perpetual enactment of liturgies611. Employing the Mycenae figures as an example, Laffineur suggests that the archaeological contexts allows, in most favourable cases, to get a more precise idea of their function612.

Boulotis, who studied the Tiryns fragment in detail, has concluded that it depicts a terracotta idol being carried along with a long piece of cloth by a high priestess in the course of a ceremonial procession619. Undoubtedly, both fragments depict a sequence of interconnected ceremonial events, i.e. the processional carrying of a terracotta figure and its offering/dedication to the deity or her priestess in a shrine. The Linear B term te-o-po-ri-ja, possibly a foreshadower of the classical θεοφορία (theophoria), i.e. the carrying of a god image or a xoanon in religious ceremonies, is recorded in two tablets from Knossos, KN Ga 1058 and Od 696 (+ KN L 698)620. Interestingly, the term appears together with wool (*145 in Ga 1058) and textile products (pe-ko-to and *164 in L 698). Judging by the written and artistic documentation of the practice, Hiller associated the offering of wool and textiles with the ceremonial transference of the cult image to the shrine, a pattern also observed in classical cultic acts621.

Renfrew has distinguished various degrees of identification and interpretation, viz. a. representations of anthropomorphic deities, b. representations of abstract deities who occasionally acquire human form but could equally be represented as something else, c. votaries placed in the cult place as reminders of already performed acts or as indicators of continuous cult practice, and d. votive figures or offerings representing either the deity or the human613. Kilian and Mylonas, followed by Albers and Demakopoulou, pointed to a specific function and use of terracotta figures and assumed that they were carried around in ritual processions, either in hands or on wooden sticks, as indicated by the impression of what

Surprisingly, a female procession is illustrated on a larnax from the cemetery at Tanagra, the exarchos depicted carrying what seems to be a large monochrome figure on her left hand, whereas with the right one she waves to the other members of the procession (fig. 60)622. Spyropoulos has suggested that the diminutive figure is presented dressed in actual clothes according to

608

614

See the introduction of this section. Mycenae, Temple Complex: Moore and Taylour 1999: 4671, 87-107; Tiryns, Rooms 117, 110 and 110a: Kilian 1981b: 49-58; Phylakopi: Renfrew 1985; Haghia Irini, Kea: Caskey 1981: 127-135; eadem 1986; Asine, House G, Room XXXII: Frödin and Persson 1938: 308-310; Midea: Demakopoulou 1999: 197-205; eadem 2001: 27-28; Demakopoulou and Divari-Valakou 2001: 182ff.; Menelaion: Catling 1995: 190193; Amyklaion: Demakopoulou 1982: 54-56; Tsoungiza: Wright 1994: 69-70; Aegina: Pilafidis-Williamson 1995: 229234. See also the distribution map by French (in Renfrew 1985: 414, fig. 10.1). 610 Taylour 1969: 92; idem 1970: 278; Renfrew 1985: 364; Kilian 1981b: 54-58; idem 1988a: 148. 611 Caskey 1981: 133; eadem 1986: 35ff. 612 Laffineur 2001: 388. 613 Renfrew 1985: 22-23.

Kilian 1981b: 54-58; Mylonas 1983: 145; Albers 1994: 136-137 (who pointed to the impression of the wooden stick on the inside of a Mycenae figure); Demakopoulou 1999: 203. 615 Kritseli-Providi 1982: 41-42, pl. 6. 616 Mylonas 1981:319; Kritseli-Providi 1982: 42-43. 617 Immerwahr 1990: 119. 618 Boulotis 1979: 59-67. 619 Boulotis 1979: 59-67, esp. 63. The role of cloth in cult has been recently explored by Nosch and Perna (2001). 620 Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 315, 585; Hiller 1984: 139. 621 Hiller 1984: 144, 149. See also his comments in the discussion in SCABA: 126. 622 Spyropoulos 1974: 12-13. Although one could not be sure as to whether the monochrome attribution of the figure is deliberate or not, it is tempting to associate it with the monochrome figures with the forbidding expression from the Cult Centre at Mycenae.

609

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism the Mycenaean tradition and interpreted it as a palladion held aloft by a priestess, who is inciting the mourning procession to plead with the goddess to take pity on the dead623. Cavanagh and Mee noticed that both the priestess’ hands are extended towards the procession, therefore, the palladion, an artistic metaphor of divine epiphany, must be standing above or behind the priestess, perched on a ledge or placed on a bench or platform624; alternatively, it could represent the deceased, present in spirit at the religious act625.

livid corpse. The corpse is therefore not merely an object over which people vent their emotions but also one which is utilized to convey a representation of death and the hereafter’629. The way humans deal with the corpse reveals a great deal about human behaviour and their engagement with the material and spiritual world. The awareness of death and the feeling of being towards death provide the context of human action630. Likewise, the symbols of death reveal the meaning of life and those of life define what death must be631.

Corroborating is the discovery of a large wheel-made female figure in tomb 40 at Mycenae (fig. 61)626. Although its hands are missing, they must have been raised, thus presenting similarities with the figure on the Tanagra larnax. The large size of the religious icon from Tanagra and that from Mycenae and their similarities with corresponding ones from cult places supports their classification to the type of wheel-made figures found in sacred places of Mycenaean date. It is worth noting the Mycenae figure was not associated with any burials since the tomb was found clear of skeletal remains and only a small number of vases, glass jewellery and figurines was uncovered627.

The symbolic value of Mycenaean funerary art has been crystallised in the decoration of funerary monuments, the depictions on clay sarcophagi or the deposition of carefully selected items with the dead. Up to the present, interpretations put forward for the survival of the soul after death have been to a significant degree influenced by the later literary tradition, viz. Homeric and classical texts. Additionally, the Egyptian and Minoan influence in the formation of certain ideas has been stressed and it should not be overlooked, principally due to the evidence for frequent commercial contacts and cultural exchanges between the Mycenaean mainland, Crete and Egypt during the Shaft Grave period onwards. However, for lack of a complete corpus of multi-cultured funerary scenes, it would be wise to be cautious of general conclusions and extrapolations.

Nevertheless, the large figure from the tomb and, most importantly, the larnax depiction -a unique instance in the iconography of death-, leave no doubt as regards the performance of festivals in honour of the dead, during which theophoria was also practiced. Applying Renfrew’s indicators, the large terracotta figure would have played the role of an attention-focusing device required by all general aspects of religious activity. The spiritual presence of the chthonic deities, if not of the dead themselves, may have been reflected in the use of this ritualistic symbol. Moreover, if the figure on the larnax is indeed of the wheel-made type, then it is illustrative of the concurrent use of religious symbols of the popular and official level, at least in occasions of communal feasting, like the performance of funerary cult.

A thorough examination of the funerary repertoire appears to indicate that for the Mycenaeans the passage from life into death and beyond was not the abrupt transition between two extremes but rather death was considered as a stage in the continuation of human existence. Funerary iconography was employed by the Mycenaeans as a language through which they attempted to achieve a link with the distant and remote land of their ancestors and to modify their response to death via a system of associations and metaphors. No doubt, the material from Early Mycenaean funerary contexts and, in particular the evidence from GCA, has attracted intense debate and discussion as regards its symbolic value, considered either as eschatological references or as insignia of status and power.

The Iconography of Death: learning about death and afterlife in Late Helladic times An enormous amount of scholarly work has placed emphasis on the early treatment of the dead in order to throw light on the origins of symbolism, ritual and religion. Many scholars have seen in the provision of grave furnishings the evidence for the concept of an afterlife or even of the concept of the soul628. Certainly, ‘the body represents our primary and most fundamental source of contact with death. In a sense, the only portrait of death which we have is that which is inscribed on the

In 1965 Vermeule pointed to the existence of a new class of objects in the art market, products of illicit trade, namely a number of clay larnakes. Her thorough study of only a restricted number of examples was followed by the discovery of the celebrated larnakes at the Mycenaean cemetery of Tanagra. Since 1968, when the excavations at Tanagra began, Spyropoulos unearthed a unique group of clay sarcophagi whose depictions elucidated in the most remarkable way the νεκρικά θέσµια of the Mycenaean world. For the first time, since the 19th century when the first Mycenaean tombs were excavated, the actual remains of past

623

Spyropoulos 1974: 13. Cavanagh and Mee 1995: 46-47. 625 Cavanagh and Mee 1995: 46-47. 626 Tsountas 1888: 169, pl. 9 (15); Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 114 (Π 2494), pl. 28. 627 Tsountas 1888: 150; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 113. 628 Vermeule 1979: 56; Parker Pearson 1999: 147. 624

629

Prior 1989: 21. Parker Pearson 1999: 142. 631 Warner 1959: 320. 630

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Mycenaean Afterlife and Symbolism funerary rites found their visual expression in the depictions of these unique monuments. Most importantly, the decoration of funerary monuments with eschatological (winged creatures, mythological creatures, means of transport to the underworld, otherworldly visions) and religious scenes (processions of male and female religious officials, sacred pillars, festive scenes) as well as the actual deposition of sacred insignia and symbolic items with the dead highlight the intention of the Mycenaean people to express their eschatological beliefs and their need to present in the artistic repertoire the religious practices connected with funerary cult.

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CHAPTER IV Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism

The location of Mycenaean funerary landscapes vis-àvis the settlement In archaeological terms, the understanding of past funerary activities and beliefs can be explored on the basis of the relationship between cemetery and natural landscape and the incorporation of funerary locales into man-created settings of socio-political and/or religious character. Since classical antiquity cemeteries were consistently placed outside settlement areas, a pattern observed until late Roman times633. With The Hour of our Death Ariès has ascertained how modern attitudes towards death and decomposition have influenced proximity and distance between settlements and cemeteries in Western Europe and America since the 18th century AD634. Although modern Greek legislation delimits the location of cemeteries to a distance of 250 metres from city boundaries and 100 metres from isolated houses, it seems to be the norm in several villages that the houses of the living are located in immediate proximity to the dwellings of the dead (fig. 62)635.

… to lead me captive to the house of darkness…, …to the house which none who enters ever leaves, on the path that allows no journey back, to the house whose residents are deprived of light632

Introduction The value of Mycenaean tombs as enduring signs of the presence of death and as memorials to past lives has often been treated with a certain theoretical simplicity. Yet, the incorporation of funerary locales in natural and man-created landscapes reflects the conscious and carefully thought-out activity by which the ancestors are placed within human biographies and socio-political geographies and by which religious and eschatological perceptions are materialised, cemented and, occasionally, forged. Similarly, the amount of energy and expenditure invested in the construction and decoration of tombs reflects the religious beliefs as well as the sociopolitical/economic status -actual or desired- of the deceased and of the living community. Every single feature of the tomb bore symbolic connotations inextricably linked to the belief for continuation of an earthly existence in another dimension also to the need of the living to communicate with the dead.

Turning to LH mainland, in Early Mycenaean times a trend is apparent towards the creation of cemeteries outside habitation areas, as contrasted with the common practice of intramural inhumation in pit and cist graves during MH times. Dietz attributed this pattern to changes in religious customs and Wright understood it as an outward expression and display of the growing complexity of the Mycenaean socio-political organisation636.

This chapter combines three broad themes, namely cemetery location, tomb architecture and eschatological symbolism. More specifically, the questions addressed are: Can the relationship between the Mycenaean living and the dead be explored archaeologically via the investigation of their spatial and topographic separation? Can the choice in placing the dead reveal the ways by which death was incorporated into Mycenaean cosmologies and religious practices? How might one investigate the physical or symbolic barriers placed to separate and protect the living from the dead?

In Chapter II it has been demonstrated how the placement of monumental tombs as territorial markers, the juxtaposition of funerary, sacred and secular geographies and the manipulation of religious practices through the combination of ritual, architecture and tradition were exploited in LH IIIB Mycenae with the aim to serve as a constant reminder of the link between politics, the living élites, the ancestors and the divine. Scholars have also observed that the location of Mycenaean tombs was to a certain degree determined by geographical and geological conditions, viz. the local topography, the angle of the hillside employed for tomb construction, the quality of the bedrock, factors of erosion and preservation637. Cavanagh and Mee considered the proximity between LH III cemeteries and their Early Mycenaean predecessors to be significant in terms of traditional patterns638. In a thorough examination of the data they questioned arguments related to the symbolic relationship between location, proximity and orientation of cemeteries vis-à-vis their associated settlements, the placement of tombs beside or

Answers are sought in the investigation of the location of Mycenaean tombs and their incorporation into the natural and man-created landscapes of LH III mainland, and in the exploration of the ritual and symbolic character of Mycenaean tomb design, with special reference to the tripartite plan of the typical tholos and chamber tombs, their fresco decoration and fixed structures of ritualistic nature. Since the focal point of this study is the religious aspect of ancestor veneration, comparisons with the Mycenaean sacred architecture seem inevitable and requisite.

633

Kurtz and Boardman 1971: 70. Ariès 1981. 635 Panourgia 1995: 192 note 2; Seremetakis 1991: 159-161. 636 Dietz 1991: 275-276, 293; Wright 1987. 637 Wells 1990: 127; Cavanagh and Mee 1990: 55; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 42. 638 Mee and Cavanagh 1990: 227ff., 242. 634

632

Gilgamesh VII 184-7 (after The Epic of Gilgamesh. The Babylonian Epic Poem and Other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian, translated and with an introduction by Andrew George). Penguin Books, 1999.

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Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism along roads and the use of cemeteries and/or single tombs as territorial and land markers639.

Bay where a settlement has been unearthed, some chamber tombs were located. In 1975 remains of Mycenaean buildings were associated with the Tanagran necropolises to the east, whereas just north of the Kallithea cemetery an extensive LH settlement is situated on a hill at Eleon (Dritsa).

The objective of this section is to examine whether eschatological tenets and ritual practices dictated the spatial positioning of Mycenaean cemeteries in relation to settlements.

The settlement remains, albeit sparse, uncovered near the gulf of Haghios Stephanos, at the foot of Vathrovouni and in the Kaki Kephali promontory provide substantial evidence as regards the diverse orientation of the cemeteries at Chalkis. Similarly, the chamber tomb cemetery at Aliveri: Livadhi is situated to the south of the Magoula settlement, whereas the tholos at Bellousia ca. 2000m to the north-east of Lepoura, where remains of the nearest known LH habitation area have survived. À propos the necropolises of the Oxylithos valley, the tombs at Evrima are situated at a distance of ca. 1000m east-northeast from the settlement on the Palaiokastro hill.

Cemetery orientation and symbolism The symbolic implications of cemetery location and orientation were originally discussed by Persson who argued that the Mycenaean cemeteries were localised west of the settlements so that the living would not be troubled by the spirits of the dead in their journey to and from Hades640. The same orientation and location pattern was adopted for the cemeteries of Prosymna, Mycenae and Zygouries. À propos the location and orientation of the tombs at Prosymna, van Leuven detected a correlation with religious factors including solar worship; ‘within each group, particular tomb locations were determined primarily by choosing the terrain that would permit a desired orientation, towards the sun at certain times of the year and day, in accordance with solar characteristics of the funerary cult’641.

Nevertheless, the uneven ratio of excavated cemeteries and settlements renders the understanding of cemeterysettlement relation extremely difficult. At this point, it is worth citing Cavanagh and Mee’s observation that the placement and orientation of several cemeteries might have also been the result of practical necessity, e.g. Nauplia and Athenian Agora644. Interestingly, inconsistent orientation is also noted in the choice of location for Mycenaean sacred buildings and statements associating their alignment with the topographical conditions of the associated landscape have been put forward645.

On the other hand, instances of inconsistent orientation and location observed in several cemeteries of the Argolid and Korinthia, e.g. Tiryns, Berbati, Asine, Schoinochori, Lerna, Kokla, Argos, Nauplion and Moulki, override Persson’s rule642. Similarly, no fixed pattern of cemetery orientation and location is registered in the record of LH III Attic cemeteries643.

In conclusion, the spatial analysis of the regions under consideration suggests that there seems to be no fixed compass reading linked to a commonly shared Mycenaean belief, viz. that certain points of the compass were not regarded as particularly significant for the post mortem welfare of the departed. Such an observation is further supported by contemporary artistic accounts of the journey of the dead to the underworld. The boats on the Dramesi pillar, the ship on the larnax from Switzerland and the chariot on the Episkopi sarcophagus appear to follow a left-to-right direction. Similarly, the male procession with the bovid models and the ship on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus moves towards the right in order to meet the deceased, whereas the chariots on the short sides follow the opposite direction. On the other hand, the ship on the larnakes from Tanagra and Gazi and the chariot on the Zafer Papoura sarcophagus proceed towards the left.

More analytically, the Mycenaean necropolis of the Agora is situated to the northwest of the Athenian Acropolis, the West Cemetery at Eleusis 750m northwest of its associated acropolis and the Menidi tholos 1500m west-northwest of the Nemesis settlement. The chamber tombs at Brauron are located 200m east of the acropolis, whereas some of the Spata tombs were cut into the south-western foot of the hill of Magoula, where the LH settlement was most probably situated. The Marathon tholos tomb was placed ca. 1000m to the south-east of the acropolis at Agriliki. Chamber tomb cemeteries were in use on all sides of the Kadmeia in Thebes, and in particular to the east and south. Mycenaean tombs have been unearthed on the south side of Thisbe and to the north-west near Palaiokastro. A cemetery and a settlement of EH and LH IIIB date were positioned ca. 1000m to the north-west of the Dramesi ‘tholos’. On the north side of Mikro Vathi

Diversity is also noted in the flying movement of the artistic renditions identified as souls. The creature on the Kassel larnax flutters towards the right looking over her left shoulder, a movement also shared by the right figure on the Tanagra sarcophagus. Conversely, the other two figures on the Tanagra larnax, i.e. the left one on the long side and the one on the short end, move towards the

639

Cavanagh and Mee 1990; Mee and Cavanagh 1990. Persson 1942a: 152-153. 641 Van Leuven (1975: 204). This suggestion was also shared by Goodison 1989: 85. 642 See also Cavanagh and Mee 1990: 55 and Mee and Cavanagh 1990: 227. 643 The relevant bibliographical references are cited in the Site Catalogue in Chapter I. 640

644 645

61

Mee and Cavanagh 1990: 242; Immerwahr 1971: 98. Whittaker 1997: 23.

Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism left. Similarly, the floating diminutive creatures on the fresco from Room 31 at Mycenae proceed from right to left. Thus, the artistic repertoire seems to support the results of the spatial analysis, suggesting that the orientation of cemeteries vis-à-vis the world of the living was not a fixed matter in Mycenaean eschatology. The choice of placing the dead was dependent on the beliefs of the individual communities, rather than part of a Mycenaean eschatological koine.

tombs at Thebes are associated with Chryssorrhoas, Ismenos and the stream of Dirki. Dabney attributed the increase in population and population density during Mycenaean times to the fact that the location of cemeteries at a distance from the settlements prevented the spread of epidemics linked to contamination from the dead648. Her discussion of a link between Mycenaean cemeteries and water sources is appealing; however, her interpretation on the level of contamination may be validated only in the case of the cemeteries located to a distance (>500m) from the settlement, but not of those located closer to habitation areas (≤500m), e.g. Asine, Kokla, Argos, Brauron, Thebes. Elements of Mycenaean funerary art, epigraphical testimonies and the archaeological evidence are also suggestive of the key-role held by water in ancestral ceremonies and of its highly symbolic value à propos the human passage from life into death and the afterlife fate of the departed.

On the other hand, the study of the placement of LH III cemeteries suggests that the location of Mycenaean necropolises was to a certain degree determined by the local topography, and in particular rivers, streams and sources of water, natural elements that might have been transformed in the minds of Mycenaean people into symbolic barriers between life and death. Moreover, the requirements of (post)liminal ritual would have determined to a considerable extent the proximity and distance of cemeteries, settlements and water sources.

Water is as significant to life as it is to death in ancient and modern Greece. Water and wine are used to clean the corpse before burial or the bones after exhumation (ανακοµιδή). Everyone who has come in contact with the departed has to cleanse the stigma of death with water outside the church or the house of the deceased. Fresh flowing water is a powerful symbol in Greek lament songs (µοιρολόγια). The afterworld is associated with thirst, dryness and heat and the dead (οι πεθαµένοι) are synonymous with the thirsty ones (οι διψασµένοι) depending on their living relatives to quench the thirst of their souls with fresh water649. The dead cross ‘the river’ in order to reach Hades and coins are symbolically placed in the coffins as ‘Charon’s fee’650.

The symbolic significance of life-giving water in Mycenaean death646 In search of the necropolis of Mycenaean Nemea and after a thorough examination of the Argolic and Korinthian funerary data, Dabney proposed that the location of LH cemeteries was to a certain degree dictated by hydrological conditions, and concluded that a source of water near the cemetery would have served the needs of Mycenaean funerary ritual and postfunerary cleansing647. À propos the connection between cemetery location and hydrological conditions, worth citing is, exempli gratia, the case of the Kalkani cemetery whose burial clusters were positioned and orientated towards the bank of a ravine and a rich water source, while the tombs excavated by Tsountas were located in the banks of the stream beds of Kokoretsa, Asprochoma, Agriosykia and ‘Eliais’. The location of the Mycenaean cemeteries at Prosymna and Vraserka was associated with the stream identified as the Ελευθέριον ύδωρ by Pausanias. Similarly, the rivers Inachos and Charadros would have dictated the positioning of the cemeteries of the valley around Argos, as in the case of Schoinochori. At Dendra a ravine separated the settlement from the necropolis.

The significance of water, and especially the sea, as a barrier between the sphere of the living and the world of the dead in Mycenaean times has been established in Chapter III. In connection to the survival of this tradition into later times, the symbolic presence of boats in Iron Age funerary contexts should be stressed651. The journey to the Land of the Blessed over the Ocean is predominant in the Homeric poems, as is the idea of Charon ferrying the dead over the Styx. Vermeule noticed that the dead were given more drink than food and attributed the popularity of the pilgrim flask in Mycenaean burials to the ‘ultimately eastern nervousness about the consequences of losing the liquids of life’652. The deposition of vessels associated with the storage, pouring and serving of water, e.g. hydriai, rhyta, cups, jugs and ewers, in funerary contexts is also suggestive of the performance of ceremonial acts in

Hydrological conditions would have determined the positioning and orientation of Attic, Boeotian and Euboaen cemeteries. For example, part of the Athenian Agora cemetery sloped towards the Eridanos, a stream was associated with the necropolis at Kopreza, whereas coastal formations would have dictated the placement of several necropolises as in the case of Brauron. The association of the cemetery at Alyki with water is proved not only by its proximity to the sea but also by the name of the area itself, αλυκαί standing for coastal marshes. It is noteworthy that the clusters of chamber 646 647

648

Dabney 1999: 175. See, exempli gratia, Trypanis 1951: 110. 650 Modern Greek funerary attitudes have been discussed by Alexiou (1974), Politis (1978) and Danforth (1982). Valuable information on ‘the thirst of the dead’ from prehistoric to early Christian times is cited in Deonna (1939: 53-77). 651 A boat model was deposited with the dead in Tomb X at Fortetsa near Knossos (Brock 1957: pl. 36 No 542i). 652 Vermeule 1979: 57-58. 649

See also Georgiadis and Gallou forthcoming. Dabney 1999: 171-175.

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Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism which the use of water, along with other liquids, was essential. Appealing is the Homeric reference to Odysseus’s triple libation of honey mixed with milk, wine and water to the dead653

inextricably linked to fertility, rebirth and the continuation of life, may be indicative of the desire of the living community to attract the benevolence and protection of the ancestors. Finally, it is tempting, albeit speculative, to suggest that crossing a river or a stream in order to visit the tomb might have borne symbolic and eschatological connotations for the living with respect the placement of symbolic barriers between the world of the living and the sphere of the dead, as well as the incorporation of the dead in the sphere of the ancestors in the context of customary rites of passage.

The use of water in death rituals is emphasised on both long sides of the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus. On the left panel of side A two priestesses followed by a harpist are depicted performing a libation ritual with the employment of three buckets signifying most probably a triple libation (fig. 31). Laffineur has identified the scene as a portrayal of the Homeric triple libation formula and, therefore, as part of a rite of necromancy654. The same scholar associated the offering of a boat model to the dead on the right panel as a symbolic reference to water655.

The Abodes of the Dead: Tomb Design, Ritual and Symbolism In his analysis of ritual indicators, Renfrew stressed the requirement of a boundary zone between this world and the next as the focus of ritual activity660. In general terms, any cult building can be considered part of the liminal zone that separates and, at the same time, unites the natural and the supernatural. By entering a place set apart for cult one expects to contact the divine and benefit of its blessing. Cult buildings are intended to fulfil two main functions; to shelter the deity worshipped therein –either permanently in the form of a cult image, or during divine epiphanies-, and to provide a special locus for congregational worship by means of a specialised and purpose-built structure equipped with the appropriate facilities for the performance of religious ritual.

The right panel of side B illustrates a priestess, followed by a musician playing the flutes, performing a rite in front of an altar on top of which an ewer forms the focal point of ritual action (fig. 63). The co-depiction of ewers and tree branches is evocative of the ivory or glass plaques found in Mycenaean burial contexts illustrating single Minoan Genii or pairs standing before or on either side of palm trees and pouring libations656. The Mycenaean belief that the dead faced thirst and dryness in the underworld could be supported by the name of a class of deities whose name Dipsioi (=the Thirsty Ones) and an associated festival (dipisijewijo) appear in a number of Linear B documents recording the offering of olive oil at Pylos657. Guthrie’s proposal that the mention could refer to the thirsty dead has raised debate among scholarly circles658. Nevertheless, as shall be demonstrated in Chapter V, this entry -if associated with other Linear B mentions for the dead, e.g. dopota and tiriseroe, and with elements from Mycenaean sacred contexts- could elucidate key aspects of the function and ritual performance of Mycenaean funerary cult.

Houses for the gods in Mycenaean Greece The exploration of LH sacred art suggests that the Mycenaeans housed their deities in specially reserved buildings from the Shaft Grave period onwards and valuable information on the elaborate construction of tripartite shrines can be obtained by the golden models discovered in Shaft Graves III and V of Grave Circle A at Mycenae661. Epigraphically, sanctuaries were probably recorded under the mention wo-ko (=οικος, house) in Theban and Knossian Linear B documents, possibly an indication of their similarities with contemporary domestic edifices662

The need of water for the performance of burial and post-funerary ritual is given in all cultures659. In the case of Mycenaean funerary cult, water was essential for the practice of libations, sacrifices and feasting. The purification of the tomb after secondary burial treatment, the ritual cleansing of the skeletal remains after their removal from the tomb and the ritual cleansing of the mourners from the taint of death would require the existence of a source of water not far from the cemetery.

TH Of 36

]no-ri-wo-ki-de ku LANA 1 a-ke-ti-ra2 wana-ka[ po-ti-ni-ja, wo-ko-de, a-ke-ti-ra2 ku LANA 1

The establishment of Mycenaean funerary locales near valleys, rivers, streams and water sources, elements

KN As 1519 [.]-ri-ne-wo, wo-i-ko-de, to-so VIR 10 Architectural remains of Mycenaean sacred buildings have been excavated up to present at Mycenae (the Cult Centre), Tiryns (Rooms 119, 117, 110 and 110a in the

653

Od. κ. 518-520; λ. 27-28. Laffineur 1991a: 277-285. 655 Laffineur 1991a: 280. 656 The symbolism of palm tress and Genii has been discussed in Chapter IIII. 657 Palmer 1963: 242-245; Gérard-Rousseau 1968: 61-62; Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 540. 658 Guthrie 1959: 45-46. 659 The importance of liquids in Mycenaean post-funerary rites is discussed in Chapter V. Thus, only a brief account of what is thoroughly discussed in Chapter V is reiterated here. 654

660

Renfrew 1985: 18-19; Renfrew 1994b: 51. Karo 1930-33: pl. XVIII (nos 242-244) and pl. XXVII (no 26). 662 Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 592; Spyropoulos and Chadwick 1975: 88-89; Hiller 1981: 98-103; TITHEMY: 37. 661

63

Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism Unterburg), Pylos (Room 93), Iolkos (Megaron B), Methana, Asine (Room XXXII in House G), Phylakopi and Kea663. Representations of shrines on the minor arts, e.g. the rings from Mycenae (fig. 64), Dendra, Volos, Aidonia, Berlin and Thebes664, and on wall paintings from Mycenae and Pylos665, complement to a significant degree the archaeological understanding of their construction mode and their original appearance. Interesting is a LH IIIA1 fragmentary terracotta model from Menelaion at Sparta, which has been identified as a sanctuary666.

chamber tomb types suggests that their choice and use as the eternal dwellings of the dead was not determined merely by functional practicality but rather dictated by the belief in the post mortem survival of the soul and by the requirements of religious performance in honour of the ancestors. Consequently, the objective of this section is to investigate the reading of the tripartite plan of the typical Mycenaean tombs, viz. the tholos and chamber tomb types671, as the boundary zone between the terrestrial and subterrestrial worlds and as places of contact between the spheres of the sacred and the profane. Since the discussion of the Mycenaean tombs’ tripartite division will be based on the stages of funerary ritual and as a matter of convenience, it is useful to provide a brief account of the issues of liminality, rites of passage and their connection to funerary ritual.

In spite of the common religious function of Mycenaean cult buildings, architecturally they are differentiated in terms of their size, the alignment of their entrance, the proportions of the central room and the existence or not of subsidiary rooms. Although on present evidence their purpose cannot be determined, Whittaker has questioned the primary use of the anterooms of the central rooms of the sanctuaries at Mycenae (the Temple and the Room with the Fresco) and Phylakopi as storerooms and maintained their use as secondary cult rooms667.

Liminality, rites of passage and the sanctity of funerary ritual: a brief account

A consistent feature of Mycenaean sacred architecture is the presence of a platform or a number of platforms against the wall opposite the main entrance. The presence of stone-built benches, covered with clay or plaster, in the sanctuaries at Mycenae (the Temple, Tsountas’ House Shrine and the Room with the Fresco668), Tiryns (Rooms 110, 110a and 117), Iolkos, Phylakopi (East and West Shrines) and Methana, and their association with objects of ritualistic nature (figurines, tables of offerings, beads, miniature vessels, rhyta, kylikes) classify them as attention-focusing ritual devices (fig. 65)669.

Van Gennep’s universalistic theory of the Rites of Passage, originally published in 1909, and Hertz’s contribution to the collective representation of death, introduced liminality and transition into social anthropology672. With emphasis placed on the ritual data of Madagascar, both scholars viewed death rituals as ‘a symbolic representation of the ambiguous state of the deceased while in passage from life toward some fixed eternal condition’673. In particular, Hertz focused on the parallel transitional stages, transformations, readjustment and redefinition experienced by mourners, corpse and soul, and suggested that the passage of the soul as a homology or model of the passage of the soul might be an invariable universal, a supposition questioned by Parker Pearson674.

The ‘holy triad’ of Mycenaean funerary architecture: dromos, stomion and chamber

Van Gennep investigated the ritual activities marking the individual’s life cycle (pregnancy, childbirth, initiation, marriage and death) and set a tripartite structure of transition from one social condition to another, viz. preliminal rites or rites of separation, liminal or threshold rites (rites of marginality/transition) and post-liminal rites (ceremonies of incorporation/reaggregation)675.

By investigating the limitations of what prehistorians may hope to discover behind prehistoric megalithic monuments, Chris Scarre has argued that all three stages of development –from tomb as house to tomb as status indicator, to tomb as religious statement- can be accessible to archaeological analysis without the aid of written sources670. The study of Mycenaean tholos and 663

Whittaker 1997: 163-183, where she cites the available bibliographical references; Moore and Taylour 1999; Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 1995; eadem 2001b; Adrimi-Sismani 1999-2001: 88ff. 664 CMS I: nos 86, 108, 191, 199; CMS V (1B): nos 114, 113; CMS V(2): no 728; Mylonas 1977: 10-12; Kaza-Papageorgiou 1998: 49-50, 93-94. 665 Lang 1969: 139-140, pls. 77, 78; Immerwahr 1990: 191, 198; Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1996: 63 (no 74a), 71 (no 104). 666 Catling 1989. For objections, see Whittaker 1997: 24. 667 Whittaker 1997: 21-22, 75. 668 The bench in the Room with the Fresco at Mycenae was plastered and decorated (Marinatos 1988: 245-246). 669 Whittaker 1997: 18ff; Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 213, 216-217; Adrimi-Sismani 1999-2001: 92. 670 Scarre 1994.

671

A similar pattern is followed in the design of a typical shaft grave with its roof, shaft and burial chamber. 672 Van Gennep 1960; Hertz 1907. 673 Metcalf and Huntington 1991: 111. 674 Hertz 1960: 78-79; Parker Pearson 1999: 22. 675 Van Gennep 1960: 10-11. The liminality theory was later discussed and elaborated by Turner (1969), Leach (1976), Huntington and Metcalf 1991 (with objections, especially pp. 108ff.).

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Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism Death alive/dead alive→dying→ dead

ONE DISTINCTION TWO CATEGORIES THREE STAGES

The symbolic function of the dromos

marriage single/married

Apart from its general functional practicality, in ritual terms the dromos of a typical Mycenaean tomb could be taken to signal the first stage in the symbolic passage from life to death and the incorporation of the departed into the realm of the ancestors. It has been established in Chapter II that public participation in ancestral ceremonies in the Atreus Treasury and the Tomb of Clytemnestra would have been possible as indicated by the white-stuccoed floor of the dromoi and the presence of an open area before the monuments.

single→engaged→ married

Schema of van Gennep’s rites of passage (Source: Metcalf and Huntington 1991: 30, fig. I) Van Gennep emphasised the importance attached to the transformative power in these rites, a power often referred to as liminality, a derivative of the latin word limen (=threshold), an indication of ‘the status of the transition stage as outside the normal constraints of human time and space, and as a different set of conditions that are both more powerful and dangerous’676. Other scholars have defined liminality as ‘the institutionalised categorisation of certain moments in time and specific locations in the landscape as sacred, both outside of ordinary time and betwixt and between the world of the ‘here and now’ and the other world of the supernatural’677.

Inferences for the performance of ritual acts in honour of the sacred dead in the dromos can be drawn from certain structural elements, namely pits, cists and niches, and the presence of potsherds, vessels and jewellery, animal bones, remains of secondary burials as well as traces of ritual feasting in the fill of the dromoi, as shall be thoroughly discussed in Chapter V. Moreover, on several occasions excavators have noted the care taken for the careful formation of the dromos as contrasted to the careless construction of the burial chamber, e.g. the tombs at Tanagra682.

Interestingly, the variability of rites surrounding death seems to contrast with the seemingly universality of Van Gennep’s tripartite system of rites of passage678. Leach argued that ‘in the case of mortuary ritual it is often a dogma that death is only a gateway to future life’679. According to Murphy, ‘the basic function of funerary ritual is a rite of passage between life and death’680. Tambiah’s remark that ‘rites…enact and incarnate cosmological perceptions’, led Cavanagh and Mee to state that ‘the pair mortal/immortal indicate that death is almost in the definition of religion’681.

The dual character of niches and pits in the dromoi, i.e. for burials or for the deposition of bones in the context of secondary rites, led Nilsson to argue that all cases should be considered individually and to conclude that they were closely connected with funerary cult683. Conversely, Mylonas argued that the contents of the niches prove that they could not have been used for cult purposes684. Lewartowski has reckoned that in more than 135 chamber tombs primary burials and disiecta membra have been deposited in pits and niches cut into the floor and the walls of the dromos in close proximity to the stomion, the vast concentration of the cases being attested in Attic and Argolic cemeteries685.

In mortuary terms, the rites of separation entail the detachment of the dead from the settlement and their placement in a formal disposal area that acts as a liminal zone. Purification, banqueting and drinking ceremonies may accompany this act. During the liminal or transition stage the deceased moves ‘betwixt and between’ the world of the living and the plane of ancestors, whereas the mourning period continues in the living community. By the end of this stage and the beginning of the reaggregation phase (post-liminal rites), the deceased is fully incorporated into the realm of the ancestors, an event celebrated with the performance of a family or communal feast and by repeated ceremonies in honour of the ancestral spirits.

Pits cut into the floor of the dromos of a number of chamber tombs at Mycenae (505, 514, 519, 527 and 530), Panaghia (I), Prosymna (I, IV, XI, XIII, XIV, XXXIX and XXXIX) and Tiryns (XIX) had received the skeletal remains and the offerings during the religious performance of secondary treatment (fig. 66a)686. Disiecta membra and offerings have also been discovered in rock-cut niches in the passageways of chamber tombs at Deiras (XXXVIbis), Asine (I:2, I:3, I:4), Mycenae (505), Panaghia (I), Prosymna (VI, XXXIX, XXXVII), Nauplion, Alyki 2 and Tanagra (98,

682

Spyropoulos 1969a: 7; idem 1970a: 31. Nilsson 19502: 587-589. 684 Mylonas 1966: 179. 685 Lewartowski 1996: 749, 762-763. Unfortunately, in most interim reports of the excavated tombs, the evidence from pits and niches uncovered in the dromoi is omitted or overlooked. Nevertheless, the number of examples will rise dramatically after the final publication of the excavation results. 686 Mycenae: Wace 1921-23b: 368ff; idem 1932: 12, 14, 49, 68, 87, 94-95, 106-107, 226; Panaghia: Mylonas 1972: 115; Prosymna: Blegen 1937: 70, 131-132, 154-155, 167, 191, 193, 201, 218, 235; Tiryns: Rudolph 1973: 81, 88. 683

676

Cunningham 1999: 59. Turner 1967: 94; Leach 1976: 33-36, 77-79, fig. 8.; Parker Pearson 1993: 204. 678 Van Gennep 1960: 146-165; Branigan 1993: 120-121; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 105; Murphy 1998: 32ff.; Parker Pearson 1999: 22. 679 Leach 1976: 79. 680 Murphy 1998: 32. 681 Tambiah 1979: 121; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 106. 677

65

Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism 117?, 127, 136 and 137)687. Pits and niches have also been reported from the Mycenaean cemetery at Aidonia688; however, no additional information exists as to their function and use.

where plain kylix stems were placed en masse in an irregular recess at the top of the right doorjamb695. Interestingly, two recesses were cut into both sides of the outer end of the first dromos leading to the chamber of the royal tomb at Megalo Kastelli (Thebes), the so called Tomb of Oedipus’s Sons. Influenced by the later literary tradition connected with the particular monument, the excavator interpreted them as guard posts696 O grave, O bridal bower, O prison house hewn into the rock, my everlasting house 697.

The niches in the dromoi of Asine tomb I:5, Mycenae tomb 529 and Palamidi (Nauplion) tomb 4 have attracted the interest of archaeologists (fig. 66b)689. On matters of detail, the examples from Asine and Mycenae were carelessly constructed near the entrance to the tomb and were closed with rubble packing and a slab respectively. The Asine niche was filled with blackish earth, calcinated animal bones, a clay figurine in the shape of a cow’s head and pottery. The recess at the tomb of Nauplion was constructed in the outer end of the dromos, contained bones and pottery fragments and was not sealed. The niche at Mycenae contained nothing but soft friable earth.

Given the fact that this may de facto be the royal tomb of Mycenaean Thebes, one could argue that the recesses constitute proof for the hypothesis that the dromoi of a number of tombs may have stayed open for some time before and after the burial, as, for example, in the case of the elaborate tholoi at Mycenae and Orchomenos, Asine I:2 or Dendra Tomb 14698.

Nilsson related them to the Mycenaean cult of the dead and suggested that they may have received funerary offerings made by later members of the family690. Based on the evidence from Mycenae (tomb 505) and Prosymna (tombs VI, XXX and XXXVII), Wace concluded that these niches would have served as child burials, whose skeletons were apt to decay completely691, a suggestion partly accepted by Mylonas who interpreted them either as ossuaries (οστεοθηκαι) or as burial niches692.

The use of the inner end of the dromos, close to the stomion, as the focal point of ritual activity in Mycenaean tombs is emphasised by the remains of sacrificial and libation ceremonies. The occurrence of shattered or intact drinking vessels and, in particular kylikes, in front of the stomion or in the dromos fill has been associated with liminal rites. The presence of single or pairs of grooves in the stomion of a number of tholos and chamber tombs suggests that the pouring of liquids (wine, water or even blood) was customary and extended beyond the time of the burial.

The excavators of the Asine necropolis maintained that the position of the niche in tomb I:5 and its finds point to the remains of a sacrifice in honour of those buried in the chamber, as in the case of tomb I:4693. However, since the pottery from the recess in Asine I:5 is Protogeometric, any connection with the Mycenaean funerary cult should be excluded694. On the other hand, as shall be demonstrated in Chapter V, the alcoves at Mycenae 529 and Palamidi 4 are typical of the arrangement of the Mycenaean tomb’s individual architectural features with the aim to facilitate the secondary rites in honour of the dead. Indicative of the customary offering of gifts to the dead after the burial is the case of chamber tomb 523 at the Kalkani cemetery,

Exceptional is the case of tomb 14 at Aidonia, a tomb without a burial chamber, comprising of a carelessly constructed dromos and a false stomion in front of which the skeleton of a horse was found in situ and beneath it the jawbones of fourteen more699. At the inner end of the passageway leading to the stomion of the Kokla tholos, a pair of well-preserved skeletons of sheep/goat was uncovered700. Outside the entrance of the earlier tholos tomb at Kazarma the excavations uncovered the skeleton of a whole calf probably sacrificed on top of a stone pile or platform, which was employed as an altar701. The ritual significance of the stomion (fig. 67)

687

Deiras: Deshayes 1966: 111; Asine: Frödin and Persson 1938: 167, 169, 172-175, 356; Mycenae: Wace 1932: 12, 14; Panaghia: Shelton 2000: 53; Prosymna: 124, 154-155; Nauplia: Kondakis 1878: 186; ArchDelt. 28 (1973) 91; Alyki: Papadimitriou 1954: 77; Tanagra: Spyropoulos 1976a: 62; idem 1979a: 30; idem 1979b: 6; idem 1982: 112-113; idem 1984: 143-144. 688 Krystalli-Votsi 1998: 23. 689 Frödin and Persson 1938: 175, 178-179; Wace 1932: 99; Lolling 1880: 162. 690 Nilsson 19502: 587-588. 691 Wace 1932: 128-129. 692 Mylonas 1951a: 88. 693 Frödin and Persson 1938: 175, 179. 694 This does not exclude the case of hero-cult performed in later times, in which case a number of Mycenaean tombs became the focus of cultic activity.

The zone between the exterior and the interior of the house is often taken to symbolise an area of contact between the natural and the supernatural. In a similar way, entrances, and in particular, thresholds are often conceived as liminal zones and at the same time as the 695

Wace 1932: 35,131, fig. 18 (the recess is indicated with the letter c on the plan). 696 Spyropoulos 1972a: 310; idem1973b: 255. 697 Sophocles’ Antigone, 891ff. 698 Frödin and Persson 1938: 162, 166, 169-170; Åström 1977: 106. 699 Krystalli-Votsi 1998: 25. 700 Demakopoulou 1990: 122, fig. 21. 701 Deilaki-Protonotariou 1969: 3.

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Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism gateway for evil spirits and death702. The symbolic importance of the threshold in Mycenaean religious beliefs and superstitions is most probably reflected on the distributional pattern of figurines associated with doors and thresholds703.

frequently uncovered before the walled entrance or in its packing fill. These finds have been interpreted either as potsherds belonging to vases that were either broken and thrown out during cleaning operations in the chamber, or as being part of a customary act associated with the rites of separation and a last toast in honour of the dead.

Specific architectural features and the remains of ritual activity are suggestive of the Mycenaean tomb stomion’s key role in the negotiations between life and death. In iconographical terms, the function of the tomb and, in particular the stomion, as symbolic barrier between the living and the dead, is supported by the scene on the larnax from tomb 51 at Tanagra (fig. 50b)704. On one of the long sides a female priestess is illustrated approaching from the right being met by a Sphinx moving from the opposite direction; both figures are depicted touching a sacred pillar, which has been interpreted as the tomb or the liminal zone between the earthly sphere, represented by the female figure, and the underworld, suggested by the presence of the mythological creature705.

Just below the packing fill of the stomion of tomb 2 at Dendra a pit was discovered containing a hoard of bronze objects710. Kontorli-Papadopoulou associated the find with the cists and pits in the chambers of Mycenae 2, 5 and Dendra 7, 10 and argued that they contained offerings deposited in order to avoid tomb-robbers or during cleaning operations in the tombs711. Considering, though, the fact that offerings under the blocking wall of the chambers are also attested elsewhere, e.g. Prosymna II, it would be plausible to suggest that these were offerings intended to placate the spirits of those buried in the tombs. Appealing is also the case of a number of chamber tombs that have their façade and, at least in one instance, the chamber frescoed. Additionally, the presence of pairs of grooves in the stomion has puzzled excavators. In relation to the ritual activity observed in this specific part of the tomb, the examination of frescoed sepulchres and grooves will contribute to the archaeological understanding of the stomion’s function as the focal point of commemorative rites and, at the same time, as the communication channel between the living and the dead.

The religious and ritual significance of the tomb’s threshold is also supported by the scenes on the end panel of a larnax from Tanagra and the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus. Two pairs of horns of consecration above a frieze of beam-ends crowns a rectangular structure inside or just in front of which a winged figure, most probably a soul, is portrayed on one of the Tanagra On the Haghia Triadha larnakes (fig. 16b)706. sarcophagus, a male procession brings offerings to the deceased who is standing before a frescoed tomb (fig. 31)707.

Decorated façades and wall paintings in Mycenaean chamber tombs

Cavanagh has noted that the symbolic connotations of the threshold are implied in the desire for the formation of entrances in collective tombs of Early Helladic date, e.g. Haghios Kosmas, Tsepi Marathon and Manika, and the types Beta and Gamma in the West cemetery at Eleusis, even though they were not used for the introduction of the bodies in the burial chamber708. He also noted that Marathon Tumulus I had two of its cists with jambs, a threshold and lintels, whereas an experimental entrance was constructed in Tumulus II709.

Elaborate cult buildings and tholos tombs Artistic representations of Mycenaean sanctuaries indicate that their façades were decorated, a suggestion also supported by the archaeological discoveries. Elaboration characterised the entrances to the Room with the Fresco at Mycenae, Room 117 at Tiryns and the West Shrine at Phylakopi, as mirrored in the use of carefully selected construction materials and the presence of columns and other ritual installations, e.g. baetyls712.

In front of the entrance of a typical LH tomb, the dromos widens to a considerable degree, an element that could reveal the desire of the Mycenaeans to create extra space for the performance of the appropriate funerary and ancestral rites. Whole or fragmentary pots, especially kylikes and other drinking vessels, are

The elaborate and monumental entrance of several tholos tombs on the mainland, and in particular the Treasuries of Atreus and Minyas, followed by the Tomb of Clytemnestra and the tholos tombs at Tiryns and Kokla, would have served the outward expression of power and wealth on behalf of the ruling élites, and, at the same time, would have provided the focal point and the proper space for the performance of equally elaborate ancestral rites. Amongst the earliest examples of Mycenaean wall painting is the tholos tomb at

702

Van Gennep 1960; Hertz 1960; Hodder 1990: 129-130, 137; Parker Pearson and Richards 1994: 24-29; Whittaker 1997: 134. 703 Kilian 1988a: 148. 704 Spyropoulos 1971a: 12. 705 See relevant section in Chapter III. The pillar’s general sacred character has already been discussed by Evans 1901, Nilsson 19502: 243ff., Mylonas 1977: 54-56. 706 Spyropoulos 1977b: 19. 707 Long 1974: 49-50. 708 Cavanagh 1987: 167. 709 Cavanagh 1987: 167; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 118.

710

Persson 1931: 75ff., figs. 49-51. Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1987: 157-158. 712 Whittaker 1997: 135. 711

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Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism Kokla713. A thick layer of stucco covered its façade, which was then painted with a frieze of blue and red discs, imitating wooden beam-ends, on an off-white ground, and with a zone of carelessly painted blue bands. On the other hand, only faint traces of spirals have survived on the jambs of the stomion of the tholos at Tiryns714.

Orchomenos (fig. 69a)720. Its façade has not survived, but in all probability, was decorated in a similar way to the Atreus Treasury. The presence of small holes with bronze rivets in them suggests that the main chamber was decorated. The limestone ceiling of the side chamber was elaborately engraved with compositions of rosettes and the pattern of the up-and-down spiral and fan-shaped papyrus blossoms with a projecting daggershaped bud (fig. 69b).

The elaborate decoration of the Atreus and Minyas Treasuries, followed by the Tomb of Clytemnestra, has rendered them the most outstanding examples of decorated sepulchres of the Mycenaean world715. Unfortunately, only fragments of the façade of the Atreus Tholos have survived scattered in the Museums of Athens, London, Munich, Karlsruhe and Berlin716. On either side of the tholos’ entrance two rectangular stepped bases are preserved, which supported two semicolumns of green stone carved in zigzag and spiral motifs. Zones of red porphyry and various other coloured stones sculptured with spiral motifs and semirosettes formed the rest of the façade (fig. 68).

The aforementioned instances of decorated sepulchres are unique to-date among other tholoi of the same date. On the other hand, excavators have noted the existence of a number of chamber tombs that had their façades plastered and frescoed. The iconography of Mycenaean chamber tombs: description, distribution, dating and artistic comparanda From his excavations on the hill of Panaghia at Mycenae, Tsountas reported the existence of five decorated chamber tombs, i.e. tombs 52, 53, 54, 78 and 81. The façade of tomb 52 was plastered and decorated with a band of red colour721, while tomb 53 with a band of rosettes in black, white, red and yellow (fig. 70a)722. À propos tomb 54, the only remark made is that near tomb 53 another one (i.e. tomb 54) was discovered with its stomion plastered and frescoed723, whereas the façade of tomb 78 was simply covered with greenish stucco724.

The presence of two parallel rows of bronze rivets on the walls of the stomion suggests that a double door was secured in place717. Given the presence of extra slabs in the area of the tholos and the comparative material from the side chamber of the Minyas Treasury, it has been suggested that, despite the prevailing darkness, its ceiling and walls had borne sculptured decoration718. The interior of the main chamber was also most probably decorated, as specified by the discovery of small holes with remnants of bronze rivets in them, on the walls of the chamber.

More elaborate was the decoration of the entrance of tomb 81 at Mycenae (fig. 70b), with its parallel to be found in chamber tomb 13 at Ellinika Antheias in Messenia725. The doorjambs were rendered in red/brown paint, their borders defined by a band of white colour, whereas the bases and the capitals were painted in blue. A row of red/brownish discs imitating beam-ends on an off-white ground bordered by a band of red/brown colour on either side decorated the space above the lintel. Additionally, the space above the bench in the chamber was plastered and frescoed in red, yellow and blue. Wace understood the decoration of the façade as ‘a painted version of the carved stone decoration directly above the lintels of the Treasury of Atreus and the Tomb of Clytemnestra’726. He also reported that several other tombs on the same hill had the doorjambs and the lintel covered in plaster727. The lintel and doorjambs of a chamber tomb excavated by Papadimitriou near the Tomb of Clytemnestra were plastered and decorated

Elaborate was also the decoration of the façade of the so-called Tomb of Clytemnestra719. Originally, fluted semi-columns of gypsum stood on either side of the doorway. Today only their semicircular fluted bases of polished conglomerate remain in situ. Across the base of the tympanon, i.e. the section above the lintel, ran a band of bluish limestone carved with disc motifs, representing beam-ends. The relief triangle itself was decorated with red stone and patterns of triglyphs and semi-rosettes. The skilful decoration of the Atreus Treasury could only be rivalled by the grandeur of the Tomb of Minyas at

713

Demakopoulou 1990: 113-114. Müller 1975: 2. 715 The carvings of a lion and a griffin decorated the façade of one of the chamber tombs at Pellana, and possibly a palm leaf the chamber of the tomb. The excavator argues that the lion and the griffin were the emblems of the royal dynasty of the region (AR 1981-82: 24. Also, BHMA Κυριακής, 23/2/2003, ‘To Άλλο Βήµα’, p. 13 where a plate of the tomb’s façade is published). 716 Mylonas 1966: 121-122; Pelon 1976: 425-426. 717 Doors and thresholds decorated with bronze sheet closed the entrances not only of the Atreus Treasury but also the stomion the Tombs of Minyas and Clytemnestra. 718 Mylonas 1966: 121. 719 PAE 1891 : 19-20 ; Mylonas 1966: 123; Pelon 1976: 426425. 714

720

Schliemann 1881b: 135ff.; Pelon 1976: 235. Tsountas 1888: 158. 722 Tsountas 1890: 36; idem 1891: 1-5. 723 Tsountas 1891: 1. 724 Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 216. 725 Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 133-134; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 225. For the decorated façade of chamber tomb 13 at Ellinika, see ArchDelt.53 (1998) B 235 and Hatzi-Spiliopoulou 2001: 297, footnote 37, pl. 29,1. 726 Wace 1949: 33. 727 Wace 1949: 33. 721

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Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism with linear patterns in red, black and blue728. XenakiSakellariou located a tomb south of the Cyclopean tholos tomb that bore remains of plastered decoration729.

Animals would have been depicted, or maybe the image of a Sphinx, a theme quite familiar in this part of the Mycenaean world and also in harmony with the tradition of the specific monument. However, the poor preservation of the wall painting prevents the secure interpretation of the scene. In addition to the walls’ decoration, the two benches were also plastered and decorated with the traditional Mycenaean pattern of upand-down spiral and fan-shaped papyrus blossoms.

The French excavations at Deiras unearthed three sepulchres, namely chamber tombs V, VI and XII that had their façades stuccoed and decorated. The decoration of tomb V consists of a row of up-and-down spiral and fan-shaped papyrus pattern in yellow and blue, on a red ground; the panel’s border is painted black (fig. 70c)730. The façade of tomb VI was stuccoed and painted in deep red731. The decoration of tomb XII was partly destroyed, yet adequate traces and fragments survived to give an idea of the monument’s original appearance (fig. 70d)732. Thus, the ground of the decorative panel was rendered in yellow on which triangles alternately painted in dark red and grey (or most probably blue) were arranged in two vertical rows.

Unsurprisingly, all chamber tombs described above provide evidence for great expenditure of energy and wealth. They were well constructed with elaborate dromoi and well-cut chambers, occasionally provided with benches and other architectural elements, e.g. grooves, niches and pits. Furthermore, in most cases, they are positioned in the centre of the cemetery. The offerings consist of good quality pottery of domestic and ritualistic use and jewellery of precious and semiprecious materials.

A thick layer of good quality white plaster covered the doorjambs of tomb II at Prosymna, upon which a polychrome pattern of connected spirals bordered by plain bands was painted (fig. 70e)733. A similar band of spirals decorated the face of the lintel across the opening of the stomion. Interestingly, the tomb’s decoration is similar to the façade of the tomb depicted on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus (fig. 31)734.

The dating of the tombs’ decoration is not easy, given the nature of Mycenaean multiple funerary practices. Unfortunately, in several cases excavators do not provide adequate information on the pottery uncovered. However, based on the existing evidence, it seems that Mycenae tombs 52, 53, 54, 78 and Papadimitriou’s tomb, Asine tomb I:2, the tombs at Deiras and the Kolonaki tomb excavated by Keramopoullos were constructed in LH IIIA-B, the peak of their use being defined in LH IIIA2-B. Pottery finds from Mycenae tomb 81 and Prosymna tomb II date their construction in LH IIB, but they continue in use during the next period, when they were most probably frescoed.

The stucco that covered the façade of tomb 15 at the Kolonaki cemetery (Thebes) was decorated with a polychrome design imitating wood grain, whereas white-stuccoed were the walls and the floor of another chamber tomb at Thebes735. From Megalo Kastelli, Spyropoulos reported the discovery of a chamber tomb featuring a façade on which traces of red colour were just preserved736. Special reference should be made to the ‘royal’ tomb with the double dromos at Megalo Kastelli, Thebes737. The second entrance to the chamber bears decoration of successive zones of spirals and bands imitating wooden boards (fig. 71a). Rows of discs, imitating wooden beam-ends, decorated the rock lintel, while the left corner and the eastern wall of the chamber bear at least two female mourners in procession before a two-storey palanquin (fig. 71b)738.

Two phases could be distinguished in the construction and re-arrangement of the royal tomb at Megalo Kastelli; one in LH IIIA2, when the tomb was originally constructed, followed by the phase of the rearrangement of the chamber, the opening of the second dromos and the decoration of the monument in LH IIIB. Thus, the initiative for decorating these tombs was possibly the product of a particular moment, i.e. LH IIIA2-B, when the tholos tombs became at certain regions at least the prerogative of the ruling élites and a sharp increase in the number of chamber tombs occurred.

On the wall opposite the second entrance, an elaborate scene was painted. A pattern of hummocks conveys a rocky landscape at the bottom, while on top only a broad circle bearing remains of red colour has been preserved (fig. 71c). The excavator suggested that the Mistress of

Scholars have argued that the choice of decorated chamber tombs might have been the result of the builders’ taste, their owners’ wealth or the desire to imitate the magnificent prototypes set by the elaborately decorated tholos tombs in their vicinity739. These indications, along with the similarities with elements in large-scale palatial art740, could provide a plausible

728

Papadimitriou 1952: 469. Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 320. 730 Vollgraff 1904: 369-370. 731 Vollgraff 1904: 370. 732 Deshayes 1966: 33, pl. XLIV(3). 733 Blegen 1937: 174. 734 Long 1974: 49-50. 735 Keramopoullos 1917: 159; Papadakis 1919: 33. 736 Spyropoulos 1973b: 253. 737 Spyropoulos 1972a: 310; Spyropoulos and Spyropoulos 1997: 33. 738 For the use of palanquins in the Bronze Age Aegean, see Demakopoulou 1989: 25-33. 729

739

Wace 1949: 33; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 320; KontorliPapadopoulou 1987: 153. 740 Band friezes of connected spirals, rosettes, geometric patterns and imitations of wooden beams and boards are included in the repertoire of Orchomenos, Tiryns and Pylos. The combination of up-and-down spiral and fan-shaped

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Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism and abrasion by the hearse’s wheels746. Blegen, on the other hand, admitted his difficulty in understanding their purpose at Prosymna747. Andronikos took account of these grooves as perhaps wheel-marks, but he thought them more likely from skid-poles of biers748.

explanation for their distribution restricted to Argive and Boeotian cemeteries. The decorative program followed in the interior of the royal tomb at Megalo Kastelli indicates a strong link with the local Boeotian artistic tradition of mourning figures, as suggested by the repertoire on the Tanagra sarcophagi.

Following an assessment of the previous argumentation, Pelon suggested that they could simply reflect the tomb maker’s or the owners’s personal taste for refinement of the tomb construction749. Discussing the evidence from the Messenian tholoi, Korres raised a number of objections and stated that the formation of depressions and grooves in these tombs must have been the result of the performance of burial customs of the advanced LH I period750. According to his argument, the introduction of the horse into the Greek mainland must have caused the appearance of this practice, although he seems unable to understand why it disappeared from Messenia at the end of LH I or slightly later751.

Without any doubt, the skilful decoration of these tombs would have reflected the special status of their owners, and, more importantly, it would have had a psychological effect on the celebrants attending the ceremonies, acting as focus of attention (Renfrew’s indicator 2) and recalling similar decorative patterns from sacred contexts. Grooves (Table VI.I) As has already been stated, in several cosmologies the grave has been considered as a ‘spiritual tunnel’, the appropriate place and medium through which customary acts and words reached the sphere of the dead. The exploration of the architectural arrangement of the standard Mycenaean tombs suggests that this belief was also part of Mycenaean eschatological beliefs. The function of the dromoi and the entrance as foci of repeated ceremonies in the context of funerary cult is supported by the presence of single or pairs of grooves overlapping the stomion or being restricted to its area.

Kontorli-Papadopoulou has proposed that the desire to protect the frescoed doorjambs, as in the case of Prosymna tomb II and Thebes Kolonaki tomb 15, would have sanctioned the carving of the grooves752. The presence of a single groove in the Kephallenian tomb and the observation that the grooves at Dendra tomb 8 were covered with carefully placed stones, led her to attribute cultic significance to the feature753. Her argument is further supported by the evidence from Prosymna tomb II, in which case ten arrowheads and a bead of amethyst were placed in one of the two shallow grooves cut into the rock along the north-eastern doorjamb754.

Grooves occur in a small number of chamber tombs from the Argolid and Boeotia, viz. Prosymna tombs II, and XLIV, Dendra tombs 6 and 9, Aidonia, Thebes Kolonaki tombs 15 and 26 (fig. 72)741. Dendra tomb 8 and Thebes Kolonaki 4 feature grooves in the side chambers742. From Prosymna tomb XXXVII only a single broad but shallow groove was reported, which began ca. 2.50m from the inner end of the dromos and extended down the middle of the passage through the doorway and to some distance into the chamber itself743. Interestingly, depressions and grooves have been reported from tholos tombs at Messenia (Peristeria 3, Tragana 2 and 1, Goulouvari 2 and 1, Routsi 2 and Nichoria) but none from the chamber tombs of the same region744. Marinatos reported a single groove from the middle of the dromos of chamber tomb A at Kontogenadha on the island of Kephallenia and conceived it as a storm-water drain745.

Pace Keramopoullos and Persson, Åkeström argued that there was certainly no space for a wheeled vehicle in LH tombs and that there were fundamental differences between Egyptian skid-poles and Mycenaean tombs, a suggestion proposed by Persson755. Alternatively, he suggested that they were channels intended to facilitate communication -by means of pouring libations- between the mourners and the deceased after the stomion had been blocked756. Cavanagh and Mee, who also understood the stomion of Mycenaean tombs to be the focus of ritual, a passage and a barrier literally and spiritually at the same time, suggested that grooves should also be interpreted from this perspective757.

Opinions vary vis-à-vis the nature of these grooves. Keramopoullos, followed by Persson, Marinatos and Vermeule, suggested that they served the needs of burial ritual and in particular the smooth running of the funeral cart and the protection of the doorjambs against contact

746

Keramopoullos 1917: 159, 194; Persson 1942a: 155-157, who also put forward an Egyptian connection; PAE 1957: 118119; PAE 1959: 120; Vermeule 1964: 298. 747 Blegen 1937: 175, 207. 748 Andronikos 1968: 132-134. 749 Pelon 1976: 326-328. 750 Korres 1982: 92. 751 Korres 1982: 92-93. 752 Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1987: 151. 753 Kontrorli-Papadopoulou 1987: 151. 754 Blegen 1937: 175. 755 Åkeström 1988: 203-205. 756 Åkeström 1988: 203-205. 757 Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 49.

papyrus blossoms occurs in every Mycenaean palace, with the exception of Pylos (Immerwahr 1990: 142-144). 741 Blegen 1937: 175, 207; Persson 1942a: 21, 53; KrystalliVotsi 1998: 23; Keramopoullos 1917: 159, 194. 742 Persson 1942a: 40; Keramopoullos 1917: 130. 743 Blegen 1937: 123-124. 744 Marinatos 1955: 248; Korres 1982: 91ff.; KontorliPapadopoulou 1987: 151; eadem 1995: 119. 745 Marinatos 1933b: 71, fig. 7.

70

Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism Based on their construction qualities in Dendra tomb 9, though, Wells questioned their communicative effect in this particular tomb, suggesting that grooves were rather ‘part of the closing rites of the chamber –perhaps another emphasis on the boundary between the realms of the living and the dead’758. The examination of Dendra tomb 8 led her to suggest that the chamber was probably used before its actual completion and that the grooves might have been of constructional significance, thus they would have been obliterated, had time allowed such an action759.

Papadopoulou attributed the formation of gabled roofs to structural refinements, to the desire to imitate the roof of an actual house, to influences from earlier or foreign prototypes or to ‘local inspiration, religious in origin, concerned with well-being in the after-life’763. Although LH III funerary architecture shared common features with its contemporary sacred and domestic architecture, the archaeological evidence suggests that the function of the individual features in all three types of Mycenaean architecture was context dependent and, consequently, similar or even identical elements served different ideas and needs in different contexts.

Kontorli-Papadopoulou’s argument on their use for the protection of the frescoed doorjambs cannot be accepted unreservedly since not all frescoed sepulchres feature grooves in their passageway. Similarly, the existence of at least two examples of single grooves rules out the hearse hypothesis. Valuable comparative material for the ritualistic nature of these grooves is undoubtedly provided by the libation channel found next to the throne of the Mycenaean megaron at Pylos and its association with a number of miniature kylikes scattered on the floor760. Thus, the presence of grooves and of pouring and drinking vessels in the dromoi or near the stomion of the Mycenaean tombs could be considered from this ritualistic point of view. More importantly, this may be another indicator of the repeated performance of commemorative rites in honour of the dead even when the entrance of the tombs was blocked, and may well provide indirect evidence that the dromoi might have been left open for some time after the interments.

The suggestion that the chamber of the tombs imitated actual houses could be valid in terms of the rectangular shape, but this cannot explain the choice of circular shape commonly attested in Mycenaean typical tombs. Mycenaean houses comprise a rectangular ground-plan with the exception of few examples of the apsidal type, e.g. Unit III-3 and sections of curvilinear walls at Nichoria764. Tsountas compared the circular shape of the tholos tombs with the Homeric καλύβη and the θησαυροί765. Goodison, on the other hand, drew a parallel between the circular shape and the entrance passage of the tombs and the female anatomy of the womb766. Her interpretation, though, does not seem convincing and for lack of secure evidence it is preferable to leave the question open. In ethnographical terms, the passage from the dromos and the stomion, associated with day and light, to the main chamber, connected with darkness and night, is often conceived as a metaphor of the transition from life to death. The chamber was the last resting place of the dead and the eternal dwelling of the soul, connected with the final stage of the incorporation of the dead to the realm of the ancestors.

The symbolism of the chamber ‘Tombs may be the houses of the ancestors and, alternatively, the living may consider themselves to dwell within the houses of ancestors’761. Similarly, in modern Greece the tomb is referred to as the last residence, η τελευταία κατοικία, and the belief is expressed for an immaterial existence therein. Nevertheless, a great amount of effort was invested in the construction of the typical Mycenaean tombs in order to ensure the facilities and comforts of a ‘living’ house for the dead. At the same time, the grave was a sacred place, where the ancestors were honoured and placated with customary rites and offerings.

Pits, cists and niches are invariably attested in the bulk of Mycenaean typical tombs, their function determined by the ceremonial requirements of LH burial practices and the cult of the dead (fig. 73). Tsountas observed that some of the cists served to ‘secure an inviolate repose to individuals of peculiar distinction in the family’767. On the other hand, Mylonas argued that the niches in the chambers could not have served for a cult of the dead as the entrances of the tombs were walled up after each interment and that they were not accessible to the public for the periodic observances required by a cult768.

The rectangular shape of the chamber and the saddleshaped roofs of a number of chamber tombs have been employed as part of the argument on the secular symbolism of the Mycenaean tomb762. Kontorli-

The placement of disiecta membra and offerings could classify them as ossuaries, whereas the remains of ritual activity (animal bones, objects connected with libation and sacrificial rites, black earth, charcoal and ashes, etc) and the deposition of valuable offerings could sanction

758

Wells 1990: 135. Wells 1990: 135. For Katsari and Grigoriadou, ‘the grooves were mainly used to facilitate the construction of the graves’ (Katsari, C. and P. Grigoriadou, ‘Reassessing the function of grooves in Mycenaean tombs’, in www.ucl.ac.uk/ archaeology/pia/prevcont/pia12abs.htm#katsari). 760 Blegen and Rawson 1966: 88. 761 Parker Pearson 1999: 21. 762 Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1987: 147 ; Papadopoulos 1997 : 122 note 3 ; idem 1998 : 85, pl. 33 b (tomb Φ at Kallithea, Achaia); ArchDelt. 53 (1998) B 235. 759

763

Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1987: 147. Hiesel 1990; Aschenbrenner et al. 1992: 398-403; Walsh and McDonald 1992: 462. 765 Tsountas 1885: 32ff. 766 Goodison 1989: 85. 767 Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 137. 768 Mylonas 1951a: 84; idem 1966: 179. 764

71

Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism their characterisation as receptacles of ritualistic nature769. The religious and symbolic nature of the chamber is further supported by specific architectural features, namely benches and side chambers, whose counterparts are also attested in contemporary sacred and domestic structures.

Tsountas stressed their use as provisional repositories for the body and the funeral accessories, or possibly for the offerings in honour of the dead773. Keramopoullos conceived them as ‘καθέδραι’ (=seats), or ‘κλιναι, λέχη’ (=biers or beds) and associated them with the requirements of the cult of the dead774. A multiple and repeated function has been proposed by Pelon, who considered the evidence from the tholoi at Dimini (tholos A) and Kopanaki and the chamber tomb XXVI at Prosymna775. Cavanagh and Mee understood them as couches on which the dead might recline in metaphorical comfort, whereas in the cases where total absence of skeletal remains in situ is observed, they preferred to interpret them as altars776.

Benches (Tables IV.I and IV.II) The presence of one or more platforms in Mycenaean sacred, domestic and funerary architecture is interesting. The interpretation of stone-built benches in sacred buildings as attention-focusing devices of cultic significance has been based on their association with objects of ritualistic nature and the remains of ceremonial acts770. Platforms of stone or mud-brick covered with plaster constituted a common functional installation of Mycenaean domestic architecture771. Their interpretation as benches, beds or storage shelves is supported by their diverse dimensions and their connection with specific areas of the house and/or with movable domestic equipment.

The tholos tomb at Kokla offers a unique insight to the function of benches in the context of post-funerary ritual777. The chamber features a low rectangular bench, carefully fashioned of small stones and coated with plaster, on top of which four silver drinking vessels had been deposited. Beneath the bench, three more vessels were set on the floor. Demakopoulou suggested that the objects comprise a group most likely intended for use in a burial ritual. However, given the absence of any skeletal remains in the chamber, the careful blocking of the stomion and the double animal sacrifice in front of the entrance, it would be feasible to reconstruct the performance of a post-funerary ceremony in which the bench was employed as an attention-focusing device and in all probability as an altar on which offerings were deposited and pouring rites were performed in honour of the ancestral spirits.

The construction of one or more benches along the walls of the chamber of a number of typical Mycenaean tombs in the areas under discussion has been associated with the requirements of burial ritual (fig. 74). The concentration of this kind of fixed installation is attested in the cemeteries of the Argolid, Korinthia and Boeotia, followed by Attica with less than five examples reported to-date; no platforms have been reported from the necropolises of Euboea772.

Plausible is the interpretation initiated by Wace à propos the evidence from Mycenae tomb 518778. In the main chamber a lamp with an alabastron in it and a deep bowl were placed on top of a rock-cut bench. Disiecta membra and earlier funerary offerings were collected in the side chamber of the tomb. The association of the vessels with the bench as well as the stratigraphy of the side chamber led Wace to the suggestion that at stated times the living relatives entered the tomb and, by means of ceremonial acts and memorial feasts, ‘held some kind of communion with the dead’779.

In several instances, rock-cut benches were used for primary burials in the main chamber, e.g. Mycenae 529, Asine I:1, Kato Almyri XIV, or in the side chamber as in the case of Prosymna XXVI. In the bulk of reported cases, rock-cut benches or low platforms formed of unworked stones or slabs, were employed for the deposition of disiecta membra and/or offerings, viz. Mycenae 530, Prosymna L, XI and XIII, Deiras XXVIII, the Tomb of the Ivory Pyxides in the Athenian Agora, Brauron 5, the chamber tomb at 106, Dimitrakopoulou Str. (Athens), Keramopoullos’s tomb at Megalo Kastelli and Tanagra 94 and 77. For lack of dromoi, the benches in the pit-graves 107 and 111 at Tanagra would have been of practical necessity for the introduction of the body into the burial chamber.

The use of benches as altars or as platforms for the deposition of vessels or connected with cultic activity is also clear in Prosymna V, VI and X, Dendra 2, Berbati 1 and the royal tomb at Megalo Kastelli. The case of Prosymna tomb V with the deposition of a miniature stirrup jar and the upper part of a similar larger vessel on a bench should be associated with a pouring ritual, in which case the bench would have served as the receptacle for libations. A large amount of charcoal was found on and around a plastered stone-built bench in the

769

Viz. Mycenae 5 and 7 and Dendra tombs 7 and 10 (Tsountas 1888: 137-138; Persson 1942a: 31-32, 63, 87). 770 Whittaker 1997: 18ff; Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 213, 216-217. 771 Whittaker 1997: 129ff. (with relevant bibliography). 772 Unfortunately, a large number of tombs in the areas under discussion still remain unpublished. In other cases, the interim reports provide only a summary of the discoveries with emphasis placed more on the finds and less on the secondary architectural features of the tombs themselves. In the case of benches, the omission of essential information on their possible connection with skeletal remains or offerings, their construction mode or dimensions obscures to a significant degree the understanding of their function.

773

Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 136. Keramopoullos 1917: 109. 775 Pelon 1976: 354-355. 776 Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 65. 777 Demakopoulou 1990: 119. 778 Wace 1932: 75-78. 779 Wace 1932: 78. 774

72

Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism sculptured green schist slabs782. Its rubble walls were probably lined with slabs decorated in relief, but nothing of the kind has survived783. Similarly, a rectangular annexe room was hewn into the rock to the right of the main entrance to the Atreus Treasury784. In the northwestern corner an empty pit (1.75x0.80x0.45m) was found. Based on the presence of the pit and on comparisons from the Mycenae chamber tombs, Tsountas and Wace argued that this chamber was intended as an ossuary on the occasion of fresh interments in the main chamber785.

chamber of the so-called Cenotaph (or tomb 2) at Dendra. The presence of charcoal, the traces of fire on the wall above the bench and the presence of other installations of analogous cultic nature in the chamber support its interpretation as an altar or a hearth. The placement of a LH IIIIB amphora filled with ashes and small animal bones on a frescoed bench in the royal tomb at Megalo Kastelli should be seen as a ritual act of propitiation and honour towards the dead during the re-arrangement of the monument.

A number of chamber tombs comprise side chambers cut into one or more sides of the main chamber; the Argive cemeteries have the lead with sixteen examples reported to-date, followed by Attica and Boeotia with considerably fewer examples786. Normally only one lateral chamber is attested, with the exception of Prosymna XXV with three side rooms and Spata 1 with two interconnected (figs. 75a-c)787. The construction mode of these supplementary rooms resembles that of the main chamber and their entrances were also blocked with stones; their shape varies from rectangular and irregular to oval.

The care taken for the formation and, occasionally, decoration, of benches in funerary architecture is revealing of their special nature. No doubt, they must have fulfilled multiple functions, even in different stages of use of the same tomb, from burial repositories to altars. The lack of detailed information, though, prevents the drawing of definite conclusions. On the other hand, comparisons with analogous installations from contemporary sacred and secular architectures could elucidate their use either as functional installations or as attention-focusing cultic devices. Based on comparisons with securely characterised contexts and had their height permitted the performance of ritual activities, it would be feasible to assume that benches in funerary contexts were of ritualistic nature.

There seems to be no consistency in the alignment of the side chamber vis-à-vis the main chamber; in Mycenae tombs 6, 27 and 49, Prosymna XXXVI, Dendra 6 and 8, and Spata 1 the side chamber was placed to the right of the main chamber, whereas in Prosymna III and XXXIII to the left788. In the cases of Mycenae 5, 79 and 518 the supplementary chamber opens to the wall opposite the main entrance of the tomb789. All the above examples exhibit dimensions smaller than the main chambers and vary in shape with oval and rectangular being the predominant types. Diversity is also observed in their purpose and function. The lateral chambers of Prosymna XXVI and Dendra 6 received primary burials, whereas in the case of

Cavanagh and Mee’s suggestion that these benches could have been metaphorically intended for the spirits of the dead could be connected with the deposition of terracotta throne models in the tombs, as has been discussed in Chapter III780. One should also consider the possibility that at least on certain occasions these installations could have functioned as seats for those attending the burial or post-funerary rites in the tombs. However, the suggestion advanced by KontorliPapadopoulou that the bench in Deiras XXXIV781 could have functioned as a seat for the mourners, should be dismissed as invalid, since the height of the bench does not exceed 0.20m.

782

Schliemann 1881b: 144ff.; Pelon 1976: 236-237. Schliemann 1881b: 144ff.; Pelon 1976: 236-237. 784 Wace 1932: 350-352. 785 Tsountas 1888: 135, note 1; Wace 1932: 351-352. For the theory that the side chambers of the Atreus and the Minyas tholoi might have been used for primary burials and the main chamber was intended as a cult place, see Kavvadias 1909: 643 and Pelon 1990: 111. 786 Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1987: 147. 787 Blegen 1937:88-90; Koumanoudis and Kastorchis 1877: 167ff. Some of the Aidonia tombs are equipped with side chambers, although no further information has been provided yet for their discovery and individual characteristics (KrystalliVotsi 1998: 23). According to the published plan, though, tombs 3, 6 and 7 feature niches and not side chambers. In tomb 6 niches were cut into the three walls of the chamber (Krystalli-Votsi 1998: plan in page 22). It is also worth mentioning the Aspropilia/Pylona tomb 2 on Rhodes that possessed two side chambers (Karantzali 1998: 88, fig. 3; Georgiadis 2003: 73). 788 Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 61; Tsountas 1888: 138, 154; Blegen 1937: 107, 121-122, 181; Persson 1942a: 23, 39-40; Koumanoudis and Kastorchis 1877: 167ff. 789 Tsountas 1888: 137; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 220; Wace 1932: 75. 783

Side chambers (Table IV.I) Subsidiary rooms are frequently featured in connection with Mycenaean sacred and domestic edifices and have been interpreted as secondary cult rooms and storerooms and/or extra domestic space respectively. The elaborately constructed and decorated side chamber of the Minyas Treasury, followed possibly by the example of the Atreus Tholos, is exceptional and provide the stimulus for the examination of this special feature’s role in Mycenaean funerary architecture and symbolism. Apart from the main burial chamber the Tholos of Minyas incorporates in its plan a square carefully-built side chamber roofed with a ceiling of elaborately

780 781

Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 65. Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1987: 149.

73

Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism Mycenae 6, 27, 79 and 518 and the west and north side chambers of Prosymna XXV, they were employed as ossuaries for disiecta membra and offerings. Interestingly, in the side chamber of Mycenae 27 a niche was cut into the wall to receive a skull and a jug. In Mycenae 49 and Prosymna XXXVI only artefacts were uncovered, while the two side chambers of Spata 1 contained ashes and charcoal, human bones and various other objects, e.g. beads. The side chamber of Mycenae 5 and the eastern annexe room of Prosymna XXV received indiscriminately primary and secondary burials.

concepts of exclusivity, boundedness, permanence and specialisation in mortuary terms are difficult to define, unless identified and treated within the contextual framework, temporal and cultural, that sustains them796. Modern scholarship has attempted to explore the choice and constraints that govern the precise location, distance and direction of Mycenaean cemeteries from contemporary settlements and interpreted their spatial distribution as the result of conscious human behaviour, dependent on socio-political/economic claims on land and authority, environmental constraints, visibility and intervisibility, cemetery and settlement expansion, traditional patterns, cosmological perceptions and ideas of pollution.

Based on the evidence from Mycenae, Prosymna and Dendra, Persson suggested that side chambers could provide an indication of early date for the construction of the tomb and that the prototypes should be sought in the chamber tombs of Egypt790. On the other hand, Blegen categorically argued that ‘the presence of a sidechamber cannot be regarded as giving any chronological clue to the period of construction of the tomb’791. Kontorli-Papadopoulou suggested that the evidence for side chambers in the LH IIIC cemetery at Palaiokastro in Arcadia overrides Persson’s suggestion and proposed that one should search the prototypes in the earlier examples from Kythera, Phylakopi, Knossos or Cyprus792.

Unquestionably, the uneven ratio of excavated Mycenaean cemeteries as contrasted to contemporary settlements obscures to a certain degree the analysis of spatial and topographic relationship between cemetery and the lived landscape. However, a multi-faceted examination of symbolic and functional factors indicates that specific environmental elements, namely water sources, streams and rivers, were conceived as literal and metaphorical barriers that separated and at the same time united the living and the dead. Crossing the river held powerful connotations as regards the journey of the soul to the Underworld and its incorporation to an otherworldly dimension.

Although our understanding of the function of side chambers depends on a handful of examples, it is obvious that the introduction and development of Mycenaean secondary treatment custom must have dictated the creation of extra available space for the deposition of the disiecta membra and the performance of the appropriate rites. Traces of ashes and charcoal, bones and offerings in them point to a nexus of ceremonial acts related to the ancestral spirits.

The employment of water in the performance of burial rites and the cult of the dead would have sanctioned the cemeteries’ positioning within the landscape. Certainly, the formation and maintenance of formal landscapes for the ancestors, in a similar way as places of supplication and worship of the supernatural, was conditioned by the Mycenaean perception of and attitude towards death and reveal a great deal on the incorporation of the ancestors within the Mycenaean culture and religion.

Final thoughts on funerary landscapes, architectures of death and symbolism in Mycenaean times

For thousands of years societies have devoted substantial resources to the procurement of goods and ‘houses’ for the ancestors. Such consumption patterns are attested in the prehistoric mortuary contexts of the mainland, intensified during the LH period with the construction and decoration of elaborate tholos and chamber tombs. The appropriation of components from the contemporary sacred architecture indicates that for the Mycenaeans the tomb was not merely the final resting place of the motionless dead but rather a sacred place and a liminal zone where the ancestral spirits were believed either to dwell permanently or to appear in the course of ceremonial acts.

The spatial patterning of graves within cemeteries and of cemeteries within lived landscapes forms an important dimension of the mortuary practices of any given community793. According to Saxe’s Hypothesis 8, the maintenance of formal areas of disposal, exclusively for the dead, is one means of attaining or legitimating lineal descent from the ancestors to control crucial but restricted resources and vice versa794. Equally, the ancestors themselves might be viewed as crucial yet restricted resource795. Parker Pearson has urged that 790

Persson 1942a: 158. Blegen 1937: 148. 792 Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1987: 148. The pottery from Palaiokastro, displayed in the Archaeological Museum of Tripolis, provides a terminus post quem of LH IIIA times, if not earlier, judging by the presence of an alabastron decorated with double axes and a squat jug with hatched loop decoration, both of LH IIA date. 793 Chapman and Randsborg 1981: 14. 794 Goldstein 1980: 7-8; Parker Pearson 1993: 206; idem 1999: 30. 795 Parker Pearson 1993: 206.

The typical Mycenaean tomb’s tripartite division and the remains of ritual activity imply the interaction of architecture, ritual and symbolism, dictated by temporal developments in ceremonial connected with social identity and status, religious beliefs and attitudes towards the treatment of the body797. Each section of the

791

796

Parker Pearson 1993: 206. Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 117-118, 124-125; Voutsaki 1998: 45. 797

74

Mycenaean Funerary Landscapes, Tomb Design and Symbolism tomb seems to incorporate a transitional stage that could be taken to symbolically correspond to the three stages of the rites of passage connected with death; the dromos (associated with the living and the rites of separation), the stomion (serving as the boundary zone between the human sphere and the plane of the ancestors) and the chamber (symbolic of the reintegration stage, intended as the permanent shelter of the ancestral spirits). Applying Renfrew’s ritual indicator 2, i.e. special aspects of the liminal zone, the tomb with its tripartite plan and special facilities would have served the observances of funerary cult and would have reinforced the antinomy of life and death, permanence and impermanence, liveliness and transcendence via an interplay of light and darkness, hidden mystery and conspicuous display.

75

76

49

79

515

Mycenae

Mycenae

Mycenae

-

XXV

XXVI

XXXIII

XXXVI

Prosymna

Prosymna

Prosymna

Prosymna

Reported in Αθήναιον 1878: 186-187 -

Asine

Berbati

Nauplion

-

27

Mycenae

Mycenae

7

Mycenae

-

6

Mycenae

Mycenae

5

Mycenae

518

Atreus Treasury

Mycenae

Mycenae

Tomb no

SITE (for all categories)

1

1

1

3

-

-

1

-

-

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

No of sidechambers

SIDE-CHAMBERS

-

X

XXVI

L

I:1

1 (E.A. Necropolis)

(ArchDelt. 1980: 110)

530

529

518

505

100

85

81

42

33

10

Tomb no

-

0.12

0.40

0.12

0.25

1.10

?

0.20/0.25

0.40fun

0.60

0.40

?

-

0.65

0.86

0.74/1.04

?

1.10

?

0.70?

0.70

0.70

1.00

?

?

0.97

1.10 ?

0.70

0.70

1.10

1.00

W (meters)

Dimensions

0.55/0.60

0.25

0.60

±0.50m

H (meters)

BENCHES

-

2.15

2.72

?

?

4.20

5.50

ca. 2.60

ca. 2.50

ca. 2.50

6.00

?

?

?

2.00

?

?

L (meters)

-

XXXVII

II

XLIV

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

GROOVES (tomb no)

Table VI. I. SIDE CHAMBERS, BENCHES AND GROOVES IN THE LH IIIA-B TOMBS OF THE CENTARL PARTS OF THE MYCENAEAN DOMINION

77 1?

-

-

-

6

8

-

-

-

-

3?

Prosymna

Tiryns

Tiryns

Dendra

Dendra

Deiras

Deiras

Kokla

Magoula, Galatas

6?

7?

-

1

-

Aidonia

Aidonia

Kato Almyri

Spata

Athens

Aidonia

-

III

Prosymna

-

2

-

1?

3?

-

-

-

1

1

-

-

-

1

-

-

Prosymna

No of sidechambers

Tomb no

SITE (for all categories)

SIDE-CHAMBERS

0.60

Agora, Tomb of the Ivory Pyxides

0.60

-

0.05/0.22

?

?

?

?

0.45

0.22

0.75

0.75

-

0.75

?

?

?

?

1.00

0.92

0.85

1

0.30 0.15

?

0.80

?

?

?

?

?

W (meters)

Dimensions

0.60

0.23

?

0.20-0.25

?

0.50?

?

H (meters)

-

XIV

(Krystalli-Votsi 1998:23)

(Krystalli-Votsi 1998:23)

(Krystalli-Votsi 1998:23)

tholos Tomb 1

tholos tomb

XXXIV

XXVIII

8

2

XIX

VIII

VI

XIII

XI

Tomb no

BENCHES

4.30

4.30

-

1.80

?

?

?

?

2.25

?

ca. 2.00

?

?

1.40

?

3.25

?

?

?

L (meters)

23)

-

-

-

(Krystalli-Votsi 1998:

23)

(Krystalli-Votsi 1998:

23)

(Krystalli-Votsi 1998:

-

-

-

-

8

9

-

-

-

-

-

GROOVES (tomb no)

78

Kolonaki 4

-

-

-

-

-

-

Thebes

Thebes

Thebes

Tanagra

Tanagra

Tanagra

Papadakis 1919

Thebes

Thebes

-

-

Thebes

Thebes

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

1

-

-

1

-

5

106, Dimitrakopoulou Str.

111

107

77

Mikro Kastelli, tb III

Megalo Kastelli (Pharaklas)

Kolonaki 28

Kolonaki 9

Megalo Kastelli (Keramopoullos)

Ismenion 3

Royal tomb at Megalo Kastelli, Thebes

-

Minyas Treasury

-

Brauron

-

25, Garibaldi Str.

Orchomenos

-

Athens

-

Tomb no

tholos

-

Athens

No of sidechambers

Menidi

Tomb no

SITE (for all categories)

SIDE-CHAMBERS

0.83

0.18

?

?

?

?

?

?

ca. 1.00

0.85-1.10

1.00 ?

0.70-0.80

0.97

0.11-0.16 1.10

0.82

0.11-0.16

1.70

0.92

0.22 0.60

1.00

1.40

0.90

-

3.00

?

0.90

0.75-0.88

W (meters)

Dimensions

0.22

0.48

?

-

0.70

?

0.35-0.38

0.40

H (meters)

BENCHES

?

?

?

ca. 4.00

4.60?

4.80?

?

3.35

3.75

3.75

1.40

ca. 3.00

?

-

7.70

?

1.45

2.45

L (meters)

-

-

-

-

-

-

Kolonaki 4

Kolonaki 26

Kolonaki 15

-

-

-

-

-

-

GROOVES (tomb no)

79

Prosymna X

Asine I:1

kylix sherds

primary burials

disiecta membra

Mycenae 530

Prosymna XXVI

primary burials

Mycenae 529

disiecta membra

offerings repository

Mycenae 518

Prosymna L

empty

Mycenae 505

primary burials vessels leaning on its sides primary burials

?

Mycenae 100

Tiryns VIII Tiryns XIX Berbati 1

?

Mycenae 85

?

loose-earth or powdered rock rock-cut

empty

Mycenae 81

Mycenae

rock-cut

empty

Mycenae 42

rock-cut

with slabs

built, covered

one of natural stone and the other of sundried bricks rock-cut

rock-cut rock-cut stone-built

rock-cut

rock-cut

rock-cut

rock-cut

stone-built

rock-cut

stone-built

empty

Mycenae 33

rock-cut

Construction mode

empty

Use

Mycenae 10

Site/Tomb no

0.12

0.40

0.12

0.25

0.20-0.25 ? 1.10

?

0.20/0.25

0.40

0.60

0.40

?

0.65

0.86

0.74/1.04

?

? ? ?

?

0.70?

0.70

0.70

1.00

?

?

0.97

1.10 ?

0.70

0.70

1.10

1.00

0.55/0.60

0.25

0.60

±0.50

H (m)

Dimensions W (m)

2.15

2.72

?

?

3.25 ? 4.20

5.50

ca. 2.60

ca. 2.50

ca. 2.50

6.00

?

?

?

?

2.00

?

?

L (m)

Blegen 1937: 198

Blegen 1937: 94

Blegen 1937: 141

Frödin and Persson 1938: 358

Rudolph 1973: 55, 89 Rudolph 1973: 82, 89 Holmberg 1983: 11

ArchDelt. 35 (1980) Chr. 110

Wace 1932: 108

Wace 1932: 100

Wace 1932: 75

Wace 1932: 12

Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 277

Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 242

Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 225

Tsountas 1888: 151

Tsountas 1888: 149

Tsountas 1888: 140

References

Table IV. II. CATALOGUE OF BENCHES IN LH IIIA-B TOMBS IN THE ARGOLID, KORINTHIA, ATTICA AND BOEOTIA

80

Menidi tholos

Kato Almyri XIV Agora, Tomb of the Ivory Pyxides Athens, 25, Garibaldi Str. Athens, 106 Dimitrakopoulou Str. Brauron 5 rock-cut

offering repository

-

stone-built and plastered

formed of small slabs +plastred

offering repository

-

rock-cut rock-cut rock-cut rock-cut

stone-built +plastered formed of a few thin stone slabs ?

rock-cut

primary burial offering repository

?

?

Galatas, Magoula Tholos 1 Aidonia

Deiras XXXIV

silver vessels

-

Deiras XXVIII

Kokla Tholos tomb

disiecta membra

Dendra 8

Offering repository

Prosymna V

Charcoal

large jug

Prosymna VI

Dendra 2

formed of unworked stones rock-cut

disiecta membra +vases

Prosymna XIII

formed of a double row of small flat slabs built of small stones and plastered rock-cut Built-up stone rock-cut

unworked stones

fragment

Construction mode formed of

Use

skull +obsidian

Prosymna XI

Site/Tomb no

0.70

?

0.35-0.38

0.05/0.22 0.60 0.60 0.40

?

?

0.45

0.22

0.60 0.30 0.15

0.23

?

?

?

?

H (m)

3.00

?

0.90

0.75 0.75 0.75 0.75-0.88

?

?

1.00

0.92

? 1 0.85

0.80

?

?

?

?

Dimensions W (m)

7.70

?

1.45

1.80 4.30 4.30 2.45

?

?

2.25

?

ca. 2.00

?

1.40

?

?

?

?

L (m)

Lolling et al. 1880: 18

Papadimitriou 1956: 86

Onasoglou 1979: 23ff.

Pantelidou 1975: 56

ArchDelt. 35 (1980) Chr. 104 Immerwahr 1971: 159

Krystalli-Votsi 1998: 23

Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 218

Demakopoulou 1990a: 119

Deshayes 1966: 102

Deshayes 1966: 87

Persson 1942a: 38-39

Persson 1931: 78-79

Blegen 1937: 153

Blegen 1937: 194 Blegen 1937: 155

Blegen 1937: 201

References

81

rock-cut

?

disiecta membra

offering repository

practical practical

Megalo Kastelli, Thebes Thebes, Mikro Kastelli, Tb III Tanagra 77

Tanagra 94

Tanagra 107 Tanagra 111

?

rock-cut rock-cut rock-cut

? ?

Kolonaki 9, Thebes Kolonaki 28, Thebes

Megalo Kastelli, Thebes

Thebes Ismenion 3

rock-cut rock-cut

rock-cut

rock-cut rock-cut

rock-cut

rock-cut, plastered and frescoed rock-cut

LH IIIB amphora filled with ashes and animal bones disiecta membra +offerings disiecta membra + offerings

Royal tomb at Meg. Kastelli, Thebes

Construction mode

Use

Site/Tomb no

? ?

?

?

0.22 0.22 0.22 0.60 0.11-0.16 0.11-0.16 1.00 1.00 ?

0.48

?

H (m)

? ?

?

?

1 0.92 0.83 1.70 0.82 0.97 0.70-0.80 0.85-1.10 ca. 1.00

1.40

0.90

Dimensions W (m)

? ?

?

?

4.80? 4.60? ca. 4.00

1.40 3.75 3.75 3.35 ?

ca. 3.00

?

L (m)

Spyropoulos 1977a: 24 Spyropoulos 1977a: 24

Spyropoulos 1975a: 421, pl. 299b

Spyropoulos 1974: 10

Pharaklas 1996: 209

ArchDelt. 22 (1967) Chr. 228; Pharaklas 1996: 216

Keramopoullos 1917: 141 Keramopoullos 1917: 205

Keramopoullos 1917: 109

Keramopoullos 1917: 87

Spyropoulos 1972a: 310-311

References

and depictions of cult activity in the minor arts and large-scale painting807 suggest that Mycenaean religion was institutionalised, connected with festivals and offerings, and serviced by specialised cult personnel808. Moreover, permanent cultic installations, ritual objects in corpore, ceremonial remains, artistic representations and written documentation indicate that libation and sacrificial ceremonies, communal feasting and offerings formed the nucleus of LH religious activity. Representations of prayer, ritual gesture, processions and depictions of music players serve as visualisations of Warren’s δεικνύµενα and λεγόµενα.

CHAPTER V Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead No-one who studies the original documents of any religion can fail to be amazed at the power of the dead. There are peoples whose existence is almost wholly dominated by rites connected with them798.

Ritual Activity as Performance in the Context of Mycenaean Religious Practice The recognition and study of sacred ritual is indisputably a complex matter subject to a nexus of definitions and interpretations799. As a rule, ritual actions of sacred character are performed in specific places and in specific sequences with the purpose to invoke the presence of the supernatural and enable the interaction between the sphere of the humans and the plane of the divine800. In his discussion of Minoan rituals, Warren subdivided ritual activity into two main classes: rituals of invocation and rituals of offering801. Through dance, other ritual movements and music, invocation rituals aim to summon the divine and allow worshippers to express their reverence802. On the other hand, offering rituals aim to invoke the beneficence of the supernatural, thus to ensure the well-being of the human community. Offering rituals are mostly connected with sacrifice, animal and human, followed by the offering of votive objects, food and drink and other ‘gifts’, e.g. cloth, offering tables or metalwork803.

The objective of this chapter, which is subdivided into three parts, is to investigate the ritual act of ‘giving’ honours and offerings to the dead by drawing parallels from contemporary religious observances. The first section deals with the performance of libation and sacrifice in honour of the sacred dead. Possible Linear B recordings of names, festivals and offerings for the dead are also placed in perspective. The second part explores the religious significance of secondary burial treatment (ανακοµιδή) and suggests that it signalled the starting point in Mycenaean ancestor cult. The third section investigates the existence of places especially designed as cult places intended for the veneration of the ancestors, with focus placed on the so-called ‘Cenotaph’ at Dendra. Answers to the aforementioned matters are sought through the investigation of three main categories of material, viz. the archaeological evidence, artistic representations and the Linear B documents.

Since Lydia Baumbach’s pessimist view on the state of research on Bronze Age religion, there has been a remarkable increase in excavated sacred sites and the publication of archaeological material of religious nature804. The Linear B recordings of divine names and offerings805, the excavation of official places of cult806

Feasting with the Ancestors: Libation and Sacrifice in Mycenaean Tombs The essence of the sacred act which is hence often simply termed ιερά ρέζειν -doing or working sacred things- is the ritual slaughter and consumption of an animal for a divine or supernatural recipient809. In Homo Necans, Burkert argued that sacrifice is inextricably linked with the biological heritage of human beings and that sacrificial practice lurks behind religious rituals and symbols exhibited in most religions810. On the other hand, the irretrievability that characterises libation rites, i.e. the outpouring of liquids in honour of the sacred, renders this particular act as ‘the purest and highest form

798

Canetti 1962: 262. Bremmer 1998: 14ff. Supra Chapter II. 800 Burkert 1987; Warren 1988: 12-13, 34; Peatfield 1995: 219. 801 Warren 1988: 35, fig. 19. 802 See also Hägg’s discussion on Minoan divine epiphany (Hägg 1983, 1986). 803 Warren 1988: fig. 19. 804 Baumbach 1979: 158. Renfrew’s fundamental work on the Archaeology of Cult and his ritual indicators provide a valuable guide for the study of prehistoric religion (Renfrew 1985; idem 1994b). Following Nilsson 19502, Persson 1942b, Vermeule 1974, Mylonas 1977, Brelich 1968 and many others, Robin Hägg’s studies have formed the forefront of new research and interpretation of Mycenaean religion and ritual. For a full list of Hägg’s publications, see Hägg Niklasson (2000-2001). 805 The bibliography on Mycenaean religion and religious texts is vast, thus inevitably only a brief selection of scholarly work is cited here, e.g. the studies of Gèrard-Rousseau (1968), Ventris and Chadwick (19732), Murray (1979), Chadwick (1985). See also the individual papers by Rousioti, Trümpy, Killen, Bendall, Gulizio, Pluta and Palaima, Sacconi in the POTNIA Conference (2001). 806 Albers (1994) and Whittaker (1997) have individually produced important studies on Mycenaean cult buildings, 799

summarising all the available data. The final publication of the Temple at Mycenae by Moore and Taylour appeared in 1999. Information on the ongoing excavations at the Mycenaean sanctuary at Haghios Konstantinos (Methana) is obtained from Konsolaki-Yannopoulou (1995, 2001b. See also the bibliography in Hamilakis and Konsolaki 2004). 807 Kontorli-Papadopoulou’s study on Aegean Frescoes of Religious Character summarises the available evidence on large-scale religious iconography in prehistoric Greece. The Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel (CMS) is the most valuable guide for the study of LH minor arts. 808 On cult personnel see Lejeune 1960 and Hooker 1990. 809 Burkert 1985: 55. 810 Burkert 1983.

82

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead of renunciation’811. Moreover, in peoples’ cosmologies it is not uncommon for food and drink to be regarded as a means of communion with the sphere of the sacred.

Mycenaean libation vessel, thus used in both divine and funerary ritual’816. The same scholar has argued that the movable equipment employed for the performance of libations could be classified in two categories, namely pouring vessels and receptacles817. Valuable information on the equipment employed for the ritual pouring of liquids is provided by a flat cylinder seal from Naxos that depicts a krater, a jug and a funnel-shaped rhyton placed on a low offering table in front of which a male figure is standing facing a palm tree with a staff or spear in his hand818.

In Mycenaean religious practice, libation and sacrifice followed by communal feasting, played an important role in the encounters between the mortals and the sphere of the sacred. These festive occasions may reflect the Mycenaean belief that the divine spirits were present during ritual meals and capable of partaking of the food and drink offered to them by the cult celebrants. Following an account of sacrifice, libation and ritual banqueting in honour of the Mycenaean gods, the aim of the following section is to draw attention to a parallel set of ideas concerning communion with the dead or with the ancestors through libation, sacrifice and feasting in the Mycenaean world.

Large numbers of kylikes have been reported from Room 93, a room of sacred character, at Pylos and the open area in front of it, sharing similarities with the evidence from the Room with the Fresco Complex at Mycenae819. The abundance of drinking vessels and containers corresponding to all phases of the temple at Haghia Irini (Keos) may underline the importance of wine consumption in cultic performance820; equally interesting is the predominance of kylikes in the Tsoungiza deposit821. Kylikes, some associated with the bench in Room A, have recently been uncovered in the Mycenaean sanctuary on the Methana peninsula822.

Feasting with the gods in Mycenaean Greece Scholars have invested a considerable amount of work on the celebration of religious festivals at fixed times with public participation in Mycenaean times. Palmer and Bennett discussed the evidence for festivals in Linear B tablets and especially in connection with the Pylos Fr series, documents dealing with olive oil812. Palmer, in particular, has projected a festival associated with the Preparation of the Couch, re-ke-to-ro-te-ri-jo; the Festival of the New Wine, me-tu-wo ne-wo; the Raising of the Lamentation, to-no-e-ke-te-ri-jo; the Festival of Wanassa, wa-na-se-wi-jo and the festival of the Dipsioi, di-pi-si-je-wi-jo813. Another Mycenaean festive occasion, termed po-re-no-zo-te-ri-ja recorded on PY Un 443.2, has attracted the interest of archaeologists814.

Of great significance is the presence of service sets of vessels and of rhyta for they provide vital information on the liquids employed during the ceremonial acts and on the manner of performance823. Actual rhyta have been unearthed in the sanctuaries at Tiryns (Rooms 117 and 110), Methana (Room A), Phylakopi, in the ‘Rhyton Well’ in the vicinity of the Cult Centre at Mycenae and in Megaron B at Iolkos824. In Room XXXII at Asine an intentionally broken jug was placed upside down in such a position that it may have well been employed as a receptacle through which the libation liquid would have been channelled into the earth, a feature reminiscent of the LH IIIB house-altars at Berbati825.

Not surprisingly, the pouring of libations and the performance of sacrifice followed by feasting would have constituted central rites in these festive celebrations. Pictorial sources, textual references and the archaeological material suggest that they were performed on various occasions and in different ways.

Next to the hearth of the megaron at Pylos a tripod table of offerings had received the liquid poured from 816

Hägg 1990:183. Hägg 1998: 104-105. 818 Kontoleon 1959: 184, pl. 155b; Kardara 1977: 6, pl. 6; CMS V 608; Sakellarakis 1970: 172; Marinatos 1984: 117ff. 819 Blegen and Rawson 1966: 303. Säflund (1980) discussed in detail the vast concentration of kylikes from the palace at Pylos and associated them with sacrificial banquets. An extraordinary 2853 kylikes have been reported from Room 19 and 600 clay kylikes from Room 9 of the palace. 820 Caskey 1981: 127. 821 Wright et al.1990: 635-636; idem 1994: 69 822 Yannopoulou-Konsolaki 2001b: 213ff. ; Hamilakis and Konsolaki 2004 : 138, 146) 823 Hägg 1990: 18; Koehl 1981. 824 Kilian 1978: 390; Yannopoulou-Konsolaki 2001b: 213, 215; Renfrew 1985: 239, 275, 324; Koehl 1981: 186; AdrymiSismani 1999-2001: 93, 95, fig. 24. 825 Frödin and Persson 1938: 74-76; Hägg 1981b: 93; idem 1990: 180-181; Åkeström 1988: 201-202.

Libation rituals and drinking ceremonies

817

The central role of drinking and pouring ceremonies in Mycenaean ritual has been emphasised by Hägg, who demonstrated that such rites would have been performed on a variety of instances, ‘from the everyday family cult at the house-altar to the funerary ceremony at the closing of the tomb’815. The frequent presence of kylikes, of normal sizes and miniature versions, in well established Mycenaean sanctuaries and mortuary contexts led him to suggest that ‘the kylix may in fact be the most common 811

Burkert 1985: 72. Palmer 1963: 250ff.; Bennett 1958; Palmer 1979: 317ff. 813 Palmer 1963: 250ff. 814 Infra p. 106. 815 Hägg 1990: 183. 812

83

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead miniature kylikes, all discovered in situ826. Another set comprising a tripod offering table and miniature vases were found in Corridor 18, Pylos827. Correspondingly, from Room Gamma 1 in Tsountas’ House Shrine, three miniature vases and a shallow dish have been reported from near the bench828. In the Temple Complex a tripod table of offerings was placed in front of a terracotta figure which was found embedded in a bench (fig. 65), a combination of sacred apparatuses and installations implying, according to Moore, an act of perpetual offering829. I would prefer to see the figure as the symbolic icon of a deity receiving the libations poured into the tripod table of offerings.

Konstantinos, Methana838. Exceptional is the a large rectangular slab of limestone with depressions outside Room 3 of Megaron B at Iolkos, which was used for ritual acts and offerings as indicated by the co-discovery of a sealstone, a kylix sherd with Linear B signs, terracotta figurines (anthropomorphic, zoomorphic and furniture models), part of a marble figurine, pottery (cups, alabastron, craters and, at least, two rhyta), bronze items and a piece of plaster in red839 The iconographical references to ceremonial drinking and libation rites contribute significantly to the understanding and interpretation of the archaeological material. Depictions of the kind include the ‘Campstool Fresco’ at Knossos and the rather fragmentary wall paintings from the Pylos megaron depicting seated men possibly engaged in a drinking or toasting ceremony840. Undoubtedly, the scenes on the rings from Tiryns and Room Z2 at Thebes and the depictions of Genii pouring libations from a conical rhyton, jug, ewer or chalice stress the sacred value of the custom841. Moreover, ritual vessels are depicted in the procession frescoes from Thebes, Tiryns and Knossos842.

Clear proof for libation rituals performed in Mycenaean sanctuaries is provided by a wide range of permanent installations and portable equipment, such as benches, platforms with incorporated pots as receptacles, bolstershaped altars, runnels and tripod offering tables. Room Gamma 1 in Tsountas’ House Shrine was equipped with a bolster-shaped installation with an extension featuring a round depression, in all probability a receptacle for libations or a ‘sinking to accommodate the pointed end of a rhyton or libation vessel’830. In the courtyard of the same shrine another peculiar installation was reported, which might have served a similar purpose831. At the centre of the prodomos of Megaron B at Iolkos stands a large raised H-shaped clay altar832. In front of the altar are preserved three slabs, possibly the base on which a table of offerings or a small column might have stood833. A close connection between libation ceremonies and the hearth of the Mycenaean palace has recently been proposed by J. Wright834.

Cameron has correctly suggested that the act of carrying vessels in the processional frescoes may imply libations to the deity on her arrival or epiphany at the destination of the procession, i.e. the palace itself, a shrine, a temple or an altar843. Moreover, N. Marinatos has connected the typological variability of the depicted vessels with different libation rituals performed on a variety of occasions844. To the aforementioned examples one should add the fragment of a large terracotta figure from Amyklaion in Laconia, which preserves a hand holding the stem of a goblet or kylix 845.

Next to the throne of the megaron at Ano Englianos two basins formed in the plaster floor and connected by a channel have been associated with libation ceremonies835; their ritualistic nature is supported by the presence of miniature kylikes found scattered on the floor of the megaron836. Of similar function must have been an alabaster slab with a shallow oval depression in the floor of the porch of the Mycenae megaron, which Papadimitriou incorrectly identified as the base for a throne837, as well as the bench and the deep conical depression in Room G at the sanctuary at Haghios

The religious significance of liquids -especially wineand of pouring and drinking vessels is reflected in their documentation as offerings to gods and religious festivals in the Linear B texts846. According to Palmer, wine (wo-no), which was not produced directly by the palace, enjoyed high status in the Mycenaean world and never formed part of rations for lower-level personnel847. Moreover, there are indications that wine might have been distributed by the palace on the occasion of 838

Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 216- 217. Adrymi-Sismani 1999-2001: 92-93, fig. 16. 840 Lang 1969: 80-81, pls. 28, 125-126A; Immerwahr 1990: 95, pls. 45-46. 841 Mylonas 1966: 166-168; Kontorli-papadopoulou 1996: 139-140; CMS I, 179. The ring discovered in Room Z2 at Thebes (D. Liagas’ plot, Oidipodos Str.,) depicts a female figure, most probably a goddess, being flanked by two griffins and receiving offerings from a pair of Genii [ArchDelt 38 (1983) 132]. 842 Mantzourani 1995: 130ff. 843 Cited in Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1996: 137. 844 Marinatos 1986: 25-26. 845 Demakopoulou 1982: 54-56, pl. 26.68 846 Murray 1978: 178ff. 847 Palmer 1994: 188ff.; idem 1995: 277ff.; Hamilakis 1996b: 20ff. Note, though, Cavanagh’s dissent opinion (1998: 111).

826

839

Blegen and Lawson 1966: 89, 91. 827 Hägg 1990: 183 note 52. 828 Wace 1951: 254. 829 Moore and Taylour 1999: 115. Moore 1988: 228. 830 Mylonas 1981: 313; Wace 1951: 254; Hägg 1990: 178. 831 Hägg 1990: 178. 832 Adrymi-Sismani 1999-2001: 90-92, figs. 13-15. Part of a table offerings of plaster has been uncovered in Room 9 of Megaron A (op.cit. 83). 833 Adrymi-Sismani 1999-2001: 91-92. 834 Wright 1995a: 346. 835 Blegen and Rawson 1966: 85-88; Hägg 1968: 41ff. 836 Blegen and Rawson 1966: 85-88. 837 Papadimitriou 1955a: 230-231, fig. 7, pls. 78b, 79b. Hägg, Kilian and Rehak attributed cultic significance to this feature (Hägg 1990: 180-181, notes 28 and 29; Rehak 1995: 100).

84

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead sacrifice have survived in the archaeological record. According to Mylonas, the bolster-shaped altar in Tsountas’s House Shrine was used for slaughtering animals and was later replaced by the rectangular structure in the courtyard of the same building856. The animal bones found mixed with ash, potsherds and figurines in a pit in the courtyard to the south of the Temple could have been the remains of sacrifices performed on the round altar nearby857. On certain occasions, benches or low platforms would have functioned as altars. On no account should the fact be excluded that altars or tables made of perishable material, e.g. wood, would have been used although not preserved to-date.

ceremonies and feasts. In this connection, PY Tn 316, a record of vessels and liquids offered to deities and heroes during ceremonies in their shrines, is the most important written testimony of the practice848. Correspondingly, PY Un 718 co-lists food and wine and may document a special obligation for designated landholders to provide food, drink and gifts at a major festival of Poseidon849. PY Vn 20 records a remarkable quantity of 410 units of wine sent by the palace to the nine towns of the Nearer Province possibly for the purposes of a religious festival. Smaller amounts of wine listed in PY Gn 720 and 428 were disbursed to individuals in different destinations and to important religious officials respectively850.

Exceptional is the example of the high platform formed by the east wall of the Room with the Fresco (Room 31) at Mycenae858. At the western end of its upper surface a ledge was roughly shaped into three coalescing discs, in the form of miniature hearths, filled with ashes. The ash in the discs must have been the remnants of incense burnt for purification. Corroborating evidence for the characterisation of the bench as an altar is provided by the iconographical programme of the wall connected with the bench. Apart from a row of beam-ends crowned by horns of consecration on its north face, little has survived of the original decoration of the bench itself (fig. 11)859. To the left, a female figure accompanied by an animal proceeds towards the ‘shrine’ raising her hands to display bunches of grain in a hieratic pose.

Sacrificial rituals and banqueting in Mycenaean sanctuaries The co-listing of meat and wine in Linear B documents of ceremonial and/or offering context reveal the ritual connection between food and drink consumption. Hägg, followed by Konsolaki-Yannopoulou, has pointed to the association between libation and sacrifice as this is mirrored in the establishment of libation installations in close proximity to sacrificial altars, as in Tsountas’ House Shrine at Mycenae and Room A at Haghios Konstantinos851. The connection between libation and sacrifice may also be implied by the use of animal-head or –shape rhyta, interesting being the pig-head rhyton from Methana on account of its association with a platform and juvenile pigs’ bones852.

Seemingly, there is no consistency in the choice of sacrificial animals as indicated by the presence of bone remains belonging to bulls, goats, sheep and pigs and their invariable recording as sacrificial animals in Linear B documents, e.g. KN C 941, KN Ch 7100, PY Un 718, PY Cn 3. On the other hand, the requirements of sacrificial observances might have necessitated the choice of animals of a particular species and age in specific contexts as suggested in the case of the Methana complex860. Such a hypothesis is strengthened by KN Ch 896, a document of sacrificial context, in which the ideogram for oxen is followed by the syllabogram ne., read as ‘jeunes taureaux nés dans l’ année’861.

The presence of animal remains has been taken as a clear indicium of sacrificial rites, e.g. Phylakopi and Methana853. Unfortunately, the recognition and study of sacrifice in Late Helladic sacred contexts is trivial; despite the fact that excavators often deal with the same material evidence, yet diversity is observed in terms of interpretation, e.g. the animal bones from Tiryns have been explained as the remains of sacred meals consumed outside the cult buildings and not as evidence for actual sacrifice854, whereas consistent with feasting is the early LH IIIA2 deposit of figurines, kylikes, bowls and discarded animal bones at Tsoungiza855.

The association of large bovid figures and figurines with outdoor altars at Phylakopi, Methana, Tiryns, Kynortion and Keos has resulted in their interpretation as substitutes for actual animal sacrifices862. The scene of a

Unfortunately, only a few examples of permanent installations that could safely be connected with

856

Mylonas 1975c: 246ff.; idem 1981: 313. Note, though, the objections raised by Wace 1951: 254ff., French 1981a: 44ff. and Albers 1994: 24. 857 Mylonas 1975c: 248-249; idem 1981: 316; idem 1983: 142. 858 Taylour 1969: 94-95; Marinatos 1988: 245; Rehak 1992. See also pp. 36ff. of this study. 859 Taylour 1983: 55. 860 Whittaker 1997: 148. 861 Godart 1999: 250. The possibility that this tablet may be linked to sacrifices in the context of funerary ceremonies proposed by the same scholar will be discussed below. 862 Peppa-Papaioannou 1985: 209; Whittaker 1997: 153. Recently, a large wheel-made bovid figure has been reported

848

Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 286-289. 849 Palmer 1995: 278ff. 850 Palmer 1995: 277ff. 851 Hägg 1990: 183; idem 1998: 104. 852 Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 216 ; Hamilakis and Konsolaki 2004 : 138. 853 Kilian 1981b: 49ff.; Renfrew 1985: 388, 479-483; Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 215-217 ; Hamilakis and Konsolaki 2004. 854 Kilian 1988a: 148; Albers 1994: 106-110, 132-134; Hägg 1998: 101. 855 Wright 1994: 69; Shelmerdine 1999: 20.

85

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead Yavis, who denied the existence of any sort of burnt animal sacrifices in Mycenaean times870. Pace Yavis, Şahin maintained that the black earth, thick ashes, animal bones and votives attested in a number of sanctuaries on the mainland indicate the performance of burnt sacrifices on completely perishable pyre- or ashheaps or on natural heights871.

sacrificial bull led by a male procession decorated the Vestibule of the megaron at Ano Englianos 863, whereas a sacrificial function has been suggested for the bull on a fresco from Tiryns864. Although, we possess evidence for the performance of sacrifice, little information exists on the sacrificial instrument itself. A long series of bronze double axes, certainly a Minoan element, with a handle for hanging has been reported from Kynortion and associated with sacrificial rites865. Stone mace-heads would have been used in connection to sacrifice to stun the victim866. Appealing is the fact that a number of figures from Mycenae hold axe-hammers in their raised hands.

Bergquist has warned archaeologists against the universal, but often oversimplified interpretation of ashes and animal bones as derivatives of actual burnt animal sacrifice and, alternatively, suggested that they may constitute human litter872. Along this line of argument, Hägg and herself proposed that the ash layers from Kynortion should be connected with the preparation of sacrificial meals and the post festum cleaning of the sacred area, rather than with strata of actual burnt sacrifices873.

The sword or dagger has been classified as an implement of sacrifice, as suggested by the discovery of an ivory pommel and the mace-head found along with vessels and figurines on the high bench along the south wall of Room 31 at Mycenae, although one should not exclude the possibility of them being votive offerings or both867. The presence of these sacrificial instruments is consistent with the fresco decoration of the room, the permanent installations and the archaeological evidence, as described above. In other cases, the implement of sacrifice would not have been different from the utensils used in everyday life, e.g. a knife.

Indisputable proof for the performance of burnt animal sacrifices has been recently provided by the sanctuary at Methana, where the hearth in the south-eastern corner of Room A preserved a number of cooking pots and a spitrest of andesite still in situ and was filled with a thick layer of ash mixed with a considerable amount of burnt animal bones, identified as belonging to juvenile pigs874. According to the excavator, the deposit is noticeably different from the bone waste from communal feasting retrieved in other areas of the sanctuary, whereas the preparation of sacrificial meals, as indicated by sheep/goat unburnt bones, would have taken place in Room B of the complex875.

Depictions in the minor arts provide information not only on the species of the sacrificial animals but also on the appearance of the altars and the implements used, e.g. the Montigny gem from Mycenae depicts a large bovid laid on a three-legged table with a large knife or dagger on the back of its neck, whereas on the cylinder seal from Naxos a dagger is also included to the ritual equipment868.

Hamilakis has stressed the lack of attention paid to food and drink consumption proportionally to the rate and the volume of archaeological research in the Aegean876. Although there is a vast bibliography on religious feasting associated with sacrifice in Classical Greece877, only recently have similar customs begun to be discussed. In this respect, of great significance are the papers by J. Killen, Ch. Piteros et al. and A. Sacconi878.

It has been argued above that excavators very often find themselves in an awkward position trying to distinguish between the remains of animal sacrifice and the structured deposits of food refuse as the result of ceremonial consumption or post festum cleaning. Burnt animal bones have been reported from Methana, Mycenae, Pylos, Tiryns, Megaron B at Eleusis, Kynortion and Keos869. The subject was treated by

The preparation of food and sacred meals connected with sacrifice is indicated not only by the discovery of animal bones but also by the presence of hearths,

from Kato Phana, Chios (The Newsletter of the British School at Athens, 2000-2001). 863 Lang 1969: 193, pl. 119; Immerwahr 1990: 117-118, 197; McCallum 1987: 260. 864 Rodenwaldt 1976: 155-156, no 224, fig. 65; Immerwahr 1990: 135, 203 (Ti No 8). Note, though, KontorliPapadopoulou’s scepticism on the suggested interpretation (Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1996: 150). 865 Lambrinoudakis 1981: 62, figs. 10, 12. However, the fragility of several of these bronze axes would have dictated their function as display items during the sacrificial rituals (Hägg 1985: 207, 210; idem 1997: 17). 866 Platonos-Manti 1981; Hägg 1998: 102. 867 Kilian-Dirlmeier 1990: 158. 868 Rutkowski 1981: 40ff., fig. 11(7); Mylonas 1983: 201. 869 Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 215-216; Hamilakis and Konsolaki 2004 ; Whittaker 1997: 147; Isaakidou et. al. 2002:

87ff.; Kilian 1981b: 53-56; Kokkou-Vyridi 1999: 23-24 ; Cosmopoulos 2003: 11; Lambrinoudakis 1981: 59-62; Caskey 1981: 127. 870 Yavis 1949: 32, 41. 871 Şahin, M.C., 1972. Die Entwicklung der griechischen Monumentaltäre [Diss. Bonn]. Bonn (non vidi. Quoted in Bergquist 1988: 22, note 5). 872 Bergquist 1988: 30. 873 Bergquist 1988: 30; Hägg 1998: 101. 874 Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 215 ; Hamilakis and Konsolaki 2004: 138ff. 875 Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 215-216 ; Hamilakis and Konsolaki 2004: 139-143. 876 Hamilakis 1999: 60. 877 Detienne 1979; Gernet 1981; Schimtt-Pantel 1992. 878 Killen 1994; Piteros et al. 1990; Sacconi 2001.

86

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead cooking ware and stone tools879. Cooking ware has been found in the Room with the Fresco at Mycenae, the sanctuary at Methana in connection with the hearth and at Phylakopi, whereas the excavations in the same sanctuaries have produced stone tools, namely querns, mortars, grinders and pounders880.

Using the evidence for food and drink consumption in Mycenaean religious acts and festivals as comparative material, the theme of the next section is the ceremonial surrounding the performance of libation and sacrifice in Mycenaean funerary record. Therefore, it aims to draw attention to a set of ideas concerning the communion with the dead in LH IIIA-B times via the performance of invocation and offering rituals associated with the consumption of food and drink.

The limited space within the sacred buildings and the restricted access to them would have prevented to a certain degree mass participation in the rites and the performance of communal feasting. Thus, open spaces in the citadels would have served the needs of ritual communal feasting connected with food consumption and drinking parties, as indicated by the case of Tiryns, where feasting must have taken place outside the small sanctuaries. Cavanagh, who discussed in detail the case of courts and squares in Mycenaean towns, proposed that apart from their practical function, the great courts at Mycenae, Tiryns and Pylos would have served congregational purposes judging from the presence of altars in these areas881.

'The souls are nourished by libations' 884: Libation rituals and drinking ceremonies in Mycenaean tombs The earliest documentation of χοαί, i.e. the ceremonial pouring of liquids in honour of the dead, with the aim to invoke the presence of the souls, is recorded in the Homeric Poems. In the Odyssey (λ. 26-28), Odysseus summons the souls of the dead by performing libations followed by sacrifice …and around it poured a libation to all dead, first with milk and honey, thereafter with sweet wine, and in the third place with water ...

The plethora of kylikes retrieved in various areas of the palatial complexes could be connected with liquid libations and at the same time with religious ceremonies during which quantities of wine were consumed by the participants. Interestingly, Theban and Knossian Linear B documents have preserved the titles of those charged with the organisation of religious banquets. On TH Fq 254 the de-po-no (=*deikunos *δειπνός) is responsible for the preparation of a sacred meal made of barley, whereas on KN F 51 the po-ro-de-po-no (*πρόδειπνος, ‘le vice-banquetier’) is charged with a similar task882.

whereas in the Iliad (Ψ. 218ff), Achilles pours wine to the earth and invokes Patroclus’ soul …and the whole night long swift Achilles, taking a two-handled cup in hand, drew wine from a golden cup/ and poured it upon the earth, and wetted the ground,/ calling upon the spirit of hapless Patroclus. The Mycenaean custom of pouring libations in honour of the dead is attested from the Shaft Grave period onwards. During the exploration of GCB, Papadimitriou noticed cavities in the shape of small cups in the rock surface of some of the graves as well as grooves leading towards the edge, features that he associated with funerary feasting885. Furthermore, the excavations to the west of Shaft Grave K in GCB revealed an enigmatic horseshoe-shaped structure (2.25x1.32m) that contained nothing but a small number of unburnt animal bones, a few pottery fragments and a layer of black earth and ashes886. The structure was originally associated with the buildings and the kiln situated to the north887 but was later identified as a cenotaph intended for a person who had perished abroad888.

To reiterate, it is evident that the Mycenaeans had established a set of religious acts connected with food and drink through which they attempted to propitiate the divine and gain communion with the sphere of the gods. Through the ritual performance of libation and sacrifice, intercourse with the sacred was conducted and the power and presence of the gods were experienced and acknowledged. The act of eating and drinking as embodied experiences would have involved emotions and sensual reactions, whereas the consumption of alcoholic drinks, e.g. wine, would have contributed to additional psychological effects resulting from the intoxicating properties of the liquids883.

On the other hand, Protonotariou-Deilaki and HielteStavropoulou attributed ritualistic character to the structure and associated it with the practice of funerary rituals after the deposition of the corpse in the tumulus889. In an earlier study, I have argued that this

879

Whittaker 1997: 147. The religious function of hearths in prehistoric Greece, in particular the EBA, has been assessed by M. Caskey (1990). 880 Whittaker 1997: 147. 881 Cavanagh 2001: 123ff. 882 Sacconi 2001: 467-468. According to Ventris and Chadwick (19732: 573), po-ro-de-qo-no is a recipient of barley and signifies a divine or a masculine name. 883 Hamilakis 1999: 57-58. On the consumption of drugs and intoxicants and their contribution to the reinforcement of psychological effects in public feasting, see Schivelbusch 1992, Rudgley 1993 and Goodman et al. 1995.

884

Lucianus, De Luctu 9. Cited in Åkeström 1988: 203. Mylonas (1973: 16-17) argued that these cavities were the result of the action of caper roots. 886 Mylonas 1973: 124-126, pls. 107a,b. 887 Papadimitriou 1953: 220-221. 888 Mylonas 1973: 126. 889 Protonotariou-Deilaki 1990b: 90 note 44; HielteStavropoulou 2001. 885

87

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead members of the family may have gathered together in the dromos before the doorway and poured a last libation or drunk a farewell toast to the dead and then shattered the cups they used’894.

bolster-shaped structure may be ritualistic in nature and could be interpreted as a receptacle for the libations and the offerings given to the dead in the context of funerary cult, using as comparative material corresponding installations in ‘Tumuli A and C’ at Argos, the bothros at Drachmani and the circular pit in the Grave Enclosure at Phourni890.

The large numbers of drinking vessels -the kylix being the predominant type in most cases- suggest that the custom reached a climax in LH IIIA-B times. The evidence from simple graves and built tombs is sporadic, e.g. Deiras and Argos, but conclusions can be drawn on the basis of corresponding evidence from tholos and chamber tombs895. The number of kylikes or other drinking vessels reported from the fill of the dromos or the stratification of the stomion varies from one, e.g. Berbati tomb 1, to as many as seventy, e.g. Panaghitsa tomb 1 at Mycenae, where the fragments were recovered within a rather limited area 1.65m below the surface and 1.30m from the doorway896. From the dromos of tomb 14 at Dendra Åström reported ca. 330 sherds of LH IIIA2-B plain ware of which 90 belonged to stemmed cups897. From tomb 13 at the same necropolis more than 400 fragments belonging to ca. 40 stemmed goblets were uncovered in the dromos and in front or above the stomion898.

Apart from their function as precious goods incorporated into the ceremonial or prestige exchange with the Minoan ruling élites, several of the beaked jugs, cups, goblets, hybrid vessels and elaborate rhyta from the Shaft Graves of GCA could have served ceremonial purposes891. More importantly, Schliemann’s altar and Keramopoullos’s hollow must have received the liquid offerings and other gifts in honour of the ancestors from EMyc times to the collapse of the palaces892. The custom of pouring libation, performing drinking ceremonials and offering drinking vessels to the dead continued into the LH IIIA-B period. However, the complexity of Mycenaean funerary ritual and the disturbance observed in the stratification of the tombs as a result of successive burials, ceremonial interference with the skeletal remains and, unfortunately, looting render the reading of the available data extremely difficult. Thus, in most cases the distinction between the remains of rites performed at the time of the burial and post-funerary visits to the tombs is difficult. To overcome such an obstacle, it has been resolved to divide this section in three broad themes: a. ‘farewell’ rites connected with the liminal stage of the rites of passage, b. χοαί and the invocation of the dead and c. the offering of drinking vessels and liquids to the dead as part of Mycenaean eschatology.

Wace stressed the fact that the fragments of the kylikes found in front of the actual entrance to the chamber do not join onto other fragments reported from the chamber899. On the other hand, both Tsountas and Wace noticed the comparative frequency with which miscellaneous potsherds belonging to various vessel types found in the dromoi joined onto others from the chamber and associated them with the removal of earlier interments from the chamber to the dromos900. We shall return to this aspect of the custom in the section where the performance of secondary rites is treated. Interestingly, regional and cultural variations are detected in the performance of the rite. Cavanagh, for example, has noted that the custom is not attested in the Attic simple graves901, whereas regionalism and cultural differentiation must have dictated the relative absence of drinking vessels in the dromoi and stomia of the Mycenaean tombs in Achaea and Elis902. The total

The significance of drinking vessels in the dromos and the stomion of Mycenaean tombs Since the first excavations of Mycenaean tombs excavators have noted the presence of fragments of drinking vessels in the dromos and/or the stomion of tholos and chamber tombs and, in the case of simple graves, in the fill of the shaft, ‘as belonging to vases, which were either broken and thrown out during the cleaning of the tombs, or used and scattered during or after a final libation and some form of ritual ceremony’893. Wace gave a more vivid description of the custom; ‘when the doorway was walled up and the filling of the dromos with earth had already begun, the

894

Wace 1932: 131. Deshayes 1966; Lewartowski 2000: 59; Papadimitriou 2001: 183. 896 Mylonas 1972: 115; Shelton 2000: 51. 897 Åström 1977: 106, 112ff. 898 Åström 1977: 72-73. 899 Wace 1932: 131. 900 Tsountas and Manatt 1897: 147; Wace 1932: 130-131. A similar phenomenon has been observed by Keramopoullos with respect to the chamber tombs at Thebes (Keramopoullos 1917: 145). Note also the case of tomb IV at Nauplion where at the outer end of the dromos a pit was uncovered filled with potsherds that could be joined onto other potsherds left in the chamber (Dragona-Latsoudi 1977: 88). 901 Cavanagh 1977: 169 note 65. 902 Yalouris 1960; Papadopoulos 1979: 53, 57; idem 1990: 51; Cavanagh 1998: 107; Vikatou 1999: 250-251 (she also pointed to the absolute absence of rhyta, skyphoi and figurines from 895

890

Gallou 1998: 18-19. Wright 1995b: 291; Vermeule 1964: 87; Mylonas 1966: 165. 892 Supra pp. 21ff. 893 Papavasileiou 1910: 26-27; Blegen 1937: 237; Mylonas 1948: 72; idem 1961-62: 294; Vermeule 1964: 299; Andronikos 1968: 93; Iakovides 1969: 124, 130; Niklasson 1981-82: 14; Laffineur 1986: 82ff.; Kontorli-Papadopoulou 1995: 118; Cavanagh 1998: 106; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 114-115. 891

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Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead which is datable to LH IIIA2l908, thus a later offering not associated with any of the interments in the chamber.

absence of kylikes or goblets in the dromoi of tombs before LH IIIA and the chronological discontinuity of the custom in LH IIIC times has been explained by Cavanagh as the result of ‘a very specific complex of religious and social associations bound up with wine drinking, centred in particular on the palace and palace society, which fell into disuse, may even have been consciously rejected, with the fall of the palaces’903.

Similarly, near the bottom of the dromos of tomb XXV at Zygouries, a sepulchre that featured no burial chamber, no interments and no remains of any objects, appeared a large slab of poros lying partly on its side and beneath it an intact jug of LH III date909. Although, originally the excavator interpreted it as a vase in which one of the workmen might have carried his water supply, the jug’s similarities with its unpainted counterparts from tombs XXXIII and XXXV led to the re-interpretation of the vessel as a sepulchral offering910.

The performance of libations is also implied by the presence of service sets of vessels associated with the pouring, serving and consumption of liquid, most probably wine. Thus, apart from the drinking vessels (kylikes, goblets, cups, etc), jugs, jars, bowls, kraters, alabastra and stirrup jars are frequently uncovered in the dromos and the stomion. The religious importance that local communities attached to libations is confirmed by the observation that rhyta are more commonly deposited in tombs than in cultic or domestic contexts904. The presence of fragments of rhyta in the dromos, e.g. Deiras XXVI and XXXV905, strengthens the significant role of the dromos in the performance of such sacred acts.

The religious importance of libations and ceremonial drinking for the dead is stressed in the Mycenaean iconography of death. A reference to the pouring of a libation in honour of the deceased is illustrated on a larnax from tomb 36 at Tanagra911. The decorative scene depicts two female figures separated by a checkerboard panel; a mourner occupies the left part, while at the right a female figure is portrayed holding aloft in her left hand a dark stemmed kylix (fig. 76a). A similar scene of an individual raising a kylix is depicted on the Episkopi sarcophagus (fig. 38)912. Another instance of ceremonial drinking in honour of the dead, as defined by its funerary context, is provided by the decorative panel of a small jug from Alyki, which illustrates a female figure between two palm trees drinking from a cup (fig. 76b)913. The decoration of a fragmentary krater from Tiryns has preserved an enthroned figure, a deity or a priest(ess), holding up a goblet, and, before him/her, chariots participating in the funeral games (fig. 76c)914.

Characteristic is the case of chamber tomb 523 at the Kalkani cemetery, where plain kylix stems were placed en masse in an irregular recess at the top of the right doorjamb906, possibly an indication of the continuous and repeated performance of libation rituals after the burial and the post-funerary offerings to the dead. This is further supported by the fact that the tomb contained exclusively the remains of secondary burials. Of equal significance is the case reported from Berbati tomb XII; ‘near the surface, 4.75 and 5.80m from the opening of the chamber on the longitudinal axis of the dromos, were four stones in a row beneath which, under a protective covering of earth, lay vase no. 23’ (i.e. a hydria)907. Interestingly, all pottery reported from the tomb is dated to LH IIIA1-IIIA2e apart from this hydria

The most instructive scene of libation performed in honour of the dead during prehistoric times is depicted on side A of the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus, which illustrates two priestesses, dressed dissimilarly and accompanied by a lyre-player, performing pouring rites (fig. 31). The officiating priestess pours the contents of a bucket into a large krater, which is standing between double axes on which birds are perching. Paribeni pointed to a red line running from the bucket into the krater and suggested that the bucket contained blood, an interpretation also accepted by N. Marinatos915. Long has argued that if this pouring scene takes place outside a tomb, it would most probably represent a combination of Late Minoan and Mycenaean practices, honouring the goddess(es) of the double axe, who would be considered

the cemetery at Haghia Triadha, Elis). The pottery assemblage from the tholos tomb at Petrotos Patron included a large concentration of alabastra, amphoroid vessels, pyxides, etc., but only a limited number of drinking vessels (L. Papazoglou, ‘O θολωτός τάφος του Πετρωτού Πατρών’, lecture organised by the ‘Friends of the National Museum at Athens’, 4 April 2001). 903 Cavanagh 1998: 111. 904 Koehl 1981: 186; Laffineur 1986. A typological development of Minoan and Mycenaean rhyta is given in Koehl 1981: 180, fig. 1. Undoubtedly, the number of rhyta in tombs will definitely rise following the final publication of many excavated but yet unpublished Mycenaean tombs. 905 Deshayes 1966: 75, 105, 162, pls. LXXV(1,2), XCIV(6). 906 Wace 1932: 35, 131, fig. 18 (the recess is indicated with the letter c on the plan). Noteworthy is the case of the 2m deep walled antechamber which preceded the door of tomb Kontogenadha Γ on Kephallenia and has been linked to funerary rites and, in particular, wine-drinking ceremonies (Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999: 57). 907 Säflund 1965: 71, 78, figs. 49, 59-60.

908

Säflund 1965: 72 (Table 5). Blegen 1928: 65. 910 Blegen 1928: 65. 911 Spyropoulos 1973a: 21, pl. 10b. 912 Kanta 1979: 150. 913 Papadimitriou 1954: 79-80, figs. 5-6. Demakopoulou (1971: 97) reads the scene as a female figure, holding a flower, shown presumably in a floral landscape. 914 Kilian 1980; Wright 1995b: 304. 915 Marinatos 1986: 26. Long (1974: 36) suggests the employment of a mixture of water and wine. 909

89

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead deliberate destruction of grave furnishings, an aspect of which is the smashing of vessels, has attracted scholarly interest922. The destruction of funerary goods is often associated with rites of reversal whereby ‘the dead man is given food he cannot eat, objects he cannot use, and rights he cannot exercise’923. The eschatology of these reversal procedures is that a world of the dead inverted to that of the living924.

to have power both over the living and the dead and at the same time, bidding farewell to the deceased916. In 1986 Laffineur suggested that the scene on the sarcophagus is a mixture of the Minoan tradition of addressing the divine and of the Mycenaean custom of toasting the dead917. However, in 1991, influenced by the Homeric tradition and the excavations at the Mycenaean cemetery of Palaiokastro in Arcadia, Laffineur advanced an alternative interpretation, i.e. that the scene illustrates an act of necromancy918. Although Laffineur’s interpretation is interesting and consistent with the archaeological evidence from Palaiokastro, for lack of further evidence as regards rites of necromancy in prehistoric Greece, it would be sensible to suggest that the scene serves as visualisation of the combination of offering and invocation rites connected with funerary cult.

Wiesner cited several examples of the practice from the Middle and Late Bronze Age and assumed that the item, e.g. a dagger, was considered to be the personal property of the deceased and thus the survivors were not allowed to use it925; nevertheless, the fear that the dead person would be capable of using it against the living would have necessitated the destruction of the object926. Åström, who also treated the matter without reaching definite conclusions, accepted Wiesner’s suggestion and argued that the repeated occurrences of the practice may suggest a final funerary rite927. Grinsell examined the phenomenon over a wide range of examples in chronological and regional terms and provided eleven explanations928.

According to N. Marinatos, on side B another type of libation is depicted919. To the right of the decorative panel, a priestess is standing in front of a low altar on top of which a bowl has been placed. Above the altar a libation jug is depicted and on a higher level a basket with what seems to be fruit. According to her interpretation of the scene, a libation is to be performed and fruit is to be deposited in the bowl. Thus, the libation ritual on side A signifies the death aspect connected with funerary cult; on the other side (side B) there is animal sacrifice connected with renewal symbolised by the tree-shrine and the bowl of fruit920.

Soles drew a line between ritual ‘killing’, i.e. the destruction of a vessel that belonged to the deceased, and ritual ‘breakage’ of pottery, i.e. an act that terminates a larger ceremony in which the particular vase was used; the ritual killing of a vessel denotes ownership on behalf of the deceased, whereas ritual breakage may be connected with superstition or the emotional state of those who perform the rite as well as an expression of surplus wealth and status929.

For Cavanagh, the performance of funerary libations ‘is a liminal rite, at the blocking of the tomb, it is a classical rite of separation involving the smashing of vessels, and evidently a collective rite involving more than one mourner’921. In modern Greece the container holding the wine for the ablutions of the dead is shattered immediately after the funerary procession leaves the house and the deceased is transferred to the final resting place; this is definitely a rite of separation. Nevertheless, the smashing of the drinking vessels employed during the ritual acts supports the stomion’s symbolic and eschatological connotations in the context of Mycenaean rites of passage.

According to Leach, the ‘killing’ of artefacts associated with the dead can be linked to concerns about pollution and to the means by which possessions become ‘dead’ so that they may accompany the dead to another dimension930. Along the same line of argument, the smashing of the drinking vessels would have entailed the pouring of the appropriate liquids to the dead and the belief that the dead could acquire the essence of the object offered through breakage. A similar function may have been served by another phenomenon that has been neglected to a certain extent, i.e. the hiding of precious objects in pits in front or under the stomion of several Mycenaean tombs, e.g. Dendra 2931.

This ritual act is illustrative of the blurring of the boundaries between the living and the dead whereas, at the same time, its association with the blocking of the stomion may be suggestive of the severing of the bonds between the two worlds. Could such tie-breaking acts be taken to signify not only the separation between life and death, but also between mundanity and sanctity? The

922

Among others, Andronikos (1968: 100), Desborough (1972: 312), Fossey (1985), Wilkie (1987: 132-133), Wells (1990: 136), Cavanagh and Mee (1998: 122). 923 Goody 1962: 72ff. Anthropologically, the issue has been treated by, among others, by Ucko (1969) with respect to corresponding rites among the Zulu. 924 Parker Pearson 1999: 26. 925 Wiesner 1938: 141, 152, 170, 180. 926 Wiesner 1938: 170, 180. 927 Åström 1987: 213-217, esp. 216. 928 Grinsell 1961; idem 1973. 929 Soles 1999: 787. 930 Leach 1976; Parker Pearson 1999: 26. 931 Persson 1931: 75ff., figs. 49-51. Supra p. 67.

916

Long 1974: 40, 73. Laffineur 1986: 84. 918 Laffineur 1991a. The excavation of the Mycenaean ‘Deathoracle’ at Palaiokastro (Arcadia) will be discussed in connection to the Dendra ‘Cenotaph’. 919 Marinatos 1986: 26. 920 Marinatos 1986: 27. 921 Cavanagh 1998: 106. 917

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Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead of the custom, e.g. the apparatuses used, the combination of ritual vessels, their positioning within the chamber and the use of permanent installations for the facilitation of the rites.

The continual offering of the appropriate honours and gifts to the dead would have been facilitated by the presence of single or pairs of grooves in the stomion of a number of Mycenaean tombs, as has been discussed in Chapter IV. In Prosymna tomb II, several arrowheads and a bead of amethyst were placed in one of the two shallow grooves cut into the rock along the north-eastern doorjamb932, an offering to those buried in the chamber. Interestingly, Prosymna II, one of the largest tombs in the necropolis, is the only tomb that also features a decorated façade, thus providing the appropriate focus and locus for ritual activity.

In three out of the seven excavated chamber tombs at Apatheia/Galatas, namely B1, A1 and A5, a small pouring vessel was deposited near their inner entrance, a feature that was associated with libation rituals937. The small jug from tomb B1 was carefully pierced, after firing, not at the bottom -as is the norm- but in the area of the belly opposite the handle so that the pouring of the liquid was achieved only by slightly lowering the hand holding the vessel938. Interestingly, both in chamber tombs B1 and A1 at Apatheia/Galatas the easternmost part of the chamber was left empty to serve, according to the excavator, as ‘the standing place of the persons who performed the ceremony’939.

The suggestion that grooves were channels intended to facilitate the communication -by means of pouring libations- between the mourners and the deceased after the stomion had been blocked has been advanced by Åkeström933 followed by Cavanagh and Mee who also understood the stomion as a passage and at the same time as a barrier in literal and spiritual terms, and suggested that grooves should be interpreted from this perspective934. Although, the feature was not regionally widespread, it is suggestive of the local tradition and expression of ancestor respect and reverence in individual Mycenaean communities. Associated with the presence of serving, pouring and drinking vessels in the dromos filling and the stomion packing, these grooves provide strong and positive evidence à propos the postliminal ceremonies connected with the dead in Mycenaean times935.

The occurrence of a juglet and a small rounded alabastron to the right of the inner entrance to tomb A5 in the same cemetery has also been linked to pouring rites in which honey and water or wine were employed940. A similar pattern has been reported from Tanagra tomb 97, where a jug and a pyxis were placed to the left of the inner entrance, whereas on the opposite side two more groups of vessels associated with liquids were placed, namely an alabastron, a lekanis and a cup in the first group, and a beaked jug and a lekanis in the second941. Significant is the presence of rhyta for they provide ample evidence on the liquids and method employed (fig. 77a). A connection with pouring ceremonies has been suggested for the conical fillers from tombs XLIV, III and XXXIV, and the bird-shaped vessels from tombs XXXVIII, XVIII and XXXIII at Prosymna942. Excavations have unearthed LH IIIA-B rhyta in the cemetery at Aidonia, but only one LH IIB example has been illustrated in the preliminary publication of the finds943. The importance of rhyta at the necropolis of Deiras is stressed by the presence of numerous fragments belonging to this category of vessels, dated to LH IIIA2/B, in the dromos and in the chamber, e.g. tomb XII944. Attic and Boeotian cemeteries have also produced evidence for the use of ritual fillers, e.g. Varkiza/Vari,

Drinking and pouring ceremonies within the burial chamber: the archaeological evidence The disturbance noted in the chamber of Mycenaean tombs as result of looting, multiple burials and secondary treatment rites could be extremely restrictive as regards the study of libation and drinking ceremonies in honour of the dead936. Moreover, the bias observed towards the interpretation of all pottery -intact or fragmentary- as being part of the funerary furnishings, has prevented the thorough examination of the data and subsequently the suggestion that the chamber was the focus of a series of post-funerary ceremonies connected with the ancestral spirits. Additionally, one should take into account the variations observed in the performance 932

Blegen 1937: 175. A hoard of bronze vessels, a knife and two razors were deposited in one of the grooves in tholos 1 at Tragana (Marinatos 1955: 248-249). 933 Åkeström 1988: 203-205. 934 Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 49. 935 One should not exclude the possibility that pits serving as receptacles for libations might have been situated in close proximity to the graves as in the case of the cemetery at Kamini, Naxos, where a number of vessels were found intact in the south slope, a place where no burials had taken place (Mastrapas 1996: 799 with relevant bibliography). 936 Given the fact that most of the pottery retrieved from tombs is fragmentary, Cavanagh and Mee have stressed the archaeologist’s difficulty in identifying deliberate smashing of pottery and other offerings (1998: 112).

937

Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 217-218, fig. LXXd. Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 217, pls. LXIXd, LXXa. Reservations have been expressed as regards the ritualistic function of another pierced jug from the same tomb, swept aside with other material into the northwest corner of the chamber (ibid, note 30). 939 Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 217-218. 940 Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 218, pl. LXXIa. 941 Spyropoulos 1976a: 61-62. 942 Blegen 1937: 454-455. 943 Kaza-Papageorgiou 1998: 38, 40 no 3. 944 Stubbings 1947: 55; Deshayes 1966: 36, 162, pl. XLVI(3). 938

91

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead Spata, Alyki and Tanagra945. According to Immerwahr, a ritual usage could not be claimed for all cited examples of rhyta and ritual vessels from the Agora tombs; thus one could identify them either as copies of a prototype of a ritual shape or as possessing certain peculiarities suggestive of a ritual interpretation, without ruling out their association with liquid offerings in honour of the dead946. The abundance of rhyta in the necropolises of Vourvatsi (Attica)947 and Kallithea (Boeotia)948 may stress the regionalism observed in the adoption of diverse customs and traditions with which local communities perceived themselves as different from their neighbours, judging by the fact that analogous numbers are not attested in any of the neighbouring cemeteries.

central depression Kephallenia957.

from

Metaxata

tomb

ΣΤ,

Interesting is the case of tomb XLIV at Prosymna, where a set of ritual objects, namely a table of offerings -consisting of a circular disc-like upper portion supported by a hollow cylindrical stem and containing a shallow central basin surrounded by a flat rim with 12 small sinkings-, a cup, three jugs pierced at the bottom (one decorated with double axes) and a conical rhyton accompanied the earliest occupant of the tomb (LH I)958. The rather specialised character of the vases led Blegen to classify them as insignia of priestly office, rejecting his original hypothesis that they might have been ‘the accessories by the aid of which worship of the dead was conducted’959. Substantial evidence for the identification of the tomb as the sepulchre of a priestly family was considered to be the presence of a later (LH III) burial in the same tomb furnished with a gold signet ring and a small triple kernos, a vessel universally accepted as sacral960.

Apart from the funnel-shaped fillers, a pierced jug decorated with a zone of figure-of-eight shields (fig. 77b) and a bucket-shaped pot with a pierced base were also deposited in the tombs at Vourvatsi949. The class of vessels perforated either at the bottom or in the body Salamis include specimens from Kopreza950, 951 952 (Chalioti) , Prosymna XLIV , Deiras VIII and XII953, tholos 2 at Magoula/Galatas954 and Kokla tomb II955, and were used for the performance of libations in a way similar to cultic contexts, e.g. Asine.

Upon the authority of Blegen, Immerwahr suggested that tomb XXVI in the Athenian Agora, which contained a pierced hydria and a ritual vase of pomegranate shape, belonged to ‘a person of some religious stature’961. Although this may seem appealing, her hypothesis runs up against the fact that the recognition of priest burials is far from conclusive in Mycenaean funerary record.

Closely linked to the performance of libations are the socalled tripod tables of offerings. Despite the complete absence of traces of burning, this ritual apparatus has frequently been identified as a portable hearth, although its purpose was to serve as a receptacle for the liquids poured from a libation vessel or for bloodless offerings, e.g. barley, flour, fruit, or weapons, jewellery and/or vases, as in the depiction from Naxos956. Unfortunately, up to the present only a few examples of this type have survived in the Mycenaean funerary record in the areas under discussion; however, one should take into account the fact that a simple slab or a large boulder could have served the purpose as, for example, the slab with a

A small clay tripod table of offerings was deposited in the chamber of Mycenae 46, but no description or any other detail is given962. A similar instance has been reported from the Tanagra cemetery963; unfortunately, the conditions of discovery or even the tomb in which it was uncovered are not specified. A miniature painted terracotta table of offerings has been discovered in tomb XXXV at Deiras and is dated to early LH IIIB (fig 78a)964. This is a unique example consisting of a disc featuring a conical shallow phiale supported by three legs protruding obliquely from the bottom of the disc965. A small shallow dish on three legs of LH III date was discovered mixed with skeletal remains, vessels (liquid containers, drinking and serving vases) and other

945

Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1988: 96-97; Stubbings 1947: 5558; Furtwängler and Löschke 1886: pl. XVIII, 137; Demakopoulou and Konsola 1981: 85. 946 Immerwahr 1971: 137-138. 947 Kyparissis 1927-28: 9-10, figs. 26 and 27; Stubbings 1947: 55-56. 948 Spyropoulos 1970d: 329-330, fig. 4; ArchDelt. 26 (1971) 214, pl. 185e. 949 Stubbings 1947: 57-58. Stubbings was willing to accept that the figure-of-eight shield-pattern was associated with some sort of cultic activity. Note, though, Nilsson’s dissent opinion (19502: 352). 950 Stubbings 1947: 56, fig. 25C. 951 Cavanagh 1977: 80. 952 Blegen 1937: 213-214. 953 Deshayes 1953: 80, fig, 22(2); idem 1966: 163. 954 Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 219. 955 Demakopoulou 1993: 70. 956 Nilsson 19502: 123; Mylonas 1966: 163-164; Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1982: 20ff.; Hägg 1990: 183.

957

Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999: 57. Blegen 1937: 408-409. References and detailed description of the tripod table of offerings are given in Blegen (1937: 211ff., 408-409), Higgins (1956: 40), Andronikos (1968: 91), Polychronakou-Sgouritsa (1982: 21, note 2). Moreover, Blegen detected in this type of object the link between the libation tables and the large group of composite vessels or kernoi. 959 Blegen 1937: 213-214. 960 Blegen 1937: 214. 961 Immerwahr 1971: 228. 962 Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 119. 963 Spyropoulos 1971a: 14. 964 Deshayes 1966: 108, 163, pl. XCVI(10). 965 Of the same type but of larger dimensions is the tripod table of offerings unearthed in Tholos 2 at Myrsinochori (Routsi), Messenia (Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1982: 24, 28). 958

92

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead offerings (figurine, pendant and two buttons of steatite) in the chamber of Prosymna XLV (fig. 78b)966.

interaction of movable equipment and permanent installations in pouring and feasting ceremonies971.

The relative absence of tripod tables of offerings from the LH funerary record on the one hand and the use of grooves and benches on the other may imply a deliberate choice of alternative media through which the living community would have repeatedly performed the customary rites to the dead. At this point, it is worth mentioning the existence of a wooden table used for the deposition of a group of bronze vessels as suggested by the stain of decayed wood, traces of blue pigment and ivory inlays in the chamber of tomb III at the Athenian Agora967. A rectangular slab, most probably part of a table as indicated by its association with four holes in the floor of the chamber of a tomb at Megalo Kastelli (Thebes) was found next to a bench968. Its parallel is probably to be found in the large stone plaque with a number of circular holes, which occupied the back wall of the chamber tomb at Bakla Tepe969. Undoubtedly, the architectural arrangement of the typical Mycenaean tombs and the nature of LH IIIA-B mortuary customs might have rendered the function of benches as altars or tables of offerings more appropriate in these terms. Ritual significance should be attributed to the presence of service sets of vessels carefully placed on or near low platforms or benches inside the burial chamber, as in the case of Tanagra 94, Mycenae 518, Prosymna V, VI and X, Berbati 1, and the Tomb with the Ivory Pyxides in the Athenian Agora. In tomb 94 at Tanagra, the deposition of a skyphos on a low platform was part of the religious ceremonies performed during the secondary treatment of the dead and the subsequent removal of all skeletal remains away from the tomb

The most intriguing case of pouring ceremonies and offerings to the sacred ancestral spirits is represented in the tholos tomb at Kokla972. At the base of the wall blocking the tholos’ entrance two shattered kylikes were uncovered. Inside the chamber, four silver drinking vessels (two kylikes and two conical cups, both of small sizes) as well as two kylikes and one cup, also of silver, had been deposited on and beneath a low bench respectively. The excavator argued that the precious objects comprised a service set most likely employed in burial rituals, whereas the two kylikes in the stomion were the remains of a farewell drink after the burial ceremony973. However, the burial chamber produced no evidence for primary interments and the blocking wall of the stomion was found intact. The excavator herself has suggested that the tholos might have been re-opened and re-entered before the final removal of the skeletal remains. The position of the precious drinking vessels on the bench associated with the double sacrifice of sheep/goats unearthed in front of the stomion, reject the hypothesis of their use and display in a funerary ceremony, and, instead, support the suggestion that they constitute the material evidence of an act of offering, respect and propitiation towards the ancestral spirits, and at the same time of a nexus of religious activities in which the symbolic connotations of the tholos’ tripartite division were employed974. ‘...and around it poured a libation to all the dead…’: concluding remarks on the significance and purpose of libation rituals and drinking ceremonies in the Mycenaean cult of the dead

The example of the Tomb with the Ivory Pyxides in the Athenian Agora, a sepulchre that was found virtually empty of human remains with the blocking wall of the stomion intact, is particularly enlightening since it produced a set of vessels comprising of three threehandled jars, an amphoroid beaked jug and two squat alabastra placed on the east rock-cut bench of the chamber970. Considering the fact that similar patterns are also attested in other tombs, it would be feasible to argue that the bench in this case as in other cases recorded in Chapter IV served as a receptacle for libations or as a table for the deposition of offerings. The predominance of kylikes, both of normal and miniature versions, from Tholoi 1 and 2 at Magoula/Galatas is appealing and their co-occurrence with an altar-bench, situated to the right of the inner entrance of Tholos 1, and animal bones reveals the

Χέειν the dead constituted a central rite during the burial and the post-funerary ceremonies of Mycenaean times. Although scepticism can be expressed on the extent to which archaeologists are able to distinguish between funerary rites and the cult of the dead given the presence of shattered pots in Mycenaean sepulchres, it is possible, as has been demonstrated above, to mark certain occasions. The purposes of funerary cult, that is the invocation of the presence of the ancestral spirits and the communication with the dead, would have been achieved, among other rites, by pouring liquids through the grooves, performing drinking ceremonies and depositing vessels associated with liquids on various parts of the tomb, e.g. niches in the stomion, pits under

971

Konsolaki-Yannopoulou 2001b: 218-218. Demakopoulou 1990: 119-122. 973 Demakopoulou 1990: 119, 122. 974 N. Marinatos has argued that it may be possible that the position of the ritual vessels may be suggestive of ritual acts that took place not at the time of the funeral but on the occasion of secondary burial (see discussion in Celebrations 123).

966

972

Blegen 1937: 219, 221 no 312, fig. 557 (632). 967 Immerwahr 1971: 171. See also the report of what appear to be traces of a wooden table from the chamber tomb at Koukaki (Onasoglou 1979: 20). 968 ArchDelt. 22 (1967) 228. 969 Georgiadis 2003: 83-84. 970 Immerwahr 1971: 159ff.

93

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead and Tiryns982. The relatively high percentage of oil containers at Asine and Tiryns (ca. 25% and 20% respectively) and, specifically, of flat alabastra at the Kalkani cemetery is suggestive of the preference of these local communities for closed type vessels983.

the entrance, low platforms or benches in the chamber, or directly on the floor. One though may wonder whether there existed in Mycenaean times a matrix of eschatological beliefs and traditions requiring the living to propitiate the departed with liquid offerings and vessels and, more importantly, presupposing the belief that the soul was present and capable of participating in these ceremonies.

The LH III shift from alabastra to stirrup jars observed at Prosymna has been explained either as literally cosmetic or as promoted by palatial involvement in the perfumed oil industry984. The use of tin on a number of vessels from Asine, Nauplion, Berbati, Mycenae, Dendra and Prosymna, a pattern also observed at Athens (Veikou 123-125 & Aglauron Str. and Agora tomb III), Tanagra, Ialysos, Vounteni Patron, Ellinika Antheias and Knossos could classify them as special status vessels985, synchronously, however, it could be an indication of conscious regional differentiation as regards the deliberate choice of elaborate vessels for the dead.

The occurrence of drinking vessels and pottery associated with liquids in the funerary contexts of the central areas of the Mycenaean dominion In her analysis of the pottery unearthed in the tombs of the Athenian Agora, Immerwahr suggested that the large vases contained wine for consumption by the funerary party and for symbolic refreshment of the dead975. In 1979 Vermeule pointed to the popularity of the pilgrim flask in Mycenaean tombs and assumed that this type of vessel may have served the need of the dead for liquids976. Sourvinou-Inwood’s suggestion that ‘there is no evidence for any marked thirst of the dead in the Aegean area until the 4th century Orphic texts’ could be overruled by the careful examination of pottery assemblages from Mycenaean burials977.

A preference for closed type vessels is evident in the necropolis at Kokla, the closest parallel being the material from Mycenae, Prosymna and Deiras986; piriform jars, rounded and straight-sided alabastra, jugs with cutaway necks, shallow cups and small handless jars of LH IIIA1 date are present in chamber tombs II, VI, VIIA and VII B987, whereas stirrup jars, alabastra, piriform jars and cups of several types continue into LH IIIA2 as indicated by their presence in tombs II, VI, VII A, VII B, VIII, IX and X988. The commonest vessels of LH IIIB date include stirrup and piriform jars, jugs, pilgrim flasks and hydriai and they occur in tombs II, IV, VI and VIII989.

The placement of a drinking vessel by the hand or the face of the deceased in a number of MH/EMyc graves at Lerna led Zerner to wonder ‘whether cups were given to the dead so that they could share in a symbolic drink with friends and family, or that they might have serviceable containers for refreshment on a journey to the afterworld’978. Quite remarkably, a dark burnished jug was placed in the hands of a woman buried in grave MH 98 from the Lower Town of Asine, an indication that even in MH times the belief existed that the spirit required food and drink979. The latest occupant of pit κ in the chamber of Diakata tomb 1 (Kephallenia) was found with the lip of a kylix by his mouth and a krater beside his head980. For Lewartowski, such finds provide clear proof of the deceased’s participation in the customary rites981.

At Dendra the stemmed cup or kylix predominates with an overall percentage of 40.3%, whereas a total of 20.6% is equally divided between the pithoid jar and the squat jug990. At Deiras stirrup jars, cups and kylikes, bowls and kraters are the favourite vessel types991. The apparent preference for closed vessels, namely amphorae, alabastra, pyxides and feeding bottles, in the cemetery at Aidonia is consistent with the rest of the Korinthian tomb material, e.g. Zygouries tombs XXXIII and XXXV992. Customarily, a tendency is observed

Based on the examination of six groups of vessels (jars and similar containers, jugs and pouring vessels, open shapes, unguent vessels, oil containers and ritual vases), Cavanagh has demonstrated that open types (kylikes, deep bowls, etc) consistently formed almost 40% of the pottery unearthed in the cemeteries of Prosymna, Asine

982

Cavanagh 1998: 108. Wace 1932: 143. He characteristically mentioned that eight flat alabastra were uncovered in tombs 515 and 518, whereas fourteen in tomb 518. 984 Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 72, fig. 6.20; Shelmerdine 1985. 985 Immerwahr 1966: 381ff.; eadem 1971: 170ff.; Pantelidou 1971: esp. 437-438; Demakopoulou and Konsola 1981: 84, 86; Wright 1995b: 300; Gillis 1996: 1197ff.; ArchDelt. 48 (1993) B, 123; Koumouzelis 1996: 1227. 986 Demakopoulou 1993: 70-71. 987 Demakopoulou 1993: 67-68. 988 Demakopoulou 1993: 68-69. 989 Demakopoulou 1993: 69-70. 990 Niklasson 1981-82: 213, fig. 1. 991 Deshayes 1966: 142ff. 992 Kaza-Papagergiou 1998: 38ff.; Mountjoy 1999: 200; Blegen 1928: 57-65. 983

975

Immerwahr 1971: 105. Vermeule 1979: 57-58 977 Sourvinou-Inwood 1973: 566. 978 Zerner 1990: 23. 979 Nordquist 1990: 40, fig. 9. She also noted that ‘the spirit could have been fed in other manners, with food- and drinkofferings that have left no trace’ (ibid.). 980 ArchDelt. 5 (1919) 99ff.; Souyoudgoglou-Haywood 1999: 56. 981 Lewartowski 2001: 59. 976

94

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead Interesting is the assemblage of pottery types in Boeotian burial contexts chronologically and regionally. Open shapes are relatively absent in LH IIIA1; instead, small piriform jars, alabastra and beaked jugs seem to be the favourite vessel types during this period1002. It is noteworthy that unguent vessels comprise almost onethird (30%) of the pottery unearthed in Theban burials1003. Beaked jugs are decorated in the Ephyrean style with argonaut patterns at Thebes and palm or papyrus at Tanagra.

towards closed vessels deposited with the dead in the cemeteries of the north-eastern Peloponnese993. From LH IIIA2 onwards an astonishingly large number of open vessels such as kraters, kylikes, spouted cups, one-handled bowls and deep cups with nipples or horizontal side handles, has been reported from Attic cemeteries, possibly another indication of the diversity observed in Mycenaean mortuary traditions994. Following an assessment of pottery groups in Central Greece, Cavanagh concluded that although the overall trends are similar, certain outliers or unexpected values could be detected995.

In LH IIIA2 open shapes appear, especially in the Tanagra necropolises where the stemmed bowl seems to be replacing the kylix. Mugs, carinated conical cups, spouted bowls FS 249, high-handled bowls FS 253 and kylikes are also present. In LH IIIB, the stirrup jar, the deep bowl and the kylix become more popular than other vessel types; conversely, the piriform jar and the alabastron are underrepresented. Characteristic is the case of Kallithea near Thebes, where, like Vourvatsi, a number of rhyta appear in the tombs.

At Vourvatsi open vessels, in particular kylikes, form nearly 50% of the pottery assemblage, a high percentage that could account for the virtual absence of alabastra only three examples of LH IIIA-B date have been reported996. Their co-occurrence with rhyta and other pouring vessels is by no means accidental and may be suggestive of the explicit symbolic connotations the performance of pouring ceremonies held for the local community. The vases employed at the necropolis at Eleusis are ‘in the main such that contain liquid or are used for drinking’, an observation based on the abundance of false-necked amphorae, jugs, alabastra, stamnoi, cups and saucers, kylikes, skyphoi and other types997. All tombs at Brauron were equipped with alabastra, kylikes, cups, askoi, bowls, jugs, amphorae and stirrup jars. The pottery analysis of Varkiza demonstrates similar patterns and close relations to Vourvatsi, Kopreza, Pikermi, Thorikos, Brauron, Velanideza, Alyki, Phaleron and other neighbouring cemeteries998.

Euboea appears to follow the prototypes set by Boeotia1004. In LH IIIA1, the rounded alabastron, the piriform jar and the beaked jug are the commonest vessel types deposited with the dead. Moreover, a local hybrid shape comprising a cross between an alabastron and a piriform jar is introduced. During the subsequent period, closed vessels form the majority of pottery offered to the departed, with stirrup jars, alabastra and piriform jars being the predominant types. Despite the diversity observed in the adoption and display of certain pottery types, in regional and temporal terms, the shared choice of several Mycenaean communities to present their dead with vessels associated with liquids is appealing. Corroborating is the evidence from the religious Linear B text, PY Tn 316, which specifies a number of deities and heroes as recipients of three types of drinking vessels, notably bowls (*213vas), goblets (*215vas) and chalices (*216vas),

On the other hand, notable is the absence of oilcontainers and, in particular stirrup jars, from the Athenian tombs. Open shapes are not popular; instead, the local Athenian Red Wash Ware predominates999. The omission and/or preference of various types may be suggestive of the conscious choice of the Athenians not to present their dead with vases similar to those from other Attic cemeteries1000. This may be indicative of the close relations between Athens, Salamis and Aigina, areas that present similar distributional patterns, but not with the rest of Attica during this period1001.

PU-RO

2

i-ke-to-qe pa-ki-ja-si do-ra-qe pe-re po-re-na-qe 3 a-ke po-ti-ni-ja AUR*215VAS MUL 1

{

all made of gold1005 1

po-ro-wi-to-jo ma-na-sa AUR*213VAS 1 MUL 1 po-si-da-e-ja AUR*213VAS 1 MUL 1 5 VAS ti-ri-se-ro-e AUR*216 1 do-po-ta AUR*215VAS 1 6 vacat 7-10 vacant PU-RO

993

Mountjoy 1999: 71ff. 994 Mountjoy 1999: 493-494. Niklasson’s analysis of Attic pottery demonstrated that false-necked jars formed 20.4% of the pottery assemblage followed by the stemmed cup with a percentage of 8.5% (Niklasson 1981-82: 217, fig. 6). 995 Cavanagh 1998: 108-109. 996 Cavanagh 1998: 108-109; Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 74 note 176. This could also be applied in the cases of Kopreza and Pikermi. 997 Mylonas 1975b: 229ff., 320-321. 998 Polychronakou-Sgouritsa 1988. 999 Mountjoy 1999: 494. 1000 Cavanagh 1998: 109. 1001 Mountjoy 1999: 494.

4

1002

Mountjoy 1999: 645. Cavanagh 1998: fig. 7.2. 1004 Mountjoy 1999: 695-696. 1005 Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 286-287; Murray 1979: 234. 1003

95

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead receive any1015. The scenes of prothesis and presentation of the dead on the mainland sarcophagi suggest that those concerned with the preparation of the corpse were not of priestly office but rather the female members of the deceased’s family or even professional mourners1016. On the other hand, the female figures dressed in the Minoan festal garment with poloi on a number of larnakes have been interpreted as priestesses participating in the rites, an indication that ‘at a minimum the scenes imply that ideally the religious hierarchy should join in the obsequies’1017. Moreover, the ritual scenes on the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus and the Tanagra larnakes suggest that, at least during postfunerary ritual, religious specialists were instructing the ceremonies, e.g. libations, sacrifice, theophoria.

The entry ti-ri-se-ro-e (the Trice-hero), the recipient of a golden chalice, has raised intense debate. The name appears again in PY Fr 1204 as the recipient of rosescented oil1006 ti-ri-se-ro-e wo-do-we OLEUM Z 1. Hemberg connected the name with a Mycenaean cult of a deified ancestor and drew a parallel between the Linear B mention and the Attic τρι(το)πάτορες, ‘greatgrandfathers’, who functioned as θυρωροί and φύλακες των ανέµων1007. Palmer understood ti-ri-se-ro-e as the Clan Ancestor and Doria as the divine name of a great hero1008. Interestingly, KN Sc 244 records the mention ero-e, which may correspond to the Greek ηρως and could refer to a deified hero who receives a chariot (*240) as a votive offering1009. However, on the basis that the Homeric ήρως does not always denote divine or semi-divine status but appears to be rather an epithet of respect, Gérard-Rousseau rejected the previous interpretations and compared the name with the Christian use of the latin dominus, which signifies both a secular and a divine title1010.

Priestly stature could also be attributed to the members of the male processions depicted on the larnakes from Tanagra tombs 6 and 601018. On the long side of a larnax from tomb 6, two pairs of men separated by a checkerboard panel are performing ritual gestures (fig. 79a). N. Marinatos has suggested that the architectural setting of the scene, implied by the checker divider, might be the tomb or some unspecified and deliberately vague focal point connected with funerary rites1019. The first male figure on the left panel could be identified as exarchos judging by the fact that he is the only person holding a ritual flame-shaped instrument. The fact that a deliberate differentiation is observed in the presentation of the ‘helmets’ or the πίλοι they wear may indicate a distinction of priestly or political status or office, or even both, the same differentiation is attested on the scene of larnax 1 from tomb 60 (fig. 79b)1020.

L.R. Palmer correctly remarked that the meaning of Clan Ancestor is compatible with what has been suggested for the adjacent entry do-po-ta1011. The recording has been connected with the Greek δεσπότης (*dems-, with variant *doms- or *dms-) and hence deciphered as the ‘Lord of the House’ or ‘the patron divinity of the palace or of the royal dynasty’1012. Ruipérez and Melena have suggested that ti-ri-se-ro-e and do-po-ta may be ‘λατρευτικές µορφές ηρώων προγόνων’1013. Interestingly, Ventris and Chadwick noted that unlike the other divine recipients in PY Tn 316, neither of the two entries under discussion receives a man or a woman, most probably cup-bearers1014.

Thus, although there is evidence that at least on certain occasions religious personnel attended and performed ceremonies connected with death rituals, there is definitely no indication of the existence of a class of priests charged exclusively with the performance of funerary ritual in Mycenaean times. Alternatively, since funerary cult appears as part of the Mycenaean official religious institutions, the personnel of local sanctuaries

If the ideograms of MAN and WOMAN, designated as po-re-na to the gods, signify religious functionaries or ‘slaves’ for corresponding sanctuaries, it may be possible to explain why ti-ri-se-ro-e and do-po-ta do not

1015

The entries have created much room for debate and will be discussed in detail in the section on human sacrifice in the present study. 1016 This may be reminiscent of the later Greek tradition that priests were not supposed to come in contact with the dead (Cavanagh and Mee 1998: 106; Parker 1983: 36, 43). In modern Greece the priest enters the house of the dead person to give his blessing to and lead the funerary procession to the church. Even after the end of the funeral ceremony, the dearest relative assumes the task of untying the hands of the deceased and not the priest. 1017 Cavanagh and Mee 1995: 46; idem 1998: 107-108. 1018 Spyropoulos 1969a: pl. 4b, 6a; idem 1971a: pl. 17a-b 1019 Marinatos 1997: 284. 1020 A variety of cloth for officials is recorded on Linear B tablets, e.g. e-ke-si-jo/-ja, (KN Lc 525, TH Of 36), or wa-naka-te-ra (KN Ld 571, PY Ed 845). Differentiation is also observed in the depiction of male heads bearing different types of head coverings on glass plaques, e.g. glass artefacts from the tholos at Menidi (Lolling et al. 1880: pl. V).

1006

Palmer 1963: 241. Hemberg 1954; Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 289. The τριτοπάτορες were divinities worshipped at Athens to whom prayers were offered for childbirths; cf. τριτοπατρης, divinities worshipped by clans, γένη (Palmer 1963: 263). 1008 Palmer 1963: 263; Doria 1965: 239. Palaima (1999: 454) also accepts that the ti-ri-se-ro-e has associations with the term hero and the ancestral cult of clans. 1009 Interpretation put forward by Hošek in 1958 (non vidi, cited in Gérard-Rousseau 1968: 223). 1010 Gérard-Rousseau 1968: 222-224. 1011 Palmer 1963: 263. 1012 Hemberg 1954; Georgiev 1960: 69; Palmer 1963: 263; Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 541; Palaima 1999: 454. Note, however, the dissenting views by Murray (1979: 147) and Gérard-Rousseau (1968: 79). 1013 Ruipérez and Melena 1996: 190. 1014 Ventris and Chadwick 19732: 289. 1007

96

Ritual Action and the Mycenaean Cult of the Dead record, notably the Minoan bottomless vessels, and the later epigraphical references (the Orphic gold-leaf guides for the dead and testimonies in other ancient texts, e.g. Galen’s De temperamentis)1023. The same scholar understood dipisijewijo as a shrine dedicated to chthonian deities, ancestors or heroes1024.

might have been charged with the performance of the appropriate rites in honour of the dead either at the graveside or during festivals associated with the ancestors. This may adequately explain why the ancestral figures on Tn 316 do not receive any humans as personnel but only drinking vessels. On the other hand, the association between liquids and ceremonies related to the dead could be reflected in the Linear B mention of a class of recipients, the dipsioi or the Thirsty Ones, as shall be discussed below.

Luria, Petruševski and Shelmerdine suggested that it signifies a place name1025, whereas Gérard-Rousseau interpreted it in terms of *δεψιοις (