The Mughals and the North-east: Encounter and Assimilation in Medieval India 1032523042, 9781032523040

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THE MUGHALS AND THE NORTH-EAST

There is a perception that the region of north east India maintained its ‘splendid isolation’ and remained outside the reach of the Mughals and did not have a pre-colonial past. The present book is an attempt to decenter and demolish the said perceptions and asserts that north east India did have a ‘medieval’ past through linkage with the dominant central power in India – the Mughals. The eastern frontier of this Mughal Empire was constituted by a number of states like Bengal, Koch Bihar, Assam, Manipur, Dimasa, Jaintia, Cachar, Tripura, Khasi confederation, Chittagong, Lushai and the Nagas. Of these, some areas like Bengal were an integral part of the Mughal Empire, while others like Koch Bihar and Assam were in and out of the empire. Tripura, Manipur, Jaintia and Cachar were frequently overrun by the Mughals whenever the State was short of revenue and withdrew soon without incorporating them in the state. Despite not being a formal part of the Mughal Empire, the society, economy, polity and culture of the north east India, however, had been majorly impacted by the Mughal presence. The brief, but effective advent of the Mughals had supplanted certain political and revenue institutions in various states. It generated trade and commerce, which linked it to rest of India. A number of wondering Sufi saints, Islamic missionaries, imprisoned Mughal soldiers and officers were settled in various states, which resulted in a substantial Muslim population growth in the region. Besides the population, there are numerous Islamic and syncretic institutions, cultures, and shrines, which dot the entire region. Sajal Nag is currently a Senior Professor and Head, Department of History and Dean, School of Social Sciences, Assam University, Silchar. He is the author of The Beleaguered Nation: Making and Unmaking of the Assamese Nationality (Manohar: 2016); and Contesting Marginality: Ethnicity, Insurgency and Sub Nationalism in North-East India (Manohar: 2002); among others.

THE MUGHALS AND

THE NORTH-EAST

Encounter and Assimilation in

Medieval India

Edited by

SAJAL NAG

MANOHAR

2024

First published 2024 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2024 Sajal Nag and Manohar Publishers The right of contributors to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan or Bhutan) British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 9781032523040 (hbk) ISBN: 9781032523057 (pbk) ISBN: 9781003406020 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003406020 Typeset in Adobe Garamond 11/13 by Kohli Print, Delhi 110051

For Dear PARWEZ (Prof. Muhammed Parwez) and ISHRAT BHAI (Prof. Ishrat Alam)

Contents

List of Illustrations

11

Preface

13

Introduction SAJAL NAG

15

1. External Sources for the History of North-East in Mughal Times IRFAN HABIB

41

2. Extent and Economic Aspects of Forests in Mughal India SHIREEN MOOSVI

45

3. Assam in the Mughal Times: A Dutch View in 1660s ISHRAT ALAM

73

4. Beyond the Chronicles: The Agrarian Legacy in Cooch Behar and Assam (An Analysis of Mughal Archival Records, AD 1614-1754) SAIYID ZAHEER HUSAIN JAFRI

127

5. Mughal Influence on Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) ASHFAQUE HOSSAIN & ANANDA BIKASH CHAKMA

145

6. Naval Warfare in Mughal North-East India KAUSHIK ROY

165

7. Kamrupa State and the Mughal Empire TAHIR H. ANSARI

201

8. Ahom Princess of Mughal Court BIMAL PHUKAN

217

9. Ahom-Mughal Matrimonial Alliance MEMCHATON SINGHA

231

8

Contents

10. Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century TEJIMALA GURUNG

243

11. The Mughals and the Khasi and Jaintia States of North-Eastern India: Interactions and Impacts LASOBORKI PYRNGAP

269

12. Mughals and the Koch-Ahom Relations During the Sixteenth Century I.S. MUMTAZA

293

13. Mughal and Ahom States: Impact, Adaptation and Consequences M. PARWEZ

303

14. Encounters in the East: Mughal-Tripura Relations ANINDITA GHOSHAL

325

15. Tribes of North-East India as Depicted in Persian Tazkeras MAZHAR ASIF

353

16. Sufi Saints and their Impact in Barak Valley SHERIN SULTANA TALUKDAR

367

17. Manipur and the Mughals: King Khagemba and the Mughal Interface (AD 1597-1652) NG. MEETA DEVI

387

18. Agrarian Conquest in Mughal Goalpara SATARUPA SAHA

397

19. The Mughals and the Advent of Portugese in North-East DEEPALI BHATTACHARJEE

421

20. Mughal Wars in North-East India: Analysis of the Ahom Victory over the Mughals GEETASHRI SINGH

445

21. The Curious Community of Asomiya Sikhs: The Mughal Connection? SAJAL NAG

465

Contents

9

22. Arrival of Various Sufi Saints and their Silsilah (Order) in Different Parts of Assam and Establishment of Khankahs ASSADUZZAMAN

485

23. Advent of Islam in Surma-Barak Valley MAHBUBUR RAHMAN LASKAR

525

Contributors

537

List of Illustrations

FIGURES

3.1. Seventeenth-century Assam 5.1. A canon, famous as Fateh Khan Kaman, set up in front of Chakma Raj Kachhari (Court) is believed by Chakma people that it had been captured from the retreated Mughal soldiers 11.1. The Old Stone Bridge over the Amkumbeh stream near Syndai

125

154 288

MAPS

2.1A. Uttar Pradesh: Extent of Gross Cultivation in 1595 (as percentage of Gross Cultivation in 1909-10) 2.1B. Panjab: Extent of Gross Cultivation in 1595 (as percentage of Gross Cultivation in 1909-10) 2.2. Gujarat: Extent of Gross Cultivation in 1595 (as percentage of Gross Cultivation in 1903-4) 2.3. Upper and Middle Gangetic Basin: Forests and Scrub (Excluding Himalayan Forests) Seventeenth Century 2.4. Upper and Middle Gangetic Basin: Forests and Scrub (Excluding Himalayan Forests) 1951 2.5. Wild Elephants and Cheetahs c. 1600

48 48 49

49 50 53

Preface

There is a well known saying in north-eastern India that in the north east there is ancient or medieval history but only modern history. This is because most of the tribes living in the region are pre-literate and they have no written history for the period pre­ ceding British period. The British not only kept written records about their encounter, interaction and dealings with the tribes, they even initiated ethnography of the tribes. For earlier periods there were only oral narratives, traditions, and folk history which were dismissed by the British as useless. Hence the past of these communities began with the British which was categorised as ‘Modern Period’ of Indian history by colonial historiography. Since most of the communities were recent migrants they did not con­ form to the ancient and medieval periods of Indian history. This however was not the case with Assam where not just the IndoAryan plainsmen but also certain plain tribes were ancient settlers. Therefore, Assam has a history which conforms to the narratives of ancient Indian history while most of the hill tribes’ written history does not go beyond the eighteenth century. Manipur and Tripura had developed monarchies which claim remote origin and develop­ ment. It is unfortunate that the oral past of the tribal communities are not considered ‘history’ so that they rendered people without a history. There are a lot of efforts to demolish such west-oriented notions of history and reconstruct the history of the people of north east India on the basis of their oral past and provide them with a history which is equivalent to that of the rest of the country. The present work is an attempt in that direction. It attempts to provide the people of north east India a ‘medieval’ past through linkage with the dominant central power in India—the Mughals. Through a collection of articles it tries to demonstrate that the history of the region did not start with the British and ethnography is not the only form of history that the people of the region have.

14

Preface

The history of the people of the region went much beyond that and is comparable to the history of the rest of the country. It also demonstrates that the north east was neither an island nor did it maintain ‘splendid isolation’. The north east and its people had organic links with the rest of India in every possible way and it was only the colonial state which disrupted that link and popularised the notion that the north-east was ‘different’ and ‘other’ to Indian civilization. Silchar 2022

SAJAL NAG

Introduction

SAJAL NAG

Often a very important politically loaded statement is heard in north-east of India that the region is not completely integrated with the rest of the country because it was not part of India be­ fore the British, implying that it remained outside the Mughal Empire. Even some historians of repute from the region repeatedly emphasised that Assam maintained a ‘splendid isolation’ from Mughal India. Such historiography impacted the political discourse of the region deeply in the post colonial period. In fact, the se­ cessionist outfits in the north-east appropriate such statements saying that most of the states in the north-east of India were inde­ pendent before the British. Even the Mughals could not conquer them and it is only the British who conquered them. Therefore, they could legitimately revert to their sovereign status once the British withdrew from India. It is unthinkable that the medieval Turko Afghan and Mongal influence, so widespread throughout Asia from the twelfth century had actually left the north east of India, which was in the conver­ gence of Southeast Asia and South Asia, untouched. While it is true that most of the states in the region were outside the Mughal Empire in India, it is untrue that these states and its people es­ caped the influence of the Mughal state. It is also not true that the Mughals did not venture into the region, for which it was the geography of the region that was responsible and not the military strength of the small political formations that existed in the re­ gion. The north eastern region was between the Bengal and Tibet which were most sought after by all the medieval powers of the time. In fact, in the thirteenth century itself when the Muslims entered the Indian subcontinent, they made their first incursion into the north east. Muhammad Bin Bakhtiyar Khalji was the first Turkish commander to enter Assam, during his attempt to invade Tibet first in AD 1198 and then 1206. The Muslims entered Assam

16

Sajal Nag

from the western frontier while a few years later the Shans entered Assam from the eastern frontier. It is a quirk of fate that the Mus­ lims, though they crossed the Kortoya river, failed to cross the mighty Brahmaputra and hence did not stay on in Assam whereas the Shans were cleverer; they did not try to cross the Brahmaputra and instead walked along the Brahmaputra to settle in the land and ruled Assam for next six hundred years. The Mughal Empire was not founded in a void. There was the sultanate empire which existed in India from the thirteenth century itself. The Mughal State was founded by Babur in the early sixteenth century and remained very powerful for more than 200 years. During the time of Akbar, the basic structure of the state started developing, which sustained the state for long but started showing signs of weakness during the reign of Aurangzeb. The Eastern frontier of this Mughal Empire was constituted by a number of states, both monarchical and tribal which now constitute the north eastern region. These were Bengal, Cooch Behar, Assam, Manipur, Dimasa, Jaintia, Cachar, Tripura, Khasi, Chittagong, Lushai and the land of the Nagas. Most of them were tribal polities which developed into a feudal state formation. All these state formations developed from tribal polities into a monarchy and their feudalis­ ation was strengthened by gradual sanskritisation from across the borders. Of these, some areas like Bengal were integral part of the Mughal Empire, while others like Cooch Behar and Assam were in and out of the empire. Tripura and Cachar were frequently invaded by the Mughal state but were not formally retained under the Mughals for a long period. Manipur and Jaintia states were overrun by the Mughals whenever it was short of revenue and withdrew soon without incorporating them in the state. The Khasis, Jaintias, Maghs and Lushais, then known as Kukis who inhabited the extensive Chittangong Hill Tracts, being on the border of Bengal had an interesting relationship with the Mughal state. They often raided the Mughal territory in Bengal and extracted a huge tribute in form of loot of materials and slaves which was their way of asserting their sovereignty. As a result of this interaction even though these large number of states and tribal polities were out of the formal state boundary of the Mughals, they were organically linked

Introduction

17

to the structures and institutions of the state. It became evident when the Mughal state declined. With the weakening of the empire, the erstwhile Mughal officials established an independent state in Bengal. Likewise, other states also declared their ‘autonomy’ and severed their links with the mother state. Besides, the successor state of Bengal, a number of smaller polities emerged, which besides their integral economic ties, maintained their cultural and political link with the empire. The geographical location of these states on Bengal border kind of sealed their fate. These states, by virtue of their location were destined to face intervention from their mighty neighbour—the Mughal State. This intervention was mainly of three kinds: political, economic and cultural. The destinies of these states were bound with the destiny of Mughal state, even though they were not organically a part of the Mughal state. Therefore, when the Mughal state was plagued by multiple crisis and decline, these states also had a similar fate.1 Importantly, it was not just the political and economic impact but also the cultural impact, which bound their destinies together. The entire region was an organic whole called eastern India which included Bengal and the entire north eastern region. Mughal India’s eastern most provinces were Bengal Suba. But the control of the central authorities over Bengal has always been frail. Whenever the Mughal state encountered any crisis, its regional units seceded and declared independence. Bengal was one of the first provinces to do so whenever such a crisis appeared. In fact the eighteenth century saw the emergence of many successor states. Bengal Nizamate was one of them which became autono­ mous from the Mughal state until it passed on to the British. Occasionally, incursions into north eastern areas like the Ahom state, Tripura, Manipur, Dimasa and Cooch Behar were made from Bengal by the Mughals in an attempt to push the frontier further eastward. But it hardly succeeded fully. Most of these states suffered defeat and temporary occupation by the Mughals, to later revert to their original status. In fact a vital research showed that the disintegration of most of the pre-colonial states like that of the Ahoms, Manipur, Dimasa, Tripura and Cooch Behar took place simultaneously with the disintegration of Bengal in the eighteenth

18

Sajal Nag

century.2 It was not accidental but due to the organic link between Bengal on the one hand and the states on the other. These states survived the Mughal attack but could not survive the disintegration of Bengal. The advent of the Mughals in the region had a tremendous impact on the society and economy, polity and culture of the north east India. The brief but effective advent of the Mughals had supplanted certain political and revenue institutions of the Mughals in various states. It generated trade and commerce which linked the rest of India with the north east. A number of imprisoned Mughal soldiers and officers were settled in various states. It created a substantial Muslim population in the region. In states like Manipur and Tripura where there were no Muslims, a sizeable Muslim population emerged and were absorbed in the society. In Manipur an entirely new group called the Pangals emerged. In Assam there was a rudimentary Muslim population who were not recognized as proper Muslim. With the Mughals, Assamese Muslims had a linkage with the rest of the Muslims in India. There were now people of Islamic faith in Khasi hills, Jaintia hills, Cachar, Tripura, Manipur, Assam and Garo hills who had been part of the Mughal army men in the region. Such a large presence of Muslims in the population not only created a Muslim society in the region, there were syncretic cultural developments. Sociocultural insti­ tutions and economic interaction with the rest of India developed. The advent of the Mughals thus had a tremendous sociocultural and politico-economic impact on the region which is there to this day which are examined and analysed in the present volume. There is a tendency to see the Muslims in India as outsiders, invaders and conquerors. But a chornological history of the pres­ ence of Muslim in India shows that they were actually forerunners than many other communities in India. It is true of the Muslims of Assam. In this sense the Muslim history of Assam has immense contemporary political significance. It is often polemicised by se­ cessionist organizations of north east India that the provinces of north eastern India had not been conquered by any other ‘Indian’ powers before the British and hence once the British left they have the right to revert to their sovereign status. There is apparently a

Introduction

19

pride of not being vanquished in this polemic but also a celebra­ tion of defeat at the hand of a colonial power. At the same time there is absolute untruth in the statement. In fact Islamic powers have had relations with north eastern India right from the time when Bengal came under Islamic rulers. Most of north eastern India was surrounded by Bengal. In other words, the north east constituted the eastern frontier of Bengal Suba and hence it was natural that the powers in Bengal had interaction with the frontier people . . . of the four routes between Assam and Bengal, three were overland and one was water route, the latter being the easiest and most popular. It connected the two parts of India through Goalpara via the Jennai from Jamalpur leading to Pabna River reaching the Ganges. A part of the journey which required twenty-five to thirty days from Goalpara to Calcutta covered the Sunderbans. The first land channel connected Goalpara, Bogra, Rangpur, Dinajpur, Malda, Murshidabad and Calcutta . . . the second was via Goalpara, Singimari and Jamalpur to Dacca. The third passed through Gauhati, Ranigaon, Nongklhow, Mowphlang and Cherra connecting Khasi hills and Sylhet.3

As can be seen, Bengal was connected to Goalpara and Dhubri which was the major channel of communication between the two provinces. Most of the trade and population exchange between Mughal Bengal and the Ahom state took place from this riverine route. Similary the connection of Bengal with the Khasi states of Nongklhow, Mowphlang and Cherra connecting Khasi hills through Sylhet had brought it in touch with the Khasis—a major tribe of the region. The other major tribe Jaintias had their state capital Jaintiapur deep within the Bengal sub-division of Sylhet resulting in deep mutual exchanges. Garos and Hajongs were in the neighbourhood of Goalpara and Mymensing. Major tribes like the Kukis and Lushai, besides the Tippera tribes were connected to Bengal through Chittagong Hill Tracts, Tripura and Sylhet. All these tribes had major market relationship in the frontier of the two states. These spaces were known as ganj and haats.4 The more primitive tribes often raided the plains of Bengal and Tripura. Obviously these routes were also channels of migrations. While from the eastern frontier Indo-Mongoloid tribes migrated to the

20

Sajal Nag

region, from this eastern frontier waves of Indo-Aryan migrations took place regularly. The beginning of thirteenth century was the turning period. Assam witnessed two waves of invasion: Muslim invasion from west, i.e. Bengal and the Ahom invasion from the east . . . Ahoms ultimately conquered Assam over which they ruled for more than six hundred years. For over four centuries the Muslims tried to conquer Assam but failed. . . . In course of the invasions, captives, mercenaries and others settled in small numbers and could little influence the existing popu­ lation. Some Muslim professionals were also invited by the Ahom kings. Surma valley professionals were also invited by the Ahom kings . . . Historians of Assam rightly emphasise the fact that Assam as a whole was never a part of the Muslim dominion [in India]. But while their victories were short lived, it is historically incorrect to say that they did not leave lasting effects in Assam’s life. They have a history as a distinct community in all its aspects. Their invasions certainly had among others things a lasting demographic effect on Assam’s population even long before the modern Muslim immigrants being to set foot on the soil. It is interesting to observe that those places of the Brahmaputra valley which were subdued by the Muslims between 1603 and 1682 ultimately became the important centres of Muslim population and their preponderance.5

In this sense Muslims entered Assam even before the Ahoms who ruled Assam for the six hundred years and got absorbed with the population of Assam. Muslims entered Assam in AD 1198 for the first time whereas the Ahoms invaded Assam in AD 1228. The only difference was that the Ahoms were conquerors who ruled Assam for a few hundred years whereas the Muslim rulers suffered defeats and had to retreat. But legacies shaped the society, economy and cultural spheres of Assam to develop a truly syncretic culture. Modern historians have always emphasised the role of Muslims in the politics of colonial India emphasizing the importance of the Muslims in the history of Assam. There were early attempts by the Turko-Afghan rulers to enter India but it was the Mughals who evolved a definite policy regarding the north eastern frontier with which began a systematic interaction of the Mughals with Assam. Although it was the Ahoms who made the pioneering entry into Brahmaputra Valley to eventually rule the valley for seven hundred years, the Muslim entry into Assam actually predates the Ahom invasion. The presence of Muslims in north eastern India, then

Introduction

21

known as the province of Assam was perhaps as old as the rest of India. It is likely that many individuals of Islamic persuasion had wandered into Assam from neighbouring Bengal without anybody’s notice until such migrants grew into a sizeable population during post colonial times. The official entry of the Muslims in Assam was, however, in the twelfth century. From the statement of Minhaj-iShiraj throughout the historical source Tabakat-i-Nasiri it can be stated that Assam first came into contact with Muslims in AD 1205-6, when Bakhtiyar Khilji invaded Kamrupa to gain access to Tibet. Muhammad Bin Bakhtiyar, who with the intention of attacking China entered Kamrupa (Assam) in AD 1198. He ‘. . . crossed the river and went through the hills and lofty mountains and arrived at an open tract of land inhabited by Koch, Mech and other tribes’.6 Bakhtiyar’s expedition had failed due to various reasons though a subsequent invasion by the Ahoms succeeded. It is a fact that Assam was attacked by Muslim conquerors several times from AD 1198 and during this period many soldiers including Pathans and Mughals, under normal circumstances or being captured, took to staying here and after marrying the daughters of the local persons, converted the population in Assam to Islam. They accepted Assam as their land and fought for the security of their native land.7 Muhammad Bin Bakhtiyar Khalji was the first Turkish com­ mander to enter Assam, during his attempt to invade Tibet (AD 1206). An inscription found near Guwahati testifies the disastrous cam­ paign of Bakhtiyar Khalji, but it had also marked the beginning of Muslim settlement in Assam. There were series of invasions by the Afghan rulers. Sultan Ghiyasuddin Iwaz Khalji, ruler of Gaur (Bengal) invaded Kamrupa in 1226-7. Prince Nasiruddin, son of Sultan Iltutmish who as viceroy of Bengal, was also appointed a tributary king in Kamrup. Subsequent to Bakhtiayar’s failed at­ tempt, Ikhtiyaruddin Yuzbek, a strong ruler of the Bengal Suba, made the first real attempt to conquer Kamrupa. In AD 1256 he crossed the river Karatoya with a large army and entered Kam­ rupa almost unopposed. It was chronicled that the ruler of Kamrupa fled and took refuge in the neighbouring hills. But the reports of Kamrupa being rich and flourishing made the Sultan contemplate the annexation of the kingdom. To memorialise his conquest he

22

Sajal Nag

built a mosque, perhaps the first in the region and issued coins in his name. Ikhtayaruddin Yuzbak Tughril Khan’s conquest subse­ quently failed due to climatic conditions. The first serious attempt to conquer Kamrupa was made later. Kamrupa was invaded by Ghiyasuddin Bahadur, Shamsuddin Firuz Shah (Bengal Sultan), Muhammad bin Tughlaq, Sultan Ilyas Shah (1342-57), Sikander Shah (1357-62) and Ghiyasuddin Azam Shah (1393-1410). The next attempt was made by one of the greatest sultans of Bengal, Alauddin Husain Shah in AD 1498. He launched a powerful cam­ paign against Kamrupa and seized the capital of the then king of Kamrupa albeit through treachery which was a common military strategy during medieval times. But Hussein Shah was not con­ tent with mere conquest and followed it up with the invasion of the neighbouring Ahom kingdom to reach as far as river Barnadi. Sultan Alauddin Hussain Shah made an attempt to annex Kamrupa permanently and he extended the territory up to Hajo and Barnadi. Kamrupa was placed under the control of two Afghan command­ ers namely, Ghiyasuddin Aulia and Musundar Ghazi. The rich and prosperous kingdom of Kamrupa in lower Brahmaputra Valley, known for its elephants and aromatic plants, attracted Islam Khan, the Mughal viceroy of Bengal, who embarked on a prolonged war­ fare to conquer Kamrupa. He had pursued the Kamrupa ruler Parikshit and established Mughal rule in Kamrupa (Koch Hajo) by the end of July 1613. That the province already had some Muslims who had settled there is testified by the fact that the invasion was triggered off by murder of the Muslim trader near Koliabor on suspicion of being a spy and his two boats were looted.8 This was the time when Bali Narayan, the brother of Parikshit who had just been defeated by the Muslims took shelter with the Ahom king Pratap Singh in 1615. Enraged by the murder, Sheikh Qasim, the Governor of Bengal decided on a punitive expedition and sent Sayyad Ali, an imperial officer along with Sayyad Abu Bakr and Sattrajit the son of a Zamindar near Dhaka and Akhek Gohain. The invaders reached Koliabor. But the invasion failed in the face of a determined counter attack by the Ahoms.9 But in the subsequent period fortune kept on changing sides till the major offensive action undertaken by Mir Jumla, the Mughal

Introduction

23

subedar of Bengal. Aurangzeb appointed Mir Jumla as subedar of Bengal (June 1660) with explicit instruction to conquer Assam and Arakan. Mir Jumla first conquered Cooch Behar and then marched to Kamrupa. He occupied Guwahati in February 1662 and completed the conquest of Kamrupa and Assam within 5 months. He appointed faujdars at various places to strengthen his occupation, e.g. Muhammad Beg (Guwahati) Syed Nasiruddin Khan (Kaliabar) and thanedars at Jogighopa (Ataullah) Kajali (Hasan Beg Zanganah) Samdhara (Syed Mirza). Mir Jumla also confronted adverse climatic conditions but was able to sustain for a consider­ able time till he forced the Ahom rulers to sign a treaty. Due to ailment, Mirjumla then started retreating from Assam in early 1663 and died near Khizrpur (Mankachar in present Garo hills) on 31 March 1663. Along with Mir Jumla a large number of emi­ grants came to Assam and settled down in the new territory. A small section of the local population who had come into close contract with the Mughal subedar were also converted to Islam. After the whirlwind invasion of Mir Jumla, there was complete disorder in Assam. The Ahom rulers were able to establish order and effected reorganisation of army. Lachit Barphukan—an Ahom general wrested Guwahati from the Mughals in 1667-8. This led to resumption of hostilities between the Mughals and Ahoms. Aurangzeb deputed Ram Singh (Kachhwaha ruler of Amber) a mansabdar of 4000 to retrieve the imperial prestige by recovering Kamrupa. Ram Singh reached Sualkuchi in April 1669. He could not make much headway from Sualkuchi and was forced to with­ draw from the advance camp. The Mughal army later advanced up to Saraighat, where it was convincingly defeated in March 1671, which was the last attempt of the imperialist Mughals to extend their area of suzerainty. The story of the origin and growth of a clear cut policy of the Mughal emper­ ors—the linear predecessors of the British power, regarding the north eastern frontier of Indian cannot fail to be of absorbing interest to all lovers of history. Thus the Mughals evolved a definite policy in that quarter and pursued it tenaciously through thick and thin for more than a century, is a fact which appears to have been completely ignored in present times. No reference to this very important phase of Mughal Indian history finds a place in any standard

24

Sajal Nag

work and it is really a pity that while a number of excellent monographs have been written on select topics of this period none at all has hitherto been attempted on this fascinating theme. What is worse still is the fact that central event of this period, viz., the conquest of Kamrupa during Jahangir’s reign, is entirely omitted in current text books. In short the history of Mughal north east frontier policy which in its essence is the history of the political relation of the Mughals with the three independent Mongoloid states of Cooch Behar, Kamrupa and Assam remains practically a virgin field of study and a desideratum.10

While it is historically true that the Ahoms were able to resist the Mughal advances to their state after the Battle of Saraighat, it is, however, untrue that they were able to resist the Mughal influ­ ence. The Mughal invasion saw the unification of the Ahoms and Nagas to fight the Mughals. Edward Gait11 reported that it was the strategic location of the habitat of the Nagas and economic interest of the Ahoms that brought them under a mutual orbit of Ahom led confederacy against ‘external’ threats such as the MughalMuslim invasion. In the sixteenth and almost throughout the seven­ teenth century, the Ahoms had to fight several wars against the Mughals. The Ahom kings realized, not only military strength but unity and solidarity of the subject population was highly essential. During this period of external danger they generally avoided with tact any conflict with the internal powers and even followed a policy of appeasement towards some of the hill tribes like the Bhutanese.12 Besides, the Ahoms in times of need could recruit soldiers from the hill men, ‘who were quite able to hold their own against the well-trained armies of Hindustan’.13 Madhavcharan kotoki, Assamese ambassador, in his interview with the Mughal com­ mander Raja Ram Singh of Amber who led an expedition to Assam in 1669-71 said, Numerous chieftains of the mountainous regions have become our willing allies in the campaign, they consist of a total strength of three lakhs of soldiers. They are not amenable to any considerations of right and wrong. Their participation in this campaign has been directly sanctioned by His Majesty, and they rush furiously against the enemy without waiting for the orders of the general. They are quick and sudden in their attacks and their movements and actions cannot be passage.14

Introduction

25

Although the Mughals were defeated in the battle, the lower part of Assam remained a part of the Mughal Empire for a consid­ erably long period where the Mughal system, especially on land and revenue matters, was introduced. Its impact was visible on issues like partial commutation, labour service into cash, parallel continuance of labour service and so on which produced contra­ dictions of the age-old Ahom system. In the process it gave rise to massive contradiction in the economic, political and cultural terms.15 The institutions of Vaishnavite satras became the alter­ native centres of political power where even ordinary peasants took shelter to escape obligatory labour service and payments of cash revenue which created a huge economic dent to the royal treasury. The consistently declining power of the state was visibly in growth strength of Vaishnavite satra as well as the Shakta cult both of which were also developing hostility towards each other. Eventu­ ally it was from the growing contradiction between the two cults and their patronage by the Ahom state which gave rise to a huge uprising of the Moamarias. The revolt not only led to the downfall of the Ahom state but also paved the entry of the Burmese right inside the heart of the state. The Moamaria rebellion was basically a peasant uprising which broke out in religious garb creating a chaos in the state. The revolt could be compared to the rebellion of the Jat, Sikh and Marathas that the Mughal Empire faced. The chaos and crisis brought the interventionist forces of the Burmese and the British into the area. The advent of the Burmese marked the physical devastation for the area and the British arrival signalled the demise of the Ahom state. The Mughals imposed new revenue assessment and collection system in Cooch Behar which subsequently caused a general re­ vulsion among the peasants against the Mughal conquerors at the beginning of the eighteenth century and a massive uprising forced the Mughals to physically evacuate the area. But the Mughals conti­ nued to collude with the local officials and zamindars who sought to break away from the Koch state. It resulted in the eventual reduction of the Koch king into an insignificant tributary of the Mughal power in Bengal. What is more significant is the fact that it also marked the disintegration of the Koch state as a number of

26

Sajal Nag

its officials and zamindars declared their independence from it and pledged tributary status to Bengal. The status of Koch vassal state did not improve even with the decline of the Mughals and the rise of the British. Eventually it signed the subsidiary alliance to retain some semblance of its independence. The state of Tripura was one of the earliest states of north east India to attract British attention mainly due to its proximity to Bengal. As soon as the East India Company assumed the diwani of Bengal it eyed the fertile region of Roshanabad which was the most revenue yielding region of the state of Tripura. The crisis ridden Tripura state unfortunately provided the necessary oppor­ tunity to the British to interfere and snatched Roshanabad at the first opportunity. In fact the British even refused to recognise Tripura as an independent state and treated it merely as a zamindari. When the revenue generating area of Roshanabad was snatched, the British showed no interest in the rest of the Tripura and it was allowed to retain its nominal independence but the payment of huge tribute every year gradually weakened the state. The reang and the paite rebellion only worsened the condition. As can be seen, the crisis and contradiction in the Mughal state in general and Bengal state in particular, had its deep impact on the frontier states of north eastern India. While the rise of a mighty colonial state of the British was a threat to their independent existence, the eclipse of the great Mughals also did not signify their increased strength. As a system they were an organic body whereas as entities they had been inde­ pendent of each other. Both had influenced the development in each others system deeply. The history of eighteenth century in India testifies these phenomena. The crisis in the Mughal state’s resulted in the decline not only of the successor states of Bengal but also the frontier states of Ahom, Koch, Tripura and Dimasa. Thus, the decline of all these states at a time was not co-incidental. In this sense, the history of the frontier states of north-east is an integral part of the Indian History.16 ADVENT OF ISLAM IN NORTH-EAST INDIA

One of the conspicuous results of the series of wars between the

Afghans, Mughal rulers and Ahom rulers, was the gradual growth

Introduction

27

of the Muslim population in Assam. The Muslims who were ear­ lier made prisoners of war, married local women according to their choice. Their off-spring have accepted the manners and customs of the Assamese people. We do not find any large scale conversions to Islam in Assam. Though migration had begun right from the conquest of Bakhtiyar Khaliji, the process got further impetus due to prolonged occupation of southern portion of Goalpara and Kamrupa from the time of Ghiyasuddin Bahadur Shah (1320-1 to 1397-1407). A more regular and systematic process of Muslim infiltration into Kamrupa, however, seems to have commenced from the reign of Chakradhwaja Singha who had adopted the Islamic faith and the migration continued with intensity till the Ahom king Suhungmung conquered back the region in the third decade of the sixteenth century. Earlier Hussain Shah, the Bengal ruler established a settlement of Muslim warriors in Hajo, which had continued even when Ahom recovered the Kamrupa—Goalpara region. The existence of Hussein Dighi probably excavated by Hussein Shah and twelve brick built houses in Kamrupa suggests that presence of Muslim masons and artisans in the lower valley. It is also argued that the Muslim war prisoners were brought by the forces of Suhungmung and they were the earliest Muslim settlers in the eastern Brahmaputra Val­ ley. They were known locally as the Mariyas. After Hussain Shah’s settlement of Muslims in Kamrupa, Mukarram Khan, the Mughal governor of Koch-Hajo made another habitation of Muslim war­ riors in early seventeenth century and afterwards a large scale im­ migration took place when Laluk Barphukan surrendered Kamrupa to the Mughals in AD 1679. The subsequent increase in the volume of trade also led to further increase of Muslim population in Kam­ rupa. By 1845 there were about 2,31,490 Muslims in Kamrupa district which had increased to 45,823 by 1872 and the total population was estimated at 1,78,109 in 1872. The Muslims in Assam were known as Gariyas and Mariyas and it was generally believed that the word Gariyas had emerged out of word Ghore signifying the kingdom of Muhammad Ghori (Muizuddin bin Sam) and Gariyas had adopted the profession of tailoring and the word Mariyas derived from the Assamese word mariya who adopted the profession of braziers.

28

Sajal Nag

When Nara Narayan, the Koch ruler established peace with Emperor Akbar as well as with the Ahoms, trade and commerce flourished, which also induced Muslim immigration. The city of Guwahati and Hajo emerged important centres of military, civil, commercial and cultural activities of the Muslim in the extreme eastern frontier of India (north eastern India) after annexation of Koch-Hajo to the Mughal empire. Large numbers of settlers came as soldiers of invading armies as well as persons employed to pro­ vide various supplies to the army. The Ahom had imprisoned large number of Mughal soldiers during the wars and moving away from their convention of treating prisoners of war as slaves, employed these Muslims (prisoners of war) in various positions of adminis­ tration to buttress their espionage system, military techniques and conducting diplomacy. The Ahom kings also invited several Mus­ lim artisans and employed them as mason, engravers, spinners and state arsenal workers. When the Ahoms reconquered Kamrupa, the Muslim population spread from the western to eastern part as well. Besides the narratives of war and diplomacy there is a vivid account of the land and its people in the reports that were pre­ pared during the successive invasions. Mention has been made in the Tarikh-i-Aasham that any body who came to this country, never returned unless death overtakes him. That is why an outsider does not know very much about Aasham and its people. . . . Foreign Nationals are not allowed to enter Assam. No foreigners ever ruled this country in the past. A stranger never put his foot of domination on this land. The entrance and the exit points are very narrow for the outsiders. Likewise the inhabitants of this country are shy of a trip to other countries. The Raja neither allows foreigners to enter Aasham, nor does he permit his own subjects to go out of his kingdom. Before the conflict that took place between Aashamese and us, a group of Aashamese used to come near the border of Gowahati once in a year, with the permission of their Raja to carry out business. They brought products like gold, musk, aloe-wood, peeper, Sazaj and silk clothes and bartered them for salt, sulpher, brimstone and some other Indian goods imported by the traders of Gowahati. . . . The people of Hindustan describe the inhabitants of this land as magicians and consider them as beings out of pale of human race. They believe that this land is a land of magic, which prevents him from returning home. . . . The entire population of this country does not follow any particular religion. Whatever eatable things they received from anybody they consume

Introduction

29

these without any consideration of caste, creed and religion. They perform every kind of work, which is good according to their individual opinion. They eat food prepared by everyone, be he a Muslim or a non-Muslim. They eat every kind of flesh except human flesh. It does not make any difference to them whether the animal meat they are eating is halal (slaughtered ritually) or not. They are not used to taking oil in their dishes. If by chance their food gives smell of oil they refrain from consuming it. The language of the country is entirely different from the language of the people who live in the countries. . . . The ancient inhabitants of this country are divided into two communities—Aashami (Ahome) and Kalita. In every sphere of life the latter has upper hand. But in the field of warfare the case is totally opposite. Six to seven thousand Aashamese guard the palace of the Raja round the clock. They are known as Jodang (Chaudang). They are very faithful, main executioners and devoted servants of the Raja. The main weapons used by the people of this country are: the gun, the matchlocks, the cannon, the pointed and not very pointed arrows with iron heads, Daos, long spears and bow made of bamboo.17

SOCIOCULTURAL IMPACT OF ISLAM

The influx of the people of Islamic faith in Assam had influenced almost all spheres of Assamese polity. The Assamese people were closely acquainted with Islamic culture and religion, which had widened the horizon of their experience especially in the socio­ cultural life. Several Muslims were appointed by the rulers in army and administration like Rupai Gariya, the Muslim officer attached to royal Ahom arsenal, the Muslim captain Bagh Hazarika excelled in the army of Lachit Barphukan. They were also given post of Phukan, Barua, Hazarika and Persian transcribers. Besides, that the offices of Amin, Uzir, Dewan were opened to Muslims as well. There were several Persian knowing officials in Ahom who state that Queen Pramatheswari minted coins in AD 1729 with Persian legend signifying the presence of Muslims in the Ahom’s mint. In fact Persian was the language of the Ahom court for dealing with neighbouring states. The interactions in fact brought revolutionary changes in the revenue administration of Assam. A number of features of the Mughal system were adopted in the state. The offices of amils, diwan were created, the fiscal units, classification of soil, commutation of revenue demand into cash, land grants systems,

30

Sajal Nag

etc., were adopted. The revenue free land grants to temples, reli­ gious establishments, scholars were also used to be given. Several pieces of brasswares, like metal spittoon, smoking pipes, hookah, polished brass mirrors were introduced by the Mariya Muslims. The canon, gunpowder and handguns were also intro­ duced by the Muslims. A large number of Muslims were employed under Changrung Phukan in the guilds of masons and artisans— involved in construction activities. The spacious building with rounded pillars, carved door frames, geometrical patterns, arched windows, domes, minarets and decorative motifs were features of Indo-Islamic architecture which were introduced in Assam by these masons and artisans and some of these motifs are visible in Kamakhya temple which was reconstructed by the Koch ruler in sixteenth century (door frame, dome, etc.). Similarly features of this archi­ tecture are also visible in temple of Hayagriva Madhava temple (Hajo) decorated with small domes with inverted pitchers (kalash) Jaisafar temple decorated with inverted bell, geometrical designs and in Hawalighar (airy castle), Talatalghar as well as Rangnath temple (Sibsagar). The adoption features of Indo-Islamic architec­ ture have given rise to syncretic style building construction in Assam and many surviving buildings are a manifestation of syncretism. Influences in dress, ornaments, embroidery, cosmetics are still visible. Similarly, some of them, like Chandsai or Chand Khan, the Muslim disciple of Sankara Deva, had excelled in the profes­ sion of tailoring. Thus, the Indo-Islamic influences had helped in the reorganisation of army, diplomacy and administration and it also brought a change in the Assamese ways of living by introduc­ ing new material elements. Interestingly, there was no large scale conversion of native population to Islam, despite several invasions and prolonged occupation. This is perhaps due to the immense popularity of neo-Vaishnavism preached by Sankara Deva, where basic tenets appear to be simple, straightforward and practical as those of Islam. Besides this has weakened the caste system in Assam greatly. Second, the Ahom rulers except for Siva Singha and his successor, Ahom rulers had fostered a liberal attitude to all religions including Islam and due to this attitude, the forced conversion or allurement for conversion to any religion and sect was censured.

Introduction

31

An important impact of the rise of Islam in Assam was the ad­ vent of Sufism. Sufi activity in eastern India was quite extensive. The Sufi interaction with this eastern frontier had also started as it is evident by the translation of Amritkunda text, written by a Brah­ man of Kamrupa, into Persian and adoption by the Sufis. Several Sufis entered Assam along with invading army and many of them stayed back. Interestingly, the available evidence does not lead us to link most of these Sufis with any Sufi silsilah prevailing else­ where in India. Similarly, organisation and discipline of khankah life, except in a few cases were also absent. It appears that most of the Sufis were wandering fakirs (qalandar), who finally settled down in Assam. In western Assam, the name of Khoyaj Pir (Khwaja Khizr) is held in high esteem, a term ‘Baliyan’ is ascribed to him. It is believed that he was born in Siraz and was a merchant and chemist before becoming a Sufi. A rock inscription found near a stream on the foot of eastern slope of the Kamakhya hills reads Abe hayat cashma Khizr. Some people accepted the pir as representative of God and he commanded enormous respect from all sections of society. In Cooch Behar and western Assam the name of Satya Pir is revered and it is believed that he was converted from Hinduism. He introduced ‘shirni’ function without using animal flesh. The Hindus of region used to worship Satya Narayan and while reciting the Panchhali of Satya Narayan no distinction is made between Satya Narayan and Satya Pir. Pir Shah Madar (Shaikh Badiuddin), believed to be resident of Madina and disciple of Muhammad Bustami and founder of ‘Madari Fakir’ order, had also visited Kamrupa. In Cooch Behar and western Assam, many people are devotees of Pagal Pir (actual name unknown). It is believed that rabid dogs and jackals were also subdued by seeing him. Later people used to place a bamboo stick in his name to subdue these animals. Even now for the treatment of dog and other animal bites, local people visit the dargah instead of hospitals.The tomb of the two pirs are in Panjatan enclosure or known as Dakaidal dargah and the Degdhoa dargah located near modern Goalpara town. They are also revered by the people of all sections. Several legends and traditions have been ascribed to the pirs and as per one tradition when the pir of Degdhoa was stabbed to death by one of his

32

Sajal Nag

disciples, his pet bird also fasted to death. A khankah, founded by Shah Sharifin is located in Khasi and Jayantia hill district and according to the tradition the Sufi went to Mecca through a tun­ nel. Even today people hear azan (prayer call) from the Sufi and owing to these miracles people still respect and visit the shrine for seeking blessings. The copper plate inscription of Ahom king Lakshmi Singha (AD 1780) refers panch pirs of Khetri, Shah Fakir of Barnagar and Fakir Shah Maddar of Bausi Pargana (all belonged to Kamrupa district). But no account of these Sufis survived. Be­ sides these, many Sufi saints came to Assam. The foremost epitome of syncretic culture of Assam was Sufi Chand Khan, popularity known as Chandsai. He was a tailor by profession and had become a disciple of Sankar Deva. Perhaps because of this he has been described as the ‘Kabir’ of Assam. Being a Muslim saint, he not only wrote several zikirs (devotional song parallel to qawwali ) and kirtans (religious songs) but also authored a biography of Gopal Deva—the Vaishnava preacher. According to J.P. Wade he stayed at Hajo and was revered by all. He was revered more by Hindus than Muslims. He believed in the universality of God and equality of mankind. Hindus accepted him as an apostle of God. Besides, we also find some dargahs at Bholagaon, Durgapur, Dumdama which are popular among the common people. Similarly, Sufi Muhammad Hashim (Md Amanullah) stayed in the village Ramgaon near Goreshwar and founded a khankah Hashimabad. He was the son of Mona Miyan Laskar and native of Algahpur situated near Banskandi (Cachar). He authored books like AhdanZamin Rahulleha-taide-ghyabi. Besides these pirs there were some Muslim ulemas who were accepted as priests by some of the Ahom kings. J.P. Wade, the British chronicler mentioned that a Muslim named Newas was the Guru of Ahom King Rudra Singha. He had numerous attendants. A number of Muslims gosains had also stayed in Jorhat and other places and functioned like the heads of vaishnava monasteries, e.g. ‘Gariya Gosain’ or Muslim spiritual guides like Akan Deka, Dewan Deka and so on. Surya Kumar Bhuyan in his Annals of Delhi Badshahate a historical research work on Assam, wrote ‘Muslim Maqams or Dargahs are scattered in Assam Valley and their maintenance was encouraged by the (Ahom) state. . . .

Introduction

33

The religious songs composed by Assamese Muslim pirs, known as Zikirs are heard even to this date’.18 The major syncretic shrines in Assam (Brahmaputra Valley) are the dargah of Azan Pir at Saraguri, the panch pir or dargah (the tombs of five pirs) in Dhubri, Boga Babar Mazar (the tomb of white-Baba) in Dibrugarh. The dargah of Nobi Pir, Khondkar Pir, Chawal Pir in Sibsagar, the Laskhar shah, Lal Fakir, Kola (Dark) Fakir’s dargah in Golaghat, the dargah of Hazrat Giyasuddin Aulia in Hajo, the dargah of Shah Mukkadam Shah in Sijubari, the dargah of Hazrat Tabrizi Sahib, the dargah of Durgapur and Dhamdama, the Khorsan pirs dargah of Goalpara, the dargah of Bholagaon, the dargah of Nasiruddin Bagdad in Jalesmdar, the Zahir Aulia’s dargah in Ulubari, the dargah of Moinuddin Shah and so on. Most of these shrines have now become defunct in the sense they are not visited anymore by dis­ ciples or have become longer complexes—either mosque or com­ mercial. Many small ones have been devoured by rapid urbanisation or growth of town/city area. They are now abandoned or have been pushed into a corner that the new generation passes them by without having knowledge of their being historical monuments or of syncretic character. But the ones which are still revered and visited by tourists as well as devotees are the dargah of panch pir in Dhubri, the dargah of Azan pir in Sibsagar, the Poa-Macca or dargah of Giyasuddin Aulia in Hajo and Boga Babar Majar in Sibsagar to some extent. REPORTS, NARRATIVES AND HISTORIOGRAPHY

There are many accounts and narratives, both official and private which chronicled the development of the period. In fact the history of medieval Assam was constructed only on the basis of these reports. The Alamgirnamah of Mirza Muhammed Kazim was one such report. It is a court chronicle, covering only the first decade of Aurangzeb’s reign. He wrote that Assam lies in the north eastern frontier of Bengal. It was divided into two parts by river Brahma­ putra—the northern part called Uttaranchal and the southern region called Dakshinanchal. Uttaranchal begins at Guwahati and terminates in the mountains inhabited by tribe called Meeri­

34

Sajal Nag

Michmi. Dakinanchal extends from the village Sadia to the hills of Sibsagar. The population was divided into Ahoms and Cultanians (Kalitas). The space is populous and spacious but hard to be penetrated.19 This was followed by details of agriculture, people and their habits. The Fathiya-i-Ibriya is the official history of Mur Jumla’s Cooch Behar and Assam expeditions compiled by Waqia Navis Shihabuddin Talish. 20 The main Mughal sources for the history of Bengal and Assam contemporary to the reign of Jahangir, so far known to us are the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri and the Iqbalnama­ i-Jahangiri. These authorities are supplemented by occasional references in the Padishah Nama, Amil-i-Salih and the Ma’asirulUmara. But all these histories threw very little light on the actual political and social conditions of the time. The authors of these works have virtually neglected affairs of the eastern provinces and have left only a main outline of some of the most important events that took place during the periods with which they dealt. Another Persian source for the history of Bengal, Bihar and Assam in the Muslim period is the Riyazu’s Salatiri compiled in AD 1787-8 by Ghulam Husain Salim, the Munshi of George Uday. It is a com­ paratively modern work compiled from other Persian sources which were available to the author. It is neither original nor a contemporary authority on which one can rely much for the accuracy of the author’s statement of facts unless they are corroborated by authentic records. The author of the Baharistan-i-Gaibi is Alau’d-Din Isfahani alias Mirza Nathan, a contemporary Mughal general, who took a lead­ ing part in all the campaigns in Bengal and Assam during the reign of Jahangir and also in the rebellion of Shahjahan during his occupation of Bengal. The Baharistan is practically the only con­ temporary and authentic account for the period with which it deals. The very minute details of the political condition of the Ahom and Koch kingdoms, their relation with the Mughals and the sidelight on the social and economic conditions of these coun­ tries which it supplies, are not to be met with elsewhere. The chief value of the work lies in the way it supplies information about the wars of the Mughals with the Ahoms, Kuches Kacharis, the Af­ ghans of Sylhat, the hill tribes of Assam and the Rajas of Tippera and Aracan. The book Fathiya-i-Ibriyah; by Ibne Mohammad Wali

Introduction

35

Ahmad, popularly known as Shihabuddin Talish, is also called (Tarikh-i-Ashsam is a most comprehensive account of Assam written in Persian and it narrates the description of Mir Jumla’s invasion of Assam. It also incorporates an account of Koch-Mughal affairs dur­ ing Shaista Khan’s viceroyalty in Bengal along with descriptive accounts of the social and political condition of Assam of those days. As Talish accompanied Mir Jumla in his operations in Koch Bihar and Assam, his account is that of an eye witness. It describes the various aspects of military and revenue administration of the land. It also deals exhaustively with the habits and customs, reli­ gion, culture and crafts of the plain and the people, besides giving a general description of Assam with special reference to all the events that took place at the time of Mir Jumla’s invasion of Assam in AD 1662-3. The book Padishah Nama of Abdul Hamid Lahauri, the official historian of Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, describes domestic conflict between Lakshmi Narayan of Cooch Behar and Parikshit, Narayan of Koch Hajo, imprisonment of Parikshit by the Mughals and their mutual hostility; as well as Islam Khan’s aggressive imperialism towards Kamrupa and hostility of Bali Narayan towards the Mughals. The narrative deals exhaustively with mili­ tary expeditions of Mukarram Khan, Abu Baqr Abdus Salam, Allahyar Khan and Jainal Abidin to Assam during the reign of Ahom king Pratap Singha. The Mathir-ul-Umara is another im­ portant Persian source for a study of the history of medieval Assam. Rather it’s author Nawab Samsum-ud Daulah Shah Nawaz Khan and his son Abdul Havy who took up the work of preparing the biographical information. The book gives us a valuable account about the participation of several Mughal generals in the Assam Mughal wars. One of the most important contributions of Persian language to India is compilation of different tazkiras (historical literature). During the early period of medieval India, the Persian scholars wrote detailed and reliable chronicles concerning politi­ cal, social and cultural history of India. These chronicles provide dependable and valuable sources of history. Persian chronicles on political and social history of Assam are many and most of them are valuable for the study of the history of Assam. Using this material, there were attempts to reconstruct the history

36

Sajal Nag

of Assam of this period by historians of the British period. Blochmann was the first to moot it in an article entitled ‘Koch Bihar, Koch Hajo and Assam in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, according to Akbarnamah, the Padishah Nama and the Fathiya-i-Ibriyah.’21 Although it was a pioneering works ‘his thesis consists merely of a number of isolated quotations from standard Persian works of the period and is chiefly of bibliographical interest and value.’22 Blochmann does not refer to the revolt of Raghu Dev against Koch King Lakshmi Narayan with the aid of Isa Khan the Afghan Chief of Bhati (which is detailed by Abul Fazl in Akbar­ nama), again some of the passages of this medieval texts were incorrectly represented changing the meaning.23 But by far the most palpable defect in Blochmann’s article is the marshalling of one sided evidence only that of the Mughal historians. He failed to include local texts of the Koch, Ahom and Darrang state. The next European author Edward Gait wrote a monograph on Koch Kings of Kamarupa24 which is a ‘first attempt at a systematic and author­ itative study of the origin, growth and decline of the kingdoms of Koch and Kamrupa with special reference to their relations with the Mohammendans’ based on local sources without consulting the corroborating Persian sources. His A History of Assam is the work that overcomes this lacuna. But the criticism against Gait was he used the Persian sources second hand. In other words he relied on authorities like Blochmann rather than the original texts. Other material which contributed immensely to Gait’s new edition was Jadunath Sarkar’s translation of Baharistan i Gaibi, a contem­ porary account of events during the reign of Jahangir. Advance extracts of the passages relating to certain Muslim invasions were sent over to him by Sarkar. Another translation of the description of Assam at the time of Mirjumla’s invasion contained in Fathiya-iIbriyah, was made use of by Gait in the new edition. He found it more complete and accurate to Blochmann’s analysis of the same work which was utilised in the first edition. A manuscript volume in the India Office Library containing translations of certain Buranjis made for Wade in 1792-3 was also made use of in this edition ‘but they have occasionally been utilized to supplement the information contained in the buranjis enumerated in the

Introduction

37

introduction to the first edition where there are in general agree­ ment, but were more than complete than the latter.’25 The Assam buranjis particularly the Ahom Buranji from Khunglung and Khunlai and the Buranji from Sukhapha to Gadadhar Singha in Assamese lately published under the title Purani Asom Buranji contain valuable material and exhaustive information regarding the long drawn out Ahom—Muslim warfare providing the Ahom side of the picture. It emphasises the economic aspect of Mughal imperialism in the north eastern frontier and shows what a prominent part trade and commercial matter played in originating the dogged struggles with Assam during the period. Then came the Padishah Nama—the official chronicle of the first twenty years of Emperor Shah Jahan’s reign, written by Abdul Hamid Lahori. The authenticity of the work is well admitted and though it is practically silent with regard to Cooch Behar affairs, it is in fact the only contemporary Persian work bearing on Ahom-Mughal history of the age.26 After Blochmann and Gait the first history of the Ahom Mughal relation­ ship was written by S.N. Bhattacharjee which was published in 1929. The next publication came in 1984 by Sushil Chandra Dutta.27 It shows the lack of research and reading material on this very important subject. The objective of the present volume is to study these less studied areas of the Mughal empire—its the eastern frontier, to locate the polity formations in the eastern frontier of Mughal state and the organic interaction between the two struc­ tures: their co-existence, shared sovereignty, mutual dependence, trespass and absorption, resistance and resilience, decline and disintegration and sociocultural impact on the people and culture in contemporary north-eastern India.

NOTES 1. Muhammed Parwez, ‘Eighteenth Century Eastern Frontier of Bengal: A Study in Crisis’, unpublished PhD thesis, Department of History, Doctor of Philosophy, Assam University, 2002. Tejimala Gurung (ed.), The Falling Polities, Falling Polities: Crisis and Decline of States in North East India in the Eighteenth Century, DVS, 2019.

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Sajal Nag

2. Tejimala Gurung (ed.), The Falling Polities, Falling Polities: Crisis and Decline of States in North East India in the Eighteenth Century, DVS, 2019. 3. John McCosh, Topography of Assam, G.H. Huttmann, Calcutta: Bengal Military Orphan Press, 1837, pp. 8-9. 4. The places names ending with these suffixes suggests that these were fron­ tier spaces where trade and marketing between the hill and plains people took place. 5. Makhan Kar, Muslims in Assam Politics, Delhi: Omsons Publications, 1990, p. 2, ix & 5. 6. Md Baharul Ali, ‘History of Asssam based on Persian Sources: An Analyti­ cal Study. Unpublished PhD, Gauhati University, Gauhati, 2011, p. 2. . 7. Ibid. 8. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Gauhati: LBS Publication, original pub. 1905, rpt. 1984, p. 107. 9. Ibid.; Tejimala Gurung (ed.), The Falling Polities: Crisis and Decline of States in North East India in the Eighteenth Century, DVS, 2019. 10. Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharjee, A History of the Mughal North East Frontier Policy: Being a study of the political relation of the Mughal Empire with Koch Bihar, Kamrup and Assam, Chuckervertty, Calcutta: Chatterjee and Co, 1929, rpt. Delhi and Guwahati: Spectrum, p. ii. 11. E.A. Gait, op. cit., p. 336. 12. J.P. Wade, An Account of Assam, ed. B. Sarma, North Lakhimpur: 1927, p. 221 f; A. Mackenzie, A History of the Relations of the British Government with the Hill Tribes of the North-East Frontier of Bengal, Calcutta, 1884, p. 10. 13. S.L. Baruah, ‘Ahom Policy Towards the Neighbouring Hill Tribes’ Proceed­ ing of the Indian History Congress, vol. 38, 1977, p. 251. 14. S.K. Bhuyan, Lachit Barphukan and His Times, Guwahati, 1947, p. 71. 15. Muhammed Parwez, ‘Eighteenth Century Eastern Frontier of Bengal: A Study in Crisis’, Unpublished PhD thesis, Department of History, Doctor of Philosophy, Assam University, 2002. 16. Ibid. 17. Md Baharul Ali, ‘History of Assam based on Persian Sources: An Analytical Study’, Unpublished PhD thesis, Gauhati University, Gauhati 2011, p. 2. 18. S.K. Bhuyan, Annals of Delhi Badshahate, Gauhati: Lawyers, 1984, rpt., pp. 16-17. 19. Md Kazim, ‘A Description of Assam’, tr. in Asiatic Researcher, vol. 2. 20. Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharjee, A History of the Mughal North East Frontier Policy: Being a study of the political relation of the Mughal Empire with Koch

Introduction

39

Bihar, Kamrup and Assam, Calcutta: Chuckervertty, Chatterjee and Co, 1929 rpt., Delhi and Guwahati: Spectrum, 1998, xviii. 21. Blochmann, ‘Koch Bihar, Koch Hajo and Assam in the 16th and 17th centuries according to Akbarnamah, the Padishahnamah and the Fathiya i Ibriyah’, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1872, part 1, pp. 49-100. 22. Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharjee, A History of the Mughal North East Frontier Policy: Being a study of the political relation of the Mughal Empire with Koch Bihar, Kamrup and Assam, Calcutta: Chuckervertty, Chatterjee and Co, 1929, rpt., Delhi and Guwahati: Spectrum, p. iii. 23. Ibid., p. iii fn f. 24. Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1893. 25. E.A. Gait, A History of Assam, 2nd edn., Calcutta: 1926, Preface. 26. Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharjee, 1998, op. cit., xvii. 27. Ibid. Sushil Chandra Dutta, The North East and the Mughals 1661-1741, Delhi: D.K. Publishers, 1984.

CHAPTER 1

External Sources for the History of

North-East in Mughal Times

IRFAN HABIB

This is a small note on the sources in Persian and European langu­ ages, from the Mughal period, for information on the territories which now officially belong to the north east, that is, of all presentday Indian states to the east of Bengal. However, this has to be mentioned that most of these sources have been utilised for politi­ cal history by S.N. Bhattacharya in his History of Mughal North­ east Frontier Policy, Bombay, 1929, which, though published eightyfive years ago, still holds the field quite rightly. But I would still plead that a fresh survey of sources with a canvas larger than politi­ cal, may be still of some use. The first text, among the Persian sources which mentions Åsh"am so spelt, is Abu’l Fazl’s Akbarnåma, Bib. Ind. Ed., Calcutta, 1873­ 87, III, p. 716; the pages of Persian text are given in the margins of H. Beveridge’s translation, so the passage can be traced there. It is said to border Koch or Kuch. In his Å’ ∂n-i Akbar∂ (c.1595), ed. H. Blochmann, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1866-77, I, p. 387, K"amrupa " is mentioned as part of Koch, and Assam is said to adjoin the foot­ hills of Tibet. Greater knowledge began to be gained about the north-east as the Mughal armies fully occupied eastern Bengal in Jahangir’s time. In Mu‘tamad Khån’s Iqbaln"ama-i Jahang∂r∂, vol. II, unique MS Supplement in British Museum/Library MS Or. 1834, f.232a, ‘Tiparå’ (Tripura) is mentioned for the first time as a separate mahal of the suba of Bengal. But it is the Bah"aristan­ " i Ghaib∂ of Mirza Nathan (Al"auddin ‘Ghaibi’ Isfah"an$û) written during Jah"angir’s reign, which begins to give us more information

42

Irfan Habib

on the north-east. Its unique MS is in Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, but it has been translated into English by Borah, 2 vols., Guwahati (1936). It mentions, for example, in some detail (tr., II, pp. 537-8, 554-6) a Mughal expedition against Tipar"a. It has numerous references to Guwahati as ‘Kuhhata’ (‘k’ in Persian tran­ scription does duty for ‘g’ as well) (trs., I, pp. 353, 399-400, & II, pp. 839-40). The next advance in Mughal knowledge of Assam is represented by Abdu’l Ham$û d L" a haur$û’s P"a dsh" a hn" a ma, 2 vols., Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1866-72, vol. I being divided into two separately pagi­ nated parts. This very detailed official history of the first two decades of Shah Jahan’s reign has not yet been translated. It is apparently the first Mughal text to offer a substantive description of Åsh"am (vol. II, pp. 68-70). It was a large tract, it says, where much aloes wood (agar) was obtained. Sand washing yielded lowquality gold. Its ruler named Sarag Dev (?), possessed 1,000 ele­ phants. They bred and rode t"angan (hill) horses. Though not strong in battle on land, they were experts in fighting on boats. They were reported to eat all kinds of animal flesh. Lahauri also described Koch Hajo (Kamrupa), which, he says (II, pp. 77-8, 82) which the Brahmaputra River bisected into Uttarkul and Dakhinkul. It was naturally early in the reign of Aurangzeb that with M$ûr Jumla’s campaign in Assam (1661-3) two very detailed accounts of Assam were generated. The first is the celebrated Fathiya-i ‘Ibriya of Shih"abu’dd$ûn Talish, " one of the surviving manuscripts of which the first part only is available, which was printed under the title T"arikh-i Mulk-i Åsham, " Calcutta, 1847, while an abstract of it was published by H. Bloch­ mann in Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal (vol. 41, 1872, pp. 49­ 101). The translation of an abtract of an extract (‘Asham and the Ahoms in AD 1660’) was made by Sir Jadunath Sarkar and pub­ lished in Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society (vol. I, 1915, pp. 179-95). If I am not mistaken, it is this material in English which has been mainly used by many scholars, excluding of course, Sir Jadunath Sarkar himself, who in fact consulted a number of its manuscripts for his description of Mir Jumla’s campaign in his

External Sources for the History of North-East

43

History of Aurangzeb (vol. II). The Assam part of Fathiya-i-Ibriya was completed by the author in AH 1073 / AD 1662-3, just when Mir Jumla’s campaign ended. Although he, then, continued it to cover the term of Shaista Khan as Governor of Bengal down to AH 1076/AD 1665-6, the Bodleian manuscript (Bodl. 240), which contains it, shows that he made no additions or alterations in the earlier portion of his work. The other account which does not currently seem to receive the attention it deserves, is the account of Mir Jumla’s campaign in Assam by Muhammad K"azim in his Ålamg∂rn"ama, the official his­ tory of the first decade of Aurangzeb’s reign. The work has been published by Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1865-73. But long before this edition, the account of Assam contained in the Ålamg∂rn"ama was abstracted and published in Persian with a page-to-page English translation in as early as 1785 by H. Vansittart, in The Asiatic Miscellany (vol. I, 1785, pp. 458-80), under the title, ‘A Descrip­ tion of Assam, & Co’. In the Bib. Ind. edition of the Ålamg∂rn"ama, this account occurs on pp. 721-32. It will be seen that the accounts in the Fathiya-i Ibriya and the Ålamg∂rn"ama agree so closely in their information and often enough in the language, that it is obvious that they both draw much of their accounts from a common source. This source must have been the official reports (waq’"a‘i) from the Assam campaign, since being an official history, the Ålamg∂rn"ama has its narrative derived gen­ erally from such sources. That the Ålamg∂rn"ama account is inde­ pendent, is proved by much additional information. It mentions, for example, that the ‘Nângas’ (‘the naked people’, the uncon­ sciously pejorative form of name used for the Nagas) accepted the suzerainty of the ruler of Assam, but paid no tribute, and that they traded by barter in aloes wood (Ålamg∂rn"ama, pp. 722, 724­ 5). These details are missing in Fathiya-i-Ibriya. It also says that Assam produced much eri-silk (|tatband | ) (Ålamg∂rnama, " p. 724). I mention yet another source: a collection of letters Mat∂n-i Inshå, written in later years of Aurangzeb’s reign. These were drafted by Lekhr"aj on behalf of two faujdårs of the sarkar of Cooch Behar, collected together in AH 1112/AD 1700-1701. The earliest MS seems to be that of Bodleian Library, Oxford (Bodl. 679). Many of

44

Irfan Habib

the letters are concerned with operations in Cooch Behar, whose borders extended to Guwahati. But whether they actually touch on any place within the present frontiers of Assam. I am unable to say now, having examined the manuscript some 56 years ago. I may mention that Professor Hasan Askari noticed this collection of letters under the title, ‘An Unknown Phase of Mughal-Koch Relations’ in Indian Historical Records Commission—Proceedings (XVII, 1940, pp. 139-48): he was, however, unaware of the Bodleian MS. One recommends with equal hesitation any exploration of the massive literature that was produced in European languages by travellers to India. But from statements about the silk of Assam made by Jean Baptiste Tavernier (Travels in India, tr. V. Ball, second ed. revised by W. Crooke, London, 1925, II, p. 281), it is clear that some of it especially that concerning Bengal, e.g. John Marshall, Notes and Observations in Bengal, 1668-72, ed. Shafaat Ahmad Khan, London, 1927, may repay exploration. But there is, at least, one notable source among this literature, a Dutch ‘relation’, published in the name of Glanius, at Amsterdam in 1681, with an English translation, published the very next year from London. The English translation has a long title ‘A Relation of an Unfortunate Voyage to the Kingdom of Bengala . . . and es­ pecially of his [the Mogul’s] late War against the Kings of Azo and Assam with several other remarkable particulars’. Glanius accom­ panied Mir Jumla’s expedition to Assam and he describes his experi­ ences in about 45 pages (pp. 139-84). To one’s knowledge the work was first noticed by H. Beveridge in his The District of Bakarganj: Its History and Statistics, London, 1876. I should like to conclude my note at this point, urging that a closer and accurate scrutiny be undertaken into Persian sources for the north-east and pre-colonial European literature should also be explored. I understand Persian documents (like madad-i ma‘"ash) relating to parts of Assam (especially Kamrupa) exist and they too need to be studied and interpreted. If all work together with dedi­ cation, one is sure that the historical knowledge would fruitfully expand and the north-east too will have its proper share in history.

CHAPTER 2

Extent and Economic Aspects of

Forests in Mughal India

SHIREEN MOOSVI

Mughal Empire has a two fold importance in the history of Indian forestry. First, it marked the last stage when forests played any significant role in the economic life of the country and, secondly, the data available on the subject for this period are so extensive that one is able to discuss many aspects of forestry that one is unable to deal with for any earlier period. There is, for instance, far greater information on the extent of cultivated land derived from official statistics set out on an empirewide scale (with locality break-ups) as in the Ain-i Akbari (c.1595), the gazetteer of Akbar’s Empire compiled by his minister, Abul Fazl1 or for particular localities as obtained from official seven­ teenth century area surveys. Such statistics allow one to estimate the non-arable area and, given the geography of particular regions, deduce therefrom the area under forest. Information in the nu­ merous sources, including travellers’ narratives, also give a sense of the quality of forest cover in different parts of the country. One may remember that the interest in the forests entertained by the Mughal royalty and nobility lay particularly in the wild beasts they could hunt there; and such descriptions are naturally of much help. As for forest products, one has considerable information on the variety of timber, medicinal plants and plant and animal-products (e.g. wild silks, gum lac, musk). There is little consciousness of forest preservation that one can discern. The official insistence was, on the other hand, mainly on forest clearance (jangal-bari), whose progress was regarded as a major criterion of good administration.

46

Shireen Moosvi

As already noted, the A’in-i Akbari gives measured area (arazi) statistics for the whole of northern India (except some parts of Bihar, Bengal, Sind, and Kashmir). Moreland and Habib made use of these figures to work out the extent of cultivation in Akbar’s time, and one has tried to go over the same ground again.2 The estimates worked out relate to the cultivated area in only three regions of Akbar’s Empire: (a) Uttar Pradesh, comprising the Mughal provinces of Awadh, Allahabad, most of Agra and parts of Delhi, (b) Gujarat, excluding Kutch and Saurashtra (the Mughal province and the present state of Gujarat had practically identical boundaries) and (c) the British province of the Punjab, consisting of the Mughal province of Delhi west of the Yamuna, and pro­ vinces of Lahore and Multan, excluding the sarkar of Bhakkar.3 If one can generalize from these three samples covering around a third of the total area of Akbar’s empire, the extent of cultivation in Mughal India might be put at 50 to 55 per cent of what it was in the opening decade of the twentieth century. A doubling of the extent of cultivation during the three centuries since c.1600 must have meant an immense corresponding retreat of forest and waste­ land, although the retreat naturally varied in extent from region to region. For such regional variations one not only has the statistics but also large amount of other direct and indirect evidence. The imperial level survey of the A’in-i Akbari is reinforced by Yusuf Mirak’s gazetteer for Sind, the Mazhar-i Shahjahani (1636); Munhta Nainsi’s detailed village wise survey of Marwar, Marwar ri Pargana ri Vigat (c.1664); and Muhammad Ali Khan’s account of Gujarat in his Mirat-i Ahmadi, Supplement (1761). Moreover, it was a well established practice with Mughal official histories that a topographical description should be given of the region where Mughal army had made any inroads. Abu’l Fazl’s Akbarnama, Lahori’s Padishahnama and works such as Fathiya-i Ibriya are thus of much help for the geographical description of the regions in which Mughal armies operated during the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It ought to be remembered that direct statements can often be supplemented by inferential evidence derived from information such as on locations of hunting grounds or haunts of wild animals.

Extent and Economic Aspects of Forests

47

These incidental details say much about the extent of forest and even of forest types. For example, wild elephants obviously indi­ cate the proximity of a dense forest while wild cheetahs imply the presence of grass lands and scrub. The breeding grounds of camels (dromedaries) were areas mainly of scrub bordering desert; and of the ‘Gunt’ horses, grass lands and forests of the cold mountain.4 The information can be mapped from regional and local data to show (1) the extent of forest, scrub and desert in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and (2) the major forest products and no­ table representatives of wild life in the same period. The extent of forest, scrub and desert can then be compared with the situation disclosed by official vegetation maps from the early years of the twentieth century. This would roughly indicate how much ‘progress’ India made at the expense of nature in the intervening two centuries (the eighteenth and the nineteenth). One major effort at mapping the descriptive information in the sources has been made by Irfan Habib in his Atlas of the Mughal Empire. This mapping, modified by some research of this author in the sources and with some application of the statistical informa­ tion, serves as the basis of the two maps of forest, scrub and desert prepared for the Mughal era (Map 2.1A Northern India and 2.1B Peninsular India) and of forest produce and wild life (Maps 2.2 and 2.3 respectively for the two regions). One ought to remember that, given the nature of information, one is unable to show many details of the agricultural, forest, scrub and desert zones. A glance at a map of Uttar Pradesh, which incorporates information in Donald Butter’s 1839 survey of Southern Awadh (Map 2.3) shows forest islands in the Upper Gangetic agricultural zone which do not appear in Map 1A. Similarly, agricultural clearings within the main blocks of forests must be expected to exist where Maps 2.1A and 2.1B show unbroken forest zones. But such details are often ignored (as they have to be) in modern small scale maps as well, and should not alter the main picture. From the beginning of this century, one has an authoritative map of vegetation features in the Imperial Gazetteer Atlas, valid for 1909, from which the author has reproduced the areas of forest, scrub and desert in Map 2.4. Those interested may compare it

Map 2.1A: Uttar Pradesh: Extent of Gross Cultivation in 1595

(as percentage of Gross Cultivation in 1909-10)

(Source: Drawn by the author)

Map 2.1B: Panjab: Extent of Gross Cultivation in 1595 (as percentage of Gross Cultivation in 1909-10) (Source: Drawn by the author)

Map 2.2: Gujarat: Extent of Gross Cultivation in 1595 (as percentage of Gross Cultivation in 1903-4) (Source: Drawn by the author)

Map 2.3: Upper and Middle Gangetic Basin: Forests and Scrub

(Excluding Himalayan Forests) Seventeenth Century

(Source: Drawn by the author)

50

Shireen Moosvi

Map 2.4: Upper and Middle Gangetic Basin:

Forests and Scrub (Excluding Himalayan Forests) 1951

(Source: Drawn by the author)

with the recent Indian National Atlas maps nos. 107-9, showing ‘Industrial Wood’, ‘Fuel Wood’ and ‘Minor Forest Produce’, which together would give a fair impression of forest cover, at least within the boundaries of the Indian Union. No recent map of wild life is being reproduced, since much of the wild life now exists in sanc­ tuaries and has less commercial value. A comparison with the vegetation map of 1909 naturally re­ veals a considerable reduction of the domain of nature everywhere. Beginning from the extreme east, one finds Assam and the other north eastern parts of India to have been thickly forested, except for a narrow stretch of cultivation on both sides of the Brahmaputra and a small cultivated region between the Brahmaputra and Dihing rivers.5 The Kajli Ban on the left side of Brahmaputra was dense enough to maintain herds of wild elephants.6 Of course, this was not the only place in Assam where wild elephants abounded: there were four or five other densely forested localities from where it was

Extent and Economic Aspects of Forests

51

estimated that 500 to 600 elephants could be captured every year.7 As the Brahmaputra curved for its final southward journey to the Bay of Bengal, the forests of both sides came together so as to practically shut off the cultivated zone of Assam from the rest of the country. In Bengal the extensive presence of dense forests as late as 1781 is shown in Rennell’s celebrated Bengal Atlas.8 In the north, the submontane or Tarai forests broadened into a large block covering much of Cooch Behar, and the sarkar of Ghoraghat. It then, with some breaks, extended to Sylhet, an important source of timber supply, and linked up with the Arakan forests. Much of the forest in Cooch Behar, Ghoraghat and Sylhet has all but disappeared. In the Delta, the Sundarbans formed an isolated but large forest zone, home to wild elephants. Abu’l Fazl reports that elephants in these forests were introduced by the previous local rulers, who let some domesticated elephants into the forest where they multiplied in the wild.9 They have since, long disappeared; and the Sundarbans forest has receded to a thin strip on the edge of the Bay.10 Orissa stood at the fringe of the Great Central Indian Forest, the eastern portion of which bore the name of Jharkhand.11 Even the agricultural zone was interspersed with sizeable pockets of thick and ‘impenetrable woods’ in late eighteenth century.12 There were forests along the sea coast such as the one to the south of Kanika,13 and the one reported by Hamilton (c.1720) along the river be­ tween Balasore and the sea.14 Lahori, the official historian of Em­ peror Shah Jahan, reports that in an expedition the Mughal forces were forced to traverse a continuous forest of 30 kurohs (about 75 miles) south of Ganjam.15 There was a thick, practically uninterrupted forest continuing from the Himalayan foot hills along the India-Nepal border that formed a broad band of forest right from Purnea in Bihar to Bahraich in Awadh, forming the central part of the famous Tarai forest. Be­ sides being shown in Rennell’s Maps, it is mentioned by a num­ ber of earlier authorities. Abu’l Fazl talks of the thick forest in sarkar Champaran;16 and Desideri in early eighteenth century re­ ports a thick jungle of ‘tall reeds’ and ‘wild bamboos’.17 The Tarai forest in the Mughal era covered most of the region of eastern U.P.

52

Shireen Moosvi

Bamboo covered wastes and wooded tracts of tall kans grass, harboured wild elephants and appeared beyond the reach of the peasants’ plough. The cultivated area in the region of Gorakhpur in c. 1595 was a mere one-twentieth of what it was in 1909-10.18 The region is reported to be ‘full of forest’ in the middle of the seventeenth century.19 It is true that cultivation had already started expanding in the seventeenth century and the land revenue and measured area statistics of Aurangzeb’s reign suggest a three-fold increase of cultivation over the 1595 figure; but still the supremacy of the forest here was hardly touched. The forest here remained dense enough to provide a habitat for wild elephants in the first decade of the nineteenth century.20 On the basis of Sheets 8B and 10B of the Atlas of the Mughal Empire, one has prepared a map of forests, c.1600, in the upper and middle Gangetic Basins (Map 2.3). This map offers some ad­ ditions for southern Awadh based on Butter’s report of 1839 on the topography of the area. He reports ‘an immense forest’ in Pratapgarh and another of three miles diameter in Salon (U.P.). Butter distinguishes two types of forests in the region: one occu­ pying lowlands annually overflowed by the Ganga and Deoha, which could not be reclaimed for cultivation, such forests being mainly in Baiswara. The other type of forests were more numerous but more vulnerable to encroachments. The land being very fer­ tile, these forests, usually interspersed with stretches of cultiva­ tion, were already fast disappearing. A large forest (20 by 8 miles), in the vicinity of Manikpur, had by then been almost entirely cleared within the short span of four years between 1833 and 1837. However, there were still some ‘sylvan’ stretches Niwardipur, Faizabad, Pali and Rudauli that were deliberately preserved either for pasturage or as possible places for refuge for the zamindars. These forests were mostly dry and, therefore, free of wild elephants.21 The map is based on the National Atlas of India (sheets 102-5) and shows the area covered by forest and scrub in the same region upto 1951. Both Maps 2.3 and 2.5 omit depiction of forests in the Himalayas and north of the India-Nepal frontier. A compari­ son of Maps 2.3 and 2.5 shows that the Tarai forest, which was very broad and continuous in the seventeenth century right from

Extent and Economic Aspects of Forests

53

Map 2.5: Wild Elephants and Cheetahs c.1600 (Source: Drawn by the author)

Purnea in Bihar to Bahraich in Awadh (U.P.) disappeared in the east (south of the India-Nepal frontier) by 1951 while the re­ maining stretch of Tarai now survived in broken fragments and strips. In the seventeenth century the forest line curved sharply southwards to enclose much of Rohilkhand. Further out, the for­ est pierced the Ghaghara. But now only a little of it survives north of the Ghaghara and none to its south. All stretches of forest and scrub scattered in South Awadh as late as 1837 were completely cleared by 1951. The Central Indian forests towards the south tended to show a less traumatic change, though the withdrawal and fragmentation here too was quite considerable. The south of the Mughal suba of Bihar was under the dense ‘Jharkhand’ forests harbouring wild elephants22 and serving as a

54

Shireen Moosvi

rich source of gum lac.23 These, like the forests of Orissa were part of the Central Indian Forest. The most extensive unbroken forest within India in Mughal times was indeed in Central India; the forest zone stretching from Bastar (between the Mahanadi and the Godavari), Jharkhand (be­ tween the Son and the Mahanadi) in the east to the borders of Gujarat (Dohad and Rajpipla), where wild elephants were hunted, according to Lahori,24 and in the north west to the banks of river Chambal. This forest is designated by Irfan Habib as the ‘Great Central Indian Forest’. It is this immense forested region that ex­ plains the significance of the Malwa plateau as a large isolated one of cultivation with the territory of Garh (around Jabalpur), re­ puted for its rich agriculture,25 as another isolated pocket. The Central Indian Forest retreated noticeably by the middle of the eighteenth century; and by 1761 according to the author of the Mirat-i Ahmadi the forest-route by which wild elephants could reach the proximity of Rajpipla was closed.26 By 1909 the forest had become so fragmented and sparse that areas where wild el­ ephants could survive were reduced only to the border districts between the then Central Provinces and Orissa. Beyond Rajpipla, towards the west the area upto the sandy tract between the Sabar and Banas rivers was mostly under the plough. The gross cultivated area in c.1595 in the suba of Gujarat (exclud­ ing sarkar Saurath, Cutch and Lesser Cutch) was nearly 60 per cent of the gross cultivation in 1903-4. In the sarkars of Surat and Baroda almost all of what was cultivable land in 1903-4 had al­ ready been brought under the plough by 1595, the cultivation being as high as 9/10ths.27 The only tracts that still had much jungle cover were situated on both sides of the banks of the Narmada, where Jahangir caught elephants in 161828 and which Mundy found very wild and woody in 1633.29 Here in the sarkars of Godhra and Champaner the ploughed area in c.1595 was 2/5ths of the cultivation in 1903-4. The only other region besides Gujarat, where agriculture ex­ tended to almost the entire surface area by the close of the six­ teenth century was Middle Doab and Delhi west of the Yamuna. The jungles between the Ganga and Yamuna that provided a place

Extent and Economic Aspects of Forests

55

of escape to the peasants in the fourteenth century30 had already mostly disappeared; so too the grasslands and scrub between Badaun and Delhi, that was in the fourteenth century, home to tigers.31 Here in 1595-6 in certain tracts the measured area, the double cropped area being double counted, even exceeded the to­ tal map area. In Agra and its surrounding districts where Pelsaert in 1620 particularly noticed the lack of trees in the countryside, the cultivation c.1595 was as high as it was in 1909-10 and no forested area existed.32 In the Haryana region, though the size of cultivated area in c.1605 was comparatively low (nearly 45 per cent of that of 1909­ 10) no jungles (apart from the sub-Himalayan) are reported in the sixteenth-seventeenth centuries. Here cultivation seems to have extended later at the expense of waste and grass lands largely through canal irrigation. The same is true for the Punjab plains where the only forested area was that of the Lakhi jungles on the banks of the Sutlej which, according to Sujan Rai Bhandari (1695­ 6), were so thick that it was difficult even for a man on foot to get easy passage.33 But the Lakhi jungle must have had clearings here and there since Manucci informs us that the Bhatis had ‘their dwelling in these huge jungles’.34 The Indus Plains were mainly encompassed by desert and scrub outside the flood or river irrigated zones. The Thar desert covered a considerable area and has shown little change over the last few centuries. There seems to have been much land under scrub in the Punjab, Rajasthan and Gujarat and in the vicinity of Gwalior. The imperial hunting grounds for cheetahs were mainly located near Pakpattan, Bhatnair, Bhatinda and Sunam in the Punjab; at Merta, Nagaur, Jhunhunu, Amarsar and near Jodhpur in Rajasthan. These hunting grounds for cheetahs strongly indicate the presence of scrub and grass lands and wastes. Cheetahs were also found in Gujarat near Patan and Navanagar and, within Madhya Pradesh, in or near the Chambal ravines close to Gwalior. The presence of scrub and grassland must be assumed there as well.35 In peninsular India, the forest over down the Western Ghats and parts of the Deccan Plateau was similarly far more extensive than that at the beginning of this century. This is shown, to begin

56

Shireen Moosvi

with, by the large supplies of teak which were then available from the forests between Surat and the latitude of Bombay now Mumbai.36 These teak forests had disappeared by 1900. Wild el­ ephants were found in Kanara,37 where, again, they were not found any longer by 1900, though some of the teak forests, described in the seventeenth century, 38 still survived.39 In Kerala, the seven­ teenth century sources strongly attest the presence of forests, with reference to wild elephants and abundance of teak and other forest timber like sandalwood and anjeli.40 The forests in the area were in part dense enough in 1900 as well, so as to contain both wild elephants and the timber; but though the extent of the retreat of forest cannot, of course, be laid down precisely, much clearing had doubtless occurred. On the Deccan Plateau, there was a large block of forest extend­ ing from the Krishna-Tungabhadra confluence almost to the delta, south of the Krishna river, and also in patches on its left bank. A comparison of Maps 2.1B and 2.4 shows that a core of the forest still exists, but has been much reduced. Tavernier found wild el­ ephants being caught just north of Tirupati,41 showing an almost continuous extension of this great block of forest into southern Andhra. The continuity is now broken; and no wild elephants roam near Tirupati. Unfortunately, one has not been able to trace any information about the forest cover in the area of the pre-1947 Mysore state in the seventeenth century; and the forest cover within its limits as depicted in Map 2.1B must be treated with caution. The presence of wild elephants in various regions has already been considered as evidence of the existence of forests. Another animal to consider is the wild buffalo whose presence attests the existence of swamps and large expanses of wasteland with tall grass or drier grounds drained by nullahs and scattered trees. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries wild buffaloes were found in Awadh.42 As late as the 1830s their presence is attested in south­ ern Awadh.43 An Uzbek traveller noticed large herds of them, near Burdwan in Jahangir’s reign.44 Manucci found them in the Sundar­ bans in Bengal.45 At present, wild buffaloes are found in none of these areas, being confined to Assam, North Bihar and parts of

Extent and Economic Aspects of Forests

57

southern Madhya Pradesh. Some evidence is forthcoming about the presence of rhinoceros in regions where it is now absolutely unknown. For example, Abu’l Fazl reports its presence in sarkar Sambhal.46 There are two dis­ tinct species of this animal in India with totally different habitats, viz., great one-horned one which being a grazer lives in tall grass jungles in swampy and marshy ground and a lesser one-horned species that is found in swampy forests since it is not a grazer but a browser.47 The evidence about rhinoceros is thus not of much help in establishing the presence of dense forests. The impact of this immense change in the extent of forest and grassland has naturally had far-reaching consequences for the economy. The much larger extent of forest in Mughal times must have provided certain important products. First, there was a larger supply of timber for construction and ship building, firewood, charcoal, gum lac and tussar silk. Second, animals such as wild elephants were economically important when caught not only as war animals but also as beasts of burden. Cheetahs were caught and trained to hunt deer, and were much in demand among the Imperial Court and the aristocracy. Besides the large blocks of forests, grasslands and scrub that existed along side of it, the cultivated zone was interspersed with strips of jungle and waste. The presence of these pockets was an obvious requirement of agriculture. These provided pasturages for cattle, fire wood, timber and other forest products such as wild fruits, honey, toddy, etc. An early nineteenth century lexicographic source defines bankar as ‘whatever is produced in jungle, such as fodder and fire-wood’.48 These forests, upto the early years of Akbar, were perhaps traditionally treated as the property of the local chief­ tains, Bayazid writing in 1566, said that after the imperial forces took over Gorakhpur, Raja Sansar Chand who was injured fled to his ‘own’ forest (Jangal-i khwud ).49 Later on one finds the transfer of the right to bankar as a common feature in the sale deeds of zamindari rights.50 The proximity of jungle to village settlement gave an impres­ sion of abundance of game and fowl. Various species of birds, viz., partridges, pigeons, ducks, peacocks, quails were to be easily found

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and there was no dearth of deer and antelope as reported by Terry (1616-19), who further adds that ‘the whole kingdom is as it were a forest, for a man can travel no way but he shall see them, and they were every man’s game.’51 Besides being the source of fodder, firewood and game, these jungles served another purpose for peasants and zamindars. These could serve as a refuge when the pressure of revenue collection became too heavy. During the reign of Jahangir, villagers in the vicinity of Mathura were reported to have fled to the jungles on the other bank of the Yamuna and refused to pay the land revenue.52 In 1595-6 Sujan Rai, described the Lakhi jungle astride the Sutlej and Beas channels as an area of refuge for the recalcitrant.53 As late as the 1830s Donald Butter in his account of Southern Awadh explicitly states that forests on the fringes of cultivated tracts were deliberately preserved either for pasturage or as possible places of refuge by the zamindars.54 The large bulk of nature’s domain as against the relatively smaller agricultural zone in the Mughal era, might be considered as an advantage to agriculture for other reasons as well. First of all, it offered a way of long term fallow land by which the exhausted arable land could be allowed to be covered by jungle, while fresh, virgin land was reclaimed from it. Second, the forest and jungle could help to retain moisture for a long time; and one could even suppose that there was a somewhat greater precipitation for this reason. This may explain why Malwa and Garh, islands of agricul­ ture within the Great Central Indian Forest, were reputed to be exceptionally fertile, for Abul Fazl describes Garh as a rich agricul­ tural area, exporting grain to the Deccan and Gujarat and Malwa produced foodgrains in such an abandunce that the surplus it grew catered to the needs of Gujarat.55 The large expanse under forest, scrub and grass also meant that a greater number of cattle could be kept and fed per head of rural population. The European travellers were struck by the large herds of cattle everywhere in the countryside. One has to treat with cau­ tion all such general statements, but the fact that four oxen, two cows and one buffalo were allowed free of tax per plough in Akbar’s time56 suggests that considerable amount of livestock was expected

Extent and Economic Aspects of Forests

59

to be maintained by an ordinary peasant, without being consid­ ered rich enough to be taxed for its possession. Areas of scrub were also used as breeding grounds for cattle. The Royal Commission on Indian Agriculture (1928) noticed that the extension of agri­ culture in the Tarai forest resulted in greatly curtailing the excel­ lent grazing land earlier used by the professional cattle breeders.57 As has been suggested above, the economic significance of forest and uncultivated waste was not confined to its direct support for agriculture. The other major products included firewood and char­ coal; timber needed for houses and implements, for ship and boat building; other kinds of wood; bamboo; gum lac beeswax, wild silks; bezoar, musk, etc. The major commercial product of the forests was wood, i.e. fire­ wood and timber. The greater forest and scrub cover should natu­ rally imply higher availability and thus lower prices of firewood. One is thus tempted to assess the change in the size of supply of firewood with the help of data on prices. Unfortunately though Abu’l Fazl obligingly mentions the quantity of firewood consumed in the imperial kitchen, namely 1,500,00 man58 (37,63,890 kilo­ grams) a year, he does not quote any prices. Thus one can only be impressed by the fact that the forests supplied to the imperial kitchen alone with such a huge amount of firewood, that required 6000 carts to carry it.59 By the 1860s a great increase in charcoal prices was reported, attributed to the scarcity of firewood that had occurred owing to the disappearance of the ‘great forest of Narwar’. The increase in the price of charcoal resulted in a steep apprecia­ tion in that of the local iron.60 It is true that in large cities, especially those situated in the midst of large clearings, the firewood costs could be high. As Pelsaert recognised, in respect of Agra, ‘firewood is consequently very dear and is sold by weight 60 lbs from 12 to 18 pice (or 5 stivers) making a serious annual expense for a large household.’61 But the price seems unbelievably high, even when one considers that the Doab had few forests left and cart-transport from other sources of supply must have been considerable. Indeed, in 1718 the fire­ wood is quoted at two seers a fulus, i.e. Rs. 0.67 a man, since 30 fulus/muradi were worth a Rupee. The price of wheat is not quoted,

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but wheat flour was priced at seven seers per rupee (i.e. Rs. 5.7 a man). The ratio between firewood and wheat flour prices was, there­ fore, 1: 11.75. The comparative prices at Allahabad in the same year in terms of good quality rice works out at 1: 10; at the same time in monetary terms, firewood at Allahabad cost only 65 per cent of what it did in Agra the same year,62 bearing out Pelsaert’s general observations about the relative costliness of firewood at Agra. This could perhaps well be owing to the smaller size of Allahabad as a town and to the proximity of forests, for which see Map 2.1A. Good quality timber such as teak, sal and anjeli-wood was avail­ able in abundance in India. The Indian forests were rich with a variety of timbers for construction. The A’in-i Akbari records seventy two varieties of timber with different degrees of specific gravity in its chapter on building construction.63 Teak and other good quality timber was used for ship building during the seven­ teenth and eighteenth centuries. The major supplies of teak came from forests in southern Gujarat. Here it was of very high quality and ‘Cheaper than in any other place’,64 yet good for ‘building houses and ships’.65 Another source of teak was the area around Thana and Kalyan Bhiwandi.66 There were teak forests on the bank of the Godavari; the timber was floated down that river, mainly for ship building on the coast.67 In Sondha and Belgaon there were teak forests,68 but these were most extensive in Kerala where Anjeli wood was also produced in abundance.69 Teak also grew in the deltas of Krishna and Godavari, in the vicinity of Machhlipatan70 and near Narsapur.71 Similarly, the forests around Dehradun appeared to be a major source of timber supplies for use in house building. In the 1680s timber worth Rs. 5,000 was procured from Khelaghar forests in Dehradun to be taken to Delhi for use in construction of a noble’s house.72 In his sixteenth regnal year Aurangzeb for his own use procured from the same place sal timber worth Rs. 8,000.73 Sal was described as the timber much in use for building houses and boats.74 The Himalayan forests met the needs of the Punjab, particularly Lahore, Akbar’s capital for over twelve years. Here the availability

Extent and Economic Aspects of Forests

61

of good quality timber, obviously from the Himalayas, prompted him to build two sea going ships at Lahore, to be sent down to Thatta or Lahari Bandar.75 Timber used to be sent to Thatta floated down the Ravi.76 Sujan Rai says sal wood logs were floated down the Chenab from the Himalayas.77 Bamboo and cane was found in the forest near Rohtas from where according to Mundy, it was taken to other parts of the country to be used in buildings.78 Bamboo from the forests near Ghoraghat and Patna were very strong, straight and long and were also used as carrying poles of palanquins.79 In the south bamboo is reported near Uttokotal in forest around Tirupati80 and in the woods near Tanur, Karwar81 and Garasappa.82 Bamboo was of much importance for a great number of people of town and countryside alike and not only the poor, because of their use in providing them with roof-frames for houses that were mainly built of walls of clay and straw and thatch roofed.83 The easy availability of bamboo gave rise to a flourishing profes­ sion of fans, baskets and boxes making that sustained whole pro­ fessional castes in U.P. and Bihar. It was perhaps the decline in forest area that by the close of the nineteenth century these, e.g. the Dorhas, were obliged to shift to agriculture.84 Aloe wood came from the forests of Assam.85 The tribals inhab­ iting the Assam hills used to bring it and barter it with salt and food grain brought up from the plains.86 Aloe wood was found in the forests of Bengal as well, from where Governor Qasim Khan, sent forty mans of it as present to Emperor Shah Jahan.87 The south Gujarat forests also produced aloe wood that was sold at Cambay in the early seventeenth century.88 The English factors bought it in Patna to be sent to Persia, though from where Patna obtained it, is not clear.89 The major source of sandal wood was naturally enough, in the region of Karnataka.90 The forest in the vicinity of Khelna was reported to contain sandal wood trees.91 Abul Fazl says ebony was produced in the jungles near Kalinjar in Central India.92 Gum lac yielded by certain trees was used as a red dye and a polishing material for household furniture.93 It was also used as a filling in ornaments by the goldsmiths.94 The forests of Bengal

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were an important source of gum lac.95 The Bengal gum lac was reported to be ‘fair and cleaner’ than that of Pegu96 and yet cheap and plentiful.97 It was sent in boatloads from Hijili.98 The other major source of gum lac was the jungles of Gujarat, particularly those in the proximity of Surat and Baroda.99 It was thus available in abundance in the Gujarat marts from where the English East India Company used to buy it, to be ‘used for dyeing all the world over’.100 Gum lac was much in demand in Gujarat itself for use in the local dyeing industry. In 1609 it was selling at Rs. 3-3½ a man at Surat.101 It was collected from the Malabar102 and the Gingelli coast as well, since both regions contained dense forests. 103 The Sundarban forests of the Bengal Delta were a good source of beeswax, from where it was supplied to other parts of the country at the close of the sixteenth century.104 In 1676 Master sailing up from the Balasore in his ship Arrival met swarms of bees. His ac­ count suggests that the beeswax from Sundarbans was by now considered such an important forest product that it was made ‘a king’s commodity’ and ‘none was suffered to deal in it except for his account’.105 Bernier described the Bengal beeswax as the best in the country.106 Production and collection of beeswax was not confined to the Bengal delta forests. The forests in the north of Machhilipatam also produced beeswax in such a quantity that they receive mention in our authorities.107 Honey was a necessary complement to beeswax: thus in the 1670s Bowrey mentions it as a commodity available in plenty in Bengal.108 Forests in Orissa, Bengal and in the south were rich sources of highly valued wild silks. Tussar or Herba and Eri were totally wild, but Muga was partly wild, as the worm required forest to form its cocoon on but when ready to spin its cocoon is removed indoors.109 Frederick (1567-9) mentions ‘herbes’, a kind of wild silk in Orissa110 which is also mentioned by Ralph Fitch (1583-86).111 Herba or Tussar is described as a ‘bright yellow’ silk112 that was ‘dearer and more esteemed’.113 The factors of the English East India Company also mention herba or tussar silk in Bengal and Orissa during the seventeenth century. 114 Muga was produced mainly

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63

in Assam, and an expensive variety of it was also called Champa silk. 115 In the hill forests of Golkunda (sarkars of Warangal and Tilan­ gana) but principally in Bastar were found goats who secreted be­ zoar stones from their stomachs. A treatise on Bezoar (pazahar), written in the sixteenth century, states that the bezoar stones taken from the goats in tracts above mentioned could be as heavy as 3 or 4 tolas (35-45 g). These were taken by the Portuguese to Achin.116 Methwold (1618-1712) found that in the Golkunda kingdom a great number of goats were killed for bezoar and goat skin.117 But the demand of bezoar within the country was so high that a supe­ rior quality had to be imported from Persia. Thevenot says that sheep and cows secreting bezoar ceased to do if they were removed from their particular habitat.118 The bezoar goats had to be killed for obtaining the ‘stone’; but, apparently, to judge from what Manucci who was writing about them in the early eighteenth cen­ tury says, there was still no shortage of them in the Bastar for­ ests.119 Goat bezoar is mentioned as also the produce of Sind in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.120 Another important item of animal produce similar to bezoar was musk, secreted in its musk sac by the musk deer. The muskdeer were found mainly in Tibet121 and Ladakh122 but were also reported from the hill forests of Assam and Bengal.123 Perhaps the most important article which the forest provided to the Mughal ruling class was elephants which were much sought after as war animals and as beasts of burden. The demand for el­ ephants seemed insatiable. Five thousand of them were kept in Emperor Akbar’s establishment alone.124 His nobles were obliged to maintain another 7,709 elephants under the conditions of the personal or zat ranks.125 The statistics of zamindars forces given by Abu’l Fazl, for various provinces of the Empire yield a total of nearly 2000 elephants with the zamindars, the highest number (1,170) belonging to the zamindars of Bengal. The other prov­ inces where zamindars are reported to have maintained elephants are Awadh, Allahabad, Agra, Bihar and Malwa. The coverage seems to have been incomplete in respect of the last-named suba from

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which only 59 elephants are recorded. This is especially unlikely, since elephants were not only numerous (sarkars of Garh and Handia are reported by Abu’l Fazl himself to have immense numbers of elephants), but also because they were so much in demand that the revenues were paid here partly in elephants.126 One must remember, moreover, that Abul Fazl’s statistics do not cover Assam and peninsular India. Thus a total of 14,709 that he reports for the Mughal Empire may have to be increased to provide an estimate of the number elephants in captivity in India as a whole, c.1600. The ruler of Assam alone possessed 1000 elephants,127 while 500 to 600 elephants were yearly caught in Assam.128 Clearly, many elephants must have been exported from Assam to the Mughal Empire. The natural life of an elephant is very long. Of course, war and even unruliness of some elephants took its toll.129 But as against this was the fact that elephants breed with difficulty in captivity, so that the major source of replenishment of supply remained the elephant population in the wild. It seems that a large part of the supply of elephants for Akbar’s own establishment came from elephants capture expeditions in forests, a list of these elephant hunting grounds being given by Abu’l Fazl, all situated in Agra, Allahabad, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa and Malwa.130 Some elephants were received in gifts and some as part of revenue, as has been seen. But elephant hunts within the Empire seem to have been very much of an Imperial monopoly. Others had to purchase them in the market, sold either by the Imperial establishment131 or by owners, who might ultimately have got them from forests outside the Imperial control in India or Southeast Asia. The prices had a wide range. In 1580-1 Hakim Abul Fath Gilani a noble of Akbar could expect to buy a tusker at a price of Rs. 2 or 3,000.132 In the time of Shah Jahan, Abdullah Qutub Shah, ruler of Golkunda, wrote to his agent at the imperial court that superior Indian elephants, valued at rupees one lakh, or at a half or a third of that price were no longer available. The elephants that merchants brought from south east Asia were not found to be worth Rs.1 lakh, the price demanded.133 In 1701 an

Extent and Economic Aspects of Forests Year 1661

1662 1662 1662 1662 1662

65

Price per elephant (Rs.) 1 tusker 3 elephants, valued in total at 2740 huns; so the price per elephant (1 hun being equal to Rs.4) 2 tuskers, total: 925 huns 1 female elephant - do ­ 1 tusker 2 tuskers, total: 1790 huns.

5,000.00

3,653.00 1,850.00 4,000.00 2,560.00 2,508.00 3,580.00

elephant reported to have been brought at a price of Rs. 15,000 from the Imperial administration, was reported to have had its valuation increased to Rs. 50,000 from the Imperial administra­ tion, after ‘repairs’, that is better feeding.134 These must have been the prices of very high-quality elephants. The prices of apparently, the more ordinary ones reported from Masulipatam early in the reign of Aurangzeb were as follows:135 This prices suggest that the price-range (Rs. 2,000-3,000) for an elephant contemplated by Abu’l Fath Gilani, c.1580, could be accepted to serve for Akbar’s time. Taking the given estimate of 25,000 elephants in captivity for the country, c.1595, assuming that at least one thirteenth of them were re­ placed every year from the forests, one can estimate the annual supply at 833 elephants. At an average price of Rs. 2,500, the annual value added by Indian forests on account of elephants was at about Rs. 20.82 lakh, which would be not an insignificant amount at that time.

An animal that has now become extinct from the wild in India, but was of much economic significance in the Mughal period was the cheetah. Akbar caught, tamed and trained them for hunting deer. He had nearly 1,000 cheetahs in his hunting establishment.136 They were not numerous enough to become market goods like elephants, and they were probably an imperial monopoly. Yet this lack of entry into the exchange economy cannot obscure their value as hunting animals. This resource too from the scrub and grass­ lands has now been lost.

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Shireen Moosvi NOTES

1. Abul Fazl, A’in-i Akbari, ed. Blockmann, Calcutta, 1867. 2. Shireen Moosvi, Economy of the Mughal Empire: A Statistical Study, Oxford, 1987, pp. 70-1. (This estimate corroborates Irfan Habib’s infer­ ence largely drawn from village statistics), Agrarian System of Mughal India, Bombay, 1963, pp. 12-15; W.H. Moreland was the first to make the attempt. India at the Death of Akbar, London, 1930, pp. 20-2. 3. The A’in-i Akbari also gives measured area figures for parts of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh but as these are incomplete, a reliable estimate cannot be worked out for these areas. 4. P.D. Stracey, Wild Life in India. Its Conservation and Control, New Delhi, 1963; B.K. Tekader, Threatened Animals of India, Calcutta, 1983. For Gunt horses, see G. Watt, The Commercial Product of India, London, 1908. 5. Muhammad Kazim, Alamgir Nama, ed. Khadim Husain & Abdul Hai, Calcutta, 1865-73, pp. 723-33. 6. Ibid., 702, Shihabudduin Talish, Fathiya Ibriya, pub. as Tarikh-i Mulk-i Asham, Calcutta: 1847, p. 27. 7. Abdul Hamid, Lahori, Padshahnama, II edn., Calcutta: 1866, p. 69; Alamgir Nama, p. 723. 8. James Rennel, Bengal Atlas, London, 1781. 9. A’in-i Akbari, p. 39. 10. There are discussions of the extent of Sundarban in Blochmann, JASB, XLII, 1873, pp. 226-32; H. Beveridge. District of Bakarganj, London, 1876, pp. 169-80. 11. Abu’l Fazl, Akbarnama, II edn. H. Beveridge, Calcutta, 1873, p. 120. 12. Rennel’s Atlas, Map 7. Akbarnama, II, p. 615. 13. Akbarnama, II, p. 1615. 14. J. Pinkerton’s General Collection of the best and most interesting Vovages and Travels in all parts of the world, vol. VIII, London, 1811, p. 407. 15. Lahori, Badshahnama, I, p. 373. 16. A’in, I, p. 417. 17. Ippolito Desideri, An Account of Tibet, & c. 1712-27, tr. Philippo de Philippi, London, 1932, p. 321. 18. Moosvi, Economy of the Mughal Empire, p. 52. 19. Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Travel in India, tr. V. Ball, ed. W. Crooke, II, London, 1925, p. 20. 20. Ghulam Hazrat, Kawaif-I Zila’-i Gorakhpur, British Library, MS, I.O. 4540, f.9b.

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21. Donald Butter, Outlines of the Topography and Statistics of the Southern Districts of Ou’dh, Calcutta, 1839, pp. 116-25. 22. A’in, I, p. 132. 23. Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Munday in Europe and Asia, vol. II, ed. K.C. Temple, Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, XXXV, London, 1944, pp. 151, 153. 24. Lahori, Padishahnama, II, p. 331. One hundred and thirty elephants were captured here in one hunt around 1630. 25. A’in, I, p. 456. 26. Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i Ahmadi, I, ed. Nawab Ali, Baroda, 1927, p. 214. 27. Economy of the Mughal Empire, p. 57. 28. Tuzuk-i Jahangiri, ed. Syed Ahmad, Ghazipur, 1863, p. 225. 29. Mundy, II, p. 377. 30. Ziya Barni, Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, ed. S.A. Khan, W.N. Lees & Kabiruddin, Calcutta: 1860, pp. 492-3. 31. Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul Fuad, ed. L. Malik, p. 254. 32. Economy of the Mughal Empire, p. 57. 33. Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasatu’t Tawarikh, Lahore, British Library, MS., 1966, p. 234. 34. Nicolao Manucci, Storia do Mogor, 1656-1712, tr. W. Irvine, II, London: 1907, p. 457. 35. See Economic Maps of the provinces concerned in Irfan Habib, Atlas of the Mughal Empire, Delhi, 1982. 36. English Factories, 1668-9, pp. 65-79, 83-4; Hamilton, Pinkerton’s Voyages, VIII, p. 326; G.W. Forrest (ed.), Selections from Bombay Secretariat, Bombay, Home, I, 1887, p. 120; and Intrepid tinerant: Manuel Godinho and His Journey from India to Portugal in 1663, ed. & tr. John Correia-Afonso with V. Lobo, Bombay, 1990, pp. 31-2. 37. John Fryer, A New Account of East India and Persia, & c.1681-87, ed. H. Yule, London, 1887-9, II, p. 42. 38. Fryer, II, p. 75. Hamilton, Pinkerton’s Voyages, VIII, p. 358. 39. Cf. George Watt, Commercial Products of India, London, 1908, p. 1068. 40. See, e.g. Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India, tr. V. Ball, ed. W. Crooke, London, 1889, p. 126; Hamilton, Pinkerton’s Voyages, VIII, pp. 364-5, 376, 382, 385. 41. Jean-Baptist Tavernier, Travel in India, I, tr. V. Ball, ed. W. Crooke, London, 1925, pp. 273-5. 42. Abu’l Fazl, A’in-i Akbari, p. 433. 43. Donald Butter, fn 53, p. 5.

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44. Mahmud Balkhi, Bahru’l Asrar, ed. Riazul Islam, Karachi, 1980, pp. 30-1. 45. Manucci, p. 87. 46. A’in I, p. 514. 47. B.K. Tekadar, Threatened Animals of India, Calcutta, 1983, pp. 89-91. 48. Add 6003 f.57a. 49. Bayazid Biyat, Tarikh-i Humayun-o-Akbar, ed., M. Hidayat Hosain, Calcutta: 1941, p. 316. 50. See the document relating to the East India Company’s purchase of the Calcutta zamindari Add. 24039 f.39a. 51. Early Travel in India (1583-1619), ed. W. Forter, London, 1927, p. 296. 52. Tuzuk, pp. 375-6. 53. Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasatu’t Tawarikh, p. 63; Manucci, II, pp. 457-8. 54. Butter, pp. 116-25. 55. A’in, I, p. 456. 56. Ibid., I, p. 287. 57. Cf. W.H. Moreland, Indiat at the Death of Akbar, pp. 106-7. 58. A’in, pp. 151-2. 59. Ibid. 60. Cunningham, Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, II, Calcutta, p. 325. 61. Francisco Pelsaert, ‘Remonstrantie’, c.1626, tr. Moreland and Geyl, Jahangir’s India, Cambridge, 1925, p. 48. 62. Haqq Muhammad Itibar Ali Khan, Mirat-i Haqaiq, MS. Bodl. Fraser, p. 124, ff.135a, 138b. 63. A’in, I, p.387. 64. EFI, 1668-9, 1668-9, p. 79. 65. Hamilton, I, p. 104. 66. EFI, 1668-9, pp. 83-4, Selection from Bombay Sect, p. 120. 67. Relations of Golkunda in the Early Seventeenth Century, ed. & tr. W.H. Moreland, London: 1930, p. 80. 68. EFI, 1624-9, p. 260, Fryer, II, p. 75. 69. Pinkerton in Hamilton, p. 374, 376, 382. 70. Ibid., p. 397. 71. Thomas Bowrey, A Geographical Account of Countries round the Bay of Bengal, 1669 to 1679, ed. R.C. Temple, Cambridge, 1905, p. 99 & 102. 72. Munshi Malikzada, Nigarnama-i Munshi, Lucknow, 1882, pp. 146-7. 73. Farman of Aurangzeb cited in Sirmur State Gazetteer, A, Lahore, 1907, p.14. 74. Munshi Tek Chand Bahar, Bahar-i Ajam, Lucknow, 1916, p. 76.

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75. Abu’l Fazl, Akbarnama, vol. III, ed. Ahmad Ali, Calcutta, 1877, pp. 615-16. 76. EFI, 1634-6, p. 204. 77. Sujan Rai, p. 77. 78. Mundy, II, pp. 168-9. 79. Marshall, p.122. 80. Tavernier, I, p. 271. 81. Fryer, I, pp.136-7, 73-4. 82. Pietro della Valle, The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India, II, tr. E. Grey, London, 1892, p. 220. 83. Roe reported between Burhanpur and Surat the ‘townes and villages of clay and thatched roofs’: (The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, 1615-19, ed. W. Foster, London, 1926, p. 137); Bernier found most of the houses in Delhi of this type (Francois Bernier, Travel in Mogul Empire, 1659-68, tr. A. Constable, (rev.) V.A. Smith, London, 1916, p. 246) and Marshall those of Makhsusabad in Bengal ( Johan Marshall, in India: Notes and Observations in Bengal, 1668-72, ed. S.A. Khan, London, 1927, p. 671). 84. W. Crooke, The Tribes and Caste of North Western Provinces and Oudh, II, Calcutta, 1896, p. 344. 85. Fathiya-i-Ibriya, p. 64. 86. Alamgirnama, pp. 724-5. 87. Lahori, I, p. 409. 88. Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas and his Pilgrims, II, Glasgow: James Mac Lehose, 1907, p. 504. 89. EFI, 1618-24, p. 206. 90. A’in, I, p. 477. 91. Khafi Khan, Muntakhabu’l Lubab, ed. K.D. Ahmad & Haig, Calcutta, 1860-74, p. 501. 92. A’in, I, p. 424. 93. Mandelslo, pp. 16-17. 94. Bernier, pp. 437-40. 95. Ibid. 96. Tavernier, II, p. 19. 97. EFI, 1634-6, p. 146. 98. Travels of Fray Sebastian Manrique, 629-43, tr. C.E. Luard, London, 1927, pp. 406-7. 99. Mandelslo, pp.16-17; Thevenot, p. 44. 100. EFI, 1639-40, p. 95.

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101. Letters Received, by the East India Company from its Servants in the East, I, ed. F.C. Danvers, 1896, p. 30. 102. John Huyghen van Linschoten, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies, II, ed. P.A. 103. Bowrey, pp.121-2. 104. Purchas his Pilgrims, X, Glassgow, 1907, p. 206. 105. S. Master, I, The Diaries of Streynsham Master, 1675-1680, & C. ed. R.C. Temple, London, 1911, p. 324. 106. F. Bernier, Travels in the Mughal Empire, 1656-68, tr. A. Constable, 2nd edn. rev. V.A. Smith, London, 1916, pp. 437-40. 107. Jean de Thevenot, Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri, ed. S.N. Sen, New Delhi, 1949, p. 148. 108. Thomas Bowrey, A Geographical Account of round the Bay of Bengal, 1669 to 1679 , ed. R.C. Temple, Cambridge, 1905, pp. 132-3. 109. Watt, Economic Products, vol. 6, pt. II, pp. 164 & 174. 110. Purchas, X, p. 113. 111. Early Travels, p. 26. 112. Laval, I, pp. 328-9. 113. Linschoten, I, pp. 95-6. 114. EFI, 1665-60, p. 295; Master, II, pp. 84-5. 115. Alamgirnama, III, p. 724. 116. Imaduddin Mahmud, Risala-i Pazahar, add. 19,169, f.267a. 117. Relations, pp. 34-5. 118. Thevenot, pp. 138-9. 119. Manucci, II, p. 431. 120. Pinketon in Hamilton, p. 308. 121. Miftah-ul Fuzala, f.75b; Badauni, II, p.125; Majmual Gharaib, add. 15241, f.33a. 122. Desideri, p.78. 123. Bowrey, pp. 133-4, Fathiya-i-Ibriya, pp. 63-4, Fitch, Early Travels, p. 28; Alam-girnama, pp. 724-5. 124. A’in, p.161. This figure of 5,000 is supposed by Monserrate (Commen­ tary on his Journey to the Court of Akbar, tr. J.S. Hoyland, Cuttack, 1922, p. 89). Pelsaert gives a higher figure of 6,751, pp. 34-5. 125. Economy of the Mughal Empire, p. 289. 126. A’in, pp. 423-4. 127. Alamgirnama, III, p. 724. 128. Lahori, II, p. 69. 129. For a valuable elephant killed for unruliness see Bhimsen, f.141b. 130. A’in, I, p. 132.

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131. Bhimsen, Nuskha-i Dilkusa, MS. Br. Mus. Or. 23, f.141b. 132. Ruqaat-i Hakim Abul Fath Gilani, ed. Bashir Husain, Lahore, 1968, pp. 46-7. 133. Abdul Ali Tabrezi, Munsha’t, Br. Mus. add. 6600 f.22(a). 134. Bhimsen, f.141(b). 135. Selected Waqai of the Deccan, 1660-70, ed. Y. Yusain, Hyderabad, 1953, p. 14, 16. 136. A’in, I, p. 208.

CHAPTER 3

Assam in the Mughal Times:

A Dutch View in 1660s

ISHRAT AL AM

The Dutch voyages across seas other than those surrounding Europe, starting with 1585 made it amply clear that there was considerable interest in accumulation of inter-civilizational knowl­ edge. Travel accounts were one such genre of literature which re­ ceived enormous attention of the literate. Travel accounts were printed rapidly and repeatedly, and some of them like the story of the unlucky journey of the East India Master Willem Ysbrantsz Bontekoe received unusual appreciation among the contemporary people.1 Besides travel accounts, Van Ravestyn and Francois Pelsaert wrote another set of literature for the benefits of the V.O.C. offi­ cials and directors of the Dutch East India Company. Somehow, strangely enough, they were not included in the category of his­ torical works.2 Nevertheless they still retain historical value in the sense that they have been increasingly used for their references and descriptions of various interesting features of the political, social and economic conditions of the period. Of them all, Francois Pelsaert did try his hand in compiling a history of the Mughals upto his time. He wrote, De Geschriften van Francisco Pelsaert over Mughal Indie, 1627 Kroniek en Remonstrantie, ed. D.H.A. Kolff and H.W. van Santen, s-Gravenhage, 1979, which can be considered as a unique attempt by a Company official who tried to write history presumably on the basis of his access to certain Persian works and documents. After it the second published work which can claim for itself to be a work of history is the Begin ende Voortgangh van de Vereenigde Nederlandtsche Geoctroyeerde Oost Indische Compagnie,

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which was first published by I. Commelin at Amsterdam in 1645. Similar publications by the De Bry brothers at Frankfurt are slightly less accurate.3 It was an attempt to string together in some chrono­ logical order various journals, diaries, reports, and other such docu­ ments, and at times providing some introductions’ and connecting links between one document and another. 4 A great number of Dutch travel accounts were translated into French, German and English and similarly accounts in other languages were translated into Dutch. Most of the accounts in Dutch are obviously littoral centric. They generally deal with coastal people and places – the places where V.O.C. operated. But Frans Jansz. van der Heiden and Willem Kunst’s account is unique for its information about places, products and people of Assam.5 This account was first pub­ lished in 1675 and had numerous subsequent editions between 1675 till not so recent times. Van der Heiden, it has been claimed was a sailor of V.O.C.6 We do hear about the Yacht Ter Schelling. It finds a reference in one of the entries in the Dagh-Register of 3 September 1661. It says, ‘In the morning, yachts Weesp, Brou­ werschaven, Terschelling and Nieuwenhove, departed [from Batavia] for Bengal, laden with 1550 mark-reals 32000 thalers (provintie daelders) and 24025 lb. zinc (spiauter), together they amounted for f. 1,27,748: 14:10’.7 Joan Maetsuyker, the Governor General of the V.O.C. and his Council at Batavia took note of this and gives the date 29 October 1661 as the day when it sank.8 There is some confusion about the author of this account: whether it was Glanius or Frans Jansz. van der Heiden en Willem Kunst.9 This comparatively brief but interesting account has been used by modern historians. J.N. Sarkar, ‘Mr. Glanius, A Relation of an Unfortunate Voyage to the Kingdom of Bengala. . ., London, 1682, and reproduced portions of the text (pp. 135-84) in his paper. ‘Mr. Jumla’s invasion of Assam, A Contemporary Dutch Chronicle’ Bengal Past and Present, 1925 (XXIX). He considered it highly valuable for understanding Mir Jumla’s Assam campaign, espe­ cially the account of naval battle above Kaliabar and Mir Jumla’s character’.10 Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharya has also used this source in his A History of Mughal North East Frontier Policy, Being a Study of the Political Relation of the Mughal Empire with Koch Bihar, Kamrup,

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repr., Delhi 1998 [1929]. This account of Assam was consulted by Sir Edward Gait as early as the beginning of the twentieth cen­ tury.11 He most probably used the translated version. In this regard it will be appropriate to revisit J.N. Sarkar’s nearly century old article ‘Mir Jumla’s Invasion of Assam, A Contemporary Dutch Chroni-cle’.12 M.M. Azizul Islam Rasel has made our task easy by attempting a critical appraisal of historiography of its publication, and has successfully argued that the book was translated into English in 1682 from its French version by Glanius, ‘possibly an English national who had good command over French. 13 Jos Gommans and Willem van Schendel have also used this account in their respective studies on India.14 It has been argued that scarce information about Van der Heiden was owing to his failure to attract the attention of literary critics of his age. His account was neglected by contemporary and later schol­ ars possibly because of their failure to perceive the historical sig­ nificance of his work.15 However, this line of argument is refuted by sheer number of its subsequent publications. The enormous popularity of Van der Heiden and Willem Kunst’s account could be judged from its 24 editions published thus far. Possibly the only lamentable fact is the absence of any reference to Van der Heiden and Willem Kunst’s account even at those places where their account should have appeared. However, the narrative relat­ ing to the yacht the Ter Schelling surely succeeded in attracting the attention of academic world and it did so primarily for its reveal­ ing contents. In the present article, an attempt is made to revisit the text by attempting a fresh translation for the above stated reasons. But the present translation will be largely concerned with Mir Jumla’s cam­ paign against Assam. It may be pertinent to point out here that Glanius has rendered a free translation which has obscured many startling facts about contemporary Assam. One knows translation is a difficult task.16 It may be pointed out at the outset that the objective is limited to translate Van der Heiden and Willem Kunst’s account and try to corroborate it with contemporary Persian and other records (see Appendix 1). It may be pointed out here that our attempt is facilitated by a nearly century old observation provided

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by J.N. Sarkar. However, a few explanations have been added wher­ ever it was felt necessary. One begins with Van der Heiden and Willem Kunst’s observation, ‘Further above-mentioned twenty men left in the evening along with the pilot (schipper). After a stay of five days in the village (dorp) Sondiep,17 took leave from the Orangkay18 or Chief (tain), and thanked him for every good thing. He was a Bengali (Benga­ elder) and a very good man (because one finds very good people among Bengalis and Moors (Muslims) and had done us a favour, on our first coming out of the sea, to bring us refreshment on board; as has been narrated in the beginning’. [p. 98] ‘About our accident and disaster (ramp) he showed great sorrow and compassion (meedoogen). He also demonstrated (be-toonde) his generous inclination (milde Jonste)19 in everything which one might lack. In the departure he informed the skipper and our other people through his Portuguese interpreter, as he could not send us further inside, in the neighborhood of the Dutch, as at the city Dacca (Decka): where they might find them: those they could announce: how still eight of them were left there, whom he should send after them, when they might gain some health (lit. when they might be in the flesh again). After taking departure, they sailed with the Blacks [indigenous people] in the vessel and car­ ried on till they reached a place called Anam20 and travelled from there overland to the town of Boelwa (Bulwa or Bhulua) in order to reach the city of Dacca from there’.21 [p. 98] Van der Heiden and Willem Kunst observe, ‘We did drink together before the last trip, and promised the skipper to pursue, as soon as we were only slightly fit, thus parted kindly and wished them good luck on the journey. Our first task was now to exchange small money for small coins (kopstucken): therefore, we drew three small coins to a cowry (kouwers)22 from name of small coin of the Chief, that delivered 80 pounds for each small coin. The cowries (kouwers) are certain small conch shells (hoorntje) which are reckoned eighty for one pound; one gets very conveniently right with the same in this region and better than any place with any other unit of money. There in that country every­ thing is very cheap and available in abundance. One purchases two

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hundred eggs [pp. 98-9] for the worth of one schilling (schelling) or hundred for three stuivers (i.e. five cent pieces penny), one banana (pisang)23 for one kouwer, thirty adult (volwassen) hens for one rix dollar. Similarly butter, honey and beef [osse-vleesch] are available according to demand (na belang)’. [p. 99] ‘We were busy from early morning (Wij waren van des uchtens voor dag) till evening, preparing food, cooking and eating. Though indeed, we did not have so much to do in the first two days, as in the entire long night. We could in the night nothing else to pre­ pare but influence hunger, but nibble at (knabbelden) raw rice throughout the night, scoop out the eggs raw (sopen d’eyeren raeu uit) and would have demanded the usual (geerne) fire by the night, but owing to that could not stoke any fire in the night. Also in this entire village, bread could not be obtained, since they prefer to eat rice, as they make do far the most part with rice throughout the whole region (lant)’. [p. 99] ‘After we had our stay for five days there, and already weather started to be good again, and got appetite renewed every day (lit. from day to day and gained weight cheerfully) [lit. accepted cheer­ fully in the flesh]. So we reported to the Chief and made him know the same. How walking we were disposed, to depart imme­ diately on the hope of walking-up to our own people, after which we longed very much. Therefore, we entreated him, that he should send us away in the first opportunity, such as he and his beloved daughter. At first he scarcely wished to permit, pretending to us, not to remain there for three or four days, while we were in good health (lit. while we were better in flesh). But on saying, that would accept from day-to-day, so we got the ‘yes’ word. Further he instructed us through his interpreter, as that we had to provide us well with livelihood (lijftocht), i.e. levens onder houden; liveli­ hood, subsistence after that we had to travel five days without finding [anything] to purchase. Therefore, we provided ourselves well with food, and took our leave from the Orangkay, who had provided us with three crafts; one to transport us away, and the other two to escort us, in order to rid us from the pirates (rovers) from Arakkan (Rakkanse Rovers) (as there was war with the Arraka­ nese)’. [p. 99]

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‘The following night we reached a village called Anam although that was totally devastated (gansch vervallen) and could find noth­ ing to purchase there. We requested the Orangkay or Superior/ Commander, if they could approach us, since we were still so weak (zwak) and could not walk on foot, have a vessel through their favour either owned one or hired. According to the report of a certain Muslim (Moor), who was proficient (kundigh) in the Por­ tuguese language, an Orangkay, had refused to permit our skipper and other people, who were ahead, had refused to allow a craft [pp. 99-100] but had to travel on foot, as he did not allow us to have a vessel at first, but has finally through great requests/prayers (bidden) and long persistence since we were also short of people, were allowed a very fast vessel. We gave the rowers three small coins (kopstukken) in order to carry us over swiftly; because our subsistence (lijftocht) was not much and could not be stretched (streecken) far. Also we were short of our butter with which we were scarcely helping ourselves with dry pounded (gestampte) rice and with a few bananas (pisang)’. [100] Similarly the subsequent long paragraph is not only abbrevi­ ated in translation but left aside many interesting issues including a realistic description of the Prince’s palace. The account of Glanius, therefore, misses a lot of interesting information. Therefore, a ten­ tative translation is given here, ‘In around two hours we reached near the town of Bolwae, there we were set on the land by a guard who brought up before the town and confined us to the outpost (buitenwacht) and remained there till he brought letters from the Prince there, because the Prince had his residence there. After the outpost (was) over, there were dark Portuguese24 whom we requested if they could provide food and received according to their direction milk and rice, for which they gave a pot of fire and wood to cook the same and got it so almost ready. After that the bodyguard came and fetched us in the manner his Prince had ordered, therefore, nothing could happen that [in that] time because the same was [not] to be eaten there but to leave the place and wanted that the same was not allowed there. But [we] took the hot pot with rice and porridge (brij) from the fire and carried it in turn through the city to the Court of the Prince and then fell there together to eat’. [p. 100]

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‘Afterwards we were brought to the Court by the skipper and our other people (because they had still not reached further than Bolwae) at the Court and from there after a stay of half an hour were brought in a great hall. There each unit of our money which we had was shown until the last piece, which every man had with him. This happened following this country’s custom because if any robber plans to assault on road and take away this money, the chief of the village was expected to compensate for each of the coins as was demonstrated (claimed). Afterwards we received the same money again what we had shown. Furthermore we were brought along with our other people to the lodge by the body­ guards of the Prince who were dark Portuguese who wielded great authority’. [p. 100] ‘There we were served delicious food as exquisite Brensie 25 which is for Kings and Princes and according to the bodyguards, nothing better is given as was done for us; as such the Prince had earnestly ordered his people; because he does not like bad name for a Chris­ tian, [pp. 100-101] he himself is more well disposed towards them than his own people.’ [p. 101] ‘Thus we gained daily by partaking of that delicious food, and tasted delightfully with meat; but by holding on for a long time the sobriety began to strum that food, which we would rather have a little lighter, so as to be allowed to consume it all the better; for the brenzie is prepared very rich in fat, and is heavy, without water, of white rice, with a whole goose or two chickens, as well as many cloves (nagels), mace (foelye), fine white sugar, cinnamon or cinnamon leaves, saffron (safraen) together with more other spices, which must smother everything together in the butter; likewise all goose and fowl, as whole as they are, the whole uncooked stuff must smolder all over the rice, in the same way. We began to eat this food to spread more and more heavily; much as we would have rather preferred to eat dry rice with a piece of salty fish in the end’. [p. 101] ‘When we had abode there for five days, a congregation ap­ peared before the Court of the Muslims (Moors), who came from afar, from villages and towns, so far from the Prince’s territory stretched, on horseback; together with many guards, and armed with shields, swords, bows, arrows, and a chopper (belly cutter)

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by their side. When the full council had now been assembled, the Prince came to them in the council place (council-platetse) and sat there with his legs crossed under his body, like the cutters, under the open sky, from morning till evening. After parting from that Council, we received an announcement that we should leave soon as we much longed for’. [p. 101] ‘Nothing happened outside or inside the Court, or the Moors, as well as the Bengalis (Bengaelders), passed it on the others; they were also honoured above all others; even the Moors, who had golden choppers by his side, and must be subject to them, which is strange to us, since they were only black Portuguese. Anyone who may only wear the name of a Christian will be fully recog­ nized as a soldier, and in those regions, under the territory of the Prince of Bolwae, will be honoured as lords and counts; for the Christians carrys a great name there’. [p. 101] ‘After we had sojourned for six days, we were able to sail on boats, straight from there to Dekka (Dacca), without touching any more place, and we were with personal guards (lijfschutten) Moors, as Portuguese, as well as with a good conduct (geleis), well provided by the Prince; and so came to Dekka situated two hun­ dred miles in landward [pp. 101-102] certain Portuguese ran ahead of our lodge to announce our arrival to the Chief. Alongside him came a Dutchman who was dressed in Muslim (Moorsch = Moorish) (manner) from head to feet, which struck us as a wonder; and did not think otherwise if he had been circumcised; although this is common in the country among the English. They also brought a palanquin with four blacks (native people) to carry in the same our accountant who was sick; furthermore. We went hand in hand to the lodge. In the absence of our chief Zantfort, who left for Hugly (Ougely), similarly the Second Person (next to the Director in a factory explanation ours) received us very kindly, whom we told about our shipwreck, terrible famine and all our experiences’. [p. 102] ‘Further, the other ship the Weezop had remained at Andaman islands (d’Ananans eilanden) with six chests of money, of which about forty men had been killed by manchees (menscheeters, meneaters, cannibals)’. [p. 102]

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‘Furthermore, the Second Person led us upstairs in the hall, where he immediately brought us bottles of drinks, and intoxi­ cated us well in the round, where upon the cook was ordered to go to (light) fire for us, to be brought into the warehouse, where we were served as lords, and were served well, and had free outing. We adopted the meat quite well in such a (short) time and it tasted so good at last that we allowed rice and purchased with our own money some bread for us, which is exceedingly delicious there. That the bread tasted better than rice, he ordered a very basket of bread and cheese to be brought into the storehouse for us, more than we could eat in three days; so that we were also partly satis­ fied and let it boil and roast, that which were daily dished up for us, no longer were able to consume’. [p. 102] ‘On the sixth day of our stay there, the second person hired a very large vessel for us, in which we could lay everything necessary, to be transported to Hugly (Ougely), the main trading place of the Dutch East India Company in Bengal, and get on the Com­ pany’s ships. For our travel expenses, a handsome fat beast was slaughtered and laid in salt, and it was given with rice, plenty of khichri (kitseery)26 and poultry (hoender)’. [p. 102] ‘But when we thought of leaving the other day, letters came from the Moorish (Muslim: actually Mughal army is meant) came for the Nawab, the chief of the Great Mughal, and (we) were charged with having to go into the army at once; and thus (we) put away our journey to Hugli, which we would rather have seen otherwise. Since we had little pleasure in the journey of the army, we went straight to the Second Person of the lodge, and appealed to him with many complaints, whether it would be possible oth­ erwise, for it is better to take our journey to the Company’s ships. Whereupon we received an answer that Mr (lit Lord) Van den Broek,27 who as chief of the Company’s entire trade in Bengal, was himself there, or might be far in the country, and was summoned to the army by the Nawab, he should obey him in that, and show that honour by coming to him. He added how the Nawab had made known to Mr Van den Broek that he had written to the company about four Dutchmen, and then about two, and the company refused to him; to which the Nawab would have said,

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‘Now I, have gotten so many Dutchmen in my country, whom I wanted to make my slaves, and so keep with me’. [p. 103] ‘Having understood this in part, and seeing that it was possible to do otherwise, we did not make any necessary request and the Second Person, namely to be allowed to be booked from that time, after we were already in Company’s lodge which he assumed to work out to his best ability; and furthermore gave us good cour­ age; for he said that perhaps the Nawab would only look at us, and then send us away; if we did not complain about the journey, for it was, he said, a mighty army worthy to be seen, where the Nawab came, he let it burn for him, had countless war vessels, and two ships with a galliot, with them, alongwith a swift train of merchants, so on water as on land’. [p. 103] ‘In the departure of the army, many vessels flow through (be­ cause they have to ascend the flowing [lit. flying] river Ganga, which always drains quickly), especially when they come across, which then flow through with people and all in the river (en al onder de vloet doorstrommen)’. [p. 103] ‘He had a fine cavalry, and also a fine light and heavy artillery, so Dutch, English and Portuguese. The Nawab himself was an old man, who had waged war from a young age, and had conquered many strong cities and lands in the service of the Mughals (which drew tribute from nineteen kingdoms (koning rijken) during his life. Never had he given up for a king or a prince; nor had his field army beaten or planted [a standard of revolt (geslagen of geplant)] for cities and castles or had turned round (of was met zege weerterug gekeert) [pp. 103-4]. Nor could we have a better place to rest than in the army amidst the Nawab’s tent. So when we had understood this, we would have to get ready to set out in the same vessel that would otherwise have carried us to Ougely (Hugli)’. [p. 104] ‘After taking leave in the lodge we and our 25 (for our accoun­ tant had died and been buried there) were brought into the large vessel. Our skipper went in a small craft with the Moors body­ guards (lijfschutten) and navigators (wegwizers) who would bring us into the army. Thus we were taken further into landwards, be­ yond many villages, cities and beautiful pastures but hardly 1 of 20 houses was inhabited because of the army of the Mughals, which

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travels through, dragging along what may follow, even merchants’. [p. 104] ‘Then we travelled a whole month, or so in the boat, as on foot, we came to a fishing village, where we hired a light craft at our own expense, in order to proceed along. Meanwhile we watched out the Moorish (Mughal) army with great interest, and asked the Moors every time: How far (distance) we still had to cover; where upon one said: still around thirty kos. Each kos was equal to a German mile. The other answered: ten. And the third Oewa that is in the Moorish expression there and pointed in the air, that there would be the army; pointing towards the sky, to such ques­ tions, seems to be a custom and manner of theirs, for when we asked for distance to houses or villages, which were at times not half an hour away from us, they pointed towards the sky’. [p. 104] ‘Otherwise the people are good natured, neither greedy nor deceitful, nor thievish, thought willing to revile in all their deeds, and foul in speaking when they are fidgety. But they swear little or not, and by the devil not at all; swearing an oath is done by them calling God and biting the fore finger, by which they may be be­ lieved; be it in whatever matter, for they would prefer to die rather than take the name of God unjustly’. [p. 104] ‘After five days of sailing we came to a ship of the Nawab, which belonged to the army, on which there were four English, many Moors and Portuguese: besides two of our ship’s crew, one Adriaen Raes van Middelburg: and the other Klaes Lamberts van Waveren, who immediately seems to have come forward, with a small raft pulled from the reef to the mainland and thus inducted into the Nawab’s army, without knowing anyone of them before they came into the army [pp. 104-5] when they were nearer they were or­ dained by the English on this ship. Both of them went with us to the camp, and thus sailed before a town of Rangamatti [Renghe­ maty],28 while we had the vessels laid, and went on foot to the army, and were brought by it to Nawab’s tent, where we learnt, with the good assistance of a Dutch barber, Gelmert Vosburg,29 who had been loaned by us to the service of the Nawab for two years and who already understood the Moorish language. When we had stood in front of the tent for a while, we were summoned

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by the Nawab to enter, we showed our reverence to him as hand, and shut ourselves up in the manner of half moon crescent (in halve a mane)’.30 [p. 105] ‘When he saw our Provost without one arm, he asked his inter­ preter to ask him how he had lost the same, whereupon he let the Nawab say, through a bullet of coarse artillery, and the Nawab hearing this struck his hand on his chest. Then, by the order of the Nawab, a pot of strong elephants’ arrack (olyfants arak) which had been distilled for the elephants, was brought for us, in a large wooden saucer (doelang) with pineapples (oranje appelen).31 Fur­ thermore, Nawab ordered that we should be at the pot, tumble and drink at once, but we found it so tightly chalked up (toege­ kalked) above that we got the knives, to get an opening, thrusting pieces on it, without accomplishing anything. The Nawab looked at the work scornfully and said that he knew well that the Dutch would be embarrassed about it, for it was done on express purpose to that end to embarrass the Dutch, which had been an eternal disgrace. After all, our name is held so high there (lit. our name goes there so high) that for them nothing is considered impossible for a Dutchmen to carry out’. [p. 105] ‘When we saw hardly a chance, of breaking in the pot from top, or of getting to the drink from above; so we immediately took a knife with a sharp point, and drilled a hole on the side of the pot, from which the arrack, jumped against our nose; but quickly an spigot (een zwik) was stuck into it. And there was drinking in a round to Nawab’s health, which was very pleasant to the old man, who lifted his hand, as if to say, ‘Drunk joyfully, and fought joy­ fully’ as we also took delightful (teugen) from a good heart, which was given to us by the Nawab. No drink has been able to over­ come us earlier, that which is served (geschonken) by the Nawab. Also arrack is not distilled (gebrant) as strong in the entire country [pp. 105-6] for people to drink, as only for elephants of war, who themselves drink with human understanding’. [p. 106] ‘When we were half pleased with the drink, we began to use boldness of speech with the Nawab, who asked us to stay with him for six months, after which he would send us back to our other people, wanted him/although thanks to us, and we got free booty

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of everything/so from Portuguese, blacks, as whites which we would obtain from the enemy: namely for each cup fifty rupees, worth twenty five Rixdollars, and for everyone, that we would briskly fetch, one hundred rupees or fifty rixdollars’.32 [p. 106] ‘The Nawab said, to send the skipper back again, because he should be accountable for his ship, as well as our barber, in addi­ tion to three boys, who were still young to them, to roam with Army. The coxswain (stuyrman) also requested for his redemption to the Nawab, but could not get a release from him at first. The barber Gelmert Vosburg spoke to great advantage with the Nawab for the redemption of the coxswain, pretending that he was a broke. To which the Nawab replied, “that he and we all had little to observe; and only had to eat and drink, and with our presence in the Army, would do him great service”. Finally after a long persis­ tence, Vosburg received the coxswains’ release, there were six of them, who were sent to the Company again. When the arrack jar was half wiped out, and the drink had come more and more into our heads, there arose among our people, because of the pine­ apples, (oranje appelen) some quarrel (sporelling), and we would almost have wrestled with each other in the tent, as some had put them in their pockets, and each had gotten more than the other, for everyone wanted it, because of these very beautiful and great waters, yea, remember me not in the time of thirteen and a half years that I passed in Indies, nor ever saw more beautiful here in the fatherland’. [p. 106] ‘When the Nawab saw our squabble at its highest point, he brought to the tent the physician (heelmeester), whose servant carried the pot of elephant’s arrack behind us in order to be taken into custody by the physician’. [p. 106] ‘When it was late in the evening, we went to [pp. 106-7] rest, and we had to make do without cover under the naked sky: not­ withstanding the (fact) that it was bitterly cold, even as many Blacks were dying, on our side by cold. In the morning we were gifted six hundred rupees in the name of the Nawab, that are three hundred rix dollars (worth 2.5 guilders each) and then stepped on his order, on certain vessels, with forty oars, which are called Goeraps33, there are usually twelve or fourteen small hand guns

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(bassen), formerly with a Prince’s small piece (a small handgun). Every small handgun (bass) has a Moorish gunner (konstapel). There is a skipper, who has three streering men, (stuurlieden) and one boatswain and some royal broadsword holding attendants (staethouwers)34 beside several rowers (roeiers) and in number all members there are around seventy (eeters:35 lit. swearers) of their fraternity. Moreover there are four light but long vessels with each goerap, called Koffen,36 each with around sixty rudders on board, to be summoned, the same against the storm, the River Ganges faces (such) rushing torrents (oproeiden). They have three or four small guns placed in front, and are by four starboards (on right side of the ship) two in front and two behind, held straight in the channel, in order to avoid knocking down each other when they come to drive transverse, as has happened many times, without coming to each other’s rescue. On each of these vessels there are eight heads by the bank: comprising steering men, gunner, sol­ diers and pilots (aendrijvers) and such like. Each goerap had three hundred seventy or eighty persons’. [p. 107] ‘There were two ships also in the service of the Nawab, each of which had four English overseers, as well as a galliot with fourteen guns, carried by many Portuguese, as commanders, but they were taken from them and in their place, nine men of our people, were set thereupon as supervisors and one, in particular with the name Klaes Lamberts van Waveren, was put up as head. The Nawab appeared with a good attitude towards us, and placed us as masters and commanders overall: such as we did not allow to get our feet wet without good behaviour (shown to us). So with the galliot, as the ships, five hundred or five hundred and twenty persons were summoned, to raise each up, afterwards they served six and also eight long vessels with sixty or seventy oars, must be in front of prow to pull them further’. [p. 107] ‘There were also a multitude of quick galliots, which are flat at the front and rear, and carry forty oars and transport twelve or fourteen overseers but do not have masts. They are manned by Christians and blacks (Swarten) and commonly have up to sixty heads, in the same were many [pp. 107-8] Portuguese, as supervi­ sors. If a black [zwart] has taken up only a little Portuguese, and

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poses as a Christian, he immediately gets some command from the Nawab with a good income, and serves as a noble [een heer, lit. a lord]’. [p. 108] ‘There were also thousands of vessels (koffen) with broad arch as well as many vessels called korre battels37 that is to say, large ves­ sels, which transport the Army securely with many guns: because if the lieutenant of his artillery was beaten, so he has neither so many guns in the river (water) as on land. They saw other large vessels there, with two or three houses with a gallery all round them, which the women and the companions of the nobles have brought with them. It is said that the Nawab, who is Commander­ in-Chief (Veld Overste) of the four armies had included together five hundred stately ladies (staethuffers) or concubines (bijwijven) of the Great Mogol which is guarded very closely by castrated persons (kappaters of ontmanden). Counsellors and many other great ones, each had according to his status and capacity two or three hundred concubines’. [p. 108] ‘That is followed by a vigorous follow up of merchant ships, comprising thousands of vessels which carry out everything, that is required by the army and before the Army, they reach here again where everyone knows where they will set up their tents’. [p. 108] ‘When the army will break to march forward and along the river side by which it must take its way, it is covered with bushes and bramble, labourers are sent forth before to burn it down, which afterwards was trampled by many elephants, trodden down into an even and level way’. [108] ‘In the preceding evening when the camp shall break in the morning, they ride with trumpets and kettledrums on elephants and camels, to make this known by the loud sound of these musi­ cal instruments, whereupon everyone prepares himself to break up and proceed. I and the deputy carpenter Paulus Jacobsz. van Schoonhoven both came to wander in the army, and wandered eight days, before we came to retrieve our modest vessel and saw the army so in water, as on land, in its full attire and cover, which at first was a feast (for the eye) to see in the breaking up of the army, one sees everyone getting ready to move on’. [p. 108] ‘This mercenary army (heir leger) both in the water and on the

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land that had come up to wage war against the king of Assam, was estimated, as I have heard from several journeys from credible men saying, at eight times a hundred thousand men (800,000), being a fairer, [pp. 108-9] mounted and spread out on the land like the other, the cavalry was good and excellent to behold, it rode two or three hundred in a very splendid rank, and opened it for the pro­ cession in two sides: there the Nawab continued riding between both’. [p. 109] ‘The Nawab coming out of his tent, put his hand on the horse (peert) for only a moment, and was on it in a twinkling (met een wip) much to the astonishment of many people at such a swiftness of that old man. Before him some ride on elephants, and blow trumpets when they come; likewise some ride before him with terrible huge kettle drums that lie on the elephants, and also by striking them make a very loud noise. Then comes a troop of el­ ephants of war, each carrying two great guns (basses) and belong to its own, with a gunner on top of it, in a closed portable ambary38 or box. On the neck sits a guide (karnak)39 who steers and mentors the elephant with a crooked hook (haek)’. [p.109] ‘Behind the Nawab follow the slaves, who are white Russians, on horseback; and moreover, the cavalry (cavalry) drive on close behind him and in front. Afterwards follow the foot soldiers, com­ posed of a great forces of armed soldiers, some with muskets, others with pikes, also with fire pikes40 with chambers fixed upon (ook met vuurpieken met kamers daerop vast) it; some with lances, shield (shift), broadswords, bows and arrows. After that follow the huge (groot) elephants of war; as well as multitude of camels that follow the great elephants of war; on the back of which gunners (konstapel) carrying on guns on their backs. The elephants and camels are also prepared for war skilfully. There was an elephant under it, which had alone reinforced destruction and wrecked entirely’. [p. 109] ‘After that came thousands of camels, who carry the horsemen of the cavalry, followed by a great drag of all kinds of merchants, and also many craftsmen and after them thousands of wanton women, so on horseback, as seated on camels. At the end are the big merchants with many goods on camels and horses. Opposite the procession all banners and flags (vendels en vlaggen) are taken

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and are carried before the camp, and set up on the spot (ter plaetse), there the army shall lay down, where after each one knows how to rely on each other, where they will pitch their tents’. [p. 109] ‘In the departure of the army, everyday many people are also killed and multitudes also lose their way due to the great circum­ ference of the army. People say that this army cost, month by month, over fifty thousand tons of gold (i.e. 500,000 guilders); on the other hand the General (veldheer) draws heavy tribute again, he will share two thirds, so from the merchants [pp. 109-10] as from powerful cunning whores (als van het zwijdig gesleep van hoeren), whole weeks income; he can almost round off it, for when the Army is on the field (in action), everything remains at a stand­ still and there is nothing to do in the country, so everyone is half forced to follow the army. There is nothing to think of people’s need, or one can find it in the Army for sale, except strong spirits, because they may under Mehomet’s law not to be sold or drunk. Only Christians may distill (branden) strong liquor of rice and sell and drink it among them. It happens a lot of time, that the rich Moors send their servants with three times double more (met drie dubbelt gelt) money to purchase wine, but cannot obtain it, be­ cause it is forbidden for them at the cost of their lives or at least on loss of their right hand, they may partake any strong drink; because of the reason when they are drunk and due to drunken­ ness they become very murderous.’ [p. 110] ‘The Nawab passed through the greater part of land of Kosbia41 , and he, brought many rebels under him as also under the territory of the Great Moguls, though we came to see little of the same ourselves. After which we kept mostly along the river, thither also the Nawab himself hastened, to be there before the high tide was at work. Kosbia is located between Bengal and Asou’.42 [p. 110] ‘As we moved higher up, we came to the land of Asou, whose king and inhabitants seemed to rely on their strength of the region and relied on its security, thinking that they could not be harmed with guns (geschut); then we made so close by it that they don’t dare to have a gun but let their beautiful fortifications and castles be dug from bottom, and further taken by storm, under the same ten distinguished Moors, [p. 110] the king of Asou, who had val­

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iantly defended himself for a long time, was taken prisoner, though life was still gifted (to him), otherwise they do not give even a quarter in that country; but the victors bitterly kill the vanquished people. The king himself had a heavy iron brace fastened round his neck with such brutal, dreadful, heavy chain fastened to both legs, above which was attached two dragging bends. The Nawab permitted him four servants to his service. Furthermore, the Nawab announced the place, where his treasure lay concealed, which were carved out (uitgehouwen) in special cellars in crags of mountains, [from where they were] recovered (gehaelt wierden)’. [p. 110] ‘We also braced ourselves to obtain some spoil, but in vain, [pp. 110-11] because the inhabitants had all their treasure and goods already buried under the earth and they had part of the little on their bodies, because all of them, so great as lowly go their upper body bare, and have but a garment around their waist (heb­ ben slechts een kleedje: a lion cloth?) without stockings and shoes. Furthermore, they did not live above the earth then as only a small pot with rice, and their banana box (pisang doos), to keep their betel leaves (betel bladen) and lime there, which they chew (lit. munch: knauwen) daily to while away (tijdt verdrijf ) and for cleans­ ing of mouth and teeth. No other, like this, was, the common booty that was obtained there’. [p. 111] ‘For reasons of the great dearness of all that could be obtained in the army, we could not get much of our money from our month’s salary (money).43 Each of us drew twenty rupees [ropie] or ten rix dollors [rijksdaelders] every twenty-eight days; though at our own expense; each boy twelve rupees (ropien) which could not strive any further as for cost money [livelihood]; we were allowed so little (money) because of which we had borrowed; but the English, and the Portuguese who were voluntary, enjoyed more money, to wit: English fifty rupees or twenty-five rix-dollars a month, and the white Portuguese forty or fifty, but those Blacks only thirty/twenty and ten a month’. [p. 111] ‘The Nawab in his old days, requested our two carpenters Adiaen Raes van Middelburg and Paulus Jacobsz. van Schoonhoven to build a decent (braaf ) ship for him, as if he were to release them completely, because they both had served very well and were of

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good courage and after this they were again sent to the city of Dacca (Decka), and built thereon a ship, which was quite accord­ ing to the Nawab’s liking and the design, for the one Adriaen van Raes understood wonderfully well (the craft of ) shipbuilding, and the other Paulus Jacobsz in the house building construction (op den huisbouw) for which they were recognized there as masters, and had smiths, sawyers, carpenters, and other people of labour dedicated to their service’. [p. 111] ‘Shortly afterwards, the Nawab announced to us if someone from among us intended to serve the Great Mogol as a governor (staet­ holder) for a good amount of money every year, who wished to send the same to the city or the fort (castle) of Agra where he (the king) holds his court, live and reside like nobles (heeren: lit. gentle­ men), but we dissuaded others against such a show up, without getting there; no one would give consent but turned down, [pp. 111-12] and thought it better not to remain there anytime, than to be with the Moors for all our lives’. [p. 112] ‘The Nawab hastened to the front to catch up with the king of Assam, for whom the war had started. The Nawab’s arrival was notified, would have said mockingly of the Nawab’s mighty army, numbering eight hundred thousand men, what might befall the old Nawab, that he wanted to be slave in his old days; if he had turned back and starved three times more mighty army, which would also have happened to almost an army of twenty hundred thousand men. We saw the prospect of running mud-ramparts (loopende exerde wallen), which they thought would be put aside on the falling of water [rains]. Therefore, the king of Assam es­ teemed Nawab very little, because he himself was very mighty, and had a permanent region, for every six months he benefited from the water, which overflow all the low land and than for six months is without supply of water, as a place guarding with iron bolts’. [p. 112] ‘Largely the Nawab took the ridiculous saying (mockery) of the King of Assam, on his person, to heart, and he would have come to him one day, and he would not have been fooled. Also because of washing of the waters, he was anxious to straighten out before that time’. [p. 112]

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‘On our arrival and invasion in Assam, most of the people fled before us; though many people of Assam remained in the villages with spouses and children, boats, animals and everything they had, fell to us: because many were well disposed (towards us), for when they were taken captive by our people, they took off their garments, and sent them back again. But after that it happened very differently, on the other hand, we lost a hundred times on a sale. In our opinion, we had never seen this happening in this country’. [p. 112] ‘Meanwhile we witnessed hard, weather coming up since we delivered the vessels like the English did their ships, and struck the strands. The galliot that was allotted to our people, wielded fourteen pieces (i.e. planks), prompted by the strong wind against the river, upside down with the keel thrown upward; because it was not fully ballasted to come up better [equipped] against the stream. This overturning was largely due to the recklessness [pp. 112-13] of a certain sailor, who was appointed as head upon it; for he in order to try the firmness (lit. stiffness) of the galliot, and see what it might endure, commanded all the sails even the top sail, to be put up’. [p. 113] ‘All that was in it was lost; in addition to two of us and twentysix of Moors and Bengalis, who could not touch the bank because of the maelstrom. Not one of thousands who perish, will come to rescue each other on such an occasion: but let each other perish: yes they will not assist their closest trusted friends (bloetvrienden), unless brother, sister or father. A certain woman, who was in a small vessel with two Blacks, saw some of our other people floating in the water, and known to the Dutch, rowed at them; but the two blacks rowed against her, and hurried and helped five of ours (Dutch) as well as the said craft, as stark naked as she stood, thanks to the other two Blacks who were in the craft’. [p. 113] ‘The river Ganges is in some places half or also a whole even one and a half mile wide, and that with the wind the water rose like a sea’. [p. 113] ‘Now there were still four Dutchmen away, from the steered clear (‘t om gezeilde) galliot, Jan Rodrigo drowned, and Hankocken sank before my feet; for he (slipped) several times from my grip.

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Then I swam towards the shore, but through the maelstrom I could never reach there and floated (according to guess) for 4 long hours. Then I saw a ship there that had an English name on it and spoke all my English that I could and shouted, ‘Brother come hither’ (‘Bredder kom hedder’). When the English heard that I was a Dutchman, they promptly steered a vessel towards me, there well up to 70 or 80 Moors rowing; and came near me, and pulled me out of the water’. [p. 113] ‘Then the Moors put all their clothes on my body, and two Moors were given the responsibility to see to it that I would be warm again, for I was almost dead with cold and thus brought me to the English ship, where I found another one of our people, who welcomed me, and said, ‘Willem Kunst, how did you keep so long in the water?’ I said: ‘Yes Pieter; how did you get here in this ship; he said, ‘I swam ashore and thus arrived on this ship’; where they gave me dry garments [pp. 113-14] as they did the same to me and we stayed there the whole night, and the English really regaled us’. [p. 114] ‘In the morning we took our leave of the English and wished a good day to them, just as they did to us. Then we went to seek out our other people, and found them around the vessels. They wel­ comed us gladly for they had wondered whether we were also drowned. Immediately we held consultation with each other about what to do and agreed that we should go to the Nawab (called Maesmachaen),44 who was then prince of the army and hear him speak. We agreed and went to the prince with our 7 men. It was evening before we reached the army. We went to his tent and asked, whether we could not speak to the Prince. The attendants said, no, but come tomorrow; as we did, and slept in the army barrack that night’. [p. 114] ‘In the morning we went to the prince at his tent, where we found thousands of horsemen (ruyters), sitting on their horses: for the army was already breaking up and these were his guards who waited on him (as watchmen), until he came out of his tent. We went straight at the door of the tent, where he had to come out. When we had stood up there a little, he came out of his tent, having a great nobility with him. We spoke to him, and told (him)

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that we had lost our galliot with all that we had with us and above it there were also two Dutchmen, and mostly all the Moors who had sailed with them. He was very angry, not because of the galliot alone, but also because of the metal guns (metale geschut) that lay on it; for he was a lover of artillery. At the end he said, ‘Away, from here, and get on some craft you want, because for the enemy is in the water all hours (continuously) to come to us’. And we did not stand there for long; for we were afraid of the chambok or long whip that hung in front of his tent, to be beaten with it; it did not matter and a Christian has never been beaten with the Chambok or whip.45 [p. 114] ‘Then we went to the vessels, and sought out what we liked best. Four of our mates chose a gurab (goerap) and there were more Dutch and Moors (who) carried over; and we, three men chose a sloop, with six metal pieces (guns) of the prince and two hooks (haeks-op). It was almost a sloop, or sailboat, as sailed from the Herring Packer’s tower at Sardam.46 They sailed still five Dutchmen and twelve Moors and we reached there with our three Dutchmen, we were eight Dutchmen (Holland) and twelve Moors on that sloop’. [p. 116] ‘Not long afterwards, the Admiral also prepared himself to sail upwards; and so did the whole fleet when they saw that the Admi­ ral sailing. When we and the whole fleet were in the procession, we heard in the march that the people of the enemy (being ahead) were very strong fired blow after blow; therefore, we knew nothing else as to whether the Nawab would have been dormant in the country. The enemy were ahead of us with six hundred sturdy warships’. [p. 116] ‘The Admiral and Vice-Admiral of our fleet, were very brave in defence, in arranging our vessels, which were not of war, to bring behind the fleet. The barber Gelmert Vosburg (as he had his ves­ sels, also arranged for the fleet, who encouraged us to fight in honour of the Dutch East India Company’. [p. 116] ‘We could hardly believe that the enemy was so near us, because we had not seen any enemy in the water. We told each other: ‘Come, and let us set all the sails there, and put sails ahead, and see how things are situated’ (because our sloops sailed very quickly).

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When we were under sail, we ran our fleet very heartily, but it started to blow very stiffly; we let it persist (voortstaen) in front until two o’clock in the afternoon; as by doing (it) we hit against the lower shore, and lost our rudder; but we did not get it again, and made it ready again’. [p. 116] ‘Now when it was ready and prepared, we went back to sail again, and sailed for two or three hours along the shore; as we came to a corner, where our enemies, with about six or seven hun­ dred vessels lying behind. Then it was good advice for us, and told each other: ‘What shall we do?’ It’s in the wind; we cannot move (lit. run); but we had a Cornelis Kat with us, who said: “Men, the grapnel (dregh) must be in the ground, for the enemy is approach­ ing; whoever wants to speak to us must come on board. Also we must promise each other not to give up so long, as we can stand; for we know that there will not be a quarter for us here’ which we promised each other to come closer. [p. 116] Forthwith we pre­ pared ourselves and anticipate our enemies, who [116-18] were steadily approaching us, and began to shoot at us with great vehe­ mence. The first shot they did, hit our tray (bak) of meat, that stew, but none of us was injured by it. Then it was time to stop eating our food. Our fence was well prepared, we also started, and were not guilty of it. Then the whole fleet ran over and laid a backport of us, and went to the shore and lay on each other’s side; then began those vessels, which had five or six prows, and on each prow one cannon [kamerstuck]47 to fire brisk[ly] at us. Also they had some boys (bassen) on bollards (polders), there they shot bravely with them. But that fence which stood on their prows (stevens), which itself stood at water level, but they could not lift it nor put out, nor rotate, still not, draw it horizontally if they wished to shoot towards us’. [p. 118] ‘The shooting lasted until midnight, then we began to hold up the enemy, likewise we also did the same, we always looked for­ ward towards it, or there was no relief for us and came, but saw no one, an hour ago, we saw a vessel approaching us, to which one of us cried: Gobberdaer. 48 We received the answer that it was the Menorchaen (Munawwar Khan).49 ‘There was a Moor who served the prince out of love; he had with him, thirty vessels, which were

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his own and on the same carried, whom he paid from his own purse, about twenty-five or twenty-six hundred men, (purpose) he enjoyed all that which he and his own people could by obtaining vessels from the enemy’. [p. 118] ‘This Moor, or Munawwar Khan (Menorchan) said to us, that we must sail higher up; to which we replied, “that it was too quiet, and that we could not stem the stream, (and) sail”. Whereupon he said again, “Lift up your grapnel (small anchor) and hand over a rope, as we did forthwith”. He piloted us with his vessel above the entire fleet of the enemy and said, “Let your grapnel fall now, and keep good vigil this night that he may not overpower and take root. We will come to you tomorrow morning with the fleet.” Took leave from us. We slept very little that night. About an hour or two after the Moor had departed, we saw six vessels approaching us, who intended to enter; but she herself failed; because one drove us right across the bend; and the other five rushed to us through the entirely wrong stream of the strong current; because we were not very sad about it. Those who lay before us in front of the bend; came to us in time; Dutchmen, as well as some Moors, imme­ diately into the vessel and got it in our force; not knowing. [pp. 118-19] how strong we were. They all jumped overboard who could escape, because they knew that there was no quarter for them. This was the first war-vessel that was taken from us. We took from our own vessel all that we had, and let it float, because it did not hinder us or make (us) embarrassed’. [p. 119] ‘Not long after that, another eight or nine vessels came down to us; we immediately lifted our grapnel and let it float until we came under the fire carriage (brandwagt), they were Dutch and Portuguese; then they left us. Meanwhile the day started breaking (lit. began to come). We looked back and found our whole fleet laying about half a mile away from us’. [p. 119] ‘They were merely trying (lit. doing) to put the fleet in order; and they also drove up the river bravely. The Dutch and Portu­ guese were at the front. We lifted our grapnel and also sailed (en maekten ook zeyl;) but could ill stem (dootzeilen) the stream. We did sail towards the starboard/port-wall, went ashore and let our Moors go to the land, with a rope to pull up the sloop thus against

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the current. Not long after, came 10 to 12 horsemen to us, so much as the horses could run, and had a trumpeter with them. Then they came to us, they shouted, ‘Sauwas, Sauwas, Holl­ andees’50, (Shahbash, Shahbash, the Dutchmen), that is to say, ‘Cheers Dutchmen’ [Lustig Hollanders]’. These horsemen were sent by the Prince to see if our fleet had been beaten off or not, for in the same night there had been a Moor with the Prince and had it made known to him that his whole fleet was beaten off. Over this bad news, the Prince had been restless the whole night. How­ ever his advisors (lit. counsellors) comforted him and said. You have so many Dutchmen, English and Portuguese in your fleet, we cannot believe they would have handed over so carelessly with­ out first having done a great harm to the enemy’. [p. 119] ‘We already pulled along the shore, and according to our opin­ ion that we were high enough, we took our Moors on the ship, and crossed over to the enemy. We were of the opinion to sail the same fleet above; but floated with the current too far downwards, but were caught between over three hundred of the enemy’s ves­ sels. Then we dropped our grapnel close to the enemy and sniggled (peurden) and shot heavily again’. [p. 119] ‘When our other Dutch, English and Portuguese saw this, they mentioned to them to reach with that, which also did not last long, or were with us [p. 119-20] and valiantly went against the enemy. Then the chief (opper hoofden) of our fleet had come through, they had dealt with the enemy with such violence, that it was terrible to see; yea, it seemed almost as if the heavens and earth were torn (scheurde), and shouted as vehement as the Moors, they reached the enemy and also did not shoot little either; the shooting lasted about three or four hours’. [p. 120] ‘When the enemies started to flee (swiftly) from their vessels and proceeded towards their land, we not being lazy, approached them in haste in their land; hewing and cutting relentlessly; such that we began then striking with the sword, first turned away the enemy and fled, and chased them about half an hour. But they reached before a high sandy dike which they could not climb be­ cause they were closely pursued by us and all of them were crest­ fallen; for there was no quarter for them to recover. Yes, I believe

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that of the three hundred vessels that we took, not fifty men were brought to justice (i.e. executed), although each vessel carried 70, 80, 90, yes, also over 100 men’. [p. 120] ‘Now that all this has been done, came the Moorish (Muslim) boys and executed those who were alive or wounded, on high stakes, and being fixed, shot them with arrow and bows, at their mouth or eyes, in the most correct (het correktste) manner, and in this way these miserable people also came to their end’. [p. 120] ‘The Admirael of Great Assam had, concealed himself in a vessel, but, however, he was imprisoned, the latest acquired was, how­ ever, still (left) for the mercy of the Nawab’. [p. 120] ‘The above-mentioned Moor, who had brought the false tidings to the Nawab, that the Nawab’s fleet had been beaten, received good tidings from their horsemen, whom the Nawab had sent to bring the right report to him, whether this Moor had said the truth or not to him, (to be) seized by the head and beaten with frightful chabouk (chambok) or long sweep and after that the tongue is cut from the mouth. Each strike, which was given with this chabouk (chambok) pierces through skin and muscles as if it was cut with a knife’. [p. 120] ‘Otherwise, we do not qualify for any spoil, like grass and shoot, there we have faltered, as also a few small metal guns, (with) which we are well pleased. Since we had obtained freebooting in every­ thing, we accepted the same also for [120-1] booty, without any of the Moors hindering us. The Admirael of the Assammers had been sent out by the King of Assam with these 600 vessels of war to a location below the city of Goeaty (Gauhati)52 around that is a branch of the river, or ours a waterway, seven or eight miles from our fleet to remain stationed (afte leggen), at time when the Nawab was to continue to stay on rising water in order to cut off the mer­ chant navy (koopvaert) and our continuous supply to the convoy, thus in order to trap (beknellen) and hold in their land firmly, without being able to enjoy supply, and furthermore, allow to perish of hunger. Then the Admiral did not take his order well; but revealed himself to us, without the King’s order in the hope of terrifying us by his coarse shooting and drove us back, in which he found himself (badly) deceived. The king himself largely

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disapproved of his doings, and allowed, as a token of his dissatis­ faction all those, who flew to us, without decapitation (sonder gena on-thalsen)’. [p. 121] ‘When the Nawab, who was there four or five miles within the country, received the news about escape of abovementioned three hundred vessels, he hitched barely ten or twelve hundred oxen to stretch a consignment of guns, and the same was to pull above or opposite the enemy’s vessels. From which the gunners (constaples)51 fired at them, and (destroyed) many on the ground (en veele te gronde booden); with the death of many people. Some stopped the vessels close to opposite coast (overwal), and fled from the same towards the land (wierdon en terneder gematst), although many of them were seized and subjugated. Others, who had fled away, yielded to the Moors, and taken from afar, with shouts (of welcome) and promise of good quarter. Others who had escaped by fleeing were beckoned by the Moors, from far away, called out and promised for a good quarter but when they came to them, they were cut down into pieces and killed with great torture (martelarije). Certainly it was sad to see such a murderous way in which they handled the conquered’. [p. 121] ‘When we had completely conquered the enemy fleet, we carried up upwards, and passed by a good fortress, which, because of its location on a mountain, appeared to be invincible, but they had deserted on purpose, to lure the Nawab further into the country’. [p. 121] ‘Coming further on, as far as a city of Geraghan [Gargaon],52 where the king of Assam had fled, our admiral named Ebenyse went, thus the water had become high at some places and with some might of horsemen, taking to a certain place called, Lokkewae [Lakhugarh]53, six miles below the city of Geraghan, as the Nawab was to be (there) for six months until the water began to fall and sink again [pp. 121-2] when the Nawab called for some treasures from us that we had with us, as well as to send subsistence for the army. Therefore, four vessels with silver, and two with gold were sent, under a strong galley to bring [take] the treasure to the Nawab. But when these vessels were on the way, they called at a place in the evening to cook rice, they were surprised by the enemy, and

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many people were killed. The Christians, who had stayed alive at first, were set on fire by the enemy with a lot of gunpowder and straw, arms tied, while dancing around them, each one were rein­ forced (vernieuwt) with fresh gun powder, and straw, regularly, till they lost their consciousness’. [p.122] ‘Some Portuguese of the convoys had fled into the forest, who hid themselves, in the day, and travelled at night, and finally reached through such prudence the army of the Nawab’. [p.122] ‘The Nawab had now already become quite apprehensive and was besieged so tightly and strongly by the enemy that he could scarcely obtain any supply, also on account of water, for the course of six months’. [p. 122] ‘The region or place, there we were stationed, was a very fine land, and rich in fruit trees, like mangosteen [manghesen (Garcinia mangostany)] and soursop [soorsakken (Annona muricata graviola)] and the low land is overgrown mostly with rice. But in the moun­ tain chain, people grow costly crops, like pepper, and overflow with sandal wood, aloewood (agerwood)54, significant medicinal roots, [treffelijke artzenijwortelen] which are weighed against gold, and other cherished plants, because we could not get a straight statement from them. There, gold is abundant, as are millions of elephants, which breed there in large numbers, that they can ill afford good food, owing to which they are also very lean, and some have their hips protruding [en eenige de heupen hebben uits­ teken]’. [p. 122] ‘We reinforced ourselves there with guns, and to have an unob­ structed view, we cut down the trees and all the tangled weeds cover clearly for our stability within the country and let them badly trodden by the great number of elephants, our horsemen rode out every day with troops, to obtain intelligence about the position of the enemy and to keep off harmful bushes everywhere in the neighbourhood. They also seized many Assamese (people) during their trips, who were then put before the Admiral, with a ‘chambouk’ or whip of one and a half fathom long, wrapped around the bare loins in such a way, that each blow (slagh) cut through the skin, as if it had been slashed through with a knife, [pp. 122­ 4] until they were almost dead, then the heads were chopped off,

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and the same were hung in baskets on the trees, to show off a terror and mirror (it).’55 [p. 124] ‘Those who fell to the Nawab by themselves, nothing unpleas­ ant happened, similarly everyday with entire families and what they had, surtrendered to him, without anything being taken from them’. [p. 124] ‘Because of the coming over of the Assamese people in great strength, so also came an ambassador of the King of cannibals (mensch-eeters) of their own, who informed the Nawab of the ways, their master stood ready with all his might in order to attack him, or offered their services on other occasions. But the Moors had no pleasure whatsoever in those people, and they did not fully trust all, and let the envoy know that they would manage in their own way, and that they should not expect a need on their part either’. [p. 124] ‘People, although very lively and radiant, with a wild (wild) and savage looks; so that the Moors are prompted (weken) aside before them’. It appeared not otherwise, as if they wanted to eat fleeing people, as they themselves eat human meat. They do not bury the dead, but (both) so dead as half dead, and moreover, those who are something but incapable of life, supply them for food’. Their faith holds communion of all goods, which the Moorish merchants dis­ approved, which they had already received, there got into bargain­ ing, whatever their hands struck and thus took it afterwards for them. 56 [p. 124] ‘None of the Moors could have got them to understand other­ wise; but they thus stood firm in their faith, for no goods are sold in their land, but everything is usual among them. Then the Moors knew little to bring against them, and had not seen such a battle of men in their lives’. [p. 124] ‘The Nawab also had many standard bearers (staenders) in his army, who also thrive and get on well with (sweemden en aerden) these men-eaters. They have a savage way about themselves, and are no less ferocious in looks, than the men-eaters; that everyone, who merely comes before them, and thus stand aside to let them pass as well. By viture of their belief, they may not budge an inch (niet een voet breed voor den vijant) before the enemy, however,

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they themselves may also come, still make way for enemy [stiers gaen noch wijken lit. still give way for the bull (stier)}]; but must remain standing, till they are either down or victorious, wherefore they are not called unjust standard bearers by us. He who thus comes to [pp. 124-5] fight, will be held blessed without (any) doubt; but he who falls too weak against his authority and yields, is held to be doomed. At first these standard bearers (staenders) were unknown to us, while we were strangers there’. [p. 125] ‘We the Dutch had many privileges there and the Moors had not impressed themselves like our laudable deeds, yes, (we) mean a Dutchman can break the people across their knees in honour of the Company, we stood so well on our reputation, even to the youngest ones, that no Moor, however valiant, lost against us, but opened up everywhere for us’. [p. 125] ‘Likewise the Assamese, who invaded the Moors on daily basis to take shelter with us, as soon as they knew about our sight because the Nawab had recommended us so highly, and also vaunted by the enemy so much, that we had fought more (battles), then oth­ ers, a large force (macht) had been brought to the field by him. Consequently we, no Portuguese, had been on our way, who had betrayed us the nature (aert), quality and belief of the remaining persons even as should perfectly also as these remaining persons have displayed. As it seemed strange to us, when we meet these remaining persons on the road, they would not be ordered to be together with others on one side; but implored (them) bluntly to remain on our side, so that we do not completely avoid the road’. [p. 125] ‘The Nawab also had many Armenian horsemen (ruyters) in his army, since they too are Christians, they were very well respected and like the Persian horsemen who were also in the army in thou­ sands, dressed up fair and handsome’. [p. 125] ‘The Admiral sought us with sweetness to lay out the heavy guns (grof geschut) in the field; there we excused ourselves poli­ tely and since we were still ignorant of the language of the Moors, because the Moors set right (onderechten) some work relating to the guns. Therefore, there had increased (the number of ) white Portuguese who had served the Moors for a long time and were experienced in the Moorish language’. [p. 125]

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‘When the Moors have the new moon, so in the water and on the land, guns are blazed away all around, for the new moon they make many honours. Then also monthly allowance (geld) of the soldiers appear, because with the new moon they are paid off, if it goes well, and first of all, the most power of the cavalry is assigned according to a scale57 (—en wort vooreerst hetselve de meest macht der ruyterije met schalen toegewogen—), a horseman usually draws for himself (zat) and for every horse (sawar) [pp. 125-6] one through the other, fifty rupees which are twenty five rix dollars per month. Some have each over a hundred horses, the other fifty, thirty, twenty, ten and also well less, there they draw so much money every month. Against that the poor foot soldiers draw only four or five rupees a month, at the highest, and a gunner (konstapel) in the water, six or seven rupees’. [p. 126] ‘The oars men, who are very astute, and make up almost an infinite number, and must sail the whole day with firmness, and do the hardest work, or else sail the whole day, each one gets a rupee, and often not at all, when they bought dry rice for them, although they could not last for eight days, they do live the rest of the month on the beggar’s wallet (bedelsak) or endure hunger (of honger lijden)’. [p. 126] ‘Most of these oarsmen (roeyers) were gentoos (Jentiven) or In­ dian pagans, who, by the power of their faith never eat anything which has got life. Consequently, there no beautiful cows were brought from the villages and slaughtered or some captives bear (vischen) them, so they were not willing to prove it. Because of this, as well as the long laying, caused a great mortality among the gentoos (Jentives); that thousands were found dead in the vessels, yes, a few vessels have completely died of which were earlier com­ mitted to go with fifty, sixty and seventy oars’. [p. 126] ‘On our vessel were two gentoos (Jentiven), who were also ema­ ciated (out of hunger) to the bone, therefore, we were compassion­ ate for them, and called them to us, and said that they need not do any more service as only now and then shove wood, if we had food on fire, over which no one should command them any other work; we wanted them to look up, and buy other garments for their body; but they were served with anything that would touch their hunger or physical need, answering, ‘That it would be blessed to

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die of hunger’. To wit, these gentoos hate shedding the blood of man, and were pressed by the order of the Great Mughal, and were dragged out of their land, to follow the army’. [p. 126] ‘Likewise the people of Assam, (d’Assamers), who had run over to us, and had many cows (koebeesten) with them, would not be put to sudden death, would eat the least, clearly according to their faith, though they perished with hunger, for a cow is their God, that they believe. One also finds in their temple, where they offer and pray, not even a naked image, of a cow whether of copper, silver, or gold’. [p. 126] ‘Three miles upwards, between Lokkwae and Geraghan, we found a fortress, which we had conquered, a magnificent temple, with a beautiful tower, (otherwise one has there few towers and in the same temple an excellent, great cow of pure (klink-klaer) gold as prize. When we would also buy cattle (koebeestens, lit. cow beasts) from them, we must always promise them beforehand, not to kill them. One could obtain a very beautiful cow there for four shil­ lings but then for that purpose up to four rixdollars of salt, be­ cause the salt was very expensive. What fruit is important: as soursop, banana (pisang), and lemons, for the same there we gave half that we could do much better than the gentoos’. [p. 127] ‘Further, besides, however, how dear time was created with the Nawab at that time, we could not get to know, but half suspect: as there was an unavoidable (most) great death among his people, because the dead drifted so frequently everyday for up to four months long, the river Ganges so many times that they clogged the water and made it impure; through which many of us were to die first of the water, who did not boil it up’. [p. 127] ‘Those of the Nawab’s people who were caught in combat with the enemy or else taken by surprise, tortured and beaten to death with ferocious pain, and then with an upright stitch on small rafts of banana trees, set with outstretched arms and in this way if they had risen vividly there, and were sent down the stream to our people. At first we thought that they were alive on the rafts but found it different. Moreover we also took the corpses from the raft, so as not to be more alarmed by the small rafts’. [p. 127] ‘After the Nawab had laid up about three months, the King of

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Assam, who began to think that the power of this Nawab as fam­ ished, began to be emboldened, and resolved with his host to break into the Nawab, the same had three paggers58 or ramparts, and was well protected by with mantraps (voetangels) all around. There was indeed a great famine in the army, for they had to barely man­ age with dead carrions (krengen) of elephants, camels and horses’. [p. 127] ‘When the Assamese people had come near, the Nawab desired, as if he wished to work cautiously with them did not want to shoot a shot, and ordered everyone to keep quiet. But when the Assamese people (Assamers) begun to break in front with the power of the people, the Nawab ordered to break in from [pp. 127-8] the other side, as a result of which the cavalry spurt out inside and fell with a fury on the Assamese people, and measured down over twenty five thousand men, without injuring (gequetst) ten from our side’. [p. 128] ‘The defeat brought great fear to the king and took him away again to take advantage of the Nawab by assaulting him. Already began now to experience the time of falling of water, when the Nawab should also have an opportunity to break his army out of their entrenchment to give a fight to the King (slag leveren). [p. 128] ‘Moreover, there was a great famine in the army, and lack of food, notwithstanding this, the Nawab sent some food stuff through envoys to the King, ostensibly to show that they were not starved either, and at the same time to say: that the Nawab still had the King’s army. Therefore, the Nawab had clearly sought in a proposal put before the King; catch him and with trickery, in order to bring it upon him and to conclude (the war) for the King was also in great distress, and could not flee anywhere, as infact in the mountains because he had to make do with himself, because he had largely left his low land and surrendered’. [p. 128] ‘Then the Assamese people did not trust the Nawab fully and let the ambassador notify that he would grant him everything, except his body and, therefore, he would willingly have made a demand of the Nawab, which would also make the Nawab, be­ cause of the great mortality daily, forced by his counsellors (raad­ sheeren) because otherwise he had planned to remain there till the

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last man, till he could see the King himself. But a certain noble named Lely Khan leapt straight on foot from the Council, and took the Nawab by the hand, and said to him, “We were strong like four armies in the beginning; but now we shall break off with the sick and not one healthy. Well, let us, before we lay here any longer, without making any demands to the King, go after him and fight us to death. That will be better for us to be honoured, than to lay here longer, and without judging, by asking for hun­ ger’. On his saying this the Nawab was overruled who otherwise would not have made a claim. This demand was very heavy, but it not withstanding that it was fully permitted to him, after the Nawab had overpowered the King most by his cunning letter, namely: ‘The King of Assam would relinquish half his empire [pp. 128-9], and give his youngest daughter, seven years old, to the Nawab as concubine (bijzit). Above that deliver up a good deal of treasures, several thousands of elephants, besides all the large vessels, loaded with sheaves of herbs in boxes’. [p. 129] ‘The Nawab, though powerless and so wonderfully naïve, man­ aged to negotiate such advantageous terms by negotiating through ruse and roguishness, and was also (so) in that great timidity and distress remained, was a brave protector. Furthermore the Nawab had stayed in Geraghan for over six months’ [p. 129] ‘In Geraghan were found many burial vaults of landlords and distinguished persons who were buried in them with great trea­ sures, according to the country’s customs; for as among the Jentives, or Gentiles, (as this people were), if some great landlord dies, he is brought with great treasures into a vault and with him his slaves and servants (who) are alive, and fully robed; whereupon the vault is walled up (toemetselen) and let them suffocate, so that they console themselves gladly in the hope of standing in a far more glorious state in another world on the third day, to obtain un­ speakable treasures, as can be seen from the wealth left behind of thirty-nine hundred tons of gold, which he left to the Great Mogul after his death, like all that is good (according to the code of morality) of one’s own, all lapse to the Great Mogul’.59 [p. 129] ‘The riches of Nawab were also known to the Lord Van den Broek61, who wrote many compassionate letters to him for our

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redemption, for the old minister (domine), whom he loved very much, had just noted it in his journal that summer’. [p. 129] ‘After the water (rains) had fallen, the Nawab came downwards again towards us to pull us up (toetrekken). It seemed as if the eyes of people of Assam (d’Assamers’) were dimmed (verduistert) and blinded that they let the remaining people of our people, who were so grievously crushed by the rains, scurvy and dropsy (scheur­ buyk en zucht). Similarly many, let them drag, because they could have smashed (beat to death) our whole power with fists; many of them did not lead themselves to once again put a spright foot out, on the land, particularly a land full of people, and quick, lusty, and eager fellows (—en vlugge, lustige en gaeuwe kerels waren). The menfolk are very clever and have their eyes a little under their cheerful skin or eyelids, and a sunken (flat) nose, though [pp. 129-30] the womenfolk were more than men. Many were white, others were yellow and dull (zwijmen) and much resembled Chi­ nese’. [p. 130] ‘It will not be improper, but very pertinent, to add to this, what F. Bernier, a native of Montepelliers, who has served the Great Mogul for many years as a physician, urging for the battle against the King of Assam (called by him Acham) has written’.60 [p. 130] ‘After that, this Nawab (by the same called Bernier Emir, or Prince Jemla) had accomplished many major battles, and Sultan Shuja from Bengal, brother of the Great Mogul Aurangzeb, was driven out of Bengal to the sea side, he requested Aurangzeb, to send his family, wife and children to Bengal when he was there; after that his intention was now that the war (for this Aurangzeb had waged great wars against his brothers after the death of his father) was over, to spend the remnants of his great old age, with his wife and children, in peace and tranquillity. But Aurangzeb knew in what high esteem Emir Jumla was held, and that he was regarded a sensible, efficient and rich man. Moreover he knew from a long time how ambitious he was, and saw enough in ad­ vance, that, if he had his son Mahmeth Emirchan61 with him, he would stand for the Crown, and set himself up as King over Bengal, where he was only governor’. [p. 130] ‘In the meantime he also saw that it would be dangerous to

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refuse his request. So he sent him his wife and all his sons, grand­ sons (soons kinderen) and made him Amir ul Umrah (Mir-ul Omragh), which is the highest stage of honour, to which a favorite can be elevated. What interests his son Mahmet Emirkan, that he be made Mir Bakshi (Groot Bakchis), which corresponds very closely to our Grand Master of the Cavalry (Ruyterij), and it is the second or third office of the state, which he must hold meanwhile with­ out it being difficult to withdraw from the person of this King’. [p. 130] ‘The Emir, who knew well on his side, that Aurangzeb knew well how to take his strike, and that it would be in vain for his son to seek it again but the most secure thing for him would be to draw himself with all these signs, of friendship and honour, and to content himself with the dominion of Bengal, and in the mean­ time to keep his guard and in such a state of caution that he could do nothing [pp. 130-1] against Aurangzeb’. [p. 131] ‘Aurangzeb could not work against him either. Thus these two great persons were seen dealing with each other and the business remained in this state for almost a year. But as eventually Aurangzeb, saw that such a great warlord could not rest for long, and in the end, if he was not hindered by a war in a foreign land (vreemde), some or the other, if it were feasible (he) would construct a chal­ lenge within the Kingdom itself, he proposed to him to effect a war against the rich and mighty Raja, or King of Assam, whose country lies north of Daka (mod. Dhaka) that lies on the Bay of Bengal’. [p. 131] ‘Emir Mir Jumla, who had already made it safe in advance, trusted that conquering this country would lead him to eternal glory, and then armed him with the sound of his name, and found the report of his name had blown over to China (Sina), found himself ready for this attack. He then went to Daka (Dhaka) to board a ship, on a mighty river that comes out of the same region and reached after sailing up sixty miles along its north-east-wards to a citadel (casteel) Azo, which the Raja of Assam (Acham) had taken from the kingdom of Bengal, and possessed for a long time. He pounced upon it, and conquered it in less than fifteen days’. [p. 131]

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‘Thereafter he made his way to Chamdara62: which is the en­ trance gate of the country of Assam (Acham), where he came to the land after 28 days journey northwards. There he delivered the blow, to the King of Assam, who had the worst and was compelled to flee towards Guergoun, the capital of his kingdom, situated twenty-four miles from Chamdara. Emir Jemla followed him closely on heels that he had no time to be in Guerguon, as his resolve was to strengthen, for he came in the sight of the city within five days time. This forced the Raja to flee when he saw the Emir’s military prowess, into the mountains of the kingdom of Lassa,63 and to leave Guerguon, which was plundered, as was done with Chamdara. They found there very great riches.’ [p. 131] ‘Guerguon is a very beautiful city, and has an extraordinarily beautiful female population. In the meantime (to the Emirate’s misfortune) the rainy season started early and as the rain in those regions is very heavy (groot) and the whole country is covered in the time of three months, except the villages, which are situated at a height, so the Emir found himself [pp. 131-2] extremely hindered and perplexed. This greatly impedes and embarrasses. For then the Raja sent down his people from all sides, to accommodate those who knew the country and desired to fetch in a short time during the journey from the field. Such the warlord with all his fine treasures, found himself in great distress before the rainy season was over, and was unable to move on or return’. [p. 132] ‘He could not go forward because of the mountains, which are very hindering, and when heavy rain falls there, he could not re­ treat again, because of the same rain, and because of the slime, the Raja who had intersected the road on many places, which is an embankment thrown up at Chamdera, who was compelled to re­ main at this place in such misery, throughout the rainy season. After this when he saw that his lord had fatigued, worn out, and half of his army had died of starvation, he found himself deter­ mined to go on, to stop, and to return to his last place. But this did not happen without destruction and huge inconvenience, be­ cause of the mud, and continuation of the Raja in the street’. [p. 132]

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‘Notwithstanding all these inconveniences, he returned with great glory, and returned with very great riches’. [p.132] ‘His intention was to return again the next year to pursue his attack, since Azo (Hajo), which he had strengthened, and he had left a strong garrison there, that he could hold out the rest of the year against the Raja of Assam. But he did not return to Bengal as soon as the dysentery (de roode loop) began to emerge in his army, which pulled (rukte) away his life from him and many thousands’. [p.132] ‘With the death of this Emir Jemla, the Mogul (Mughal) Aurang­ zeb was largely discharged from his fear, because he was pleased with him, and he could not restrain himself, to prove it, for he freely declared in public to Muhamnmad Amir Khan (Mahomet Emirkan). ‘You have lost a father, and I have the greatest and most magnificient friend I have’. ‘Thus far Bernier.’ [p. 132] ‘When we had put up a lot of food for the Moors, the army went delightfully to be the guest there. But when everyone pitched his tent against us, it was so all over the place with moaning and crying for those missing.’ [p. 132] ‘Recently the Nawab had still not received a letter from Governor Joan Maetzuiker,64 with the request of our redemption [pp. 132­ 3], we also served the Nawab for fifteen months in the army, fi­ nally received a passport (discharge paper) from him.’ [p. 133] ‘We then rowed ourselves with the vessels, even when most of the rowers were dead, and arrived at Dekka (Dhaka) on the fif­ teenth day, where we found our two carpenters, who showed us a beautiful ship, which was constructed for the Nawab and could carry twenty eight pieces (canons). They must still make a ship that had keels fifteen feet longer, and there the prows were already straightened. They regaled us very deftly with all that they could impart, and they wished to move with us’. [p. 133] ‘After taking leave, we went to our lodge, there we were welcomed, although we did not have to stay there for long because of the time of the departure of the Company’s ships from Ougely (Hugli) had approached. We departed after a few sojourns and drove a hundred and twenty Dutch (baatwarts) miles and passed by Kashimabahar [Qasimbazar], where the silk (zijde) falls (is produced)’. [p. 133]

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‘Coming to Ougely (Hugli), the head quarter in Bengal, we found that we had the vessels (fluit) Loosduinen ready for us. Mr Van den Broek thought it was in clear night, had the cook still served (opshaffen = opdissen) us honourably. We found there our crew (schuitvolk), who had already been in service over the year and related to us their adventure, how they had wandered in the sea for four days [etmael, (in the space of ) 24 hours] and were taken to the sea at the order of the Dutch people (Rakanders), who again delivered them to the Company’. [p. 133] ‘This journey, both by sea and land, lasted from the year 1661 to the last of April, 1663’. [p.133] ‘In the year 1673, I came from India to Holland via England (because we were taken to the island of St. Helena by the English’. [p. 133]

NOTES 1. W.Ph. Coolhaas, A Critical Survey of Studies on Dutch Colonial History, rev. G.J. Schutte, The Hague, 1980, p. 11. 2. K.W. Goonewardena, ‘14, Dutch Historical Writing in South Asia’, C.H. Philips, ed., Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, London, 1961, p. 170. 3. W.Ph. Coolhaas, p. 11. 4. K.W. Goonewardena, p. 170. 5. Modern authorities like Donald F. Lach and Edwin J. van Kley in their seminal work on Asia in the Making of Europe: A Century of Adventure: Trade Missions and Literature, vol. III, book 2, Chicago/London, 1993, p. 496, for some strange reason pushed the text under consideration into the category of fiction. 6. Cf. An exclusive study of origin and multiple publications of the two texts by M.M. Azizul Rasel, ‘The Seventeenth Century Dutch Travel Account and the Production of Knowledge on Asia: A Study of Vervarelyke Schipbreuk van’t Oost Indisch Jacht Ter Schelling’, a Post Graduate thesis submitted at the Institute for History, Algemene Geschiedenis, University of Leiden, the Netherlands, July 2012. He has traced a brief biography of the author and several recessions in which it was published from 1675 onwards (see ibid., pp. 9-13). C.E. Warnsinck-Delprat’s pretty long introduction to the text is quite useful in understanding both the authors and the subject

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they have dealt with. However, in a recent study of the text, one author has used the thesis of M.M. Azizul Rasel largely and confirmed that Glanius was a translator, see Paranan Konwar, ‘Mir Jumla’s Invasion of Assam (1662­ 3), ar Experience of a Dutch Sailor Heiden and Translator Glanius’, Indian Historical Review, 46(1): 41-6. 7. 1 Mark was equivalent to 12 pennies. It had many subdivisions, see, Pieter van Dam, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, ed. Dr F.W. Stapel, vol. II (1) ’s-Gravenhage, 1931, p. 825. Provintiedaalder was a coin, minted in various provinces and provided with the provincial coat of arms, of the same value everywhere, and set a 2 Guilders and 8 Stuivers in 1606, later at 2.5 Guilders, Pieter van Dam, 830; see also Dr H. Enno van Gelder, De Nederlandse Munten, Utrecht/Antwerpen, sixth rev. edn., 1976 [1965], pp. 259, 268. 2.5 Guilders. The name Rijksdaalder was transferred to the silver Ducat, which was of the value of 2.5 Guilders and on the coin of 2.5 Guilders of the King. 8. J.A. van der Chijs, ed., Dagh-Register gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia van’t passerende daer ter plaetse als over gcheel Nederlandts—Indie, Anno 1661, Batavia/’s-Hage, 1889, p. 272. But, according to the editor of 1944 edn. the cargo of the two yachts alone namely Weesp and Ter Schelling was worth 127748 guilders-17 shillings-10 farthings. (See C.E. Warnsinck-Delprat, ed., Vervarelyke schip-breuk van’t Oost-Indisch Jacht Ter Schelling onder het landt van Bengale; verhalende desselfs verongelukken, en den gruwelijken hongers-noot van 32 schip-breukelingen op zeker onbewoont eilant, daer sy van’t wrak met een vlot aenquamen als ook hoe sy van het selve eilant in Bengale landen, en voorts in’t velt-leger van den Grooten-Mogol, tot in’t Koningrijk van Assam landewaerts opgevoert zijn, Naar den tweeden druk van het Journal van Frans Jansz. van der Heiden en Willem Kunst, Utrecht, 1944, p. 9. 9. W.Ph. Coolhaas, ed., Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs-General an Raden aan Heeren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, Deel III: 1655-74, ‘s-Gravenhage, 1968, pp. 395, 426. 10. J.N. Sarkar, ‘Mir Jumla’s Invasion of Assam, A Contemporary Dutch Chronicle’, Bengal Past and Present, vol. XXIX, part 1, serial no. 57, JanuaryMarch 1925, pp. 7-29. 11. Sir Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Ind. repr., Gauhati, 2008 [1906], pp. 132-3. 12. J.N. Sarkar, ‘Mir Jumla’s Invasion of Assam’, pp. 7-29. 13. Cf. M.M. Azizul Islam Rasel. 14. Jos Gommans, Mughal Warfare: Indian Frontier and Highroads to Empire, 1500-1700, London, 2002; Willem van Schendel, A History of Bangladesh,

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Cambridge, 2009; Meghna Guhathakurta & Willem van Schendel (eds.) The Bangladesh Reader: History, Culture and Politics,, Durham, 2013. 15. Cf. M.M. Azizul Islam Rasel, p. 14. 16. Jawaharlal Nehru, Selected Works, 1.6, p. 455 cited by Rukmini Bhaya Nair, ‘Introduction’, Rukmini Bhaya Nair, Translation, Text and Theory, The Paradigm of India, New Delhi, 2002, pp. 7-8; see also Robert D. King, ‘Nehru’s Essays on Language’ in Nehru and the Language Politics of India, New Delhi: 1997, pp. 189, 194. 17. Frans Jansz van der Heiden and Willem Kunst, p. 98, J.N. Sarkar, ‘Mir Jumla’s Invasion of Assam’, identifies it is ‘Sandwip, a large island in the Bay of Bengal, about 18 miles long and six broad, separated by the Bamni River from the mainland of the Noakhali district’. Reela Mukherjee has pointed out the strategic significance of Sandwip, ‘Mobility in the Bay of Bengal World: Medieval Raiders, Traders, States and the Slaves’, Indian Historical Review, 36(1): 114. 18. Henry Yule and A.C. Burnnell, Hobson-Jobson, A. Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive, 2nd impr. 1989 [1st pub. 1886, 1986] pp. 44-5, s.v. Orankay, Arangkaio. 19. The authors have used an obsolete term ‘Jonste’ which in the seventeenth century was spelled as Gonste, see, J. Verdam, Middelnederlandsch handwoorden boek, redone by C.H. Ebbinge Wubben, ’s-Gravenhage, p. 227, s.v. Gonste. It will be appropriate to mention here that the account under discussion refers to many such presumably obscure obsolete terms which do not occur in modern Dutch dictionaries. For interpreting such terms we have found this particular dictionary quite useful. 20. Anam, presumably does not find a mention in our mainstream sources. It was a small settlement in Bengal. 21. Van der Heiden and Willem Kunst, p. 98. The text given by Glanius is quite different. 22. Hobson-Jobson, pp. 269-70, s.v. Cowry. 23. Ibid., pp. 714-15, s.v. Pisang. This is a Malay word for plantain or banana. It is never used by English people, but is the usual word among the Dutch and common also among the Germans (Norwegians and Swedes, who probably got it through the Dutch]. 24. Possibly Bengali population familiar with Portuguese language is implied. 25. F. Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary, 2nd edn., Delhi, 1981, p. 179, s.v. birinj, Rice, [birinjizard , rice dressed with turmeric; birinjishamala, A kind of curry]. 26. See Hobson-Jobson for explanation and several notices of the dish over a

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period of time. Hobson-Jobson explain, pp. 476-7, s.v. Kedgeree, Kitchery, s.Hind Khichri, a mess of rice cooked with butter and dal, and flavoured with a little spice, shred onion, and the like; a common dish all over Indian, and often served at Ango-India breakfast tables, in which very old precedent is followed. The word appears to have been applied metaphorically to mixtures of sundry kinds, . . . it traces it from Ibn Batuta’s times till late nineteenth century. However, it misses one of the most comprehensive early seventeenth century description provided by Francisco Pelsaert, De Geschriften van Francisco Pelsaert over Mughal Indie, 1627 Kroniek en Remonstrantie, ed. D.H.A. Kolff en H.W. van Santen, ’s-Gravenhage, 1979, p. 309; see also W.H. Moreland and P. Geyl, Jahangir’s India: The Remonstratie of Francisco Pelsaert, Delhi: 1972 [1925], pp. 60-1. 27. Mattheus van den Broeck had served ten years in Brazil and same in 1648 as vice merchant (onderkoopman), became merchant (koopman) in 1650, chief in 1653, upper head in Kasimbazar, second at Hugli in 1655, and Director of Bengal 1658, Counsellor Extra Ordinary, in August 1660, and Council of India, worked at Batavia as Admiral of the return fleet. November 1669, Director of Amsterdam Chamber and Mayor of Dordrecht in 1677, see Dr W.Ph. Coolhaas, ed., Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs-General en Raden aan Heren XVII der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, Deel III: 1655­ 74, ’s-Gravenhage, 1968, p. 189. 28. Rangamatti, (26+,90+), see Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empires Sheets 11A, 11B, 13A, Notes on pp. 43, 48, 52 respectively. 29. The text supports authors of the account under discussion. In an accompanying footnote transfer coolhaas informs that Gelmer vosburgh had reached Bengal as a surgeon in 1659, where he was lent out to the Nawab, in 1666 he was vice merchant (onderkoopman) at Colombo, and Chief merchant in 1667, upper merchant in 1671, second in Malabar in 1679, was at Batavia again in 1682, as second in Malabar as commander there in 1683, Director of Surat factory in 1687, governor of Malakka in 1692 where he died in 1697 (see, Dr W.Ph. Coolhass, ed., Generale Missiven, Deel III: 1655-74, s.Gravehage 1968, p. 445. Gelmer Vosburgh reportedly earned (25 grams 1667) a net profit of 300 Dutch guilders as chief (oppergoofd) at Cannanore, ibid., p. 560. 30. F. Steingass, Persian English Dictionary, p. 1060, s.v. Kornish, obeisance, salutation, prostration, etc., see also Harbans Mukhia, The Mughals of India, Ist Indian repr. Pondicherry, 2005 [2004], pp. 77, 79, 81, 89-90, 92, 94, 108, 162. 31. The reference to pineapple (ananas sativa) in the region is also interesting. This source was not used in reconstruction of the history of arrival and

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spread of pineapple cultivation in India. It was one of the major species of fruits introduced from the New World through the agency of the Portuguese. Irfan Habib has traced its diffusion in India. Cf. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 3rd edn., New Delhi: 2014 [1963, 1999, 2000], pp. 54-5; Muhammad Kazim, Alamgirnama, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1868, p. 724, reports ‘the fruits of the country include the mango, banana, jackfruit (Kathal), oranges (naranj and turanj) and pineapple. The panyala which is a species of myrobalan as found there is so tasty that those who have eaten it prefer it to the plum, Coconut trees, pepper plants, betel nut and Indian spikenard also grow there in profusion. Very fine sweet sugar cane red, black and white, non fibrous ginger and betel leaf are raised there. The land is so fertile that everything they cultivate and every tree they plant grow well. In the vicinity of Gargaon, apricot and pomegranate are also found but since these are wild and proper training and grafting are not practised, the fruits are inferior.’ ‘These fruits were produced reported by between Simlagarh and Gargaon. Considering the significance of Muhammad Kazim’s account we have provided a translated version of the relevant text as Appendix 1 at the end of the paper. See also, Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, p. 49, Sheet 11B, Bengal, Economic, p. 54, Sheet 13 B. Assam, p. 54 s.v. pineapple. 32. Authors give rate of exchange between rupee and rixdollar during midseventeenth century. 33. The Ghurab (pl. ghirban or aghriba) was a typical war vessel operated by oars and sails. This was a ship with 2-3 masts, pointed prow, and a bowsprit see, Robert L. Hardgrave Jr., Boats of Bengal, Eighteenth Century Portraits by Balthazar Solvyns, Delhi, 2001, pp. 80-2, Earliest reference could be traced in the accounts of Egyptian historians al Nuwayri Iskandarani (ft. 8th­ 14th) and at Maqrizi (a.845/1441-2). There is a substantial discussion on ghurab in Dionisius A. Agius, Classic Ships of Islam, from Mesopotamia to the Indian Ocean, Leiden/Boston, 2008, pp. 348-51. 34. ‘Staethouwers’ For identification and explanation of the term staethouwers as broadsword holders we have depended on Som Prakash Verma, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar’s Court, New Delhi, 1978, p. 83, Pl. VIII, Fig. 10). Verma explains that it was identified as the dhup among arms of the Mughal army. It was a straight sword with a cross hilt. Both the edges of the blade were parallel to each other, ending in a triangular point. The blade was broader than that of talwar (curved sword) and appears to have been heavier. Its blade was double edged and about 1.25 m long. The ‘dhup’ was greatly favoured by the Deccanese. Irvine was of the opinion that it was a demonstrative sign of royalty. In the present context

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Mir Jumla’s association with Deccan might explain its presence in the Mughal army. 35. The term eeter would mean eaters. But here it is used possibly in the sense of artisans/craftsmen, see, J. Verdam, Middelnederlandsch Handwoordenboek, p. 160, s.v. eet. 36. Kof, vessel with broad prow, for use in the large coastal navigation, see C.E. Warnsinck-Delprat, Vervarelyke Schip-breuk van’t Oost Indisch Jancht Ter Schelling, p. 136, ‘Kof ’; see also J.N. Sarkar, ‘Mir Jumla’s Invasion of Assam’, p.13 for Glanius’ reading as ‘Kos’. 37. Speaking about Patela, Streynsham Master, The Diaries of Streynsham Master 1675-80, and other Contemporary papers Relating thereto, ed. Richard Carnac Temple, 1911 [Begun in London, 24 December 1675, closed in Fort St. George, 27 January 1676-7], vol. 1, p. 328, wrote that on 22 September 1676, ‘Wee mett Mr Hall, who came from Cassambazar [Qasimbazar] yesterday in the afternoon, and we passed by boates, being 17 great Pattellaes, everyone a small boate or two to attend them. The Patela was a large flat bottomed boat [Hind Patela], see Hobson-Jobson, pp. 687-8 s.v. Pattelo, Pattellee. Warnisinck-Delprat, the editor of the text, has interpreted the term ‘korre’ as ‘great’. The term stood for fine quality, see Pieter van Lam, Beshryvinge van de Oost Indische Compagnie, ed. F.W. Stapel, repr. 1976 [1932], p. 455. 38. This a Persian word ambari which meant a ‘howda’ for an elephant, see F. Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian English Dictionary, p. 103, s.v. ambari. see also. C.E. Warnsinck-Delprat’s note on p. 137. 39. Ibid., s.v. Karnak. 40. It possibly refers to use of ban, see Iqtidar Alam Khan, Gunpowder and Firearms Warfare in Medieval India, New Delhi, 2004, pp. 22-6, 29-31, 134, 166, 191, 207. The fire pikes fixed with chambers refers possibly (iron casing) to ban and corresponds well with its later description of rocket in contemporary and later references, collected and interpreted by Iqdidar Alam Khan, pp. 22-4. 41. Kuch Bihar, see Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, Sheet 13A, p. 52. 42. Hajo (26+, 91+), Hajo, Abdul Hamid Lahori, Padshahnama, Bib. Ind., Cacultta: 1872, vol. II, p. 68 first refers to it. See also, J.N. Sarkar ‘Invasion of Assam’, p. 14. 43. The passage possibly refers to the accentuated problem of payment of salaries to mansabtars during Aurangzeb’s reign see M. Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb, pp. 54-9. 44. This refers in all likelihood to Mir Muhammad Said, Muazzam Khan,

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Mir Jumla, see, M. Athar Ali, The Apparatus of Empire, Awards of Ranks, Offices and Titles to the Mughal Nobility, 1574-1658. Delhi, 1985, pp. 366, p. 291, S. 6329, 1066 AH 1655-6 Mir Muhammad Said, Mir Jumla, 5000zat/5000sawar, Diwan of the Mughal Empire, p. 296, S-6449, 1066 AH-1655-6, Mir Muhammad Said, Muazzam Khan, Mir Jumla (i), 5000/5000 (previous rank) 1000/1000 promotion, so the rank in 1655-6 was 6000/6000 (Mirne Jumla (i) p. 300, 6586, 1656, Mir Muhammad Said Muazzam Khan, Mir Jumla (i),5000/5000 1000/ 1000=6000/6000 subedar of Burhanpur, 6688, AH 1067, 1656-7, Mir Muhammad Said, Muazzam Khan, Mir Jumla (i), 6000/6000 (prev. rank) 6000/6000 (present rank); p. 319, S7528 1067 AH-1656-7, Muazzam Khan, Mir Jumla (i), 6000/6000, Wazir (AC); p. 323, s7358, 1068 AH-1657-8 A.I.), Muazzam Khan, Mir Jumla (i), 6000/6000 (prev. rank), 6000/6000 (present rank). See further, M. Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb, edn., Delhi, 1997 [1966], p. 287, Mir Muhammad Saeed, Mir Jumla, pp.19, 97, 98, 121, 147n., 154, 158, 176 [Mir Muhammad Said Mir Jumla]. Muazzam Khan Khan-i Khanan, Sipahsalar, . reached the highest rank of 7000/7000 (5000 × 2-3h)] 45. The term chambok stood for chabuk which in Persian meant a horse whip (see F. Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary, p. 383, s.v. Chabuk. 46. The authors are referring to the famous Haringpakkerstorns, a tower built in the Middle Ages. It was altered in 1578 and renamed as Harigpakkerstoren and an elegant spire was placed on the original tower in 1606, possibly designed by Hendrick de Keyser, a Dutch sculptor. Zaandam is a city in the province of North Holland, the Netherlands (see https:www.amsterdam.nl/ stadsarchief /stukken/grachten-torens/haringpakkerstoren/sladsarchief Amsterdam. See also, C.E. Warnsinck-Delprat’s notes on p.137 of the text under consideration. 47. Kamerstuk is a piece of artillery that had on opening from above into which the loose chamber was deployed and fixed by a wedge or screw, now the part of cannon in which the chamber is enclosed, see, Van Dale, GrootWorden boek der Nederlands Taal, Utrecht eleventh edn. vol. II, 1984 [1864], p. 1272. s.v. Kamerstuk. 48. C.E. Warnisnch-Delpraat, editor of the text has interpreted the term on p.137 ‘Gobberdaer’ as degeneration of ‘chobdar’. It may be pointed out that it refers Khabar-dar (alphabet ‘G’ is pronpounced as ‘kh’ as per the norms of Dutch orthographic tradition. It is a Persian term which stood for informed, apprised, certified; aware; careful caution; see F. Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian English Dictionary, p. 446, s.v. Khabar-dar. This

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term was usually pronounced to make the people aware of some dignitary’s arrival. 49. Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, ‘Mir Jumla’s Invasion of Assam’; p. 17, footnote 28. See also Jagdish Narayan Sarkar. The Life of Mir Jumla, the General of Aurangzeb, pp. 277, 301, 308, 323. 50. The term; Sauwas, Sauwas’ was a Dutch rendering of the Persian term ‘shahbash’ which was a way of expressing appreciation, see Hobson-Jobson, p. 816, s.v. SHAHBASH! Interj. ‘Well done’! ‘Bravo’, Pers. Shah bash’, ‘Be joyful’. 51. Konstapel, the one in charge of the guns on board (cf. edn. for the C.E. Warsinck-Delprat’s note on p.137, the term also stood for ‘1. Petty officer in the navy, to whom the care of artillery and ammunition has been entrusted, currently exclusively charged with the maintenance of artillery goods; 2. for large shipping companies head of the yard and of the ships’, see Van Dale, Groot Worden boek der Nederlandse, Taal, p. 1418. 52. Abdul Hamid Lahori (d. 1654-5), Padshanama or Badshahanama Kabiruddin and Abdur Rahim, Bib. Ind., Asiatic society, Calcutta, 1868, vol. ii, p. 703, refers to Gargoan as a place where residence of Raja and capital of Assam were located, The river Brahmaputra was running on the opposite side of Gargoan. Muhammad Kazim (1668) Alamgir Nama, ed. Khadim Hussain and Abdul Haiy, Bib. Ind., Asiatic Calcutta, p. 696, describes the city: There are four gates of the city of Gargaon, prepared by stone and clay, the distance of every gate from the Raja’s residence is there Kora (= 6 miles). Informing further Muhammad Kazim tells that ‘from here (Jogighopa) to Gauhati there is an old boundary of empire the distance between Jogighopa to Gauhati, is 40 Korah (= 80 miles) and from Jogighopa to Gargaon is one month’. Gargaon is the residence of Raja and is Capital of that Waliyate, Ibid, p. 696. See also J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., footnote 35 for further information. 53. Lakhugarh, Muhammad Kazim, Alamgir Nama, p. 704 writes, ‘Lakhugarh is a beautiful place where the water of the river Dhank comes from the southern side of the mountain and falls into the river Brahmaputra’. It further informs that the imperial army encamped there on ‘27th of Rajab’ in mauza Lakhugarh. See also J.N. Sarkar, Mir Jumlas Invasion of Assam, p. 20, footnote 37 for further information. See also Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, Sheet 13A, p. 52. 54. Glanius, for some strange reason, has translated it as ‘Agra wood’. There are interesting references to some of the exclusive forest products of Assam in the seventeenth century. This fact is misearably overlooked in the translation of the text by Glanius, e.g. Sanders and simples are not quite convincing, see J.N. Sarkar, Mir Jumla’s Invasion of Assam, pp. 21-2.

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55. Page 123 of the text under consideration carries a painting entilled ‘it was sad to see, so murderous when they dealt with injured people’. 56. Frans Jansz van der Heiden and Willem Kunst’s reference to cannibalism is not endorsed by contemporary accounts especially by Muhammad Kazim, Alamgir Nama, pp. 721-7. Considering the significance of the text we have provided an Appendix-1 where we have tried to produce a translated version of a detailed most contemporary account given by Muhammad Kazim. It may be useful to point out here that Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, (ed.) Fuat Sezgin, 1993, based on H. Blochmann’s edited text, Bib. Indica., Calcutta, 1872, vol. 1 (2), pp. 387-91, says that adjoining Bengal was an extensive tract of country inhabited by the Tipperah Tribes. The king had a force of two hundred thousand footmen and a thousand elephants. Horses were scare (emphasis own). Further discussing about the dominions of Asham (Assam), Abul Fazl tells that the king of Assam was known for his pomp and state. He reports, when the king dies, his principal attendants of both sexes voluntarily bury themselves alive in his grave. Talking about Sylhet, Abul Fazl noted that suntarah, aloes wood and Chinaroot were in abundance in the nine range of hills. But Abul Fazl does not mention the practice of cannibalism in the entire eastern India up to Arakkan. 57. The authors of the account were possibly referring to an important innovation in the unique mansabari system of the Mughal administration, a feature which was introduced by Shah Jahan, see M. Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb, pp. 46-9. 58. It was a Malay (an) term: Pagar, fence (heining) enclosure, hedge, hedgegrow (haag), see, C.E. Warrsninck-Delprat’s note on p.137 (note 127) of the text edited by him. 59. This refers to the law of escheat practised under the Mughals. It seems that this evidence of lapsing of Mir Jumla’s wealth to the Mughal Emperor and not to Mir Jumla’s son is possibly not available in our Persian sources. Cf. M Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Augangzeb, New Delhi, rev. edn., pp. 63-8. 60. Frans Jansz van der Heiden and Willem Kunst mention Bernier as a native of Mountpelliers which is located in extreme south of France, whereas Archibald Constable tells us that Bernier was born at Joue, near Gonnord in Anjou. His parents were cultivators and lease holders in the Barony of Etiau, of land belonging to the Canonry of St. Maurice at Angers in western France. (see Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire AD 1656-68, trans on the basis of lrving Brock’s version and annot. Archibald Constable, (2nd edn. rev.) Vincent A. Smith, repr., Delhi, 1989 [1st pub.1934], p. xix. Both the Dutch authors claim that Bernier was responsible for urging the Emperor Aurangzeb for Assam expedition. Bernier’s description of

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Mir Jumla’s Assam campaign is broadly in agreement with our authors’ account. 61. The above account about Mahmet Emir-Kan is based on Bernier’s account. In fact the name of Mir Jumla’s only son was Muhammad Amir, Mir Jumla had one son and several daughters. See Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, The Life of Mir Jumla the General of Aurangzeb, second rev. edition, New Delhi, 1979 pp. 373-6; Benier’s account, op. cit., p. 173. Muhammad Amir Khan reportedly reached the rank of 6000/5000 (1000 × 2-3h), see Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb, p. 219. 62. Jamadhara (mod. Samdhara) see Alamngirnama, pp. 680, 703-4, 711; Fathiya-i Ibriya, p. 56, see Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire Sheet 13A, p. 52. 63. Lhasa in Tibet, Cf. Aniruddha Ray, European Perception of the Medieval North East, H.K. Barpujare Endowment lectures, Shillong, 2012, for assessing accessibility of Lhasa and its significance, pp. 13, 52, 54, 220, 223, 229­ 32, 246, 257, 302, 304, 311. Aniruddha Ray has dealt with eighteenth century French explorations of the north east. 64. See editorial note about Joan Maetsuyker on p.137 of the text under consideration. He was Governor General of the V.O.C. from 1653 and was a great friend of Aurangzeb.

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APPENDIX A

Asham in 1663 Muhammad Kazim, Ålamgirn"ama, Bib. Ind.,

Calcutta, 1868, pp. 721-7

(English translation of original Persian Report)

Now, at this point, let the pen move to a description of the territory of Åsh"am and an account of some of features of the wicked people of Åsh"am, so that the readers of this work may be informed thereof. This country is midway between north and east of Bengal and the river of Brahmaputra that comes from the direction of China flows through it. Whatever of this tract is to the north of Brahmaputra is called Uttark"ul, and whatever is to the south of it is called Dakhink"ul. All along the other side of Uttarkul is a mountain range whose inhab­ itants are called Mar$û [and] Majm$û. Its hither end is Guwahati, which forms the boundary of the (Mughal) imperial dominions. The borders of Dakhinkûl end at Sadiya on the other side and join the mountain range of Srinagar [Himalayas]. Among the northern mountain ranges is the range of Daula and L"amda; and of the known range of the south towards Dakhink"ul is the range of Namrup " " which is four stages above Garg"aon and the Raja " (of Åsham) " had fled to it. There is another mountain range, whose inhabitants belong to the N"ang race. The inhabitants of the said mountain range do not pay tribute to the R"aja, but profess to be his subjects and obey some orders of his. But the Dafla tribe is outside his authority and sometimes take the opportunity of raiding the territory on the borders of the mountains. The country of Åsh"am stretches in length, it being about 200 kurohs jar∂b∂ [n.a. kuroh = about 3.5 km]. Its width, from the northern to the southern ranges is about eight days’ march; and from Guwahat$û to Gargaon the distance is about 75 kurohs jar∂b∂. From there [Gargaon] to the country of Khutan (sic), which was the native place of Waisa elders, and is today known as Ava, being the capital of the R"aja of Pegu, who holds himself to be of the race of Waisa elders, is 15-day journey. Of this span, the first 5-days’ journey through the N"amrup " range is through forest and hills, difficult of passage, but, once passed, the rest of the journey eastward to Ava is through plain country. In the north, there is a mountainous waste, as has been mentioned. The river

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Brahmaputra, as has been mentioned comes from that direction, many rivers form the southern mountains of Åsh"am fall into the Brahmaputra. The greatest of these is the Dhing river, which as noticed earlier, joins the Brahmaputra at Lakhaugarh. Between the two rivers there is an island, very well cultivated and prosperous, extended to 50 kurohs. This inhabited tract is bordered by a dense forest, the pasture ground of elephants, and they catch elephants there. Besides this there are five or six other places in the forests of Åsh"am where elephants are caught. If they wish, they can catch 500 or 600 elephants in a year. On the other side of river Dhing, viz., the Gargaon side, the land is extensive with pleasant climate, most of it inhabited and prosperous: everywhere there are cultivated fields gardens and groves. From the island, mentioned above, till this tract of Dakhink"ul from the village of Simlagarh to Gargaon, which is at a distance of about 50 kurohs, everywhere there are groves full of fruit trees so close to each other so as to give the appearance of a single orchard. Among these groves are the houses of the peasants. Varieties of colourful and sweet smelling plants and flowers are cultivated as well as wild, blooms mixed together. When in the rainy season, flood waters cover the ground, they have for the convenience of passage of travellers raised an embankment from Simlagarh to Gargaon, a high broad "al, that you cannot see any cultivated ground (then) except this; and on both sides of that road they have planted high shade giving bamboo trees. The fruits of the country include the mango, banana, kathal, oranges (n"aranj and turanj) and pineapple. The pany"ala which is a species of myrobolan as found there is so tasty that there who have eaten it prefer it to the plum. Coconut trees, pepper plants, betel nut and Indian spikenard also grow there in profusion. Very fine sweet sugarcane, red, black and white, non-fibrous ginger and betel leaf are grown there. The land is so fertile that everything they culti­ vate and every tree they plant grow well. In the vicinity of Gargaon, the apricot and pomegranate are also found; but since these are wild and proper training and grafting are not practised, the fruits are inferior. The main produce of the country consists of rice and the m"ash-pulse. Lentils are rare; and wheat and barley are not cultivated. Excellent silk is cultured, like the h∂na(?) silk, but is manufactured but in quantity limited by demand. Figured silk, satin and t"atband (Eri-silk), which is a silken fabric used for tents and screen, and other kinds of silken cloth are very well woven there. Salt there is expensive and a rarity. It is obtained from the foot- hills of certain mountains, but is bitter and dirty. In the main part of the kingdom, they extract a bitter variety of salt from banana plants. In a mountain range where the people called Nang (Nagas) live, very fine aloe wood is obtained in profusion. A group from that race brings it every year

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to Åsh"am, exchanging it with salt and grain. This primitive tribe lives in this mountain, parasangs distant from civilization. They are bereft of human customs and live naked, and eat the flesh of dogs, cats, snakes, rats, ants and insects, and such like. In the mountains of Namrup, Sadiya, Lakhaugarh also good aloe wood is found. In many of those mountains the musk deer is also found. The northern banks of the Brahmaputra river, which is called Uttark"ul, are densely inhabited. Pepper and betel nut are obtained there is abundance; and cultivation is more extensive there than in Dakhink"ul but since dense forests and places are difficult to access abound more in Dakhink"ul, the rulers of Åsham " have, for political reasons, established their seats of residence there. In Uttark"ul from the bank of river (Brahmaputra) to the foothills of the Snowy Mountains, the distance varies from 15 to 45 kurohs. The inhabitants of those mountains are strongly built and like all people of colder parts are red and white in complexion. The trees and fruits of cold climes are found in those mountains. In the direction of Jamdhara, towards Guwahati there is a mountain range called Darrang, all people of these mountains in condition, customs and are (merely) distinguished by the names of tribes and native places. In those mountains musk, yaks, demons and fairies (?) are found alongwith a breed of hill horses called Gauni and T"angan. Gold and silver are obtained by washing sand. Similarly, in the whole of Åsh"am from washing sands of rivers and rivulets, gold is obtained. One of the sources of revenue of that country is indeed this. They say that 12,000 Assamese, and by another account 20,000, are engaged in such sand washing. It is settled that each of those engaged pays one tola of gold to the R"aja as a fixed rate.

The people of Åsh"a m are of a false faith and have no fixed religion. Whatever course appears to them preferable they follow, and in arrogance feel bound by no law, either of kufr (i.e. Hinduism) or Islam. As against the custom of all Hindus, they do not abstain from eating food cooked by Muslims and have no hesitation in eating the flesh of any animal, except human beings, and eat carrion as well. Owing to their being unfamiliar with it, they do not eat ghee and if its smell comes from any food they do not eat it. Women do not veil themselves. Thus the wives of the Raja go about faces unveiled and hair uncovered. Men have four or five wives. It is common to buy or sell wives. They shave their heads, hair and beard. Any one who deviates from this is censured. Their language is not at all similar to that of the people of Bengal. In clothing there is no propriety. They put a piece of cloth on the head and a waist-cloth round their loins and a sheet over their shoulder. Putting a turban

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on the head, and wearing a dress and trousers or those are customs unknown in that country. There are no buildings of brick, stone or mud in the entire coun­ try, except for the gateways of Gargaon and some temples. Rich and poor make their houses out of wood, cane and straw. The R"aja and his nobles ride on a sagh"asan, and the rich among his subjects on a doli, smaller than a saghasan. " There are no horses, camels and donkeys in that country and are imported. They regard donkeys highly, and buy and sell them at high prices and are astonished at the sight of camels.

Figure 3.1: Seventeenth-century Assam (Source: Drawn by the author)

CHAPTER 4

Beyond the Chronicles: The Agrarian Legacy in Cooch Behar and Assam (An Analysis of Mughal Archival Records, AD 1614-1754) SAIYID ZAHEER HUSAIN JAFRI

The establishment and the expansion of the Mughal rule in the Indian sub-continent was a gradual phenomenon. In the initial stages, especially during the reigns of Emperors Babur and Humayun, it was basically modern Afghanistan, North-Western Provinces and parts of Upper Gangetic Valley that formed the core of the Mughal Empire. The regions of eastern India had a strong presence of the Afghans, independent chieftains and the regions which were yet to be brought under any previous ruling dynasty. While in the southern parts of the Indian subcontinent and Deccan plateau, there were totally independent states. It was only during the reign of Mughal Emperor Babur that large conquests took place. His initial interest was subjugation of Rajputana, the Sultanates of Gujarat and Malwa (Sharqis by this time were already deciminated) and the Deccan. By AD 1580 large portions of the Indian subcontinent were already subjugated, necessitating a new administrative arrangement. Thus, the earlier division of the Empire made by the Lodi Sultans was replaced by a totally new set up. The Empire was divided into twelve subas (to this figure three new subas were further added after the conquest of Deccan) which were further divided into the sarkars and parganas. Each pargana was further subdivided into deh or the village. A uniform system of administration was sought

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to be established in all the parts of the Empire. Out of these fifteen subas, only five subas, namely Lahore, Delhi, Agra, Awadh and Allahabad were supposed to be the zabti provinces, where the measurement of the land was supposed to have been complete. However, when one goes into the details of this statistics (meti­ culously compiled by Abul Fazl in the Ain-i Akbari, the Gazetteer of the Mughal Empire, sometime in AD 1595) one finds certain regions where there was very little measurement and hence when these statistics are compared with that provided by Kaghzat-e Mutafarriqa (AD 1707-9) it is found that large expansion in the area of cultivation and large forest tracks being brought under the human use were the ongoing processes. Suba of Bengal, though included by Abul Fazl in his account of twelve subas, has sketchy details which suggests that large tracts in the region were yet to be subjugated, and hence little statistical information was available. It was only during the reign of Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb that large scale expeditions took place in Palamau and Assam. The details of these expeditions are graphi­ cally described by Shihabuddin Talish in his Fathiya-i Ibriyah, de­ scribing the campaign of Mir Jumla during AD 1661-2. The author of this work has served as the Waqianawis of his patron. Talish, besides providing the details of the military expeditions, has nu­ merous geographical details and agronomic conditions of the re­ gion. He talks about the various tribes inhabiting the hilly regions (Sakna-i kohistan/Maskuna Jibal ). He mentions the Garo Hills, Naga Hills as well as the Ankas. His manner of speaking leaves little doubt that these areas were, yet to be subjugated and hence, were independent of the Mughal State formation. These expeditions and the conquest of the region by the Mughal forces, described officially as ‘Triumph and Disaster’ ended after a quarter of century due to the ecological hardship of the region, the various epidemics, diseases, large swamps and the marshes and other natural phenomenas, with which the local population of the region was well versed, but not the Mughal forces. Coupled with these impediments, which hampered the military activity in a big way, the region as such enjoyed the reputation of Dozakh-e pur Ni’mat (hell laden with best things), hence any official posting was

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seen as a punishment posting by the Mughal officials. Hence, it will be a venture worth examining to locate the linkages, suste­ nance and crisis between the Mughals and the regions in India’s north-east. Here, one should mention one particular incident when an applicant for the Doctoral programme in the Department of History from Nagaland was asked what Emperor Akbar or Gandhi meant for the people of north-east. He showed equal neutrality for both! Therefore, if the memory and the legacy form any part in our discourse, this is an important anecdote to understand the mindset and a total negation of any pan-Indian legacy in this re­ gion. In addition to the seventeenth century Persian Chronicles which are fewer in number for this region, one generally looks at the Colonial and the Missionary records, beginning from the second quarter of the nineteenth century for the details of the socio­ economic transformation in the region during the eighteenth cen­ tury. The particular genre of Buranjis from the Ahom period is available only in English translations and nineteenth century ad­ aptations. Therefore, one is not in a position to make informed comments on this literature. The archival records from the period of the Mughal administration in the region have survived very rarely. But still an analysis of the surviving records gives enough data to locate and to talk about certain linkages in the region from the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. I The archival records from the families enjoying revenue free grants and superior fiscal claims in the agrarian surplus have survived and the various state archives, museums, university libraries and the National Archives of India have acquired a large number of such papers through the efforts of the Historical Document Purchase Committees (HDPCs) and the Indian Historical Records Com­ mission (IHRC).1 On the other hand the papers relating to the jagir administration and the lower bureaucracy are extremely rare. But still they have survived either in the private collections or public institutions. The study of such records gives us a rare opportunity

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to look for the questions, which cannot be answered in the Politi­ cal Chronicles and the histories of the different regimes. In fact, the histories of the ecclesiastical institutions, the establishment of the justice departments, the actual magnitude of the fiscal claims and the superior rights enjoyed by the land owning classes in the agrarian society is better informed by studying the archival records than by the normative texts and other type of literature. The Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies of Guwahati University has also acquired a large number of these records which one has not been able to examine personally though one would have wished to it. But the Oriental Records Division of the National Archives of India has acquired the photocopies of the twenty five Persian documents, which one had the occasion to examine closely. Most of these papers are in the form of official orders (parwanas), decree for the declaration of the rights (sanads), issued by the provincial mughal officials from time to time in rec­ ognition of/or in confirmation to the appointments of the various subordinate officers and/or their fiscal claims. Most of these docu­ ments relate basically to a family, which held the office of the qanungo of the various sarkars of the Mughal suba of Assam and Cooch Behar for several generations.2 A closer study of these docu­ ments shed light on the nature and the magnitude of the perqui­ sites and the claims of the local officials and their readiness to cooperate with the Mughal administration. One gets important clues about the hereditary village official, viz., the chaudhury and his fiscal claims in the rural circles. Apart from the intrinsic value of these documents, they offer enough data to examine the question as to whether the Mughal rule was just a passing phase in the history of Assam. It ended abruptly without leaving any trace of its existence or ushering any change in the structure of the economy and society and also whether the hereditary local village officials were ready to cooperate with the Mughal officials by providing the much needed details of the land and the people in formulating their agrarian and economic policies. Certainly these questions can be examined by a deeper study of the local records of the region to which these documents pertain but right now one can say with some degree of certainty

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that the Mughal occupation and the control of Assam and Cooch Behar did result in the structural changes of the society and economy of this region during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Important extracts of these Persian documents along with their translation is also appended to give a clear picture of the nature and magnitude of the cooperation of the local officials. The qanungo was an important official in the revenue adminis­ tration of the Mughal Empire as the sole link between the impe­ rial establishment and the hereditary village officials. It was he who provided the muwazina (revenue collection of the previous years usually ten) papers of each sarkar of the empire to the central Diwan and in case of their non-receipt they were held responsible for the delay and the lapse. So they had to perform a twin task: collecting the necessary information from each pargana because of their caste-associations or their ties with the soil. It appears that the appointment of the qanungo was for the suba level, sarkar level and pargana level. In such a hierarchised form it is apparent that the qanungo at the lower level would report invariably to his supe­ rior who would ultimately report to the suba qanungo. Thus, the central diwani would not get the actual village papers but the summarised form supplied to it by the suba level qanungo. In the twenty third RY/AD 1680-1 of Aurangzeb it was discovered in case of suba Thatta the amount of mischief sarkar and suba level qanungo was capable of doing. Hence, it was decided to retain only the qanungoes of the pargana level and the necessary information was obtained from the qanungo of pargana of central diwan.3 In case of the north east of the Mughal empire, as the Mughal rule had yet to gain firm grounds specially in the regions of Assam and Cooch Behar, the sarkar and suba level qanungoes were re­ tained. Documents say that the officials recognised the family of Gab Shekhar’s Dastoor-i Qanungoi during the reign of Mughal emperor Jahangir. According to the sanad issued by Mir Sham­ shuddin, he was entitled to collect two per cent of the total net collection of the suba. Taking into account the acts of his fidelity the Mughal officials of the suba were directed not to interfere with him in collecting his dues (of Dastoor-i Qanungoi) as well as his Nankar (a fact which indicates that he enjoyed the zamindari rights

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of the area as well). (Doc. no. 15) after the death of Gab Shekhar the office of Khidmat-i Qanungoi and Dastoor-i Nankar in four Mahals falling under the jurisdiction of sarkars of Kamrupa, Dakhinkol, Dhendri and Bengalbhoom passed on to Devraj, the grandson of Gab Shekhar. The officials, chaudhuris and zamindars of the wilayat (territory) of Cooch were to recognize him as the permanent qanungo of the area in all affairs. Devraj, the new occupant of the office was supposed to dispatch the papers of his office (sarista-i qanungoi) to the office of the cen­ tral Diwan regularly besides the usual stipulation that he was obliged to strive for the habitation and well being of its inhabit­ ants (Doc. no. 20, 22, 24, 12, 14 & 1). The twin offices were conferred upon Debi Prasad the son of Devraj after the latter’s death. One possesses a confirmatory parwana issued under the seal of one Saiyid Yusuf. The interesting aspect of this document is that among the addressees we find qanungoes side by side with the chaudhuries, muqaddams and mutasaddis. This emphatically sug­ gests that the family of Dab Shekhar possessed the office of qanungo for the entire wilayat of Cooch, while separate qanungos at the level of mahal /pargana were retained (Doc. no. 17). It appears that the office of the naib qanungo was also created subsequently to assist the work of the sarkar qanungo. Probably, the appointment was made with the consent of the latter. A parwana of the reign of the Mughal emperor Muhammad Shah instructs the gomastahs and the muharris of the office of the qanungo, sarkar Dhenkeri, thana Rangamatti to recognise Bishan Chand as naib­ qanungo of the area and receive orders from the appointee for all the work of the qanungoi. The incumbent to the newly created office was to keep the staff of the department happy and contented besides adhering to the rules and regulations in discharging his duties. The appointee was required to provide maintenance to Bulchand, the earlier incumbent on the same spot (Doc. no. 21). The Mughals often found room for traditionally established lo­ cal offices and/or nomenclature in their administration. Hence, one finds variations in the nomenclature for the same type of duties and perquisites throughout the realm. One comes across a parwana of the last decade of Aurangzeb’s reign asking the mutasaddis,

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chaudhuries and the muzarian to recognise one Suraj Chand, qanungo possessing the post (khidmat) of Badkhati or Badghati after the demise of Jagan Nath and Madhu Nand. The appointee was to facilitate the work of collection of mal and sair, and to work in such a way that the confidence is reposed among the inhabit­ ants of the area, to strive for the increase and well being of the population. The rules of the office were to be adhered to strictly (Doc. 3). The office of the central diwan was always particular about the mawazina (revenue collection of previous year’s paper of each sarkar of the empire. In case, these were not received from any part of the kingdom, the qanungo were immediately directed to furnish the same. One possesses a dastak issued to the qanungo of sarkar Kamrupa in AD 1671 to the effect that the mawazina papers of the sarkar for the year 1076 Bangla/AD 1665 were required, and it was incumbent upon the addressee to dispatch these documents through his knowledgeable gumastahs, so that in the central office (daftar-i wala) proper elucidation of the accounts could be done as per rules (Doc. 8). Perquisites of the Qanungo: Generally, the qanungo were entitled to 2 per cent of the total collection of the land revenue (sad-doi ) as their officially sanctioned perquisites. But it seems that many other benefits were also attached to this post. In all probability quite a few offices were combined into one, resulting in a multiplicity of fiscal perquisites. Gab Shekhar was allotted one khet and four bighas of land as his nankar in pargana Parbhagh yet retaining saddoi (2 per cent land revenue) as his dastur-i qanungoi. The land in question was not to be assessed (khariz-az jama), the grantee was to pray for the well being of the everlasting empire (Doc. 11). The revenues of an entire village, Kurbat, pargana Kunwarbhag amount­ ing to Rs. 12 were allotted to Debi Prasad qanungo as his nankar. The agents of the jagirdar of this area were directed not to interfere in the realisation of this amount by the agents of the qanungo (Doc. 23). An interesting parwana in this collection acquaints one with altogether a new form of mashrut nankar (conditional nankar). The officials of mahal Narma, chakla Ghora Ghat, sarkar Dhenkeri

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were asked to hand over 50 maunds of cotton to Debi Prasad qanungo on condition that he should strive to increase the income of the government year after year (Doc. 7). It is obvious that the region being a cotton growing area, the officials were probably unable to collect the revenues; hence the local man was being encouraged to do it for the authorities. Since the qanungo was not supposed to maintain any armed retainers, they always solicited the support of the government offi­ cials in any problem besetting them in realising their claims. A parwana was issued to a high official, Ibn Husain Khan to the effect that since the zamindar of wilayat Cooch were putting off the payment of the perquisites to Debi Prasad qanungo as per rep­ resentation of his wakil, it was incumbent upon the addressee to help him collect the dastoor-i qanungoi through his peshkars. Simi­ larly he was requested to help in the despatch of sarishta-i qanungoi to the central office (Doc. 18). Following a representation from Gab Ratan to the effect that the chaudhuries and patwaries of tappa Chamaria, etc., were with­ holding the payment of dastoor-i qanungoi to the petitioner, a parwana was issued to another high functionary of the region, Muhammad Murad to ensure the recovery of the arrears after as­ certaining the facts from his own muharris. He was to ensure that in future also the petitioner should not encounter any difficulty in realizing his perquisites. Office of the Chaudhuri: It appears that the office of the chaudhuri was of a crucial importance in the rural set up; hence the matters of appointment and continuance were decided upon quite care­ fully. Fresh appointees were expected to execute personal bonds (muchalkas) as well as to furnish agreements (razinamah) from the qanungo and riaya (peasantry). Fortunately, one possesses the speci­ mens of these papers in the zimn of our documents. In the year 1687 (29th R.Y. of Aurangzeb) the office of the chaudhuri of mahal Kapasnarma, thana Rangamati, was transferred from Dharam Raj to Gokul Chand, who happened to be the qanungo of sarkar Kamrupa incidentally. Such an arrangment was made on the recommendations of the amin Sadullah. The jam‘a of the said mahal happened to be Rs. 3,601. The new incumbent

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was asked to perform his duties with honesty and deposit the rev­ enues as per agreement (ta‘ahud) in the royal treasury; he was to desist from collecting illegal cesses. The monthly installment had been fixed in a very uneven manner and according to lunar months, it seems to be very peculiar feature (Doc. 3). The qabuliyat deed executed by the chaudhuri is reproduced in Appendix ‘A’. In another instance it is found that the question of appointing a chaudhuri was decided by the officials taking into account the public acceptance and the conduct of the previous functionaries. One Pushapatti chaudhari of pargana Khorla (only a part), sarkar Dhinkeri was dismissed when a complaint was filed against him. This related to the oppression of the people (ri‘aya) of the area, who were now not agreeable to his continuance. The amin of the region was left with no choice but to appoint another chaudhuri for the paibaqi mahal (not assigned in jagir) of pargana Khorla. The new appointee was Bulchand who already happened to be the chaudhuri of mahal sair-i Alamganj. Besides executing a muchalka promising to keep ri‘aya happy and strive for the extension of the cultivation, thus raising the income of the government, the new incumbent furnished a surety bond (hazir zamini) executed by a neighbouring qanungo taking full responsibility on his behalf. As the previous chaudhuri had been dismissed on a specific complaint (nalish) of the riaya and muqaddams, it was thought that in matter of new appointment, they should also have a say. Hence they sub­ mitted a razinamah (undertaking) to cooperate fully with the new appointee (Doc. nos. 5 & 25). Since specimens of such docu­ ments are rare, full translations are appended at the end of this section. The duties of the chaudhuri are also specified in one of the docu­ ments very clearly. The fact that such a narration comes from 1738­ 39 makes it additionally important. One Prithbi Deb was ap­ pointed chaudhuri of pargana Aurangabad known as Senjimadi, sarkar Dakhin Kol, thana Rangamatti. He was to strive for the increase of population and extend cultivation. Every single dam of land revenue was to be remitted to the treasury by the end of every fiscal year and in case some amount had not been realised, it was to be paid by the incumbent himself. He was given the sole re­

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sponsibility in enquiring into acts of theft, robbery and depreda­ tion committed within his jurisdiction. The culprits should be awarded punishments, and the lost property was to be restored to the complainant. In case some hidden treasure was discovered it should be immediately reported to the government. He was to arrange for regular dispatch of the mawazina papers to the office of the mutassadi regularly (Doc. 13). No doubt, the information gleaned from above documents is of varied and uneven nature. Also, a set pattern of the Mughal Chan­ cellery has been followed in a standardised form, but with consid­ erable intrusions of local features. It is also important to point out that a class of the officials well versed with the Mughal Chancel­ lery practices was not only created but survived for more than hundred years, as these documents cover a fairly long period from the time of Mughal Emperor Jahangir to that of Ahmad Shah; to be more exact from AD 1614-1754, the date when the last docu­ ment was issued. This forcefully suggests that at least in the region of Cooch Behar and Upper Western Assam, the major features of the Mughal Agrarian regime was firmly established and has sur­ vived in spite of the claim to the contrary that it was only a tempo­ rary phenomenon.

NOTES 1. Some of the issues raised here were presented by me (along with both the appendices) at the forty eighth session of Indian History Congress, Karnataka University, Dharwar, 1988. See PIHC, 1988, pp. 277-86. 2. All these photocopies are bound together, and have been accessioned in the Accession Register (Oriental Records Division) National Archives of India at serial no. 2551. However, for easy references each document has been assigned sub-numbers running from 2551/1-25. I am thankful to my friend Mr Zakir Husain, Archivist (OR), National Archives of India for drawing my attention to this series and rendering help in deciphering many seals. He was kind enough to let me go through his notes of these papers. I would like to mention here in particular that I thought that the Dept. of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, Guwahati, must have acquired some

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more records from this time period. In the hope once I visited the place while on way to NEHU, Shillong but I was told that the section is closed for renovation. It was way back in AD 2006. Then, one of my students who was working for her PhD thesis with me as her supervisor, on this particular region has visited thrice between the years AD 2010-13, and every time she went, she was told that the section was closed for renovation! Hence, we should be grateful to the authorities of National Archives of India for having obtained these photocopies of the original documents way back in 1980s; otherwise the world of scholarship could have been denied the rich data these documents contain. I still feel that family collections in the form of the Archival Records must be surviving privately as well as in the litigation files at the law courts, with the temple mahants and other small repositories. If the data from the families is brought in the public domain, it will be possible to have a larger picture of the continuing agrarian legacies from the seventeenth centuries. 3. Saqi Mustaid Khan has reported the fact of the dismissal of Qabil Khan as the qanungo of the suba Thatta for his unknown misdemeanor. It is said that ‘he has deviated from the right path.’ Cf. Ma ‘asir-i Alamgiri; Bib. Ind. ed. Calcutta, 1970-3; pp. 190-1. A Hasbul Hukm of AD 1682 issued by Asad Khan regarding the office of the qanungo of sarkar Chanderi suba Malwa makes an interesting remark in its zimn to the effect that ‘when the facts concerning the office of qanungo of suba Thatta held by Muhammad Sharif titled Qabil Khan reached the imperial court, the qanungos of sarkars in certain subas were ordered to be dismissed. It further says that since most of the parganas of sarkar Chanderi were in the jagirs of Rajput chieftains, ‘the (muwazina) papers for these mahals cannot reach the office in an accurate form without their being a qanungo of the sarkar’. See my translation of this Hasbul Hukm in; ‘The sarkar, qanungo: 16th-17th century documents’; PIHC 1985 (Amritsar session), pp. 261-2.

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Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri APPENDIX ‘A’

(i) Qabuliyat deed executed by the chaudhari, Gokul Chand in the twenty ninth year of Aurangzeb’s reign has been retained in the zimn of the parwana issued to the concerned officials of mahal Kapasnarma, thana Rangamatti. It is worth reproduction: I am Gokul Chand, qanungo of sarkar Kamrupa. Whereas khidmati-I chadhari of mahal Kapasnarma, thana Rangamatti, etc., has been transferred from Dharam Raj and has been settled upon me. I have agreed upon an amount of Rs. 3,601 as jama with enhancement in the year 1092 Bangla/AD 1681. I undertake to remit the amount to the imperial treasury through instalments shown below without any hesitation. Therefore, these lines have been com­ mitted to writing, as to serve a firm proof for future. 3601 Shahjahani Coins Principal amount (asl ) Enhancement (Izafa)

2800.00 801.00

Amount of monthly qist to be paid by the new incumbent Month of Shawwal twenty ninth R.Y. Month of Ziqad twentieth R.Y. Month of Zilhij twenty ninth R.Y Month of Muharram twenty ninth R.Y. Month of Safar twenty ninth R.Y. Month of Rabi I twenty ninth R.Y. Month of Rabi II twenty ninth R.Y. Month of Jamad I twenty ninth R.Y. Month of Jamad II twenty ninth R.Y. Month of Rajab twenty ninth R.Y. Month of Shaban twenty ninth R.Y. Month of Ramzan twenty ninth R.Y.

31.00 41.00 51.00 51.00 51.00 160.00 215.00 225.00 350.00 501.00 923.00 1000.00 3601.00

(ii) The office of the chaudhuri of a portion of pargana Khorla sarkar Dhenkeri, a paibaqi mahal in thana Rangamatti was assigned to Bulchand after the previous incumbent had been dismissed as a result of his oppression (taaddi). This time, in order to make the new arrangement foolproof, the following undertakings were obtained by the imperial officials. They are included in the zimn of the parwanas. They are produced in full.

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(a) Machalka executed on second Rabi seventeenth R.Y. of Aurangzeb. ‘I, Bulchand, chaudhari of a portion of pargana (qismat-i pargana) Khorla, a paibaqi mahal attached with thana Rangamatti have been assigned the chaudharai of the said pargana following the transfer of Pashupati according to the agreement (razinamah) of the muqaddams and the raiyat of the said pargana which I accepted willingly. I also recognise and promise that I will perform the assigned duties diligently in such a manner that the cultivable land should increase, and that I will not oppress anyone. The peasantry will be kept happy and satisfied by the considerate behaviour. I will pay the stipulated revenues of the government every year in time. If any amount remained unpaid, I will be personally responsible for the same. I will collect the perquisites (marasim) strictly as per regulations. These things have been put into writing to serve as record whenever needed in future’. (b) The razinamah (deed of consent) submitted by the riaya (peasantry) of pargana Khorla on twenty second Safar seventh R.Y. Aurangzeb: ‘We the peasants of pargana Khorla, mahal-i paibaqi of sarkar Dhenkri, thana Rangamatti state that we were being ruined due to the oppressions of Pashupati. Therefore, quite willingly and totally on our own accord we accept (the appointment) Bulchand for which Suraj Chand qanungo has furnished surety (hazir-zamini) on his behalf. We undertake that, when he obtains the sanad of Chaudhurai, we will pay the revenues as before. There­ fore, this sanad of razinamah is written, so that it may serve as record when­ ever required in future’. (c) The hazir zamini (surety bond/presenting) executed on seventh Rajab, seventh R.Y. of Aurangzeb. ‘I Suraj Chand qanungo, sarkar Kamrupa, etc., say that the khidmati-i chaudhari of a portion of pargana Khorla, a mahal-i paibaqi of sarkar Dhenkri, thana Rangamatti, suba jannat-ul Bilad Bangala, has been in assignment of Bulchand as per sanad of Mir Rafiullah. I have stood as a hazirzamni for the appointee to present him for depositing the land revenue of the part of the pargana in the treasury. In case he absents himself I undertake to bring him back, in case it is not possible, then I myself will undertake the responsibility of the pargana. Therefore, this hazirzamni is written, so that it may serve as record whenever required in future’.

140

Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri APPENDIX ‘B’ (The Calendar of the documents has been arranged in chronological sequence)

1.

AH AD

2.

AH AD

3.

AH AD

4.

AH AD

5.

AH AD

1023 (sic) 1614

1029 (sic) 1620

1035 1626

1064 1654

1075 1664

Parwana to the officials of suba Cooch directing them to recognize the dastur-i qanungoi of Gab Shekhar (amounting to 2 per cent of the land revenue), which the appointee held on the basis of a sanad issued by Mir Shamshuddin. The appointee was also entitled to claim his nankar from the area (2551/15). Ruqa to Gab Ratan qanungo. Acknowledges the receipt of his arzdasht and assures for the imperial favour. Copy of the same has been dispatched to Saiyid Firoz along with the instructions to which he should adhere. The addressee is asked to help the collection of mal-I wajibi well in time, besides keeping with the people happy and strive for the increase in cultivation (2551/19). Parwana to the officials, chaudharies and patwaries of pargana Parbhag, (suba Cooch) to the effect that one khet and four bighas of land as nankar along with dastur-i qanungoi of two rupees on every hundred have been confirmed in favour of Gab Shekhar, qanungo. The land (in grant) was to remain as khariz-az jama. The addressees were to maintain regularity in paying his dastur (2551/11). Official letter to Muhammad Murad intimating him that according to the petition of Gab Shekhar, qanungo, the chaudharies and patwaries of tappa Chamaria were withholding the payment of dastur-I qanungoi. The addressee was urged to facilitate the collection of the arrears and ensure the regular payment after ascertaining the facts from his own muharrirs (2551/16). Parwana to the officials, chaudharies and qanungos, pargana Khorla, sarkar Dhenkri, thana Rangamatti intimating the appointment of Bulchand as chaudhari of a part of pargana Khorla, after affecting the dismissal of Pshupati, with whom the people were unhappy on account of his report of oppressions (2551/5).

Beyond the Chronicles 6.

AH AD

7.

AH AD

8.

AH AD

9.

AH AD

10.

AH AD

11.

AH AD

12.

AH AD

1075 1664

1076 1666

1076 1666 1078 1667

1081 1671

1092 1681

1092 1681

141

Sanad to the officials, qanungos and peasants & others of pargana Khorla, thana Rangamatti intimating the appointment of Bulchand as chaudhari of a part of pargana Khorla, as per orders of Mir Rafiullah, the amin of sarkar Dhenkri. Further it is clarified that the appointment has been made after getting a surety bond (razinamah) from Suraj Chand, qanungo of sarkar Kamrupa. Contains the usual recitations about the duties and functions (2551/25). Parwana to the officials, chaudharies and zamindars of wilayat Cooch intimating the appointment of Dev Raj grandson of Gab Shekhar as qanungo of the area on consideration of his loyalty and fidelity with the usual dastur-I Qanungoi and nankar. Besides listing the usual duties of the appointee he was specifically asked to submit the sarishta-I qanungoi in the office as per customs (2551/25). Parwana to the officials, chaudharies and zamindars of wilayat Cooch intimating the appointment as above (2551/22). Parwana to the officials, chaudharies, muq-addams and riaya of sarkar Kamrupa wilayat Cooch Hajo intimating about the conferment of dastur-I qanungoi and nankar in favour of Debi Parsad, son of Dev Raj. Instructs the addressees to pay these perquisites of the appointee regularly (2551/17). Dastak to the qanungos of sarkar Kamrupa directing them to send mawazina papers of the said sarkar up to the year 1076 Bangala (1669) forthwith. This should be sent through their knowledgeable gumashtas to the daftar-I wala for reconciliation of the accounts (2551/8). Parwana to the officials, chaudharies and zamindars of sarkar Kamrupa, etc., wilayat Cooch intimating them about the renewal of the office of qanungoi in favour of Debi Parsad. Recitation is made regarding the well-known duties of the appointee (2551/24). Parwana to the chaudharies of pargana Baharb and Bari intimating about the confirmation of the qanungoi rights of Debi Parsad through a separate

142

13.

AH AD

14.

AH AD

15.

AH AD

16.

AH AD

17.

AH AD

Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri

1092 1681

1092 1681

1093 1682

1097 1685

1098 1687

order. It is, therefore, recorded that with effect from AH 1087/AD 1676 the dastur-i qanungoi of the in­ cumbent are recognized and he was supposed to provide the sarishta paper from that year. (2551/14) Parwana to the gumashtas of jagirdars of pargana Kunwarbhag, sarkar Kamrupa informing them about the fact that the agent Debi Parsad qanungo has petitioned that village Kart having a jama of Rs. 12 has been in assignment of his patron by way of nankar. Therefore, it was incumbent upon the addressees to recognise the said village as such. (2551/23) Takid to a high official – Khan to the effect that the wakil of Debi Parsad anungo of wilayat Cooch has petitioned that the zamindars of the region are putting off the payment of the dastur-i qanungoi due from them. The addressee was urged to ask his peshkars to collect the same from the erring zamindars and deliver it to the said qanungo. Also the qanungo should be directed to send the sarishta papers soon. (2551/18) Parwana to the officials of Narma chakla Kunta Ghat, sarkar Dhenkri informing them about the grant of fifty mounds of cotton (kapas) nankar to Debi Parsad qanungo of the area on the condition that he should strive to increase the income of the government every year. (2551/18) Parwana addressed to the official of certain pargana. Since the text is badly mutilated at the left hand margin leaving vital gaps at the end of every line, hence the calendar has not been attempted. (2551/4) (Rs. 1301 jama of the entire village have been assigned.) Parwana to the officials of Kapasnarma thana Rangamatti informing them about the appointment of Gokul Chand qanungo of sarkar Kamrupa on the chaudhuri of above mahal, on the recommendations of Sadullah, the amin. This mahal had an annual jama of Rs. 3,601 from the beginning of 1092 Bangala/ AD 1681-2. Directs the addressees to recognise the appointee as such. Recitation is made regarding the duties and functions of the chaudhari. The zimn contains monthly break up (qist) of the annual jama to be paid by the new incumbent. (2551/2)

Beyond the Chronicles 18. 81 julus AD 1688

19. 41 julus AD 1697

20. 1144 Bangala AD 1788

21.

AH AD

22.

AH AD

1163 1750

1166 1754

143

Parwana to the officials, chaudharies and zamindars of wilayat Cooch intimating the confirmation of qanungoi of the area in favour of Debi Parsad. The appointee was entitled to claim the dastru-i qanungoi and nankar as before as usual recitation about his duties. (2551/1) Parwana to the muqaddams, chaudharies, qanungo, riaya and muzarai, pargana Kunwarbhag, etc., sarkar Kamrupa informing them about the grant of the office of Badghahat(?) of these parganas to Suraj Chand, the qanungo. Directs the addressees to recognize the appointee as the permanent Badghahat of the area. Details of his duties are also provided. (2551/3) Parwana to the gumashtas and muharrirs of the office of qanungo, sarkar Dhenkri, thana Rangamatti intimating them about the appointment of Bishan Chand as the naib-qanungo of the area on behalf of Bulchand, qanungo. Instructions to the appointee and addressees about the duties and perquisites, etc. (2551/21) Parwana to Har Gopal on his appointment as qanungo of pargana Baharband, sarkar Bangal Bhum after the demise of his father late Ram Gopal. Besides general duites, the appointee was asked to attest the pargana papers carefully and keep the sarishta ready to dispatch every year. (2551/6) Sanad to the qanungo,riaya, muzari ‘a and in­ habitants of pargana Aurangabad alias Sangimari, sarkar Dhenkri, thana Rangamatti, suba Bengal informing them about the appointment of Durga Parsad as the zamindar of the said pargana with usual Nankar. The incumbent was to collect the mal-i wajib and remitt it to the royal treasury every month. The addressees were asked to recognize him as the only zamindar of the area. (2551/9)

CHAPTER 5

Mughal Influence on Chittagong and

Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT)

ASHFAQUE HOSSAIN and

ANANDA BIKASH CHAKMA

INTRODUCTION

The rise and fall of Mughal Empire in the Indian subcontinent are two cataclysmic events in world history. It could uphold its vigour up to the first half of eighteenth century. The Mughals gradually expanded their empire all over South Asia and Bengal was brought under their sway in the year 1576. Accordingly, port city Chitta­ gong of eastern Bengal came under their control in January 1666 under the viceroyalty of subahdar Shaista Khan. It was named Islamabad in February 1666 according to the order of Aurangzeb Alamgir. The Mughal conquest of this strategic region generated a great change. The sphere of influence of Arakanese rulers in the borderlands of Bengal rapidly declined and the legacy of Mughal’s civilisation and culture started to replace it. In the context of Bengal, the famous Bara Bhuiyans and small kings or chiefs of Bengal in­ cluding Hill Tippera and CHT (Chittagong Hill Tracts) who were so far enjoying either an independent status or semi-independent status, lost their independence and were merged into the Mughal body politics. It was during this trajectory of history, the hill people of Chittagong (Chattogram) established a relationship with the Mughals. Initially the relationship between the Mughals and the Hill rajas (chiefs) and their people was based on reciprocity. But whenever the local Mughal official tried to impose extra taxes on the hill people they were resisted. The hill chieftains revolted against

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the breach of agreement. The Mughal officials invaded the abode of hill chiefs. As a result, the hill raja had to change his abode and finally abandoned Alikadam, the then capital of the Chakma raja and took asylum in the neighbouring Arakan state. But after some years the next Chakma King Shermusta Khan realized his position and decided to come to a compromise with the Mughal power. In 1737 the Chakma chief Shermust Khan pleaded with the Mughal Foujdar Zul Kader Khan (1737-9) and was able to obtain a Zamin­ dary in the mouza Kodala of Rangunia where he rebuilt his capital and started to live under the gentle influence of the Mughal power. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The Mughal were great state builders who played a crucial role in the state formation process throughout pre-modern South Asia. In fact, the ‘modernist’ colonial British ruler copied many things from them in forming the British Raj in the Indian subcontinent and other colonial states of south east Asia. Historian K.N. Chaudhury in his phenomenal study has used a distinctive theory of comparative history and argued how Asian societies were united or separated from one another by a conscious cultural and linguistic identity. Nonetheless, there were a deeper structure of unities created by a common ecology, technology, mode of production, traditions of government and above all, shared historical experiences.1 In this case study, an attempt has been made to explore Mughal influence on areas of Chittagong Hill Tracts governed by hereditary local chiefs or rajas by using the theory of comparative history. This type of theoretical underpinning enables one to show the influences of the mighty Mughals and their ‘high culture’ that ultimately shaped the real and imagined world of peripheral Chakma chieftains in particular and hill people in general. LITERATURE REVIEW AND METHODOLOGY

Archival records, documents on the Chittagong hills under the Mughal period are very scanty and incoherent. Due to this rarity of documents and materials, very few trained historians feel

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interested to research on a region of a terra-incognita. As a result, only a short article titled ‘The Origin of the rajas of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and their relations with the Mughals and the East India Company in the eighteenth century’ written by Professor A.M. Serajuddin is available. Here he tries to trace the origin of the Chakma rajas and their relationship with the Mughals briefly based on colonial records. In another article on ‘The Chakma Tribe of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in the eighteenth century’ he extended his interpretation on the genealogy and characteristics of the Chakmas as a whole. But many others aspects such as the Mughal influence on the hill life and culture remained untouched in his writings. After a long interval Prof S.B. Qanungo wrote a short book on Chakma Resistance to British domination where he added some in­ formation on Mughal period in one paragraph which he repeated in his following book titled A History of Chittaong. Among the chroniclers, Satish Chandra Ghosh gave some details on Chakma kings in the Mughal period in his book Chakma Jati (1909).2 A perusal of these writings, shows that there is a great space and scope to rewrite, rethink and reconstruct the history of the Mughal influence on the Hill people of Chittagong. It is true that now­ adays the trend in historical writing has changed markedly. Other sources like oral history, family archives, memoirs, micro histories from below are now playing an important role in reconstructing social, cultural and even political history. Taking into accounts all these new sources, one has attempted to depict a more compre­ hensive history of the Mughal influence on the hill people of Chittagong region. Historical sources have been evaluated follow­ ing the recognised way of both internal and external criticism. After analysing archival records, documents and autobiographies, one has reached a conclusion that has shed light on this topic in the context of Mughal legacy and cultural impact in this region. THE ADVENT OF THE MUGHALS

IN CHITTAGONG

Chittagong had been a busy international port from ancient times and a major destination for loading and unloading commodities

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and people of the famous silk road/route. The Arab traders had business transactions with this port since the ninth century CE. Before the Mughal conquest of Chittagong, at least two Muslim Sultans conquered Chittagong. Sultan Fakruddin Mubark Shah (1338-49) conquered Chittagong in 1340 without any lasting peace and major change in this region. After that the great Bengali Sultan Alauddin Hossain Shah in 1517 sent an expedition to Chittagong and annexed it to his territory. However, after the demise of Sultan Alauddin Hossain Shah, Chittagong became a centre of power struggle, anarchy and social unrest due to the instability created by the Magh pirates from Arakan and Harmad pirates from Portugal. In this context, the Mughal conquest of Chittagong in 1666 is one of the glorious events under the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb.3 It was one of the many points of evidence of the might of the Mughals and their superiority and talent in the field of war­ fare. Conquest of Chittagong was probably the final step of Mughal state formation and establishment of Mughal hegemony or the expansion of their ‘high culture’. The successful Mughal invasion of Chittagong in 1665-6 CE brought the long process of conquest of Bengal to a successful conclusion. There were many reasons be­ hind the Mughal conquest of Chittagong. But there is little scope for giving a detailed account here. Nevertheless, it is relevant to mention here that the conquest of Chittagong from Arakanese rule was successful by dint of Shaista Khan’s pragmatic policy. He was a very competent governor of Bengal. Shaista Khan ruled Bengal for 22 years with a break of a little more than one year when Azam Khan Koka and Prince Muhammad Azam became subahdar, in succession. He first came to Bengal on 8 March 1664 and com­ pleted his first term of office in early 1678. The magnificent event of conquest of Chittagong took place during this tenure.4 During the first two years of his viceroyalty, Shaista Khan’s attention was directed towards the conquest of Chittagong. With the help of Dutch soldiers, he made his dream successful. The Arakani and Firinghi joint troops were defeated. After the surrender of the fort of Chittagong, the Magh commandant of the fort was sent to the subahdar at Dhaka. He was taken prisoner with one son, some relatives and 350 men of his tribe. The conquest of Chittagong

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caused unbound joys throughout Bengal. Shaista Khan was re­ warded and honoured by the Emperor Aurangzeb for this out­ standing victory. There were some immediate results but its longterm impact is always praiseworthy. The Maghs who were in the stockades fled, but they were attacked by the Muslims killing many of them including one of their leaders. Another result of the cap­ ture of Chittagong was the release and restoration to their homes of thousands of Bengali peasants who were kept captive there by the pirates and held as slaves. The number of Bengali prisoners were about ten thousand and after their release by the victorious Mughal army, they went back home and joined their families. Simultaneously it would be unwise not to mention that the Mughal conquest broke the power of the Portuguese in Chittagong. More­ over, the most important result of the conquest of Chittagong was the annexation of Chittagong permanently with Bengal; there­ after, not only did Chittagong become a part of Bengal, but also Bengal’s southern border became fixed at its present limit. The Maghs and Firinghies fled to Arakan leaving their hearth and home at Chittagong. Among the local people of Chittagong, the event is known as Mag-dhaiya, i.e. the fleeing of the Maghs from Chittagong.5 Another impressive feature of the Mughal conquest of Chittagong was that Bengal for the first time, attained her geo­ graphical and cultural affinity. The geo-strategic location of Chittagong also helped Mughals to expand their imperial frontiers towards Arakan in the south and Tripura and Assam in the north east. MUGHAL’S GOVERNANCE SYSTEM

IN CHITTAGONG

The Mughals established their art of governance in the newly con­ quered areas of Chittagong, which was situated in the region that extended from the Feni River to the Naf River. However, the area from the Sangu River to the south was not always under Mughal rule and this point is important for understanding the next part of this article. Chittagong was made a sarkar in the Mughal adminis­ trative framework, and Buzurg Umed Khan, the first conqueror

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was made its faujdar. Since then about fourteen faujdars were ap­ pointed to the ‘Sarkar Islamabad’ or Chittagong. With every faujdar of Chittagong there were other administrative officials. The post of Diwan was very important for land and business affairs while that of the bakshi was for the military affairs. To maintain religious affairs a qazi was appointed. Shaista Khan ordered the disconti­ nuation of some posts and dismissed persons from previous re­ gime and only those services found necessary, were retained. All these were done to ensure administrative efficiency. Murshid Quli Khan introduced some important reforms in the civil and revenue administration of the Bengal Subah. First, the chaklas took the place of sarkars, and Islamabad (Chittagong) became one of the thirteen chaklas into which the whole of the subah was divided. The number of parganas or mahals were increased. At the time of the cession, there were as many as 144 parganas of varying size under chaklah-i-islamabad. In the Mughal civil and land revenue administration, the smallest territorial unit was called mauja or village. A number of maujas formed into a parganas and the whole of the district was known during the early Mughal rule as sarkar and in later times as chaklah.6 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE MUGHALS

AND THE HILL TRIBES

As has been stated in the preceding section, the area from the Sangu river to the southern part of Chittagong was not always in Mughal hands. These areas were under the jurisdiction of hill chiefs specially the Chakma chief. Before the advent of the Mughal power in this region these chiefs showed their allegiance to Arakani rulers, because, once upon a time Arakan was their prior homeland and eventually the whole Chittagong was under Arakanese rule. They came through Matamuhuri valley and first established themselves at Ramu and Alikadam (now at Cox’s Bazar and Bandarban) on the southern frontier of Chittagong and were then gradually pushed northwards by the advancing Magh tribes until they found them­ selves permanently settling in and around the hills north of the Karnafuli in the early eighteenth century. But gradually they realised

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the changed political scenario and power balance. They decided to approach the Mughal rulers. The motive was to establish a work­ able relationship with the Mughal government. According to Prof S.B. Qanungo, the relation between the Mughal government and the hill chiefs of Chittagong was characterised by the submission of the latter to the Mughal government.7 But Professor A.M. Sera­ juddin thought it otherwise. He argues, In fact, what brought the Chakma under the political influence of the Mughal government was their more advanced culture and living style. They could not live long in the isolation of the the unproductive and inhospitable hills with­ out sacrificing some of the comforts and necessaries of life they had been used to in their former abode.8

Given the adverse condition, the Chakmas did what was most natural and necessary for them—they established contact with the Mughal administration of Chittagong. This led to the signing of an agreement between the Chakma chief and the Mughal govern­ ment in 1715. An India Office Library record (IOR records) in­ forms one that during the reign of Chakma King Jalal Khan (AD 1715-24), the people of hill states entered into a sort of tribu­ tary relationship with the Mughals. Some daily necessaries of life, e.g. dried fish, salt, tobacco, molasses, black clothes, were not avail­ able in the hills. The people friendly king Jalal Khan approached the Mughal faujdar of Chittagong Ali Beg Khan and requested him to permit the merchants of the plains to trade in these articles with the hill people. It is relevant to mention here that the faujdars of Chittagong enjoyed exclusive trade privileges within his juris­ diction. In return, raja decided to pay 11 maunds of kapas or cotton as an annual tribute to the Mughal government. On these terms and conditions, permission to trade was granted. According to Mahbub-ul Alam, the entire deal got approval of Emperor Farrukh Shiyer and later on Muhammd Shah.9 The tribute paid to the Mughal government came to be designed as kapas mahal. This designation arose from the fact that money was not then current among the hill dwellers and the tribute was paid by them in the form of kind (cotton). It should be mentioned here that the rev­ enues of Chittagong consisted of all types of government receipts

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from various sources. These sources may be grouped under two heads, i.e. mahal and sair duties. Of these, mahal was the more important one. The other was known by general name of sair duties, ‘arising from a variety of impose chiefly on personal property.’ In course of time this terminology turned into a legacy though origi­ nally the kapas mahal was merely a tribute or yearly gift presented in return for the privilege of free trade between the dwellers of the hills and those of the plains.10 Thus kapas mahal was a symbol of bilateral relationship between two parties as it served the interest of both parties. The hillmen needed some daily necessaries from plainsmen whereas the Mughals needed cotton and other prod­ ucts available in the hill states. However, this was a landmark event in the history of the rela­ tionship between the hill states and the Mughal power. After a decade or so, the reciprocity declined, most probably, due to the breach of contract by the Mughal officials. They took some repres­ sive measures in the name of increased cotton tax. In retaliatory steps Chakma king refused to pay the yearly gift and finally stopped it outrageously. Initially the Mughal invaders were defeated in the inhospitable battlefield. A canon, famous as Fateh Khan Kaman, set up in front of Chakma Raj Kachhari (Court) was witness that the Chakma warriors had defeated the Mughal troops and captured this valuable canon from the retreating Mughal soldiers. But the Mughal power was big, who quickly regrouped and attacked the Chakma king time and again until they finally brought the Chakma king under their sphere of influence. Serajuddin has explained these events as, ‘The Mughals behaved as any imperial power would in those circumstances—they attacked and destroyed the Chakma settlements in 1724 and put them to flight to Arakan where he (the Chakma King) afterwards died.’11 Over a decade long confusion and hostility between the Mughal rulers and Chakma elites continued. The next Chakma king Sher­ must Khan, came back to Chittagong from Arakan, in 1737, made peace with the Mughal faujdar of Chittagong Zul Kader Khan and undertook to pay the tribute again. Besides, he obtained a Zamindary at mouza Kodalah at shilok in Rangunia and cultivated it with the assistance of his fellow people. The Chakma chief, in this way,

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became a zamindar under the Mughal government. Categorically, the Mughals acknowledged the Chakma king as the legitimate ruler of the Chakmas and eastern hills of Chittagong. By degrees Shermast Khan extended his influence and became capable to take the position of the raja of the hill tribes of adjacent areas. From that year and onwards Rangunia took the shape of capital of the Chakma King. Shermast Khan, who is stated as ‘original zamindar’ by S.B. Qanungo. He ruled with great success by making a strong foundation of Chakma kingdom in Chittagong Hill Tracts.12 In fact, from the time of Shermust Khan the Mughals government never interfered in their political affairs. Shermust Khan was a most realistic, pragmatic and able king in the history of Chakmas. After his demise, Shukdeb Roy, his adopted son succeeded him to the zamindary and the rajaship in 1757. There is a debate on the next heir of Shermust Khan because Prof Serajuddin finds out another name Sher Jabbar Khan in the colonial records titled Proceedings of the Committee of Revenue 6 May 1784. On the other hand the famous Queen and ruler of Chakma states (1844-74) engrave the name Shukdeb Roy after ancestor Raja Shermust Khan on a plate in 1870 (Dewan 2005: 108). It mentioned: Adi raja Shermust Khan Roang Chhilo Bari [Ancient King Shermusth Khan came from Roang or Arakan]/Tarpar Shukdeb Roy Bandhe Zamindary [After him Shukdeb Roy settled the Zamindary]

Keeping aside this issue, it can be said that during Shermmust Khan and Shukdeb Roy’s rule, the peacemaking process had played a role which brought stability and prosperity in the region. It has been manifested in Chakma sources that the interaction between the Mughal and the hill tributary state was peaceful and friendly. Ashok Kumar Dewan narrated the development centred on shukh­ bilas established by Shukdeb Roy at Shilok in Ranguina that gained the status of second capital of Chakma territory. He wrote, ‘a greater number of Chakmas had shifted from Alikadam to Shilok the northern parts of Chakma territory and settled around shukhbilas. Hence, the number of the Chakmas in the new territory has in­ creased faster than that of previous Alikadam area. Simultaneously all their all economic, social, political and religious activities had

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Figure 5.1: A canon, famous as Fateh Khan Kaman, set up in front of

Chakma Raj Kachhari (Court) is believed by Chakma people that

it had been captured from the retreated Mughal soldiers

(Photograph by the author)

been centring on shukhbilas. As a result, it gained more impor­ tance and glory than the main capital.13 Two years later, during the chiefship of Sher Jabbar Khan, under article 5 of the treaty concluded between Nawab Mir Qasim Ali Khan and the East India Company, the Nawab ceded Chittagong along with Burdawan and Midnapore to the Company as a price for his elevation to the masanad (throne) of Bengal. Thus, the kapas mahal of the hill chiefs also went to the hands of the East India Company. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL INFLUENCE OF THE MUGHALS ON HILL RAJAS AND ITS CULTURE

The Mughal government and its ‘high culture’ have significantly been impacted on the thought, life and work of hill rajas. There is a strong tale that a Chakma historian mentioned repeatedly that once a Chakma chief named Dharamya married a daughter of a Mughal general or Ujir. This couple had a son named Mogallya

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after the word Mughal. He had two sons: Subal Khan and Jallal Khan.14 Interestingly enough, the subsequent Chakma kings and elite persons took the nomenclature with Khan which originated in Central Asian Mongolian people and widely used by Muslim elites. Maulvi Hamid-ullah Khan gave a splendid account of the relationship between Shah Shuja and the Chakma chiefs. From his accounts one finds that during the bad days of Shah Shuja when he was staying at Deang located at south Chittagong during his sojourn from 3 June to 26 August 1660, the Chakma elite class had extended their whole hearted support, cooperation, hospitality and entertainment. Shuja was very pleased at this treatment from Chakmas.15 He was accompanied by around 500 retinues. They were family members, nobles and their wives, women of harem and staff among them. Therefore, it is possible to accept an offer from the Chakma chief for a woman than to throw herself into an uncertain and unsafe fortune. According to British records, Chakma king Jalal Khan was the first hill raja who made agreement with the Mughals and as a token of allegiance he adopted the title of Khan mostly used by the Muslim elite class. This type of copying or imitating Mughal ‘high culture’ lasted till the first half of the nineteenth century and Raja Dharam Bux Khan was the last Raja who held the title of Khan. Satish Chandra Gosh mentioned that the Chakma rajas issued coins carved with Persian language as a symbol of their at­ traction to Mughal culture.16 There is some evidence that princes of Chakma King’s family used to take pride in adopting bibi title with their name which is closely affiliated to Mughal culture bear­ ing the meaning of Begum. In the larger Chakma society, names like Haribibi (one of the queens of Dharam Bux Khan), Atakbibi, Chikanhbibi, Tannyabi, Kalabi, Sonabi, are used very commonly. Moreover Chakma queen Kalindi Rani, wife of late Raja Dharam Bux Khan, used to practise pardah (veil) in her personal and social life. The Chakma elite persons adopted the name Khan as a mark of distinction.17 Some persons of rank with the title of Khan were very familiar and glorious in the eighteenth century among the Chakmas such as, Dewan Boosdar Khan, Soorat Khan, Ranu Khan, Konno Khan, Shuk Lal Khan, Dulup Khan and others. Most of

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these names of diwans were mentioned by Buchanon Hamilton in his travel accounts based on his visit to Chakma territory.18 So the Mughal influence was reflected in the nomenclature of upper class Chakma society, though not so much among the common people and the peasant class. Although the ruling family adopted a Muslim name and title one should bear in mind that the indigenous Bud­ dhist chiefs and elite never embraced Islam and the assumption of Muslim titles was probably done only to show their allegiance to the Mughal subahdar of Bengal. In fact, during her reign, Rani Kalindi had built a buddhist temple near at Rajanagar Chakma palace with Mughal architectural design—Gambuj. Islam, in fact, could never make a dent in the religious life of the Chakmas.19 In the whole process of Mughal and Chakma elites’ interface, e.g. politicocultural interactions, there was ample room for differences and similarities that co-existed with mutual agreement and toleration. The Chakma chiefs’ administration also restructured in the Mughal line. They introduced the post of diwan in their administration. During the reign of Akbar the great, the term diwan was applied to a person, the central revenue minister and not to ministries or departments. The provincial revenue officer also came to be known as diwan during that time. Later, this position became such that anybody entrusted with the management of any property, jagir or zamindary establishment came to be known as diwan.20 The Chakmas had regular government of their own, though it was a simply structured, smaller and primitive (feudal) in nature. In the eighteenth century, the pattern of Chakma government was mo­ narchical and also hereditary. In a sense, it was a little tributary kingdom. However, the mode of life of the rajas was tempered by their exposure to the grandeur and customs of the imperial and Nawabi Courts. Chakma king constituted small darbars that were modelled after the Nawab’s and the Mughal dress, food, art and architecture were emulated. For example, in the Chakma circle during the darbar, the headmen hold an open sword with both hands and bow before the chief, who acknowledge the greeting by lightly touching the sword with one hand. This certainly paved the way for a synthesis between the Mughal imperial rituals and that of the Chakma kingdom. The Chakmas were socially and

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politically united under the raja as he was the symbol of integra­ tion and unity. The Chakma raja exercised governmental power and managed the administrative functions with the help of some subordinate officers. A hierarchy of officers from dewan of a jagir or taluk or assigned territory to the karbari at the village level had their own rank and files, power, functions and privileges. The rank and file of the diwan was just next to the king in Chakma govern­ ment. The diwan or diwans were appointed by the raja to con­ duct the administrative affairs and administer revenue collection in their respective assigned area. By degrees the diwan emerged as an aristocratic class in Chakma society. Therefore, the term diwan in real and imagined world, inherited from the Mughal legacy among the Chakmas. Similarly, the title talukdar entered into Chakama elites’ domain from Mughal customs. It’s an Arabic term (ta’alluk) meaning a small division of a district. O’ Mallay traces the origin of the uses of taluk word in this region, which began after the conquest of Chittagong. The talukdars were originally squattered on jungle lands, who reclaimed them by clearing the jungle. Each taluk was, therefore, the tract which one family could clear, and many of the talukdars are descendants of the original reclaimers of the land. In permanently settled estates the taluks are held at fixed rates of rent in perpetuity, and are heritable, transfer­ able and saleable.21 This is the theme that rani (queen) Kalindi had adopted regarding talukdari system and she introduced it in a different version called ‘human taluk’ in the Chakma territory and assigned the jhumias of a particular areas to a talukdar whom she appointed. She issued sanads and gave them patta (deed of lease). By traditions the son of a talukdars used to use the title as their hereditary one. The word still carried great value for the elite in CHT and in this connection one may mention Dipankar Talukdar MP (Member of Parliament) from Rangamati whose surname is talukdar. RAJ PUNYAH

For revenue collections the hill chiefs used to arrange Raj Punyah festival which was also connected with the Mughal heritage. An

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annual event of Murshid Quli Khan was the holding of the punya, a ceremony at the close of the financial year, when the collection of revenue was complete and a balance sheet prepared.22 This Mughal ‘high culture’, for example festivity mood of punyah event, revenue collection, common mass and dressed in Mughal clothing like achkan and turban—had deeply influenced Chakma chiefs and rajas and it had an impact on hill culture. In the past times, the punyah was arranged with great enthusiasm and royal grandeur in Chakma dynasty. Raja Tridiv Roy reminisces the magnificent punyah festival that he enjoyed from his childhood in their family.23 His portraits of punyah really strike the mind and imagination of new generations of Chakma. Jum-taxes24 were collected from Jhumias (the hill people who cultivate jhum) throughout the year but by tradition a punyah durbar is held on an annual basis, also coincid­ ing with a fair and festival and mass pageantry, where taxes are collected in a ceremonial manner from the headmen. Raja Tridiv Roy wrote in his memoirs: Father was dressed in gold brocade close necked, knee length coat called achkan (emphasis added), golden turban with emerald. My durbar dress was a gold blue achkan, a golden turban. The headmen came to the foot of the dais, one after another, climbed one step, made an obeisance and held out their swords. Father stepped forward to edge of the dais and touched each sword.25

Though, at present, the Raj-punyah arrangement is seen irregu­ lar in the Chakma and Mong circles, the Bomang chief, in par­ ticular, holds the punyah regularly. In addition to this, Murshid Quli Khan introduced the system of levying abwab on the zamin­ dars. Sujauddin and Alibardi Khan followed him in a innovative way. The hill rajas followed this collecting abwab tradition very effect­ ively in their custom. They regarded it as the symbol of their dig­ nity and prestige. They collected it on religious and ceremonial occasion. The abwabs collected by the chiefs were commonly classi­ fied under five principal heads: (i) Collections for social and reli­ gious purpose; (ii) wearing of jewellery by women or shoes by men, or on the erection of a masonry plinth of a house; (iii) per­ sonal payments to the chiefs on the occasion of interview or visits

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to the house or village or nazar; (iv) the claim to the first fruit, and (v) all other illegal, oppressive and surreptitious collections.26 CONCLUSION

The Mughal empire was a great one with all features of a great empire. Coming in contact with this ‘high culture’, especially for the Chakma and other ethnic chiefs, e.g. for every small peripheral chief of CHT, ushered a new era for the new beginning and oppor­ tunity. In this context, prominent historian Jagadish Narayan Sarkar pointed out, ‘Mughal imperial rule in Bengal marked the working of certain new forces which largely changed the life in Bengal and whose influence is felt even today in some form or other’.27 This evaluation is really commendable not only for Bengal, but also applicable to the people of CHT. In the second decade of the eigh­ teenth century the Chakma and other adjacent hill peoples (rajas of Tippera, Kuchbihar and Assam) established tributary/vassalage relationship with their superior lords—the later Mughals. This marked the dawn of a new era in the history of hill chiefdom parti­ cularly in the Chakma dynasty. They registered gradual develop­ ment in all aspects of life during the Mughal and later Mughal period. The great significance was that the Mughals let the hill chiefs or peripheral kings administer their own affairs indepen­ dently. On the other hand, the hill chiefs showed immense loyalty, honour and allegiance to the Mughals. In doing so they adopted Muslim names and titles, minted coins carved with Persian lan­ guage—the official language of the Mughals. The famous Chakma king Shermust Khan established zamindari in Rangunia under the aegis of Mughals and it clearly indicated that the interaction with the Mughal gave some sorts of legitimacy to the hill chiefs’ regime. This imperial recognition from neighbouring great power gave the chiefs/kings more confidence and moral courage to rule their people with own customs and traditions autonomously.

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Ashfaque Hossain & Ananda Bikash Chakma NOTES

1. K.N. Chaudhury, Asia Before Europe: Economy and Civilization of the Indian Ocean from the Rise of Islam to 1750, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. See introduction. 2. Satish Chandra Gosh, Chakma Jati, Kolkata: Aruna Prokashan, 2010 (1st pub. 1909), pp. 54-5. 3. Suniti Bhushan Qanungo, Chakma Resistance to British Domination 1772­ 98, Chattogram: published by author, 1998, p. 359. 4. Abdul Karim, History of Bengal Mughal period, vol. 2, Rajshahi: Institute of Bangladesh Studies, 1995, p. 584. 5. Abdul Karim, ‘Suba Bangla: Government and Politics’ in Islam Serajul (ed.), History of Bangladesh 1704-71, vol. 1, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2017, first pub. 1992, p. 599. 6. Suniti Bhushan Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, vol. 1, Chattogram: published by Dipangkar Qanungo, 1988, p. 412. 7. Ibid., p. 396. 8. A.M. Serajuddin, ‘The Chakma Tribe of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in the 18th century’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1, 1984, pp. 90-8. 9. Mahbub-ul Alam, Chattogramer Itihas (Nababi Amal ) [History of Chittagong, Nawabi Period)], Chattogram: Nayalok Prakashoni, fourth impression, 1965, first pub. 1947, p. 31. 10. A.M. Serajuddin, ‘The Origin of the Rajas of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and their relations with the Mughals and the East India Company in the eighteenth century’, Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 2, 1971a, pp. 51-60. 11. A.M. Serajuddin, ‘The Chakma Tribe of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in the 18th Century’. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1, 1984, pp. 90-8. 12. Suniti Bhushan Qanungo, op.cit., p. 430. 13. Ashok Kumar Dewan, Chakma Jatir ithihase oshtadash Shatak [The Eighteen Century in Chakma History] Upajatiyo Gabeshona Patrika [Tribal Research Journal], 1, 1995, pp. 77-122. 14. Biraj Mohan Dewan, Chakma Jatir Itibritto [Annals of Chakma nation], Rangamati: Uday Shankar Dewan, 2005, first pub. 1969, p. 46. 15. Maulvi Hamid-ullah Khan, Ahadis-ul-Khawanin 1871 [History of Ancient Chittagong] Beng. trans. Khaled Masuke Rasul, Dhaka: Anupam Prakashani, 2013, p. 73.

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16. Satish Chandra Gosh, Chakma Jati, Kolkata: Aruna Prokashan, 2010, first pub in 1909, pp. 54-5. 17. Biraj Mohan Dewan, Chakma Jatir Itibritto [Annals of Chakma nation], Rangamati: Uday Shankar Dewan, 2005, first pub. 1969, p. 106. 18. W. van Schendel (ed.), Francis Buchanan in Southeast Bengal in 1798, Dhaka: The University Press, 2nd imp. 2008, 1st pub. 1992, pp. 106, 110. 19. S.P. Talukdar, The Chakmas: Life and Struggle, New Delhi: Gian Publishing House, 1988, p. 27. 20. Abdul Karim, ‘Suba Bangla: Government and Politics’ in Islam Serajul (ed.), History of Bangladesh 1704-1971, vol. 1, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2017, first pub. 1992, p. 48. 21. L.S.S. O’Malley, Eastern Bengal District Gazeteers: Chittagong , Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1908, p. 146. 22. Abdul Karim, ‘Suba Bangla: Government and Politics’, in Sirajul Islam (ed.), History of Bangladesh 1704-1971, vol. 1, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2017, first pub. 1992, pp. 169-70. 23. Tridiv Roy, The Departed Melody, Islamabad: PPA Publications, 2003, pp. 73-83. 24. Jhum is a nomadic husbandry followed by hillmen of hill tracts. The hill rajas used to receive house tax as in kind from every head of family who cultivated jhum or not. After British annexation the then government of Bengal in 1870, ordered that the kapas or jhum taxes was to be levied only from those who jhumed, and the sum of Rs. 4.00 was fixed as the legal amount of jhum tax payable by each family. In 1874, Government further ordered that the jhum tax of Rs. 4.00 per family should be taken as the basis of assessment; of this amount Rs. 1.00 was to be assigned to the headmen the trouble of collection, and Rs. 2.00 to the circle chief; the rest one rupee to be paid by the chief as government revenue. In 1915 and in 1947 the tax was increased as Rs. 5 to 6. 25. Tridiv Roy, The Departed Melody, Islamabad: PPA Publications, 2003, pp. 73-86. 26. Government of Bengal, Selections from the Correspondence on the Revenue Administration of the Chittagong Hill Tracts 1862-1927, Calcutta: Bengal Government Press, 1929, pp. 455-6. 27. Jagadish Narayan Sarkar, ‘Mughal Cultural Heritage’ in Serajul Islam, (ed.), History of Bangladesh 1704-1971, vol. 3. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2017, 2017, first pub. 1992, p. 55.

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Sarkar, Jagadish Narayan, ‘Mughal Cultural Heritage’, in Serajul Islam, (ed.), History of Bangladesh 1704-1971, vol. 3. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2017, first pub. 1992. Karim, Abdul, History of Bengal Mughal period, vol. 2, Rajshahi: Institute of Bangladesh Studies, 1995. ——, ‘Suba Bangla: Government and Politics’ in Serajul Islam. (ed.), History of Bangladesh 1704-1971, vol. 1. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2017, first pub. 1992. Chaudhury, K.N., Asia Before Europe: Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the Rise of Islam to 1750, Cambridge University Press, 1991. Serajuddin, A.M., ‘The Origin of the Rajas of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and their Relations with the Mughals and the East India Company in the Eighteenth Century’, Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 2, 1971a, pp. 51-60. ——, ‘The Chakma Tribe of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in the 18th Century, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1984b, 1, pp. 90-8. Qanungo, Suniti Bhushan, A History of Chittagong, Chittagong: Dipankar Qanungo, 1988, vol. I. Gosh, Satish Chandra, Chakma Jati, Kolkata: Aruna Prokashan, 2010, first pub in 1909. Talukdar, S.P., The Chakmas: Life and Struggle, New Delhi: Gian Publishing House, 1988. Roy, Tridiv, The Departed Melody, Islamabad: PPA Publications, 2003. Barua, Biprodash (ed.), ‘Shree Shree Rajnama ba Chakma Jatir Ithihas by Shree Madhabchandra Chakma Karmmi’, Dhaka: Nabajug Sanskaran, 2005, first pub. 1940. Dewan, Biraj Mohan, Chakma Jatir Itibritto [Annals of Chakma Nation], Rangamati: Uday Shankar Dewan, 2005, first pub. 1969. Schendel, W. van (ed.), Francis Buchanan in Southeast Bengal in 1798, Dhaka: The University Press Ltd., 2008 (1992). Qanungo, Suniti Bhushan, Chakma Resistance to British Domination 1772­ 1798, Chattogram: published by author, 1998. Alam, Mahbub-ul, Chattogramer Itihas (Nababi Amal) [History of Chittagong, Nawabi Period)], Chattogram: Nayalok Prakashoni, fourth impression, 1965, first pub. 1947. O’ Malley, L.S.S., Eastern Bengal District Gazeteers: Chittagong, Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1908.

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Khan, Maulvi Hamid-ullah, Ahadis-ul-Khawanin 1871 [History of Ancient Chittagong], Beng. trans. Khaled Masuke Rasul, Dhaka: Anupam Praka­ shani, 2013. Chakma Rajpunyah 2003: Commemorative edition (2009), Rangamati: Rajpunyah Celebration Committee. Dewan, Ashok Kumar, ‘Chakma Jatir ithihase oshtadash Shatak’ [The Eighteen Century in Chakma History], Upajatiyo Gabeshona Patrika [Tribal Research Journal], 1, 1995, pp. 77-122. Government of Bengal, Selections from the Correspondence on the Revenue Admin­ istration of the Chittagong Hill Tracts 1862-1927, Calcutta: Bengal Government Press, 1929.

CHAPTER 6

Naval Warfare in Mughal

North-East India

K A U S H I K ROY

INTRODUCTION

Early medieval era witnessed the intrusion of Islam into the land and water bodies of the subcontinent. Gradually, the Arab traders displaced the Hindu traders and mariners from the maritime space of South Asia. The second period saw the dominance of Islamic nomadic warriors establishing cavalry-gunpowder polities in South Asia. The ‘hat wearers’ made their appearance towards the end of the medieval period of Indian history. Gradually, the west Euro­ pean mariners started displacing the Arab traders and merchant­ men from the Indian Ocean. Early modern period witnessed the rise of European (especially British) power in the Indian Ocean. In this article naval and maritime activities are discussed because these two issues are interlinked with each other. Unlike early modern west Europe, the Indian strategic managers did not come up with specialised naval fighting crafts. Vessels used in trade and com­ merce were used with certain modifications in warfare. Till 1700, the littoral regions of the Indian subcontinent en­ gaged mainly in overseas foreign trade.1 This article takes the view that naval power is a complex amalgam of maritime activities, ports and harbours (including physical geography like products of the hinterland) and the complex system of fortifications along the coast. And for the continental empires of India and China, the sea and oceans were of limited importance. However, one must not forget that control over rivers was essential for transporting men and

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supplies. This was an essential prerequisite for establishing and sustaining an empire. D.J.B. Trim and Mark Charles Fissel note the importance of amphibious operation for the pre-modern world and the problem of conceptualising it as a separate branch of war­ fare in the following words: Ports are often far up estuaries. . . . Even today there are many river-ports lying well inland that can be reached by ocean going vessels; in the period before 1700, when ships were smaller with shallower draught, the range of ports navigable from the sea was even greater. . . . Sea blurs into estuaries, shallows, marshlands, lagoons, ‘sea loughs’ and rivers without clear dividing lines. Thus, to define operations launched from the sea as being of a separate type of war to those launched from or across inland waterways is to impose an artificial distinction, especially because, reflecting geographical reality, operations begun from saltwater have often organically and easily extended to include activity on freshwater.2

Hence, due attention is also paid to riverine/amphibious war­ fare. To use modern terminology, an amphibious operation is a combined or joint operation. Jan Glete opines that amphibious warfare can be of two types: strategic movement of the armies across the sea and cooperation between armies and navies in littoral warfare. The first type is characterised by the concentration of an army on a transport fleet protected by a fleet of warships. Glete continues that when sea lines of communications determine warfare on land, such military operations could be also categorised as amphibious.3 The Mughals practised the second type of amphibious warfare. MARITIME ACTIVITIES IN INDIA DURING THE

ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL PERIODS

The Indian Ocean comprises about 20 per cent of the maritime space of planet earth.4 Some details about the physical geography of the subcontinent are necessary. Most of the ports were located on the rivers which enabled communication links with both the inland and the sea. Further, deltaic soil in which the ports were located was fertile where food for local consumption and raw materials for export could be grown easily.5

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Some of the important ports were Cambay/Khambat on River Mahi, Surat on the River Tapti, Broach/Bharuch/Bharukacchha/ Barigaza was on River Narmada, Arikamedu on the Ponnaiyar, Tamralipti/Tamluk on Rupnarayan, Saptagram on River Saraswati, Masulipatnam on Krishna Delta, Hugli on River Bhagirathi, Balasore/Baleshwar near River Subarnarekha, Sonargaon on the Shitalakhya, and old Goa on the Mandovi. The important ports in the Malabar Coast were Muziris, Kollam/Quilon, etc.6 In West India, one of the most important ports of medieval India was Thatta in Sind at the mouth of River Indus.7 The estuary location and the inland river ports sheltered the ships from the violence of mon­ soon wind, storm waves, etc. River borne trade was seasonal. Trade was also seasonal at the sea ports. Sea navigation in South Asia was shaped by monsoon wind.8 Silting of rivers resulted in ports becoming dysfunctional over time in pre-modern India. For instance, Satgaon was a town in Hugli district and a principal port in the sixteenth century. The silting of the channel Saraswati, a tributary of Ganga resulted in the decay of this port. The Ganga diverted its main flow to Hugli River which was previously a small stream.9 Pipli near the mouth of Subarnarekha River in Balasore District of Orissa was a famous port from the ancient times till 1720s. Rapid silting of Sub­ arnarekha and formation of sand bars affected the utility of Pipli adversely as a maritime centre from late seventeenth century on­ wards.10 The silted channels on which Sopara and Bolinj stand today were navigable previously. Turumbe (Trombay) and Karanja islands were separated from the mainland by water. The alterations occurred with time due to the artificial reclamations aided by the deposit brought by the rivers and streams.11 Tirthankar Roy writes that the Indian shipwrights concentrated on building vessels which relied on monsoon wind rather than ocean currents. Most of the ships which plied the Indian coast were small. Local design variations were due to difference in force of monsoon and height of tides, etc. For instance in Bengal, large boats which sailed on the Ganga were not suited for the rapid shallow water of the rivers in Chota Nagpur. In the latter region, small, flat, clinker built boats were used. Again, for the narrow

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creeks of Sundarbans (mangrove forest in the creeks and delta on the Ganga in Lower Bengal), low and deep boats were required. The Indian shipwrights did not respond to the challenges of long distance voyages. He concludes that Indian trading system was technically incapable of venturing in the high sea or embarking on voyages which might take months instead of a few weeks. Hence, most of the ships were smaller than those built in Europe after 1400 CE. And the basic structure of the ships did not change till the arrival of the Europeans in India.12 Let the validity of the above assertions be assessed as far as ship construction and sailing dis­ tance were concerned in pre-modern South Asia. Tirthankar Roy claims that in most of the ancient ports of India, the harbours were makeshift affairs. They were frequently destroyed by storms and then rebuilt quickly.13 Roy suggests that the Indian rulers employed Roman shipwrights.14 However, the Yuktikalpataru talks both of ships for river voyages and vessels which were used for sea voyages. Yuktikalpataru speaks of special vessels made of foil of iron and copper. The sides of these ships were wrapped with thin sheets of metal.15 The ancient Hindus knew about the magnetic properties of lodestone. The Hindu mariners used machhayantra (an iron fish which floated in oil and pointed north) as compass.16 Towards the end of the Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE), the Chinese mariners started using compass.17 The magnetic compass became available to Christian Europe in late twelfth century.18 The Cholas became both a continental as well as maritime power between tenth and twelfth centuries. Vijay Sakhuja and Sangeeta Sakhuja write that the Cholas had no specialised war vessels.19 During emergencies, the ships were taken out of trade and modi­ fied for purposes of war. However, it must be remembered that no navy in the world before at least c.1300 had specialised naval com­ bat vessels. The ships of the Cholas which were used for invasion of Ceylon and South East Asia were capable of carrying 1,500 per­ sonnel each.20 Both the Chola and the Ming naval enterprises were partly hobbled by the fact that these two continental powers faced mortal threats along their land frontiers. This resulted in transfer of scarce military and financial assets to strengthen the land army. One has to remember that Philip’s Spain and Louis XVI’s France

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exhausted themselves in attempting to follow expansionist policies both on land and sea. The Ming Empire was threatened by the steppe nomads (Manchus). Geographical luck unlike the Cholas and Ming China allowed Elizabethan Britain to escape any mortal threat along its land frontiers. Take for instance the Cholas. The Pandyas of Madurai remained a thorn for the Cholas. In 966, at the Battle of Cevur fought at the south of Sevali Hills in Puduk­ kottah, the Chola Emperor Parantaka II Sundara (r. 956-73) and crown prince Aditya defeated and killed the Pandyan monarch Vira Pandya.21 Besides extensive maritime conquests, Rajendra Chola also carried out conquests on the land. On the land, the Chola Army under Rajendra not only took a defensive posture but also carried out offensive strategic campaigns. Rajendra led an army and defeated Mahipala, the Pala ruler of Bihar and Bengal. Rajendra’s army reached River Ganga and to commemorate this victory, he built a new capital known as Gangaikonda Chola­ puram.22 In 1226, the northern part of the Chola territory was attacked by the ruler of Orissa.23 The Chola Empire ended in 1261 with the rise of Pandyan Kingdom and Cholamandalam (core of the Chola homeland) later came to be known as the Coromandel Coast. Long before the destruction of the Chola Empire, the Chola Navy had gone in hibernation because of the continuous demands of attritional multi-front land warfare. Nellore and Kanchi, the two core provinces of the Chola Empire were annexed to the Pandyan Kingdom in 1263.24 The Indian Ocean was dominated by the Arabian dhows and Chinese junks. The Arab dhow was a stoutly built wooden ship of about 200 tons. It had a deep keel, a long grab bow and a continu­ ous sheer from the bow to the break of the poop. The hull was fastened with iron nails and caulked with coconut fibre. In the big dhow, there was a double bottom and the space was filled with lime and crushed coral, which functioned as a sort of hard cement. The dhow had two masts with a pronounced forward rake. Each mast carried a single lateen sail (a triangular sail, the leading edge of which was laced to a long yard hoisted obliquely to the mast). The heel of the yard was secured to the deck.25 The medieval period in Indian history is characterized by the

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eruption of Islam in South Asia. To fight the Arab and Central Asian invaders, the Hindu polities required war horses because the climate and terrain of India are not suited for breeding good qual­ ity horses. Horses from Arabia and Persia especially from the port of Hormuz were imported to Gujarat by the Gujarati merchants.26 Some of the cargo ships which plied between Bengal and Sri Lanka during the seventeenth century were of 500 to 600 tons each. These vessels like the Chola ships carried elephants in their cargo holds.27 For naval combat, medieval Kerala used snake boats. Each boat was about 125 feet in length and carried 100 oarsmen. Such a boat was characterised by speed and had a bronze spur attached to its prow for ramming the hostile ship. One author claims that the latter innovation was due to Roman naval influence.28 The raja of Calicut (known as Zamorin, which was a hereditary title) estab­ lished control over the Nilambur Forest which had the best variety of teak. For fighting along the coast and also along the rivers, Calicut built ships of about 350 to 400 tons each at the harbour in the village of Beypur.29 Calicut’s capital was Calicut town. Majority of the population was Hindu and the rest were both local Muslims as well as settlers from Hormuz, Cairo, Abyssinia and Tunis. Overseas foreign trade was in the hands of the Muslims.30 Some Arab merchants settled in the Malabar Coast as early as seventh century CE. One such group was the Marakkars who became senior marine officers of the Zamorins.31 In the thirteenth century South Indian ships visited China for trading.32 The Indians built their ships by rabetting method while the European shipwrights used caulking. Caulking was a technique of making the joints or seams, especially the junctions between the edges of the planks waterproof by putting oakum between parts which were not tightly fitted. Oakum was made of loose fibre or untwisted old ropes mixed with melted pitch. Caulking was carried out after the planks were joined by the carpenters. The Indians in contrast smeared the planks with pitch or tar and lime. It prevented any fissures and also protected the timber from sea worms. Fish oil was also smeared on the planks. This method made the seams leak proof and was cheaper than the caulking technique. Even the British factors in the second half of the seventeenth

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century did not argue that the Indian method was inferior com­ pared to caulking. The Indians joined the planks of the ships, writes Ahsan Jan Qaisar, by stitching or sewing them with ropes rather than using iron nails. The Indians used teak for construct­ ing ships. Teak was good and capable of taking iron nails. How­ ever, the stitching material which was derived from coir was cheaper than iron nails. Sturdier ships with iron nails would have been required for crossing the Cape of Good Hope. However, the Indi­ ans and the Arabs were not interested in that direction.33 The point to be noted is that before the introduction of copper sheathing, European ships constructed with oak and elm planking below lasted for a lesser time period compared to the Indian teak built ships.34 Cables, straps and coconut coir required for manufacturing them were imported from the Maldive Islands. Maldive Islands exported coconut and cowries to India.35 Thomas Bowrey writes, ‘They have an excellent way of making shrowds, stays, or any other riggings for ships. They, for the most part, make them of good twine, which is here as cheap as coarse hemp unspun is in England, and when laid with Europe tar prove most serviceable.’36 Narsapuram (Nursa­ pore) was the most northerly town on the Coromandel Coast. This town was some 45 miles north of Mechilipatnam. Besides Narsa­ puram flowed the Narsapore River which was navigable for several miles above the town. Good quality timber (teak wood) was avail­ able in this region. This town was famous as a ship building and ship repairing centre till the second half of the seventeenth cen­ tury. 37 The Indians used stone anchors. Grapnel type anchors have been recovered by the marine archeologists from the coast of Gujarat. Most of the anchors were made of porous limestone and basalt. Upper section of some of the anchors is circular with smooth sur­ face. All the anchors have an upper circular hole. The maximum length of the basalt rock anchor is 142 cm weighing 175 kg and the smallest one is 90 cm weighing 125 kg. Most of these anchors were chiselled from elongated prismatic shape of basalt rock. The biggest anchor found at Bet Dwarka measures 190 cm in length with an estimated weight of 283 kg. A group of Indian archeo­ logists argue that introduction of larger boats from eighth century CE

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onwards for longer voyages across the sea resulted in the invention of a new type of stone anchors which were different from the tradi­ tional composite type. The new anchors were able to hold the vessel firmly in the water. Grapnel anchors were long and heavy and made of fine raw materials compared to the composite an­ chors of the Mediterranean maritime space. The Arab traders in­ troduced grapnel anchors in the Indian Ocean. Though it was a dual use technology (used for civilian shipping mainly) it could be categorized as a Military Technical Revolution (MTR). These an­ chors gave better grip in the sandy and rocky sea bed. Grapnel anchors being very strong were not easily broken when thrown or lifted into the sea. Again, grapnel anchors occupied little space compared to other types of anchors. Several times, grapnel anchors were reused as mooring stones. Each ship had a main anchor which was the heaviest of all the anchors. Overall, the grapnel anchors remained in operation in India from the eighth to the fifteenth century.38 The Indians relied on rhumb lines or loxodromes for marine navigation. At night, the sailors took bearings with respect to the celestial features (especially the Polar Star) and during the day used visual landmarks on the coastline, wind directions and the position of the sun to speculate about their location. The fif­ teenth century Arab navigator Ahmad Ibn Majid noted that the Gujaratis and the Cholas were able to calculate the latitudes. Navi­ gation was also aided by compass cards which were diagrams with directional information derived from constellations, wind and sun.39 Besides maritime operations along the sea coasts, during the later medieval era, continental polities of South Asia conducted complex land-river joint operations which were an important aspect of pre­ modern amphibious warfare. MUGHAL RIVERINE WARFARE

Trim and Fissel write that in the pre-modern era amphibious op­ erations were more important compared to the modern era. This was because medieval and early modern roads were few and poor in quality. And the ocean going ships were also comparatively small with sufficiently shallow draught which, enabled them to enter far

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inland via the rivers. As a result merchandise and war materials were dispatched by sea and river wherever possible. Artillery trains were almost totally dependent on waterborne transport.40 Trim continues that before the introduction of the combustion engines, riverine transport was preferred to terrestrial transport because even when roads of good quality existed, boats carried larger quantities of goods than the animals. Water transport was cost-effective and expeditious. Rivers were arteries of the pre-modern world and their networks were further amplified by the lakes through which rivers flowed which were their sources. All these, including the canals associated with the rivers, constituted the fluvial system. Further, inland waterways connected to the great corridor of commerce and communication: the sea. All these observations apply to the marshy, swampy, river infested jungle covered mountainous ter­ rain of east and north-east India. In east and north-east India, the Mughals conducted what can be categorized as inland amphibious warfare. Inland amphibious warfare centred round rivers, canals, marshes and lakes. In contrast, inshore amphibious warfare is car­ ried out on the seaward side of the ocean-continent divide. They take place close to the shore. However, Trim cautions that in prac­ tice many inshore waters are the estuaries of rivers, or lagoons and there is no clear cut distinction between high sea, inland water-way and inshore waterway. Trim emphasises that all merge into each other. He attempts to merge these two varieties of amphibious op­ erations into one broad category. And he defines amphibious op­ erations as those in which waterborne forces that not only trans­ port ground forces but always operate in close proximity to the shore and the bank. 41 Taking into consideration Trim’s observa­ tions, I have termed inland amphibious operations as riverine/river based operations because the land and waterborne forces in the context of Mughal operations in east and north-east India oper­ ated only along the rivers and not in the sea coasts and certainly did not involve crossing of the sea/ocean. Bengal and Assam were crisscrossed with a large number of rivers, marshes, swamps, lakes and islands. The depths and courses of the rivers changed with the onset of annual monsoon rainfall. Further, the topography of North Bengal and Assam was characterized by

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jungle covered hills. And the Mughal cavalry was unsuitable for operating in this region. Various types of boats were used for ply­ ing along the monsoon fed rivers of Bengal which occasionally changed their courses. Bajra was a big heavy boat which had sails and covered rooms. It could carry many men and equipment and was suited for wide big rivers. Jalia was a long narrow boat which could move with or without sails. Chhip was a small narrow boat which could move fast. It was suited for narrow rivers and winding creeks.42 And the kusas were long row boats. The opponents of the Mughals in Bengal were the Afghan chiefs (Lohanis, Qaqshals, etc.) and some Hindu zamindars. In Assam, the principal opponent of Mughal expansionism was the Ahom Kingdom. The original inhabitants of Assam are the Bodos. In the thirteenth century, bands of hillmen (Ahoms) entered Assam and settled in the eastern end of the Brahmaputra Valley. These invad­ ing hillmen were an offshoot of the Tai or Shan race. The original homelands of the Shans were western Yunnan and Upper Burma. They conducted both a military invasion as well as a gradual pro­ cess of colonization. Some intermingling between the Ahoms and the Brahmin pundits and Kshatriya princes resulted in the intro­ duction of Hindu rituals and customs among these hardy hillmen.43 Meanwhile, the Mughal Empire was expanding in the eastern direction. Babur had campaigned for a short time in Bihar. The Afghans driven out from North India took shelter with the Husain Shahi Sultan Nasir-ud-din Nusrat Shah (r. 1519-32) of Bengal. Babur marched against the Afghan Sultanate of Bengal and de­ feated the Afghans at Ghagra in 1529. Thus, Tirhut came under Mughal control. And Humayun made a foray in Bengal during his conflict with Sher Khan. The capital of the Bengal Sultanate was Gaur which covered 20 square miles and was fortified with a ram­ part, moat and massive gateways. Ghiyas-ud-din Mahmud Shah (r. 1533-8) was defeated by Sher Khan and the former escaped from his capital Gaur and took refuge with Humayun.44 However, serious Mughal engagement with East India started under Akbar in the 1560s. In 1568 with the death of Mukunda Deva, the last ruler of the Gajapati Kingdom, Orissa came under Muslim rule. Sulaiman Khan Karani (r. 1565-72), the Afghan ruler of Bengal and

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Bihar attacked Orissa. Puri, Cuttack and Balasore were conquered by Prince Bayazid. Conflict with the Afghans of Bihar and Bengal brought the Mughals into Orissa. The Mughal presence in Orissa started from July 1576.45 On 8 August 1574, the pursuing Mughal force overtook the retreating Afghans at Keul River, some 14 miles from Daryapur (Mokamah in Patna District in Bihar). A few elephants were cap­ tured from the Afghans but the Afghan chieftain Gujar Khan was able to cross the river with most of his force and he fled to Bengal. Akbar gave command to Munim Khan Khan-i-Khanan to chastise the Afghans of Bengal. Munim with 20,000 cavalry and a large river fleet decided to advance to Tanda. As an incentive to serve in the marshy lowlands of Bengal, the Mughal soldiers and mariners drew three to four times their ordinary pay. In order to strengthen the motivation of Munim, Akbar assigned a jagir (which extended from Patna to Teliagarhi) worth 20 crores of dams annually to him. Towards the middle of August, Munim Khan resumed his advance. The two Afghan strongholds in East Bihar: Surajgarh and Mungher, surrendered without offering any resistance. From Mungher, the Mughal force pushed through Bhagalpur and Khelgaon towards Teliagrhi. Teliagarhi was a pass in the Santhal Pargana district in Bengal lying between Rajmahal Hills in the south and Ganga on the north. The pass was defended by an Afghan garrison under Ismail Khan. On 2 September, Munim Khan captured Teliagarhi. Towards the end of September, Munim Khan appeared near Tanda (Tanra) in Malda district in North Bengal. Tanda was made capi­ tal of Bengal under Sulaiman Kararani in 1564 in place of Gaur. Daud Khan did not attempt to defend his capital but fled towards Orissa. Meanwhile, the Afghans concentrated at Ghoraghat (at Dinajpur). At Ghoraghat, the principal Afghan sirdars were Sulai­ man Mankali and Babu Mankali. Meanwhile, Daud Khan Karrani gathered a force of 60,000 strong at Kasiari. Munim Khan sent the Rajput mansabdar Raja Todar Mal and Muhammad Quli Khan against Daud. The combined force of these two Mughal generals reached Midnapur in early December 1574. Later, Munim Khan himself joined the Mughal force advancing against Daud. On 3 March 1575, at Tukaroi, Daud’s force clashed with the Mughals.

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Tukaroi was a village on the left bank of Subarnarekha, some six miles west of Jaleshwar. The Mughal artillery opened up. Then the Mughal van attacked and due to its rapid advance it got separated from the main Mughal force. Gujar Khan’s elephants defeated the Mughal van under Khan-i-Alam. Then, Gujar Khan attacked the Mughal altamash under Qiya Khan and scattered it. To an extent, Gujar Khan’s elephant charge was reminiscent of Hemu’s elephant charge against Tardi Khan’s Mughal Army before Delhi. Next, Gujar Khan’s frontal assault threw the Mughal centre into confusion. Munim Khan himself was wounded. When it seemed that the Mughals were on the point of being defeated, a chance arrow struck Gujar Khan. Again, the scene was reminiscent of Second Battle of Panipat when a chance arrow struck Hemu who was on the point of being victorious. At this point Daud lost heart and retreated to Cuttack.46 Thus one sees that in this battle, artillery was not so effective against elephant charge and luck played an important role in shaping the dynamics of the battlefield. After the death of Munim Khan in October 1575, panic broke out among the Mughal officials posted in Bengal. They retreated towards Bhagalpur in Bihar. Daud Khan came out from Orissa and Isa Khan from East Bengal (now Bangladesh) and jointly defeated the Mughal flotilla under Shah Bardi.47 The principal op­ ponent of the Mughals under Akbar in Bengal was the Afghan chieftain Isa Khan, the chief of the Bara Bhuyias (12 chieftains). His capital was Sonargaon, which was two miles from the Brahma­ putra creek in the Dacca District. At the height of his power, Isa Khan controlled Dacca, Mymensigh, Tippera, Sylhet and the 22 parganas. Thus, Isa Khan’s domain included present day Bangladesh and south eastern part of West Bengal.48 In 1576 at the Battle of Rajmahal, Daud was defeated and executed by the Mughals, however, Isa Khan remained as a thorn on the side of the Mughals.49 The Mughal Navy made another attack under the new commander Khan-i-Jahan but was defeated by Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Qutab. Khan-i-Jahan retreated to Sihhatpur near Tanda and died there on 19 December 1578. Muzaffar Khan Turbati was appointed as the subadar of Bengal in 1579. In his staff, there was a Mir Bahar who was in charge of the fleet. However, the Mughal

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military officials posted in Bengal rebelled against the centralizing efforts and strict auditing practice introduced by Turbati. Turbati was killed by the rebel Mughal officials on 19 April 1580. This gave the opportunity to Isa Khan and Kedar Roy (Hindu zamindar of Bikrampur in Dacca district) to increase their power. With the aid of the Portuguese mercenaries, Kedar Roy also established an ordnance factory in his domain and Isa Khan built up a powerful riverine navy.50 In 1582, Akbar appointed Khan-i-Azam as subadar of Bengal. The Mughal troops stationed in Awadh (Oudh/present day Uttar Pradesh State in India) and Bihar were ordered to aid the Bengal subadar to establish authority over the province. On 24 April 1583, the Mughal and rebel fleet which had come from Faridpur clashed with each other near Teliagarhi. The commander of the Afghan fleet and Kalapahar (a noted rebel general who was a Hindu con­ vert) died of gunshot wounds. The Qaqshals of North Bengal shifted their loyalty to the Mughals. The rebel leader Masum Khan fled to Isa Khan. Meanwhile, Mughal reinforcement under Shahbaz Khan came from Patna. And the Mughal fleet also hired the Portu­ guese mercenaries for the naval artillery branch. Shahbaz captured Sonargaon and Katrabhu, a principality of Isa Khan. Then, Shahbaz Khan advanced along River Lakhia and captured Egarasindur. The military outpost at Egarasindur was situated at the Egarasindur Village in Kishoreganj District on the eastern bank of Brahmaputra opposite Tok. In tenth century CE, a Koch chieftain built this fort. In 1357 Sultan Sikandar Shah repaired the Egarasindur Fort. The fort was encircled by a mud wall which was 60 ft wide at its base. The wall was surrounded by a moat on the western side and by the river on the other three sides. To consolidate his control and to prevent ingress of the rebels, Shahbaz constructed a fortified base at Tok on the western bank of Brahmaputra River. Isa Khan re­ turned from Cooch Behar (North Bengal) and took command. With the onset of the rainy season, the level of the rivers in East Bengal rose. One night, Isa Khan’s soldiers cut the embankments of Brahmaputra at 15 places. As a result, Shahbaz’s camp was flooded. Abandoning most of his equipment, Shahbaz retreated in total discomfiture first to Bhawal and then to Tanda. Isa Khan

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captured Sayyid Hussain, the Mughal thanadar of Dacca (Dhaka). Isa Khan passed away in 1599.51 In October 1603, Kedar Roy of Bikrampur died fighting the Mughals.52 When Jahangir Quli Khan died, the subadarship of Bengal was given to Islam Khan (subadar of Bengal, 1607/8-13). Ihtimam Khan was appointed as the Mir Bahr. On 30 June 1607, Islam Khan proceeded to Bengal with a fleet, elephants, cannons and musketeers. Emperor Jahangir sanctioned the use of a part of the imperial artillery stationed at Agra for the use of Islam Khan. From Rohtas Fort, Islam Khan took a number of cannons for further strengthening his artillery branch.53 Rohtas is on the bank of Son River in Shahabad District of Bihar. This fort was originally built by a Hindu prince named Rohitaswa.54 The new subadar had at his disposal some 330 pieces including gajnals, hathnals and shir dahan. The last term signified a type of cannon with the mouth shaped like a tiger. From Allahabad, the war boats were gathered. As the fleet was sailing down the Ganga, two boats carrying water melons for the personnel were seized by the pirates (Gawars of Chajuha). The pirates were equipped with bows and arrows and muskets. However, Mirza Nathan, son of Ihtimam Khan and author of the principal text (named Baharistan-i-Ghaibi ) dealing with Mughal amphibious activities in Bengal and Assam under Jahangir and Shah Jahan, defeated the pirates. Nathan’s detachment en­ joyed artillery superiority over the pirates.55 In 1605, when Akbar died, Osman/Usman Khan a chieftain gathered 20,000 of his followers and declared himself an indepen­ dent ruler. Raja Man Singh previously had confronted Usman on the bank of Banar River in the north east corner of Dacca District. Usman ruled over parts of lower Bengal. In 1607, Usman crossed the Brahmaputra and killed the imperial official Sajawal Khan who was in charge of Alapsingh Thana. The Mughal Thanadar Baz Bahadur Qalmaq was also killed by Usman. Islam Khan sent his brother Shaikh Ghiyasuddin who reoccupied Alapsingh. Alapsingh was a pargana in the Mymensingh district in present-day Bangla­ desh. Usman retreated beyond Brahmaputra. Usman finally died fighting the Mughals later in Sylhet. Islam Khan decided to march to Bhati after the end of rainy season and punish Musa Khan and

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the rebellious zamindars.56 All the Mughal officials who had re­ treated to Bengal Suba’s capital Akbarnagar from their outlying posts after the death of Jahangir Quli Khan were ordered back to their posts. In order to strengthen the elephant corps, Iradat Khan sent some of his officers from Bihar to Orissa for acquiring some elephants. When the men of Iradat Khan were bringing the elephants back from Orissa, the animals were attacked by some rebellious Afghans. The Mughal imperial official Raja Kalyan marched against them and defeated the rebels. The rebels after being defeated fled back to the jungles and the elephants were sent to Hashim Khan at Cuttack. From there, these beasts were sent to Islam Khan.57 After reaching Akbarnagar, Ihtimam Khan held a review of the river fleet. He commanded 295 boats and of them, 70 were de­ signed for carrying cannons and munition.58 Akbarnagar or Raj­ mahal was situated on the western bank of Ganga, about 20 miles north west of Gaur in the Malda district in North Bengal. Raja Man Singh changed the name of the place from Rajmahal to Akbarnagar. In 1608, the capital of Bengal Suba was changed by Islam Khan from Rajmahal to Dacca/Dhaka. Dacca became the capital of Bengal again under the subdarship of Prince Shuja, son of Emperor Shah Jahan. The Mughal Fleet stationed in Bengal entered River Ichhamati near Dakchara in the district of Dacca on 11 July 1608. Meanwhile, Islam Khan was advancing slowly to­ wards Dacca fighting the rebel zamindars.59 Said Khan, the shiqdar (Revenue Collector) of Chiliajuwar pargana was attacked by Mirza Mumin and Madhav Rai, the zamindar of Khalsi. The rebels commanded 200 war boats, 400 cavalry and 4,000 paiks. The Mughal garrison was defeated. A reinforcement of 300 cavalry and 1,000 infantry under Shahbaz Khan was sent to Chilia. On the orders of Islam Khan, Mirza Nathan and Raja Satrajit (the ruler of Bhusna who had submitted to Mughal authority) captured elephants for military use at Nazir­ pur. Ihtimam Khan with the fleet was stationed at Shahpur. After the conclusion of the kheda operation, Islam Khan marched to the bank of River Atrayi, opposite the thana of Shahpur.60 In the middle of September 1613, after the death of Islam Khan,

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Qasim Khan was appointed as the subadar of Bengal. On 6 May 1614, Qasim Khan reached Dhaka, the capital of Bengal Suba. Shaikh Ibrahim an imperial official misappropriated a sum of Rs. 700,000. Afraid of being caught red handed, he with 3,000 of his followers rebelled and contacted the raja of Assam for aid. The raja of Assam agreed to aid him against the Mughal Army with war boats and soldiers. Further, the raja also held out the carrot of the territory of Kamrupa and Manchabat will be awarded to Shaikh if he fought his erstwhile Mughal master.61 The regional kingdom of the Ahoms in Assam was on an ex­ panding spree. Both the Ahoms from Brahmaputra Valley and the Mughals from Bihar-Bengal were bound to clash against each other over the Assam-Bengal boundary running across North-Bengal, Bhutan, Sikkim and Cooch Behar. The Ahom Kingdom was di­ vided into two divisions by Brahmaputra River (Tsang po of Tibet). The region north of Brahmaputra was known as Uttarkul and the region south of the river was known as Dakhinkul. The capital was called Kuhhata (Gauhati/Guwahati). The Naga tribes (of present day Nagaland) accepted the suzerainty of the Ahom King but did not pay any tribute. Assam was famous for elephants, gold and silk. The principal crops were rice and betel leaves.62 In June 1606, the Ahom King Pratap Singh (r. 1603-41) sent a contingent up to Kallang, Raha and then to Kopili to bring the Kacharis into tributary status. The Ahom Army moved from Hanan to Satgaon and defeated the Kacharis at Dharamtika capturing many guns, swords and spears. The Kacharis retreated to Maibong leaving a garrison in the fort situated at the junction of Kopili and Maradoyang rivers. The Ahom assault on this fort failed. In Octo­ ber, Pratap Singh sent a fresh contingent in Dhansiri Valley. The Ahoms occupied and fortified Demalai. A strong Ahom garrison was kept at Raha under Sunder Gohain. The Kachari struggle con­ tinued under Bhim Darpa, the Kachari King’s eldest son. The other players in the scenario were Raja Parikshit of Eastern Koch Kingdom and the Mughal subadar of Bengal.63 Mirza Yusuf was sent by the imperial authority with the joint command of river fleet and a ground contingent to secure the fort at Pandu. Baldev, the brother of Raja Parikshit with a force of 18,000

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hillmen attacked the Pandu Fort which was garrisoned by Mirza Yusuf Barlas and other officers of Mirza Nathan. The Mughal matchlock men continued to fire till the supply of gunpowder and lead was exhausted. Then, Baldev’s men advanced their trenches till the bank of the ditch of the fort. Mirza Nathan went to Ghiyas­ ud-din and ordered him to march immediately to relieve Pandu. The Bengal Suba’s Admiral Islam Quli was also ordered to advance with his fleet to provide succor to the defenders of the fort. Some 200 matchlock men were sent to Pandu. Meanwhile, Baldev’s men equipped with cannons and rockets attacked with great vigour. When Mirza Nathan’s reinforcements reached Pandu, the garrison launched an assault on the besieging force. Baldev was forced to raise the siege and retreat.64 In 1615, Qasim Khan, subadar of Bengal decided to launch a punitive expedition against the Ahoms. Sayyid Hakim and Sayyid Abu Bakr were put in charge of the combined operation. They commanded 10,000 cavalry and infantry (numbers not known) and 400 ships. Satrajit, the son of a zamindar near Dhaka, who had fought Parikshit was also sent with the Mughal force and the subadar promised to make him the thanadar of Pandu and Gauhati. The Mughals advanced along Kallang River and reached Kolibar. The Ahoms confronted the Mughals at the mouth of Bharali River. However, the Mughals took advantage of a fog and were able to ferry their cavalry across the river. In the ensuing confrontation, the Ahoms were defeated. However, another Ahom force reached Bharali. The reinforced Ahoms launched a sudden night attack (their favourite tactic) and killed many Mughals. The Mughal com­ mander Abu Bakr was also killed and large amount of booty fell in the hands of the Ahoms. According to one author, some 5,000 Mughals were killed, 9,000 were wounded and 3,000 deserted. Probably, these figures included combatant and non-combatant casualties. Bali Narayan was installed as tributary raja of Darrang and was given the title Dharma Narayan. His capital was on the south bank of Brahmaputra within Darrang. As a result of this disaster, Qasim Khan was removed from the subadari of Bengal.65 In November 1617, Pratap Singh with an army advanced to­ wards Hajo. He was accompanied by Dharma Narayan. The raja

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of Dimaura submitted to Pratap Singh. The Dimaura raja was a tributary of the Kacharis and ruled over Jaintia District which was inhabited by some 18,000 people. Pratap Singh attacked and cap­ tured Pandu. The Mughals were again defeated at Agiathuti and retreated to Hajo. The Mughal commander Abdus Salam requested for aid from the Mughal subadar. The subadar from Dacca (Dhaka) sent his brother Muhi-ud-din with 1,000 cavalry, 1,000 matchlock men and 200 boats and sloops. Meanwhile, Pratap Singh’s force made an all out assault on Hajo. While the Ahoms launched a frontal attack on the fort and the rear attack was carried out by the auxiliaries under Dharma Narayan and Jadu (a Kachari chief ). The Ahom assault, however, failed and they retreated to Srighat. The Mughal force closely pursued them. Burha Gohain was taken prisoner. Many Ahom ships and guns were captured by the Mughals. Pratap Singh ordered his force to assemble at Samdhara. Langi Panisiya who had distinguished himself during the disor­ derly retreat of the defeated Ahom troops was appointed as Bar Phukan in charge of the territories west of Kalibar by the Ahom King. The tracts east of Kalibar were put under charge of the Ahom King’s uncle Mamai Tamuli. In September 1619, the Mughals besieged Dharma Narayan in his fort on the south bank of Brahma­ putra. The Ahoms sent a relieving army. For six weeks, the two armies faced each other. And then a battle took place in which the Mughals were defeated. The Mughals lost 10 cannons, 50 light guns and lot of baggage animals. The Mughals fled back to Hajo. In 1635, a Mughal force advanced towards Harikesh but the Ahoms defeated it near Bharali River. Pratap Singh with 10,000 paiks entrenched himself on the bank of Kulsi River. Next, Hajo was attacked. The Mughal force was defeated and lost some 360 guns. Abdus Salam, the Muslim commander at Hajo requested reinforce­ ment from Islam Khan, the Mughal subadar of Bengal. Islam Khan sent Sayyid Zain-al-Abidin with 1,000 cavalry, 1,000 matchlock men and 210 ships. The Mughal fleet was ordered to advance upto Srighat. In the first battle west of Pandu, the two Ahom fortified camps were taken and they lost four ships and some can­ nons to the Mughals.66 In June 1660, Emperor Aurangzeb (r. 1658-1707) appointed

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Mir Jumla as subadar of Bengal and ordered him to capture Cooch Behar, Assam and Arakan. The Mughal-Ahom Treaty of 1639 gave western Assam, i.e. the territory from Gauhati (now Guwahati) to Manas (Manaha) River to the Mughal Empire. Civil War among the sons of Emperor Shah Jahan from 1657 onwards and absence of Crown Prince Shuja (subadar of Bengal) with the Bengal naval flotilla to fight his brothers in Bihar had weakened the Mughal hold on North Bengal and West Assam. A warlord of Cooch Behar named Bhavanath Karji declared independence. Taking advantage of the situation the Ahom King Jayadhwaj Sinha ordered Bargohain Tangchu to attack the Mughal dominion. Mir Luftullah, the Mughal Faujdar of Guwahati escaped to Jahangirnagar without offering any resistance. In response, Aurangzeb ordered Mir Jumla to rees­ tablish order in North Bengal and to chastise the Ahoms.67 Mir Jumla’s plan was first to capture Cooch Behar and then advance into Assam and finally capture Arakan. The Ahoms took Mir Jumla’s preparation seriously. The Ahom Buranji notes: ‘The Muslims got many swords, cannons, bows, arrows, horses, cows, buffaloes, daggers, . . . flint guns, gold, silver and many other things.’68 In 1661, Mir Jumla sent a force under Raja Sujan Singh and Mirza Beg Shujai to punish the vassal ruler of Cooch Behar. In June 1661, Sujan Singh was stopped at Ekdur/Ekmook and the onset of monsoon rainfall resulted in suspension of all military operations. Ekdur was fortified with lime and brick and surrounded by deep pits and dense jungle. On 1 November 1661, Mir Jumla and Dilir Khan with 12,000 cavalry (including some Armenian horsemen) and 30,000 infantry supported by 323 ships begun the invasion of Assam. The most powerful ships were ghurabs equipped with cannons. Each ghurab had 14 guns and a crew which varied from 50 to 60 personnel. Each ghurab was towed by four kusas. Most of the naval officers in the Mughal river fleet in Bengal were Dutch, Portuguese and British. Some of the sailors were Dutch and the rest were mestizos (offspring of Portuguese and Indians). Among the Mughal naval personnel, a Russian/Muscovite contingent was also present. While the Dutch were conscripted by the Mughal government, the British and the Portuguese were volunteers.69 From Baritala, Mir Jumla decided to advance through an

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unguarded jungle track crisscrossed with nalas. The Mughals had to construct a road by cutting through the jungle. The raja of Cooch Behar escaped to Bhutan and Mir Jumla captured the capital on 19 December 1661. The arsenal in the capital of Cooch Behar yielded 123 muskets, 11 Ramchangis and 140 zamburaks. Cooch Behar was annexed to the Mughal Empire and the name was changed to Alamgirnagar. A Mughal mint was established in the city, and the fortification at Ekdur was demolished.70 Already in 1661, Mir Jumla had sent a detachment under Rashid Khan to Assam. Rashid reconquered Kamrupa till Rangamati and then waited for Mir’s advance from Cooch Behar. The Ahom king executed two of his courtiers: Dihingia and Lahui Phukan, for their failure to stop the Mughals at Kamrupa. The new Ahom general appointed in charge of defence was Manthir Bharali Barua. Jogigupha at the mouth of the Monas river was strengthened and a new fort was constructed at Pancharatan on the opposite bank of Brahmaputra. 71 On 4 January 1662, Mir Jumla started his march towards Assam. Lack of topographical knowledge on the part of the Mughals and absence of cooperation from the local zamindars of Assam as re­ gards supply of provisions and guides, hampered Mughal advance and caused hardship to the troops. Mir Jumla decided to follow the course of the Brahmaputra. Dilir Khan, the commander of Mughal Advance Guard and Mir Murtaza, Chief of Imperial Artil­ lery were ordered to cut a path along the river bank. The thick and strong Khagra reeds were crushed and then uprooted by the ele­ phants and men. All these fatigued the musketeers and foot archers. Mud further slowed down the march of the cavalry. The daily rate of march of the Mughal Army was about four to five miles. On 17 January Mir Jumla halted five miles west of Jogigupha, a fort at the junction of Manas and Brahmaputra. Most of the Ahom river forts were made of mud. The western environ of the Jogigupha fort was defended with panjis (short and stout bamboo stakes fixed inside the soil) and pits. In the nineteenth century, the Nagas and the Burmese also used panjis against the British and Indian troops. The north of the fort was covered with pits, hills and jungles. Mir captured the fort on 20 January. After the

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naval battle at Kalibar, on 9 March 1662, the Mughal fleet com­ prised of 159 kosas, 50 patellas, 48 jalbas, 24 palwars, 10 ghurabs, 10 khatgiris, five mahalgiris, seven parindahs, four bajras, two salbs, two balams, one palil, one bhar, etc. Some boats carried provisions and munition and a few the harem of the Mughal nobles.72 In 1663, Rashid Khan was able to capture the two Ahom forts named Hathisala and Dhubri respectively. Cholera broke out among the Ahom force and some 12,000 men died due to this disease. In pre-modern era, disease was a greater killer than combat as far as the armies were concerned. As the Ahoms regrouped around Manaha river, the Mughals advanced along Brahmaputra. The Ahoms gar­ risoned the forts of Manaha and Haraighat. Some 30,000 Mughal infantry laid siege to Manaha Fort. In the sphere of hand held firearms, the Mughal infantry had an advantage over the Ahom infantry. Gunpowder superiority enabled the Mughals to capture Manaha Fort. The Mughals made a night attack (unlike the Rajputs of medieval India) and were able to capture Beltala.73 Then, the Mughal advance fizzled out. In December 1667, Aurangzeb decided to launch another ex­ pedition against the Ahoms. Ram Singh of Amber, a Rajput mansabdar of 4,000 was ordered to lead the invasion of Assam. The expeditionary force comprised of 4,000 troopers of Ram Singh, 1,500 ahadis, 500 barqandaz (imperial gunners), 30,000 infantry, plus contingents of 21 Rajput sirdars. In total, 20,000 cavalry accompanied the invasion force. Further, a levy raised in Cooch Behar which numbered to 15,000 archers and infantry also func­ tioned as auxiliaries. The physical geography of Assam was not suited for cavalry operation. Worse, Ram Singh had only 40 ships. Compared to the number of ships present during Mir Jumla’s in­ vasion, the small number of ships available to Ram Singh hobbled the prospect of success from the very beginning. Ram Singh reached Rangamati, the frontier garrison town in February 1669. Leaving a contingent at Rangamati for safeguarding communications with Bengal, the Mughals advanced along North Brahmaputra Valley and reached Sualkuchi in April 1669. Next, Ram Singh captured the territories west of Manaha River, captured two Ahom posts at Chenga and Tapera, and then occupied Hajo without a fight. Then,

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Ram Singh advanced upto Bar Nadi River. The Ahom General Lachit Barpukhan followed the policy of evacuating the region west of Hajo to lure the Mughals into the Gauhati (now Guwahati) de­ fensive zone. The objective was to buy time to complete defensive preparation around Guwahati and to fight the main battle away from the frontiers into the interior of Assam. At Guwahati, the Mughals would be at a disadvantage as their LOC stretched back to North Bengal. In contrast, the Ahoms would be closer to their core areas. The Ahoms concentrated on strengthening the defensive positions around Guwahati. Sand embankments were constructed along Brahmaputra to prevent landings of Mughal troops in the ships from the river. The Ahoms avoided any direct confrontation with the firepower heavy numerically superior Mughal force. The Mughals sat down for a costly attritional warfare in the Guwahati defensive zone. During June-July due to heavy rain, the Mughals were forced to retreat. The Mughal Army retreated from Agiathuti to Hajo and then the Mughal fleet withdrew from Hajo river to Sualkuchi about six miles west of Pandu. During August-September 1669, the Mughal ships carrying 16 cannons each attacked the river stockades of the Ahoms. However, the naval attack was un­ successful. The Ahoms started dagayuddha (guerrilla attacks) which wore down the Mughals. Parties of Ahom soldiers would suddenly swoop down from the jungles during night and attack the Mughals and then retreat to their forest hideouts. Atan Burha-gohain on the north bank of Brahmaputra was put in charge of organising the raiding parties.74 The failed Mughal invasion of Ram Singh shows that not gun­ powder but terrain and climate of Assam and the political will of the Ahoms were the driving factors shaping the nature of riverine warfare. Ram Singh’s expedition also reflected the fact of unlearn­ ing of certain lessons of amphibious warfare by the Mughals. In all the previous encounters, the Mughals had used larger number of ships and boats for accompanying their ground force. Ram Singh’s lack of an adequate navy showed that this particular Mughal expe­ dition was undertaken in a half hearted manner. Ram Singh’s lack of an adequate naval force was partly because of the Rajput culture of warfare which focused on cavalry encounters in the land.

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Further, Aurangzeb’s durbar due to political reasons did not back Ram Singh fully. And also due to religious affiliations, Ram Singh was not very eager to destroy a Hindu kingdom. Use of terrain and climate as exemplified by Isa Khan against Shahbaz, decided victory/defeat in a campaign. Overall, combat in the north east was different from the nature of combat in the plains of the north arid plateau of north-west India. In the north east, cavalry and heavy artillery were mostly irrelevant. Light in­ fantry and river boats equipped with cannons were the dominant weapons shaping warfare. Elephants as logistical vehicles rather than camels and mules were of prime importance for moving through jungles, nalas and river banks. Most of the times, advance of the armies followed the course of the rivers. River warfare also involved construction of forts and attacking the enemy held forts. Most of the forts in Bengal and Assam were built with mud and they controlled the choke points of rivers, tributaries, canals and moats. In north and central India, the Mughals like their predeces­ sors, constructed forts with stones. However, paucity of stones in the east and north east encouraged the Afghan Sultanate and the Ahom Kingdom and later the Mughals to construct riverine forts with earth. However, it would be erroneous to think that earthen forts were easy to capture by the besieging armies. Massive earthen walls strengthened with brickwork were able to absorb shots fired by siege artillery. One example from east India would suffice. The Hajiganj River Fort was constructed at a point where the old Buriganga River flowed into Sitalakhya at Khijirpur (Hajiganj) in Narayanganj. This fort was about 16 miles from Dhaka city. The plan of the fort was hexagonal. The fort had circular bastions in the corners. The bastions mounted cannons. The wall and bastions were crowned with big merlons which were pierced with musket loopholes. Most of the gun platforms faced the river because due to road less jungle terrain the besieging armies mostly came through river boats.75 It is to be noted that earthen fortification was not unique to early modern India. Alessandro Farnese the Habsburg Governor of the Low Countries during the late sixteenth century was a fortifi­ cation expert. He asserted that modern ramparts of the required

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height and thickness could be constructed with rammed earth without the brickwork camicatura (outer skin which protected the earthworks from the ravages of weather). And in the Low Coun­ tries, siege warfare was most advanced. Construction of earthworks for fortifying cities and citadels was a cheaper option and earthworks were able to absorb cannon shots. Giovanni Battista Belluzzi con­ structed ramparts in the 1540s with timber, brushwood and earth. Such ramparts were able to mount heavy guns also. However, regular maintenance work of the earthwork fortifications was required to prevent waterlogging of the interior due to constant rainfall.76 It is to be noted that the east and north east was a zone of high rainfall but regular maintenance work could have been carried out due to vast demographic resources at the disposal of the Indian polities. The forts constructed in the east and north east were river forts controlling the waterways. In Kautliyan term they were jaladurgas. There were many river forts around Dhaka. Dhaka was able to command the major water routes. Under Shaista Khan (Mughal subadar of Bengal), the river fort of Dhaka which guarded the passage across Buriganga river had ramparts equipped with big cannons. Most of the guns were turned towards the rivers to check the pirates.77 Monsoon obstructed war making in the north east during the rainy season. Campaigns were conducted in the mon­ soon in the north east only in 1944 with the availability of sophisti­ cated technology. Towards the end of Aurangzeb’s rule, the Mughals also clashed with the Magh Raja (ruler of North Burma). Chittagong in present day Bangladesh constituted the westernmost outpost of the Maghs. Chittagong is the tract between Bengal and Arakan. At Jagdia, there was a Mughal outpost. Beyond it and the Chittagong Port was a mountainous jungle tract. The river Feni rose from Tipperah Hills and flowed through Jagdia. There were about 99 wet nalas between Feni and Chittagong. In order to reach Chittagong from Dhaka, one had to cross six creeks by boats and the big River Sripur.78 A Persian account describes the Arakan kingdom in the follow­ ing words, ‘The fort of Chatgaon is an appurtenance of the king­ dom of Arakan, which is a large country and great port of the east. One side of it is enclosed by high hills which join the mountains

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of Kashmir, China, Cathay and Mahachin. Another side is bordered by the ocean. Deep rivers and wide oceans enclose the western side, which adjoins Bengal. The land and water routes alike for entering the country are very difficult.’79 About the Chittagong Fort, the Talish continues: ‘On the bank of Karnafuli river are some hills, high and low, situated close to each other. The lower hills have been heaped over with earth and raised to the level of the higher ones’ all these hills have been scarped cylindrically, forti­ fied . . . its towers are high.’80 The moat surrounding the Chittagong Fort was deep. It was eight yards wide. Close to the edge of the ditch flows Karnafuli river. The hills surrounding the fort are high and covered with almost impenetrable jungle. Every year the raja of Arakan sent to Chittagong 100 ships full of soldiers and artil­ lery munitions with a new governor. After unloading the stores, the previous governor returned to Arakan.81 Duarte Barbosa in 1518 provides an account of the Arakan kingdom in Myanmar. This kingdom bordered on Bengal in the west and Pegu/Ava in the east. Arakan had one good seaport known as Mayajerji. There was a strong fortress near this port. Arakan engaged in limited amount of overseas trade and the kingdom produced a large amount of cotton textiles and grain. The army of Arakan comprised of infantry, horses and elephants. The latter were acquired from the interiors of Myanmar.82 The land force of the Magh raja was centred round 500 big elephants. No horses were available in Arakan.83 The Mughal chronicler had high regards for the Arakan armed forces’ military effectiveness. The Talish notes that the Arakanese had lot of can­ nons and their navy was quite strong. The Arakanese Navy com­ prised of ghurbas/ghurabs, jalbas, khalus, and dhums (which were larger than ghurabs). These ships were made strong with timber with a hard core so that the balls of zamburaks and small cannons could not pierce them.84 From 1540s onwards, Portuguese merce­ naries who had contacts with Goa found a space in the volatile political atmosphere of Arakan. These mercenaries also imported firearms in the kingdom.85 The raja of Arakan used the European mercenaries to pillage and plunder Bengal.86 In the 1660s, the annual expenditure on the Mughal flotilla in Bengal came to about

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Rs. 14,00,000. In December 1664, on the orders of Shaista Khan the subadar of Bengal, some 300 ships were constructed for the Bengal flotilla. The vessels were constructed at the ports of Dacca, Hugli, Baleshwar, Murang, Chilmari, Jessore and Karibari. The Dutch merchants of Bengal were ordered to aid the Mughal naval building programme and in case of non-cooperation, were threat­ ened with stoppage of their trade.87 Overall, one could argue that the Mughals in the one and half centuries between c.1550 and c.1710 initiated a naval military transformation centred round river based amphibious warfare. Gun­ powder weapons originally developed for use on land were modi­ fied for use on board the river crafts. Further, the Mughals inte­ grated infantry (modified as naval mariners), cavalry and elephants in their gamut of force structure geared for ‘joint’ river and land warfare. In addition, landlords and indigenous chieftains along with the mansabdars were also integrated within the Mughal force structure oriented for conducting river based water and coastal operations in the east and the north east. Both the Cholas and the Mughals used ships for carrying horses and elephants. The Cholas ferried them over sea and oceans and the Mughals along the rivers. However, there is no evidence that the Indians, unlike the Europeans, manufactured specialised vessels for carrying war animals. Bernard S. Bachrach opines in an article that west Europe was deficient as regards the knowledge required for constructing special horse carrying ships from which combat ready horses could be launched. Such ships were an integral com­ ponent of amphibious warfare. Bachrach goes on to argue that the technology of such vessels emerged in the Byzantine empire in the seventh century CE and then spread through Italy and the Normans of Sicily to the Normans of west Europe.88 In the second half of the eighth century, the Byzantine empire used small oared warships each of which carried 12 horses. During the ninth century, the Venetian horse transporters were two decked vessels. William of Normandy’s transport ships (1066 CE) which carried horses un­ loaded the animals through ramps or the horses jumped through the low gunwales onto the shore. In the twelfth century, William of Tyre’s horse transport ships had large openings at the stern with

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bridges for loading and unloading the animals. In the thirteenth century, the Crusaders’ horse transport ships (round vessels with sails) had horse ports at the sides of the ships (probably at the quarters). During the fourteenth century, Venetian medium sized round ships utilised masts and pulleys to rig temporary lifting devices in order to haul cargo (probably also horses) abroad from the lighters. The Venetian lighters were flat bottomed vessels with shallow draughts. In early seventeenth century, each horse ship with a capacity for 20 animals had a door in the poop which could be opened and closed. Lillian Ray Martin concludes that medieval west Europe had two types of transporters: large round ships with sails and oared ships. In the oared transport ships, horse ports were probably above the waterline. Horse port on the stern of the ship created a structural weakness in the vessel. This structural weakness was mediated by larger deck beams and addition of strong timbers.89 Rose says that in the fourteenth century, gangplanks were used for transportation of horses to get the animals on board of the ships and stalls in the hold provided with rings and staples for holding the horses inside the hull of the ships.90 Now the focus moves from amphibious operations to naval operations in the oceans of early modern world. CONCLUSION

The Military Revolution in the sea as in the case of land is a hoary concept. Neither the ships of the line nor the so called artillery fortresses proved decisive in providing the Europeans mastery of South Asia’s coastline in the early modern era. What is suitable for North Sea and Italy might not be suitable in the Bay of Bengal and coastal India. But, the issue is that the West Europeans had reached the shores of Afro-Asia and not vice versa. The million dollar question is why? Certain political, social and cultural factors shape the maritime tradition of a country. For instance, the Dutch fishing fleet was the largest in Europe during the early modern era. And the fishing fleet served as a training school for sailors who manned the Dutch transoceanic vessels. Again, the British maritime enterprise was

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aided by the enclosure of common land for sheep herding. This threw a large number of agriculturists as landless labourers in the market. And they became sailors.91 Tirthankar Roy’s assertion that throughout history Indians built small boats and boat manufac­ turing technology remained stagnant in South Asia is a bit over­ drawn. From the era of Indus Valley Civilization one finds a slow and gradual process of maritime innovations occasionally punctu­ ated by the RMAs (as happened under the Cholas and the later Mughals). The Chola and the Ming cases were aberrations in the history of two Asian continental states. Both these case studies show the danger of studying naval history in separation from what was going on the land. From early medieval period, the Indian merchants used huge cargo ships which were able to carry elephants as well as large number of passengers. One could speculate that such cargo ships were used as transporters for ferrying war animals and troops during the maritime invasions. There were no separate war transporters as in late medieval West and South Europe but during emergencies, cargo ships were converted into military/naval transport ships. Moreover, in the Mughal and Maratha eras, the focus was on conducting riverine warfare and coastal amphibious warfare with dual purpose ships like ghurabs and gallivats. This was because the agenda of the Mughals and the Marathas were not to establish an overseas maritime empire but a continental empire stretching from the arid Kabul plateau to the deltaic Bengal. Again in the context of medieval and early modern Europe, Trim and Fissel opine that amphibious operations had a strong commercial and cultural bent and hence were not Clausewitzian by nature.92 As far as South Asia was concerned, amphibious warfare conducted by the Cholas might had been shaped partly by the prospect of commercial success and loot but mostly due to political ambition. And, Mughal amphibious warfare in the east and the north east were driven by the power-politics paradigm. As regards the Ottoman Empire, Svat Soucek writes that a mer­ chant marine was absent and the government did not encourage long distance overseas trade as it would have involved intense in­ teraction with the ‘infidels’. Rather, the Ottoman ruling class was interested in safeguarding the empire and combating the infidels.

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The Ottoman bureaucracy was madrasa educated (as mostly in the case of the Mughals) and the objective remained to safeguard the existence of the theocratic state. Soucek goes on to say that unlike in west and south Europe, in the Ottoman Empire there was no attempt on part of the sultan’s government to establish schools of navigation and cartography, an institute for overseas ex­ plorations, etc. The same applies in case of medieval India. Again, in China, the Neo-Confucian bureaucrats who came to power after the reign of emperor Yong Le turned against the maritime voyages and burnt all the data related to Zheng He’s voyages.93 A cultural reductionist argument is dangerous and inadequate. One could argue that certain traits in the Ottoman culture (i.e. anti-navalism and all those traits associated with it) got strengthened due to changing geo-political requirements of the empire: rise of threat along the land borders in the Ukraine and Hungary, etc. And in case of Ming China, one has seen that power struggle in the court plus the threat posed by the steppe nomads also accelerated the emergence of anti-merchant/trade lobby. In the Indian case, states like Calicut and Cochin which relied mostly on overseas trade were too small territorially and demographically to make any difference in the subcontinent’s geo-political culture. What was lacking in early modern India was state support for the shipwrights (espe­ cially what in modern terminology is known as research and devel­ opment). Further, sustained support by the merchant and com­ mercial class to the political managers for aiding long distance commercial activities with naval power was absent. For instance, a merchant-king nexus existed in fifteenth century Portugal.94 This, to an extent explains the Portuguese dynamism as regards overseas trade and naval expansionism. The West European polities legis­ lated and actively intervened by introducing protective tariff barriers and using force overseas in order to further their nations’ commercial and industrial gains in the overseas markets.95 This, however, did not happen among the big agrarian bureaucratic em­ pires of Asia. This was because the agenda of the big powers like the Mughals, Marathas, etc., were different, i.e. construction of continental empires rather than maritime empires.

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1. Tirthankar Roy, India in the World Economy: From Antiquity to the Present, 2012, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, reprint, 2013, p. 8. 2. D.J.B. Trim and Mark Charles Fissel, ‘Amphibious Warfare, 1000-1700: Concepts and Contexts’, D.J.B. Trim and Mark Charles Fissel (eds.), Amphibious Warfare 1000-1700: Commerce, State Formation and European Expansion, Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2006, p. 19. 3. Jan Glete, ‘Amphibious Warfare in the Baltic, 1550-1700’, in Trim and Fissel (eds.), Amphibious Warfare 1000-1700, pp. 123-4. 4. Ranabir Chakravarti, ‘Visiting Faraway Ports: India’s Trade in the Western Indian Ocean, ca. 800-1500 CE’, in R. Datta (ed.), Rethinking a Millennium: Perspectives on Indian History from the Eighth to the Eighteenth Century, Essays for Harbans Mukhia, N. Delhi: Aakar, 2008, p. 250. 5. Roy, India in the World Economy, p. 9. 6. Ibid. 7. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘On Indian Views of the Portuguese in Asia, 1500­ 1700’, in Subrahmanyam, Explorations in Connected History: From the Tagus to the Ganges, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005, p. 34. 8. Roy, India in the World Economy, pp. 10, 25. 9. Iqtidar Alam Khan, The Political Biography of a Mughal Noble Munim Khan Khan-i-Khanan: 1497-1575, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1991, fn 3, p. 138. 10. Ananta Narayan Mishra, Glimpses of Maritime History of Ancient Odisha, New Delhi: Kunal Book Publishers and Distributors, 2010, pp. 20-1. 11. B.K. Apte, The Maratha Navy and Merchantships, Bombay: State Board for Literature, 1973, p. 8. 12. Roy, India in the World Economy, pp. 11, 28. 13. Ibid., p. 11. 14. Ibid., p. 34. 15. Mamata Chaudhuri, ‘Ship-Building in the Yautikalpataru and Samarangana Sutradhara’, Journal of the Asiatic Society, 1976, pp. 141, 143. 16. R.K. Mookerji, Indian Shipping, 1910, reprint, Calcutta: Kitab Mahal, 1962, p. 33. 17. Mei-Lung Hsu, ‘Chinese Marine Cartography: Sea Charts of pre-Modern China’, Imago Mundi, vol. 40 (1988), p. 96. 18. John Law, ‘On the Social Explanation of Technical Change: The Case of the Portuguese Maritime Expansion’, Technology and Culture, vol. 28, no. 2, 1987, p. 236. 19. Vijay Sakhuja and Sangeeta Sakhuja, ‘Rajendra Chola I’s Naval Expedition

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to Southeast Asia: A Nautical Perspective’, in Kulke, Kesavapany and Vijay Sakhuja (eds.), Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa: Reflections on Chola Naval Expeditions to South-East Asia, 2009, reprint, New Delhi: Manohar, 2010, p. 77. 20. Mookerji, Indian Shipping, pp. 29-30. 21. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, ‘The Later Pandyas: c. 985-1200’, in Sharma (ed.) and Shrimali (joint ed.), A Comprehensive History of India, vol. 4, Part 1, The Cholas, Chalukyas and the Rajputs, 985-1206, New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1996, p. 237. 22. A. Meenakshisundararajan, ‘Rajendra Chola’s Naval Expedition and the Chola Trade with Southeast and East Asia’, in Kulke, Kesavapany and Vijay Sakhuja (eds.), Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa, p. 169. 23. K.A.N. Sastri, ‘The Hoysalas’, in Sharma (ed.) and Shrimali (joint ed.), A Comprehensive History of India, vol. 4, part 1, p. 180. 24. N. Venkataramanayya and Parabrahma Sastry, ‘The Kakatiyas’, in Sharma (ed.) and Shrimali (joint ed.), A Comprehensive History of India, vol. 4, part 1, pp. 215-16. 25. John H. Parry, ‘Ships and Seamen in the Age of Discovery’, Caribean Quarterly, vol. 2, no. 1, (1951-2), p. 28. 26. K.S. Mathew, ‘Navigation in the Arabian Sea during the Sixteenth Century: A Comparative Study of Indigenous and Portuguese Navigation’, K.S. Mathew (ed.), Ship-building and Navigation in the Indian Ocean Region: AD 1400-1800, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1997, p. 27. 27. Thomas Bowrey, A Geographical Account of Countries round the Bay of Bengal 1669 to 1679, ed. R.C. Temple, 1905, reprint, N. Delhi, Asian Educational Services, 1993, pp. 74-5. 28. A.P. Greeshmalatha, ‘Snake Boats: The Battleships of Medieval Kerala’, in K.K.N. Kurup (ed.), India’s Naval Traditions: The Role of Kunhali Marakkars, New Delhi: Northern Book Centre, 1997, p. 85. 29. K.K.N. Kurup, ‘Indigenous Navigation and Ship-building on the Malabar Coast’, in Mathew (ed.), Ship-building and Navigation in the Indian Ocean Region, pp. 21-3. 30. Murkot Ramunny, ‘Perpetuating the Memory of Kunhali Marakkars’, in Kurup (ed.), India’s Naval Traditions, p. 53. 31. Captain A.H. Chitnis and Commodore C.S. Patham, ‘The Naval Tactics of Kunhali Marakkars and their Relevance to Modern Warfare at Sea’, in Kurup (ed.), India’s Naval Traditions, p. 36. 32. R. Lee, ‘Rethinking Community: The Indic Carvings of Quanzhou’, in Kulke, Kesavapany and Vijay Sakhuja (eds.), Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa, p. 243.

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33. Ahsan Jan Qaisar, The Indian Response to European Technology and Culture AD 1498-1707, 1982, Delhi: Oxford University Press, reprint, 1998, pp. 20-5, 159. 34. M.P. Awati, ‘History of the Bombay Docks’, B. Arunachalam (ed.), Essays in Maritime Studies, Mumbai: Maritime Historical Society, 1998, p. 128. 35. A Geographical Account of Countries round the Bay of Bengal 1669 to 1679, p. 104. 36. Ibid., p. 105. 37. Ibid., pp. 98-9. 38. A.S. Gaur, Sundaresh and Sila Tripati, ‘Grapnel Stone Anchors from Saurashtra: Remnants of Indo-Arab Trade on the Indian Coast’, Mariner’s Mirror, vol. 90, no. 2, 2004, pp. 134-49. 39. Samira Sheikh, ‘A Gujarati Map and Pilot Book of the Indian Ocean, c.1750’, Imago Mundi: The International Journal for the History of Cartography, vol. 61, part 1, 2009, pp. 70-1. 40. Trim and Fissel, ‘Amphibious Warfare, 1000-1700: Concepts and Contexts’, in Trim and Fissel (eds.), Amphibious Warfare 1000-1700, p. 3. 41. D.J.B. Trim, ‘Medieval and Early-Modern Inshore, Estuarine, Riverine and Lacustrine Warfare’, in Trim and Fissel (eds.), Amphibious Warfare 1000­ 1700, pp. 357, 361. 42. Major P. Sensarma, The Military History of Bengal, Calcutta: Noya Prakash, 1977, p. 105. 43. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, 1905, Guwahati: EBH Publishers, rpt. 2008, pp. 71, 73. 44. Ayesha Begum, Forts and Fortifications in Medieval Bengal, Dhaka: University Grants Commission of Bangladesh, 2013, p. 239. 45. Mishra, Glimpses of Maritime History of Ancient Odisha, p. 12. 46. Khan, The Political Biography of a Mughal Noble Munim Khan Khan-iKhanan, pp. 135-43. According to some historians, Tanda is near Lakhirpur and Ganga on the Rajmahal road. Begum, Forts and Fortifications in Medieval Bengal, p. 240. 47. Sensarma, The Military History of Bengal, p. 102. 48. N.K. Bhattasali, ‘Bengal Chiefs’ Struggle for Independence in the Reign of Akbar and Jahangir’, Bengal Past and Present, 1929, vol. 38, serial nos. 75-6, pp. 23, 26; Khan, The Political Biography of a Mughal Noble Munim Khan Khan-i-Khanan, fn 1, p. 139. 49. Begum, Forts and Fortifications in Medieval Bengal, p. 240. 50. Sensarma, The Military History of Bengal, pp. 104-5. 51. Ibid., pp. 103, 105-8; Begum, Forts and Fortifications in Medieval Bengal, p. 259.

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52. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi: A History of the Mughal Wars in Assam, Cooch Behar, Bengal, Bihar and Orissa during the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan, by Mirza Nathan, tr. from the original Persian by M.I. Borah, 2 vols., 1936, Guwahati: Government of Assam, rpt. 1992, vol. 2, p. 795. 53. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, vol. 1, pp. 3-6. 54. Ibid., vol. 2, p. 791. 55. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 7-9. 56. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 9; vol. 2, pp. 795-6. 57. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 10-11. 58. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 13-5. 59. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 790, 792. 60. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 16-9, 22-3, 27. 61. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 443, 835. 62. Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire: Political and Economic Maps with Detailed Notes, Bibliography and Index, 1982, Delhi: Oxford University Press, rpt. 1986, pp. 52-3. 63. Gait, A History of Assam, pp. 108-9. 64. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, vol. 2, pp. 445, 450, 452-3. 65. Gait, A History of Assam, pp. 110-11. 66. Ibid., pp. 111-13, 115. 67. Jagadish Narayan Sarkar, The Life of Mir Jumla: The General of Aurangzeb, New Delhi: Rajesh Publications, 1979, pp. 285-7. 68. Ahom Buranji, From the Earliest Time to the End of Ahom Rule, tr. and ed. Rai Sahib Gopal Chandra Barua, 1930, Spectrum Publications, rpt. 1985, p. 159. 69. Sarkar, The Life of Mir Jumla, pp. 287-8, 291. 70. Ibid., pp. 288-9. 71. Ibid., p. 293. 72. Ibid., pp. 290-1, 294-6. 73. Ahom Buranji, pp. 161-3. 74. J.N. Sarkar, ‘A Phase in Mughal-Assam Relations: Raja Ram Singh’s Futile Expedition, 1668-71’, Journal of the Asiatic Society, 1987, vol. 29, no. 1, pp. 29-37, 39. 75. Begum, Forts and Fortifications in Medieval Bengal, pp. 262-3. 76. Simon Pepper, ‘Sword and Spade: Military Construction in Renaissance Italy’, in Paul E.J. Hammer (ed.), Warfare in Early Modern Europe: 1450­ 1660, Hampshire/Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007, pp. 109-28. 77. Ayesha Begum, ‘Mughal Fort Architecture in Bengal with an Introduction to some Important River Forts’, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2002, vol. 47, no. 1, pp. 2, 4.

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78. Jadunath Sarkar, ‘The Feringi Pirates of Chatgaon AD 1665 (From the contemporary Persian account of Shihabuddin Talish)’, in Jadunath Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzeb’s Reign, 1912, Hyderabad: Orient Longman, rpt. 1989, pp. 125-26. 79. Sarkar, ‘The Feringi Pirates of Chatgaon AD 1665 (From the contemporary Persian account of Shihabuddin Talish)’, in Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzeb’s Reign, p. 124. 80. Ibid., p. 126. 81. Ibid. 82. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘Dutch Tribulations in Seventeenth-Century Mrauk-U’, in Subrahmanyam, Explorations in Connected History: From the Tagus to the Ganges, p. 204. 83. Subrahmanyam, ‘Persianization and “Mercantilism” in Bay of Bengal History, 1400-1700’, in Subrahmanyam, Explorations in Connected History: From the Tagus to the Ganges, pp. 47-8; Sarkar, ‘The Feringi Pirates of Chatgaon AD 1665 (From the contemporary Persian account of Shihabuddin Talish)’, Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzeb’s Reign, p. 124. 84. Sarkar, ‘The Feringi Pirates of Chatgaon AD 1665 (From the contemporary Persian account of Shihabuddin Talish)’, in Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzeb’s Reign, p. 125. 85. Subrahmanyam, ‘Dutch Tribulations in Seventeenth-Century Mrauk-U’, in Subrahmanyam, Explorations in Connected History: From the Tagus to the Ganges, p. 205. 86. Sarkar, ‘The Feringi Pirates of Chatgaon AD 1665 (From the contemporary Persian account of Shihabuddin Talish)’, in Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzeb’s Reign, p. 125. 87. Jadunath Sarkar, ‘The Conquest of Chatgaon AD 1666 (Shihabuddin Talish’s Account and the Alamgirnamah)’, in Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzeb’s Reign, pp. 133-5. 88. B. Bachrach, ‘On the Origins of William the Conqueror’s Horse Transports’, Technology and Culture, vol. 26, no. 3, 1985, pp. 511-15. 89. Lillian Ray Martin, ‘Horse and Cargo handling on Medieval Mediterranean Ships’, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, vol. 31, no. 2, 2002, pp. 237-47. 90. S. Rose, Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000-1500, Oxon: Routledge, 2002, p. 60. 91. Robert Voertman, ‘The Sailing Ship Complex and the Decline of Iberian Maritime Enterprise: Some Neglected Factors in the Analysis of Cultural Change’, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, vol. 14, no. 1, 1954, p. 80.

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92. Trim and Fissel, ‘Conclusion’, in Trim and Fissel (eds.), Amphibious Warfare 1000-1700, p. 423. 93. Svat Soucek, ‘Piri Reis and Ottoman Discovery of the Great Discoveries’, Studia Islamica, 1994, no. 79, pp. 121-39. 94. M.N. Pearson, The Portuguese in India: The New Cambridge History of India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987, p. 8. 95. Prasannan Parthasarathi, ‘Was there Capitalism in Early Modern India?’, in Datta (ed.), Rethinking a Millennium, pp. 342-60.

CHAPTER 7

Kamrupa State and the

Mughal Empire

TA H I R H . A N S A R I

The relation of Mughal India with the mongoloid states of north east frontier began only with the conquest of Bengal by Akbar at the beginning of the last quarter of the sixteenth century. This relationship grew into great prominence during the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan. It reached its climax in the early years of Aurangzeb’s rule and waned and declined during the end of seven­ teenth century. The north-eastern frontier of the Mughal empire was constituted by a number of states such as Bengal, Cooch Behar, Kamrupa, Assam, Manipur, Dimasa, Jaintia, Cachar, Tripura, Khasi, Chittagong, Lushai and the Nagas. Most of them were tribal poli­ ties which developed into a feudal state formation. Of these, some areas like Bengal were integral part of the Mughal Empire, while others like Cooch Behar and Assam were in and out of the empire. The Mughals intervened in the neighbouring states of Bengal for economic gain to sustain sovereignty of the Mughal empire in Bengal. In this article the political intervention and the nature of rela­ tionship between Kamrupa state and the Mughal Empire has been examined. The geographical boundary of the Kamrupa state covered the Goalpara and Kamrupa districts.1 It extended from above Hatsilah in the Kari Bary hills, on the left side of the Brahmaputra, along the bend of the river right up to Pandu, which was a south eastern frontier town. On the right side of the Brahmaputra, Kamrupa commenced north of the pargana of Bhitarband and covered the region along the angle of the river, including Khontaghat, stretched

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till the Bar Nadi. Kohhata, which stood on that river, was the frontier town on the east. The region between the Manas and the Bar Nadi rivers also comes under the Kamrupa state.2 It is interesting to note that Kamrupa or Koch Hajo originated from its parent state of Cooch Behar or Kamta.3 According to Akbar­ nama, Lakshmi Narayan was the ruler of Cooch Behar. His army was based on 4,000 horses, 200,000 infantry, 700 elephants, and one thousand war boats.4 It is said that Nara Narayan who married at an advanced age had previously nominated his younger brother’s son Raghu Deb as the successor of Cooch Behar. But the birth of a son to Nara Narayan, named Lakshmi Narayan created hurdle for Raghu Deb who was very ambitious and wanted to carve out his own kingdom.5 Therefore, Raghu Deb who was not happy with new development rebelled against his uncle and carved out a power­ ful Kamrupa state.6 The partition of Cooch Behar not only dimin­ ished the moral prestige and the material prosperity of the Cooch state but also gave rise to an inevitable jealousy and enmity between the two territorial divisions which had far reaching consequences.7 The Cooch Behar, the weak, and small state out of jealousy, devel­ oped good relations with Mughal at the cost of its own indepen­ dent status. The Kamrupa state also sought allies. Therefore, the way for outside intervention in the Koch politics was left open. The enmity between the two rival states gradually became more and more bitter and they wore themselves out and fell victims to the aggressive policy of the Mughals. However, Edward Gait has given a different description saying that Raghu Deb was given the portion of Nar Narayan’s kingdom that lay east of the Sankosh river. Thus he ruled the region of Mangaldai subdivision and the districts of Kamrupa and Goalpara and his dominions stretched southwards from the Goalpara boundary. It also included the areas between the old course of Brahmaputra and the Garo hills which now formed the eastern part of Mymensingh.8 It is further pointed out that Raghu Deb could not hold this latter tract for long as he was defeated by Isa Khan an Afghan zamindar of Bhati and these territories were taken by him.9 After the death of his uncle Nara Narayan, Raghu Deb pro­ claimed his independence and issued coins on his own name in

Kamrupa State and the Mughal Empire

203

1588.10 Raghu Deb was not happy with Koch-Mughal alliance and, therefore, he decided to take advantage of the weak regime of Lakshmi Narayan. He also developed good relation with Isa Khan, the zamindar of Bhati. Isa Khan was a great enemy of the Mughals in Bengal. He was ready to help Raghu Deb and was against Cooch Behar due to its alliance with Mughals.11 Isa Khan understood the situation better and realized if Raghu Deb was crushed by the Mughals then his interest would not be safe in Bengal. Strengthened by the new alliance, Raghu Deb attacked Lakshmi Narayan and captured Bahirband territory without much difficulty. Lakshmi Narayan was also driven to take shelter in a fortress.12 Lakshmi Narayan appealed for help to Raja Man Singh. Man Singh sent the troops under the command of Jajhar Khan and Fath Khan Sur, two Afghan officers who met Raghu Deb in an open engage­ ment. In a fierce battle, Raghu was defeated on 3 May 1597. Raghu Deb could not get support from Isa Khan at this point of time. A large number of people were killed, many were imprisoned and much booty was obtained. Raghu Deb was also forced to vacate Bahirband.13 Now Lakshmi Narayan was in an advantageous posi­ tion with the help of the Mughals. Isa Khan now collected his army and decided to help Raghu Deb (Patkunwar).14 Lakshmi Narayan realised the threat and appealed for support to the Mughals. Raja Man Singh despatched one force by land and another by the river under the command of his son Durjan Singh. They planned to plunder the houses of some zamindars of the area including Isa Khan. But the information about their expedition reached Isa Khan. Now Isa Khan and Masum arrived with a large number of war boats.15 They surrounded the river detachment and after a hard contest, Durjan Singh and many of his soldiers were killed and some of them were made prisoners. Although there was disaster, Lakshmi Narayan was safe. Isa Khan understanding the future danger, returned the Koch prisoners.16 Isa Khan died in 1599. His death came as a great relief to Lakshmi Narayan, it removed the most powerful friend of his cousin, Raghu Deb. Now we find family feud at Kamrupa state. It is said that Parikshit Narayan, son of Raghu Deb developed close association with a sanyasi which was not liked by Raghu Deb and he warned

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his son about his relation with evil sannyasi. This led Parikshit to leave his father’s palace and move to the vicinity of the modern Guwahati.17 For some time the Kamrupa chief stood isolated and alone. His political position was gloomy. There was danger of Koch Mughal attack on his state. Raghu Deb was searching a good substitute for Isa Khan to prevent an attack on Kamrupa from the west side and at the same time check any future alliance between Koch and Ahom kingdoms which might endanger its security from the east. Raghu Deb decided to have an alliance with the Ahom King Sukhampa. He sent an envoy to Sukhampha offering his daughter. The offer was accepted and Princess Mangaldai was given in marriage to the Ahom king with a suitable dowry.18 The marriage alliance with the Ahom ruler was an achievement of Raghu Deb’s skilful diplomacy. Now Raghu Deb’s political po­ sition in Kamrupa was greatly strengthened. The growing inter­ vention of the Mughals in Koch politics was looked upon with suspicion by Ahom kings. They were also interested to strengthen Kamrupa and make it a buffer state so that their position in the east could be protected.19 However, Raghu Deb could not survive for long to take the advantage of his alliance with the Ahoms. He died in 1603. After his death, his eldest son Parikshit Narayan succeeded to the throne. The reign of Parikshit Narayan witnessed the second phase of Mughal policy which was based on aggression and conquest. It is pointed out that the new ruler of Kamrupa was unfit to rule as he was short tempered and he developed enmity with everyone.20 He was a great drinker and he had rebelled against his father twice. He had also murdered a younger brother, Indra Narayan and forced another brother Man Singh to seek refuge with the Ahom king, with whom his relations soon became strained.21 Parikshit strengthened his power and position by fortification of his fort and increased the military power and taking advantage of flood, attacked Bahirband. He defeated Lakshmi Narayan and conquered Bahirband. The latter appealed to the Mughals once again. Parikshit became eager to make a new alliance. He hurriedly renewed the Koch-Ahom alliance established by his father.

Kamrupa State and the Mughal Empire

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Susengpha alias Pratap Singh, son of Sukhampha, was the Ahom king. Parikshit gave a daughter in marriage to him in 1608.22 But this matrimonial relation between the two states could not materia­ lise. It is pointed out that the Ahom king refused to hand over Man Singh, the refugee brother of the Kamrupa king to him. In retaliation, Parikshit Narayan harboured two rebels Akhe and Kekera who had escaped from the Ahom state.23 At the same time Parikshit’s relation with the Mughals became gradually hostile. Islam Khan the subedar of Bengal sent envoys to Raja Lakshmi Narayan and Raja Parikshit in 1609. Raja Lakshmi Narayan who was the old friend and ally of the Mughals, wel­ comed the envoy and expressed his loyalty to the Mughals through Raja Raghunath, zamindar of Susang.24 He sent a suitable peshkash and made a representation that when the imperial army would pro­ ceed against Raja Parikshit, he would also move ahead from that side and bring his territory under Mughal subjugation. He agreed to submit personally to Islam Khan.25 Raja Parikshit owing to his excessive pride did not submit to Mughals. Therefore, Islam Khan despatched an army to the territory of Parikshit under the com­ mand of Abdul Wahid. Abdul Wahid was a drinker and inexperi­ enced man. Raja Parikshit defeated him in one of the contested battles.26 The Mughals under Islam Khan were not in a position at that point of time to lead another expedition against Raja Parikshit. But after that Mughal defeat, one does not know anything about Raja Parikshit for some time till 1612. In 1612 one finds once again the clash between Kamrupa and Kamta kingdom (Cooch Behar). It is said that the aggressive policy of Raja Parikshit Narayan against Raja Lakshmi Narayan was the important factor behind the war. Mughals intervened and sup­ ported Raja Lakshmi Narayan and then the war came to an end but one does not know much detail about this event.27 During March 1613, when Islam Khan became free of the affairs of the expeditions sent against the Twelve Bhuyans, Balwa, Bakla and particularly against Usman of Bukainagar, he made up his mind to conquer the territory of Koch. He despatched a large army under the leadership of Shaikh Kamal and the guidance of Raja Raghunath, while the chief command was given to Mukarram

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Khan. In an auspicious moment, Islam Khan ordered his advance tents to be pitched at Barampur (or Birampur within the pargana of Sunargaon), a village at a distance of three kos from Jahangirnagar or Dhaka. He then ordered Khawaja Tahir Muhammad Bakhshi that when Mukarram Khan would reach at Tuk, he would join Mukarram Khan there along with Abdus Salam, younger brother of Mukarram Khan, all the officers and mansabdars who had been appointed to accompany Mukarram Khan in the expedition against the Koch.28 The Mughals took a large army which included their entire fleet of artillery, 500 war boats fully equipped with big can­ non. In addition to the elephants of the nobles, 5,000 matchlock men and 300 elephants were also sent to the expedition. A sum of 7,00,000 rupees was given as the expenses of the army.29 According to another Persian chronicle,30 the Mughal army consisted of 6,000 horses, 10,000 to 12,000 infantry and 500 boats. Raja Parikshit Narayan took his position at Salkuna which was on the left bank of the Brahmaputra between Patladah and Karai­ bari. He posted 300 fully equipped war boats under the com­ mand of one of his own relatives. As soon as the imperial fleet arrived there, he began to fight and offered a stubborn resistance. But he suffered defeat and his all war boats were seized by the imperialists. Raja Parikshit Narayan fled from the battle field to save his life.31 He fled to different places likes Dhubri, Gilah,32 etc. The Mughals pursued him and cleared the forest around these places with great difficulty. On the way, Mirza Nathan who was also leader of one of the expeditions against Raja Parikshit subdued the zamindars of Bahirband and Bhitarband. The next invasion was on Dhubri fort where Raja had taken a strong position. The Mughals continued their expedition and everyday from morning to evening the forest around the fort was cleared under the supervision of Shaikh Kamal. But the imperialist faced two defeats at the fort of Dhubri. Raja Parikshit due to his success in two skirmishes against Mughals became extremely arrogant and rude. The Mughals again remained busy for few days in the work of clearing the forests around the fort.33 Then Shaikh Kamal ordered all the zamindars to construct a sabat 34 to reach the western side of the fort. They also constructed a khakriz35 or glacis and siba.36 These helped the

Kamrupa State and the Mughal Empire

207

imperial artillery and the gunners to use their effective arms against the enemy who were inside the fort. They surrounded the fort and kept their vigil days and nights as Raja Parikshit and his men were likely to attack on enemy even at night.37 After some time the Mughals were sure that it was impossible for anyone to enter the fort. The imperialists were successful to besiege the fort. All the besieged people tried to flee with Fath Khan Salka, one of the relatives of a noble of Raja Parikshit, including one elephant driver who was riding an elephant named Ranbhunwar. They fought against the Mughals very bravely. But they were overpowered by the Mughal army after a fierce battle. Fath Khan was captured.38 After this victory, Shaikh Kamal sent peace proposals with a message to Raja Parikshit: ‘It is clear to you that to-night either you will be made a captive or you shall have to evacuate the fort of Gilah and go your way to the desert as a vagrant. You must thank God that I am showering this great favour to you and saving you from extirpation. If even now you behave properly, it is well and good; otherwise you do not know what will happen’.39 Raja Parikshit accepted the peace proposal and showed his sub­ missiveness and agreed to obey Shaikh Kamal. He sent two ele­ phants and some other presents including Rs. 80,000 to Shaikh through his envoys. He also agreed to pay Rs. 1,00,000 along with 100 elephants, 100 piebald tangan horses, and his sister as bride for Islam Khan. He further agreed to pay to the Emperor Rs. 3,00000, with 300 big elephants, 300 highly bred tangan horses and his daughter as a bride, on condition that he was to be excused from attending the imperial court and his state should be left to him.40 The envoys of Raja Parikshit returned to Shaikh Kamal and re­ ported the details of the offer. Shaikh became highly pleased and sent Ramdas, the envoy of the Raja back to him with a message directing him to write to Mukarram Khan expressing his desire to pay the indemnities and leave the other questions aside. Next morning the Raja sent a representation with his envoy Ramdas to Mukarram Khan and presented his message in a very polite tone. Although the imperial officers were unwilling to make peace with the Raja but Shaikh was interested to accept the proposal of Raja

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Parikshit. Therefore, he persuaded Mukarram Khan to reply to the letter of Raja Parikshit in the following way with many assurances, ‘Whatever you have agreed to send to the Nawab ‘Umadatul-Mulk’ send them first with your envoys to Shaikh Kamal so that he may proceed to Jahangirnagar and return from that place after accom­ plishing the object according to your desire.’ The envoy was sent back with gifts of honour. After three days Raja Parikshit handed over to the officers of Shaikh Kamal 100 elephants, 100 tangan horses and 1,00,000 rupees.41 Sheikh Kamal alongwith Mirza Hasan, the bakhshi of the army and Raja Raghunath, reached Jahangir Nagar by boat with Ramdas the envoy and met Islam Khan. Islam Khan in the first meeting, unaware of the actual happenings, did not say anything to Shaikh Kamal. When he heard all the details from Mirza Hasan and parti­ cularly from Raja Raghunath, he rose from his seat and advanced towards Shaikh Kamal in a violent mood. Had not the Shaikh observed silence, he would have experienced unexpected conse­ quences. Although Shaikh Bhikan, the diwan of Islam Khan con­ demned Shaikh Kamal and sent him back to bring Raja Parikshit as a captive to the subedar without any talk of peace.42 All the peshkash accepted by the Shaikh were confiscated. Sheikh Kamal returned in disgrace. After a long time Shaikh Kamal joined the imperial army at Dhubri. The Raja was waiting for response from Islam Khan and also an opportunity to get some respite and peace. Sheikh Kamal was not happy at the kind of treatment he received from Islam Khan. He wished that some disaster should fall upon Islam Khan then he could give up the idea of his conquest of the Kamrupa state. But Raja Lakshmi Narayan, Raja of Kamta (Cooch Behar), came from his own territory as promised earlier, to help the Mughals and attacked the country of Khuntaghat,43 a dependency of Raja Parikshit. Raja Parikshit hurriedly went to save that place and kept Raja Lakshmi Narayan at bay for seven days. Then Raja Lakshmi Narayan sent a requisition for help to the Mughals. The Mughals despatched 200 fully equipped war boats to help Raja Lakshmi Narayan under the command of Raja Satrajit with instructions to erect a fort at Kharbuzaghat and attack the army of Raja Parikshit

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from the rear. When Raja Satrajit took his position at Kharbuzaghat, Raja Parikshit with a large army attacked Satrajit one night. But he could not achieve any success against the Mughals and turned back. As Raja Satrajit had 200 Afghans cavalry in his boats, he sent them to make an assault on the Raja. Raja Parikshit being helpless abandoned the siege of Lakshmi Narayan and returned to Gilah. 44 The zamindars of Bhati and other regions with the instruction of Mughals, proceeded with their own boats to the mouth of the river Gajadhar (Gadadhar).45 They constructed a fort and blocked the passage through which rations supplied to the city of Gilah and Raja Parikshit was put in great trouble. Now, the Raja pre­ pared for night attack on the zamindars’s post (fort) at the mouth of Gajadhar river. He sent all his boats with 50 elephants under the command of his son in law, Dumria. Raja Parikshit himself moved against Dhubri fort with whole army including 1,56,000 paiks or archers, 5,000 musketeers and 300 elephants.46 Dumria attacked the zamindars’s post at midnight. Sulaiman Sardiwal was on sentry duty with 50 fully equipped war boats and they were attacked by a force of 700 bachari or war boats of the Raja. As the positions of the Raja’s boats were on high and also the soldiers of the zamindars were quite off their guard, they could not fight effectively against Dumria’s fleet. They were defeated and killed and their all boats were destroyed. Now they rushed to the fort post at Gajadhar river. Bahadur Ghazi and other zamindars who were staying below the fort with 200 boats and 400 muske­ teers could not get any chance of opposing them. All of them were either killed or captured. The 50 elephants which joined the vic­ tory party finished the rest. After the destruction of the fort, Bahadur Ghazi and Suna Ghazi fled to save their lives with 43 boats out of total 250 boats.47 Raja Parikshit reached Dhubri. Jamal Khan Mangli and Lachmi Rajput who were staying inside the fort with all their regiments, were ordered to come out of the fort and meet the enemy in the open field. The first two regiments sent by Raja Parikshit suffered defeat. Then after some time, Raja Parikshit himself made a final invasion on Dhubri fort. The fighting began on many fronts

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between Raja Parikshit and the Mughals. Both parties were dis­ charging guns and arrows, and Raja Parikshit made three attempts to advance with his elephants in front. But he could not succeed. Although the battle continued for some days, the Mughals adopted a war strategy and went inside the fort to take some rest to prepare better for war. The next day Mirza Nathan and Shaikh Kamal placed their best artillery against Raja. Dumria, son in law of Raja Parikshit, flushed with his previous victory, arrived there. The fleet of the imperial zamindars with the experience of their previous defeat fled at the appearance of the enemy’s fleet. Driven to des­ peration, Mirza Nathan loaded the cannon and ordered his officers to fire with proper aim. In one of the shots Dumria, the com­ mander of enemy fleet was killed. At the death of their commander, the army fled from the field.48 When Raja Parikshit came to know about the defeat and the death of Dumria, he fled to Gilah his capital. He reached Gilah but could not get respite as the fort was already occupied by the Mughals. The Mughals were alert and vigilant but it seems that Raja Parikshit had no courage to fight against them. The Raja along with his army evacuated Gilah, leaving behind all their can­ ons and other booties. Now, Raja Parikshit fled to Kamrupa with his wife and children. The Mughals seized immense booty and it is said that if the Mughal army had stayed at Gilah for another day they could have carried away a fabulous wealth.49 The Mughals pursued Raja Parikshit for six days and Raja Lakshmi also joined to help them. The Mughal army during this whole expedition against the Raja, had faced great difficulty. Some­ times they faced hunger as they did not have anything to eat. As the imperial forces under the command of Mirza Qasim and Raja Satrajit were sent to obstruct Raja at Banas river,50 they could not reach on time. The Raja crossed over to Kamrupa and proceeded to Pandu.51 The Mughals faced a lot of difficulties to cross the River Banas.52 Raja Parikshit realised his weak position as the imperials fleet had reached Pandu and they would block the way at the river Barnadi and would not allow him to go to the territory of Mancha­ bat.53 Finding no means of respite he would fall into disgrace. He sent his envoy Ramdas to Mukarram Khan and Shaikh Kamal to

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present his case with great humility that if he got the assurance from Khan and Bakshi about the safety and honour of his life, he was ready to submit and surrender all his belongings and territory to the imperialists. Mukarram Khan. Shaikh Kamal sent encour­ aging words to the Raja and it was decided that he should submit at the bank of the River Banas. But as a guarantee against reprisals he must hand over all the elephants of his stable within two days. The Raja sent his elephants to the Mughals and then he himself surrendered. Mukarram Khan and Shaikh Kamal placed their hands on the Quran and held the hand of the Raja as a sign of assurance of his safety.54 When the letter of Mukarram Khan and Shaikh Kamal related to the news of the defeat and surrender of Raja Parikshit reached Islam Khan, he summoned Khawaja Yaghma the messenger and asked him to write in his chronicle that Raja of Kuch (Kamrupa) who claimed independent sovereignty for his dynasty for a cen­ tury had been humbled in a moment and he had turned him into a vassal of the emperor. 55 Then one finds the reference of Raja Parikshit. When Islam Khan died the Raja paid homage to the corpse of Islam Khan.56 It is clear that the Kamrupa state was annexed by the Mughals and a Mughal administration was set up in the state.57 Mukarram Khan had also made the proposal to the Mughal authority that Raja Lakshmi Narayan should be given the Kamrupa state.58 But it seems that this proposal was not accepted as one finds in the reference of Raja Lakshmi Narayan and Raja Parikshit who were under the custody of Qasim Khan the new subedar of Bengal. Qasim Khan entrusted Raja Parikshit to the charge of Abdul Nabi and Lakshmi Narayan was handed over to Abdur Rahman Patani to be kept in attendance at the court at Dhaka for special assemblies every morning and evening.59 Raja Parikshit was also made to learn the court etiquette and to be present there.60 Jahangir mentions in his Memoirs about the arrival of two daugh­ ters of Raja Parikshit with his son and 94 elephants at the imperial court in 1614.61 But he is silent about Parikshit’s arrival. His ar­ rival at the emperor’s court must have been sometime about this period. Raja Parikshit was released from the Mughal court on the condition of the payment of 7 lakh rupees and the retention of his

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four sons as hostages. It also seems that he was not reinstated to his kingdom and ultimately died of a broken heart at Allahabad around 1617-18. One finds very serious rebellion and disturbances in Kamrupa state for sometime and the Mughals faced a lot of diffi­ culties to suppress it during 1615-17.62 CONCLUSION

The division of the Koch kingdom into two separate states led to a bitter rivalry, jealousy and hostility between them and made them weak. Ultimately they were defeated and their territories were an­ nexed by the Mughals, the mighty power. Lakshmi Narayan, son and successor of Nara Narayan became a permanent ally of the Mughals. While Raghu Deb, the founder of Kamrupa state en­ tered into an alliance with one of the most powerful enemies of the Mughals, Isa Khan, zamindar of Bhati. Thus the Mughals and the Afghans were drawn into the internal politics of Cooch Behar kingdom. The Kamrupa conquest led to a kind of transformation of Mughal policy in the context of north east frontier. At the be­ ginning, the Mughals adopted a defensive diplomatic policy but later on it turned into an aggressive territorial expansion policy. The conquest of Kamrupa state opened a new chapter in the Mughal foreign policy, as it brought the powerful and independent Ahom kingdom within its pale. It is very surprising to note that Raja Lakshmi Narayan who remained loyal and also helped the Mughals throughout their struggle against Kamrupa state and other refractory rulers of the north east, was not rewarded by the Mughals. Although his services were utilised in and around Assam, he was not given any reward or mansab. It is also very interesting to note that the Mughals used a large numbers of war boats against the Kamrupa state and conquered it. The war boats were used very effectively, installed with canons and guns, etc., and played an important role in expansion and conquest of Mughal territory in the north east. The question arises as to why the Mughals could not develop the naval forces against the European powers which became one of the important factors for the downfall of the Mughal Empire in India.

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NOTES 1. Mirza Nathan, Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, tr. M.I. Borah, Guwahati, Assam, DHAS, 1992, (Notes), vol. II, pp. 828-9. 2. Blochmann, JASB, 1872, p. 50, Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit. 3. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op.cit. Kamta or Kamata originally denoted the western part of the Brahmaputra Valley up to the Karatoya and it was included within the ancient kingdom of Kamrupa. The Mughal historian sometimes use the terms Kamrupa and Kamta as synonymous. In Baharistan-i-Ghaybi Kamta is used to signify the portion of Kuch territory lying to the west of the Manas River, and Kamrupa to its east, p. 40. 4. Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, vol. III, p. 716. 5. Ibid. 6. Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, vol. III, p. 716. However, Abul Fazl ignores the separate entity of the Kamrupa state. Ain-i-Akbari includes Kamrupa in the domain of the Cooch Behar king. Raghu Deb has been mentioned in Akbarnama as Patkunwar. 7. S.N. Bhattacharya, A History of Mughal North East Frontier Policy, Guwahati: Spectrum publications, 1998, p. 105. 8. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Delhi: Surjeet Publications, 2010, p. 63. 9. Ibid. 10. S.N. Bhattacharya, A History of Mughal North East Frontier Policy, op. cit., p. 117. 11. Akbarnama, III, p. 733. 12. Ibid., p.724. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid, p. 733. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Surja Khari Daibajna, Darrang Raj Banasabali, ed. Pandit Hem Chandra Goswami, Calcutta: 1917, pp. 132-4. The work is in verse and gives the detail description about the early phases of Koch-Mughal history and the Mughal north-east frontier policy as a whole. Edward Gait published an abstract of this chronicle in English, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1893, which has been used for my study. 18. Buranji from Sukapha to Gadadhar Singh, ed. Pandit Hem Chandra Goswami, Guwahati: Kamrupa Anusandhan Samiti, pp. 71-2. (Assamese prose.) It gives the record of the medieval invasion in north east regions. 19. S.N. Bhattacharya, A History of Mughal North East Frontier Policy, p. 121. 20. Darrang Raj Banasabali, pp. 132-4.

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21. Buranji from Sukapha to Gadadhar Singh, p. 72. 22. Ahom Buranji from Khunlung and Khunlai, it is a complete history of Ahom’s relation with the Mughals. Assam Buranji from Khunlung to Gadadhar Singh, p. 79. 23. Assam Buranji from Khunlung to Gadadhar Singh, pp. 72, 79. 24. Mirza Nathan, Baharistan-i-Ghayabi, tr. M.I. Borah, p. 40. Susang is situated on the north east border of Mymensingh district. It is said that Raja Raghunath was treated badly by Parikshit and his family was imprisoned by him. He then submitted to the Mughals and supported the cause of Mughals in Bengal. After the defeat of Parikshit, the family of Raghunath was released (Padishahnama, II, 65). 25. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit. p. 40. 26. Ibid. 27. Darrang Raj Bansabali, op.cit. pp. 138-41. 28. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op.cit. p. 222. 29. Ibid. 30. Abdul Hamid Lahori, Padishahnama, vol. II, 65. But the account of Mirza Nathan is more accurate as he was leading part of the expedition. 31. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit. pp. 222-9. 32. It was the capital of Raja Parikshit. (Martin, Eastern India, III, p. 472). 33. Ibid. pp. 230-3. 34. Sabat means a trench or approach made for besieging a fort. The ordinary meaning of sabat is a covered passage to connect two houses. 35. It means a kind of earthen mound which was raised to bring the enemies into the direct line of fire from the fort. Irvine has said that the word Khakriz means ‘foot of the wall’, the glacis does not seem to have been in use in India. (Army of the Indian Mughals, p. 264). But from the description of Mirza Nathan it appears that the glacis was in use in India. It seems that here Khakriz is used in the sense of a glacis. (Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit., p. 234). 36. This is a Turkish word meaning ‘a place surrounded by walls’ (Baharistan­ i-Ghaybi, op. cit., p. 234). 37. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit., p. 234. 38. Ibid., p. 234-5. 39. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit., pp. 239-40. 40. Ibid., p. 240. 41. Ibid., pp. 240-1. 42. Ibid., p. 241. 43. It is situated on the south bank of the Brahmaputra and is included within the modern district of Goalpara.

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44. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit., p. 242. 45. Gajadhar or Gadadhar river which rises from the Bhutan Hills and falls into the Brahmaputra near Dhubri. 46. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit., pp. 242-3. According to Lahori, Raja Parikshit attacked on Dhubri fort with an army of 20 elephants, 400 cavalry and 10,000 infantry. (Padishah Nama, vol. II, p. 66). 47. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit., p. 243. 48. Ibid. pp. 246-8. 49. Ibid. pp. 248-9. 50. River Banas or Manas rises from Bhutan hills and falls into the Brahmaputra, opposite Goalpara. 51. Pandu is situated on the left bank of the Brahmaputra, about 5 miles away from the modern town of Guwahati. 52. Baharistan-i-Ghayabi, op. cit., pp. 250-2. 53. It could not be identified. It may be the name of some place called Manasarbat or the way leading to Manas river. 54. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, op. cit., pp. 252-3. 55. Ibid., pp. 254-5. 56. Ibid., p. 257. 57. Ibid., p. 272. 58. Ibid., pp. 287-8. 59. Raja Parikshit was in the custody of Mukkaram Khan but he was forced by Qasim Khan to hand over Raja Parikshit to him. However, Mukarram Khan was afraid of the safety of the Raja as the Raja had surrendered to the Mughals on the promise of safety of his life. But it seems that he was treated well by Qasim Khan after taking the Raja forcefully. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, p. 292. 60. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, p. 292. Wade in History of Assam, p. 216, mentions that Raja Parikshit was immediately sent under a commander to Delhi in 1612. Kamrupar Buranji, pp. 10, 102, and Asam Buranji, pp. 73, 80, 200, say that Raja Parikshit was taken as a prisoner by Mukarram Khan to Delhi. 61. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, vol. I, p. 269. 62. Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, pp. 300-320, 350-82.

CHAPTER 8

Ahom Princes of Mughal Court

BIMAL PHUKAN

India is a land where mass migration is possible through mainly two routes, situated in opposite ends of the country. One through the north west confines, used by the Greeks, the Huns, the Pathans, and the Mughals; the other is the Pangsau Pass across the Patkal range of mountains in the north east through which successive hordes of immigrants came from the great hive of Mongolian race in Western China, Administrator-cum-historian Gait says: ‘The science of history was unknown to the early inhabitants of Assam, and it is not till the Ahoms invasion in AD 1228 that we obtain anything at all approaching a connected account of the people and their rulers’.1 For the rest of country, however, the tradition of writ­ ing history came into vogue only when the Mughals invaded India several centuries later. The Ahoms came to Assam in 1228 through the eastern route and established themselves firmly along the upper reaches of the Brahmaputra Valley. Three hundred years later, in 1526, the Mughals entered India via the western route and soon set up a kingdom comprising nearly the whole of northern India. Coming to an alien land far away from their own, these members of a minority com­ munity became the absolute rulers over a majority community in a country as large as India. This was no mean feat. They had also carried with them their forms of architecture and the tradition of writing history. Soon the country was awash with their mosques and minarets, palaces and mausoleums; their chronicles recorded their magnificent victories and grand achievement. They were fi­ nally eclipsed in 1857, not, however, by the Indians but by a foreign hand. The wounded Hindu pride had never healed, and,

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as one witnesses today, the festering wound would often manifest itself in violent eruptions of different kinds. But the Mughal vanity had once been dented too. That this was done by a tiny kingdom in the north east corner of the country that became a sore point with the Mughals. Assam ruled by the Ahoms, forever eluded their grasp, and it sure wasn’t for lack of trying. It is said that the Mughals made eighteen attempts to conquer Assam and were thwarted each time by the brave soldiers, astute senapatis (generals) and wise buragohains (prime ministers) of the Ahom kingdom. In 1661, Emperor Aurangzeb decided to mount a determined effort to bring Assam into the fold of the Mughal empire, and assigned the task to Mir Jumla, his most trusted general and Gover­ nor of Bengal. Mir Jumla arrived in Assam on 4 January 1662 accompanied by a huge army, as well as five pirs so as to thwart any magic spells likely to be cast upon them by Assamese witchcraft. The marauding army ran through Assam, easily overcoming all the underprepared and clumsy attempts made by the Ahoms to resist them. The Mughals were assisted in their efforts by several defectors from the Ahom regime who guided them through the treacherous terrains. Fearing capture, the Ahom king Jayadhvaj Singha fled from his capital, first to Charaideu and then to Namrup. On 17 March 1662, a bare two months after their arrival in Assam, Mir Jumla led his triumphant troops to Garhgaon, the hitherto sacred citadel of the Ahom kingdom.2 He set-up a mint there, struck coins in the name of Emperor Aurangzeb, and himself chose to stay at Mathurapur, seven miles from Garhgaon. Humiliated and dispirited, king, Jayadhvaj, while desperate to drive the Mughals out of Assam, knew that he lacked the military arsenal needed to do so. Sensing this reality, the king’s emissaries made several peace overtures to the Mughals, but cunning Mir Jumla rejected them all. However, monsoon soon set in. The Mughal army became victims of malaria and other tropical illnesses they were unaccustomed to and even Mir Jumla himself was not spared. More­ over, because of a famine in Bengal, their food supplies were dwin­ dling fast and non-cooperation by the locals to provide ration to the Mughals made matters worse. The Mughal soldiers began feel­ ing low in spirit and there was unrest in their camps. Fully aware

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of the situation. Mir Jumla was also keen on an honourable exit and was only waiting for the most opportune moment. Ultimately, mediation through Atan Buragohain on the Ahom’s side and Dilir Khan on behalf of the Mughals, truce was negotiated and a treaty was proposed where in addition to the territory of Guwahati, huge amounts of cash and jewels, the king was required to hand over his own daughter to the Mughal harem. The aggrieved king Jayadhvaj first balked at the idea and voiced his objections. He was, however, prevailed upon by his ministers, and a treaty was signed on 22 Janu­ ary 1663, So, after ruling Assam for nearly a year, Mir Jumla left for home carrying his huge booty of spoils of war. For the first time in Ahom history, an alien force, albeit for a short while, had be­ come the master of the kingdom.3 Mr Jumla, on his way back, left Rashid Khan at Guwahati as its faujdar and proceeded by boat on his onward journey. He, how­ ever, never made it back to Dshaka. He became too ill and died on 31 March 1663 while on board4 and was eventually buried at Khijirpur near Dhaka. After Mir Jumla’s death, his entourage con­ tinued on its way to Dhaka along with the bounties it was carry­ ing. Mughal chronicles of the time record that after Mir Jumla’s death, the Mughal soldiers at the frontier posts left for home and many of the prisoners were released at the border posts. The two princesses, however, continued their journey as the king report­ edly refused to take them back into his home.5 Some historians have suggested that this action of the king was prompted by his perception that after the death of Mir Jumla, the princesses were likely to be violated by the infidels in the party. But these are mere speculations unsubstantiated by recorded facts of history. More­ over, the two princesses were accompanied by emissaries of the king who kept a watchful eye over their well being till they reached their destination. Not much is known of these two little girls or about their life in the jenana quarters of the Mughal andarmahal. It can be assumed that they were accorded the courtesies due to a princess and they soon became adept in learning the ways of a new life. From all accounts, these young girls from Assam who had the misfortune of being sent as peace offerings to distant, alien lands, displayed

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extraordinary courage and resilience in their new surroundings. There are records of two such Assamese princesses, Rangili Kunwori and Hemo Aideu,6 who became prominent figures in the Burmese king’s court. The British resident in Burma (now Myanmar) at the time had observed that sometimes the Assamese consort of the king was so powerful that the king would not dare offend her. For example, it was at the insistence of Rangili (Kunwori) Mopaya, his Assamese consort that Burmese king Badawpaya in 1817 agreed to assist Badan Barphukan with a huge army to invade Assam. This led to the first Burmese invasion of Assam and heralded the beginning of the end of the Ahom kingdom. These little prin­ cesses, long deprived of the warmth of own land and kith and kin, remained fiercely loyal to their motherland. They acted as ambas­ sadors of the country they had been forced to leave and would not let even the king speak unkindly of their homeland. Hemo Aideu writes home with pride, ‘Please send me the list of all those in our family who may have died recently. I do all the necessary worship of my ancestors our way and also in their way. Also whenever I hear someone speak evil of my country, I do not spare him.’7 Little did she know that she was only following the tradition set more than a century ago by Rahmat Banu Begum, alias Ramani Gabharu, the first Ahom princess to suffer this fate. Exchange of princesses among the royals around the world is quite common, whether as a peace overture or as a gesture of good­ will. It is considered an honourable and socially acceptable way of fostering friendly relationships for years to come. Many times, unions are arranged among royal families of different countries to strengthen bilateral ties. The Ahom kings were quite adept in this practice and there are several instances of princesses being exchanged with the neighbouring Nagas and Singphus to foster friendly rela­ tions. And it must be emphasised that the young maidens thus handed over were invariably treated with courtesy and fairness. For example, in 1773 when the Burmese began troubling their neigh­ bour Manipur, the then king of Manipur, Jaya Singha sought Ahom king Rajeswar Singha’s help to drive the invaders out of his country. When this was accomplished, the grateful Manipur king offered his own daughter Kuranganayani in marriage to Rajeswar Singha.

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22 1

And by virtue of her own acumen and charisma, Kuranganayani became an influential person in the royal court and it is said that because of her, friendly relations persisted among the people of Manipur and Assam.8 It is, however, quite another matter when the victor demands a royal princes from the vanquished as a part of his bounty or spoils of war. This is done with the intent to inflict the ultimate humili­ ation upon the loser and thereby destroy his morale. This was the case with Jayadhvaj Singha and more so, because it was the first time that such a public indignity was being inflicted upon an Ahom king. So while the ignominy of the defeat, unprecedented in Ahom history, affected king Jayadhvaj Singha deeply, it was Clause (i) of the Treaty that broke his heart. It said, affected ‘The Assam king and the Tipam Raja (who had assisted him) would offer their daughters to the Mughal harem’.9 When the victorious Mughal army made their departure, carrying with them 20,000 tolas of gold, 1,20,000 tolas of silver, a large quantity of precious jewels, some looted from the maidams or burial chambers of Ahom kings, and ninety elephants, they had them with two young princesses. While the daughter of the king of Tipam was a teenager, king Jayadhvaj Singha’s daughter, Ramani Gabharu, was at the time all of six years. Ramani was the only daughter of Ahom King Jayadhvaj Singha and his wife Pakhori Gabharu, also known as the Tamuli Kunwori being the daughter of Momai Tamuli Borborua, an able adminis­ trator during the reign of king Pratap SIngha (1603-41). Ramani was fondly called as Nangchen Gabharu or Maina Gabharu. She was also the niece of Lachit Barphukan, known for his leadership in the 1671 Battle of Saraighat that thwarted a drawn-out attempt by Mughal General Ram Singh to take back Kamrupa from the Ahoms. While Ramani Gabharu, the young princes from Assam, was growing up in the royal quarters of the Mughals, 10 the hostilities between the two warring factions continued unabated. In the heat of the battle, no one had time to even enquire about the welfare of the tiny princess. The disgraced king Jayadhvaj Singha, saddled with the nickname of bhagania raja, king in flight, died an inglo­ rious death in November 1663. He left no male heir and was

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succeeded by his cousin who took the name of Chakradhvaj Singha. Meanwhile, Rashid Khan, the Mughal representative in Guwahati, was calling upon the Ahom king to pay the outstanding portion of the indemnity that remained unpaid as per the treaty signed. Chakradhvaj Singha politely replied that there was no money in the treasury and the elephants could not be sent until they were trained properly. But when the faujdar asked Chakradhvaj Singha for a supply of beautiful girls, the king was outraged. ‘Death is preferable to living in subordination to foreigners’,11 he said and instructed his nobles and officers to devise and adopt measures to expel the Mughals from Assam territory. He garnered support from the neighbouring Rajas of Cooch Behar, Jayantia, Cachar, and the hill states of Kamrupa and other areas. When the time was consid­ ered ripe, the Ahom forces decided to strike at the Mughals. In August 1667, the Assamese army, led by Lachit Barphukan ad­ vanced towards Guwahati. They were able not only to regain pos­ session of Kamrupa but also extend the western boundary of the kingdom up to the River Manaha. King Chakradhvaj Singha re­ turned in triumph to Garhgaon and declared: ‘It is now that I can eat my morsel with case and pleasure.’12 The news of the defeat and the loss of Guwahati reached Em­ peror Aurgangzeb in December 1667. He summoned Raja Ram Singh of Amber, placed at his disposal a huge army and com­ manded him to go and destroy the Assamese forever. The Mughal army marched through Patna and Dhaka before reaching Rangamati near Dhubri in February 1669. If Mir Jumla had five pirs to protect him from the alleged witchcraft of the Assamese, Ram Singh was accompanied by the ninth Sikh Guru Teg Bahadur to do the same. But all to no avail. In a protracted battle lasting several years, the Mughals were decisively beaten in March 1671 in a battle known famously as the Battle of Saraighat. The Ahoms consolidated their extension of territory up to the river Manaha, and Hadira, opposite Goalpara, became the new frontier outpost the kingdom of Assam. Before leaving, Guru Tegh Bahadur was able to set up at Dhubri the first gurdwara in Assam which is now known as one of the ten most important Sikh shrines in the world. Aurangzeb did not accept this setback kindly and remained set in his vow to bring Kamrupa back into the Mughal fold.

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Sadly Lachit Barphukan did not long survive the battle of Sarai­ ghat. About a year after this battle, he died and was succeeded by his elder brother Nimati alias Laluk Sola as the Barphukan of Guwahati.13 Muhammad Azam was born on 28 June 1653 to Emperor Aurangzeb and his first wife and chief consort, Dilras Banu Begum. As Azam grew up, he was distinguished for his wisdom, excellence and chivalry. Aurangzeb was very fond of him and often referred to him as his comrade rather than his son. Azam was at first be­ trothed to be married to his cousin, Iran Dukht Rahmat Banu (titled Bibi Pari), the daughter of Aurangzeb’s maternal uncle, Shaista Khan, who was posted in Dhaka as its Governor. However, the marriage could not take place as Bibi Pari suddenly died in Dhaka in 1665. A few years later, on 13 May 1668, sixteen year old Azam married Ahm princess, Ramani Gabharu, daughter of the Ahom king Jayadhvaj Singha. Upon marriage, Ramani Gabharu who had just turned twelve, took up the Islamic faith and was renamed Rahmat Banu Begum. Eight months later, on 3 January 1669, Azam mar­ ried his first cousin Princess Jahanzeb Banu Begum and Aurangzeb conferred on him the title of Azamtara.14 He later took two other wives but Jahanzeb remained his chief consort and his favourite. Referring to Ramani Gabharu’s marriage, Gait states, ‘Presum­ ably this was the girl whose marriage to Prince Muhammad Azam in 1668 with a dowry of Rs. 1,80,000, is mentioned in the Massir­ i-Alamgiri.’15 It may have been termed a political marriage, but it is remarkable that this marriage was taking place at all because of two reasons. First, there were no obvious gains to be had by the Mughal Emperor in elevating the Ahom princess to a position of honour in the Royal Court. Second, this was the time when hostili­ ties between the Ahoms and the Mughals were at their peak. The Mughal Army led by Raja Ram Singh was marching towards Assam with the aim to avenge the audacity displaced by the Ahoms in dishonouring the terms of their treaty with the Mughals. One can not help but admire the dignity and honesty of purpose displayed by the Mughals in handling their affairs of state. But when Ram Singh returned empty handed from Assam and the Mughal might humiliated, the Emperor was livid with rage. He also realized that further military action at this point might not be the best course of

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action. He bided his time and when he felt that the time was ripe, he summoned his favourite son Muhammad Azam. He appointed him governor of Dhaka with the express instruction to recapture Kamrupa at any cost and by any means. In 1677-8, Muhammad Azam left for Dhaka accompanied among others by Rahmat Banu Begum who had been his wife for the past ten years.16 The years following the Battle of Saraighat (1671) remain one of the darkest period in the history of Ahom monarchy. Anarchy reigned till order was restored with the ascension in 1681 of Gadadhar Singha to the throne and the Mughals were finally ex­ pelled from Assam in 1682 in the battle of Itakhuli. As S.L. Baruah, the historian remarks, ‘This decade is marked by vicious court intrigues and conspiracies which led to political instability through­ out the kingdom of Assam. During this period, the Ahom nobles used their power and position for the fulfilment of their selfish ends, and the Ahom throne became a plaything at their hands. Never before in the history of the Ahom rule in Assam, could the nobles exercise so much power to the detriment of the interest of the Ahom monarchy and defence of the country.’17 While some nobles like Atan Buragohain strived for stability and good gover­ nance through the high office of the crown, others were greedier. They didn’t want to work for the king; they wanted the kingdom for themselves. Among the latter, the most prominent was Lachit Barphukan’s elder brother Laluk Sola, Barphukan of Guwahati and maternal uncle of Ramani Gabharu alias Rahmat Banu Begum, wife of Azamtara, son of Emperor Aurangzeb. The long forgotten Ramani Gabharu, who was now a prominent member of the royal Mughal household, would reappear in the thought of conniving Barphukan Laluk Sola. When Muhammad Azam arrived in Dhaka in 1677-8, the Em­ peror’s words were ringing in his years, ‘Gauhati must be retaken at any cost’. As the feud between Laluk Sola Barphukan and Atan Buragohain intensified, he seized his moment. He began by send­ ing a strongly worded letter to Laluk Sola Barphukan of Guwahati demanding that the Ahoms restore parity as per the treaty by hand­ ing over Guwahati back to the Mughals. When this letter reached Atan Buragohain ultimately, he sent a strong reply affirming that

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Guwahati now belonged to Assam and it would be defended with great force.18 Laluk Sola now considered all options open to him and decided on a plan that would help him fulfil his ambitions. He would offer Guwahati to the Mughals on a platter and in return, his kutumba (family relation) Azamtara would help to install him as the king of Ahom kingdom. Secret negotiations began. Laluk Sola proposed to Azamtara that the Mughals would appear at Guwahati with a small force of about 40 boats and two hundred horsemen. After offering some token resistance, the Ahom forces would disperse and flee upstream. Laluk Sola would surrender Guwahati and then proceed with the Mughal forces to occupy the throne at Garhgaon. Azamtara was happy with Laluk’s proposal. He reckoned that if he could recapture Guwahati for the Mughals, the Emperor would be pleased that his son could accomplish some­ thing that experienced generals like Ram Singh had failed to do. This would also further his own ambition of one day succeeding his father as the Emperor. Muhammad Azam accepted Laluk’s pro­ posal and sent a letter of consent through emissaries.19 Living within the confines of the inner circle, Ramani Gabharu got wind of the development taking place. She was caught in two minds. On one hand was her loyalty to her husband and the Mughal household she was now a part of and where she had always been treated with due courtesy and fairness, while on the other, she knew that her own uncle’s act of treason would forever endanger the sovereignty of her beloved motherland. Finally, she decided to act as her conscience dictated. However, knowing that certain things were safer said than written down, she decided to send Moina, her trusted emissary, to Guwahati to deliver this verbal message to her uncle. ‘Momaideu (maternal uncle), you are swimming in the waters of the Mughal ocean. Only I know the intricacies and intrigues of the Mughal inner circle. Do not even dream of throwing away the heart of mother Assam to the foreigners. The results, the country will be like the thrashing stone of washer men and our family name shall be sullied forever.’20 She then composed a letter which was full of hidden meanings but sounded innocent enough on the surface, such that, if intercepted, it would not arouse suspicion, Addressed to her maternal uncle, Laluk Sola, it goes like this:

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May God bless you and shower all

good things upon you forever.

I am the only one of the family who

is living far away from my homeland.

(I hope you have not forgotten me.)

Perhaps you also remember my name.

I sing your praises all the time and

always look forward to hearing good

news of all in the family.

By the grace of the almighty,

everything is fine here, I pray for your

well-being day and night.

When I was a little girl of six, you

tore me away from the bosom of my

mother and father and turned me over

to the Mughals as a bounty, Now I am

nineteen years of age, but never in these

years, had you cared to even enquire

about the whereabouts or the welfare of

this unfortunate soul.

You know very well who my relations

are within the Mughal kingdom and you

have been in regular contact with them

through letters and messengers. But even

though I am now nineteen years old. I

still remain a stranger to you, be that

as it may, I am happy to inform you

that we have been living happily in

Khijirpur for the past one year.

Thanks to your blessings, we do not

lack anything here.

I beseech you to have a little heart for this poor girl of your family, please arrange for Moina to meet you. She will tell you all about me and my state of affairs. When your emissaries came here they were arrested and mistreated. When Moina told me about this, I had them released and arranged for their proper reception with due respect and

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dignity. Tell me what more can a daughter of your family do? I entreat you not to indulge in anything indecent till Moina comes and meets you in person. What more can I say? Your emissaries have seen everything here with their own eyes and will tell you all about it. I hope that I keep hearing your good news all the time. I have nothing more to write. Dated 1599 Saka21 (AD 1677)

The poignancy of the writer’s feelings has found full expression in these mute words. This letter is a rare example of courage dis­ played by a young woman who had literally been abandoned in childhood to fend for herself in an alien land. That she was able to create a space for herself in her new surroundings is a tribute to her resilience and fortitude. Deserted by both her motherland and her kith and kin, she had held to her memories of a lost world as her greatest treasure. And when the moment came, she never hesi­ tated to show her true colours. That her own maternal uncle was planning to betray her beloved motherland to meet his selfish ends, was more than what her patriotic soul could bear. Torn asunder by divided loyalties, she not only chose her country of birth, she also chose what is good over that which is evil. That her implorations failed to move the treacherous heart of Laluk Sola Barphukan, is immaterial in his instance. That the betrayer Laluk Sola was him­ self betrayed by his own men and was killed before he could realise his dream brings no solace to the heart. Also the fact that the Mughal victory was short lived and came to an end in the space of a few years, only goes to show that gains through greed and lust are always transitory. What remains etched in the pages of history is the courage and fortitude displayed by a young woman mature beyond her years. History is silent about the later life of Rahmat Banu Begum. One only knows that Azamatara was hurriedly recalled to Delhi by Emperor Aurangzeb in October 1679 to assist in the battle with the Marathas. With success in recapturing Guwahati to show, Azam rose in the esteem of Aurgangzeb, and on 12 August 1681, he was appointed the heir apparent to his father. Upon the death

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of his father in Ahmednagar on 14 March 1707, Muhammad Azam Shah ascended the Mughal throne. But alas, it was not to be for long. A battle of succession soon ensured, and Azam Shah and his three sons were federated during the battle of Jajau on 8 June 1707 and killed by his older half-brother, Prince Shah Alam (later crowned as Bahadur Shah I). He was fifty three years old. So, for a very brief period of three months, Muhammad Azam Shah was the titular emperor of the Mughal Empire, and Ahom princes Remani Gabharu alias Rahmat Banu Begum, a consort of the Mughal Emperor. TAILPIECE

For visitors to modern Dhaka, one of the major attractions is the unfinished seventeenth-century Mughal edifice known as Lalbagh Fort. The huge complex with its well maintained gardens is a wel­ come relief from the din and bustle of the city. Muhammad Azam Shah, son of Emperor Aurangzeb started construction of the fort in 1678 when he was in Dhaka as the governor of Bengal. But the construction was halted in 1679 when Azam Shah was called back to Delhi to assist his father in his Maratha expeditions. His succes­ sor Shaista Khan did not continue the work as he was distraught upon the sudden death of his beloved daughter Irandukht and considered the fort as inauspicious. Irandukhat was also known as Pari Bibi because of her extraordinary beauty, and her tomb, called Pari Bibir Samadhi, lies at the centre of the fort and is its main attraction. The plaque at the tomb describes Pari Bibi as a favourite daughter of the Mughal Subahder Shaista Khan. But recent histo­ rians of Bangladesh, revisiting their Mughal past, have voiced doubts about its authencity. They claim that the tomb is of none other than Ahom princess, Ramani Gabharu.22 Moreover, there were enough inconsistencies in the chronicles to lend credence to their claims. First, the dates should be examined. Mughal chronicles record that Muhammad Azam was indeed betrothed to Irandukht (also called Pari Bibi), daughter of Shaista Khan, Emperor Aurangzeb’s maternal uncle. But the marriage could not take place because of Pari’s Bibi sudden death in 1665 at Dhaka. Since construction of

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Lalbagh Fort began only in 1678, Irandukht alias Pari Bibi couldn’t have been buried there. It is unlikely that later relocation of the tomb took place since her father considered the fort as inauspi­ cious. It is also known that after his death, Muhammad Azam was buried in the dargah of Sufi Saint, Sheikh Zainuddin, at Khulada­ bad near Aurangabad, now in Maharashtra. His chief consort, Jahan­ zeb Banu Begum, lies next to him, having predeceased him by a few years. So the question is—‘Where is the grave of Rahmat Banu begum alias Ramani Gabharu?’ Second, Mughal chronicles confirm that Azam Shah married Ramani Gabharu alias Rahmat Banu Begum in 1668 as his first wife. The genealogy of the Timurid Dynasty, to which the Mughals belonged, has this entry, ‘Azan Shah married (first) at Delhi, 15 May 1668, Nawab Rahmat Banu Begum Sahiva (d. suddenly at Dacca, bur. Lalbagh). Rajkumari Ramani Gabharu, daughter of Sri Sri Swargadeva Sri Raja Jayadhvaj Singha, Raja of Assam’.23 It clearly states that Ramani Gabharu, first wife of Azam Shah, died suddenly at Dhaka and was buried in Lalbagh, although it does not mention a date. It is also known from the chronicles that Ramani Gabharu didn’t leave any issues. Bangladesh historians consider it likely that she did not accompany her husband in his hurried return to Delhi because of some pregnancy related problems and stayed back in Dhaka. When she died there suddenly, she was buried in the unfinished Lalbagh Fort as recorded in the genealogy. If that is so, wherein Lalbagh Fort is the grave of Rahmat Banu Begum, Ahom princess Ramani Gahbaru? It is now for future historians to ascertain the true identity of the person lying in Pari Bibi’s Samadhi in Dhaka.

NOTES 1. E.A. Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati: LBS Publications, 1983, p. 1. 2. S.L. Baruah, Last Days of Ahom Monarchy, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1993, pp. 6-7. 3. S.L. Baruah, A Comprehensive History of Assam, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1985 (abbreviated CHA), pp. 261-3.

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4. Ibid., p. 264. 5. S.K. Bhuyan, Ramani Gabharu, Guwahati: Pragjyotish Granthashala, 1951 (abbreviated RG), p. 14. 6. G.E. Harvey, History of Burma, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1925, p. 283. 7. Bimal Phukan, Ei Jatra Abiram, Guwahati: Students’ Stores, 2016, pp. 136-43. 8. CHA, pp. 296-7. 9. RG., p. 14. 10. CHA, p. 269. 11. Ibid., p. 271. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid., p. 276. 14. RG, p. 17. 15. E.A. Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati: LBS Publications, 1983, p. 131. 16. RG., pp. 20-1. 17. CHA, pp. 277. 18. RG. pp. 21-2. 19. Ibid., pp. 25-34. 20. Ibid., p. 35. 21. Ibid., pp. 38-40. 22. Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty, ‘In Search of a Lost Ahom Princes’, The Wire, 28 April 2018. 23. The Timurid Dynasty Genealogy, India Ark Website.

CHAPTER 9

Ahom-Mughal Matrimonial Alliance

M E M C H ATO N S I N G H A

Matrimonial alliances among the ruling families were common phenomena in medieval monarchical states. In most cases the objective behind such marriages had been political, i.e. either to develop good relationship or to stem political turmoil between the monarchies. In a way matrimonial alliances were adopted as an important instrument of foreign policy by the monarchs. Gener­ ally, marriage is understood as a socially or ritually recognised union (or legal contract) between a male and a female who are further constituted by arrangements between two families and the exchange of promises. But, in regard to diplomatic inter-dynastic marriages it has to be considered at different level. In accounting of AhomMughal matrimonial alliance one finds reference of single dictated marriage alliance which took place in the winding years of Mir Jumla’s invasion of Assam in AD 1663. But, before going into details about the marriage alliance, a brief understanding of the history of the Ahoms, Mughals and of their political relation is discussed. The Ahoms who were offshoot of Tai or Shan race of Upper Burma (now Myanmar) entered Assam and the first ruler Sukapha (1228-68) laid the foundation of the Ahom kingdom in AD 1228 between the Dikhau and the Dihing rivers. They succeeded in retaining their power for about 600 years in Assam. A man of high military valour, Sukapha succeeded in subduing many neighbouring tribes like the dangerous Nagas of Patkai Hills, the Morans and the Borahis. He adopted both force and diplomacy to develop a good relationship with neighbouring kingdoms. Though the Ahoms ruled the regions for many years, they were not free from internal

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problems and external aggressions. However, the Ahoms under Suhungmung alias the Dihingia Raja (AD 1497-1539) expanded their territory both in the direction of east and west. But, with the beginning of seventeenth century Ahoms faced vigorous invasions of the mighty Mughals who, in the later years even succeeded in annexing the Ahom capital Garhgaon. It was, however, at the end of the century that the Ahoms finally succeeded in driving out the Mughals from their territories. After the expulsion of the mighty Mughals, the Ahom Rajas ruled powerfully with little disturbance from it neighbours and raids from their tribal subjects. But, the powers of Ahoms were soon struck with the outbreak of Moamaria rebellion in the second half of the eighteenth century. It was this rebellion that steadily weakened the Ahom supremacy and led to the downfall of the kingdom. Taking advantage of the deteriorat­ ing condition of the Ahom rule in Assam, Burmese forces invaded the kingdom a number of times. With this finally, the British interfered and the Burmese forces were defeated in the First AngloBurmese war (AD 1824-6) which was concluded with the signing of the Treaty of Yandaboo on 24 February AD 1826. Finally, the kingdom of Ahom fell in the hands of the British East India Company. The Mughals on the other hand ruled India for around two and a half centuries. The mighty empire of the Mughals was founded by Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babar in AD 1526. after defeating Ibrahim Lodi in the first battle of Panipat. He continued to rule till AD 1530, after which he was succeeded by Humayun (1530­ 40 and 1555-6). Since its foundation the Mughals ruled in India till the outbreak of the Revolt of 1857, in which the last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah II took the leadership. In between long years of Mughal rule in India there were many Mughal emperors who had occupied major portions of Indian history. Among the mighty Mughals, the greatest emperor was Akbar. He re-estab­ lished the Mughal Empire that was lost to Sher Shah by defeating Hemu at the second battle of Panipat in AD 1556. Akbar’s military expansion made him the master of the whole of northern India and some part of central India. The vastness and length of Akbar’s rule was not only because of his military ability but also due to the

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unique policy adopted towards his enemies specially the Rajputs. Unlike other Muslim rulers, Akbar conciliated with the Hindus and included their participation in the administration of the king­ dom. His liberal policy enabled him to be accepted in India by many Rajputs. Akbar also adopted the policy of marriage alliances with the Rajputs in order to develop friendly relations. After having ruled successfully for around 49 years Akbar died in AD 1605. In the realm of culture, the Mughal empire reached the height of its glory during the reign of Mughal emperor Shah Jahan (AD 1628­ 58). He had the credit of constructing many magnificent monu­ ments, of which mention may be made of the Taj Mahal, the great mosque of Delhi, etc. But, it was from his time that the treasury of the Mughals began to be emptied. The treasury became almost empty during the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb (AD 1658-1707). In contrast to the tolerant policy followed by his predecessors like Emperor Akbar and Shah Jahan towards the Rajputs, Aurangzeb was totally intolerant towards the non-Muslims. He destroyed many Hindu temples and curbed celebrations of Hindus festivals like Holi, Diwali, Rath Yatra, etc. Alongside this intolerant activity Aurangzeb’s political intolerance also brought the kingdom close to decay. Such a policy of Aurangzeb made the Hindus join the Marathas, Sikhs and the Rajputs to revolt against the Emperor. In the process of his intolerant policy Aurangzeb emptied his trea­ sury. Aurangzeb ruling with heavy hands died in AD 1707. After the death of Aurangzeb the Mughals did not produce any other great rulers in later years. But, the kingdom did not immediately end with the death of Aurangzeb and it continued to exist until its last ruler Bahadur Shah II was exiled from Delhi for his participa­ tion in Sepoy mutiny by the British. AHOM-MUGHAL CONFLICT

As discussed earlier, the Mughals as compared to the Ahoms were very powerful and maintained a vast empire. They were always in the process of expansion of its territory. The encounter of Mughals with the Ahoms was obviously a design of expansionist policy of the Mughals. On the other hand, the Ahoms were also in the pro­

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cess of overpowering the regions of the Brahmaputra valley. Thus, when the mighty Mughals began the process of encroachment to­ wards the Assam territory they were opposed by the Ahoms. The conflict between the two continued mainly during the seventeenth century. But, the clash between the royal armies did not begin directly and in fact it became inevitable only when Cooch Behar and Kamrupa were captured by the invaders. As expected, in AD 1615 during the reign of Ahom king Pratap Singh alias Susengpha (AD 1603-41) the Mughal army of Bengal made an attack and occupied Koch-Hajo. They annexed the territory on the west of the Bar Nadi, Pandu and Guwahati. But, an imme­ diate surprise attack by the Ahoms both by land and water re­ pelled the Mughals totally. But, it was not the end and the AhomMughal conflict continued for many years with counter and recounters during which Ahoms ceded many territories to the Mughals, such as, Kamrupa, Bharali, Guwahati, etc. In AD 1638, resuming the old conflict Pratap Singh had to face the powerful joint attack of the Muhammadans along with Pran Narayan, the Raja of Cooch Behar. However, in AD 1639 a peace treaty was con­ cluded whereby the boundary between Ahoms and Mughals was fixed. By the terms of the treaty, Bar Nadi, on the north bank of the Brahmaputra and the Asurar Ali on the south was fixed as the boundary of the Ahom and the Muhammadan territories.1 After this treaty peace was maintained between the two for the next twenty years. However, during the reign of Jayadhvaj Singh (AD 1648-63) the Ahom-Mughal hostilities were renewed. In the year between AD 1639-59. Jayadhvaj Singh could re-occupy the territories of Guwahati, Pandu and Saraighat from the Mughals. But, by AD 1661, the than Mughal King Aurangzeb sent his army under the com­ mand of his ablest General Mir Jumla, the Mughal subedar of Bengal to invade Assam and regain the lost territory. Mir Jumla easily reoccupied Cooch Behar, Guwahati, Pandu, Saraighat and the Ahom capital Garhgaon by AD 1662 with a heavy amount of wealth. However, with the approach of rainy season, heavy rain caused serious flood in upper Assam which cut off all communica­ tions for the Mughals at Garhgaon and made them handicapped.

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Famine soon spread in the Mughal camp and many of its soldiers died of cholera and dysentery. Along with his army, Mir Jumla seriously fell ill. The local Ahom inhabitants also conducted many surprise attacks on Mughal camps killing several of them. Under such condition Mir Jumla had no other option but to sue for peace with the Ahoms. Accordingly, a treaty was signed between Mir Jumla and Jayadhvaj Singh on 23 January AD 1663. According to Ahom Buranji the heavenly king made peace by offering a prin­ cess, silver, gold and elephants.2 The next Ahom King was Chakradhvaj Singh who ruled from AD 1663 to 1670. During his reign of about seven years Chakradh­ waj was always disturbed by the Mughal incursions. In AD 1665 the country was faced with rigorous famine and drought. During such situation the thanadar of Guwahati, Syed Firuz Khan sent an uncompromising letter to the Ahom King for payment of dues. Being enraged, in AD 1667, Chakradhwaj dispatched a huge army under the command of the illustrious General Lachit Barphukan to capture Guwahati from the Mughals. Lachit Barphukan suc­ ceeded in his mission and the Mughals were defeated in several encounters. At this the Mughal emperor immediately sent one Ram Singh joined by the previous thanadar of Guwahati, Rashid Khan to invade the Ahom territory. A disastrous battle took place at Alaboi in August 1669 AD. It was a total massacre of the Ahom army by the Mughals. After this, on the request of the Ahom King a peace negotiation was organized. But the treaty did not last long and fresh hostility between the two forces broke out when the Mughal General Ram Singh again demanded Guwahati and on refusal the Mughal army re-marched towards Guwahati. As a re­ sult, the famous battle of Saraighat took place in March 1671 AD. In this battle the Mughals were defeated badly and many officers and soldiers of both the sides lost their life. With this victory the territory of Ahoms expanded beyond the western frontier at Manas river. However, the climax of Ahom rule in Assam began with the reign of King Gadadhar Singh (AD 1681-1714). The first ambi­ tion of Gadadhar was to oust the Mughals from Assam. Therefore, he organised a huge equipped army and leading the forces himself

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pursued up to Manas. Hereafter, Manas was set as the boundary between the Ahoms and the Mughals and brought a permanent conclusion of the Ahom-Mughal conflicts which had been con­ tinuing for many years. AHOM-MUGHAL MATRIMONIAL ALLIANCE

It is apparent that in the history of Ahom-Mughal relations there is no mention of maintaining a good or mutual relationship be­ tween the two monarchies. The relationship is accounted with evidences of various reciprocal encounters. In the midst of such conflict, matrimonial alliance was also conducted between the two monarchies. The arrangement of such marriage alliance was nei­ ther a new policy for the Mughals or for the Ahoms. The history of Ahom rule in Assam comprised of several mutual marriage alli­ ances with the neighbouring kingdoms like the Morans, Borahis, Kacharis, Koches, Chutiyas, Manipuris, etc. In the initial years of the foundation of Ahom rule in Assam, Sukapha married many tribal princesses as a process of his expansionist policy. While coming in contact with the Moran and the Borahis, Sukapha adopted both diplomacy and force to usurp them. In this process he married four princesses from the royal family of the Moran and Borahis.3 Wed-lock between the Ahoms and the Kacharis were common phenomena. As regard to Manipur, Ahom King Rajeswar Singh (AD 1751-69) married Manipuri princess Kuranganayani during the reign of Manipuri Raja Bhagyachandra alias Jai Singha (AD 1759-61 and 1763-98). The marriage was the outcome of Burmese invasion of Manipur in AD 1764 where being unable to defend the forceful enemy the Manipuri king had to flee from his kingdom. On the request of the Manipuri Raja, Ahom king Rajeswar Singh helped the Manipuris in driving the Burmese usurpers out from Manipur. Likewise, the mighty Mughals also adopted both diplomacy and force for extending their vast empire and build up cordial relations with various enemies and neighbouring kingdoms. In this regard we can cite the example of Mughal’s policy towards the opposing Rajputs. In the procedure of territorial extension of the Mughals,

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the Rajputs since the beginning stood firmly against them, who were too brave to defeat only by force. Therefore, the Mughal emperor Akbar adopted the policy of matrimonial alliances with the Rajputs and married many Rajput princesses. Though many Rajputs espe­ cially Maharana Pratap of Mewar declined to accept such marriage customs but Akbar was able to bring many Rajput principalities under his sway through the process of such marriage alliances. However, Akbar defeated the Rajput Chief Maharana Pratap (Rana Kika as Akbar was called)4 in the famous battle of Haldighat in AD 1576. In the history of Mughal-Rajput matrimonial relations the marriage of Akbar with daughter of Raja Bharmal of Amber is remarkable for it was the first instance of royal marriage alliance between Hindu and Muslim dynasties. Examining the importance of the marriage Dr Beni Prasad stated that the marriage ‘symbolized the dawn of a new era in Indian politics; it gave the country a line of remarkable sovereign; it secured to four generations of Mughal Emperors the services of some of the greatest captains and diplo­ mats that medieval India produces’.5 However, analysing the account of Ahom-Mughal matrimonial alliance, the event is little different in regard the marriage alliances that occurred between the Mughals and the Rajputs or that of the Ahoms with many of its neighbouring kingdoms. The alliance took place during the reign of Ahom king Jayadhvaj Singh alias Sutamla (AD 1648-63) and the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb (AD 1658-1707). It is important to note here that the marriage was not solemnized in direct exchange of words between the two kings or through by sending envoys. As discussed earlier, the expansionist attitude of both the monarchies paved the way for clash with each other. Un­ der the emperorship of Aurangzeb, Ahom-Mughal conflict became graver when Aurangzeb appointed his General Mir Jumla in June 1660 as Governor of Bengal after conquest of Bengal and ordered him to conquer Assam and Arakan.6 When the Mughal General succeeded in capturing many of the Ahom territories including the Ahom capital Garhgaon, a peace treaty was signed between Mir Jumla and the Ahoms at Ghilajharighat. It was during this that Mir Jumla proposed marriage alliance as part of the peace treaty. The terms of the treaty was recorded as,7

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1. Jayadhvaj Singh was to send a daughter to the Imperial harem 2. Twenty thousand tolas of gold, six times this quantity of silver and forty elephants were to be made over at once. 3. Three hundred thousand tolas of silver and ninety elephants were to be supplied within twelve months. 4. Six sons of the chief nobles were to be made over as hostages pending compliance with the last mentioned condition. 5. Twenty elephants were to be supplied annually. 6. The country west of the Bharali river on the north bank of Brahmaputra, and of the Kallang on the south, were to be ceded to the Emperor of Delhi. 7. All prisoners and the family of the Baduli Phukan were to be given up. In view of the terms of the treaty, it is clear that the Ahom king had to send his daughter to the Mughal harem. In this regard Assam Buranji or A History of Assam by Late Harakanta Barua Sadar Amin, edited by Sri Surya Kumar Bhuiya has recorded the name of the daughter of Ahom king Jayadhwaj Singh as Ramani Gabhuru. It is further mentioned that the king also had to send 100 slaves, 100 maids, 30 elephants, 2,000 tolas of gold, 12,000 tolas of silver along with the Ahom princess as her dowry.8 About this dowry H.K Barpujari has recorded little differently from the above, according to him the dowry of the Ahom princess consisted of 20,000 tolas of gold, 1,20,000 tolas of silver (i.e. rupees), and 20 dressed elephants for the Emperor, of which 14 would be tuskers.9 Though there is little dissimilarity with the amount of the dowry recorded but it is definite that the Ahom princess was sent to imperial harem of Mughal with huge amount of dowry. The royal princess Ramani Gabhuru was the daughter of Ahom king Jayadhvaj Singh from his junior wife Pakhari Gabhuru (eldest daughter of Momai Tamuli Barbarua). Ramani was also called as Nangcheng (Nam-seng) Gabhuru.10 Princess Ramani was the niece of Lachit Barphukan who in later years defeated the mighty Mughals in the battle of Saraighat and also of Laluk Sola Barphukan. Sir Edward Gait has mentioned in the footnote of his book A History of Assam about Ramani Gabharu’s marriage that presumably this was the girl whose marriage to Prince Muhammad A’zam in 1668 with

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dowry of Rs. 1,80,000 is mentioned in the Massir-i-Alamgiri.11 If one considers this girl to be Ramani Gabhuru, it indicates that the Ahom princess was kept for five years in the imperial harem of Mughals as the Princess was only 6 years old when she was sent to the Mughal palace. It is also recorded that the name of Ahom princess was changed from Ramani Gabhuru to Rahmat Banu Begum.12 Thus, the new name signifies that the Ahom princess converted her religion to Islam. Though the Ahoms signed a dictated treaty with the Mughal commander Mir Jumla by even sending the Ahom princess on the demand of Mughal Commander, it is really appreciable that the Ahom princess received good treatment and as a result she became the daughter-in-law of great Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb. An interesting fact that S.R Sharma in his book Mughal Empire in India has quoted the terms of the Treaty of Ghilajharighat is that ‘According to Khafi Khan, the Raja ‘agreed to pay 1,20,000 tolas of silver, and 2,000 tolas of gold, and to present fifty ele­ phants and one of his ugly daughters to the Emperor. He also agreed to present fifteen elephants and another daughter to KhanKhanan, together with some cash and goods. It was further agreed that of the conquered places, a few forts and towns in cultivated districts near the frontier of Bengal should be attached to the im­ perial dominions.’13 Focussing especially on the record about the Ahom princess, she is mentioned as an ugly girl. But, it is quite hard to believe that the Ahom princess Ramani Gabhuru would be ugly because sending of an ugly princess in the foreign land as part of peace agreement is quite unacceptable. The above quote also mentions sending of another Ahom princess as ransom to the Mughals. Complementary to the above record, H.K Barpujari has stated while mentioning the terms of the treaty of Ghilajharighat, that the Ahom king had to send at once to the imperial court, his own daughter with worthy dowry and the daughter of the Raja of Tipam.14 The same author also stated that the dowry was, 1000 tolas of gold and 1,20,000 tolas silver as of the Tipam princess.15 Khan-Khanan was the other name of Mir Jumla. He was honoured with the new name of Khan-Khanan by Mughal Emperor Aurang­ zeb after the conquest of Cooch Behar.16

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Thus, in collections of fragmented terms of the Treaty of Ghila­ jharighat signed in January 1663 AD, there is a mention of two Ahom princesses to be sent with the Mughal General Mir Jumla. Of the two princesses, the Ahom princess was directly carried for the imperial harem and the daughter of Tipam Raja was demanded by Mir Jumla for himself. The sending of Ahom princesses for the Mughal harem has enormous significance in the history of AhomMughal relations, especially for the Ahoms of Assam. For the Ahoms, the infiltration and subjugation of Assam by the mighty Mughals since the time of Ahom king Pratap Singh (AD 1603-41) disheartened and frustrated the people. Peace proposals were sent to the Mughal Commander Mir Jumla by the Ahom king several times which Mir Jumla rejected till November AD 1662. However, it was accepted only at the beginning of the next year in 1663 AD at the cost of huge indemnity to be paid by the Ahoms that in­ cluded the sending of the Ahom princess to the harem of Mughal Emperor. Realising the intense situation and opportunity of the time, the Ahom Burhagohain convinced the Raja Jayadhwaj Singh to send his only child Ramani Gabharu aged about six, as a present to the imperial harem17 for the sake of saving the Ahom country and its people. Thus, Ramani Gabharu, the minor Princess had to sacrifice herself for the safety of her country by leaving for an un­ known land of Mughal settling far away from her native place. The demand of a princess by Mir Jumla also has significance from his point of military achievements. Mir Jumha succeeded to carry away a huge amount of booty from Assam for his master Emperor Aurangzeb but he thought that the present of an Ahom Princess would add to his prestige and satisfy the Emperor, there­ fore, he arranged for that. Thus, after fulfilling all the terms of the treaty Mir Jumla left for his country but unfortunately the Mughal Commander died on the way. The Ahom princess Ramani Gabharu after being married to the Mughal Prince Muhammad A’zam or Azamtara, the third son of Emperor Aurangzeb, lived in the Mughal harem. But, she did not sit silent when again Ahom was to fall in the hands of the mighty Mughals. Muhammad Azam was appointed as the Viceroy of Bengal by his father Emperor Aurangzeb and bestowed him the task of reoccupying the lost territories of Guwahati. Rahmat Banu Begum

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accompanied her husband to Dhaka. From Dhaka Muhammad Azam demanded the surrender of Guwahati and Lower Assam which was strongly rejected by the Ahoms. But, among the Ahom nobles, one Laluk Sola Barphukan the Viceroy of Lower Assam stationed at Guwahati, with the ambition of becoming the Raja of Assam, ex­ pressed his willingness to surrender Guwahati and help Muhammad Azam to occupy it on the condition that he must be installed as the king of Assam. A woman of royalty with knowledge of political affairs, Ramani came to know about the hatched plan of her uncle. According to some historical records, Ramani Gabharu alias Rahmat Banu Begum, tried to stop her uncle from ceding the defense of Guwahati to the Mughals and wrote a spiritual letter to Laluk Sola. In her message she indirectly hinted to her uncle not to commit such heinous act of betrayal to his country.18 Ramani, the original daughter of Assam although the wife of the Mughal prince Azamtara, was very much concerned about her motherland and tried her best to stop her uncle to surrender it to the Mughals. But, her uncle Laluk Sola Barphukan paid no heed to her warning and surrendered Guwahati to the Mughals. After sometime Ramani Gabhuru died suddenly at Dhaka. Rahmat Banu Begum was buried in the Lalbagh, in South India. Thus, an overview of matrimonial alliance between the mighty Mughals with the Ahoms represents an acute example of dictated diplomatic marriage alliance. In most of the regular matrimonial alliances between two monarchies, envoys are sent to ask for the hand of a princess with gifts and marriages which are organised thus on the acceptance of the proposal. But, unlike it, the AhomMughal matrimonial alliance was quite insulting for the Ahom royalty but the situation compelled the Ahom king to send his only daughter to the imperial harem of the Mughal. Though it was a dictate, but by sending the Ahom princess the Ahom-Mughal conflict ended for few years. In a way the marriage alliance was used as tool by the Ahoms to step out from the exaggerated distur­ bances of the Mughals. The little princess Ramani thus innocently played a significant role in saving her country from the mighty Mughals. This was not the end of her role, when she grew up and reached the age of 19. Ramani tried to save the forceful acquisition of parts of Assam by the Mughals.

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1. Sir Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Delhi: Surjeet Publications, rpt., 2008, p. 121. 2. Rai Sahib Barua, Golap Chandra (trs. & eds.), Ahom Buranji, From the Earliest Time to the End of Ahom Rule, Guwahati: Spectrum Publication, rpt. 1985, p. 185. 3. Lakshmi Devi, Ahom-Tribal Relation (A Political Study), Guwahati: Lawyer’s Book Stall, Assam, 1992, p. 62. 4. S.R. Sharma, Mughal Empire in India, Lakshmi Narain Agarwal, Agra: Educational Publishers, 1971, p. 150. 5. Ibid., p. 122. 6. H.K. Barpujari, The Comprehensive History of Assam, Guwahati: Publication Board Assam, 2007, p. 169. 7. Sir Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Delhi: Surjeet Publications, rpt., Delhi, 2008, p. 142. 8. Surya Kumar Bhuiya (ed.), Assam Buranji or A History of Assam, Guwahati: D.H.A.S. (4th edn.), 2010, p. 47. 9. H.K. Barpujari, The Comprehensive History of Assam, Guwahati: Publication Board Assam, 2007, p. 189. 10. Ibid., p. 188. 11. Sir Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Delhi: Surjeet Publications, rpt., 2008, p. 142. 12. H.K. Barpujari, The Comprehensive History of Assam, Guwahati: Publication Board Assam, 2007, p. 188. 13. S.R. Sharma, Mughal Empire in India, Lakshmi Narain Agarwal, Agra: Educational Publishers, 1971, p. 303. 14. H.K. Barpujari, The Comprehensive History of Assam, Guwahati: Publica­ tion Board Assam, 2007, p. 188. 15. Ibid., p. 189. 16. Sri Surya Kumar Bhuiya, Annals of the Delhi Badshahate, Guwahati: D.H.A.S., 1947, p. 156. 17. Ibid., pp. 6-7. 18. S.K. Bhuyan, Atan Buragohain and His Times, Guwahati: Lawyers Book Stall, 1957, p. 154.

C H A P T E R 10

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century TEJIMALA GURUNG

In the ongoing debate on eighteenth century India, scholars have rarely paid attention to the developments in north eastern India. Besides, most writings on the nature of change taking place in the region during the period have tended to view the developments in isolation; ignoring the linkages with neighbouring Bengal and the Mughal state. The north-eastern region did not form part of the Mughal Empire and of its successor state Bengal; but the decline of the Mughal central authority during the early eighteenth cen­ tury and the rise of British power did have ramifications for the region. It is significant to note that almost all the monarchical states within the region like the Ahom, Tripuri, Jayantia, Cachari and Meitei besides various smaller polities found itself in the midst of a crisis by the second half of the eighteenth century.1 Despite the dominant regional historiography which has tended to high­ light the so called political independence of the region during pre colonial period and of being ‘seemingly’ isolated from neighbouring Bengal; the region was inextricably connected to it in many ways. Within this context the article seeks to highlight the relations of the Khasi, Jaintia and Garo hill tribes bordering Bengal under the Mughals and how the establishment of the rule of the Company in Bengal had manifold consequences on the trajectory and des­ tiny of these smaller polities. Besides the colonial sources and chronicles, there is at present a substantial body of secondary liter­ ature on the history of the region on the basis of which a study on this line can be carried out.

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Mughal contact with the north eastern region had begun with the conquest of Bengal by Akbar by the sixteenth century. The plain areas contiguous to the Hills came under varying degrees of Mughal authority. During the seventeenth century the Mughals tried to extend its domination by subjugating the neighbouring Koch and Ahom kingdoms.2 In 1682 with the recapture of Guwahati, the Mughals were finally driven out of Kamrupa by the Ahom rulers of Assam. Rangamati (situated near the eastern bend of the Brahma­ putra, north of Dhubri) henceforth became the Mughal imperial frontier post bordering Assam. Bordering Bengal and Assam, the three hill polities of the Garo, Khasi and the Jaintia3 were con­ nected to it in many ways and especially by way of trade. On the Bengal side they were the first hill tribes of north eastern India to come into contact with. As gleaned from archaeological findings to some extent, medieval chronicles and early colonial sources, the hill tribes had already evolved distinct settlement patterns with a sense of territoriality and communal identity.4 They were also found settled in the foothills and plains, placed either under the authority of their own chiefs, the Ahom or Mughal feudatories.5 Agriculture was their main occupation, supplemented by hunting, gathering and trade by barter. The primary method of cultivation was slash and burn using the hoe. In terms of polity formation, the three tribes were at different stages of polity formation. The Garos resid­ ing in the interior of the hills, were under the nominal control of village chiefs called nokmas, while the Khasi had evolved a form of polity formation referred to as syiemship which comprised of a num­ ber of himas or states big and small under chiefs known as syiems; whereas Jaintia had evolved into a monarchy with its capital at Jaintiapur near Sylhet in the plains of Bengal. The Rajas who were followers of the Sakta sect, and leading nobles had been partially brought within the fold of Hinduism. The larger part of the Jaintia Raja’s territory however, lay in the hills which formed the main habitat of the tribe. Trade with the neighbouring plains of Assam, Cachar and Bengal through the foothill markets or hats was an integral part of the economy of the hill tribes. The entire stretch of Garo hills and the Khasi-Jaintia hills bordering Bengal on the west, north and the

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 245 south were interspersed with many hats (periodical markets). The bulk of the trade of the hill tribes was, however, with Bengal. Rice and salt were two basic items of necessities for which the tribes were dependent on the plains. The importance of these frontier markets for the tribes was considerable. The hats or markets also served as the effective agency for establishing and maintaining con­ tacts between the hills and plains. One of the major linkages which Mughal state had on these hill areas was thus in terms of trade relations. Bordering Bengal region, the destinies of these polities were linked to the developments in Bengal—under the Mughals and later the British during the eighteenth century. MUGHAL RELATIONS WITH THE GAROS

The Tibeto-Burman speaking Garos were spread over in the Garo Hills as well as in the foothills and plains below bordering Assam6 and Bengal, divided into several regional groups like the Awes, Atong, Ambeng, Chisak, Ruga, Megam and Ganching, these tribes and others practically had no significant cultural differences be­ sides their location within and along the borders of their habitat. Cotton was the staple produce of the Garos produced in the higher hills and foothills and during the pre-colonial period had emerged as the most important article of internal trade in eastern India.7 The main cotton growing areas of the Garo Hills were in the north, the west and in the area to the south of the Tura range as far east as the Nitai or the Darrang river.8 The trade in Garo cotton was not free. The procurement of Garo cotton came to be controlled and monopolised by landed feudatories known as choudhuries. The de­ mand for Garo cotton in Bengal during the period and the profits derived from it by certain groups was an important factor shaping the political and economic trajectory of the area during the period. Bordering the Garo Hills located on the northern, north western and southern were the estates of Mughal feudatories or landed zamindars referred to as choudhuries. Many of these zamindars were even related to the Garos, and other tribes such as Rabhas, Hajongs, Mechs, Kochs either by birth or marriage.9 The choudhuries politi­ cal jurisdiction covered the territorial units such as those of Sherpur

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and Susung in Mymensingh; and Karaibhari, Kalumalupara, Mech­ para and Habraghat situated in Rangpur. The choudhuries were also tasked with the duty to prevent raids and maintain peace in the frontier for which they maintained barkandazes. During the eighteenth century the Garos residing in the estates had been ren­ dered as ryots of the zamindars while those in the foothills and their chiefs had been rendered tributary to the zamindars. Within the zamindaries there were certain locally dominant individual Garos referred to as rajas, in the area around the Habraghat Pargana.10 Some of the chiefs bordering Habraghat were those of Raumari, Amjongga, and Damra.11 The chief of Damra in his meeting with Francis Buchanan alleged that he had been deprived by the zamin­ dars of not only his estate in the lowlands but also of his private property, consisting of cattle and slaves. At the hill passes the choudhuries had established a string of foot­ hill markets to which the interior Garos frequented to barter their cotton and forest products for rice, cattle, Bengal cloth, brass works, weapons, etc., and especially salt. These hats or periodical markets were located all over on the northern, north western and southern frontiers of the hills. To facilitate trade, the market sites chosen were located by the riverside. Damra, Jeera, Nibari and Lakhsmipur were the principal markets set up along the northern borders of the Garo hills. The markets along the western side close to the Garo hills, not far from the Brahmaputra River were Thikri-killa, Bangal Khata, Phulbari, Rajaballa, Singimari, Mankachar and Putimari in Goalpara; while on the southern border of the hills, Mahendraganj, Pora Khasia, Dalu, Baghmara, Haluaghat, Nalua­ bari, Ghosegaon, Durgapur and Nazirpur in Mymen-singh were the principal and noted hats.12 The trade in these markets was regu­ lated by the choudhuries from which they derived substantial in­ come. The Garos had to pay certain duties in kind on all articles which they brought down to barter. Hat mahurrirs, or mukthar appointed by the choudhuries collected the duties from the Garos. Barkandazes were stationed by them in each market for peaceful conduct of trade and for guarding the frontiers against raids by the tribe. The forests adjacent to the foothills abounded with elephants and elephant catching was also a source of income. As a matter of

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 247 fact some of the zamindars had made their first appearance in the Garo frontier as Mela Shikari.13 Cotton, agarwood, elephants and timber were thus the important resources procured from the hills. These estates under the Mughals were not subjected to land rev­ enue assessment. The tributes paid by the choudhuries came from trade carried on with the Garos, as well as from the transit and market duties levied on it and also from merchants who came to these markets to trade. As mark of their allegiance to the Mughal Government, the choudhuries paid only nominal tribute in terms of certain number of elephants or a small quantity of agarwood, or cotton for the support of petty garrisons and the artillery park at Dhaka, to the faujdar who was the Nawab’s agent, stationed at Rangamati in Rangpur.14 The management of the frontier and rela­ tions with the Garos bordering the estates was left to the control of the choudhuries and the Mughals did not try to bring these estates under their direct control. Regarding the system in operation, A Faujdar was appointed by the Mughal government with headquarters at Rangamati, for the collection of tribute and maintaining the relations with the estate holders. The faujdar, however, on no occasion interfered with the Zamindars or the Garos and other allied tribes in the frontier. The internal management of the estates was left entirely to the hereditary chiefs who were rather treated as tributaries than as subjects and the estates from Bijni to Susung served as buffer between the Garos and the Mughals.15

The faujdar also took advantage of the loose central control to profit from private trade in cotton and other forest produces with the Garo chiefs. In fact the faujdar encouraged the choudhuries and supported the extension of their control over the Garo villages. However, under the Mughals the choudhuries had not attempted to secure any footing in the hills, except on the outlying and lower spurs which intersected their estates.16 From what has been said above, it is obvious that in the Bengal frontier the Mughals sought to protect their political and eco­ nomic interests through the recognition of local functionaries such as the chiefs/local rajas in the region which secured the goodwill of those possessing local influence. For effective organization of

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resources; the locally dominant elements were incorporated into the socio-political organization of the Mughals. This seems to have been aimed at rationalizing the fact of the existing social divisions and the hierarchy of the ruling groups in the erstwhile Goalpara and adjoining areas, thereby blunting or nullifying the danger of any organised resistance against Mughal political economy.17 There was, however, always an undercurrent of coercive power to enforce compliance. Whenever, Mughal authority weakened as it did during the first half of the century, the regional feudatories/locally domi­ nant elements sought to assert their independence and interests. The foothill trade with Mughal Bengal was a necessity for Garo economy. These frontier markets were extremely important to the Garos living both in the foothills and interiors as emphasised by colonial officers like John Elliot, Francis Buchanan Hamilton and David Scott to name a few. The Garos used to traverse long dis­ tances carrying immense loads notably of cotton and forest products which they bartered to procure salt, cattle, pigs, fowls, ornaments for personal use, ceremonially important items such as brass plates and gongs, earthern ware pots, spearheads, etc., scarce in their hills. To the Garos, Bengal salt was the most important item from Bengal. The Garos also served as intermediaries connecting the trade be­ tween Assam in the north and the Surma Valley in the south. In particular the Garos used to take Bengal salt from Sylhet to the Assam side.18 Bengal salt had a great demand in Assam and the adjoining hill areas. For the merchants of Bengal the Garo cotton was the most im­ portant trade item to be procured from the hills. This was owing to the deficiency of supply within Bengal to meet the demands. This trade passed mainly through Mymensingh in the south and Rangpur. A good deal of the Garo cotton was purchased by inhab­ itants of Goalpara, Rangpur and Mymensingh for local use, and the surplus was sent by country boats to Narayanganj and Dhaka and distributed over Eastern Bengal. In Bengal the Garo cotton was used extensively for making coarse cotton mats called sattrunjees and for stuffing quilts and mattresses.19 The trade in cotton was entirely in the hands of the Bengali traders.20 Data on the amount of hill cotton brought down and traded at the markets are not

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 249 adequate. Colonial records give a rough idea of the volume of trade. In 1808-9, Buchanan Hamilton stated that 7,000 maunds (37.325 kg) of cotton (mainly from Garo hills) was exported to Bengal from Assam, the value of which was estimated at Rs. 35,000.21 In 1809, 47,000 maunds of cotton were brought into Rangpur.22 In 1837 Montgomerry Martin estimated it to be 47,000 maunds of cotton brought annually to the Goalpara markets by the Garos.23 The Garo cotton sold for Rs. 5 a maund at Goalpara whereas at Habraghat one maund of salt was exchanged for three maunds of cotton and in Bijni one maund of salt whose value was Rs. 8 was exchanged for three maunds and fifteen seers of cotton. He consid­ ered the exchange was not reasonable and in consequence the quan­ tity being brought to the market had lessened.24 William Hunter noted the total outrun of cotton during 1874-5 was, roughly speak­ ing 35,000 maunds excluding those delivered at Mymensingh and some other small villages. The price of cotton which varied from year to year was Rs. 4 per maund in 1874-5.25 In 1762 the Nawab Mir Kasim complained to the Governor of Fort William that the whole trade in Assam, Rangamati and Karaibari had been mono­ polised by the Company’s people and thereby, his losses had amounted to Rs. 40,000 annually. The state of affairs that was prevalent under the Mughals, con­ tinued for some time under the Company which was hesitant in assuming direct administrative responsibilities in the initial years. The choudhuries were as before, allowed to retain the burkandazes for maintaining peace in the frontier. The Company only replaced the faujdar at Rangamati with a sezwal who annually entered into engagements with the zamindars for payment of the revenue. How­ ever, the task of the internal management of the estates continued to rest upon the respective choudhuries. The actual collections con­ tinued to be made by the choudhuries and their retainers. But changes were effected in the mode of payment of tribute. The revenue for the estates was to be paid in cotton to the sezwal. After 1787-8 the levy of miscellaneous dues was declared illegal in Mymensingh frontier and payment had to be made in cash by the zamindars who were also relived of policing the frontier. Sherpur and Susung were declared as permanently settled. The zamindars

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in Rangpur were exempted from its operation as they had to main­ tain barkandazes. The diffusion of British colonial authority in Bengal and the mercantile interest in cotton led the choudhuries or zamindars to expand and strengthen their jurisdiction so as to monopolize the whole trade through bulk purchase from the Garos and then dis­ posing of the collection to the traders in the frontier.26 Zamindars sought to usurp the undefined passes in the hills thereby expand­ ing their dominion as done from 1775 by the zamindars of Karaibari and Mechpara in Rangpur. One Garo chief of Damra bordering Habraghat had in his interaction with Buchanan alleged that the zamindars had deprived him not only of his estate in the lowlands but also of his private property, consisting of cattle and slaves.27 To prevent the Garos from going to trade at the hats in Mymensingh, Rengtha the leading Garo chief in the south was even reduced to submission by Mahendra Narayan Choudhury of Karaibari.28 The increased zamindari interference in Garo affairs and on their cotton trade during the latter part of the eighteenth century pro­ voked the Garo chiefs of the borderland and consequently they let the interior Garos to raid at Goalpara plains and foothill markets. The availability of food resources and other necessities made the markets targets of such raids. Such attacks also disrupted the flow of income for the zamindars while indicating Garo resistance against zamindari control and dominance in the region. The trade of the Garos with the choudhuries thus often involved conflicts of interest. The choudhuries sought to increase their profits by subjugating and binding the Garos to come and trade in their estates. This led to disputes with the Garos. The situation at the frontier deterio­ rated when in 1794 the Company declared Karaibari, Mechpara, Kalumalupara and Habraghat, estates in the Rangpur borders as istimrari mahals or lands paying rent in perpetuity.29 This led to a severe strain on the revenues of the choudhuries as their income was derived from the commodities traded in the hats and markets at the frontier and not on land. In consequence the choudhuries sub­ jected the Garos to additional duties on articles traded at the mar­ kets. Such a trend can be seen from the observation of Francis Buchanan Hamilton,

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 251 The most exorbitant, exactions have been made on every Garo, who comes to the Company’s territory to exchange his commodities; and the chiefs who possessed lands that were accessible, have been either driven entirely from them, as from the large space between the mountains on one side, and Kalumalupara and Mechpara on the other; or they have been rendered not only tributary but mere cyphers, as in Hawaraghat. It is even alleged, that by far the best villages and largest portion of that district are recent and violent usurpations from a Garo chief.30

On their part, the Garos retaliated by acts of plunder in the villages located at the frontier, making forcible demands of rice, livestock, etc., The ryots unable to meet with the demand often deserted their villages. Consequently the choudhuries suffered from reduced income and loss of revenue and thus fell into arrears as they could not pay the rent on time. On estates such as Karaibari and Kalu­ malupara they failed to pay and these came to be auctioned off by the Company.31 The British soon initiated a policy of direct contact with the Garo chiefs and usurpation of trade by dispensing with the insti­ tution of zamindars as buffer men. With the stated objectives given by the Company—of providing security to its subjects in the revenue yielding plains at the frontier from the Garo raids, the markets were brought under their supervision; all dues abolished therein and the institution of the choudhuries as defensive body at the frontier eliminated. Eventually, frontier markets were brought under government control, and Garos were permitted to trade therein only on entering into agreements to keep the peace.32 In 1816, the Company assumed administrative responsibility over the tracts within the zamindari estates cultivated by the Garos. The British policy was largely motivated by the Company’s com­ mercial interest to partake in the profitable trade in Garo cotton; as also the prospect of trade in timber and elephants, which were already being traded by the choudhuries. KHASI-JAINTIAS AND MUGHAL BENGAL

Relations with the Khasi-Jaintia were mostly through the plains of

Sylhet bordering on the south. Sylhet which formed one of the

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sarkars of the Bengal suba had a hundred mile of common frontier with the territories of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. The group of ranges designated by the Khasis as Nongstoin-Langrin, Maharram hills lying on the south-western part of the Khasi hills, was re­ ferred in the plains of Sylhet collectively as the Laur Hills and the adjacent plains of Sylhet too were designated as Laur Pargana. To the Mughals the Laur Pargana served as a bastion of defense of the plains against predatory incursions of the hill people Khasi to pro­ cure food crops and cattle. Under the Mughals a considerable force was kept at Sylhet for its defense and Mughal soldiers were as­ signed lands under the foothills for their military services.33 Rent free lands at the foot of the hills called tuncaws were also assigned to Khasi chiefs by W. Holland, Collector of Sylhet on condition of preventing Khasi raids. Among the chiefs mentioned were Oboo Singh of Mawsmai and Soubu Singh of Cherra of the Pandua area of the Khasi hills.34 The Khasis were eager for fertile lands in the plains for trade purpose and were also emboldened owing to the gradual decline of administration in the region. Migration to the Sylhet plains was also encouraged by Mughal authority for extending cultivation and nominal revenue was demanded from them. There were as many as one hundred and seventy villages established by the Khasis in Laur Pargana alone by the end of the eighteenth century.35 The Jaintia or Synteng Raja and some of the Khasi syiems like Sohra, Maharam and Nongstoin also possessed lands in the Sylhet plains. According to Robert Lindsay 36 the Resident and Collector of Sylhet (1776-87), the Khasi Hills provided valuable wood adapted to boat and ship building in Sylhet and iron of very superior quality. From it, were built the large boats for the Mughal fleet stationed at Dhaka37 and smaller boats known as barkis to transport lime­ stone from the limestone quarries located in the Khasi hills to depots in the plains.38 Iron manufacturing was an important in­ dustry, in fact the only one in the Khasi hills, during the eighteenth century. Its manufacture involved a very laborious process but it served as an important item of trade with the plains of Assam and Bengal. The Khasi iron had a ready market in Sylhet as it was the only source of the metal and it was the chief commodity of trade with Sylhet before the export of limestone in the last quarter of the

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 253 eighteenth century.39 Much of the iron produced in the hills was sent to the markets of Bholagang, Chattak, Jaintiapur, Molagul, and Pandua in Sylhet. In 1853, it was estimated that the Khasi Hills were annually exporting about twenty thousand maunds of iron in the shape of hoes to Assam valley and in lumps of pig iron to Surma Valley where it was used by boat builders for the manu­ facture of double hook-like nails for fastening the planks of the boat.40 This gives some idea of the volume of trade. The cost of carrying from the hills to the plains was 6 annas per maund and Khasi traders got an average profit of 2 annas per maund.41 At Pandua pig iron in lumps called ‘bira’ was sold at Rs. 1.5 annas per maund (1829). Another valuable item which was of great value and de­ mand in Bengal was limestone. The Khasi Hills adjoining the Sylhet frontier had vast deposits of limestone, then widely known as Chunam. It was observed by A.B. Lish42 that Khasi chiefs used to take up their residence in the villages near the frontier of Sylhet to take full advantage of trade with the plains. The chiefs sought concessions for opening of markets in the area, sometimes acknowledging po­ litical supremacy of the Bengal rulers. Such were the cases of the Raja of Jaintia and syiem of Khyrim, the largest and most powerful of the Khasi states.43 Khasi villages like Sohbar, Shella, Sohra, Bryung, Dwara Nongtyrnen, Angrin, Mawiong, Maharam Maysyn­ ram bordering the plains were probably established due to easy communication and proximity of trade with Sylhet plains.44 The importance attached by Khasis to a market was so great that the names of days in the Khasi week (which was of eight days) were known by the places where the principal markets were held.45 Within the hills, there was a wide network of markets held on every eighth day, however, in some areas it was held on every fourth day of the Khasi week. The biggest market was the iewduh held on the eighth day located within Mylliem Syiemship. These bigger markets were linked with the smaller markets in the hills; and these were linked with the border hill markets like Cherra, Shella and through them with the markets on the plains. The frontier villages sent the products of the plains such as salt and rice to the Khasis living in the upland. From the hills were brought muga silk, fruits specially oranges and iron. Bulk of the trade was by

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barter.46 The most important market in the Sylhet plains was Punatit which was connected with the Nongstoin-Langrin and the adja­ cent hill areas while Pandua, Sadar Bazaar, Sonamgunje, Bholagunje, Chattak were associated with Shella-Cherra according to their location.47 Shella, one of the smaller Khasi hima or state was lo­ cated on the very foothills. In fact the Khasis found in consider­ able numbers inhabiting the plains were referred to as Bengal Laurs or Bengalee Cossyyeas by the British officials and as Pynthor Khasis by the hill Khasis. This was a result of their settlement in the plains, frequent intercourse and intermarriage with the Bengalis.48 It is stated that the founders of the Syiem clan of Mawiong, a Khasi hima were Bengalis Mahommedan from Sylhet.49 The weekly foothill markets bordering the Khasi hills in Sylhet were controlled by the larger Khasi himas like Cherra, some of whose territory extended into Sylhet. Pandua in the Surma Valley, which lay close to the foothills of the Khasi hills, and 25 miles distant from Sylhet town, was an important marketing centre in the plains. Products of the Khasi hills especially of those belonging to the Khyriem hima were brought down here. Trade with Sylhet was much more regular, important and voluminous than that conducted with the Brahmaputra plains in Assam.50 According to Edward Gait the Synteng or Jaintias became masters of the plains of Jaintiapur in about 1500.51 The extension of wet rice cultivation in the Jaintia hills was due to their contact with the plains. The Jaintias in Jaintiapur were called Sutnga Samaj. The Raja of Jaintia issued some debased money called kattra taka (sword rupees) which was, however, in very limited circulation. However, on the Sylhet frontier, cowrie was used as a medium of exchange. The principal hats in the plains of Sylhet to which the Khasi and Syntengs resorted for trade were Punatit in the Laur Pargana, Pandua at the Khasi foot hills and Jaintiapur.52 The Khasi-Jaintia trade with the plains through the border hats was flourishing long before the coming of the Europeans. KHASI TRADE WITH THE MUGHALS

Mughal trade with the Khasi was primarily for the supply of lime­ stone through Sylhet. Sylhet also known as Gaur was conquered

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 255 during the sixteenth century by the Mughals. Trade in limestone was an important item under the Mughals and the monopoly of this trade was under the state.53 Khasi chiefs are said to have em­ ployed Bengali Doardars as their agent to deal with the Mughal authorities and traders. The limestone quarries which lay in the Khasi hills were leased out by Khasi chiefs. The Mughal authority took the lease of Laur hills (Nongstoin-Langrin) and worked them with labour from Bengal.54 While the Mughals held the monopoly of the limestone of the Laur Hills, private traders of Bengal also took lease of quarries in other parts of the Khasi hills and employed Bengali labour from the plains to work in the quarries. After 1765 the Company acquired the monopoly of limestone trade from the Nawab of Bengal and retained it until it was thrown open to all at a later stage. The Khasis were not involved in work­ ing in the limestone quarries to its manufacture as lime and in its trade. The Khasi chiefs received only an annual rent and occasional presents from the leaseholders. Owing to the importance of the lime trade, Sylhet which was under the administrative jurisdiction of Dhaka Collector was constituted into a separate Collectorship in 1772.55 William M. Thackeray the first collector of the District, entered into a contract with the Khasis and received assurance from them of the uninterrupted supply of the limestone by boat.56 The policy of the government at that time was to procure the lime­ stone directly from the Khasis on a regulated basis through the Company’s agents. In 1772 Thackeray reported that a hundred and twenty thousand maunds of lime were sent down annually from Sylhet to Calcutta. So lucrative was the trade that Lindsay noted that the only great staple and steady article of commerce is chunam or lime and Calcutta was supplied from there. In 1778, Lindsay reported that he found the trade in lime had hitherto been conducted by Armenians, Greeks and low Europeans but only to a small extent. Very soon a large number of private European traders—English, Greek, Dutch, Portuguese, French and Armenians, flocked to Sylhet to take advantage of the trade.57 Their unauthorised entry into the hills led to frequent incursion into Sylhet from the hill people defending their own territory and rights.58 With the arrival of European traders, the traditional markets at Pandua,

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Companygang, Sunamgang and Chattak all north west of the Surma River shot into prominence and the hill trade was also diverted to them.59 THE JAINTIA FRONTIER

Unlike the Khasi chiefs the Jaintia Raja possessed large tracts of lands in Sylhet (45 miles long and 15 miles in breadth, east to west from the Kachari Kingdom to the market town of Pandua). His kingdom bordered the Mughal territory towards the south and west. The Surma river which formed the channel of communica­ tion of Sylhet flowed partly through his and the Mughal territory. Jaintiapur the capital of the kingdom was barely fifteen miles from Sylhet, the Mughal faujdar’s headquarter. Jaintiapur served as an entrepot in which all commercial dealings between the plains and the hills people were carried out wherein a considerable trade in cotton, iron ore, wax, ivory, paan (betel leaves) and clothes took place.60 The hill products were bartered for salt, tobacco, rice and goats. Articles like wax, ivory and muga silk from Cachar were brought to Jaintiapur by the Jaintias who served as intermediaries for the Bengali traders.61 The Jaintia ruler is reported by Pemberton to have realised an amount of Rs. 5,000 per annum from the mono­ polies and transit duties. Advances used to be made by merchants of Sylhet for procuring ivory, wax and stick lac.62 During the de­ cline of the Mughal authority in Bengal the Jaintia Raja had ap­ propriated the territory on the south bank of the Surma also called seven reaches or Satbak, regarded as the richest possession of the Raja. 63 With the establishment of the Company’s power the Jaintia Raja was soon compelled to allow free and unimpeded navigation to the Company’s boats on the Surma River. The Company officials, many of whom were engaged in private trade, questioned the au­ thority of the Jaintia Raja over his collection of toll on boats plying on the upper reaches of the river Surma.64 It was alleged by Thackeray, the collector, that the Jaintia Raja Chatra Singh was obstructing the free passage of Company’s boats along the Surma River, extract­ ing toll from them and looting their contents. An expeditionary

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 257 force under Capt. Ellerker with three companies of sepoys and a few guns was sent from Sylhet against the Raja (24 March 1774). By a Treaty signed on 12 June 1774 the Raja had to pay Rs. 15,000 (in Arcot rupees) as cost of military expedition; and not to impose toll on the boats plying on the Surma River. No territory was annexed then. But the use of force indicated to the Khasi-Jaintia to be wary of the new authority. SEEDS OF CONFLICT

Even prior to the Company’s assumption of diwani of Bengal (1765) British traders had entered into commercial relations with the Khasi chiefs for mining the limestone quarries. Agents of the Company operated the Laur Hill mines. Foreign traders such as the Armenians, Greeks and low Europeans also acquired rights from the Khasi chiefs to work the lime quarries on the south east­ ern part of hills on the Sylhet frontier called the Pandua area.65 Robert Lindsay the third collector of Sylhet was soon drawn to the chunam trade. He secured an agreement from the chief of Cherra to work the quarries and during his tenure the limestone trade came to be taken over completely by him by eliminating all competi­ tion thereby making a huge fortune.66 For effective control of the limestone trade the Company’s ad­ ministration was extended to the foothills from Pandua to Laur, for the collection of revenue. The late eighteenth century witnessed a series of raids by the Khasis as their authority and control over the foothills was gradually overthrown by the successive collectors of Sylhet.67 Private trade in Sylhet was also considered in part re­ sponsible for the Khasi raids into the plains. The Company’s ad­ ministration was affecting the long established rights of the Khasi over the foothills specially the border hats which were so impor­ tant to them. The income derived from the goods bartered and collection of khrong was the major source of revenue of the Khasi chiefs or himas. The Khasi chiefs were also prevented from collect­ ing the harvest from the Bengali ryots who earlier cultivated their land, thereby losing not only their contact with the Bengali peas­ ants but more important losing a share of the valuable produce.68

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It has also been mooted that the raids of the Khasis in the last quarter of the eighteenth century were not for economic gains as is generally thought of but a desperate battle for the protection of their land.69 The first serious incursion of the Khasis occurred in I783 with the attack on Pandua thana by Khasi chiefs of Cherra, Mawsmai and Shella bordering Sylhet plains. The cause was the prohibition imposed by local authorities on the customary collection of market levy (the khrong) by the chiefs. The Khasi chiefs were accustomed to collect toll from markets such as Pandua at the foot of the Khasi hills and Sadar Bazaar.70 Casualties were suffered on both sides. In 1787 the Laur or Bengali Khasis also joined forces with the hill chiefs and plundered the pargana of Albram, Selbaras, Bangsikunda, Ramdiga and Balat killing hundreds of people. In 1788, one hun­ dred and thirty seven villages of ‘Bengalee Cosseahs’ in the plains alone were in open revolt.71 The principal leader was Ganga Singh, the Syiem of Shella who also held Barakeah pargana in Sylhet usurped by him from the Mughals before 1765. In June 1789, the Pandua post was attacked again. The chiefs of Mawsmai and of Cherra-Oboo Singh and Soubu Singh joined Ganga Singh. The Company marched into the Khasi hills and destroyed a village of Shella hima. Ganga Singh who surrendered was sentenced to life imprisonment, dying in captivity in Murshida­ bad.72 To compel the submission of the others, John Wiles the collector stopped the export of rice and salt to the hills. This had the effect of checking the disturbances by 1791. Shella Syiemship henceforth ceased to exist and in its place a Wahadadarship with four councillors came into existence. Ganga Singh’s estate in the plains—the Barakeah pargana was immediately confiscated and annexed to the district of Sylhet. Khasi mahals in the plains were resumed by the Company73 and no Khasi chiefs were henceforth permitted to hold land within the Company’s territory. In an attempt to understand the raids and disturbances, Wiles the new collector of Sylhet noted that the villages under the ‘Bengalee Cosseahs’ had been alarmed by the regular collection of revenue which was being enforced by the Company. Under the Mughals, the plain Khasis in the hereditary zamindari of Omaid

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 259 Raja paid only ‘small sums’ as revenue to their landlord. The in­ troduction of measurement of land called hustabud by the col­ lector for assessment of revenue was also resented both by the zamindar and his ‘Bengale Cosseah’ tenants.74 Wiles informed that formerly the hill chiefs used to occupy lands in the plains by ‘artful management’ of Bengali revenue collectors called Choudhuri or by agreements taken from them whom they had carried off to the hills. These Khasi chiefs were alarmed at the establishment of the Company administration in the tracts at the foot of their hills.75 The communication of Wiles with the government suggests that the Khasi chiefs, who had been expanding their territory in the plains since the decline of the Mughal government, saw further opportunities of seizing lands blocked by the extension of the British administration and resorted to force against the Company.76 Wiles was also of view that the rivalry among the European merchants in general for obtaining facilities for trade with the hill chiefs was also a cause of the disturbances. In a communication to the Board of Revenue he stated ‘The present competition at Laur, 60 miles from Pandua has but from improper connections with the Cosseahs greatly contributed to bring on the disturbances at Pandua.’ Wiles suggested that the trade between the Europeans and natives with the Khasis should be regulated by the government. To establish peace in the frontier as well as regulate trade in Sylhet, various measures were introduced. In 1789, Lord Cornwallis the Governor-General issued orders77 that hill Khasis were not to be permitted to hold land in the plains within the Company’s limits either as proprietors or farmers or under any tenure. The Khasis were permitted to come down for the purpose of trade provided they descended unarmed and peacefully. The Collector was asked to attach all land in their possession north of the Surma except the pargana (sub-division) of Barakeah of Ganga Singh. Sylhet was declared a frontier district and provided with a number of thanas on the frontier. Gunboats began to ply on the river Surma to keep its passage free for commercial activities. By the Regulation of 1790 all British subjects residing in or intending to go to the district including Europeans had to procure licenses from the Govern­ ment and a parwana (communications) from the Collector of Sylhet

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for trade purposes. A consequence of these regulations was the dislocation of the trade and native Bengal traders suffered and lost to the Europeans or Armenians. The native traders lost direct con­ tact with the hill people. On the other hand, the new regulations enabled a number of European traders such as Raitt Inglis (a Brit­ ish) who secured leases to work the lucrative lime quarries and the newly discovered deposits of coal. CONCLUSION

The above study indicates the prevalence of a vigorous system of trade interaction existing between the frontier tribes and Mughals in neighbouring Bengal and how it underwent a change with the rise of British power in Bengal. It serves to highlight the historical prevalence of plains-hills continuum in the region. The KhasiJaintia and Garo Hills are encircled on all sides by Bengal, Assam and Cachar plains. This location gives it a peculiar character in terms of its access to these adjoining plains, while this accessibility also led the neighbouring kingdoms to use the communication through the waterways and plains skirting the hills. It was only during the early nineteenth century that the British sought to establish a direct route over the Khasi Hills to link Guwahati in Assam with Sylhet. The ecology of the region shaped to a consid­ erable extent the pattern of political and economic interaction be­ tween the hills and the Bengal plains. The forest resources of the hills such as valuable timber and elephants could be procured with­ out extension of administrative control over it. In a way Mughal authority and administration extended up till the region where the plains ended and the hills began. This enabled various groups in Bengal and the hill tribes to engage in a mutually advantageous trade relation. For the hill tribes’ trade with the plains through the network of foothill markets that developed due to it, was a necessity. The hill tribes were dependent on the plains for procuring items scarce in the hills. The local produce which had a market in the plains were thus exchanged or bartered for items needed in the hills. The frontier hats were indispensable to the tribes for their sustenance.

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 261 Trade, therefore, linked different areas of the region with one an­ other for accessing different resources and specialised goods. The Mughals under the Nawab of Bengal did not attempt to extend their political dominance into the hill areas. So long as they de­ rived revenue by way of tributes, in kind or cash, or monopoly given, the intermediaries such as the choudhuries as in the case of the Garos were left in virtual independence in their dealings with the tribe. A pattern of trade had developed based on the mutuality of needs and interests between the hills and plains. The loose nature of Mughal control and unregulated trade made it possible for the Garo and Khasi-Jaintia to carry on trade suited to their needs and interests. Due to trade contacts, a gradual process of movement to the plains and settlement by the hill tribes and intermixing had also been taking place. In fact, the lists of the Khyrim and Cherra clans of the Khasi bear in large number the name of dhkar (inhabitants of the plains) or the abbreviation khar indicating that the ances­ tress of these clans was plains women.78 The Jaintia state of the hill Syntengs with its capital at Jaintiapur in Sylhet was another such example. The Khasi-Jaintias were reputed to be great traders. For the Khasi, the network of markets within the hills and trade with the plains were important for the sustenance and functioning of the Khasi himas. In the Khasi hills there was no land revenue. The main source of income for the Khasi chiefs were derived from the toll (khrong) collected from the internal markets located in their himas and from trade with the plains below. It has been argued that the rise of Khasi Syiemships was closely linked with the devel­ opment of trade and the need for coordination of trade activi­ ties.79 The larger scale of megalithic activity witnessed in the KhasiJaintia hills were associated with establishment of markets located at important centres such as Nongkseh Laitlyngkot, Nongkrem, Mylliem, Cherra, Sutnga, Raliang, Shangpung, Nartiang, Jowai, etc., which was linked with the surplus generated from trade with Bengal.80 The widespread Khasi belief in the prevalence and prac­ tice of U Thlen (snake) worship by certain Khasi clans and families which had to be appeased by human blood for securing wealth and property, has been seen as indications of the growing inequality

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in society due to wealth generated from trade. Persons accused of harbouring U Thlen were often traders. The nature of the relations, however, changed when the Mughal power was supplanted by that of the Company. The British as­ sumption of the Diwani of Bengal in 1765 led to two consequences which influenced the developments in the frontier areas adjacent to Bengal subsequently. First, tributary estates on the Garo fron­ tier and outposts in the Khasi-Jaintia frontier such as Bholagung and Theriaghat came under the control of the Company. Second, even prior to 1765 the Company had been interested in the pro­ motion of trade and commerce with Assam and the adjacent hills. The East India Company was thus sufficiently concerned to ad­ vance its commerce and by extension of political control whenever necessitated. Consequently this brought the frontier region within their ambit immediately following which was a change in the ear­ lier practice and management of the trade at the frontier of Bengal with the hill tribes. Henceforth the trade came to be controlled and regulated by the Company. The change in policy led to the dissolution of the pre-colonial trade relations in eastern Bengal thereby ushering in change in the structure and system of man­ agement of the frontier trade.

NOTES 1. Tejimala Gurung (ed.), The Falling Polities: Crisis and Decline of States in Northeast India in the Eighteenth Century, New Delhi: D.V.S, Publishers, 2018. 2. Edward Gait, A History of Assam (1st edn. 1905), L.B.S. Publications, rpt., 2004 ; Mirza Nathan, Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, vols. I & II, tr. M.I. Bora, Directorate of Historical and Antiquarian Studies (1st edn. 1932), Guwahati: 1992; Shehabuddin Talesh, Tarikh-e-Aasham, tr. Mazhar Asif, Guwahati: D.H.A.S, 2009, S.N. Bhattacharya, A History of Mughal North-East Frontier Policy (1st edn. 1929), Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, rpt., 1998. 3. For select colonial ethnography and reports of the tribes refer P.R.T. Gurdon, The Khasis, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, rpt. 2010 (1st pub. 1906); Major A. Playfair, The Garos, Guwahati: United Publishers, 1975; William Carey, The Garo Jungle Book, Philadelphia: Judson Press, 1919;

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 263 Francis Buchanan Hamilton, An Account of Assam, Guwahati: Directorate of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 1987; R.B. Pemberton, The Eastern Frontier of India (1st pub., 1835), New Delhi: Mittal Publications, reproduced, 2015; William Robinson, A Descriptive Account of Assam, (Calcutta, 1841) Delhi: Sanskaran Prakashak; W. J. Allen, Report on the Administration of the Cossyah and Jynteah Hills Territory (Calcutta, 1858), rpt. 1903, Shillong; Alexander Mackenzie, The North East Frontier of India, New Delhi: Mittal Publications (reproduced 2001); W.W. Hunter, A Statistical Account of Assam, London: Trubner and Co., vol. II, 1879. 4. Mignonette Momin, ‘History, Ethnography, Archaeology’, in Mignonette Momin (ed.), Readings in History and Culture of the Garos, New Delhi: Regency Publications, 2003, p. 47; Cecile A. Mawlong, ‘Megaliths and Social Formation in Khasi-Jaintia Hills’, in Mignonette Momin and Cecile A. Mawlong (eds.), Society and Economy in North-East India, New Delhi: Regency Publications, vol. II, 2004, p. 43; Sangamitra Misra, ‘The Sovereignty of Political Economy: The Garos in a Pre-conquest and Early Conquest Era’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, 55, 3(2018), pp. 345-87. 5. In the case of Garos refer to Mirza Nathan, Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, vols. I & II, tr. M.I. Bora, Directorate of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, (1st edn. 1932) Guwahati, 1992; Shehabuddin Talesh, Tarikh-e-Aasham, tr. Mazhar Asif, Guwahati: D.H.A.S., 2009. 6. Francis Buchanan Hamilton had noted that most of the tributary Rajas on the south bank of the Brahmaputra River in Lower Assam were of Garo origin. Refer Francis Buchanan Hamilton, An Account of Assam, Guwahati: Directorate of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 1987, p. 89. 7. Francis Buchanan Hamilton, An Account of Assam, Guwahati: Directorate of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 1987, pp. 61, 99; William Robinson, A Descriptive Account of Assam (Calcutta, 1841), Delhi: Sanskaran Prakashak, p. 415; Alexander Mackenzie, The North-East Frontier of Bengal, New Delhi: . Mittal Publications (reproduced 2001), p. 246. 8. Government of Eastern Bengal & Assam, Revenue Department. RevenueA. June 1906. nos. 1-12, p. 5, cited in Angira Kar, ‘Disruption, Change and Continuity: The Garo Trade at the Frontier of Bengal During 18th Century’, in Tejimala Gurung (ed.), The Falling Polities: Crisis and Decline of States in Northeast India in the Eighteenth Century, New Delhi: D.V.S, Publishers, p. 240. 9. J.B. Bhattacharjee, The Garos and the English, New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1978, p. 20.

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10. Mignonette Momin, ‘An Introduction to Garo Peasantry’, in David R. Syiemlieh & Manorama Sharma (eds.), Society and Economy in NorthEast India, New Delhi: Regency Publications, vol. 3, p. 40. 11. Francis Buchanan Hamilton, An Account of Assam, Guwahati: Directorate of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 1987, p. 91. 12. W.W. Hunter, A Statistical Account of Assam, London: Trubner and Co, vol. II, 1879, p. 153. 13. J.B. Bhattacharjee, The Garos and the English, New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1978, p. 21. 14. Alexander Mackenzie, The North East Frontier of India, New Delhi: Mittal (reproduced 2001), p. 245. 15. J.B. Bhattacharjee, The Garos and the English, New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1978, p. 19. 16. Alexander Mackenzie, The North East Frontier of India, New Delhi: Mittal Publications (reproduced 2001), p. 246. 17. Mignonette Momin, ‘An Introduction to Garo Peasantry’, in David R. Syiemlieh & Manorama Sharma (eds.), Society and Economy in North-East India, New Delhi: Regency Publications, vol. 3, 2008, p. 38. 18. Francis Buchanan Hamilton, An Account of Assam, Gauhati: Directorate of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 1987, p. 31. 19. Angira Kar, ‘Disruption, Change and Continuity: The Garo Trade at the Frontier of Bengal During 18th Century’, in Tejimala Gurung (ed.), The Falling Polities: Crisis and Decline of States in Northeast India in the Eighteenth Century, New Delhi: D.V.S, Publishers, p. 247. 20. J.B. Bhattacharjee, The Garos and the English, New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1978, p. 212. 21. Francis Buchanan Hamilton, An Account of Assam, Guwahati: Directorate of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 1987, p. 48. 22. Walter Hamilton, Geographical, Statistical and Historical Descriptions of Hindostan, Calcutta, vol. 1, 1820, p. 189. 23. R. M. Martin, The History, Antiquities, Topography and Statistics of Eastern India, London, vol. III, 1837, p. 686. 24. Ibid. 25. W.W. Hunter, A Statistical Account of Assam, London: Trubner and Co., vol. II, 1879, p. 153. 26. J.B. Bhattacharjee, The Garos and the English, New Delhi: Radiant Pub­ lishers 1978, p. 29. 27. Francis Buchanan Hamilton, An Account of Assam, Guwahati: Directorate . of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 1987, p. 90 28. Alexander Mackenzie, The North East Frontier of India, New Delhi: Mittal Publications (reproduced 2001), pp. 246-8.

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 265 29. B.J.C. (Criminal), 25 April 1815, no. 17, cited in J.B. Bhattacharjee, The Garos and the English, New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1978, p. 39. 30. Francis Buchanan Hamilton, An Account of Assam, Guwahati: Directorate . of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 1987, p. 90. 31. J.B. Bhattacharjee, The Garos and the English, New Delhi: Radiant Pub­ lishers, 1978, pp. 40-3. 32. Alexander Mackenzie, The North East Frontier of India, New Delhi: Mittal Publications (reproduced 2001), pp. 248-9. 33. Robert Lindsay, Anecdotes of An Indian Life, Shillong: NEHU, vol. IV, 1984, p. 21. 34. W.A. Firminger (ed.), The Sylhet District Records, vol. III: Willes to Shore, 3 February 1789, no. 123, cited in P.N. Dutta, Impact of the West: A Survey of Political, Economic and Social Changes, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 35. 35. W.A. Firminger (ed.), Sylhet District Records, vol. III, cited in P.N. Dutta, ‘Relations of the Khasis and Jaintias with their Southern Neighbours till the British Intervention’, Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p. 74. 36. Robert Lindsay, Anecdotes of An Indian Life, Shillong, NEHU, vol. IV, 1984, p. 38. 37. Walter Hamilton, The East India Gazeteer, vol. II (rpt.), Delhi, 1984, p. 553. 38. B.C. Allen, Assam District Gazetteers, Calcutta, vol. II, Sylhet, vol. II, 1905, p. 155. 39. D.R. Syiemlieh, ‘Khasi Iron Culture and Iron Trade with Sylhet in the late Eighteenth Century and Early Nineteenth Centuries’, Proceedings of NEIHA, Eight Session, Kohima, 1987, p. 244. 40. A.J.M. Mills, Report on the Khasi and Jaintia Hills 1853, Shillong: NEHU Publications, p. 39; P.R.T. Gurdon, The Khasis, New Delhi: Akansha Pub­ lishing House, rpt. 2010, 1st pub. 1906, p. 58. 41. W.J. Allen, Report on the Administration of the Cossyah and Jynteah Hills Territory (Calcutta, 1858), rpt. 1903, Shillong, p. 48, cited in D.R. Syiemlieh, ‘Khasi Iron Culture and Iron Trade with Sylhet in the late Eigh­ teenth Century and Early Nineteenth Centuries’, Proceedings of NEIHA, Eight Session, Kohima, 1987, p. 246. 42. A.B. Lish, Calcutta Christian Observer, vol. III, 1838, pp. 133-4, cited in P. N. Datta, Impact of the West: A Survey of Political, Economic and Social Changes, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 14. 43. S.K. Bhuyan, Jayantia Buranji, Gauhati: D.H.A.S, p. 150; R.B. Pemberton, The Eastern Frontier of India, 1st pub. 1835, New Delhi: Mittal Publica­ tions (reproduced, 2015), p. 237.

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44. P.N. Dutta, ‘Relations of the Khasis and Jaintias with their Southern Neighbours till the British intervention’ Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p. 76. 45. P.R.T. Gurdon, The Khasis, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 1st pub. 1906, rpt., 2010, pp. 189-90. 46. Robert Lindsay, Anecdotes of An Indian Life, Shillong: NEHU, vol. IV, 1984, pp. 37-8. 47. P.N. Dutta, ‘Relations of the Khasis and Jaintias with their Southern Neighbours till the British Intervention’ Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, pp. 76-7. 48. P.N. Dutta, Impact of the West on the Khasi and Jaintias: A Survey of Political, Economic and Social Changes, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 4. 49. D. Herbert, ‘Succession to Syiemship in the Khasi States’, p. 32 cited in P.N. Dutta, ‘Relations of the Khasis and Jaintias with their Southern Neighbours till the British Intervention’, Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p. 79. 50. Dianghunmon Rynjah, ‘Turbulence in the Hills: Impact of Eighteenth Century Crisis in the Khasi Hills’, in Tejimala Gurung (ed.), The Falling Polities: Crisis and Decline of States in Northeast India in the Eighteenth Century, New Delhi: D.V.S. Publishers, 2018, p. 304. 51. First Edition 1905, L.B.S. Publications, Guwahati, rpt. 2004, p. 249. 52. P.N. Dutta, Impact of the West on the Khasis and Jaintias, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 14. 53. Bengal Revenue Consultation, no. 42, dated 24 September 1790 cited in B. Datta Ray, ‘Khasi Hills and Brahmo Samaj Movement’, in Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p. 134. 54. P.N. Dutta, ‘Relations of the Khasis and Jaintias with their Southern Neighbours till the British Intervention’, in Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, pp. 77. 55. Letter from the Committee of Circuit, Dacca (4 November 1772) in Proceedings of the Board of Revenue, vol. 1, pt. 1, 1772 cited in B. Datta Ray, Khasi Hills and Brahmo Samaj Movement, NEIHA, op. cit., p. 134. 56. Letter from W.M. Thackeray dated 20 November 1772 to the President and Council of Revenue, Fort William cited in B. Datta Ray Khasi Hills and Brahmo Samaj Movement Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p.134. 57. P.N. Dutta, ‘Relations of the Khasis and Jaintias with their Southern Neighbours till the British Intervention’, in Proceedings of NEIHA, Proceed­ ings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p. 85.

Frontier Tribes and the Mughals in the Eighteenth Century 267 58. Letter to Richard Barwell, Acting Chief of the Council of Revenue at Moorshidabad from Samuel Middleton, Dacca, dated 18 May 1771, Con­ trolling Committee of Revenue Papers, vol. 1 cited in B. Datta Ray, ‘Khasi Hills and Brahmo Samaj Movement’, Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p. 134. 59. P.N. Dutta, ‘Relations of the Khasis and Jaintias with their Southern Neighbours till the British Intervention’ Proceedings of NEIHA, Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p. 85. 60. R.B. Pemberton, The Eastern Frontier of India (1st pub. 1835), New Delhi: Mittal Publications, reproduced 2015, p. 215; S.C. Dutt, The Northeast and the Mughals (1661-714), New Delhi: D.K. Publications, 1984, p. 221. 61. Consultations no. 28-30, Civil (Judicial) Proceedings of the Governor General in Council, 17 April 1797, cited in B. Datta Ray ‘Khasi Hills and Brahmo Samaj’ op. cit., p.135; P. N. Dutta, Impact of the West on the Khasis and Jaintias, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 223. 62. R.B. Pemberton, The Eastern Frontier of India (1st pub. 1835), New Delhi: Mittal Publications, reproduced 2015, pp. 215-16. 63. P. N. Dutta, Impact of the West on the Khasis and Jaintias, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 17. 64. D.R. Syiemlieh, ‘Control of the Foothills: Khasi-Jaintia Trade and Markets in the Late Eighteenth Century’, in F. A. Qadri (ed.), Society and Economy in North-East India, New Delhi: Regency Publications, vol. II, p. 331. 65. Robert Lindsay, Anecdotes of An Indian Life, Shillong: NEHU, vol. IV, 1984, p. 41. 66. Ibid., pp. 44, 47. 67. Consultation nos. 13-14, dated 27 October, Revenue Department Proceedings, cited in B. Datta Ray, ‘Khasi Hills and Brahmo Samaj’, in Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p. 135. 68. Dianghunmon Rynjah, ‘Turbulence in the Hills: Impact of Eighteenth Century Crisis in the Khasi Hills’, in Tejimala Gurung (ed.), The Falling Polities: Crisis and Decline of States in Northeast India in the Eighteenth Century New Delhi: D.V.S. Publishers, p. 322. 69. B. Datta Ray, ‘Khasi Hills and Brahmo Samaj’, Proceedings of NEIHA, First Session, Shillong, 1980, p. 135. 70. W.K.A. Firminger, Sylhet District Records , vol. III, Willes to Cornwallis, 15 September 1789, no. 172 cited in P.N. Dutta, Impact of the West, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 36. 71. P.N. Dutta, Impact of the West on the Khasis and Jaintias, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 37.

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72. Consultation no. 12, dated 10 August 1792, Judicial Revenue, Proceedings of the Governor General, vol. 17, pt. 1, no. 9, dated 28 September 1792. 73. B.R.C, 25 May 1792, no. 8 cited in P.N. Dutta, Impact of the West on the Khasis and Jaintias, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 42. 74. W.K.A. Firminger (ed.), Sylhet District Records , vol. III. no. 111, cited in Dianghunmon Rynjah, ‘Turbulence in the Hills: Impact of Eighteenth Century Crisis in the Khasi Hills’, in Tejimala Gurung (ed.), The Falling Polities: Crisis and Decline of States in Northeast India in the Eighteenth Century, New Delhi: D.V.S, Publishers, p. 315. 75. P. N. Dutta, Impact of the West on the Khasis and Jaintias, New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1982, p. 39. 76. Ibid., p. 40. 77. Ibid. 78. P.R.T. Gurdon, The Khasis, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, rpt. 2010 (1st pub. 1906), p. 66. 79. Cecile A. Mawlong, ‘Megaliths and Social Formation in Khasi-Jaintia Hills’, in Mignonette Momin & Cecile A. Mawlong (eds.), Society and Economy in North-East India, New Delhi: Regency Publications, 2004, vol. 1, p. 44. 80. Ibid., p. 5.

C H A P T E R 11

The Mughals and the Khasi and Jaintia

States of North-Eastern India:

Interactions and Impacts

LASOBORKI PYRNGAP

The Mughal state had centralised power and its effect on the Indian society was considerable. It promoted trade and commerce ex­ tensively and hence, it always established trade relationships with its neighbours. Several important institutions and customs set up from the time of Akbar onwards, had deep roots within the state. It was constricted by an administrative apparatus largely of its own creation.1 As a result of its interaction with a large number of states and tribal polities in India, which were out of its formal boundary, they were organically linked to its structures and institutions. The Mughal state had a tremendous socio-cultural and politico-eco­ nomic impact on these states and tribal polities which lasts till this day. The Mughals expansion in Bengal and the establishment of their power have no doubt brought them into exposure and contact directly and indirectly with the neighbouring states of Bengal in the north eastern region of India. The Khasi and Jaintia states were amongst the states of the region that came into contact with the Mughal state, and by virtue of their location, they were destined to face intervention from the latter. This intervention was mainly political, economic and cultural, although, the Khasi and Jaintia states were never part of the Mughal state. Hence, the advent of the Mughals in Sylhet and Bengal had a tremendous impact on the neighbouring states of the Khasi and Jaintia economy, polity

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and even to some extent, their culture. The brief, but effective advent of the Mughals had planted certain political and revenue institutions of the Mughals in the Khasi and Jaintia states. It also generated trade and commerce which linked the Khasi and Jaintia states with the rest of India during the period. There are many scholars who have written on the Mughal relations with the different monarchies of the north eastern region. However, most of these scholars have limited their studies to the political relations of the Mughals with the Ahom, Khasi, Jaintia, Cooch Behar, Cachar and Tripura states and some of them have been focussing on the state formation of the Jaintia and the relation­ ship of the Khasi and Jaintia people with the people of Bengal. Sir Edward Gait in his A History of Assam,2 briefly discussed the history of the Mughal political relations with the Ahom. S.N. Bhattacharya’s work, A History of Mughal North-East Frontier Policy,3 confined itself to the political relations of the Mughals with the Ahom and Cooch Behar. S.M. Ali’s, The History of Jaintia4 deals with the origin of the Jaintia ruling family, the process of state formation in Jaintia and in brief about the indirect political contact that the Jaintia state had experienced with the Mughal. P.N. Dutta’s article, ‘Relations of the Khasis and Jaintias with their Southern Neigh­ bours till the British Intervention’5 brings out the broad feature of the commercial relationship among the Khasi and Jaintia people and the people of the Sylhet and Bengal plains. The effects of interaction among the people of these communities have been discussed in this article. S.C. Dutta in his book, The North-east and the Mughals,6 discusses the Mughal’s relations with the north eastern region as a whole. He has attempted to look into the con­ cerned measures of the north-eastern monarchies and chieftainships to resist the Mughals expansionism in the region to what he described as the ‘North-Eastern Challenge’. B. Pakem’s article, ‘State Formation in Pre-Colonial Jaintia’7 provides information on the socio-political system that prevailed in the Jaintia state in the pre­ colonial period. The various stages in the formation of the old Jaintia state and the basis of its state formation has been studied in this article. Besides these works, there are a number of other works that

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have paid attention mainly to the political affairs of the Mughals with the Ahom, Cooch Behar and the other states of the region. No attempt has been made to study the Mughal relationship with the Khasi and Jaintia states in particular, and the impact that the former had on these states. Also, the commercial activities that the Khasi and Jaintia states had with the Mughals have not received adequate attention and in most cases, even if mentioned, have only been passing references. Hence, it is from the above discussion that this article attempts to study and fill up the gap area about the nature of the Mughal relationship with the Khasi and Jaintia states and its impact upon these states. This article is based on archival and library research and field studies. It comprises of three parts. The first part discusses the topography of the Khasi and Jaintia states in their southern borders with the plains of Sylhet and their earliest contact with the Mughal state. The second part looks into the trade contact that the Khasi and Jaintia states had with the Mughals in the plains of Sylhet and Bengal. The third part identifies the impact that the Khasi and Jaintia states received as an outcome of these contacts with the Mughals. I The Khasi and Jaintia states are located on high altitudes. Their mountains extend to the south where they stand like a wall facing the plains of Sylhet. Beyond the Khasi and Jaintia states to their south is Sylhet. Their steep ridges, slopes or tillas and forests run right up to the river Surma and the plains of Sylhet. The stretch of plains from the foothills to the River Surma ranges on an average from thirty to only ten miles in breadth. The plains of these states, though extremely fertile have many marshy lands and are suscepti­ ble to flood during the rainy season. The hill borders of these states and their high mountains were barriers of contact between the hills and the plains. But there are occasional breaks and openings in the slopes of those hills and mountains and these are called duars or passes. These passes and the rivers are the outlets from the hills to the plains and they provided an easy access that facilitated the exchange of goods and

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ideas for a long period of time between the Khasi and Jaintia people and the people of the plains of Sylhet and Bengal. Rivers which flow from the hills to the river Surma of the Sylhet plains are not navigable in the hills except at some areas, however, they are navigable near the plains. Small boats were used for transporting articles of trade from the hills to the plains through these rivers. While the geography and the nature of the terrain favoured move­ ments from north to south, however, movements from south to north, i.e. from the plains of Sylhet to the hills was extremely difficult in the past because of the high mountains ranges. Besides, being inaccessible, any invasions in the past were easily halted by the people of the hills. Hence, it was virtually a one-way traffic in the region.8 The people of Sylhet and Bengal had intimate contact with the Khasi and Jaintia states even before the Mughal period. The KhasiJaintia people not only had a long time relationship in trade with the people of Sylhet and Bengal but they also inhabited the plains of Sylhet. They actually migrated in considerable numbers to the plains of Sylhet, north of the river Surma, and as a result, the people of Sylhet and Bengal had acquaintances with them since ancient times. There are places such as Khasimara and some of the rivers of that tract which bear Khasi names. The name Jaintia itself was adopted from the plains and because of their migration and settlement in the plains of Sylhet, the Khasi and Jaintia people came in contact with the Mughals as well. Sylhet was conquered by a small band of Muslims during the reign of Shamsud Deen (c.1384 AD). It was divided into three divisions during the period and these were: ‘Gor’ (Sylhet), Laur, and Jaintia. Out of these three divisions, only Sylhet was conquered by the Mohammedans and the other two remained independent. After the death of Shah Jalal, a fakir, leader of the invader party, Sylhet was included in the kingdom of Bengal and was looked after by a nawab. During the Mughal period, Sylhet passed into the possession of the Mughal emperors and it was placed under the amil (locally known as a nawab), a subordinate of the nawab of Dhaka.9 S.M. Ali has pointed out, according to Ain-i-Akbari, Sylhet was divided into eight mahals during the Emperor Akbar’s

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times. Jaintia was one of the mahals with a rent roll of 27,200 dam or 680 rupees. However, as no part of the Jaintia state actually came under the Mughal dominion, the mahal referred to is identified as Dakshinkach which had a rent roll of 1311 rupees under permanent settlement. Dakshinkach traditionally belonged to Jaintia, though the boundary of the Jaintia state never extended beyond Ghatchauki which is about ten miles from Sylhet.10 The Laur state also ceased to remain independent in the Mughal period. It was during the reign of Akbar (1556-1602) that the Mughal state had established its supremacy over the kingdom of Laur north west of the river Surma where the Khasi settlements were located. The last Hindu Raja of Laur, named Govinda Chandra was summoned to Delhi by the Mughals where he was converted to Islam and this took place during the reign of Aurangzeb. Subse­ quently, the Raja of Laur was restored to the throne of the kingdom of Laur, and on condition of defending the frontier from external aggressions. Later, his grandson, Abid Reza abandoned Laur and built the city of Baniachung in the first half of the eighteenth century.11 It is said that the Mughal ascendancy in Laur had en­ couraged a large emigration of the Khasi people as well as Bengalis to the tract. The Mughals attempted to bring the jungle clad lands of Laur under cultivation, hence, they asked the Khasi people to clear the jungles and cultivate the land. The Mughals in return demanded only a nominal sum as revenue from the Khasi people. Consequently, as many as one hundred and thirty seven villages were established by the Khasi people or by the so called ‘Bengalee Cosseah’ in Laur pargana alone by the end of the eighteenth century. However, the Khasi states never came under the Mughal political authority. Hence, they remained independent during the period.12 The Mughals allowed the Khasi chiefs to hold rent free military fiefs on the Laur tracts on condition that they would protect these tracts from raids by their own hill people. According to P.N. Dutta, this Mughal policy must have encouraged the Khasi people further to emigrate to the Laur plains. Nevertheless, the Mughals cautiously realised that the grants of land to the Khasi chiefs alone might not be good to the integrity of the state. Hence, in order to counteract this effect, they brought a large number of Bengali cultivating

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classes to settle in these tracts. The Mughals followed the policy of inducting the Khasi chiefs in the plains in which they did not cultivate the land but got them tilled by the Bengal peasants. This Mughal policy aimed at checking any Khasi influence in the plains and hence, the Bengalis became the wardens of the Mughals in Laur. On the other hand, it is said that both the Khasi and Bengali cultivators worked hand in hand and brought a large extent of land under cultivation and prosperity to these tracts. There were some poor Khasi chiefs from the hills who often raided the plains, as it is evident from the traces of the conflicts between the Khasi raiders and the Mughal forces which are still borne by such place as ‘Khasi-Mara’ a place where many Khasi raiders were killed by the Mughal forces during the latter raiding operations in Sylhet plains. According to P.N. Dutta, the Khasi chiefs were unhappy for not being able to obtain a patch of land in Sylhet plains with the Mughal presence there and were also furious when the Raja of Laur/Nongstoin converted to Islam hence, they resorted to raids in the Sylhet plains as an act of vengence towards the Mughals.13 In such a situation, the Khasi and Bengali cultivating classes got affected when the hill chiefs fought against the Mughals over ascendancy in the plains of Laur. It is noteworthy that the Khasi chiefs could not annex Laur plains because of the Mughal intervention, however, their Jaintia counter-part had annexed Jaintiapur and its plains in Sylhet before the coming of the Mughals to the Sylhet region. P.N. Dutta mentions that, according to a tradition, in the ancient period, the Malngiangs, a Khasi clan pioneered settlement in the Jaintiapur tract.14 According to Homiwell Lyngdoh, they had established settlements at Kuwain (Sylhet) and Mulagul in the Jaintia plains.15 The Jaintia people followed them and gradually, Jaintiapur was encircled by the Khasi and Jaintia clans. The migration of the Jaintia people and their chiefs to the adjacent plains of Sylhet in the past is described in innumerable stories and legends. Scholars such as Homiwell Lyngdoh, Hamlet Bareh, B. Pakem, J.B. Bhattacharjee16 among others, have already explored the history of the origin and migration of the Jaintia chiefs to the plains of Sylhet.

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In the pre-colonial period, the Jaintia state that comprised of both the hills and the plains, was formed into one single state (syiemship). The Jaintia chiefs were known as Rajas in the plains and syiems in the hills. They had occupied and extended their state to the Sylhet plains through conquest.17 With the annexation of the plains in north eastern Sylhet, the Jaintia Rajas shifted their capital from the hills to Jaintiapur in the plains.18 Though scholars agree on the conquest and role of the conquest in the expansion of the state in the plains, they differ about the time of the same. According to B. Pakem, the conquest of Sylhet plains occurred in the thirteenth century CE, and the plains fell entirely under the control and supervision of the Jaintia Rajas.19 P.N. Dutta has pointed out that, J.P. Wade mentioned the Jaintia southward expansion took place after the Muslims conquered Sylhet in 1303 CE, and it eventually ended with the annexation of Jaintiapur itself.20 Further, Edward Gait was of the opinion, that the Jaintia became the masters of the Jaintia parganas in the Sylhet plains roughly around 1500 CE. 21 It is not only that the scholars differ about the timing of the expansion, but the oral traditions also vary. The Jaintia southward expansion has been interpreted in many traditions, one of the them says that the Sutnga Rajas, for some reasons, wanted to shift their headquarters from Sutnga. The soil in Sutnga was found unsuitable for paddy cultivation owing to its rugged conditions. Therefore, one of the Rajas made up his mind to shift the capital elsewhere. Another tradition interpreted that a man named U Sing Kason came from Jaintiapur to Sutnga and tempted the Jaintia Raja to invade and annex Jaintiapur. Hence, the Raja took his counsel and marched with his followers to Jaintiapur. The Raja then first came to Borkhat and halted for a night. From Borkhat, the Raja could see the vast plains of Jaintiapur below and he was very much attracted by the fertile tract at Jaintiapur.22 Subsequently, after the annexation of Jaintiapur to the Sutnga state (Sutnga Syiemship), the Jaintia Rajas adopted Hindu names as they had already been brought under the influenced of the Hindu Brahmans. The Jaintia ruler assumed the title Raja and his kinsmen too embraced Hinduism. The Raja became a powerful

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advocate of his new faith and a protector against the Muslims influence in northern Sylhet and the hill areas. In the Jaintia plains, the bulk of the population were Bengali, Hindus and later, a large portion of Muslim population, the Turko-Afghans, followed by the Mughals who afterwards became the rulers of Bengal and Sylhet.23 It may be mentioned here that acceptance of Hinduism by the Jaintia Rajas, had mainly to do with the political conditions in the plains. In order to have complete control over their subjects of the plains, where the majority were Hindus, the Jaintia Rajas adopted Hinduism perhaps as their politico-economic tools. The Jaintia Rajas had personal authority and absolute command over their subjects in the plains. Later, in order to manifest their authority over their subjects in the plains, maximum taxes and revenue of the Jaintia state were imposed.24 In the hills, the Jaintia Raja de­ monstrated his presence and authority by receiving one he got from each village and sufficient labour to work in his own fields. This revenue system continued in Jaintia and remained unchanged until 1860 CE, when a house tax was imposed by the British in the hills which were resisted by the people.25 The first contact between the Mughals and the Jaintia took placed in 1662, when the two envoys of the Jaintia Raja sent to the Ahom king were captured by the Mughals. On hearing this, the Ahom king wrote to Jaintia Raja expressing regret at the capture of the envoys. Therefore, as a token of sympathy, he sent four pieces of silk cloth, eight musk pods, one gathion (a kind of fragrant root) and twenty knives to the Jaintia Raja.26 The Ahom king also re­ quested Manik Singh, the chief of Nartiang to safeguard the envoys to Jaintia. In retaliation against the Mughals conduct, the Jaintia Raja, Jasomanta Rai (who ruled Jaintia between 1648 and 1669) raided the Sylhet town which was then under the Mughal state. However, on hearing of Shaista Khan’s arrival in Sylhet, the raja of Jaintia immediately withdrew and sent a letter of submission and the best elephant in his possession to the Mughals, through the faujdar of Sylhet. The second encounter between the Jaintia and the Mughals was in November 1682, when the raja of Jaintia, Laxmi Sinha also known as Laxmi Narain, raided the Sylhet town and burnt its vicinity. Shaista Khan then sent his son Iradat Khan to punish the Raja of Jaintia.27

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Third, Jaintia came into contact with the Mughals during the reign of Jai Narain between 1708 and 1731. Jai Narain established friendship and commercial relationship with the Mughals as well as the Ahom and hence, the material condition of Jaintia improved during his reign. He sent an envoy to the Ahom king for re­ establishment of commercial relations between the two states. Jamil Beg and Bahadur Sinha, envoys from the Mughal state were also received by the Jaintia Raja. The Raja in return sent three elephants and two horses as token of gifts with the envoys to the Mughal state.28 The fourth encounter between the Jaintia and the Mughals was in the year 1740. Jaintia had occupied Dhakadakshin in this year as reprisal for the conduct of Durlav Das in offering Jaintia lands to people of Sylhet. Immediately, on receiving this news, the Deputy Governor of the Mughals in Dacca (Dhaka) sent an army to Jaintia under the leadership of Nausherwan Khan to recover Dhakadakshin from the Jaintia state. Subsequently, the Raja of Jaintia had to seek peace by offering his sister Bhairav Kawari to the Nawab of Dhaka. Nowajish Mohammad, son in law of Nawab Ali Vardi Khan was the Nawab Najim in Dhaka at this time. It is said that, Fateh Khan was the son of the Nawab of Dhaka and Bhairav Kuwari. When Fateh Khan became mature, the Nawab sent him back to Jaintia with an objective that he may inherit the throne of his maternal uncle, Raja Bargosain. While he was in Jaintia, Fateh Khan was appointed the general of the Jaintia army by the Raja of Jaintia. Fateh Khan has been credited as the builder of the Jaintia palace which was built with bricks. It was believed that he introduced masonry buildings at Jaintiapur. The used of musketry was also introduced by him in Jaintia. Fateh Khan got many wells and tanks dug in and around Jaintiapur.29 II The migration and settlement of the Khasis and Jaintias to the plains was occasioned not only by quest for fertile land, but also for trading activities. The Khasi and Jaintia states could export to the plains of Sylhet and Bengal, timbers, limestone (chunam), elephants, besides other necessary commodities.30 There were high

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demands for these commodities in the plains of Sylhet and Bengal and the Khasi-Jaintia people maintained trade connections with Sylhet and Bengal through its southern borders during the Mughal period as well. For the convenience of commercial activities and easy transportation of these products, the Khasi and Jaintia chiefs established their villages in the closest proximity to the hats and markets in the Sylhet and Bengal plains. Although the Khasi people produced a quantity of lime for their own consumption, they were unable to work the quarries on a considerable scale. Hence, the limestone quarries were leased out by the chiefs for a meagre royalty to be worked by foreign con­ tractors and labour. Bengal at this time was wholly dependent on the Khasi Hills through Sylhet for limestone which they called the ‘Sylhet lime’ or ‘Sylhet chunam’. Mughal authorities took active interest in limestone quarries and in course of time assumed the monopoly of lime trade. They took the lease of the Laur Hills (Nongstoin-Langrin) and made the Bengalis work in these hills. The Mughals held the monopoly of limestone of the Laur Hills and private traders used to take lease of quarries in other parts of the Khasi Hills. The Khasi chiefs appointed Bengali Doarodars their agents in order to deal with Mughals authorities and traders. During the seventeenth century, the Mughals enforced some man­ datory obligation to the Hindu rulers of Laur for checking the Khasi influence in the area. Thus, in this matter, Govinda Chandra served as an influential Mughal agent after embracing the Islamic faith. He took the name of Habib Khan, resisted the Khasi people successfully and secured the estate of Laur. As a result, a very large number of Bengali workers were always present in the mining areas. Limestone is found near Cherrapunjee (Sohra), Mawmluh, Maws­ mai, Shella, Teriaghat, Lakhat and in large quantity at a much lower elevation on the hill side, the largest quarries being near the village of Tungwai and elsewhere in the Khasi Hills. The quarrying of limestone was carried on in all seasons, although chiefly during spring and winter seasons. First, limestones were broken into pieces of convenient size and then loaded into small boats or canoes for transportation to the Sylhet plains. However, transportation of lime in larger quantity took place only during the rainy season

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when the water level rose in the streams and rivers of the Khasi Hills and it was easy to float the small boats or canoes to the plains of Sylhet and many river ports. The Khasi people were also tempted to utilize the river port of Laur that lay in the north western part of Sylhet Sarkar. Laur had been visited by the traders of northern India too. Hundreds of men and women were engaged in loading and transportation of lime with their small boats or canoes. Limestone was also exported to the processing villages in Sylhet such as Chunamgunj, Pandua, Chattak and others. Lime­ stone was in great demand in Bengal, especially from the Mughals, as it was used to produce most durable and occasionally, very handsomely veined marble. It was also useful for ordinary purposes, chimney pieces, slabs for tables, garden seats and flooring tiles.31 Nevertheless, the Khasi people used lime only as an ingredient in the consumption of paan (betel leaf ). D.R. Syiemlieh has mentioned that limestone was so important during the Mughal period that an agreement was made between the Bengal nawab, Mir Kasim and the East India Company on 10 July 1763 on it. In this agree­ ment, it was agreed that, for a period of five years, the nawab represented by his faujdar and the Company’s gomastahs would jointly prepare chunam, for which each would defray half the expenses.32 Limestone was also found in abundance in the Jaintia state. 33 The trade in mines and minerals were part and parcel of pre-colonial Jaintia economy and society. Limestone quarries in Jaintia were found at Chun-chhora, Lamapushi, Lithang, Myrli Punji, Non­ gthalong (Nongtalang), Rupnath (Syndai) and Rowai.34 Limestone was the principal mineral that the Jaintia state pos­ sessed and this article of trade was exported to the Sylhet and Bengal plains as there was a great demand for this mineral from the people of these areas. The people of Jaintia had monopoly over the entire supply chain of limestone to Bengal. They used to work on limestone quarries and exploited this mineral and trade in limestone brought more employment and wealth to the people of Jaintia in pre-colonial times.35 Lower Bengal obtained a huge supply of lime from the Jaintia state. The people of Kolkata and other parts of Bengal depended on the Jaintia state for the supply of lime for a

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long period of time even before the Mughal period. During the Mughal period, the merchants of the Mughals who were engaged in limestone trade with the Jaintia state took advantage of the market at Jaintiapur for trading with the adjoining territories. The discovery of hordes of Mughal-Persian coins in the Jaintia territory indicates that there was an extensive trade between the Jaintia state and the Mughals.36 Hence, the major impact of the Mughals on the Jaintia state, generated through this extensive trade that they had between them. The Jaintia state earned a significant amount of revenue out of its trade in elephants with the Mughals and other neighbouring states. Elephants in north eastern India were considered indispensi­ ble as a fighting machine. They were used on a large scale in wars. Elephants were used as vehicles for carrying heavy items. They could be used to storm fortresses and march across marshy and other difficult terrains and other means of transportation. They possessed tremendous strength and they were massive animals. ‘This wonder­ ful animal’, writes Abul Fazl, ‘. . . is in bulk and strength like a mountain. . .’, and in courage and ferocity like a lion. It would add substantially to the pomp and the conquest of a king, and was of greatest help for the army. Shihabuddin Talish, the chronicler of Mir Jumla’s Assam campaign narrated that there were plenty of spirited and well-proportioned elephants abounding in the hills and the adjoining plains.37 Wild elephants were found in several parts of the Jaintia state, and wherever there was any extent of hilly country intersected by streams flowing through valleys they were more or less confined. A very fine breed of elephants were found and captured near Mulagul in Jaintia. A full detail on the system of capturing elephants in Jaintia and other parts of Sylhet has been explained in the Report on the History and Statistics of the District of Sylhet, of 1868 as follows,38 The country is difficult as well for the formation of a kheddar as for getting the animals away. The elephants have always been captured in herds by forming regular kheddars; sometimes single elephants are probably killed or captured occasionally. The formation of a kheddar is laborious and rather costly. In the first place ‘panjalis’ are sent, generally in the month of Novem­ ber, to ascertain the haunts of the elephants during the cold weather. The

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usual number of these men is sixteen, who are allowed eight coolies to carry their provisions and other baggage. When they report having discovered a place where a herd may be captured, three hundred garwas, twelve of whom are sirdars are despatched to surround the place at some distance. A duffadar and a ‘burkandaz’ is appointed over every twenty five garwas and a superin­ tendent over the whole. These men form an extensive circle round the elephants and keep up fires and a constant noise, the burkandazes firing muskets, the others shouting and beating drums, etc., this stage of the opera­ tions is known as ‘jagatber’ or patber. Near the patber the actual stockade is constructed, consisting of a strong wooden palisade, inside of which is a trench, three cubits wide and two deep. Two converging fences also are thrown up from the ‘pather’ to the narrow door-way of the stockade. When it is completed (the time occupied in con­ struction being generally a month or more), the elephants are driven in, but are frequently known to escape at this period of the operation. The trained female elephants (kunkis) are then taken into the stockade and the newly caught elephants are secured by tying them to trees. From the stockade they are brought out by the kunkis and taken to three places in succession, in each of which they are tied up for a period not exceeding eight days. After this they are measured and one-tenth is given for the service of the kunkis up to this time. The hire of kunkis retained to take the elephants to the auction (by which they are usually sold) is rupees three per diem.

Trade was one of the Jaintia Raja’s sources of income, the Jaintia Rajas themselves participated in trade and had a monopoly in the trade of elephants, wax, ivory and limestone which the Rajas col­ lected from the hills and supplied to Bengal and beyond. The Jaintia Rajas earned handsome profits from trade carried on by themselves through their officers. The income from trade appro­ priated by them and their officers were also spent on public measures like construction of temples, roads and bridges and this was done in order to have a smooth communication system for the develop­ ment and growth of trade in the state. The Jaintia Rajas at the same time were competent to maintain carefully and cautiously the law and order which helped the promotion of trade with the Mughals and the other states.39 The Jaintia Rajas collected transit duty on the commercial boats in the Surma River between Bengal and Cachar in the Mughal period.40 During the period, the Jaintia Rajas controlled the foothills to

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such an extent that they became the territorial limits of the state towards the southern plains. Their control over the several duars and the numerous hats located in the southern foothills enabled the local traders to shift commodities to the Surma valley in Sylhet. The Jaintia people had more political, social and economic interactions with their neighbours in the southern plains through the market places. Their control over the hats in the foothills and the business in the neighbouring areas generally remained undi­ sturbed by the Mughals and the Ahom rulers of Assam.41 The crossplateau and frontier trade was largely in the hands of the people who asserted their claims and control of the trade and markets. There are numerous references and descriptions of the markets and trade, conducted in the foothills of the erstwhile Khasi and Jaintia states in the early British accounts.42 The Khasi and Jaintia people would guard their markets in the foothills and would not allow the trade in these markets to go out of their control. The hats and markets were under the control of the Jaintia state as well as the Khasi Rajas or rulers whose territories extended into the plains of the Mughal Sylhet of Bengal Subah. Jaintia-pur, the erstwhile capital of the Jaintia Rajas was the seat of distribution of all merchandise. The brisk trade with the chain of hats and markets in the Sylhet plains was enormous. The entire southern foothills were capped with innumerable hats and markets of which Bholaganj, Chattak, Bonatit (Laur), Mulagul, Jagirpara, Halloghat, etc., considered being prominent during the period.43 Hamlet Bareh on the basis of a prevailing local tradition, ment­ ions that four markets were opened in the hills and five in the plains and these markets were opened by one minister (myntri) named U Iuma Laskor. The four markets in the hills were at Nartiang, Raliang, Sutnga and Shangpung and the five markets in the Jaintia foothills adjacent to the plains of Sylhet were at Borkhat, Kulakhat, Iaplem, Mulakor and Jaintiapur. 44 The dalois (provincial ‘governors’) would stress on the importance of establishing markets and hats and would compete among themselves for the establishment of the same in their respective areas. The Jaintia people attached great importance to the establishment of markets as this would help them in the exchange of their surplus. The markets in the

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hills were important to the economy of the people in trading of goods among themselves. R.B. Pemberton informs, the Jaintia Rajas played a role in the market affairs by collecting Rs. 5,000 per annum as the transit duties from the Jaintiapur market alone. The choudhuries, shikdars and other headmen were appointed as agents of the Jaintia Raja in the collection of his dues.45 During the Mughal period, a good amount of revenue which was collected through toll, duties and levies that were imposed by the ruling authority on ghats, ferries and chokeys were located within the confines of the Jaintia state. Toll paid to the state were collected on market days, revenue that came out of the toll charges were shared by the Jaintia Rajas with the dalois. Furthermore, tax imposed on given occasions, e.g., during market festival/religious ceremony at a market.46 Toll varied in amount and were either paid in cash or in kind, toll were levied per load or according to the articles. One pice was charged for each man’s load, whereas three dumrees for each woman’s load. A handful of rice from the two baskets or banghy load, a pice on per rupee worth of corn and half dumree per pice worth of betel nut was about the extent of the tax on the articles brought to the market.47 The Raja held a strict monopoly of the internal traffic. The markets were in the first instance auctioned off by him. In order to secure this source of revenue, the people were prohibited from crossing the river Surma to make purchases in Sylhet. During the period, Jaintiapur and Mulagul were the two well known frontier markets of the Jaintia state which were visited by traders from distant places too.48 According to P. Passah, the British used to regard the erstwhile Jaintia state as the richest and strongest of all the principalities in the north-eastern region of India.49 The demand of Khasi and Jaintia people were salt and rice, which were procured only from the neighbouring Sylhet and Bengal plains. Other trade items were goat and ‘gold species’ necessary for the pujas performed in the hills of the Jaintia state.50 A considerable proportion of the people earned their living by travelling from one market to another. Both men and women took active part in trade and commerce and in the conduct of business.51 Coins were also used as medium of exchange in trading activities during the Mughal

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period. Nicholas Rhodes has pointed out that, a stable and abundant coinage, particularly made of a precious metal, implies a prosperous economy with successful trade. Accordingly, the existence or lack of a coinage can often shed light on the trading activities of a state, particularly when that state is located near a border between regions.52 In the Mughal period, the Arcot rupees were most widely circulated in the Sylhet region and accepted in the lower areas.53 III The repeated Mughal campaigns in the north eastern region of India left some enduring effect on the Khasi and Jaintia states directly and indirectly. The foremost effect was the growing solidarity amongst the different states of the region during the period. The Mughal challenge brought the Ahom, the Khasi, the Jaintia, the Cachar, the Tripura and other petty states of the region together. The Khasi and Jaintia states carefully and cautiously avoided any direct confrontation with their erstwhile rival monarchies of Ahom and Cachar during the period. Instead, they offered a supporting hand to the Ahoms against the Mughals. Thus, the Mughal that were portrayed as the common enemy by these states in the region, indirectly brought them together and inspired them with a spirit of regional solidarity. In order to meet the Mughal challenge, a number of forts came up in the Khasi and Jaintia states and in the other states of the region along the Mughal boundaries. As a matter of fact, the region experienced a proliferation of forts during the period. 54 The Mughal economic transaction with the Khasi and Jaintia states left a significant impact on the latter. The commercial horizon of the people was expanded in the Mughal period owing to their close relationship with the Bengali people of Sylhet and Bengal plains. The commercial activities of the people at the hats and markets in the foothills and plains provided them the scope to extend their commercial interests to cities like Dhaka and Kolkata and even beyond. This removed the isolation of the Khasi and Jaintia people who came into contact with men of diverse nationalities with different cultures. The contact with the plains brought about

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significant changes in the polity, economy and social life of the Khasi and Jaintia people. The exchange of valuable goods between the Khasi and Jaintia states and the Mughals benefitted both sides immensely. The Khasi and Jaintia people met and mingled with the Sylhet Bengalis in the Mughal period as traders and at the same time as neighbours, landlords and tenants, as barterers and as lease-holders and the doarodars. Since the people were unable to carry out and understand the accounts, negotiations and contracts with the Mughals, they had to depend heavily on their Bengali agents or doaradars. These agents would play an important role in the commercial activities between the Mughals and the Khasi and Jaintia states and were the ones who gave permission to the Mughal officials to meet the Khasi and Jaintia Rajas. The official records of the Khasi and Jaintia states were maintained in Bengali. Bengali language had made a fast progress in the Khasi and Jaintia states since the Mughal period. Accordingly, the Khasi and Jaintia Rajas had a fair knowledge of the Bengali language. Further, there was an extension of Muslim settlements in the Jaintia plains and their population increased tremendously in the area during the Mughal period. Thus, the Jaintia Raja appointed a qazi (judicial officer of the Muslims) for the administration of justice among his Muslim subjects during the period. According to S.C. Dutta, the Khasi states had a kind of an officer called daloi. The Daloi would serve the Khasi syiem (Raja) in the capacity of a military general. He would also serve the neighbouring fiefs.55 However, it may be noted that, the Khasi states never had the system of daloi ship in their states. Hence, it would be inaccurate to conclude that, the Khasi syiems possess the office of daloi which is equivalent to the rank of a military general of the Mughal state. One should keep in mind that, it was the Jaintia state that imple­ mented the system of daloi ship. One may agree with the fact that, the office of the daloi must have been borrowed from the Mughals and the other states, which is equivalent to the rank of a provincial governor. The system of daloi ship is still practised today in Jaintia hills. The Mughal impact had taken place even in the polity of the Khasi states. The Khasi syiems appointed mukhtars for maintain­ ing records and correspondences. Subsequently, during the period,

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the office of mukhtar was upgraded by conferring more powers and responsibilities. It is said that, such transformation was necessitated, because of the increasing volume of official transactions with the adjoining Mughal sarkar of Sylhet during the period. It may be mentioned that, the term mukhtar was of Mughal-Persian origin and it had been an induction through close contact in the Khasi vocabulary. Other officials of the Khasi states were known as matabars, sirdars, wahadadars, etc., and these were also of MughalPersian origins.56 The Mughal impact on the Jaintia polity is clearly seen in the functions and the terms used in the Jaintia administrative apparatus. The term elakas (corresponds to province/subah or roughly pro­ vince), the parganas (revenue divisions of the Mughals/administrative centres under a district in the Jaintia state), the durbar (national assembly), raj or divisions and the other important officials of the Jaintia state such as myntris (council of ministers), senapati (commander-in-chief ), sirdars (headmen), chaudhuries (collectors), etc., were derived from the Mughal state. The system of pargana was implemented covering a number of village units in the Jaintia State and this was borrowed from the Mughal organisation which was more elaborate. The entire Mughal administrative structure con­ sisted of villages, parganas, sarkars and subahs and this was imple­ mented in the Jaintia state. These features were definitely influenced by their counterparts in Mughal Bengal. Land revenue administra­ tion underwent changes in the Jaintia state during the Mughal period. The terms of the lands and the patterns of their administra­ tion were obtained from the Mughals. Land in the Jaintia state such as the mahals, lakhiraj, khas lands, etc., were inducted in the line of Mughal administration to ensure the regular administration and increasing the revenue of the state.57 The Jaintia state derived its maximum revenues from its territory in the north eastern Sylhet plains. On the basis of the heavy tax demanded by the state from that territory, the supposition is put forward by a British document that the territory in the north eastern Sylhet plains was the sole property of the Jaintia Raja. The Jaintia state in the north eastern Sylhet plains was divided into ten divisions called raj, five mahals called Jooly mahals and a portion of the territory called Nowfode

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Utarah Chootee. It comprises of the land on both banks of the river Surma, known as the Sat Banks or seven reaches and all the land lying between the river Lubha and the frontier of Cachar. Three fourth of the state was under cultivation and one fourth consisted of jungle and jheel (swamp/watery area). Of the three fourth, one fourth was lakhiraj land which was given in lieu of salary to all the servants of the state, including the military and for religious purposes and the remainder was charged with the payment of the revenue of the state in kind and various other burdens. The revenue of the state was collected solely from the portion called Nowfode Utarah Chootee and the five Jooly mahals. The Jaintia state collected its rent from the ryots (peasants) working on these lands through the agency of choudhuries (collectors), dalois (provincial governors), sirdars (headmen), majis (messengers), etc., who were remunerated by certain proportions of the produce. Besides the foregoing burden, the ryots were liable to be called at any time to work for the state or for any other purposes the state could direct them without any payment or diet. In such work, each ryot was said to have laboured at an average of two months annually. On the other hand, the ten raj or divisions supplied to the Jaintia Raja and the temple goats, pigeons, milk, plantains, cloths, materials for building purposes, two annas in cash for every goat sacrificed and also 49 bullocks annually for the cultivation purposes in the Raja’s Khas lands.58 The tolerant policy followed by the Khasi and Jaintia states and the Mughal state towards their Hindu and Muslim subjects in the Sylhet region and the close trade contact and understanding between these states resulted in progressive assimilation among their people. This had contributed substantially towards the growth of new technology, art and crafts and the loan words that were borrowed from Persian/Bengali crept in the local languages of the Khasi-Jaintia when the people came in close contact with the Mughals and Bengalis through trade and commerce. Khasi Jaintia people were also influenced by the Mughals in craft works, stone carvings which are clearly visible in the architecture of stone brigdes and buildings in and around Jaintiapur built by the Jaintia Rajas which are similar with the Mughal bulidings and architecture.

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Figure 11.1: The Old Stone Bridge over the Amkumbeh stream near Syndai (Source : Lasoborki Pyrngap, ‘Society and Economy of the War Jaintia in Pre-Colonial and Colonial Times’, [Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis] Department of History, NorthEastern Hill University, Shillong, 2017, pp. 96-7.)

Although this stone bridge is in remnants, it may be seen till today.59 This stone bridge had served as a chief means of comm­ unication during the period and it facilitated the commercial activities between the Jaintia state and the Mughals. This contact amongst them had some influence on the loan words of the Khasi and Jaintia people through the Bengali language. A few specimen of a little familiarity between the Khasi and Jaintia dialects with the Bengal/Mughals dialect are given below:60 MUGHAL/BENGAL KHASI AND JAINTIA ENGLISH

Darbar Mantri Sardar Senapati Laskar Pap Bigha

Durbar Myntri Sirdar Senapati Laskor Pop/Pap Biga

Niam Dastur Tanka

Niam Dustur Tyngka

Source: Prepared by the author.

National Assembly Minister Village Headman Commander-in-Chief Prime Minister/Chief Minister Sin A measurement of land prevalent in Bengal Religion Practice Amount of money

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Thus, the presence of the Mughals in Bengal and Sylhet, generated their influence in the neighbouring Khasi and Jaintia states. The Khasi and Jaintia states and the Mughals had a cordial commercial relationship in the plains of Bengal and Sylhet, and this led to the exchange of ideas amongst them and the assimilation among their people had further cemented their relationship during the period. The Mughals always attempted to promote their trade and commer­ cial activities with the Khasi and Jaintia states, especially in limestones and elephants. The Mughal contact brought a significant impact on the Khasi and Jaintia society and economy. However, such impact happened after the Mughal state had emerged as the ruling power in Bengal and Sylhet since the time of the Mughal Emperor, Jahangir (1605-27).61 NOTES 1. Shireen Moosvi, ‘The Pre-Colonial State’, in Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Sixty-fifth Session, Bareilly, 2004, pp. 235-6. 2. Edward Gait, A History of Assam (1st pub. 1905), Guwahati: Lawyer’s Book Stall, 1997 (7th edn.). 3. S.N. Bhattacharya, A History of Mughal North-East Frontier Policy, Calcutta: Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & Co. Ltd., 1929. 4. S.M. Ali, The History of Jaintia, Dhaka: A.N.M. Sulaiman, 1954. 5. P.N. Dutta, ‘Relations of the Khasis and Jaintias with their Southern Neighbours till the British Intervention’, in Proceedings of North-East India History Association, (henceforth, PNEIHA), First Session, Shillong, 1980, pp. 69-91. 6. S.C. Dutta, The North-East and the Mughals, Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1984. 7. B. Pakem, ‘State Formation in Pre-Colonial Jaintia’, The North-Eastern Hill University University Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, vol. II, no. 3, Shillong, July-September 1984, pp. 49-58. 8. Walter Hamilton, The East India Gazetteer, London: Parbury, Allen and Co., 1828, vol. 1, p. 571; Joseph Dalton Hooker, Himalayan Journals, vol. II, London: John Murray, 1855, pp. 267-314. 9. Principal Head of the History and Statistics, Report on the History and Statistics of the District of Sylhet, Department of History and Statistics of Dacca, Government of Bengal, Calcutta, 1868, pp. 290-1.

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10. S.M. Ali, op. cit., p. 77. 11. Principal Head of the History and Statistics, op. cit., p. 291. 12. P.N. Dutta, op. cit., p. 74. 13. B.C. Allen, Assam District Gazetteers, Sylhet, Calcutta: Government Publisher, vol. II, 1905, p. 25; P.N. Dutta, op. cit., p. 74. 14. Ibid., p. 75. 15. Homiwell Lyngdoh, Ki Syiem Khasi bad Synteng, Desmond P. Reade Diengdoh, Shillong, 1938 (1st edn.), p. 1. 16. Ibid., pp. 8-50; Hamlet Bareh, The History and Culture of the Khasi People, Delhi: Spectrum Publications, 1967, pp. 66-72; B. Pakem, op. cit., pp. 49-58; J.B. Bhattacharjee, ‘Brahmanical Myths, Royal Legitimation and the Jaintia State Formation’, North-Eastern Hill University Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, vol. VIII, no. 1, North-Eastern Hill University Publications, January-March 1990, pp. 47-63. 17. Lasoborki Pyrngap, ‘Trade and Markets in the War Jaintia Society in PreColonial Time’, in PNEIHA, Thirty-fifth Session, Gargaon College, Simalu­ guri, 2014, p. 258. 18. L.S. Gassah, ‘Trade Routes and trade Relations between Jaintia Hills and Sylhet District in the Pre-Independence Period’, PNEIHA, Ninth Session, Guwahati, 1988, pp. 485-7. 19. B. Pakem, ‘Social and Political Institutions of the Jaintias of Meghalaya’, in Jayanta Sarkar and B.D. Ray (eds.), Social and Political Institutions of the Hill People of North-East India, Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, 1990, p. 81. 20. P.N. Dutta, op. cit., p. 75. 21. Edward Gait, op. cit., p. 249. 22. Hamlet Bareh, op. cit., pp. 45-6. 23. P.N. Dutta, op. cit., p. 70; Lasoborki Pyrngap, ‘Trade and the Socio-Cultural Life of the War People of Jaintia Hills in the 19th and the First Half of the 20th Century’, unpublished MPhil Dissertation, North Eastern Hill University, Shillong, 2013, p. 93. 24. Lasoborki Pyrngap, ‘Economy and Polity of the Jaintia State: The Role of Coinage’, The Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, vol. LXXVIII, Part I & II, BHU, Varanasi: The Numismatic Society of India, 2016, p. 82. 25. N.G. Rhodes & S.K. Bose, The Coinage of Jaintiapur: With an Account of the Last Days of the Jaintia Raj, Kolkata: Mira Bose (Library of Numismatic Studies), 2010, p. 46. 26. J.P. Wade, An Account of Assam, ed. Benudhar Sharma, Gauhati: Asam Jyoti Suwagpur, 1972 (2nd imp.), pp. 51-2. 27. S.M. Ali, op. cit., pp. 18-23.

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28. Ibid., p. 32. 29. Ibid., pp. 39-40. 30. The Friend of India, ‘Account of the Jynta or Khassee Tribe’, 1 April 1820, reproduced in Selections from the Indian Journals: Calcutta Journal, vol. II, Calcutta: Firma K.L.M, 1965 (1st edn.), p. 135. 31. Thomas Oldham, On the Geological Structure of Part of the Khasi Hills (1st pub 1854), Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1984, (rpt.), pp. 27-57. 32. D.R. Syiemlieh, ‘Technology and Socio-Economic Linkages of the KhasiJaintias in Pre-Colonial Times’, in Mignonette Momin & Cecile A. Mawlong (eds.), Society and Economy in North-East India, New Delhi: Regency Publications, vol. 1, 2004, pp. 30-3. 33. A.J.M. Mills, Report on the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, 1853, Government of Bengal, Calcutta (1st pub. 1854, printed from the original (with intro­ duction and annotation by J.B. Bhattacharjee), Shillong: North Eastern Hill University, 1985, pp. 4-5. 34. W.W. Hunter, A Statistical Account of Assam, London: Trubner & Co., 1879, Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation (rpt. 1975), pp. 232-4. 35. L.S. Gassah, ‘Partnership in Indo-Bangladesh Economic Development: The Case of Jaintia Hills in Meghalaya’, in C.J. Thomas (ed.), Engagement and Development: India’s Northeast and Neighbouring Countries, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 2006 (1st edn.), pp. 168-9. 36. J.B. Bhattacharjee, op. cit., p. 53. 37. S. Talish, Fathiya-i-Ibriya, Mss. no. D/72, pp. 50-67, cited in S.C. Dutta, op. cit., p. 236. 38. Principal Head of the History and Statistics, op. cit., pp. 300-301. 39. J.B. Bhattacharjee, op. cit., pp. 53-63. 40. J.B. Bhattacharjee, ‘Trade and Colony: The British Colonisation of North East India’, NEIHA, Shillong, 2000, p. 12. 41. D.R. Syiemlieh, ‘Control of the Foothills: Khasi-Jaintia Trade and Markets in the Late Eighteenth Century’, in F.A. Qadri (ed.), Society and Economy in North-East India, vol.2, New Delhi: Regency Publications, 2006, pp. 330-1. 42. D.R. Syiemlieh, ‘Trade and Markets in the Khasi Jaintia Hills: Changed Conditions in the 19th and 20th Centuries’, in D.R. Syiemlieh & Manorama Sharma (eds.), Society and Economy in North-East India, New Delhi: Regency Publications, vol. 2, 2008, p. 52. 43. S.C. Dutta, op. cit., pp 220-23. 44. Hamlet Bareh, op. cit., p. 50. 45. R.B. Pemberton, The Eastern Frontier of India, New Delhi: Mittal Publi­ cations, 1979 (rpt.), (1st pub. 1835), pp. 215-17.

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46. Hamlet Bareh, The Economy of Meghalaya: Tradition to Transition, Delhi: Spectrum Publication, 2001, pp. 54-5; Idem, Khasi Democracy, Shillong: Ri Khasi Press, 1964, p. 49. 47. A.J.M. Mills, op. cit., pp. 36-7. 48. J.B. Bhattacharjee, ‘Brahmanical Myths, Royal Legitimation and the Jaintia State Formation’, op. cit., p. 62. 49. P. Passah, ‘The Business Life and Activities of the Jaintias -A General Study’, Jowai Government College Magazine 1974-1975, pp. 20-2. 50. P.N. Dutta, op. cit., pp. 75-6. 51. D.R. Syiemlieh (ed.), Robert Lindsay, Anecdotes of an Indian Life, vol. III, Shillong: North-Eastern Hill University Publications, 1997 (1st pub. 1840), pp. 37-8. 52. Nicholas Rhodes, ‘The Trade Routes of Early Assam: The Light Shed by Coinages’, PNEIHA, Twenty-Fourth Session, Guwahati University, 2003, p. 43. 53. N.G. Rhodes & S.K. Bose, The Coinage of Jaintiapur: With an Account of the Last Days of the Jaintia Raj, Kolkata: Mira Bose (Library of Numismatic Studies), 2010, p. 46. 54. S.C. Dutta, op. cit., pp. 207-34. 55. Ibid., p. 219. 56. Ibid. 57. Bengal Government papers, file no. 334, sl. no. 1, ‘Description of the Revenue, Villages and Population of Jaintia just after the British Conquest, Jaintiapur’, 1835, pp. 2-5 and Lasoborki Pyrngap, ‘Society and Economy of the War Jaintia in Pre-Colonial and Colonial Times’ (Unpublished Ph. D.Thesis), Department of History, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, 2017, pp. 34-45. 58. Bengal Government papers, file no. 334, sl. no. 1, op. cit., pp. 2-5. 59. Lasoborki Pyrngap, ‘Society and Economy of the War Jaintia in Pre-Colonial and Colonial Times’, op. cit., pp. 96-7. 60. P.N. Dutta, op. cit., pp. 83-4 and Lasoborki Pyrngap, ‘Trade and the Socio-Cultural Life of the War People of Jaintia Hills in the 19th and the First Half of the 20th Century’, op. cit., pp. 100-101. 61. S.C. Dutta, op. cit., pp. 258-9. `

C H A P T E R 12

Mughals and the Koch-Ahom Relations

During the Sixteenth Century

I . S . M U M TA Z A

The Koch and the Ahom were two kingdoms that flourished in sixteenth century in western and eastern region of the Brahmaputra valley respectively. The Koches emerged, reached the zenith as well as declined in the same period while the Ahoms, ruling since thir­ teenth century, had a tremendous territorial expansion in the first half of the century. The kingdom of the Koches came into existence during the first half of the sixteenth century. The architect of the Koch monarchy, according to their tradition, was Hariya Mandal,1 a Koch chief of Chinknagram, a village in present Khuntaghat area of Goalpara district. He recognised as their head by chiefs of twelve villages of the region. Visva Singha (about 1515-40) son of Haria Mandal, was the first chief to establish the Koch political power by subju­ gating a number of neighbouring chiefs and thus extended his sway up to the Karatoya river.2 He established his unquestionable authority over the area bounded by the Karatoya on the west and the Barnadi on the east. This had made his territory contiguous on the west and south to Mughal India whose rulers were constantly trying to extend the natural frontier on the east and on the north. This geographical proximity of the Koch kingdom to the Mughal India profoundly influenced not only their administrative system but also its relations with the neighbouring ruling powers. In 1533 the Koch chief Visva Singha, made his submission to the Ahom army and promised to pay a tribute annually. Thus a relation with the Ahom ruler started. Visva Singha was succeeded by his

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son Nara Narayana (1540-87), who also pursued the policy of aggression like his father, especially in the east and there were a series of wars with the Ahoms, Kachari, and others powers there.3 By 1570 he rose to a position of the strongest and most powerful ruler of the region. In 1575-6, when Akbar sent his army to sub­ jugate Bengal, Nara Narayan made a friendly gesture to the Mughal emperor and offered his allegiance to the Mughals. According to Cooch Beharer Itihash he even assisted the Mughal army in the attack on the Gauda ruler, and in 1578, he renewed allegiance to the Mughal emperor.4 Towards the end of his reign Nara Narayana divided his kingdom into two halves—the western part of his kingdom was kept for himself and his successors while the eastern portion was given to the son of his brother, Raghudev and his successors. The Ahoms, a group of the Tai people of south east Asia, mi­ grated to the Brahmaputra valley under the leadership of Siu-ka­ pha, in the beginning of the second quarter of the thirteenth cen­ tury and quickly laid the foundation of a new kingdom in the south eastern corner of the valley. 5 Subsequently, this kingdom was expanded in all directions to embrace the whole of the valley. Siu-ka-pha organised over his kingdom, a form of government with which he was well conversed in his homeland Mong Mao. This kingdom as well as the government sustained for six hundred years. Siu-ka-Pha, died in 1268, and his immediate successors were engaged in consolidating their authority over their kingdom and its protection from any onslaught from its neighbours. The spec­ tacular expansion of the Ahom kingdom was witnessed during the long reign of Siu-hum-mong (1497-1539), commonly known as Dihingiya Raja in the Assamese chronicles. By that time, the Ahom power not only had a firm foothold over the valley but also at­ tained considerable strength to deal with its troublesome neigh­ bours. The rulers of the Kacharis and of the Chutiyas, who gave occasional troubles to the Ahom monarch, were considered im­ pediments for any growth of the Ahom kingdom. Siu-hum-mong seized some excuse to invade these states. In the wars that ensued, the Chutiyas were routed, their king was seized and killed and the Chutiya kingdom was transformed into an Ahom province. In the

Mughals and the Koch-Ahom Relations

295

same way, Siu-hum-mong successfully initiated a determined and bold action to wrest the territory to the south-west of the Dikhow from the hands of the Kacharis. The acquired territory was made a province while the Kachari king retreated further south, and became a vassal of the Ahom king.6 At the beginning of the sixteenth century the Ahoms saw a new conflict with the Sultans of Bengal who were trying to push their political hegemony to the Brahmaputra valley due to decline of the Kamata power. The Ahom army not only repulsed the Muslim invaders successfully but also pursued them as far as the Karatoya River.7 The general of the Ahom army, Chao-sheng-lung Tan-Khan, received the submission of Visva Singha on his return march from Gauda.8 During the reign of Siu-klen-mong (1539-52) and Siu-kham-pha (1552­ 1603), the Koch king Nara Narayana, son and successor of Visva Singha, invaded Ahom territory several times with mixed results. Early in 1563, the Koch army even occupied the Ahom capital, Garhgaon, following which, negotiations followed and, the Ahoms acknowledged the Koch supremacy. 9 However, the Koch victory was temporary, soon the Ahoms reasserted themselves. The relation between the Koches and the Ahoms begun in about 1533 when the Koch chief Visva Singha made his submission to the Ahom army and promised to pay tribute annually.10 It seems that it was the westward movement of the Ahoms in the early sixteenth century that had brought them into contact with the Koches although the territory was not contiguous. In the follow­ ing paragraphs an attempt has been made to show the nature of relation between the Koches and the Ahoms and the political developments within the Mughal India that influenced the rela­ tions between the two. On receiving Visva Singha’s submission, the Ahom general, Chao­ sheng-lung Tan-Khan, acknowledged it on the consent of his lord, Siu-hum-mong (1497-1539) and also handed over two princesses of Gauda and the territories as dowry by their father to Visva Singha.11 It should be noted here that during 1532-3, a Muslim army under Turbaq of the erstwhile Gauda invaded the Ahom kingdom. In the battle Turbaq was killed and, on pursuit of the defeating force, the Ahom army reached up to the confluence of the Karatoya River

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I.S. Mumtaza

into the Brahmaputra. The Gauda ruler submitted to the Ahom king by offering his two daughters to the Ahom king and gave five parganas west of Sankosh river as dowry.12 After this incident of submission and acceptance of submission, the Ahom king consid­ ered the Koch ruler as the ‘established and protectorate’ (thapita­ sanchita) of the Ahom ruler. Thereafter Visva Singha sent regular tributes to the Ahom court. Amanatulla Ahmed, however, holds the view that the Ahom army made a sudden attack on the Koch territory compelling its chief Visva Singha to submit. It is men­ tioned in one of the Ahom chronicles that Visva Singha made a plan to intercept the Ahom army on their return march from Gauda. However, his councillors, who were wise enough to foresee the disastrous consequence of an armed conflict with the very power­ ful Ahom army, restrained him from doing so. He thus, submitted to the Ahom king.13 The political development in northern India in the second and third decades of the sixteenth century created such an atmosphere that affected the nascent Koch kingdom. The Mughals under Babur, occupied Delhi and Agra after defeating Ibrahim Lodi in the First Battle of Panipat in 1526, and then proceeded to push the Afghan more east. After the death of Babur in 1530, the Mughal-Afghan conflict renewed under Sher Khan Suri. In 1532 Humayun de­ feated one Mahmud Lodi at Dauhria and then besieged the fort of Chunar; compelled Sher Khan to submit, and then Humayun withdraw the siege. In 1534, after the victory at Surajgarh, which made him the master of the kingdom of Bihar, Sher Shah carried on the struggle for the next three years intermittently and con­ quered the territories of Bengal.14 In 1537, Visva Singha accompanied by his brother Sisu made a personal visit to Siu-hum-mong and paid his homage.15 While offering his tributes Visva Singha declared, thus: ‘we your slaves (subordinates), pray your majesty to help us in times of difficulty. If you assist us when we are pressed hard, we, your slaves (subordi­ nates) promise to remain ever subordinates and to pay annual trib­ utes’.16 In 1537, the Mughal emperor Humayun marched against Sher Shah and seized the Chunnar fort and after six months as he proceeded to Bengal, Sher Shah vacated the province and retreated to Bihar.17

Mughals and the Koch-Ahom Relations

297

It appears that Visva Singha’s visit to the Ahom court had been necessitated by the political developments in eastern India. The movements of Humayun and Sher Shah must have created such a fear in the mind of Visva Singha that compelled him to visit the Ahom court on the pretext of offering tribute. He also solicited some assistance from his overlord, i.e. the Ahom king in the event of an attack from the Mughals. In 1539 Humayun was forced to return from Bengal, and in the battle of Bilgram, 1540, he faced a crushing defeat at the hands of Sher Shah; Humayun had to leave northern India to lead a life of a wanderer. After the victory of Bilgram, Sher Shah proclaimed himself emperor of northern India and till 1541, he was busy in bringing the whole of north western India under his control.18 The Koches, however, did not want to remain as tributary of the Ahoms and tried to utilise every opportunity to throw off the over­ lordship of the Ahom. Understanding fully that no danger would come from the west, Visva Singha, after strengthening his posi­ tion, led an expedition to the Ahom kingdom with the objective of removing the slur of being a tributary to the Ahom king. But unable to make any headway he was compelled to return.19 The next king, Nara Narayana (1540-87), was also fully aware of the political developments of northern India.20 After 1545, the Afghan empire disintegrated rapidly and the country was thrown into anarchy by the civil war which ensued between the rival claim­ ants to the throne. Nara Narayana, taking full advantage of this situation in northern India, tried not only to irritate the Ahom king, but also prepared himself for an expedition to the Ahom kingdom. For the purpose, he, first, subjugated some of the frontier Bhuyan chiefs on the north bank of the Brahmaputra adjoining to the western border of the Ahom kingdom and then placed garrisons to guard the frontier. This led to the border conflicts between the frontier guards of the Ahoms and the Koches. At the same time, Nara Narayana deputed three of his brothers to obtain intelligence of the Ahom military preparations on the pretext of visiting the temple of Bhairabkunda. Such activities caused irritation to Siu­ klen-mong (1539-52) who took counter offensive measures and killed these Koch princes along with a number of soldiers.21 In 1555, Nara Narayana sent a delegation to Siu-kham-pha (1552­

298

I.S. Mumtaza

1603) apparently to renew friendly relations but, in fact, to pick up the reason for another invasion of the Ahom kingdom.22 The delegation included, besides six envoys, twenty two subordinate Dkekeri Rajas, and expressed the desire of their ruler to maintain friendly relations. They also conveyed the message that the killing of three princes by the Ahom monarch was an unfriendly act which affected the old friendship existing between the two. However, the articles sent with the letter for identification were offensive and were found not befitting to a king. Among the articles were a pil­ low having its cover of animal intestine, a bow, a pair of senga fish (Channa amphibious, a kind of freshwater fish), a pair of horses, one jakai (a fishing implement made of bamboo), five pieces of embroidered sarees and five ghagaris (lower garments of women). From the nature of the verbal message and the type of articles sent for identification, the Ahom court had no difficulty in understanding the real intention of the Koch king. However, without showing the indignity, the Ahom king in his address to the Koch king, made reference to the cordial relations existing between the two. The communication further stated that the articles sent by the king for identification by the Ahom court were of such offensive nature that these were not worthy to be displayed in public in the royal court.23 Following this delegation, Nara Narayana sent two armies—one by land and other by the Brahmaputra, to attack the Ahom king­ dom. They advanced as far as the mouth of the river Dikhau and fought several battles with mixed results. At one stage the Ahom army, finding its position hopeless, sent some soldiers dressed as Brahmans on cows against the invaders. The fear of committing sin by killing both Brahmans and cows made the Koches refuse to fight and they returned.24 The return of the Koch army on the pretext of committing sin corresponded with the re-entry of the Mughals to Delhi under Akbar. After the Second Battle of Panipat in 1556, Akbar became the master of Delhi and Agra, and the Mughal rule was once again established in India.25 After assuming the reins of government in his hand in 1562, Akbar set to extend the boundaries of his king­ dom and attain ascendency over the neighbouring rulers of India. Realizing the value of Rajput alliance in building up an empire,

Mughals and the Koch-Ahom Relations

299

he adopted a policy of conciliation to get their service and devoted his full attention to the Rajput chiefs of Rajputana. On receiving the news of the return of the Mughals, Nara Narayana, anticipating trouble on the his western frontier territory, could not devote his full attention to his war with the Ahoms and re­ turned to his capital to watch the movement of the Mughals in northern India. The next few years he observed the activities of Akbar as well as of the Mughal army carefully and at the same time prepared his army for a large scale expedition. As he became sure that no danger would come from the Mughals at this point of time, in 1563, Nara Narayana and his brother Sukladhvaj, popu­ larly known as Chilarai, marched with a large force.26 However, the Ahom chronicles are silent about the political development of northern India, though they mention that after learning that they had been outwitted by the Ahoms, Nara Narayana returned with a large army. The Koch army after defeating the Ahoms in a series of engagements, advanced towards the Ahom capital. At this stage, the Ahom king, Siu-kham-pha, sent three high ranking officials to the Koch king with a proposal of a peace treaty. Nara Narayana replied: ‘Both of us are living as brothers. In ancient time, a girl was offered to us by the Ahom king. Our friendship should con­ tinue for generations. It is not proper for us to fight among our­ selves. So the king of the east, (i.e. the Ahom king) should arrange to settle the affairs in such a way so that both the kingdoms might enjoy peace and prosperity.27 This delegation, however, could not stop the hostilities and for that matter the advance of the Koch army to the Ahom capital, Garhgaon. On the approach of the Koch army, Siu-kham-pha left the capital for the Naga Hills and the invaders, after occupying the capital, encamped at Mechagarh, a few miles to the south of Garhgaon. Finding the situation difficult, the Ahom king deputed no less a person than his Chao-phrang-mong (a minister) to Nara Narayana to sue for peace and start negotiations.28 The Koch king demanded the three sons of three ministers and the son of Kham-seng as hostages ‘. . . then only I shall go back to my kingdom leaving all here . . . ’. As Siu-kham-pha agreed to send the hostages, a treaty was concluded. Thereafter Nara Narayana returned taking with him

300

I.S. Mumtaza

the hostages. Besides, the Ahom king had to acknowledge the su­ premacy of the Koch king, he had to cede a considerable tract of the kingdom on the north bank of the Brahmaputra and pay in­ demnity consisting of sixty elephants, a large quantity of gold, silver and cloth.29 Thus the Ahom king, who was the overlord of Visva Singha became a subordinate to Nara Narayana. However this situation did not last long. Soon Nara Narayana was compelled by a political crisis to submit to the Ahom King. In the meantime, in 1565 the Koch army under Chilarai invaded Gauda but was defeated and the general was captured.30 Finding himself in a serious predicament between the Ahoms on the east and Gauda on the south-west, Nara Narayana devised a strategy to save his position. He invited Sundar Gohain, one of the hostages, to a game of dice and promised to set him free if he could win. Nara Narayana, intentionally faced defeat in the game and released all the Ahom hostages as promised. He also restored the tract of Ahom land he had earlier annexed. The hostages were accompa­ nied by a princess of the Koch royal family to the Ahom king.31 The Koch king, thus, accepted again the subordinate position. Subsequently, around 1581 the Koch Kingdom was divided into two halves—Cooch Behar, ruled by Nara Narayana and Koch Hajo, ruled by Raghudev, the son of Chilarai.32 Thereafter Nara Narayana and his family maintained friendship with the Mughals, while Raghudev established relations with the Ahoms and offered his daughter Chandkala by name, in marriage to Siu-kham-pha with a dowry of two elephants, seven horses and one hundred domestic servants.33 Thus the ruler of Koch Hajo became subordinate to the Ahom ruler. From the above discussion it may be concluded that the nature of the Koch relations with the Ahoms, in the sixteenth century, was defensive. It may also be noted that the relations, on the part of the Koches, was backed by the political developments of the Mughals in northern India. The Koch rulers carefully studied the political situation on their western frontier, and, whenever it found conditions favourable for them, they were active on the east. On the whole the relations with the Ahom rulers had several waves— on the first, the Koch ruler was subordinate and tributary to the

Mughals and the Koch-Ahom Relations

301

Ahom king, on the second, the Ahoms being defeated, became subordinate to the Koches and on the third, the Koch ruler sub­ mitted to the Ahoms and remained subordinate to the Ahom king till the end of the sixteenth century. Towards the second half of the sixteenth century, the eastward march of the Mughal army made the Koch ruler, Nara Narayana, to submit to the Mughals too.

NOTES 1. According to the Ahom chronicle, Haria was recognised as head Mandal, of twelve leading Mech families of Khuntaghat region of present Bongaigaon district. Kamrupar Buranji, ed. S.K. Bhuyan, Gauhati, 1958, p. 10. 2. Kamrupar Buranji, p. 11. 3. Khan Chowdhuri Amanatalla Ahmed, A History of Cooch Behar, pt. I, (in Bengali), Cooch Behar, 1936, pp. 102-13. 4. Ibid., pp. 116-17. 5. Ahom-Buranji, tr. & ed. Rai Sahib Golap Chandra Barua, Calcutta, 1930, pp. 44-5; Deodhai Asam Buranji, ed. S.K. Bhuyan, Guwahati, 1962, pp. 6-7; Padmeswar Gogoi, The Tai and the Tai Kingdoms, Guwahati, 1968, p. 252. 6. Siu-hum-mong expanded the western boundary of his kingdom up to Marangi, presently an area in Golaghat sub-division in the eastern foothills of Karbi Anglong west of the Dhansiri River. 7. Ahom-Buranji, pp. 68-73, Deodhai Asam Buranji, pp. 29-37; Satsari Asam Buranji, ed. S.K. Bhuyan, Guwahati, 1974, pp. 16-17; Sir J.N. Sarkar, History of Bengal, Patna, 1973, p. 81. 8. Ibid., Assam Buranji, ed. S.K. Bhuyan, pp. 18-19. 9. Ibid., p. 87; Ibid., p. 46; Ibid., p. 33, A History of Cooch Behar, p. 109, Sir Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Calcutta, 3rd rev. edn., 1963, p. 102. 10. Assam Buranji, ed. S.K. Bhuyan, p. 24, Kasinath Tamuli Phukan, Assam Buranji, Calcutta, rpt. 1906, p. 22, Harakanta Barua Sadar-Amin, Assam Buranji, ed. S.K. Bhuyan, Guwahati, 1962, p. 26, Kamrupar Buranji, p. 11. 11. The names of the territories were—Sherpur, Patilajaha, Agharasendur, Kamrupa and Dhekera. Satsari Asam Buranji, p. 69. According to Assam Buranji, ed. S.K. Bhuyan, p. 26, the territories were—Kamrupa, Baharbandh, Sherpur, Patiladaha and Agharasendur.

302

I.S. Mumtaza

12. Ahom-Buranji, pp. 68-73; Deodhai Asam Buranji, pp. 29-37; Assam Buranji, ed. S.K.Bhuyan, pp.18-19. 13. A History of Cooch Behar, p. 87; Assam Buranji, pp. 23-4. 14. Abbas Khan Sarwani, Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi, also, The History of India as told by its own Historians (extracts only), vol. IV, ed. H.M. Elliot & J. Dowson, pp. 301-433. 15. Ahom-Buranji, p. 77; Deodhai Asam Buranji, pp. 37-8. 16. Ibid. 17. R.C. Majumdar et al., An Advance History of India, Macmillan, 4th edn. 1978, p. 430. 18. Ibid., p. 431. 19. Harkanta Barua Sadar Amin, op. cit., p. 28. 20. Before his accession to the Koch throne, Nara Narayana had spent several years at Varanasi as a student of one Brahmannanda Bisarad. Khan Chowdhuri Amanatulla Ahmed, op. cit., pp. 93, 102. 21. Ahom-Buranji, pp. 80-1; Deodhai Asam Buranji, p. 41; Assam Buranji, p. 25; Khan Chowdhuri Amanatulla Ahmed, op. cit., p.102. 22. Assam Buranji, p. 29; Khan Chowdhuri Amanatulla Ahmed, op. cit, pp.104-10. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid., p. 32. 25. R.C. Majumdar et al., An Advance History of India, pp. 441-2; The Mughal Empire: The History and Culture of the Indian People series, ed. R.C. Majumdar, Bombay, pp. 104-6. 26. Ahom-Buranji, pp. 85-6; Deodhai Asam Buranji, p. 45; Assam Buranji, pp. 32-3: Khan Chowdhuri Amanatulla Ahmed, op. cit., p. 108. 27. Ibid. 28. Ibid. 29. Khan Chowdhuri Amanatulla Ahmed, op. cit., p. 110. These conditions are not found in any of the Ahom chronicles. 30. Ibid., p. 113, Assam Buranji, p. 34; Purani Assam Buranji, ed. Pandit Hemchandra Goswami, Guwahati, 1922, p. 67. 31. Ibid., p. 115: Ahom Buranji, p. 90; Deodhai Asam Buranji, pp. 50-1. 32. Ibid., p. 114. 33. Ahom-Buranji, p. 94; Deodhai Asam Buranji, pp. 54-6; Purani Asam Buranji, p. 194.

C H A P T E R 13

Mughal and Ahom States:

Impact, Adaptation and

Consequences

M . PA RW E Z *

Assam is a state in the Indian Union which lies in between 24° and 28° north latitude and from 89° to 96° east longitude, covering a total area of 75,523 square kilometres. The state is bound on the north by Bhutan and China, in south by Bangladesh and by Burma (Myanmar) in the east. However, during eighteenth century the political boundary of Assam under the Ahoms extended roughly in between 25° and 28° north latitude and 90° and 86° east longi­ tude. The kingdom was based on the fertile valley of the river Brahmaputra which runs across all along the state. The river Manas constituted the western boundary of the kingdom and the state encompassed an area of about 17,990 square miles. POLITICAL HISTORY OF AHOM-ASSAM

Assam was ruled in the eighteenth century by Ahoms, who were a branch of the Shan/Tai race. The Shans were occupying the north­ ern and eastern hill tracts of upper Burma and western Yunnan,1 * Ashin Dasgupta’s pioneering work (cited above) links decline of Surat and hinterland after British conquest. There was drastic shift from inland trade to overseas trade, leading to decline in the activities of native merchants. Decline of inland trade must have deprived Ahom State a sizeable income and must have aggravated the crisis. Further exploration of sources is required to establish such connection in respect of eastern frontier of Bengal State formation.

304

M. Parwez

where they formed a group of states called Mung-mau or Pong. In AD 1228, the Ahom pressed by the Burmese in the Maulung dis­ trict of upper Irawadi crossed the Patkai range and entered the eastern part of the Brahmaputra Valley and Sukapha was the chief of this marshal group of the Ahoms.2 They had initially estab­ lished themselves in the south eastern corner of the Brahmaputra Valley after subjugating the Moran and Borahi tribes, who were then assimilated within the Ahom system3 In the Brahmaputra Valley there were established state formations existing prior to 1228. The ancient kingdom of Kamrupa had disintegrated into a num­ ber of tribal and non-tribal polities. The state of Kamrupa existed between the rivers Barnadi and Karotoya and in the east there were two dominant states—Chutiya and Cachari and in the west there were a number of feudal chieftains called Bhuyan.4 The politi­ cal history of the Ahoms was, therefore, largely a struggle for the mastery between the new entrants, i.e. Ahoms and these state for­ mations. The subsequent centuries were to witness intermittent conflict among the various powers and in this power struggle, the Ahoms, at the cost of already existing state formation, were suc­ cessful in extending their domination.5 Alongwith the political extension, the Ahoms kings also adopted a policy of systematic settling of Ahom families in the newly conquered territories to strengthen their position. However, the main foundation on which the establishment of the state, its function and domination rested on Ahom intervention in the production process, through which it strengthened the structure of the state structure.6 Another factor which helped in strengthening of the Ahom state even when they faced existential threat from the mighty Mughal state and its im­ mediate neighbour, was its adoption and absorption of the Mughal institutions and influences. ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL

PRACTICES IN STATE FORMATIONS

Pre-Ahom Assam comprised of a vast alluvial plain, jungle and marshes and due to the heavy rainfall in the region, its major eco­ nomic activity was rice cultivation. The tribal groups inhabited

Mughal and Ahom States

305

the region, using primitive methods of cultivation like jhoom and employing hoe and stick, were producing a dry variety of rice (ahu).7 The Ahoms introduced wet rice economy by reclaiming land. They cleared the forests and levelled the surface, using better iron implements and employed the technique of water control on the slopes, which proved crucial for the wet rice cultivation8 as these allowed them to retain rainwater for a longer period. This had started a flourishing agrarian economy and seen emergence of a network of embankment, which necessitated compulsory state service by the milita organised under paik system and the paiks were allowed to cultivate community wet rice land free of tax.9 This led to the emergence of the king as a despot. The agrarian economy was the primary means of production and theoretically the king was the owner of the land who used to give it in grant to nobility and paiks in lieu of their service and rent free grants for religious purpose.10 A paik used to possess three types of land first, household and orchards, second, inferior land used for cultivation of ahu, mus­ tard, etc., and third, the wet rice land. The third category was very important and owned by the state, which granted it to the paik whereas the first two categories happened to be in private posses­ sion with some clannish restriction and similarly these categories of land were available in abundance. But, a paik could not sell, gift or mortgage the land.11 Later the Ahom state also allotted land in grant to brahmins for temple and religious purposes namely, brahmottar, devottar and dharmottar and during neo-Vaishnism movements, the gossains and satras also received grants of land.12 All ruling clans or powerful clans were expected to be loyal to the king and these included political as well as spiritual nobility. The king depended on the service of the nobles and nobles always remained loyal to the king, as only he had the authority of granting or withdrawing paik ser­ vice. The king used to be on the top and the noble in the middle of the pyramidic social structure and the base comprised of peas­ ants. The first two had parasitic existence over the peasants like the Mughal nobility. In Assam two major varieties of rice ahu and sali were cultivated, where sali was more productive and required a wet climate as well

306

M. Parwez

as transplantation. The Ahoms were able to raise a ridge or barrier to contain the required amount of rainwater.13 The construction of the ridges or barriers required huge manpower and thus, a system which enlisted the whole adult male population and the organi­ sation evolved and was divided into khel where each member of the khel was called paik. The khel was further divided into got consisting of four paik each and each got was expected to render one man year of service to the state. When one paik rendered the service of the state the rest of the got cultivated the land, thus ensuring continuous supply of foodgrain despite absence of a parti­ cular paik.14 Thus, the medieval Assamese economy was self-suffi­ cient having artisans and craftsmen available in the village itself for carrying out non-agricultural production. The state also made efforts to bring artisans and craftsmen from the rest of India into Assam and the Mughal influence introduced with arrival of new crafts like making granulated sugar, tailoring, etc.15 In the caste hierarchy, the Brahmin, Daivajana and Kayastha were at the top and the untouchables were at the bottom and also had a range of intermediary castes including kalita. The upper castes were enjoying a privileged position and were granted land, paiks as well as important administrative position.16 So far as the political system was concerned, the king was supreme authority and supported by monarchical oligarchy. There used to be a council of ministers consisting of the buragohain, the bargohain and the barpatragohain. The head of the judicial organisation hap­ pened to be barbarua and an official designated as barphukan based at Gauhati (Guwahati) not only acted as viceroy and administered the province west of Kaliabor but also maintained diplomatic rela­ tions with other states like that of the Mughal and Bhutan and others.17 Next in the hierarchy, there were Phukans, six each of whom formed the concil of barbarua and the barphukan and then in the rank were baruas followed by rajkhowas, katakis and dolois. Besides there were many petty officials like hazarika, boras and saikias who were enjoying some exemptions from compulsory taxes.18 As the king was repository of all powers, the final authority rested with him. The Ahom concept of kingship too, believed in the divine origin of king, therefore, he could not be questioned as his

Mughal and Ahom States

307

command and will was the will and command of God. They were, therefore, also entitled as swargadeo and all honours, titles, etc., emanated from him. The expressed ideology was unity, benevo­ lence and justice.19 The Ahom society was stratified into aristocracy, common people and later, the division was between higher and lower caste and the lower caste could not even imitate the higher caste in dress code. The common people were not allowed to construct concrete houses. The kayastha and kalita enjoyed good social status, though re­ sented by the Ahoms.20 Ahoms and several other tribes were ad­ mitted into Hinduism by the end of the seventeenth century but assigned to the peasant caste of a lower order. The Ahoms retali­ ated by not allowing any high caste Hindu to enter into the higher administrative echelon.21 Agricultural produce did not form any surplus and the artisan services fulfilled the agricultural need.22 The mode of exchange was barter system by which the betel leaves and nuts were exchanged in local markets.23 Shihabuddin Talish testified about the small daily bazar in the lanes of capital Garhgaon in 1660 where the settlers sold only betel leaves.24 However, surplus was absent, but some production was made to exchange with the products of essential need which resulted in the creation of quasi-marketing network.25 Therefore, the production was determined by the use-value in­ stead of being market oriented.26 The self-sufficiency of the village caused the immobility of people and in fact the transportation system did not develop much in the Brahmaputra Valley. Even the state induced this seclusion by not allowing outsiders to enter and since the trade with external world was controlled by the state through its officials, the state did not allow any amount of interac­ tion.27 The evolution of the society was fairly homogenous as it was mainly comprised of one major ethnic community—the Assamese an Indo-Aryan race28 and other minority groups got assimilated within the main stream. Although society did not allow immigration, on embracing Hinduism, the Ahom kings invited several upper caste people mostly from Bengal.29 Such immigration got momentum during the reign of Rudra Singha and gradually Hinduism became the

308

M. Parwez

dominant religion of Assam.30 Several Brahmin families migrated to Assam and were known as Kamrupia Brahmin, Vaidik Brahmin and Rashi Brahmins. Similarly, ganaks or acharyas also migrated from Bengal31 and immigration of this group had increased tre­ mendously during the reign of Sib Singha (1714-44) and they all got assimilated.32 Although it is not possible to estimate the num­ ber of upper caste Hindus who might have migrated to Assam, but it certainly signifies the decreasing opportunity in Bengal and Mughal states, which were passing through a critical phase, parti­ cularly when the Bengal rulers were bent upon maximisation of revenue collection and were trying to reclaim even the land in charity (madad-i-mash) and religious grants. Perhaps the declin­ ing opportunity prompted several high caste Brahmins to migrate to Assam. The Muslims were invited in Assam, solely for conducting diplo­ matic relations with the Mughals, as soldiers and in some cases even as prisoners. These sections were also gradually absorbed into the mainstream.33 The assimilation was so complete that rarely anyone went back to their original native place. Shihabuddin Talish says, . . . as no one who entered this country (Assam) ever returned and the manner of its native were never made known to any outsiders the people of Hindustan used to call the inhabitants of Assam sorcerers and magicians and consider them as standing outside the human species. The saying is that whoever enters this country is overcome by its charms and never comes out of it.34

Despite assimilation there seemed to be some resentment against these foreign elements who were called bongals and during repeated Mughal invasions the resentment was heightened35 and at time demands were made to expel the bongals. Foreigners were looked upon suspiciously and customs and dress of bongals were treated as taboo. 36 The Assamese culture was greatly influenced by the Vaishnava movement led by Shanker Deva (1449-1569) and Madhav Deva (1489-1596). In fact it was a religious, social and literary reform movement.37 The despotic king established a strong state by initiating a single production process amalgamating several food gathering groups, created militia, and introduced wet rice cultiva­

Mughal and Ahom States

309

tion in place of jhoom cultivation. The society was insular and more homogenised and with the adoption of Hinduism as state religion, several tribal groups joined it, but the accompanying caste system was curbed due to the all pervasive Vaishnava movement. The stabilised community continued till mid-eighteenth century when the stabilisation process got disturbed. MUGHAL IMPACT ON ASSAM

The Mughal invasion of neighbouring Koch territory was the be­ ginning of the direct Mughal influence on the Ahom polity. Simi­ larly annexation of lower Assam had also created a situation where the reciprocal exchange of ideas had taken place.38 The creation of two offices of bar barua and bar phukan was in the early seventeenth century by Pratap Singha and the reorganisation was, obviously made due to Mughal influence to maintain territo­ rial unity and check the Mughal advance.39 Similarly some of the Mughal personnel who were taken as war prisoners were also ab­ sorbed in the military and civil administration and were given desig­ nations like bora, saikia, hazarika along with their original titles. Thus, it infused a new element into the administration.40 Due to the overwhelming influence of the Mughals, the admin­ istration was also fashioned on the pattern of the Mughal territory wherever their occupation lasted for some time. Where the admin­ istrative unit of pargana, comprising of several villages come into existence along with certain influential persons entitled as chaudhury, talukdar, majumdar, bhuyan, etc.41 Such orgnisations came into op­ eration mainly in the lower part of the Brahmaputra valley and later on the maujadari system in upper and central Assam was influenced by the pargana system which brought changes in the paik and khel system.42 Due to the Mughal occupation of Kamrupa, several changes in the Ahom judicial system were discernible as the Ahom kings re­ sorted to severity and cruelty in dispensing criminal justice, which also enabled them to curb internal rebellion and later on they had delegated the judicial powers to provincial governor of Gauhati.43 The Mughals had imposed their revenue administration on the

310

M. Parwez

koch system which had in fact, increased the role of money in the economic life there towards the close of the seventeenth century. Since then, the profound changes had began to take place not only in the Koch kingdom but also in the adjacent Ahom kingdom. The Mughals demanded revenue in cash in lieu of traditional militia service from the paik allotment.44 Subsequently, the Ahom ousted the Mughals from the larger part of Koch-Hajo area but they could not overthrow the Mughal land revenue system.45 Even in the Ahom territories the relatively affluent paiks wanted, frequently, to com­ mute their service obligation into cash or kind payments46 and the Ahom state had no option but to increasingly concede the com­ mutation demand though with some reluctance and it resulted in radical changes in the economy.47 In the Ahom state there was no land survey but occasional manpower census was made. Such census dates back to AD 1510.48 This was because it was not the custom of the Ahom to collect any land revenue from the cultivator. But in every house one man out of three had to render service to the monarch. Shihabuddin Talish observed, If this country was administered like the imperial dominion (Mughal), it is very likely that forty to forty-five lakh of rupees would be collected from the revenue paid by the raiyats, the price of elephants caught in the jungles and other sources.49

This Mughal thinking had influenced the Ahoms also and im­ pressed by the Mughal land measurement system, they started a countrywide detailed land survey which was completed during the years 1681-1751.50 Due to the influence from the Mughal system, the Ahom state was shifting from human resources to land resource as a source of revenue generation. In that process attempts were made to detect taxable wet rice land held in excess of the pre­ scribed paik allotments and explore new avenues of taxation, while keeping the militia system basically intact. Land surveyors were brought from Cooch-Behar and Bengal. Selective commutation of labour service obligations for cash was also in progress. By 1663 pineapple and tobacco, both contribution from the Mughal terri­ tory which got these from the new world, were under the cultivation in the region and both were important cash crops.51

Mughal and Ahom States

311

By the end of sixteenth century some type of land definitely acquired a saleable value in the western part of the region, though land sales were still few and far between. The author of Katha Guru Charita casually refers to three such transactions related to the purchase of homestead plots, taking place in the sixteenth century.52 In the next century land sales had become more frequent. The fact of land purchases actually taking place was corroborated by several extant documents. Three of them dated to 1667, 1685 and 1723 belonged to the period of one’s concern.53 The first is a sanad issued during the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb in favour of two temple priests of pargana Pandu. Though it was not a sale deed but it mentioned the price of land donated. The second and third were, in fact, land transaction deeds in each of which a high ranking noble in office had featured as purchaser. The third document recorded the purchase of nine acres of plot suited to both orchard and rice cultivation at the price of Rs. 25 from some villagers of the Maligaon, pargana Dehar.54 These also included the place of transaction, names of the witness present as well as the boundary demarcation. All the places mentioned in these documents, how­ ever, related to the western Assam, i.e. the district of Kamrupa.55 It appears that in the eastern Assam the wet rice land even when recognised as saleable, remain inseparably linked with over-riding clan and community rights until the eventual collapse of the Ahom state. On the other hand, in lower Assam, one finds emergence of zamindari system on the line of Mughal Bengal.56 Assam had old trading relation with Bengal 57 and Tavernier mentioned that Dhaka would export ornaments of coral, amber and shell to Assam, Bhutan, Nepal and Siam.58 Goalpara, Jogigopha and Rangamati were the three eastern outpost of Bengal from where its merchants would transact their trade with the frontier officers, as the Ahom being suspicious, did not give privileges to trading agents.59 Even Jagat Seth had his agents in Goalpara, Jogighopa and Kandahar Chowky, the trading centres in Assam which he withdrew when he faced problems.60 There appears to be substantial trade as pointed out by S.N. Bhattacharyya, In exchange for elephants tusk, hide of Chamari cow, pepper, musk, silk cloth, gold lingumaloes and jaluk and other kinds of aromatic plants to be

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had in abundance in Assam, the Assamese used to import from the Mughal domain various kinds of winter clothing i.e., Lahori, Bapta, Banat to protect 61 themselves against the rigorous cold in their hilly habitation.

The Ahom king Rudra Singha (1696-1714) tried to increase the volume of trade, with Mughal Bengal and Himalayan tracts. Gait says that, The trade with Bengal was considerable and the officials who formed the customs revenue paid rupees 90,000 a year to the Bar-phukan of which, however, only 36,000 reached the royal treasury.62

Such economic interaction was bound to make circulation of money indispensable which had gradually finished the barter system. During the Mughal period, the external trade of the region got diversified along with significant advancement made towards monetization63 and by the middle of the seventeenth century the kings were minting gold and silver coins and coins of several denominations were issued. It seems that the rapid increase in money supply from several sources indicated that the demand for medium of exchange and trade, both intra-regional and inter­ regional, were increasing over the years AD 1500-1750.64 However, the adaptation and absorption of the Mughal influences had become sources of the instability of the Ahom state. The Ahom state was basically a tribal system and the adaptation of the Mughal feudal features into this largely tribal structure created contradiction in forms. This had started the process of gradual feudalisation of the Ahom structure, which ultimately brought down the tribal structure with which the 600 years old Ahom state ended.65 The despotic Ahom king brought diverse food gathering groups into the fold of single food producer process. The conquest of the neighbouring chiefdoms led to the enlistment of the conquered people as members of the milita, which fostered this process. The wet rice cultivation soon replaced jhoom farming throughout the province and the economic life followed a uniform pattern. The absorption of the Mughal feature brought monetisation into the economy. The bhakti movement and institutionalised Hinduism which emerged during the Mughal rule, made its appearance in the Ahom state as well. Thus, besides economic features, even the

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cultural influences of the Mughal state are discernible in the Ahom state. This led to adaptation of Hinduism by the royalty as the state religion which further helped the process of cultural exchange. Several tribal groups joined the main stream of Hinduism. The divisive consequences of Hinduism in this society were the rise of the caste system. The Vaishnavite movement under the leadership of Shankar Deva was a part of the all India bhakti movement. The satra monastry institution developed as a counter centre of power. The rise in power and privileges of the satra institution signify the developments of the productive process.66 Under the satra, there were huge land grants and a number of attached peasants, which together earned huge revenue for the satras. Each satra institution emerged as a powerful landlord. The advancement sponsored the feudal economy, which could not be checked any longer by the Ahom state and it signifies its loss of vitality. This led to the disintegration of its basic structure and functioning pattern. Like, the advancement of feudalism, in religious garb (satras, satradhikar/landlords), a powerful peasants uprising also took place in the religious garb, known as moamaria rebellion, which took place in 1770s. The movement soon acquired a political colour but the weak Ahom state failed to check the uprising, imposition of puppet kings, counter-revolution and fresh uprising followed the intercine quarrel of the royal family which led some of them to invite foreign forces into Assam. Thus, they had opened the state for the outsiders. First, the Burmese were invited who virtually ruled from 1819-24 and then the British entered to expel the Burmese but later continued to stay on and replaced Ahoms as rulers. CRISIS

The socio-economic evolution of the Ahom system and the growing inherent contradiction began to manifest in the eighteenth century in the form of structural imbalance and crisis. The Ahom system did not allow secular landlordism to grow but landlordism did emerge in the form of religious aristocracy.67 With the growth of their power—a crisis in the existing socio-political order manifested.

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The structural crisis had reflected in the long drawn civil war, which broke out during the second half of the eighteenth century spear­ headed by the moamarias against the authority of the Ahom state. This uprising had aggravated the crisis further. The political dis­ integration coupled with the economic destruction of the old order was the cumulative result of this crisis.68 By the seventeenth century the Ahom polity had emerged as a state with considerable power of coercion, although it was based still in largely tribal formation. From the seenteenth century, the process of consolidation of landlordism (feudalism) was evident from the emergence of the spiritual property holder and numerous vassal states linked to the Ahom state by ties of political dependence. In the seventeenth century Ahom monarch Pratap Singha affected a reorganization by which the state control over the distribution of communal wet rice land, mobilization of surplus in the form of the central labour pool and redistribution of this surplus amongst the various elements of ruling class and bureaucracy had been centralized to a great extent. But this centralisation still proved to be weak because even by eighteenth century the militia and bureaucracy at the top still retained its original tribal character to a considerable extent. This unresolved contradiction between the feudal and tribal elements within the militia was an important factor in the civil war between the rulers and ruled. On the other hand, spiritual lords and extensive feudalization of state structure had restricted and weakened the power of the crown. The ideological concept of swargdeo was given a jolt by the vaishnavite movement which also weakened the pre-eminent position of the king.69 With the low level of surplus production, the Ahom state was increasingly finding it difficult to maintain an increasing ruling class. The opportunity for satisfying personal ambition was also being reduced. The long years of peace and relative prosperity had sapped the vigour of the Ahom nobility and officials and they refused to go for active service. Intrigues, corruption, power rivalry and sectarian dispute racked the nobility and higher officials of the state. All these were indications of a deepening crisis in the body polity.70 A parallel to this development could be seen in the Mughal court politics after the death of Aurangzeb.

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An actual crisis was emerging in the economic structure. The dominant mode of appropriation of the Ahom state was labour rent which it obtained from its subjects. This surplus was subjected from the militia organised out of adult male population. The extension of wet rice production had resulted in the increased productivity which could sustain a large population as well as a growing state apparatus. But the population of Assam continued to remain poor or lived at the subsistence level hence, where the state political hierarchy and royalty continued to expand the sur­ plus, the militia did not keep the commensurate pace. This factor emerged to be the most important contradiction for the Ahom economy during the eighteenth century. The Ahom state had begun the practice of granting large landed estate along with paik allotments to the religious heads, and insti­ tutions notably the satras. Every paik so granted meant a loss of surplus to the state as the Brahmans and satras were exempted from making any payment to the state either in kind or cash. Being a labour starved region and a system where labour was an essential input, the withdrawal of such a number of labour undermined the very basis of the economy. The state sought to make it up by increasing the number of man days, labour service which each paik had to render to the state, from three months to four months and this subjected the paiks to more exploitation. To evade this exploitation or bonded service, the paiks used to become voluntary slaves or take refuse in the monasteries as bakats. 71 By the mid eighteenth century the Ahom state, thus finding it difficult to obtain enough paiks to do obligatory service to the state due to increasing tendency of paik to become bakats.72 In Ahom state, the labour service was mainly linked to agrarian production. In the Ahom state, within the peasants the most discontented were bahtia and moran paiks. The bahtia were class of paiks who were settled by the state to pay an annual subsidy called posa to the hill tribe so that they (hill tribe) remained contented and did not commit raids on plains. Besides paddy and rice the bahatias had to give cloth, cattle and salt. In addition they also had to perform the obligatory labour service to the state. The dual service to the state had resulted in enormous antipathy among the

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bahatia against the Ahom state.73 The morans were a martial tribe absorbed by the Ahom and brought under the paik system. They were to supply a variety of local products and animals, like ele­ phants, fuel, ivory, honey, bamboo, wax, raw cotton and vegetable dyes, etc., to the Ahom state. With the increase in the intensity of paik system, its rigidity associated with the system like restriction on the mobility of peasants and prescribed strict standard of living created anger among the morans as the exploitation increased further in the eighteenth century the rebelliousness of the morans also be­ came more intense.74 In fact, the morans constituted the largest number of followers of the moamaria satra which was first to rebel against the Ahom state. As discussed above by the middle of the eighteenth century trade with outside and internal market within the region had developed, as it is evident from the increasing supply of currency. The increase in the volume of external trade and internal network of market system and emergence of the merchant class was the direct result of the Mughal contact. But the Ahom state continued its policy of imposing restriction on the external trade by mono­ polising external commerce.75 But the dynamics of the changing economy was such that it precipitated a crisis in the system which was preventing the growth of trade and commerce. The restrictive nature of the paik system hindered free movement of artisans which was necessary for further specialisation and development to take place. The better off section could commute their obligation for money payments. But this was not possible on a large scale and this proved to be the major contradiction between an autocratic state and change in economy. The militia constituted the backbone of the economy, therefore, the state could not grant commutation of service obligation to an unlimited extent. It could be so only to the extent to which it (state) needed money. There was also, what M. Athar Ali called, cultural failure and the Ahom state and society did not show the capacity to appreciate and adopt technological developments even from the Mughal state leaving aside European technology. Although features of the Mughal economy was introduced in the Ahom state structure but it failed to borrow any of its technological innovation as well as European

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technology. Like the Mughal polity suffered due to its failure to appreciate and adopt the European technology and the stagnating technology in the Mughal state put it in a disadvantageous position vis-à-vis the European power, the Ahom state too suffered. Since the introduction of wet rice cultivation by the Ahom there was no technological improvement. Irrigation was still done through man­ power whereas one finds large-scale use of Persian wheel, saqiya and even canal construction in the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal India. In the Ahom state the labour was still the input in the cultivation. Even in the military domain the Ahoms failed to make any technological innovation. This explains the defeat of the Ahom state by a religious sect called moamaria which comprised of mainly ordinary peasants. MANIFESTATION OF THE CRISIS

The cultural impact of Mughal India on Assam was the spread of the bhakti movement in Ahom state. Beginning from the fifteenth century single monastic faith based on bhakti was popularised by Shankar Deva and his disciple. It was based on the teaching of Bhagwat Purana. The neo-vaishnavite movement in Assam, however, had certain distinctions compared to the bhakti movement in the rest of India. One of its distinguishing features was the establish­ ment of satra or monastries, each headed by a guru known as satradhikar gossain or mahanta for purposes of proselytisation. The cult took strong roots in the masses over the subsequent centuries. The satra institution became the centre of wealth and power. By the end of seenteenth century, the original order of Shankar Deva had been divided into four Samhitas (order). These were Bhrahmo, Purush, Nika and Kala. These divisions were on the basis of debates on idol worship, brahmanical rights, celibacy and propriety of initiation of a Brahman by a sudra, etc. Those satras, which con­ formed to the above practices enjoyed the patronage of the Ahom state. The most non conformist was the Kala Samhita of Gopal Deva. This denomination had the largest following among the lower caste and tribal population. The Moamaria satra belonged to this Kala Samhita. They were

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made up of diverse groups of people belonging to various castes and tribes—united only in their adherence to a single common guru—the moamaria gossain. The moamaria were known for their fanatical devotion to their guru—an uncommon exclusiveness in their rituals. They looked up to their guru as God incarnates, because of their unique hold over their disciples and immense material prosperity. The moamaia goswamis were looked upon with jealousy and suspicion by the Ahom monarchs particularly by Pratap Singha. Due to this the moamaria satra and its gossain functionaries on numerous occasions were subjected to state persecution and humili­ ation during eighteenth century. The first moamaria rebellion broke out in 1769 and the immediate cause was the flogging of a moran chief by the Ahom minister Kirti Chandra Barbarua. The already prepared morans revolted against the Ahom state and defeated the royalist forces successively and took control of the capital city of Rangpur. Although the morans had to retreat later, it had shattered the myth of the invincibility of Ahom state. In retaliation the Ahom gained control of the state and persecuted moamaria mohanta and his son and continued to hunt the moran down. The second uprising took place in 1773 and was confined to Garhgaon and Rangpur and attempts were made to do away with the Ahom king Gaurinath Singha. So much so that the throne was uncontested for the moamarias. The rebels were, however, defeated by the royal forces and due to the persecution policy of the state, depopulated almost half of moamaria areas. The next revolt broke out in 1786. Initially it began from a place called Japaibheti situated on the northern bank of the Brahmaputra. The uprising of the moamaria and bahatia was led by Harihar Matak—a weaver by profession. This time there was a virtual breakdown of the Ahom state authority and the king, leaving behind the Prime Minister to defend the country from the rebels, escaped to Guwahati in January 1788. The royal forces were repeatedly defeated and the Ahom militia become ineffective and inefficient. Many of the uprooted Ahom nobles had taken shelter in the districts of Darrang and Nawgong but popular discontent also broke out in these two districts also against extortion and exploitation of Ahom officers. The king was compelled by the people to change officials and about 240 villages of Darrang had called their militia of 6,000 men from Guwahati.

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The demoralization and loss of Ahom power was seen when British help was sought by Gaurinath Singha to curb the internal strife. With the help of British troops led by Captain Welsh, the revolt was quelled and Ahom political authority restored. The Moamaria left the capital and retreated to Bengmara. Captain Welsh was recalled due to Sir John Shore’s non-inter­ ventionist policy, as a result the resurrection and conspiracy conti­ nued during the reign of Kamleshwar Singha. But by this time the indigenous military group formed on the company lines, succeeded in subjugating the moamaria and killed their leaders. But, by then the weakness of the Ahom state had been exposed and it was only a matter of time before the state had its final eclipse. Apparently the moamaria rebellion appears to be a religious uprising, where it had inculcated the feeling of oneness and perceived injustice of the Ahom state. Although the religious heads played their role in the earlier part but in the later part of rebellion, they played little role except being a symbol of unity. The state wanted to control the expanding power of the satra, as it was becoming a source of conflict and thus tried to suppress the movement without success. However, the rebellion appears to be representative of the socio-economic and political crisis which pre­ vailed in the eighteenth century Ahom state formation. Most of the leaders of the rebellion were ordinary peasants and there were localised revolts by diverse groups. The result not only weakened the Ahom state but also signified the structural changes which could not be contained in the existing system. Thus, the crisis was a manifestation of the breaking down of the old system. Inter­ estingly the composition and activities of moamaria seemed to be very similar to satnamis and sikhism. Both were largely peasants and to some it was akin to Jats who were a par excellence. The Jats had plundered the imperial territory with impunity. Similarly, the satnami and Sikh rebellion had produced the agrarian crisis in the Mughal empire which caused the decline of the authority. Similarly, the moamaria rebellion created a crisis for the Ahom state. The root of the problem rested in the adoption of some of the Mughal influence like partial commutation of labour service into cash, land survey and state endeavour to reclaim more and more wet rice land. Excessive state demand and exploitation resulted

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in the flight of paiks to satras causing labour shortage and decline in state income which was bound to precipitate a crisis. Ironically the Ahom nobility also depended on surplus extraction (labour service or rent in form of kind or cash) and the problem in surplus realization was unsettling for the ruling class. Due to technological stagnation, the state failed to create any alternative as an antidote of the crisis. NOTES 1. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati, rep. 1997, p. 66. 2. Ibid., pp. 71-3. 3. Ibid., pp. 73-4. 4. Ibid. 5. Amalendu Guha, ‘Medieval North-East India : Polity, Society and Economy 1200-1750 AD’, Occasional paper 19, Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, 1978, pp. 2-4, republished as Amalendu Guha, ‘The Medieval Economy of Assam’, in Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, 1200-1750, ed. Tapan Roychaudhury & Irfan Habib, Delhi, 1984, pp. 480-2, p. 9. 6. Sajal Nag, ‘The Socio-economic Base of Medieval Assam in the Light of the Asiatic Mode of Production’, Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 1-1, Shillong: NEHU 1998, pp. 32-8. 7. Amalendu Guha, ‘Medieval North-East India : Polity, Society and Economy 1200-1750 AD’, Occasional paper 19, Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, 1978, republished as Amalendu Guha, ‘The Medieval Economy of Assam’, in Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, 1200-1750, ed. Tapan Roychaudhury & Irfan Habib, Delhi, 1984, pp. 480-2, p. 9, cf. Tejimala Gurung, ‘Social Formation in Eighteenth Century Assam’, unpublished PhD thesis, Shillong: North-Eastern Hill University, 1990, pp. 48-51. 8. Tejimala Gurung, ‘Social Formation in Eighteenth Century Assam’, unpublished PhD thesis, Shillong, North-Eastern Hill University, 1990 pp. 50-1. 9. Ibid., pp. 56-8. 10. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati, rep 1997, p. 209, 270. 11. Ibid. 12. Amalendu Guha, ‘Tribalism to Feudalism in Assam 1600-1750’, Indian Historical Review, Delhi, vol. I, 1974, pp. 65-75.

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13. Amalendu Guha, ‘Medieval North-East India : Polity, Society and Economy 1200-1750 AD’, Occasional paper 19, Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, 1978, reproduced as Amalendu Guha, ‘The Medieval Economy of Assam’, Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, 1200­ 1750, ed. Tapan Roychaudhury and Irfan Habib, Delhi, 1984, pp. 480-2. 14. Sajal Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict : Nationality Question in North-East India, Delhi, 1990, pp. 19-20. 15. Ibid., pp. 17-19. 16. Ibid., pp. 20-2. 17. Ibid., pp. 21-2. 18. Ibid., pp. 22-3. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid., pp. 23-4. 21. Ibid., p. 24. Also, see, Amalendu Guha, ‘Tribalism to Feudal-ism’, op. cit. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid., p. 21. 24. Ibid. 25. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati, rep 1997, pp. 137-9. 26. Sajal Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict: Nationality Question in North-East India, Delhi, 1990, p. 25. 27. S.K. Bhuyan, Anglo-Assamese Relations, Guwahati, 1949, pp. 50-5. 28. Sajal Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict: Nationality Question in North-East India, Delhi, 1990, p. 25. 29. Ibid. 30. Ibid., cf. Edward Gait, op. cit., pp. 170-4. 31. Ibid., pp. 25-6. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid., pp. 27-8. 34. Shihabuddin Talish, Fathiya Ibriya cited in Sajal Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict, op. cit., p. 26. 35. Sajal Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict: Nationality Question in North-East India, Delhi, 1990, pp. 27-8. 36. Ibid. 37. Ibid. 38. Sushil Chandra Dutta, The North-East and The Mughals (1661-1714), Delhi, 1984, pp. 206-7. 39. Ahom Buranji, Eng. tr. G.C. Barua, Shillong, 1930, pp. 120-2. 40. Sushil Chandra Dutta, The North-East and The Mughals (1661-1714), Delhi, 1984, p. 211.

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41. Ibid., pp. 211-12. 42. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati, rep. 1997, pp. 222-3. 43. Sushil Chandra Dutta, The North-East and The Mughals (1661-1714), Delhi, 1984, p. 212. 44. Amalendu Guha, ‘Medieval North-East India : Polity, Society and Economy 1200-1750 AD’, Occasional paper 19, Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, 1978, p. 11, republished as Amalendu Guha, ‘The Medieval Economy of Assam’, in Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, 1200-1750, ed. Tapan Roychaudhury and Irfan Habib, Delhi, 1984, pp. 480-2. 45. Amalendu Guha, ‘Medieval North-East India : Polity, Society and Economy 1200-1750 AD’, Occasional paper 19, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta, 1978, p. 11, republished as Amalendu Guha, ‘The Medieval Economy of Assam’, Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, 1200-1750, ed. Tapan Roychaudhury and Irfan Habib, Delhi, 1984, pp. 480-2, 46. Ibid., pp. 11-13, ibid. 47. Ibid., pp. 1-13, ibid. 48. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati, rep. 1997, p. 81. 49. Ibid., p. 135. 50. Amalendu Guha, ‘Medieval North-East India : Polity, Society and Economy 1200-1750 AD’, Occasional paper 19, Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, 1978, pp. 1-13, republished as Amalendu Guha, ‘The Medieval Economy of Assam’, Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, 1200-1750, ed. Tapan Roychaudhury & Irfan Habib, Delhi: 1984, pp. 485-8. 51. Ibid. 52. Ibid. 53. S.K. Bhuyan (tr.), Annals of the Delhi Badshahate (tr. of Padshah Buranji), Guwahati, 1947, p. 18. 54. Amalendu Guha, ‘Medieval North-East India : Polity, Society and Economy 1200-1750 AD’, Occasional paper 19, Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, 1978, pp. 12-13, republished as Amalendu Guha, ‘The Medieval Economy of Assam’, Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, 1200-1750, ed. Tapan Roychaudhury & Irfan Habib, Delhi, 1984, pp. 485-8. 55. Ibid. 56. Sushil Chandra Dutta, The North-East and The Mughals (1661-1714), Delhi, 1984, p. 227. 57. Ibid., p. 220.

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58. Tavernier, Travels in India, vol. II, tr. V. Ball. 59. Sushil Chandra Dutta, The North-East and The Mughals (1661-1714), Delhi, 1984, p. 223. 60. The role of indigenous banking house has been analysed with reference to the Jagat Seths by Karen Leonard, ‘The “Great Firm” Theory of the Decline of the Mughal Empire’, in Muzaffar Alam & S. Subrananyam ed., The Mughal State 1526-1750, Delhi: 1998, pp. 398-418. 61. Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharyya, A History of Mughal North-East Frontier Policy, Delhi, rep., 1994, p. 289. 62. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati, rep 1997, cited in Sushil Chandra Dutta, op. cit., p. 225. 63. Amalendu Guha, ‘Medieval North-East India : Polity, Society and Economy 1200-1750 AD’, Occasional paper 19, Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, 1978, p. 15, republished as Amalendu Guha, ‘The Medieval Economy of Assam’, Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. I, 1200-1750, ed. Tapan Roychaudhury & Irfan Habib, Delhi, 1984, pp. 485-8. 64. Ibid., p. 16, ibid. 65. Ibid., pp. 11, 15, 16, ibid. 66. Sajal Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict, op. cit., p. 17, cf. Amalendu Guha, ibid., p. 37. 67. Sajal Nag, ‘The Socio-Economic Base of Medieval Assam’, op. cit., pp. 37, 39-40. 68. Tejimala Gurung, ‘Social Formation in Eighteenth Century Assam’, unpublished PhD thesis, Shillong: North-Eastern Hill University 1990, pp. 163-82. 69. Ibid., p. 166. 70. Ibid., p. 164, see also E. Gait, op cit., pp. 184-7. 71. Ibid., pp. 167-8. 72. Ibid., p. 168. Similar instances had been seen in the Mughal Empire and later on in Bengal Nazimate. In the Mughal Empire the peasantry was excessively taxed and moreover the peasantry had to pay over and above (sair) the regular revenue demands. Although the practice of ijara had started in the seventeenth century, but its rampant operation has been seen in the eighteenth century, where the actual jagirdars allowed contractors to realise land revenue on their behalf after receiving an acceptable amount from these contractors or revenue farmers (ijara). The over exploitation due to revenue farming (ijaradari) several peasants migrated from the Mughal territory to the raja’s territory in seventeenth century and more in eighteenth

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century to evade misery and there was the tendency to join religious institutions to seek revenue concessions. Similarly, the reforms of Bengal nazims (nawabs) enabled them to maximize the revenue collection by reducing the number of zamindaris through ruthless realization. The introduction of the money lending class in the rural area proved to be more exploitative after some time though the state could collect its demands. The excessive exploitation of the peasantry was an important reason for the agrarian crisis in the Mughal State which weak­ ened the state greatly. Once, a crisis in the main productive system in agrarian sector, which affected other sectors too came up. The state crumbled due to absence of an alternative to correct the imbalance. 73. Tejimala Gurung, ‘Social Formation in Eighteenth Century Assam’, unpublished PhD thesis, Shillong: North-Eastern Hill University, 1990, p. 168. 74. Ibid. 75. Sajal Nag, ‘The Socio-economic Base of Medieval Assam’, op. cit., pp. 41-5.

C H A P T E R 14

Encounters in the East:

Mughal-Tripura Relations

ANINDITA GHOSHAL

INTRODUCTION

Though Tripura could always achieve and apparently retain its status as an independent princely state before the official merger with the rest of India after the Partition of 1947, it however, started to lose possession of its own territory from the eighteenth century onwards. The rulers of Tripura were subdued by the Mughals in 1722 and were forced to cede the greater part of their plain terri­ tories known as Chakla Roshanabad and paid tributes for the re­ tention of the rest. Thus Tripura, so long a mighty kingdom cover­ ing a wide area, gently submerged into forgetfulness by turning itself into a normal province within the Mughal empire. Hence, the idea that Tripura had always been a place within Bengal at­ tends to a particular way of specialising homeland ideology. It was more like imagining Tripura as a part of Bengal. But not only the respective rulers of Tripura, the other states of north eastern India, like the Koch, Ahom, Kachari, Jaintia and Manipuri monarchies also strengthened and consolidated their base as well as power, by occasional confrontations and regular negotiations with the rulers of neighbouring Bengal during the Mughal period.1 The larger state formation initiative by the Mughals in the neighbouring areas and their mode of production generated impact in both the hills and plain areas of north eastern India. The political interaction with the Mughals rulers of neighbouring areas was indeed problematic in these two regions, plains and hills.

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The hilly areas of both the regions of north eastern India or Tripura tried to retain the traditional tribal norms and formations, till the British subjugated them to accept some changes. But, the valley areas often experienced rise and fall of monarchies.2 In the existing historical work on the Mughal period and north eastern India, there is a tendency among the scholars and historians to term this time-period as the ‘medieval period’. But in reality, the presence of the Mughals was clearly felt and it reflected in the polity and type of administrative control in the frontier regions and the whole of the north eastern India. The expansionist designs and penetra­ tions of the Mughals in the north east as a whole and Tripura in particular, resulted in change in the socio-economic and cultural domain. The demand of revenues of the Mughals was so huge it didn’t lead to any change in the technology of the production system. Rather, some historians are of the opinion that the de­ mand for more revenues in form of cash or kind, compelled the emergence of intermediaries and the whole system was a bit similar to the chief characteristic features of feudalism.3 The social stratification and political phenomenon in Tripura had experienced the rudiments during the whole tenure of the Mughal period. The Brahmanical influence and the resultant pro­ cess of Sanskritisation had made a considerable headway during this period. The monarchical family of Tripura assimilated them­ selves linguistically and culturally with the majority community in the state by a historical process. The impact generated by this contact was highly significant in the history of the north-east. The interventions of the Mughals had broken the isolations that pre­ vailed for centuries in this region. The nature of rivalry and conse­ quent challenges that were posed by them, actually forced the rulers of the different states to reorganise and strengthen their re­ spective definite identities and territories. They were compelled to redesign their administrative machinery, defence structures and even using new weapons to face the Mughal artilleries. Later, the war prisoners of the Mughals became the source of introducing modernity in the field of army and state economy. Even the indig­ enous institutions and practices underwent changes. The impact of the Mughal rule was felt even in the field of religion, culture, language and literature.4

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THE BACKDROP

The Tipperah tribe clan, to which the royal family of Tripura be­ longed, was in the Kapili Valley of the Assam till the thirteenth century. Later they moved to the Cachar valley and finally occupied territory and made their base in Tripura.5 As per many mythological texts, especially Bishnu Purana it was categorically mentioned that the ancient name of this particular region was Kirat Desh.6 In most of the ancient texts, the rajans or Maharajas of this land were described as the Chandravansa Kshatriyas and their ancestor Tripur was described as having descended from the Pururvas.7 Suniti Kumar Chatterjee also classified them as Indo-Mongoloids, who were ac­ tually known as Kiratas.8 Although most of the books based on the mythical facts denounced this assumption and stated that the word ‘Tripura’ might have sprung either from the idea of Tripurasura or originated from three puris (castles) that were erected by him (Tripur),9 there is almost no denial of the fact that this specific geographical location was between the migration routes, which were connected to Arakan.10 The tendency of in-migration and out-migration of the tribes, however, proves its popular identity of a hospitable and accommodative state.11 According to Rajmala, a Bengali Royal court chronicle of the Tripura Maharajas, about 150 Hindu kings had ruled Tripura for an uninterrupted period of about 350 years from the legendary period.12 As the Maharajas of Tripura often used to claim that they originally belonged to the moon dynasty, they adopted the sur­ name ‘Fa’, chiefly to define their linage.13 The existing historical materials, folklores and other literary sources support the idea that Tripura became a centre of power from fifteenth century onwards. And, the Maharajas had adopted Hinduism as state religion and received support of the Hindu community from the fifteenth cen­ tury. It was a tribal chieftaindom that evolved gradually into a monarchical state. The original inhabitants of the hill area, which was indeed the other side of the Chittagong Hill Tracts of the then East Bengal, were tribals. Till the sixteenth century, the Cachar valley and parts of Sylhet, Noakhali and Chittagong district of the present Bangladesh were an essential part of this kingdom.14 During the Mughal period, the territory of Tripura was confined to the

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present territorial boundary of the Tripura state and parts of Comilla District of Bangladesh.15 Though the rulers of Tripura always maintained a hierarchical state order or system in administration, when the crown prince was next to the monarch in power and dignity, he was in charge of three major departments, i.e. revenue, elephants and soldiers. The royal family, known as thakur, occupied the highest position in the society and significant posts in the state. But, Barthakur was the chief commander whose chief responsibility was to supervise the collection of elephants from the forest and report to the Maharaja.16 Abul Fazal said that the ministers of the state were named Narayan, and they were very efficient in elephant hunting or making war garrison, utilising their immense stock of elephants. But, he also mentioned the scarcity of the horses in that particular state. 17 Maharaja Ratna Manikya first introduced a Muslim model in the administrative pattern. Previously, the thakur section and the Narayan (kinsmen of the Rajas) were important in political aristocracy. Ratna Manikya created four more high posts in the centre just like Ben­ gal. They were, suba (commander in chief ), uzir (minister), nazir (in charge of law and order) and diwan (in charge of finance).18 THE BEGINNING OF THE CONFLICTS

Tripura, a tiny state, had been facing external invasions from as early as thirteenth century.19 Long before the Mughal age, Dangar Fa first divided the kingdom into seventeen parts to place all his sons in different divisions. Actually, the Maharajas had to con­ tinue regular warfare against all the external invaders, especially the Sultans of Bengal, to keep control over this region. During the Mughal-Pathan conflict, the Manikya Maharajas of Tripura occu­ pied territorial areas in this region. Dense jungles, especially the hilly areas, covered the then East Bengal.20 Interestingly, the Pathan and Mughal soldiers were not accustomed to guerrilla technique of warfare, which was necessary to conquer the areas and keep the region under control for the rulers. Taking advantage of this, the Maharajas of Tripura expanded their kingdom from Sylhet to Chittagong with the help of the Bengali Hindus there.21 Besides

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the Mughal invasions, there were at least six major Kuki incursions in Tripura. The Kukis were generally known as the Choba among the masses, whereas the Paite Kuki or Darlongs were described in the contemporary sources as Khorkam.22 They were basically a com­ munity of raiders, who used to attack the plains of Tripura to collect luxurious items like jewellery and other valuables during scarcity of food or wealth. It is said that the Kukis used to even dig on the maikhor (literally hidden treasure) to grab grains hidden by the villagers and even abducted women.23 Community wise, they were extremely united, well organised and used to design their attacks through the eastern river routes. While Tripura started facing continuous and major attacks from the Mughals in the centre and Nawabs of Bengal as their chief representatives, both the Maharajas and the Nawabs realised the need for a treaty after some devastating warfare.Thus, King Hari of Tripura sent one of his younger sons Kumar Ratna ‘Fa’24 (consid­ ered to be the most intelligent and worthy of the throne) to the to the durbar of the Sultan as jamanot (executor) in AD 1279. Though he was sent to the court of Gour chiefly as a hostage, he gradually earned the loyalty of the Sultan of Bengal. Ratna Manikya resided at the court of Bengal Subadar Togral Khan and he could win over their trust gradually and stop the regular warfare between these neighbouring states at least for the time being. But while Ratna was in Bengal, the Maharaja of Tripura passed away. The eldest son ascended the throne. Ratna was shattered with the news and ap­ proached the Subadar to help him in gaining the kingdom. Togral too was eager to help as he found an excellent opportunity to win over Tripura with the prince at his side. He provided military sup­ port for conquering Rangamati, the then capital of Tripura. Togral attacked Tripura with a large army, this time with the full knowl­ edge of the territory. He defeated the king, devastated the land and plundered the inhabitants. Ratna was crowned the new king and titled ‘Manikya’ (priceless gem) signifying the great ruby he presented to Togral, apart from great wealth and 100 elephants.25 He later ascended the throne with the title Maharaja Ratna Manikya and introduced the system of sending elephants as a tribute to the Nawabs of Bengal.26 This victory of Maharaja Ratna Manikya with

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the help of Togral was important as, before the Mughal aggression in the peripheral states of the north east, chiefly in Tripura, it was for the first time a huge Muslim garrison had entered into the territory of Tripura, of which some of the members stayed back.27 During the reign of Pratap Manikya (1323-1407), the son of Ratna Manikya, the capital of Bengal was shifted to Subarnagram. In 1347, Samsuddin, the Pathan Sultan, invaded Tripura and took a large war booty of elephants and wealth.28 Sultan Ilyas Shah of Bengal came into closer touch with Tripura during his reign. The historical period of the Manikya dynasty seemed to have started from the reign of Dharma Manikya ( AD 1431-62) or Maha Manikya. He was the descendant of the earlier ruler; also he could prove himself to be one of the most talented and capable Mahara­ jas of the Manikya dynasty. He was a great patron of art and litera­ ture. He settled a large number of Brahmans during his tenure, engaged the Royal priest Dhurlabendra and two Brahmins from Sylhet named Sukreswar and Bameswar to compose the first part of Rajmala, the royal chronicle, both in Sanskrit and Bengali.29 During his reign, the invasion of Bengal took place, the plunder of Subarnagram, the capital of the Nawab under Sultan Abul Mujahed Ahmed Shah. He also helped Mengchu Muang, the ruler of Arakan to take refuge in the court of Tripura to get back his own kingdom finally.30 By taking advantage of the disorder and chaotic condi­ tion of Bengal, prior to the accession of Hussain Shah, Dharma Manikya annexed some portions of Bengal such as Patrikara, Ganga­ mandal, Meherkul and Khandal to his kingdom. Hussein Shah, on assumption of the throne, launched a counter attack. Accord­ ing to Rajmala, the first attack of Hussein Shah was repulsed with many losses. Again he dispatched a second expedition under the command of Gaura Mallik, which though it advanced up to river Gumti, though the military forces, had to retreat. The third expe­ dition was sent under General Hastan Khan and Karab Khan, which conquered Kailagarh, Bisalgarh, Jamirkhani and Chaikuria and advanced up till the capital Rangamati. But flushing the water of a dam over river Gumti had stopped them and their military ar­ rangements. The Chittagong Fort, however, remained under the Sultan of Bengal. Yet, there is a counter theory, which claims that

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Maha Manikya had temporarily submitted the whole of Tripura to the Sultan of Bengal, Jalauddin (AD 1418-33).31 THE FURTHER AGGRESSION

From the early fifteenth century, irrespective of the regular attacks and conflicts with many neighbouring enemies, the Maharajas of Tripura state could somehow establish a principality extending from the Sylhet region to Chittagong.32 The next significant ruler of the Tripura state was Maharaja Dhanya Manikya (AD 1490-1520). He ascended the throne in 1490, taking the title ‘Vijayendra’ and declared war against Hussein Shah, the Nawab of Bengal. Actually, taking advantage of the disturbed political condition of Bengal during the Abyssinian rule, Maharaja Dhanya Manikya had occu­ pied some extensive territories of Bengal culminating in the occu­ pation of Chittagong in 1513, which was commemorated by issue of gold coins. But some historians are of the opinion that it must have begun before AD 1513, for it is learnt from an inscription of that year that a part of Tripura was then governed by a Muslim officer.33 A very detailed account of the conflict is given in the sec­ ond part of the Rajmala, the official history of Tripura, written between AD 1577-86. In the official claim,the prestige and status of this princely state reached to such a height that the territory of the Tripura state extended from ‘the Sundarbans and the sea in the west and south, to Kamrupa in the north and Burma in the east’.34 Yet, it was probably Deva Manikya (AD 1520), who recovered Chittagong for the time being, though some counter evidence suggests that Hamza Khan, the Governor of Chittagong defeated Deva Manikya. It was during the reign of Vijay Manikya (AD 1532­ 63) that some reorganisation was made on Bengal lines. The king reorganised his army by recruiting some Afghan soldiers and cre­ ated a new force known as Surya Khariat regiment in which only physically strong ones could be selected. But the revolts of these Afghan soldiers were taken advantage of by the Sultan of Bengal. He occupied Chittagong. Vijay Manikya, whose name signifies his trail of victories and expansion of the boundary of the Tripura state is said to have encroached into the Khasi and Jaintia states.

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After defeating the kings of these two hill states, he tried to recover or conquer Chittagong. He had engaged in war with the Sultan of Gour. Though the war extended for eight months, the Manikya Maharaja could finally establish a hold over Chittagong. He brought the chief of the King of Gour, Mamarak Khan to Udaipur and punished him, putting him to death. The soldiers plundered jewel­ lery, elephants, horses and weapons from Chittagong as war booty. After his success in grabbing Chittagong, Vijay Manikya planned an invasion of Gour with a huge cavalry, navy and other soldiers. Reverend James Long wrote, ‘Vijay Manikya of Tripura marched to Bengal with an army of 26,000 infantry, 5,000 horses besides artillery. He went by 500 boats among the streams Brahmaputra and Lakhi to Padma’.35 In the meantime, struggle had broken out between the Mughals and the Afghans for mastery. Exploiting the situation Vijay Manikya invaded Sonargaon in Bengal and plun­ dered it. He conquered Bikrampur in that attempt; he could in­ deed establish his control over a portion of East Bengal.36 He was a contemporary of the Mughal emperor Akbar. The Ain-i-Akbari refers to him as an independent king of Tripura. Abul Fazl wrote in his Ain-i-Akbari about a free state named Bhati Pradesh. Abul Fazl mentioned, ‘Adjoining Bhati is an extensional tract of territory in­ habited by the Tippera tribals. The name of the ruler is Vijay Manik. Whoever obtains the chieftainship bears the title of Manik after his name and the nobles that of Narayan. He has a force of two hundred thousand footman and a thousand elephant. Horses are scarce’.37 He also wrote, the name of the state was Tipra.38 From this time onwards, Tripura had conflicts with the Mogs of Arakan and their Portuguese mercenaries.39 His reign, which was really flourishing in every sense, did not last long. Chittagong went back to Bengal during the reign of Uday Manikya (AD 1567-72) when Suleiman Karrani, Sultan of Bengal defeated the Tripura army. Amar Manikya seized the throne in AD 1577. He is known for having defeated Fateh Khan, the ruler of Sylhet and compelled him to pay a tribute of fifty horses a year. He also formed an alliance with the Afghans through their leader Isa Khan of Bengal against the Mughals. Maharaja Amar

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Manikya conquered Chittagong with the help of Portuguese forces. But Sikandar Shah, the Governor of Arakan invaded Tripura and reached Udaipur in AD 1584. The Arakan forces plundered Udai­ pur and carried out a massacre.40 A century of struggle and conflict continued with the rulers from Bengal, Pathans and Mughals, but it was only in the beginning of the seventeenth century, that the Mughals could obtain a solid foothold in Tripura.41 In the seven­ teenth century, the Mughals actually threatened the suzerainty of the Maharajas in the state of Tripura and gradually the state lost some territory to them.42 The then Dutch Governor Vanden Brou­ cake aptly wrote about this particular time period that, ‘The countries of Oedapur and Tipra are sometime Independent, sometimes under the great Mogul and sometimes even under king of Arakan’.43 Hence, the state suffered from many crises like civil wars, palace intrigue and attack of the foreign invaders by the invitation of the successors of the throne. THE YEARS OF MAJOR CONFLICTS

However, following the occupation of some territories of Bengal by the then ruler of Tripura, Husain Shah later got involved in a protracted war with his eastern neighbour, Tripura. So, Husain Shah sent a large army against him. The war that thus began was a prolonged one with alternate success and reverses on both sides. A technique of war, adopted by Husain Shah’s general named Gaurai Mallick, is of great interest. Having advanced up to the upper reaches of the Gomati river, he stopped the flow of the river by a dam and after three days opened it, with the result that the coun­ tryside was devastated by the sudden rush of water causing great loss and sufferings to the army of Tripura. Udaipur, the capital was occupied and Maharaja Amar Manikya killed himself by taking poison.44 In early 1520s, the Nawabs based in Gour and Dhaka began to convert thousands of lower caste Hindus to Islam in East Bengal. They could occupy the Chakla Roshanabad territory or the plain portion of the independent state of Tripura.45 But the lesson was not lost upon the army of Tripura, which pursued the same tactics on the occasion of the next invasion of the army of

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Bengal with equal success. On the whole, though both armies penetrated far into the enemy territory, there was no conspicuous gain or territorial acquisition on either side. During the war, Chit­ tagong came into the possession of both sides, till Arakan con­ quered it.46 From the seventeenth century, Tripura started facing direct at­ tack from the Mughals. The prosperity of the state of Tripura started to be affected, especially when the Mughal rulers showed interest in a very tiny peripheral state, which was famous for its elephants. The Mughals were extremely keen to have elephants in large num­ bers, since elephants were necessary for the prestige of the empire, as well as in warfare. The emergence of the Mughal power in Bengal and assimilation of smaller monarchies of the eastern frontier into it brought the Mughals into close contact with Tripura. Tripura had to resist several Mughal expeditions with the combined strength of the nobility and tribal chieftaincies. The Mughal menace not only unified the different groups in the Tripura state but also in­ fluenced them to reform the administration—both civil and mili­ tary. The Maharajas too borrowed several systems from the Mughal system to revitalise the state structure.47 The military strength not only enabled the Maharajas to resist external invasion but also allowed them to suppress internal rebellion as well. They were indeed able to send expeditions against Lushai tribes and upto the Burma border.48 The most serious encounter between Tripura and the Mughal state took place during the reign of Yashodhar Manikya (AD 1613­ 23). In order to secure a suitable base for military operation against the king of Arakan, they tried to get hold of the state on a perma­ nent basis. Reverend James Long mentioned in the Rajmala that the Mughal emperor Jahangir asked for both horses and elephants as tributary from Maharaja Yoshodhar Manikya. He did not re­ spond to the demand. So, the Mughals sent an expedition to the Tripura state.49 Ibrahim Khan Fateh Jang, the Governor of Bengal under Jehangir’s order launched an expedition against Tripura in AD 1618. The army was organised into two divisions, one of which under the command of Mirza Isfadiyar attacked Kailagarh on the north east while the second division under the command of Mirza

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Nuruddin and Musa Khan proceeded eastwards towards Udaipur through Meherkul while the fleet under the charge of Bahadur Khan proceeded up the River Gomti. A huge garrison of the Mughal army finally defeated the Tripura King and the Mughals contin­ ued the military occupation of Tripura for two and a half years. Maharaja Yashodhar Manikya was first imprisoned and taken to Jahangirnagar (in the durbar of Dhaka) with his queen. Later he was sent to the Mughal durbar in Delhi. Jahangir offered him the right to rule his territory again, on the condition that he provided a definite number of elephants and horses.50 The Mughals offered some other terms and conditions too, for getting him back his state. But, the self-respectful Maharaja did not agree to it. Rather he preferred to stay away from that kind of alliance with the Mughals, since ideologically, it was a kind of illegitimate monar­ chical system for the Maharaja.51 THE TRAILS OF CRISES

When Maharaja Yashodhar Manikya refused to come back to power as a captive ruler, a relative of the last Maharaja Kalyan Manikya (AD 1625-59) ascended the throne. He recovered some of the ter­ ritories from the Mughals and established his own capital, Kalyan­ pur. He followed the line of his ancestors and did not agree to follow the conditions placed by the Mughals in running the ad­ ministration and send fixed items as nazranas on regular basis.52 Because of his firm stand and other administrative policies, like not sharing the major produce or income with the outsiders, in­ stead of his own subjects of both the hill and plain portion of Tripura, the Mughals invaded his state a number of times though he could resist it. He was also compelled to design a new capital named Kalyanpur.53 But, finally he was defeated in a war against Shah Shuja of Bengal in 1658 and Tripura passed under the direct control of the Mughals.54 The occupied portion of Tripura entered into the Mughal rent roll as Sarkar Udaipur. They gave the state a status named Udaypur Rajosyo Pargana and it was decided that the state would be liable to give Rs. 99,860 as yearly tax. In the revenue records of the Bengal suba prepared at the time of Sultan Shuja

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(AD 1658), the Sarkar Udaypur was recorded as the revenue paying centre. The taxes had to be collected from the produce of plain Tripura and not the hill areas, as they had not yet explored the potential of these lands.55 The division between the plain and hill Tripura started only from this time onwards and the Mughal land settlement policies and their assumption about the probable produce had given birth to another kind of internal politics between these two areas of Tripura.56 There were actually many incidents of increasing inter­ nal conflicts inside the palace and outside, after the death of Kalyan Manikya. But, the succession rivalry in both the centre and in the state complicated the whole situation. After the deposition of Shah Jahan in Delhi, there were incitements that began to have their influence on Tripura. Mir Jumla (1660-3) came to Bengal to sub­ due Shah Shuja. Emperor Aurangzeb made him the subadar of Bengal. As an efficient subadar, he annexed Cooch Behar and Assam and included those regions to the Mughal territory. Defeated by Mir Jumla, prince Shuja fled to Arakan through Chittagong hills. Aurangzeb suspected that Shuja was hiding in the hills of Tripura, Accordingly Aurangzeb wrote to king Gobinda Manikya to hand over prince Shuja. Since, Shuja was not hiding in Tripura, Gobinda Manikya made peace with Aurangzeb by agreeing to pay a tribute of five elephants annually.57 From the mid-seventeenth century, the Mughals had established their strong hold on Rangamati/Udaipur, the then capital of the Manikya Maharajas. It became the administrative office of the Mughal military unit, when Mirza Nurullah was in charge.58 Al­ though the Mughals captured the territory popularly known as Parbotyo Tripura or hill Tipperah, they were not familiar with the misty climate and humid environment there. It was, therefore, decided to shift the military base from Udaipur to plain Tripura to make their soldiers comfortable. Meherkul of Camilla, situated in the western plain of East Bengal (now Bangladesh) became the centre for the Mughal soldiers. But the Mughals had not left their right over this hilly land. They had only taken shelter in this area from where they continued ruling the plain land. In the record book, where the details of the collection of taxes were indicated,

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the plain area is mentioned as Sarkar Udaypur.59 The Mughal rule continued for more than two and half years in Tripura and the native subjects were horrified by the style of their collection of taxes, encroachment of assets and accumulation of war booty. The old zamindars were replaced by appointing new Muslim zamindars in different parganas. They also collected taxes as much as possible either in cash or kind. But, this phase was short lived due to the spread of plague in both hill and plain Tripura. It then became a compulsion for the Mughal soldiers to leave the hill territory.60 The European traveller Peter Hales wrote about the constant con­ test of the Mughals with the Tripura kings in his travel diary written in 1652. He also mentioned that the hilly areas were always used as a defense for the respective native Maharajas.61 CRISES IN THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

The Muslim rulers as discussed had their eyes constantly on the territory of Tripura. They tried to occupy the territory many times for diverse reasons. They were well aware about the apparent lack of stability in the Tripura state, chiefly in connection with its in­ ternal politics. The Mughal army was larger in number, more effi­ cient and stronger than the native soldiers of Tripura. Because of the numerous attacks made by the Mughals on the territory, the state was losing her assets continuously. The indigenous subjects were generally peace loving, but not enlightened enough to parti­ cipate and interfere in the administrative decisions. The state faced intervention by the Mughals many times for almost 200 years. Sometimes they tried to establish a hold on the state power, on some occasions they were just happy to get a portion of the total amount of tax as regular remittance. It remained a regular process of conquering and forgiving as well as gradual forgetting of the terms and conditions. The Mughals enjoyed the resources of the state by every means, though they neither tried to incorporate the state under their direct control, nor took any initiative to destroy the same. They always put demands of regular nazranas by acquir­ ing rights over the horses and elephants since the jungles of Hill Tipperah (Tripura) were famous for these resources.

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When the state was sinking in the last part of the seventeenth century, Maharaja Ratna Manikya II (AD 1684-1712) was suc­ cessful to some extent in resuming the glory of the kingdom. The Maharajas were trying hard not to surrender to the Mughals. But during his reign, there was a lapse in the payment of this tribute due to the negligence of the regent Champak Roy. Realising the power of Murshid Quli Khan, the Governor of the then Bengal, Ratna Manikya presented him with elephants and acknowledged his paramouncy. In return, Murshid Quli Khan sent him khelak or the robe of known. Swargadeb Rudra Singh, the King of Assam sent his representative twice to the Tripura court. He proposed to make a Maha Sangha (united front) of the Hindu rulers against the Mughals and seek the support from the Maharaja. But the sudden death of Swargadeb Rudra Singh, as well as, murder of Maharaja Ratna Manikya II by his stepbrother hampered the pro­ cess.62 Maharaja Ramdeb Manikya (AD 1669-82) went on an ex­ pedition in Sylhet against Shaista Khan. But, he was defeated by Shaista Khan and forced to sign a treaty and promise to send three elephants to the Mughal court.63 Maharaja Dharma Manikya II (AD 1712-33) was the next sig­ nificant ruler of the kingdom, who did not agree to rule under the terms dictated by the Mughal rulers. He stopped the tradition of sending regular nazranas to the Mughal durbar and defeated almost all Mughal zamindars of plain Tripura. But, he could not get rid of the palace intrigue, which was an essential part of the then state politics. Such conspiracies often determined the MughalTripura relationships. During his tenure, the Nawab of Dhaka had started conspiring with Mir Habib, who was the neyeb (treasurer) of Murshid Kuli II, against the Maharaja. Actually the grandson of Chhatra Manikya, Jagatram Thakur intended to occupy the plain portion of Tripura with the help of Mir Habib. He was determined to capture the throne and promised to give all pending nazranas to Mir Habib. Azad-al-Hussaini mentioned that Murshid Kuli II intended to conquer Tripura with the help of Mir Habib, as an infidel ruler of the Manikya dynasty ruled it. They attacked Tripura from three sides—Dhaka, Chittagong and Jaintia hills. The inva­ sion caught Tripura unaware. The Maharaja was ‘Absolutely un­

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prepared for such an attack. The Raja fled to the neighbouring hills, whereupon the Chandigarh fort which had been his resi­ dence was stormed by the invaders and the whole of his kingdom fell under the latter’s control’.64 After their continuous attack for a long period of time, Mir Habib finally defeated the Maharaja and occupied the south western plain parts of the territorial area of Plain Tripura. Dharma Manikya II faced a huge strife in the eighteenth century. He fled to the hill Tripura region for a safe shelter.65 It was during the first half of the eighteenth century that the plain region was included into the Bengal suba, excluding the hill region of the state. As decided earlier, Jagat Thakur ascended the throne with the title Jagat Manikya (AD 1732-3). Jagat Manikya was given the throne on the condition of paying a large portion of the revenue to the Nawab of Bengal. The Mughal commander Aka Sadik was appointed the faujdar. Nawab Shujauddin being pleased with his accomplishment, honoured Mir Habib with the title Khan. A faujdar was appointed in Comilla to collect revenues and for main­ taining security of the Maharaja. When the then Nawab of Bengal, Shujauddin got the news of this victory, he named the Mughal occupied plain areas as ‘Roshanabad’ or ‘the land of lights’. Since then, the king of Tripura has been in possession of Roshanabad area just as zamindar. He separated the hill section from the plains and finally agreed to run the administration of the Roshanabad area as a zamindary under the Nawab of Murshidabad on a nomi­ nal jama of Rs. 5,000 a year.66 Thus during his reign, the Mughals were permanently settled in the plain Tripura portion. Nawab of Murshidabad, however, had given Jagat Ram the zamindari right of this Chakla.67 Historian Stuart remarked, that with this incident the princely state of Tripura was finally included in the Mughal state.68 After that, Tripura did not face any acute foreign attack.69 CRISES IN THE MID- EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

From mid-eighteenth century, the contest for succession to the throne of Tripura had started again. The Nawabs tried to ensure the collection of revenue as much as possible from the rulers of Tripura. They dismissed the legal claim of many heirs and helped

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others to succeed to the throne. Thus the Nawabs of Bengal gener­ ally became the kingmakers and helped only those who did not have a vision to make the state independent. During the period 1733-48, the state suffered from all possible crises, internal/exter­ nal conflicts and contradictions. Tripura lost the position of an independent state and became a zamindari of the Mughals. Yet, in the mid-eighteenth century Tripura faced an uprising against the Mughals, which was organized by Rudramani. He organised a na­ tional militia and conspired to kill Haji Masum the faujdar at Udaipur. The, king Mukunda Manikya got wind of the conspiracy and fearing Mughal reprisal, informed the faujdar about the plot. But the faujdar suspected the involvement of the king himself and took him prisoner on the plea that he failed to pay the annual tribute of elephants. Rudramani nevertheless attacked, Udaipur and occupied it. Unable to resist the attack, the Mughals left the capital. Rudramani took the title of Jay Manikya and assumed the throne. After Jay Manikya, the Tripura administration was headed as well as governed by another insignificant Maharaja, Indra Manikya. Though there is not much information available about him, he basically was the puppet King under the Mughals. After them, Bijay Manikya (AD 1744-59) ascended the throne, as the Nawab of Bengal allowed him to be the Maharaja of Tripura on condition that, he would send the whole amount of revenue collected from Chakla Roshanabad zamindari to Murshidabad. In return, he would get Rs. 12,000 per month as his remuneration. But since he failed to keep his promise, he was imprisoned, brought to Delhi where he died during his days of imprisonment. When the state was suffering from acute internal rift between the claimants to the throne and constant bargaining with the Nawabs of Bengal regarding payment of revenue, the British East India Company tried to invade the Tripura state for the first time in AD 1761. Inter­ estingly, the political history of Tripura in between this period revolved around two issues, one, politics inside the royal palace, and two, constant quarrels with the respective Nawabs of Bengal regarding the pattern and amount of revenue collection from the Chakla Roshanabad zamindari estate. This was the time when a

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crisis had surfaced in the Mughal state and its decline had begun. The crisis in the Mughal state had manifested here in another form. On the one hand there was the crisis in the forms of break­ ing discontent against the local zamindars amongst the peasants due to the oppression and extortion of the zamindar.70 After the death of Bijay Manikya, Krishna Mani (AD 1760-83) tried to establish his legal claim over the throne. In the mid-eigh­ teenth century, Muslims under the leadership of Shamsher Ghazi overthrew the Manikya dynasty and ruled Tripura for a brief period.71 Actually, the royal family of the Maharajas of Tripura was in a kind of civil war that tempted Shamsher Ghazi, a revenue clerk or tahasildar under the Dakshiniki zamindar who organized the rebellious peasants into an army and revolted against the zamindar Nabi Muhammed to seize the territory of Chakla Roshanabad. Shamsher Ghazi killed the zamindar, married his daughter and became the ‘Raja’ of Dakshinsik. He designed his own military garrison and occupied Udaipur, the capital of the Maharaja. Soon Shamsher Ghazi was able to secure the support and aid of Hazi Hussein, the envoy of the Nawab of Bengal and on the assurance of paying revenues, became the zamindar of Chakla Roshanabad. He promised to give a huge amount as yearly revenue to Nawab Alivardi Khan. The then Nawab of Bengal was immensely in need of money because of the Maratha invasion. Therefore, he ignored all possible regulations, traditional rules and conditions of the ‘Tripur Raj’ to be a Maharaja of the state, and recognised Shamsher Ghazi as the zamindar of the Chakla Roshanabad estate in 1784.72 The then Prince Krishna Chandra Manikya, who was the legal heir to the throne, tried every means to regain his throne but was unsuccessful. Finally he fled to the hill Tripura areas, and took shelter in the jungle areas of ‘Nutan Agartala’ with the help of his loyal tribal chieftains.73 THE LAST SCENARIO

It is also to be mentioned here that by the time the Bengal Nazimate had emerged as a successor state to the Mughal empire in eastern India and by acknowledging the sovereignty of the Nawab, Shamsher

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Ghazi strengthened the legitimacy of the Bengal Nazimate. Krishna Manikya, who succeeded Bijay Manikya tried to retrieve Udaipur from Shamsher Ghazi but was defeated in AD 1748. This victory made Shamsher Ghazi the virtual ruler of Tripura for the next twelve years. In place of Prince Krishna Manikya, Shamsher Ghazi ap­ pointed another puppet King named Lakshman Manikya to the throne of Tripura. For the initial period, instead of calling himself ‘Raja’ he fashioned himself as ‘Shri Shrijut Mohammed Shamsher Choudhury zamindar’, though his tenure was continuously ques­ tioned, criticised and opposed by the subjects.74 Shamsher Ghazi tried to base his administration on the Mughal model. He ap­ pointed administrators for each pargana and built several forts. He employed both Hindus and Muslims in the administration as officers. He enforced a regulation in regard to price of commodi­ ties, he fixed the weight of 1 seer as 832 sicca and made a list of commodities, which was displayed in the market. He took effective measures to increase the revenue of Chakla Roshanabad since revenue generation from the hills was poor. To earn the huge annual revenue to be paid to the Nawab of Bengal, he indulged in the perpetration of dacoities in several places and extortion from the rich subjects. Taking advantage of this situation of Tripura, Krishnamani or Krishna Manikya started organising revolts against him and his government. The wealthy section of the subjects informed the Nawab of Bengal of the tyranny of Samsher Ghazi. There were regular complaints to the Nawab of Bengal against oppression in­ flicted by him on both Bengali and tribal subjects. Sheikh Monuhar, the author of his biography Gazinama, however, portrayed Shamsher Ghazi, as a peasant friendly, liberal and reformist figure, who was a protector of the masses and a critic of the feudal exploitations of the Maharajas.75 Eventually Nawab Mir Qasim captured Shamsher Ghazi as he failed to pay the promised revenue. The Nawab even­ tually convicted him in a dacoity case and pronounced a death sentence (AD 1760). This incident marked the end of a remarkable decade. Shamsher Ghazi was an exceptional ruler. He made his own military garrison, grabbed power and ran the zamindari on his own terms until the Nawab of Bengal defeated him.76 Nawab

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Mir Qasim supported the right of the royal family of Tripura to the throne and allowed Prince Krishna Mani to be the Maharaja of Tripura with the title Krishna Manikya. The Nawab also returned the Chakla Roshanabad territory to him and established his con­ trol again in both the territories.77 Interestingly, Tripura had never entered into any treaty with the British, under which they could station their political agent or resident in the state. As mentioned earlier, the East India Company first came into contact with the state early in 1761, as an aide of Mir Qasim, the Nawab of Bengal. The then territory of Tripura was clearly divided into two separate parts: the hill portion in the east (the location of the present Tripura state) and the plain portion in the west. The Maharajas were inde­ pendent in the hill portion and described as Swadhin Tripura. But they were basically mere zamindars in the plain portion or the Chakla Roshanabad area. Under the Bengal nawabs, Krishna Manikya, the then Maharaja was liable to pay fixed revenue for the Chakla Roshanabad area since 1729. Once he failed to pay the re­ quired amount, Mir Qasim sought intervention of the Company fauj and Tripura began to experience the Company’s expansionist programme.78 Chittagong was a strategic area for the Company’s trade interests as its extension was badly needed. Hence, Mir Qasim’s appeal for help against the state of Tripura provided an opportu­ nity to them for extending their territory around Chittagong.79 The Company marched against the Maharaja of Tripura in Febru­ ary 1761 and Krishna Manikya surrendered without any initiative to fight against their military garrisons. They immediately occu­ pied the Comilla headquarter of the Maharaja in the plain. The Company also compelled the Maharaja to enter into a fresh settle­ ment regarding the fixation of the amount of yearly revenue from the Chakla Roshanabad area. But, there was no reference to the hill portion of Tripura in the settlement document of the Com­ pany with Krishna Manikya.80 Thus the Maharajas could at least retain an independent status in the hills. But from 1785, follow­ ing the Nawabi tradition, they introduced the practice of granting sanad. All new Maharajas thereby needed a formal consent, in the form of an accord of recognition from the Company. But the Maha­ rajas remained independent in the hill territory.

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Thus, though the state of Tripura could retain its separate identity between the declining phases, there was a huge socio-cultural im­ pact of the Islamic culture that derived from the Mughal contact or having Muslim nobility in the land of Tripura. The royal family and the aristocrats started adopting Islamic sophistication in socio­ cultural practices, like conducting nautch by hiring artists from Lucknow during marriage ceremonies or introducing gradual change in the food habits.81 After the Mughal occupation, the king­ dom of Tripura could not get rid of the foreign interference in their land. The status of the Chakla Roshanabad area did not change much. The Maharajas of Tripura first became the zamindars of the Roshanabad area under the Mughals. The legacy continued in the British period also. The Maharajas needed the sanction of the English to ascend the throne. While the invasion of the Sultans of Turko-Muslim origin was the primary reason for the instability of the state, the Mughal attacks on the territory expedited the col­ lapse of the kingdom of Tripura. Other issues like palace intrigue, absence of the law of succession, interference of the neighbouring Muslim rulers helped in the gradual ruin and loss of the territory in the plain. The strategic location of Tripura was such that it necessitated constant interaction between the Nawabs of adjacent Bengal and Maharajas of Tripura, which began almost simultaneously with the establishment of the Manikya dynasty (AD 1280).82 During the Muslim period in both the Centre and Bengal, like many other Hindu kings, Tripura also faced constant military threat from the rulers of Delhi. It started with the Bengal subadar (at the court of Ghiyas-ud-din Balban) invading the land on the pretext of Tripuri subjects robbing his people. This time he was defeated by the king; unknown and difficult terrain being the main reason. The Nawabs from neighbouring areas (both Gour/Murshidabad and Dhaka) in Bengal had attacked Tripura many times especially for collecting war booty from their first capital, Rangamati or Udaipur.83 The Maharajas were also keen to conquer the neighbouring areas, as a part of their policy of territorial expansion. It was a regular

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practice for potential claimants to the throne of Tripura to invite the intervention of Mughals to settle the dispute. The other princes of the ruling Maharaja, who had not been nominated as the suc­ cessor of the state, used to go for some invasions to prove their capability. Some tried to be friends with the neighbouring rulers just to seek help from them, either from Delhi or from the Nawabs of Bengal, to claim their so called legitimate rights. Hence, dis­ putes and resulting crisis on the issue of inheritance was a regular event in the state of Tripura, from which it was always the invaders who benefitted.84 The respective capitals of the state of Tripura, Rangamati or Udaipur (established by the Maharaja Uday Manikya), Kalyanpur (established by the Maharaja Kalyan Manikya), Ratnapur (estab­ lished by the Maharaja Ratna Manikya) and Amarpur (established by the Maharaja Amar Manikya) were plundered many times by foreign invaders. The Maharajas were actually forced to shift their respective capitals due to the attacks of the Mogs (Arakan), the Sultans of Bengal, the Mughals and later by the Kukis. Because of the Kuki incursions, Maharaja Krishna Manikya was compelled to shift his capital finally from Puratan Haveli to Nutan Agartala in 1844. In every invasion, the kingdom was defeated and forced to sign a treaty to supply more elephants yearly as tribute to the rulers of Bengal. Shamsher Ghazi was the only voice of protest, as he tried to establish an alternative administration and dared to chal­ lenging the divine right theory of the Manikya Maharajas. He not only captured power, but also interrogated popular practices like tradition of titun, taking taxes by the ghor-chukti system by the Maharajas and stopped some feudal oppressions imposed by the administration.85 This acute crisis and disaster continued up to the first half of the eighteenth century, which was basically a period of shame, grief, general tribulations and disintegration of power. The greed to loot, plunder and acquire power was not confined to the en­ emies from outside the state; this tendency was visible among the members of the family of the Maharajas too, including the nobility of Tripura. It is indeed interesting to note that during the Nawabi rule in neighbouring Bengal, nine Maharajas out of thirty had taken

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help from the Muslim rulers and soldiers to be instated as a Maha­ raja of the state of Tripura. In return, they promised to send pre­ cious gifts and arrange several facilities for the Nawabs on regular basis.86 So, though Tripura was kind of a tiny frontier state, it could never actually avoid and get rid of the tensions between the main­ stream politics of the centre and peripheries. Rather, it became inevitable that the kingdom would be constantly subjected to major threats and influence from neighbouring Bengal. Several occur­ rences of natural calamities also played vital role in the gradual collapse of the state. The defence mechanism of the state was supposed to be main­ tained by the Maharajas during their respective tenure. Abul Fazl in his Ain-i-Akbari stated that Maharaja Vijay Manikya (1552-63) used to possess two hundred thousand footmen and a thousand elephants. Some local chronicles further added that the Maharaja had also recruited ten thousand Afghan horsemen in his army and used to possess five thousand speedboats. Amar Manikya (1577­ 1606) had owned and maintained a large Portuguese artillery, which became the essential part of the total strength of the Maharaja’s army.87 But, during the reign of Jahangir (1605-27) and Shah Jahan (1627-58), there were several attempts to extend the Mughal im­ perial hold over this region. Mughal invasion and consequent sub­ jugation of Tripura gradually resulted in shrinkage in the territory. In 1621, the Mughals had withdrawn from Tripura, annexing the plain land to the empire. Aurangzeb followed a forward policy towards the north east. It was partly because of the political refuge taken by Shuja in Arakan (1660), as he was joined by the dethroned ruler of Tripura. The administration of Shaista Khan as a governor of Bengal for the second term (1679-88) enabled the Mughals to consolidate their power again in the north eastern region and it left an impact there, especially on the nature of relationship with the rulers in the north eastern frontier province. The rulers of Tripura reaffirmed their acceptance of the Mughal power.88 Thus, during the reign of Aurangzeb, the maintenance of poli­ tical equilibrium and stable government with sound financial ba­ sis was a reason to make the Mughals jealous about the prosperity of the north eastern region. But strangely, the myth of the spread

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of Islam ‘with the sword on one hand and the Quran on the other’ was not applicable about the region of north-eastern India.89 When the Mughal authorities were looking for the promotion of trade and commerce beyond the north eastern frontier of their eastern subah, Bengal, it became an added factor. 90 After the death of Aurangzeb, the rulers of Tripura tried to use the anti-Mughal venom in this region and tried to get back some of the territories seized by the Mughals.91 The direct intervention of the Mughals in the whole of the north eastern frontier finally came to an end with the death of Rudra Singh in 1714, as they never tried to expand their territories after that. The successor in Bengal, Murshid Quli Khan, was dead against this expansionist and imperialist policy of the Mughals.92 By the time the British came to rule Tripura in the eighteenth century, the state became a zamindari limited to ‘plain Tripura’ (Comilla district of Bangladesh) and Hill Tipperah (present Tripura state). But, dispute over succession to the throne continued even in the British era, and the East India Company had replaced the Mughals in the centre and Muslim Nawabs of Bengal. The Com­ pany started interfering in the conflicting issues of the state. The Company officials did not pay any attention to the less productive jungle or marshy area that was indeed not viable economically. Alexander Mackenzie wrote that the Maharajas of Tripura ‘who is an ordinary zamindar on the plains regions as an independent prince over 3000 square miles of upland, and was for many years a more absolute monarch . . . owing no law but his sovereign will, bound by no treaty, subject to no control, safe in his obscurity from criticism and reform’.93 Some officials did try to interfere in the internal issues of the state, chiefly to grab political power and establish a position in the administration of the state.94

NOTES 1. ‘Tale of an Ancient Land-Tripura’, in Unwinding of Mind—a blog with Historical Fictions, Mythology, Stories on Mystery and Travelogues, Monday, 10 September 2012.

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2. Sushil Chandra Dutta, ‘The North-East and the Mughals, AD 1661-1714’, unpublished PhD Thesis, Shillong: North Eastern Hill University, 1981, pp. 1-2. 3. R.L. Hangloo, Studies in the Writings on History of Medieval North East India: Some Comments, Delhi, 1984, p. 179. 4. Sushil Chandra Dutta, op. cit., p. 6. 5. Sahabuddin Ahmed, ‘The Social Stratification and Political Formation in Mediaeval Tripura’, International Journal of Current Research and Academic Review, 2014, vol. 2, no. 3, p. 65. 6. In Bishnupurana, it is clearly mentioned that Purbadike Kirater Bas (the Kiratas resides in the eastern region). Bibhas Kanti Kilikdar, Tripura of Eighteenth Century with Samser Gazi against Feudalism, Tripura State Tribal Cultural Research Institute & Museum, Agartala: Government of Tripura, 1995, p. 2. 7. E.F. Sandys (1915), History of Tripura, Tripura State Tribal Cultural Research Institute & Museum, Government of Tripura, Agartala, 1997, p. 6. 8. The Twipras are southern Bodos. He argued, ‘The Bodos, who spread over the whole Brahmaputra valley and north Bengal as well as East Bengal forming a social block in north eastern India, were the most important Indo-Mongoloid people in eastern India and they formed one of the main basis of the present day population of these tracts’. Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, Kirata Janakriti, Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1974, pp. 45-6. 9. Calcutta Review, vol. XXXV, p. 325. 10. This area was described as ‘Pratikara’ in Maharajoang and also described as ‘Khuratan’ in Rajoang, both published from Arakan (Brohmadesh). ‘Rajmala Barnito Amader Tripura’ (Tripura Rajya and Tripura Jela) in Amader Tripura (in Bengali), Baishak, 1377 BS, p. 18. 11. The tribes like Moghs, Halams, Chakmas, Garos and Lusais were basically migrants who entered Tripura in different time period. The other immigrant tribes were Khasis, Bhutias, Lepchas, Bhils, Mundas, Oraons, and Santals. O.S. Adhikari, Four Immigrant Tribes of Tripura: Their Life and Culture, Directorate of Research, Tribal Welfare Department, Government of Tripura, Agartala, 1988, p. 10. 12. Pannalal Roy, Rajanyo Tripurar Bangla Bhasa (Bengali), Agartala: Pounomi Prakashan, 2008, p. 31. 13. Jitendra Chandra Pal, Rajmalar Tripura: Kichhu Tathya, Kichhu Bitarko, Agartala: Saikot, 2013, p. 22. 14. J.B. Bhattacharjee, Social and Polity Formations in Pre-colonial Northeast India, New Delhi: 1991, pp. 10-14. 15. Tripura District Gazetteer, 1975, pp. 3-8.

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16. Sahabuddin Ahmed, op. cit., p. 67. 17. Kailash Chandra Singha, Rajamala ba Tripurar Itihas, Agartala: Akshar Publications, 1220 (BS), pp. 55-6. 18. Sahabuddin Ahmed, op. cit. 19. Dinesh Chandra Saha, Adhunik Tripura (in Bengali), Agartala: Writer’s Publications, 2015, p. 43. 20. Jitendra Chandra Pal, op. cit., pp. 15-17. 21. Dinesh Chandra Saha, Tilottoma Agartala , (in Bengali), Agartala: Writer’s Publications, 2008, p. 21. 22. Jagadish Gan Choudhury, A Constitutional History of Tripura, Agartala: Parul Prakashani, 2004, pp. 12-14. 23. Maikhor was like a hidden treasure found in any household of every village in plains of Tripura. The villagers used to dig huge chambers to keep extra grains or other valuable goods. Nilmani Deb Barman, Gadyasangraha: Janasiksha Andolan o Anyanya Prabandha (in Bengali), Agartala: Bhasa, 2010, p. 77. 24. The word ‘Fa’ (the King) originated from a Teishan word, which was also added with the names of the Assamese kings. The ancient kings of Tripura liked to add ‘Fa’ at the end of their names. But afterwards, this suffix was dropped and ‘Manikya’, which was a Sanskrit word was added. Bratati Dasgupta, History of Tripura: from Monarchy to Democracy, Kolkata: Avenel Press, 2015, p. 18. 25. M. Parwez, ‘The Eighteenth Century Eastern Frontier of India: Crisis in Tripuri State’, Indian Journal of Research: Paripex, November 2012, vol. 1, issue II, p. 1. 26. Dinesh Chandra Saha, Tilottoma Agartala, op. cit., p. 21. 27. R.C. Majumdar, Bangladesher Itihas, Calcutta: General Printers and Publishers, 1973, vol. II, pp. 74-8. 28. Debabrata Goswami, Military History of Tripura (1490-1947), Tripura State Tribal Cultural Research Institute and Museum, Government of Tripura, Agartala, 1996, p. 20. 29. N.R. Roychoudhury, Tripura through the Ages, Delhi, 1983, pp. 12-16. 30. Debabrata Goswami, op. cit., pp. 28-30. 31. R.C. Majumdar, History and Culture of Indian People: The Delhi Sultanate, vol. VI, Calcutta: G. Bharadwaj & Co., 1973, p. 209. 32. R.C. Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 63-5. 33. R.C. Majumdar, History of Medieval Bengal, Delhi: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1951, pp. 154-5. 34. Debabrata Goswami, op. cit., p. 21. 35. James Long quoted in N.R. Roy Choudhury, Tripura Through the Ages: A

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Short History from the Earliest Times to 1947 A.D., New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1983, p. 20. 36. Pannalal Roy, Tripurar Raj Amole Praja Bidroho (Bengali), Agartala: Tripura Bani Prakashani, 2008, p. 15. 37. Ain-i-Akbari, tr. Tarat & Sarkar, Calcutta, 1942, vol. II, p. 130. 38. Dipak Kumar Choudhury, Political Agent o Deshio Rajyo, Sanghat Sahajogita Unnoyon: Tripura 1971-1890 (Bengali), Kolkata: Progressive Publishers, p. 25. 39. Kailash Chandra Singha, Rajmala (combined ed. rep.), 1303 BS, Agartala, vol. 1, p. 8. 40. M. Parwez, ‘The Eighteenth Century Eastern Frontier of India’, Indian Journal of Research: Paripex, vol. 1, issue II, November, 2012, pp. 2-3. 41. Debabrata Goswami, op. cit. 42. The loss of territory was not a new issue for the Manikya Kings though. During the reign of Amar Manikya (1577-85), the Maharaja had defeated by the Arakan King. He fled from his capital and died because of the overdose of opium. Pannalal Roy, Tripurar Raj Amole Praja Bidroho, Agartala: Tripura Bani Prakashani, 2008, p. 15. 43. Tripur Chandra Sen (ed.), Tripur Desher Katha (Bengali), Tripura State Tribal Cultural Research Institute and Museum, Government of Tripura, Agartala, 1997, p. 4. 44. R.C. Majumder, Bangla Desher Itihas-Madyajug, Calcutta: General Printers and Publishers 1380 BS, p. 495. 45. Dinesh Chandra Saha, op. cit., p. 18. 46. R.C. Majumdar, History of Medieval Bengal, pp. 204-5. 47. J.B. Bhattacharjee, ‘Tripuri State Formation in Medieval Tripura’, Social and Polity Formation in Pre-colonial North East India, New Delhi: Har Anand Publications, 1991, p. 73. 48. Rajmala, pp. 26-8, 37-8. 49. Pannalal Roy, Tripurar Rajnoitik Itihas (Bengali), Agartala: Naba Chandana Prakashani, 2014, pp. 30-4. 50. Pannalal Roy, Tripurar Raj Amole Praja Bidroho, Agartala: Tripura Bani Prakashani, 2008, p. 15. 51. Dwijendra Narayan Goswami, Tripur-Rajdhani Udaypur (Bengali), Directorate of Research, Department of Welfare for Schedule Tribes, Governemnt of Tripura, Agartala, 1992, pp. 30-1. 52. Tripur Chandra Sen (ed.), Tripur Desher Katha, Tripura State Tribal Cultural Research Institute and Museum, Government of Tripura, Agartala, 1997, p. 4. 53. Dinesh Chandra Saha, op. cit., p. 15.

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54. In the reign under Shah Suja, the Sarkar Udaypur territory had shown as an area, which used to provide steady amount of taxes. Pannalal Roy, Tripurar Raj Amole Praja Bidroho, Agartala: Tripura Bani Prakashani, 2008, p. 16. 55. Dipak Kumar Choudhury, op. cit., p. 26. 56. Ibid., p. 28. 57. N.R. Ray Choudhury, Tripura Through the Ages: A Short History from the Earliest Times to 1947 A.D., New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1983, p. 30. 58. Dipak Kumar Choudhury, op. cit., pp. 30-2. 59. Pannalal Roy, Tripurar Raj Amole Praja Bidroho, Agartala: Tripura Bani Prakashani, 2008, p. 16. 60. Dipak Kumar Choudhury, op. cit., p. 25. 61. Pannalal Roy, Tripurar Raj Amole Praja Bidroho, Agartala: Tripura Bani Prakashani, 2008, p. 16. 62. Maharaja Ratna Manikya II’s stepbrother Ghana-Shyam conspired against the King and killed him eventually. He asserted his power in 1712, became the Maharaja with the name Mahendra Manikya and ruled the state for 2 years. Dipak Kumar Choudhury, Political Agent o Deshio Rajyo, Sanghat Sahajogita Unnoyon: Tripura 1971-1890 (in Bengali), Kolkata: Progressive Publishers, p. 2. 63. Dipak Kumar Choudhury, Political Agent o Deshio Rajyo, p. 26. 64. J.N. Sarkar, History of Bengal, (Muslim period ), Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1979, p. 426. 65. Debabrata Goswami, op. cit., p. 21. 66. Ibid., pp. 22-3. 67. Dipak Kumar Choudhury, Political Agent o Deshio Rajyo, Sanghat Sahajogita Unnoyon: Tripura 1971-1890 (in Bengali), Kolkata: Progressive Publishers, p. 27. 68. Pannalal Roy, Tripurar Raj Amole Praja Bidroho, Agartala: Tripura Bani Prakashani, 2008, p. 16. 69. Dinesh Chandra Saha, Adhunik Tripura (in Bengali), Agartala: Writer’s Publications, 2015, p. 44. 70. ‘Tale of an Ancient Land-Tripura’, 10 September 2012. 71. The Muslim rebellion overthrew the Manikya dynasty and ransacked the capital at Udaipur during the reign of Krishna Manikya (1748-83). He established his capital at present Agartala in 1760. Jagadish Gan Choudhuri, A Constitutional History of Tripura, Agartala: Parul Prakashani, 2004, pp. 171-8. 72. Kailash Chandra Sinha, Rajmala ba Tripurar Itihas (Bengali), Agartala: Akshar Publications, 1420 BS, pp. 84-5.

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73. Dinesh Chandra Saha,Tilottoma Agartala, Agartala: Writer’s Publications, 2008, p. 15. 74. Bibhas Kanti Kilikdar,Tripura of Eighteenth Century with Samsher Gazi against Feudalism (A Historical Study ), Tripura State Tribal Cultural Research Institute and Museum, Government of Tripura, Agartala, 1995, pp. 72-5. 75. Dr. Ramendra Barman (ed.),Gazinama (in Bengali), Akshar Publications, Agartala, 2012, pp. 12-13. 76. Dinesh Chandra Saha,Tilottoma Agartala, Agartala: Writer’s Publications, 2008, p. 19. 77. Dipak Kumar Choudhury, Political Agent o Deshio Rajyo, p. 2. 78. Dipak Kumar Chaudhuri (ed.),Administration Report of the Political Agency, Hill Tipperah (1878-79 to 1889-1890), Tripura State Tribal Cultural Research Institute and Museum, Government of Tripura, Agartala, 1996, vol. II, p. I. 79. Letter of Henry Vansittart, the Governor, dated 14 July 1761 to Henry Verelst, the Chief of the Chittagong Council. Bangladesh District Records, Chittagong, 1760-87, Dacca University, 1978, vol. 1, pp. 69-70. 80. Jagadish Gan Choudhury, op. cit., p. 191. 81. Dinesh Chandra Saha, Tilottoma Agartala, op.cit., p. 2. 82. R.C. Majumdar, History and Culture of Indian People, Calcutta: G. Bharadwaj & Co., 1973 , p. 209. 83. Jitendra Chandra Pal,Tripurar Itibritto (Bengali), Agartala: Saikat, 2013, pp. 13-15. 84. Dinesh Chandra Saha, Tilottoma Agartala, op.cit., p. 14. 85. ‘Tale of an Ancient Land-Tripura’, 10 September 2012. 86. Dinesh Chandra Saha, Tilottoma Agartala, op. cit., p. 15. 87. Sahabuddin Ahmed, op. cit., p. 67. 88. Sushil Chandra Dutta, op. cit., pp. 2-3. 89. S.C. Dutta, Northeast and the Mughals, Delhi: Print Book, 1983, p. 241. 90. Sushil Chandra Dutta, op. cit. 91. Ibid., pp. 4-5. 92. Ibid., p. 5. 93. A. Mackenzie,History of the Relations of the Government with the Hill Tribes of the North East Frontier of Bengal (rpt.), Delhi: Home Department Press, 1981, p. 272. 94. Letter of the F.J. Halliday, Secretary to the Government of Bengal, no. 121, dated 27 December 1838 to the Commissioner of Chittagong, para 32, Foreign Poll A, December 1870, Nos. 362-74.

C H A P T E R 15

Tribes of North-East India as

Depicted in Persian Tazkeras

MAZHAR ASIF

INTRODUCTION

One of the most important contributions of the Persian language to India is the compilation of different ‘Tazkeras’ (Historical litera­ ture).1 During the early period of medieval India, the Persian scholars wrote detailed and reliable chronicles concerning political, social and cultural history of India. These chronicles provide dependable and valuable sources of history. Persian chronicles on political and social history of north-eastern India are many and most of them are vital for the historical study of this region. The following are important Persian chronicles that throw a light on the history of north-east India: 1. Tabaqate Naseri Menhajuddin Abu Umar bin Serajuddin Jauzani popularly known as Menhaj Seraj completed this marvellous work in AD 1260. This work is divided into many sections and may be considered as a general history of the Muslim world. Menhaj himself participated in so many events described by him as he was the chief Qazi of Delhi under Nasiruddin Mohammad. This is perhaps the first book in which the invasion of Assam by Bakhteyar Khilji has been described in detail. 2. Akbar Nama Abul Fazl who was an illustrious writer, statesman, diplomat and military commander of his time, wrote this book by the order of

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his master Jalaluddin Mohammad Akbar. Akbar Nama is the most comprehensive and genuine history of the reign of Jalaluddin Mohammad Akbar. One part of this book deals with the division of Kamrupa, culture and conduct of the people of Assam. Man Singh’s invasion of Cooch Behar and the rivalries between Kunwar Lakshmi Narayan and Raghu Deva are depicted in this book. 3. Padishah Nama Abdul Hamid Lahori wrote this work in the reign of Shah Jahan. The author has given full details about the imperialist policy of Islam Khan relating to Kamrupa, hostility of Bali Narayan against the Mughals, invasion of Assam by Mukarram Khan, Abu Bakr, Allah Yar Khan and Zainal Abedin during the reign of Pratap Singha. The internal conflicts between Lakshmi Narayan of Cooch Behar and Parikshit Narayan of Kooch Hajo and imprisonment of the latter by the Mughals have also been described in this book. One can get a clear picture of the political and social life of the people of Assam during the reign of Shah Jahan from this book. 4. Baharestane Ghaibi Mirza Nathan who was the faujdar of Kamrupa from 1612 to 1625 wrote this rare piece of work. It is a history of the Mughal wars in Assam, Cooch Behar, Bengal and Orissa during the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan during the years from 1608 to 1624. The conflict between Mukarram Khan and Ali Baqar with the Ahoms is also described in detail in the book. The author partici­ pated actively in almost all the events covered by him. 5. Alamgir Nama Mirza Mohammad Kazem wrote this book in 1688. It was dedi­ cated to Aurangzeb in the 32nd year of his reign. The author has given detailed accounts of Man Singh’s intervention in Cooch Behar and Mir Jumla’s invasion of Assam. Also, geographical and politi­ cal conditions of Kamrupa were also narrated in this book.

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6. Maaseri Alamgiri Mohammad Saqi Moshtaq Khan authored this historical book in 1710. This book describes the history of Assam during the second half of the seventeenth century. It also provides important infor­ mation regarding the conquest of Cooch Behar and Assam by Mir Jumla in the year 1661. 7. Reyazus Salatin Gholam Hussain Salim, who was the Munshi (secretary) of George Udny, compiled this historical work in the year 1787. This is one of the most important works which provides vital information about invasions of Kamata and Kamrupa by Allauddin Hussain Shah. The occupation of Mughal territories by Kuches and Ahoms are also described in this book. 8. Fat-he Ibreya or Tarikhe Aasham This is the most significant work dealing with the socio-political history of Assam. It deals with a very important phase of AssamMughal history. It consists of violent conflicts that took place be­ tween Nawab Mir Jumla, known also as Alamgir Moazzam Khan, governor of Bengal and the ruler of Assam and Cooch Behar dur­ ing the reign of Alamgir Aurangzeb at Delhi. This is perhaps the first book where almost all aspect of Assam’s physiography, cli­ mate, flora, fauna, dresses and food, the crops grown, etc., were portrayed vividly. This book is also known as Fat-he Ibreya because it is about fateh (victory) and Ibrat (lesson). The first Muslim invasion of North East India.2

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Ikhtiyar Uddin Muhammad bin Bakhteyar Khilji or Muhammad Bakhteyar Khilji is the first Muslim who invaded Assam in the year 1206 according to Tabaqat-e-Naseri. He was a Turkish mili­ tary general of Qutb-ud-din Aibak. He wanted to capture the coun­ tries of Tibet and Torkestan. He, therefore, prepared an army of 10,000 cavaliers. At that time three races of people were found in different parts of the mountains situated between Tibet and Lakhnauti. One was called the Kuch, the second Mich, and the third Tharu. All had Turkish countenance. They also spoke a lan­ guage different from the language of Hind and Tibet. Meanwhile, one of the chiefs of Koch and Mich tribes named Ali Mich, be­ came a Muslim, converted by Mohammad Bakhteyar and agreed to act as Bakhteyar’s guide to that hill. He then brought Mohammad Bakhteyar to a town named Mardhan Kut. DIFFERENT TRIBES MENTIONED IN

THE PERSIAN TAZKERAS

Koch, Bhutia, Tharu, Ahom, Nanga, Kard, Dafla, Kashmiri (Mikir), Khasya, Majmi, Mech, Miri, Nishi and Garo. Out of these 15 tribes, only the Koch, Ahom, Bhutia and Nanga are discussed vividly by the Persian Tazkera writers. 1. KOCH TRIBES

The Koch tribe resides in a country called Cooch Behar situated in the north-west of Bengal. This country is famous in the eastern region of Hindustan for its sweet potable and digestible water, its moderate and pleasant climate and for its fresh and green flora and fauna, besides its clean and pure environment. The landlords

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of Hindustan pay quite a lot of respect to the Rajas of this country as they are regarded to be the descendants of those powerful and celebrated Rajas who once ruled over this country before the advent of Islam. The ruler of this country, Pim Narayan (Pran Narayana), was a magnanimous but pleasure seeking autocrat. He never took away his lip from the cup and his hand from the decanter. He does not think of anything except the sweet melody of superb singers. He had always been desirous to be in the company of beautiful and vivacious women and lived in pleasure. The main weapons used by the people of this country are—sword, gun and arrow. The arrowhead was generally dipped into poison so that when it hit somebody the wound inflicted caused the vic­ tim to succumb to the injury immediately. The remedy for it is to eat and plaster the wound with Gero. The men and women of this country are not beautiful. 2. BHUTIA TRIBE This Tribe resides in Bhatmat range of mountain situated on the northern side of Cooch Behar. Bhutias are healthy persons and have a fair and pinkish complexion. They have long brownish hair hang­ ing on their face and neck. Their only cloth is a white lungi which does not even cover their nudity properly. It is said that both men and women of this community wear the same type of cloth and behave in the same manner. Their language has affinity to the language of Kochis. Dharamraj is the Raja of that hill. He was more than one hundred twenty years old. As he was a yogi he did not eat anything except banana and milk. He desisted and avoided all kinds of sensual pleasure and physical enjoyment. He treated his subjects with toleration and kindness. He was the king of a large people.

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3. AHOM TRIBE The Ahom live in a country called Assam. It is a dangerous, hor­ rible, self-confined gloomy country inhabited by the people on both sides of the river Brahmaputra situated in the north east of Bengal. It is a different world, where its people and its geographi­ cal conditions are of different nature. The land is not like the other land and the sky is not like the other sky. The sky is always full of clouds, which sometimes give untimely rain. It doesn’t have any fixed season. Sometimes it is winter during summer and sometimes summer during winter. Its roads like the caves of death, are full of danger and horror. Its bushes are like the conscience of an unen­ lightened person, injurious and harmful. Its rivers, like the thought of a wise person, are very deep. They fight like demons on water. The people of Assam are like the pupils of a blind man’s eyes that do not have any real sight.

THE AHOM RAJAS

The Rajas of this country are proud of their properties, treasure and a big army. They love to be surrounded by brave soldiers and gigantic elephants. The present king of this country is Raja Jayadhawaj Singha titled Sarki (Swargadeo). The Sarki (Swargi) is a Hindi word, which means sky (heaven). There is a corrupt and mystified belief in this regard that one of the forefathers of this Raja was the sovereign ruler of the angels. He descended from the sky by a golden ladder and got engaged in organising important

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affairs of this country. As he found this land so beautiful and pros­ perous that he refused to return to his original abode. Though he was a follower of Hinduism yet he did not bow down before any idol. He considered himself as the greatest manifestation of the Divine Creator. EATING HABIT OF THE AHOM

Whatever eatable things they get from anybody they consume without any consideration of caste, creed and religion. They per­ form every kind of work, which is good according to their indi­ vidual opinion. They eat food prepared by anyone, be he a Muslim or a non-Muslim. They eat every kind of flesh except human flesh. It does not make any difference to them whether the animal meat they are eating is halal (slaughtered ritually) or not. They are not used to taking oil in their dishes. If by chance their food gives smell of oil they refrain from consuming it. The language of the country is entirely different from the language of the people who live in the eastern countries.

FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE AHOM

The Ahom women are beautiful and charming and have delicate body, long and black hair, attractive hands and legs. From a dis­ tance they look very beautiful and charming, but seen from close quarters they lack grace and beauty. The wives of the Raja and also general public do not cover their faces before anybody, and they move about in the bazaar with uncovered head. There are only a few persons who have only two wives. Otherwise the majority of Ahom men have 4-5 wives. They sell, purchase and even barter their wives among each other.

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Mazhar Asif MALE MEMBERS

The Ahom men are very bold and courageous. They are good fight­ ers and cruel too. They are brave and fearless both in killing others and losing their own lives. They are notorious in playing tricks, falsehood and unfaithfulness. They shave their head, beard and moustache. If someone is found violating this norm, he is put to death on the charge of following the custom of Bengal. DRESSES AND CUSTOMS

They do not wear clothes, trousers and shoes. Also they do not sleep on the charpoys. They generally put coarse cloth on the head, a chadar on the shoulder and tie a lungi at the waist. But those who hold a high position in the society sleep on a bed instead of charpoy. They eat lots of tamul (betel nut) along with raw supari.8 ARTS AND CRAFTS

The Ahom are very expert weavers and weave beautiful clothes of silk and velvet. They are also expert carpenters and make very de­ cent and comfortable furniture such as boxes, cots, diwans and chairs from a single piece of timber without sawing the wood. BURIAL CEREMONY

They bury their dead with some of their patrimonial properties keeping the head towards the east and feet towards the west. The noble and high-ranking officers prepare funeral vaults (maidams) for their dead and also put some utensils made of gold and silver, carpet, dress material and eatables necessary for a period of several years inside it. They also put wives and servants of a dead person inside the same crypt after having killed them. They fix the head of dead person tightly with a strong wooden pole.

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THE AHOM SYSTEM OF RITES

It is the custom of the Ahoms that whenever they engage in a war, they perform some ceremonies a day previous to the battle in this way; they sacrificed a black man, a dog, a cat, a pig, an ass, a monkey, a he-goat and a pigeon, all black. Their heads are collected together and placed on the raft along with many ripe bananas, pan, tamul, various kinds of scents, rice paste coloured red, green and yellow, cotton seeds, mustard seeds, mustard oil, ghee and sindur, and then the raft is pushed adrift.10 4. THE NAGA TRIBE The Nagas are a tribal community, who live in the southern hill ranges of Assam. They have fair and reddish complexion. Out­ wardly, they are very good but very different inwardly. Judging by numbers they have even surpassed the group of Yajuj and Majuj (Gog and Magog, who according to Islam will appear on this earth before the advent of Qeyamat). They have a bulky figure and strong physical structure. They, are like the Aad Tribe (one of the tribal communities of Arab) in hardiness and physical strength.

They wear a lungi decorated with the Kori and have their faces pierced with the tusk of a boar. They have black and white hair falling on their neck. The main weapon of this community is a zhopin.

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5. THE KARD TRIBE This tribe resides on the Kard hill. This tribal community has all qualities of a panther. They are very much fond of the meat of a dog. Whenever dogs see these people, they run away immediately. The hill of this tribal community is attached to the Karibari range (west Garo Hills). This Karibari is a part of the protected country. 6. THE DAFLA TRIBE This is a hill tribe but unlike other tribes they do not pay any tribute to the Raja of Assam. Also they do not submit to his yoke and every now and then make raids into the territory of the Raja of Assam. Dafla are also called Bangni, tribal people of eastern Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh, a mountainous state in north eastern India. They speak a Tibeto-Burman language of the Sino-Tibetan family. 13 7. THE MIRI AND MAJMI TRIBES The Miri and Majmi (Mishmi) tribes inhabit the hills situated in Uttarkol in eastern Assam. This hill is at a distance of eleven days journey from the capital city of Kahargaon and is famous for musk deer, elephants, silver, lead and copper. The manner and custom of these tribes have similarity with those of the Ahoms. But the women of these tribes are more beautiful and attractive than the Ahom women. They fear the gun very much. They believe that the gun is a very bad thing. It makes a noise without moving from its place. A child coming out from the stomach of the gun kills the human being. 14 8. KASHMIRI (KARBI) TRIBE The Persian chroniclers in my opinion means the Karbi tribe when they say Kashmiri tribe. The Karbis are the principal tribal com­ munity in the Karbi Anglong district of Assam, a district adminis­ tered as per the provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitu­ tion of India, having an autonomous district of their own since 17 November 1951. Their language belongs to the Mikir group of the Tibeto-Burman sub-group of the Sino-Tibetan language

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family. The Karbis were among the earliest inhabitants of Assam. The Karbis are a Bi-lineal, where both the lineage from the mother as well as father is equally important.15 9. KHASI TRIBE The Khasis reside mainly in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills in the state of Meghalaya. 10. MAJMI (MISHMI) TRIBE The Persian Tazkera writers meant Mishmi tribes when they said Majmi tribes. Their women are expert weavers and make excellent coats and blouses. Agriculture is the main occupation of the people. By nature they are traders. Since very early days the Mishmis had relations with the plains of Assam. 11. MECH TRIBE The Mech tribe inhabits part of Assam and west Bengal. They build their villages mostly in the forests and hilly regions. They are related to the Koch tribe. They worship the rivers, forests, snakes and certain plants.16 12. GARO TRIBES They are hill people. They eat all sorts of things except iron which is the hardest of all and cannot be chewed with teeth. They eat ass and pigs and no exception of any other things.17 CONCLUSION

In the history of world literature perhaps India is the only country which not only adopted a foreign language but gained such mas­ tery over it that she made it her own official language, which was to bring a complete revolution in the sociocultural life of Indian sub-continent. For more than seven hundred years Persian was the official language of India and one of the most important centres of Persian scholarship in the field of historiography, religious science, mystical literature, medicine, astronomy and other branches of

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learning. The Persian scholars of India have made much valuable contributions than their Iranian counterparts. During the suc­ ceeding period Persian scholars have played a pioneering and re­ markable role in propagating and preserving Indian culture and history. Since their back-ground and mindset was totally different, their observations and writings have significant value.

NOTES 1. Tazkeras actually means biographical literature as contrasted to Tarikhs which are historical literatures. 2. Mazhar Asif, Tarikh-e-Aasham (trs.), Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies. Guwahati, 2010, p. 16. 3. Ibid. 4. Mohammad Kazem Munshi, Alamgir Nama, Calcutta: College Press, 1805, pp. 690-1. 5. Mazhar Asif, op. cit., pp. 56-7. 6. Mohammad Kazem Munshi, op. cit., p. 726. . 7. Ibid. 8. Mazhar Asif, op. cit., p. 70. 9. Mohammad Kazem Munshi, op. cit., p. 729. 10. M.I. Borah, Baharistan-i-Ghayabi (trs.), Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies. Guwahati, 1992, p. 487. 11. Mazhar, Asif, op. cit., p. 78. 12. Mohammad Kazem Munshi, op. cit., p. 725 13. Mazhar Asif, op. cit., p. 56. 14. Ibid., p. 66. 15. Ibid., p. 56. 16. Ibid., p. 15. 17. M.I. Borah, op. cit., p. 528.

REFERENCES Asif, Mazhar, Tarikh-e- Aasham (trs.), Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, Guwahati, 2010. Borah, M.I, Baharistan-i-Ghayabi ( trs.), Department of Historical and Anti­ quarian Studies, Guwahati, 1992.

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Fazal, Abul, Ayen-e-Akbari. Munshi Naval Kishor, Kanpur, 1893.

Khan, Saqi Mostaed, Maasere Alamgiri, Calcutta: Bapist Mission Press, 1871.

Munshi, Mohammad Kazem, Alamgir Nama, Calcutta: College Press, 1805.

Salim, Gholam Hussain, Reyazossalatin, Calcutta: Bapist Press, 1890.

Seraj, Menhaj, Tabaqat-e-Naseri, Calcutta: College Press, 1864.

Talesh, Shehabuddin, Tarikh-e-Aasham, Calcutta: Aftab Alamtab Press, 1849,

C H A P T E R 16

Sufi Saints and their Impact in Barak Valley SHERIN SULTANA TALUKDAR

Sufism (Arabic tasawwuf ) is a spiritual philosophy of Islam, the essence of which is to establish a direct relationship with Allah by purifying the soul. According to Sufism, meditation is the tariqah or way to reach God. Sufis derived their inspiration from Hazrat Muhammad who forms the source of spiritual knowledge and teachings. He himself mediated in the cave of Hira in Makkah for five years before achieving prophethood at the age of 40. The pur­ pose of Sufism is to purify the soul through full time remem­ brance of Allah. Hazrat Muhammad transmitted to his son in law Hazrat Ali the essential doctrines of Sufism. Sufism was further developed and popularised by sufi dervishes, poets and philoso­ phers who wrote religious treaties, poems, commentaries, etc., as a result various doctrines and tariqahs evolved round the teachings of sufi saints or awliya. Sufism is not a separate religion but a trad­ ition following the Quran and the life of Prophet Muhammad. Whatever is within the scope of the Islamic code of conduct and the life and character of the prophet is automatically within the premises of Sufism. Since all the principles that underline the in­ struction of sufis are based on the Quran, it is impossible to relate Sufism to any religion outside Islam. Despite the fact that Sufism got its origin from the Quran, sayings of the Prophet, His and some of His disciples’ practices, yet it must be admitted that the later day Sufi philosophy is not purely Islamic. It has been influ­ enced by the thoughts of Platinus, the Neo-Platonic philosophers, as far as the idea of absorption of the soul in God is concerned. The

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Sufis have borrowed from the Persians the idea of the existence of the creation in the existence of God which may be called panthe­ ism. It has affinity with Greek Pantheism and Indian Monism also. Buddhists nirvana has also similarity to Sufistic fana or anni­ hilation of self. The Sufis, however, did not stop at the stage of fana. According to them, there remains another stage named Baqa or being one with Allah by which they attain the highest form of self-realisation. It is seen that in its later development Sufism has incorporated many alien ideas and practices besides its original tenets, though a large section of Muslim scholars are inclined to deny this fact. Opinions vary regarding the etymology of the word tasawwuf. Some believe that the word is derived from suf (wool) and refers to the rough woollen clothing worn by early ascetics. Some other opinions are that it derives from safia (purity), from saf (row), or from ashab-i-safa (row of holy persons). Whatever its etymology, however, tasawwuf or Sufism essentially means spiritual medita­ tion for the purification of the immortal soul. Around AD 1200. Sufism was institutionalised into sufi orders. The most prominent Sufi master of the day became the ‘founder’ of a particular Sufi order. One of the well-known orders is Qadiriyya founded by the great Sufi master Abdul Qadir Gilani in Iraq. Others were founded in different part of the Islamic world by Sufi masters such as Jalaluddin Rumi in Turkey, Suharwardy in Asia Minor, and Muinuddin Chisti in India and many more. Although the system originated and flour­ ished initially in the Islamic world, it spread over to many parts of the world including the Indian subcontinent by the beginning of the eleventh century AD. There was a large influx of Sufi saints into India who had migrated from various parts of the Islamic world. Initially they flourished mainly in the north western parts of India where they were engaged in spreading Islam or in other words, the Sufi tariqah among the masses. The land of Barak Valley also did not lag behind from the pious mission of the Sufi saints. To recon­ struct the history of the advent of Islam or in other words, the Sufi tariqah in Barak Valley, frequent reference to Sylhet becomes essential since Karimganj district of Barak Valley, during the me­ dieval period was a part of Sylhet and, therefore, under the Muslim

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rule. On the other hand Cachar and Hailakandi were under Tripura and Dimasa rule in succession. The advent of Sufism or in other words, the Sufi tariqah in Barak Valley, dated from the time of Hazrat Shah Jalal, the saint warrior who accompanied Sikandar Shah Ghazi during his expedition of Sylhet in 1303. The conquest of Sylhet by Sikandar Shah Ghazi paved the way for Muslim rule in the region. Hazrat Shah Jalal also settled there and took the mission of spreading Islam in the region. This Sufi saint sent his disciples to different places of Sylhet and the adjacent territories to preach Islam. His efforts did not go in vain as the peasants of Sylhet embraced Islam. According to a tradition, re­ corded in ‘Suhail-i-Yamen’, Shah Jalal sent one of his disciples named Zia Uddin to Bundashil (Badarpur). At that time, Bundashil was the eastern most boundary of the Gaur Kingdom. Zia Uddin informed Shah Jalal that the people of the locality were victims of regular nocturnal attacks of a demon named Deorai and that the water of Barak was not drinkable as it was polluted by the demon. Shah Jalal led a campaign to Bundashil, suppressed the demon and returned to Sylhet by establishing one of his disciples, Shah Badaru­ ddin, in spiritual charge of the locality. After Badaruddin, the modern town of Badarpur was named after him. The historicity of this tradition may be interpreted in the light of Shah Jalal’s sup­ pression of a tribal group who regularly troubled the inhabitants of Badarpur. So it is certain that Badaruddin was the first Sufi who settled down in Barak Valley during the time of Hazrat Shah Jalal. Other sufi saints who came to Barak Valley during the medieval period were Shah Adam Khaki, Shah Diyaud-din, Shah Abdul Malik, Shah Sikandar, Meer-ul-Arefeen, Shah Natawan. SHAH ADAM KHAKI

Hazrat Shah Adam Khaki was the contemporary of Shah Badar and Khalifa of Shah Jalal Mujarrad whose dargah can be found at the western part of Badarpur, adjacent to the P.W.D. Road, Badarpur, Karimganj, present district of Assam.1 He also flour­ ished in the present Barak Valley during the medieval period for his remarkable wisdom, spiritual power and prosperity. The dargah

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had only three Khadims in the beginning. But the number has increased to fifty six families at present. It is run by a committee formed from the members of the families of the Khadims. The land where the dargah was established was not revenue free at that time and the British demanded revenue from it. But the Khadims opposed it and as a result the British opened the land for auction and the khadims took the land on lease. Afterwards, the British, seeing the popularity and importance of the dargah made the land revenue free.2 On every Thursday night a number of devotees gather in this dargah from distant places with a view to offering prayers there. Irrespective of class, caste, creed, religion, gender and culture, people visit the dargah for offering nazar-o-niyas, cementing them in a bond of universal brotherhood thereby ushering a new era of union, hitherto two opposing forces of religion. This clearly shows that he was a living embodiment of Hindu and Muslim unity.3 SHAH DIYAUD-DIN

Shah Diyaud-Din, another disciple of Shah Jalal, was sent to Barak Valley to impart education and training of Sufism, its theology, teaching and spirituality among the local people. He acted upon the orders of his sheikh and propagated Islam among the people till he breathed his last. Apart from propagating Sufism, he took the initiative to educate the minds of the people. He was the first Sufi to establish the first informal madrasa of the region near the Khadim village of Badarpur in present Karimganj district of Assam. In the madrassa he also instilled the doctrines of Sufism in the minds of the newly converted people. But unfortunately with the passage of time the madrassa building and the adjacent mosque, along with his tomb, disappeared due to the erosion of the Barak River.4 SHAH ABDUL MALIK

Shah Abdul Malik, another notable Sufi saint and comrade of Shah

Badar was sent by his contemporary Shah Jalal to Barak Valley in

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order to assist Shah Diyaud-Din in his mission of spreading Islam. His high repute as a saint and way of preaching attracted many people towards Sufism and his mission was realised in the true sense. He was revered by all in the land for the same. After his demise, he was buried towards the north east of present Badarpur Bazaar and a beautiful tomb was built on it by his followers.5 SHAH SIKANDER

The outstanding Sufi Shah Sikander is well known among the people of Barak Valley for his name has been recorded among those who propagated Islam as a missionary mission, being an ardent follower of Shah Jalal. He is said to be the nephew of a Sultan of Delhi.6 Before the arrival of Shah Jalal in Sylhet, he was defeated by Raja Gaur Govinda. Later on in 1303, Shah Sikander with Shah Jalal came to Sylhet with a bigger army, commanded by himself and defeated the Raja. An experienced soldier, he proved himself strong and vigorous as a ruler and skillful as a diplomat. He ruled over Sylhet for some time. According to Edward Gait, Sikander Shah, the Sultan’s nephew had gone to Sylhet with an army. This tradition is confirmed by a Muslim inscription of AD 1512 in which it is said that the conquest of Sylhet was affected by Sikander Khan Ghazi in the reign of Samsud-Din Firoz Shah of Bengal (1301-2) in AD 1303.7 Information regarding the life of Shah Sikander is very meagre. According to local tradition, he was drowned in the Surma River while crossing it in a boat. Hence, his grave is not found. But he is, even today, remembered by the local people, especially the fisher­ men. They believe that he is still living under the water and dis­ tributes fish to the fishermen. Again, a section of people from Badarpur claim to be his descendents. A mosque erected by Shah Sikander at village Gorekafan at Badarpur can still be seen. Some people opine that his tomb is situated at Saftamgram. He was undoubtedly a follower of Shah Jalal and his close association with the saint greatly helped his missionary activities. He directly en­ couraged and helped in the propagation of Islam for which he is specially remembered.

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Sherin Sultana Talukdar MEER-UL-AREFEEN

The name of Meer-ul-Arefeen deserves mention here as a disciple and companion of Shah Jalal who passed a part of his life in prayer and austerity on the top of a hill near Dhaleswari river in the pre­ sent Hailakandi district. The place has become a centre of pilgrim­ age where people of different religions throng to offer nazar-o-niyaz for fulfilment of their wishes.8 The place of prayer on the top of hill and an ablution house on the bank of Dhaleswari river can still be seen. Again, there still exists a Musafir Khana and a mosque near the ablution house. His footprints are still visible on a stone plate, believed to be his prayer carpet, in the prayer place. SHAH MUHAMAD YAQUB BADARPURI

Born in AD 1848 Shah Muhammad Yaqub Badarpuri, also known as Hatim Ali, was educated at Sylhet, Cuttack and Rampur. Moulana Hafiz Ahmed made him Khalifa. He established two famous madrassas at Badarpur in Karimganj district in order to propagate the doctrine of Islam thereby building an Islamic environment in Assam and Barak Valley in particular. The madrassas named Deorial Alia Madrassa and Deorail Darul Hadis play an important role in circulating the Muslim mission and as a forerunner of several madrassas in Assam. Deorial Darul Hadis Madrassa is the only higher educational centre of actual Muslim propaganda in north eastern India. He passed away at Badarpur at the age of 110 years in AD 1958.9 MOULANA AHMAD ALI

The name and fame of Moulana Ahmed Ali, well known as Baskandi Huzur, a famous Sufi saint, is still echoed in the hearts of people of Barak Valley. Born at Alakulipur village in Badarpur sub-division of Karimganj district, he propagated Islamic thought and Sufi theoso­ phy among the masses. He was associated with a madrassa named Darul Uloom at Banskandi in Cachar district in order to teach the Quran, the Hadith and Fiqh. Only learned scholar ulemas were

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appointed by him. He generally appealed the people to recite ‘Allah’, ‘Allah’. His slogan ek ho, nek ho, meaning, ‘be united and be a good man’ played a pivotal role in the hearts of both Muslims and non-Muslims. Hundreds of people from different parts of Assam had become his devotees, supporters and followers. He was a living example of the ascetic path of Islam. He composed many verses and duas in Urdu and Bengali in which only hamd, Na’at and sufistic mysticism are depicted. Every­ day more than a hundred people visited him to grace themselves with his blessings. This uncommon Sufi built up various khankahs in entire Assam to lead the people to the right path. He kept himself absorbed in divine love. Even various politicians and emi­ nent personalities used to visit him to get his duas and blessings. He was an able Khalifa of Hazrat Moulana Hussain Ahmed Madani Saheb. He left many murids and khalifas in India. This great Sufi breathed his last at Lilabati Hospital, Mumbai on AD 11 June 2000. After his demise, a dispute arose on the possession of his body between the local people and the students of Baskandi madrasa. Finally, he was buried inside the madrassa campus. MOULANA ABDUL JALIL CHOUDHURY

The pure soil of Barak Valley also expressed greetings and wel­ coming towards great famous Sufi named Moulana Abdul Jalil Choudhury who migrated from East Pakistan (now Bangaldesh) and settled down at Alakulipur village of Badarpur subdivision in Karimganj district. He showed interest and exercised an important role to spread the teachings of the Quran, the Hadith and Sufi theosophy. He generally urged the people to establish ‘Dourah Sahabah, i.e. to return to the epoch of companions of Hazrat Prophet Muhammad (S:A). Only to imitate the full traces of the Quran and the Hadith, he established ‘Uttar Purbo Bharat, Emarah-e-ShariahNadwatut Tamer’ a religious organization. He also built a madrasa called Alzamiatul Arabiatul Islamia’ to supply proper knowledge of the Quran and Hadith. He possessed an extraordinary melodi­ ous tone that mesmerised and made the people to obey his advice. He was inclined to Sufism from his early days. Consequently, he

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received Khalifaship from Hazrat Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani Saheb. He had deep sympathy for the poor. This great Sufi estab­ lished various khankahs all over Assam to recite ‘Lailahaillal-la’, meaning there is no God but Allah. He had a large number of murids and khalifas in Assam as well as in Bengladesh. He breathed his last in AD 1989 and was buried at Badarpur. HAZRAT KHAWAJ SHAIKH TAMIZUD-DIN

Hazrat Khawaja Shaikh Tamizud-Din was a son of Khawaja Shaikh Muhammad Jalil Bin Shah Khawaja Shaikh Muhammad Mansur, whose ancestors came from Arabia during the reign of Shah Jahan. He first settled at Delhi and then moved to Jaunpur. Later the father of Khawaja Muhammad Jalil Shaikh Muhammad Mansur Shah came to Bengal for teaching and spreading the doctrines of Islam, making Nawakhali, Rongpur, Mymensing and Sylhet the centre of activities. He died at Nawakhali and was buried beside his father’s grave there. His son, Khawaja Shaikh Tamizud-Din Shah, after completing his education in Dhaka, entered into the discipleship of Maulana Keramat Ali Janupuri, who was his teacher also. He was a business­ man but very interested in taking part in the propagation of Islam along with Moulana Keramat Ali Jaunpuri, who posted him at Sylhet. In his absence his business suffered a loss but he did not mind. From Sylhet he moved towards Cachar where he established a madrassa for imparting education to Muslim boys. He married a pious lady Saghria Banu, daughter of Muhammad Hatim of the Shibnarayanpur village with whose help he started a madrassa for women. He died in AD 1899 at Shibnarayanpur, 18 miles west of Silchar town. Khawaja Shaikh Tamizud-Din Shah preached reli­ gion and mysticism but he was not interested in initiating dis­ ciples into the Sufi order.10 TALIB HUSSAIN

Talib Hussain of Phul Bari, Cachar is another saint who also has volumes of Sufi literature in manuscript form in Sylheti Nagri to

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his credit, preserved in the different Khankahs of Cachar district. As he was always in an aesthetic trance, his lode of manuscripts was carried by some porters. He had no monastery or fixed preach­ ing centre. So, his songs are preserved at other khankahs. These songs are so appealing that when they are recited, they draw the attention of a large number of people. A selection of Talib Hussain’s songs has already been copied out in a separate volume by Hazrat Maqbul Hussain of Baghpuri. SHITALANG SHAH

Shitalang Shah Munshi, son of Muhammad Diya Bakhsh, was born at Kitta Silchar in the area of Sree Gouri of the present Karimganj district of Assam in AD 1806 in his mother’s house. His father came from Dhaka (Bangladesh) and settled at a distance of 15 miles west from Silchar at Tarinipur in Cachar district, Assam. He was a merchant and had two sons named Munshi Muhammad Salim and Munshi Muhammad Pir Mian. Muhammad Salim was popu­ larly known as Shitalang (lower part of the leg) Shah. Shitalang was his pen name. Shitalang Shah spent his childhood at Tarinipur and his teenage years and youth at Phoolbari Madrassa of Sylhet. Later he lived at Hashitilla of Budibail and Jokiganj sub districts. It is believed that he meditated for a long period at Bhuban Hill of Cachar. Shitalang Shah was a famous Sufi poet and a disciple of Maulana Abdul Wahab Mian Sahib of Sylhet town, a renowned Sufi of Naqshbandiyya order. He became the murid of Sufi Abdul Qadir Sahed of Chishtiyya order at Sylhet to attain perfection. His teaching was responsible for preaching Sufism in the entire region of south­ east Sylhet (now Bangladesh) and Cachar, Assam. His tremendous influence on the people transformed the Muslim way of life and added a new impetus to Sufism. Shitalang Shah composed about two thousand songs in Sylheti Nagri script at the request of his disciples and followers. The themes of his songs were—praises of God, praises of the Prophet, Sufi thoughts and Islamic theology. These songs, better known as ‘Shita­ langi Raag’, are the songs of inspiration in the spiritual aspect of

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Islamic thought. His scholarly personality and deep knowledge of Islamic learning are embedded with songs with a high imagination and depth of vision that speak of his poetic excellence. The intel­ lectuals are bound to look at his poetic songs with an eye of rever­ ence as they are abundant in Sufi elements. Muhammad Abdur Rahim, in his recently published book Sufi Sadhak Shitalang Shah, classified Shitalang Shah’s songs into three categories. He has in­ cluded 90 songs in his treatise. According to him, some songs are composed for preaching Islam among the masses, while some deal with Sufi theology and the rest are influenced by Vaishnav religion and its principles. Big volumes of manuscripts comprising of such ‘Shitalangi Raag’ are lying at Cachar, Sylhet and Nogaon districts. The followers of the Sufi are against publication of the same as they believe that such act will defile the wonderful creations of the poet. According to them, the songs are to be transmitted verbally from one generation to other as a token of veneration to the Sufi. This great Sufi was buried at Bara Takri in the district of Sylhet, Bangladesh.11 MAHMUD ALI CHISTI

His tomb is situated at Tarapur in Silchar, Cachar. He ranks high amongst his contemporaries. He was a great scholar and learned man. He had many disciples and khalifs. He died in AD 1933 and was buried at Tarapur. He was an able khalifa of Haji Imdadullah Muhajir Makki. BAQAR SHAH

Sams Uddin Ghazi, popularly known as Baqar Shah, came from Ghazipur, Bihar, to Barak Valley in search of a job. He was a Hindi speaking person. Eventually he worked in Bhorakhai Tea Estate as a daily wage worker. Once, the manager of the Tea Estate scolded him, along with other labourers, for negligence in putting away a roller. Being angry, he pushed the roller alone to the destination. At this miraculous sight, the manager, being astonished, discharged him from his duties.

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After this miracle, he came to Modhurbond, Silchar and settled in the house of Formus Ali. Gradually, seeing his divine power and miracles performed by him, people became his devotees and fol­ lowers. He turned to be a majzub (an ascetic) and people flocked around him with nazr-o-niyaz to get their desires fulfilled. Some people are of the opinion that he was originally a non-Muslim, who embraced Islam. He used to prepare a kind of medicine by grinding roots of trees and various metals as baqar, i.e. spices to treat the sick. Thus he cured numerous people. For this reason, he is well known till date as Baqar Shah. Once, the British Civil Surgeon himself visited the Pir to examine his miraculous medicine. Again, during the Second World War, the Japanese bombarded the Silchar town. On that day, Baqar Shah had been constantly looking at the sky whisper­ ing hat jha, hat jha, meaning ‘go away, go away’. Resultantly, the bomb fell on Derby and thus Silchar town was saved. This mystic Sufi was visited by numerous people irrespective of caste, creed and religion. He passed away on 14 March 1943. MAULANA AZIZUR RAHMAN (TANTOO PIR)

Tantoo Pir Saheb named Hazrat Abdul Aziz (Rahmatullah) was the son of Hazrat Hasan Mia Choudhury and Hazrat Misirar. His father was a well-known teacher who basically taught Islamic edu­ cation. He also served as an Imam in the masjid and taught chil­ dren in the Tantoo Sahabi Maqtab. Pir Saheb took his primary education under his father in this maqtab. When he was 9 or 10 years of age he took admission in Nayagram Ahmadia Madrassa and learnt Urdu, Persian and Arabic. In 1920, when he was in the fifth standard, he became disciple of Hazrat Nosha Kha of Rampur. At the age of 34, he got married to Musam­ mat Juluban Bibi but unfortunately she passed away in 1940. After her demise, Hazrat Abdul Aziz married Musammat Kutiftil Nessa at the age of 40. As a Sufi, Maulana Hazrat Abdul Aziz performed numerous miracles for which his name and fame spread far and wide. Gradu­ ally people from Cachar, Karimganj, other districts of Assam and

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other states of India came to him to become his disciple. In 1967, Hazrat Pir Sahib went for Haj. There he performed all the rites and rituals very minutely and properly. In Haram Sarif he met a mad girl whom he cured through his miraculous power. In every aspects of life, viz., social, economic, political, family or personal, he accepted the path of Prophet Muhammad. On 29 December 1984 he breathed his last. HAZRAT MAULANA TAYEEBUR

RAHMAN BARBHUIYA

Hazrat Maulana Tayeebur Rahman Barbhuiya, born at Rangauti of Hailakandi district, is an erudite, scholar who is very anxious to reform the Muslim society by the light of the Quran and the Hadith. He urges the people of Assam and Barak Valley in particular to transform the prevalent weather to that of the Quran, i.e. they should adopt their lives with the adoption of the Quran and Hadith and they should establish the Quranic environment. He has been playing an important role to enlighten the people with the teach­ ings of the Quran, the Hadith, Fiqh and Sufi theosophy. He is famous for his incredibly strong memory power and sound knowledge. Within a very short moment he can memorise and realise any educational concepts. Surprisingly enough, he has the magical power to retain a long speech of other people for period of 40 days without distortion of the same. He was the founder secretary of ‘Uttar Purbo Bharat, Emarath­ e-Shariah-o-Nadwatut Tamer’, a religious organization. This promi­ nent Sufi started his primary education at Rangauti L.P. School. He passed his intermediate examination in 1953, FM examina­ tion in 1955 and was rewarded with the title of MM in 1957 with first class first position. He completed MA in Arabic from Gauhati University, Guwahati. Due to model and ideal teaching, he was awarded by the government of India. He was an active worker of the Independent Revolution of India in 1945 and was made the secretary to Azad Students’ Federation. Again, he was selected the secretary of Hailakandi Senior Madrassa in 1968. He established an organisation named ‘Anjuman-e-Khadimul Huzzaz’ for serving

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the causes of Huzzaz. He also established ‘Nadwatut Tameer’ for proper investment and utilisation of zakat. In 1990, after the de­ mise of the first Amir-e-Shariath, he was given the responsibility of Amir-Shariath to lead and guide the people of north eastern India towards the right path. He is also a member of All India Muslim Personal Law Board and Milli Council. He has written many books like Ahkam-e-Hajj, Sadkay-e-Fitra, Tarikh Ulumul Arbia, etc. Many people, including politicians and leaders, visit him to receive his wise counsel and blessings. He is the disciple of Hazrat Moulana Abdul Jalil Choudhury. For his absorption on the ascetic path of divine love, abundant wisdom, spirituality and knowledge of Sufi theosophy, the Quran and the Hadith, numer­ ous people gather around him every day for becoming his murids or disciples. Indeed, he is the glaring example of a living Sufi of Assam.12 SHAH NATAWAN

Shah Natawan, a renowned Sufi saint, flourished in the present Barak Valley during the medieval period. His dargah falls in Natanpur13 near Katigorah, 60 kilometers away from Silchar town of Cachar district. But it is not known when he came to this place. Some are of the opinion that he was the companion of Hazrat Shah Jalal, but some opine that he flourished only after him. It is believed that he had gone to Jalalpur, Gumra crossing the river Barak in order to propagate the teachings of Islam among the people of that locality. He lived there till his death. His tomb is still there as a place of pilgrimage. Near his mazaar, there are five other mazaars. But only the mazaars of Batuni Shah, Kala Shah and Lai Kura Chand Shah are known respectively. The names of other two Sufis still remain in darkness. Wateer Ali was the next khadim of Natan Shah Mazar, whose grave can also be seen in that place.14 ASIM SHAH

Reliable sources claim that Asim Shah came to Asimganj, a small township in the present Karimganj district of Barak Valley; in AD 1880

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he lived earlier in Bardhishnu Janapad Dhaka South in East Bengal. First, he settled in Hathkhola village where he renovated the mazaar and dargah of Khwaja Hassan Saheb, a companion of Hazrat Shah Jalal. Many people misinterpret this dargah as the dargah of Asim Shah. Asimganj comes under the Patharkandi Block of Karimganj dis­ trict. This place is named after the name of this Pir mystic, Asim Shah. He established many mosques and madrassas for the better­ ment of the locality. The madrassa that had been established at Hathkhola in AD 1919 was later shifted to Asimganj market. This is also named as Asi Mian Ali Madrassa after his name. Now, this institution is well known as Asi Mian Senior Madrassa, Asi Mian ME Madrassa, Asi Mian High Madrassa, Asi Mian Title Madrassa, Asi Mian ME School and so on show his tremendous influence and popularity amongst the people. It is heard that he died in the capital of Iraq, Bagdad when he had gone for Haj for the last time. MOQBUL HUSSAIN BAGPURI

Sufi Moqbul Hussain Choudhury, son of Forman Ali Choudhury and Sonaban Bibi Choudhury, was born at Bagpur village of Cachar district in AD 1900. After attaining his primary education, he was admitted in the Phoolbari madrassa at Sylhet. Later he was admit­ ted to Hailakandi madrassa and then he went to Sree Hatta where his mind inclined towards spirituality. After returning home, he became the murid of Sufi Moulana Aftabur Rahman Barbhuiya Bhagadahri. It is said that Sufi Bhagadhari used his divine power to attract his disciple Moqbul Hussain Bagpuri towards him. Gradu­ ally, he devoted his whole time to his reverend murshid. He even used to cross the river by swimming to meet his murshid. The life of Moqbul Hussain Bagpuri is full of numerous mi­ raculous incidents. The Barak River flows in the south of Bagpur. Often he used to accept invitation from the people on the other side of the river. A few of his followers used to accompany him. At night when he returned to Bagpur, a boat used to appear before him to carry him to the other side of the river. Moqbul Hussain Bagpuri was skilled in penmanship, he copied thousand of mysti­

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cal verses of Talib Hussain who was a great saint and always re­ mained in a trance. Selected verses comprising Hamd, Na’at and matters dealing with difficult Sufi problems copied by Moqbul Hussain Bagpuri, enjoyed great popularity. They are read in Sufi congregations. He breathed his last on 13 August 1963. It is a well known historical fact that the Sufis had to travel a long distance before coming to Eastern India. The number of Sufis in this region is not small. Sufism found a congenial soil in Barak Valley and seems to have spread in every nook and corner. The influence of Sufis and Sufism on the life of the people of Barak Valley are manifold. The Sufis of Barak Valley apparently never wrote down their teachings in the form of a book, nor did their immediate disciples do so. It is a matter of great concern that no due attention has been paid to the life and activities of the Sufis in general and the impact of Sufis and Sufism in Barak Valley in particular, Consequently due to dearth of materials, we have to rely on information transmitted through oral traditions and a few available hagiographies concerning what they taught. The Sufis of Barak Valley contacted the masses directly. They served and loved them. They lived with them and inspired them in the realisation of eternal truth. They taught the people of Barak Valley the principles of equality, fraternity, spirituality and brother­ hood. Because of their belief in Allah, and theoretical and practical teachings of universal brotherhood, Sufis could easily satisfy the spiritual values and reliance on God during calamities such as drought, floods and other related panic situations. The simple but ethical way of living, down to earth religious sermons, the teach­ ings, mesmerising miracles, the sympathetic nature and attitude of the Sufis influenced and attracted a large section of people to­ wards them irrespective of caste, creed, religion and culture and thereby created a feeling of unity among people. There are many villages in Barak Valley where people from both Hindu and Muslim communities live together having different prayer houses. More­ over, men of different racial strains drink tea together; smoke their tobacco on the hookah pipes while discussing the overall better­ ment and prosperity of the particular village. Even today in many villages Muslim villagers are often found visiting their Hindu friends

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and taking part in their religious activities having ‘prasad’ that is a part of offering made during prayer of the latter. Similarly the Hindu villagers are also seen visiting mazaars of Sufis, khankahs and dargahs and making offerings as well as hanging threads on trees or posts in such places indicating their wish to obtain fulfill­ ment of their prayers. The peaceful co-existence of Dargah and Kalibari at different places of Barak Valley extending from old Cachar to the borders of Mymensing is also the indication of the upliftment of the spirit of nationalistic feeling and social harmony among the people of different racial strains.15 Not only this, the Sufis of Barak Valley also adopted a liberal policy in respect of religion. They had liberalised, modified and universalised the principles of Islam in order to make them easily practicable by the common people. As a result a large number of local Hindu inhabitants, including the tribal groups like Dimasa, etc., embraced Islam. The Sufi mission not only succeeded in initi­ ating thousands of people from other religions but also rendered tremendous service in making the converted people refined, de­ voted, well behaved, and righteous in their day to day customs and manners. This led to the inclusion of Hindu customs and manners into the Muslim ways and life.16 In support of the above statement, the following examples may well be cited. Recently it was found that the Muslims of Barak Valley believed in and of­ fered a kind of puja to Sheetala Devi. Paush Sankranti is also ob­ served by some Muslims along with the Hindus in some places. Though the worship of Aai is not prevailing upon them the tradi­ tion of begging rice door to door by the night chanting balo re aai mangal, etc., is a common phenomenon among some Muslims of Barak Valley. Carrying of coarse rice as the symbol of Lakshmi by the Muslim bride to her father-in-law’s house and keeping the same in their paddy storehouse after marriage still prevails in some parts of Barak Valley. Till recently Muslims observed some Hindu customs connected with funeral like Pitri Dasha and Matri Dasha which have no place whatsoever in Islam. Even some customs associated with growing and reaping of crops as well as with mar­ riage are common both to the Hindu and the Muslims.17 Most of the Sufis of Barak Valley were not only highly educated

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and learned themselves but encouraged others for acquiring knowl­ edge. In order to popularise their own faith, they put before the common people their simple teaching in simple language and side by side with this they either founded madrassas adjacent to their khankahs or maqtabs themselves or in some way associated with them. The first informal madrassa of the region was established in the fourteenth century by the famous Sufi Shah Dia Uddin, a close disciple of Hazrat Shah Jalal. It was built at Badarpur in modern Karimganj district. The main purpose of the madrassa was to train Muslims, particularly newly converted ones in the light of Islamic principles. But unfortunately with the passage of time, the madrassa building and the adjacent masjid disappeared due to the erosion of the river Barak. Later on Pir Shah Muhammad Yaqub Badarpuri established Deorail Ali Madrassa and Deorial Darul Hadith at Badarpur. The grand madrasa of Barak Valley is Darul Uloom which is situated at Banskandi near Silchar. Moulana Ahmed Ali better known as Baskandi Huzur was associated with Darul Uloom. These three prime institutions, founded by great Sufis of this valley, even today are playing a significant role not just in preaching Islam but also in disseminating knowledge and pro­ moting education, which attracts students from home and abroad in large numbers. Free food and lodging are provided to the stu­ dents who are admitted in these madrasas. The needy and meri­ torious students are provided with scholarships and are even sent to other learning centres to pursue higher studies. These madrasas are not only seats of learning but also play the role of orphanages. An important aspect of Sufis of this region was that they played a very pivotal role in enriching the Sylheti Nagri script. They used Nagri script as an instrument to express their emotions and spiri­ tual feeling in black and white. They even wrote devotional songs in this script. Among the Sufis who composed songs in this script the name of Shitalang Shah may be mentioned as worthwhile. He wrote around 1,000 songs in Sylheti Nagri which are very popular among the local people of Barak Valley and even today recited by many. His songs are full of Sufi elements. To cite his sense of de­ tachment from the mundane world and the earthly existence, it is apt to quote him:

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Zarzami sab thoiare o mona bhai koribe gaman Kebal sangati kafan monare The quoted lines categorically describe the inevitable death of human life. To get rid of the dreadfulness of death, one must dedi­ cate himself to God and to His service. For the same, he urges upon human being to undergo selfless devotion to God which is evident in the last two lines of the same song : Shitalang Fakire koy dom karna sadhan Je nam sadhan koile re kobore rushon. It is observed that the Sufis of the region, while alive, mesmerised the common people by their wonderful miraculous powers as well as with the proof of divine grace. Again after their death, their places of burial transformed into sacred places of pilgrimage and worship where hundreds and thousands of disciples and followers throng around for translation of their most cherished wishes or for solving numerous family problems. In many cases the places are known by their respective names and vice versa. This can be proved by mentioning a few examples. Badarpur, a township in Karimganj district has been named after sufi saint Shah Badar Uddin, while Natanpur, a village in Cachar district named after Sufi Shah Natawan. On the other hand, Sufi Hazrat Abdul Aziz is famous among people as rather Tanto Pir for the place called Tanto in Hailakandi district.18 It is also seen that tomb worship has become part and parcel of religious activities among the common mob of this region. The people are more engrossed in this with whole-heartedness than regular compulsory religious exercises. The establishment of nu­ merous khankahs, dargahs or mazaars in various nook and corners of the Valley have noticeably submerged the preponderance and popularity of mosques and its associated practices and rituals. People seem to celebrate various exercises allied with worship of Sufis or worship of their tombs with much fervour and passion in com­ parison to that of the mosque.19 The devotees who visit tombs or dargahs plead to the concerned Sufi by resorting to different ways and means, some by offering money or valuable things, flowers, etc., while others by lighting of

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candle (chirag). Visiting various dargahs of Hazrat Adam Khaki, Moulana Azizur Rahman, Maqbul Hussain, etc., it is seen that the tombs or the dargahs are run by a managing committee a group of direct spiritual descendents of the concerned Sufis or some local inhabitants. They act as the only legal proclaimed of the income accumulated from the collections and donations received from the visitors or other sources. Khadims are appointed to look after the dargahs or the tombs. In the case of Adam Khaki dargah, it has been observed that the working khadims are the descendents of those people who accompanied Adam Khaki to Badarpur. With the passage of time their number has been increasing in rapid numbers and, consequently they have now formed an indepen­ dent community called ‘Khadim Community’. Every day, the Khadims recite the Holy Quran at the mosques within the com­ plex and perform other ceremonies associated with the dargah. Thus the missionary activities of the Sufis in Barak Valley paved a new horizon in the sphere of cultural development of the society. In respect of religion, literature, education they played a pivotal role, thereby helping the society and its inhabitants to usher in a new and enlightened living style. Sufis have enlightened the mind, sharpens the wit, broadens the outlook and purifies the heart and thinking. Above all they made a person humane and a perfect gentleman in every sense of the term.

NOTES 1. S.S. Ali, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, Guwahati: Nandan Prakashan, 2001, p. 78. 2. As reported by Abul Kamal Khadim and Abdul Mazid Khadim during an interview dated 19 April 2009 by the researcher. 3. S.S. Ali, op. cit. 4. Yahiya Tamizi, Sufi Movement in Eastern India, Delhi: Idarahi-I-Adahiyat, 1992, p. 86. 5. S.S. Ali, op. cit. 6. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Eastern Bengal and Assam, Calcutta, 1909, p. 240. 7. Yahiya Tamizi, op. cit., p. 87.

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8. Ibid., p. 88. 9. Abdul Kalique Laskar, A Brief Study of Sufis in Assam, Silchar: Assam Publisher, 2004, p. 69. 10. Yahiya Tamizi, op. cit., p. 106. 11. Kamal Uddin Ahmed, Sanskritir Rong-Rup, Karimganj: Nabil Momin, 1990, pp. 67-70. 12. Abdul Khalique Laskar, op. cit., p. 76. 13. It was named after the saint. 14. Abdul Shukkur Barbhuiya, Baraker Pir Fakir, Silchar: Aroshi Publication, 2008, p. 129. 15. As reported by Prof. Abul Hussain Mazumder, Retd. Professor and HOD, Deptt. of English, Lala Rural College, Lala Hailakandi. 16. Yahiya Tamizi, op. cit., p. 143. 17. Kamal Uddin Ahmed, op. cit., pp. 22-3. 18. Findings of field investigation. 19. On the basis of field investigation.

C H A P T E R 17

Manipur and the Mughals: King Khagemba and the Mughal Interface (AD 1597-1652) NG. MEETA DEVI

INTRODUCTION

Manipur, the eastern border state of the Indian union occupies a strategic position. This state may be divided broadly into two divisions according to its geographical features: the plain valley area and the hill area which surrounds the plain. The seven clansmen, Ningthouja, Angom, Luwang, Khuman, Moirang, Sarang Leishangthem and Khaba-Nganba were the initial inhabitants of the valley. These seven clans were found permanently settled in the valley quite independent of each other for a few centuries through their political boundaries could not be defined precisely. ‘For a few centuries beginning from AD 33 the name Meitei was applied only to people belonging to the Ningthouja clan.1 When Khagemba became the king of the Ninghthouja clan, the sub­ jugation of the Ningthouja clan over the valley was completed. The last clan who was assimilated into the Nongthouja clan was the Angom clan. Thus the valley of Manipur became the homeland of the Meiteis. The valley people comprise of the Meiteis, the Meitie Pangal (Manipuri Muslims), the Meitei Bamon (Manipuri Brahmans), the Bishnupriyas, Lois, Mayangs, etc. Among these various ethnic groups of people who dwelt in the valley of Manipur, Meitei became the largest group and predominating one. These people migrated into Manipur from different directions at different time. Among

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these groups, the Meitei Pangals and the Meitei Bamon became a very important section of the population of the valley. The Manipuri Brahmans came and settled in Manipur for the first time during the reign of King Kyamba (AD 1467-1508).2 Similarly the first settlement of the Muslims was in AD 1606 when King Khagemba (AD 1597-1652) completely defeated his brother Sanongba who had revolted against him with a large number of Muslim-Cachari combined force. Another section of people known as the Bishnu­ priyas deserve special mention. Previously they were known as Mayangs as many of them were captives of Cachari war of AD 1604 in which the Cachari forces were defeated by Khagemba. Another section of people in the valley known as Loi are scattered in different parts of the valley. The Loi are a Scheduled Caste. In general estimation the Loi people are not different from the ethnic point of view to the Meiteis. In this way the history of Manipur witnessed the process of ethnic fusion in spite of her barriers. Thus the continuous flow of the immigrants settlers over the centuries belong to the Chinese, Tibetians, Burma, Shans and the neighbouring states of Manipur. MUSLIMS IMMIGRATION

One of the most significant events that took place during the reign of King Khagemba (AD 1592-1657) of Manipur was the war against the Muslims of Taraff, a place in Sylhet. In AD 1606. ‘Khangemba who was the most illustrious ruler of the medieval Manipur tried during his reign of fifty years to check the Muslim invasion from the west and defended the Kingdom of Manipur from several foreign invaders like the Muslims, Cachari and the Shans of Kabaw Valley’.3 The Muslim War of AD 1606 is considered very important in the history of Manipur. The circumstances of the actual Muslim immigration and settlement in Manipur was the product of the war. ‘One of the most remarkable events that occurred during the reign of King Khagemba was the invasion of Manipur by the Muslims under the leadership of his own brother Sangongba in AD 1606.4 But the royal chronicle Cheitharol Kumbaba is silent on the cause of this major invasion. ‘It started from a private grudge

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of Sanongba against one of his brother and it was fanned by his overweening ambition to seize the throne’.5 The Cachari-Muslim invasion of AD 1606 was less political and the outcome of a misunderstanding among the royal family. Khagemba had two brothers, Chingsomba and Sanongba. As a tradition, on the occasion of Hiyangei Kumjanba, the annual boat race was held by the king as a part of an entertainment for his people, Chingsomba borrowed the boat of Sanongba, his step brother, which was broken due to collision during the boat race. Sanongba wanted the original boat in the same condition. This infamous issue is known as ‘Sanongba Higaiwa’ in the history of Manipur. The matter became serious and was brought to the knowledge of King Khagemba. ‘The King tried to persuade Sanongba to accept the offer of a new boat or the old boat repaired, which was not accepted by Sanongba. The King was left with no option but forced Sanongba to leave his Kingdom.6 Sanongba fled to Cachar along with his mother Queen accompanied by some nobles and approached the King of Cachar Sampradas Narayan to invade Manipur under the condition that he (Sanongba) would become a tributary ruler of Cachar if he was placed on the throne of Manipur. The Cachari King Sampradas Narayan accepted the condition of Sanongba and sent his general Yakarek and Bhimbal with the Cachari force in AD 1604. The Meitei forces were defeated and retreated towards the capital. After the Meitei forces retreated, the Cachari forces returned to the base camp at Lamshang, a place in the western side of the capital. The Cachari forces were suddenly attacked on their way to the camp by the Meitei forces who took many leaders of the invaders as prisioner. Yakharak surrendered to King Khagemba. However, the retreating cachari soldiers informed their King that Yakharak, Bhimbal and Sanongba had betrayed them and became an ally of the king of Manipur. But Yakharak and Sanongba were handed over to Khagemba and promised not to invade Manipur again. Thus Sanongba and Yakharak were allowed to return to the King of Cachar. After reaching Cachar, Sanongba was not discouraged by the defeat in the hands of his elder brother the king of Manipur. He joined hands with the Cachari King Sampradas Narayan for another

390

Ng. Meeta Devi

invasion to Manipur. Viewing with grave concern the grographical conditions and the military statesmanship of king Khagemba, the Cachari king now engaged one Prasana a leader of the Muslim mercenaries of a locality known as Taraf somewhere near Habigunj in Eastern Bengal. The Cachari king sent another force under the command of Yakharak, Bhimbal and Prasana. This was the joint Cachari-Muslim invasion of Manipur in AD 1606. ‘Sanongba with the view of dethroning his brother Khagemba accepted to lead the Cachari-Muslim force against the Meitei King. 7 Even the King of Taraf was ready to help the Cachari king and send his brother Mohamudani to extend his help in waging the war against king Khagemba. The Cachari-Muslim force took seven days to cross the mountains of Khupum and reached the plains. But the Cachari troop remained on the upper hill of Khoupum observing the situation. The king of Taraf led the Muslim contingent consisting of 1007 soldiers under the generalship of his younger brother Mohomadani, who was accompanied by sixteen leaders namely, Munon Khan, Aman, Monai, Akon, Aleef, Chuleiya, Namfa, Fartong, Tumia, Quamaya, Khendodo, Agya, Sapra Muhmud, Punot, Ayamba and Kashra.8 The Cachari—Muslim force was divided into two sections, the Muslim troops were under general Mohomadani and the Cachari troops under Takharak and Bhimbal. The overall commander of the combined troops was Sanongba.9 A fierce battle was fought between the Cachari. Muslim forces and the Meitei forces. But the invading forces were defeated. Sanongba was captured and a large number of the invading forces, including their leaders were taken prisoners. But the Cachari forces retreated without informing their counterpart Mohomadani. Now only the Muslim troops was left in Manipur. But sill the strength of the Muslim troops was better than the Manipuri troops. King Khagemba used other methods to diffuse the war. Finally both sides came to a conclusion to retreat their respective troops. How­ ever, after the agreements had arrived at, the Manipuri trooped surrounded the Muslim troops who were unarmed. The Muslims were given the options either to surrender or die. Then the Muslims opted to surrender to King Khagemba. The Cheitharol Kumbaba, the royal chronicle states that Khagemba

Manipur and the Mughals

391

captured thirty elephants, one thousand guns, 1,000 Muslims, including sword smiths, brass smiths and other skilled men, makers of trumpets and long drums, makers of bracelets, washermen, horse grooms, elephant grooms and many others. It is recorded that the Meitei soldiers captured 15 Palanquin riders, fifteen cavalry riders, fifteen cavalry soldiers and three elephants.10 The Khagemba Lanpha a royal chronicle recorded the names of some of the Muslim prisoners. Nongshamei captured Heiyamot a phusaba (potter), Shuqton—a khut heiba (skilled in red sugar mill, and Mangkhan—weaver and sepoy. Thiyam Phungshom captured Ulamot—a phundrei (turner). Satpamn Saraba captured Alim Shah who was allowed to settle in Yairipok. He also captured Ali (Phundrei) and Shaikh a blacksmith. Two brothers Mewarmot and Kasarmot of Murshaidabad were captured. Other immigrant Muslims included Tonba from Makak, Leimushek a Khut heiba and his brother Yangba and Manik, Kharamot from Mughal, Basir and his brother Mansara, Yangba brother of Phum­ drei Ali, Khamba, brother of Leimusek Ngangba from mobur. Ngangba who came from Murshidabad, the brother of Tona and Malek, was appointed Qazi by the King of Manipur. The last captive among the mercenary Taraf soldiers in AD 1606 were Khamba brother of Cheinandi and Kasar Muhammad. The Cachari-Muslim invasion was not successful as most of the troops were not professional soldiers, the Muslims were found to be experts in different trades. Taking advantage of their extraordinary skills, King Khagemba planned to arrange for a settlement with the Muslims instead of punishing them. The indigenous sources like Nongsamei Puya and Pangal Thorakpa records the instances of rewarding the Muslims with local or Meitei woman as wives and land in appreciation for their outstanding skills in different trades. Muslims settled in Manipur were given the name of the Sagei (clan) according to the Sagei (clan) of the woman they were given to marry, to the profession in which they were experts and also to the name of the place they were granted to settle. For example Kumar Phusaba, Nuriya Seikh was given Yumnam Chanu Shreebedi as wife. Muhummad Prasena was given Nongthombam chanu Naioibi Maitek and Chakpram Chanu

392

Ng. Meeta Devi

Melei along with land to settle.11 The Sagei (clan) given by King Khagemba later became the name of their clan. Thus the pro­ cess of Muslim settlement in Manipur was completed with the establishment of a separate administrative office exclusively for the Muslims known as the Pangal Sanglen. The principal head of the Shanglen was designated as Kazi, who was authorised to take up all the general administration of Muslims, including the judicial matters. Subsequently, the influence of the Muslim civilization of the Mughals was felt in Manipur. It had given a great opportunity to Manipur to establish contact with the neighbouring countries. Some scholars are of the view that the Muslims had already arrived in Manipur before the reign of King Khagemba. It is believed that the ancestors of Ariban Sagei (clan) were the earliest Muslim inhabitants of Manipur. Dr Farooque Ahmed writes, ‘The Bengali Muslims came and settled since the time of King Naophangba (AD 428-518) as traders, adventurers and soldiers, etc. The Suri Pathans also emigrated in Manipur when Sher Shah Suri was ruling Bengal till AD 1486’.12 Thus it can be concluded that Muslims came from various parts of mainland India at different times and settled in Manipur. He also agrees with the fact that the largest immigration of Muslims in Manipur took place in AD 1606 when a large number of Muslims troops brought from Taraf, a place in Sylhet by the Manipuri prince Sangongba, were taken captives and later given settlements. It is also said that some Muslims were brought to Manipur in AD 1564 to obtain the techniques of making weapons. According to R.K. Sanahal Singh, the following families were settled in Manipur during the reign of King Khagembam: 1. Bagimayum

:

2. Basimayum

:

3. Dolai Pabam

:

They caught a bird ‘Urok’ or Bagala and presented to the king, hence the name of the family was this. They played bansi (flute), hence the name Basi Mayum. They were employed in the Dolaiphaba Loishang Palanquin Department, hence they got this name.

Manipur and the Mughals 4 . Hawai Ingkhol

:

5 . Iphan

:

6 . Kamalmayun

:

7 . Keinoumayum

:

8 . Korimayum

:

9 . Khullakpam

:

10. Khut Leibam

:

11. Leishangkhong

:

12. Maibam

:

13. Mausham

:

14. Moijing

:

15. Moinam

:

16. Mushra

:

17. Nugngshayaibam

:

393

They settled in the Ingkhol (home­ stead) of Lainingthou Khagemba where hawai (beans) grows. They were given this name because they had settled in the ‘E’ Ingkol (Reed farm). One Kanak woman was married to a man of this group, hence the name Kamalmayum. This group of Muslims were give their settlement in Keinou, hence the name Keinoumayum. They presented a Dolai (Palanquine) to Khagemba coated and decorated with Kori (Copper). They settled in Leishangkhong during the reign of Khagemba. They were given this name because they were expert in the field of handi­ craft. The settled in Leishangkhong during the reign of Khagemba. They were descendants of a Maiba, hence the name Maibam was given by the king to him and his descen­ dants. They were wrestlers, hence this name was given. They settled at the foothills of Moi­ ching Hill during the reign of King Khagemba. They presented one Moina (Kind of Bird) to the King Khagemba. They came from Mushra Tonamola during the period. They always enjoyed sunbath, hence they are known as Nungshayaibam.

394

Ng. Meeta Devi

18. Phundrei mayum

:

19. Pusham

:

20. Pukhri mayum

:

21. Shingakhongbam

:

22. Shairem

:

23. Sajoubam

:

24. Sangom Shumbam :

25. Thoubalmayum

:

26. Thongkhongmayum 27. Urupmayum

:

28. Yumkhaibam

:

:

They were carpenters who used Phun­ drei (lathe for cutting wood) to make furniture. Hence the name Phund­ reimayum was given by King Kha­ gembam to their descendants. They were potters and presented a de­ corated pot to Khagemba, hence the name Pusham was given. They were the caretakers of King Khagemba’s Pukhri (Pond), hence the name Pukhrimayum was given. Siga is a musical instrument and Khongba means playing. Hence the family name is Singakhongbam. The muslim married a woman of Sairem Sagei (clan). Hence the name Sairem was given by the King. They were the descendants of a very muscular man, hence the name Sajou­ bam was given to them. They milked the cows and gave it to the king. Sangom means milk and Shumba means milking. They settled near the banks of Thoubal river and hence the name Thoubal­ mayum was given by the king. They constructed the pillars of Thoing (Bridge). They were made to settle in Urup during the reign of King Khagemba. King Khagemba gave the clan name Yumkhaibam as this family is separat­ ed from the previous one.

The Muslims, who had accompanied Mohomadani were given a place around Kangla, the old capital of the Metei Kingdom at Moirangkhom Yaiskul. Nowadays a large number of Manipuri speaking Muslims are found settled in Cachar in Assam, Hojai in

Manipur and the Mughals

395

Assam, Komolpur in Tripura and Bangladesh. The ancestors of these Muslims settled in these regions might have been migrated from Manipur during the ‘Seven Year Devastation’ also known as Chahi Taret Khuntakpa. The Muslim inhabited the fertile tracts of land on the banks of the Imphal, Iril and Thoubal rivers. They lived along the river banks, rivulets and lakes as a majority of them depended on agri­ culture and cattle rearing. They also preferred to settle around the lakes such as Loktak Lake, Loushai Lake, Waithou Lake, Ikop pat, Porompat, etc. Manipuri Pangals found settled in different parts of valley and nearly eighty Pangal villages haven’t recorded.13 The Meiteis were the majority and the predominant group but the Muslims are ethnically closed to them. The name of the Sagei (clan) are given in Manipuri language. They also speak Manipuri or Meiteilon as their language. According to the report on SocioEconomic Survey of Meitei Pangals, 2004, the Muslim population forms about 9 per cent of the total state population. Gradually the Muslims have integrated into the local culture. They absorbed a number of local customs and traditions which are seen in their language, dress, food habits, local customs and traditions, social organizations, festivals, beliefs, etc. They started constructing their houses just like that of the Meiteis, The traditional games and sports of Manipur, like Mukna, Mukna Kangjei, Sagol Kangjei and Yubi Lakpi became a favourite past time of the Muslims. In spite of being assimilated and intermixed with the majority Meiteis, they maintained their Islamic identity strictly. The continuous flow of the Muslim migration and settlement was still there during the reign of King Khunjaoba ( AD 1652-66), King Paikhomba (AD 1666-97), King Charairongba ( AD 1697-1709), King Pam­ heiba (AD 1709-48), King Chingshai (AD 1748-52), King Bharal Shai ( AD 1752-3), King Moramba ( AD 1753-63) and King Chingthangkhongba (AD 1759-98). CONCLUSION

King Khagemba’s liberal social policy culminated into the massive immigration of the Muslims in Manipur. Most of these Muslims were the captives of the Cachari-Muslims war of AD 1606. They

396

Ng. Meeta Devi

are so absorbed in Manipuri culture and ethos that they are called Meitei Pangals. They speak Manipuri or Meiteilon and settled in the valley in different areas intermingling with the Meitei. But they practised their religion and the particular way of life. The Muslims have become an indigenous community in Manipur. They came and settled in Manipur first in AD 1606, according to Cheitharol Kuimbaba the royal chronicle of Manipur. It can be concluded that the reign of King Khagemba is important in the history of Manipur because of the large scale immigration of the Muslims after the Cachari-Muslim war of AD 1606.

NOTES 1. R.K. Jhalajit Singh, A Short History of Manipur (from 33 AD to the present time), published by the author, Impal, 1992, p. 15. 2. L. Ibungohal Singh & N. Khelchandra Singh, Cheitharol Kumbaba, Imphal: Manipuri Sahitya Parishad, 2005, p. 207. 3. Gangmumei Kabui, History of Manipur (Pre-colonial Period ), Delhi: National Publishing House, 1991, pp. 206-10. 4. L. Ibungohal Singh & N. Khelchandra Singh, op. cit., p. 32. 5. R. K. Jhalajit Singh, op. cit. 6. O. Bhogeshwor Singh & M.A. Janab Khan, Nongshamei Puya, Imphal: Simanta Pratika, 1973, p. 4. 7. R.K. Sanahal Singh, Pangal Tharokpa, published by author, Imphal, 1960, p. 30. 8. Thangiam Subhas Singh, ‘Social-Economic Condition of Manipur Muslim in Pre-Colonial Manipur’, Unpublished Thesis, Manipur University, 2007-8. 9. B. Kullachandra Sharma & Badaruddin, Meitei Pangal Hourakpham, Imphal: Laiminghal Bapu Research Centre, 1991, p. 47. 10. O. Bhogeshwor Singh & M.A. Janab Khan, op. cit., p. 31. 11. Farooque Ahmed, Manipuri Muslim: Historical Perspective (615-200 AD). 12. R.K. Sanahal Singh, op. cit., p. 16. 13. ‘Socio-Economic Survey of Meitei Pangals’, Directorate of Economics, Government of Manipur, Imphal, 2003.

C H A P T E R 18

Agrarian Conquest in

Mughal Goalpara

S ATA RU PA SAHA

INTRODUCTION

The empire that the Mughal built was a result of number of inva­ sions, conquests and absorptions which were spread over a long period of time. Hence the empire consisted of diverse regions with heterogeneous populations as well as economic practices. In most parts of the empire, agriculture was the mainstay of these practices whereas in some parts trade and commerce was the dominant mode of livelihood. In course of the evolution of the polity, the Mughal state often interfered in the economic practices and tried to intro­ duce new technology or standardize the agricultural practices. North­ eastern India was one of the last frontiers that the Mughals tried to invade and absorb but after repeated attempts, it was only the region of Goalpara which remained under the Mughal rule for a relatively longer period of time. This region which was predomi­ nantly a tribal area with archaic agricultural practices, was sought to be standardized by the Mughals during their rule. This article studies how the Mughal imperial ideas of agrarianization in Goalpara region tried to reframe the socially embedded agrarian organi­ zation into a homogenized order. The Mughal imperial ideas had standardized the agrarian order throughout the empire in order to penetrate its centralised imperial rule in the agrarian sector. This standardization was encoded in the assessment of revenue in mon­ etary terms; revenue management was performed by the centralized salaried state officials, the land revenue demand and the method

398

Satarupa Saha

of its estimation and collection were all set by the imperial admin­ istration, centralized military system, etc. The imperial homogeni­ sation of agrarian sector amended the pre-Mughal socially embedded agrarian structure of Goalpara region which endorsed several up­ heavals in the region for the demand of restoration of earlier agrarian arrangement. To bring these into discussion the article firstly looks into the pre-Mughal agricultural set up. Second, it analyses how this earlier agrarian order was revised by the Mughals. Third, it examines the nature of rebellion posed by the cultivators against standardization and also discusses the outcome of unrest. The geographical area of Goalpara region extended from river Gangadhar or Gadadhar in the west to River Manas in the east and Garo Hills in the south to Bhutan Hills in the north. In the other sense, it included on the southern side Karaibari, Mechpara, Kalu­ malupara and Habraghat parganas which shared border with the Garo Hills; on the northern side it included the eastern Duars which shared a border with the Bhutan Hills; on the western side it included Dhubri in neighbouring Cooch Behar and Rangpur (presently in Bangladesh) regions of eastern Bengal and on the eastern side it shared border with Kamrupa, the western most fron­ tier of Assam. In the Indian epics of Ramayana and the Mahabharata, the Goalpara region was the part of ancient kingdoms of Kamrupa or Pragjyotisha which comprised of Assam, North Bengal and even some parts of East Bengal (present Bangladesh).1 Some sources like Yogini Tantra and Kalika Purana reveal that ancient Kamrupa was divided into four parts, viz. Kampith, Ratnapith, Suvarnapith and Swarnapith. Among these four piths the Goalpara region came under the portion of Ratnapith which covered the area from river Sankosh to Rupahi in present Kamrupa district.2 Sometime in the twelfth century the Kamrupa region was ruled by three dynasties, viz. the Varmans, the Salastambhas and the Palas.3 From the thirteenth century the Goalpara region formed a part of the Kamata king­ dom. But it was usurped by the feudal lords locally known as Baro Bhuyans (revenue assessment officers) in the latter half of the thir­ teenth century. Next, the region came under the possession of

Agrarian Conquest in Mughal Goalpara

399

Khyen kings in the fifteenth century. The Khyen kings had their capital at Kamatapur in the south of Cooch Behar which was in­ vaded by Husain Shah in 1498 but he was unable to establish his reign on this region.4 By the close of fifteenth century the Goalpara region occupied by the Koch kings. Bishu or Biswasingha was the founder of the Koch kingdom. In 1581, particularly during the reign of NaraNarayan the kingdom was bifurcated into Cooch Behar and Koch Hajo.5 Cooch Behar included Cooch Behar and parts of Jalpaiguri of Bengal and parts of Dinajpur and Rangpur of present Bangladesh. It was ruled by the Nara Narayan’s son, Lakshmi Narayan. The territory of Koch Hajo almost coincided with the Goalpara region, Kamrupa and Darrang. It came under the control of Nara Narayan’s nephew Raghudev Narayan. Initially, he agreed to pay regular tribute and military assistance to the Cooch Behar state. Later, dispute broke out between the two families of Cooch kingdom on the issue of not paying tribute by Raghudev Narayan to Lakshmi Narayan. Raghudev Narayan declared himself an independent ruler, started minting coins in his name and stopped paying tribute to Lakshmi Narayan. The friction arose between two families of Koch kingdom. Subsequently, the ruler of Cooch Behar took the assistance of Mughals and Koch Hajo was assisted by the Ahom rulers.6 Later early seventeenth century the Goalpara region was conquered by the Mughals and the dispute continued between the Ahoms and the Mughals. In 1637, a peace treaty was concluded that fixed Baranadi a boundary between the Mughals and Ahoms which separated Kamrupa from Darrang. Throughout the seventeenth century the Goalpara region experi­ enced several invasions either from the Ahoms or Mughals or Bhutanese. In 1658, again hostility broke out between the kings of Cooch Behar and the Mughals. In this situation, the Ahoms took the advantage and occupied Goalpara. Since then it was ad­ ministrated by the Ahoms for three years. 7 Similarly in the middle of the seventeenth century Bhutan occupied certain portion of Eastern Duar tract of Goalpara region and this portion remained under Bhutan until its annexation by the British in 1864.8 However, in

400

Satarupa Saha

1661 the Ahoms were defeated by Mir Jumla, a military commander of the Mughal state and the region was incorporated in the Mughal administration. Subsequently, the Koch kingdom once again dis­ integrated and it was divided into three parts: first, the Darrang region of eastern part was ruled by Bali Narayan, son of Raghudev Narayan who accepted the suzerainty of Ahoms; second, the west­ ern part of Koch kingdom known as Cooch Behar was ruled by descendants of Nara Narayan, who accepted the Mughal suzerainty and third, the central part known as Bijni, situated in between River Manas in the east and Sankosh in the west or to be found in Goal-para region was under Parikshit Narayan, another son of Raghudev Narayan who became the feudatory of the Mughals.9 The Goalpara region remained an autonomous north eastern frontier of the Mughals till the middle of eighteenth century. Senior historians like Irfan Habib10 asserted that under the man­ agement of zamindari control, the peasants of the Koch kingdom were treated with much greater leniency than the Mughals. He argues that the Mughal agrarian system increased the number of starving and homeless peasants who were under the leadership of local zamindars organised into a large armed band to create rebel­ lions against the Mughals. Richard M. Eaton11 explained the out­ break of uprisings in the region by anchoring a connection be­ tween Hinduism and Islam. He argued that during the early seventeenth century the Sanskritization process diffused with the Koch society to such an extent that the Mughal conquest and the subsequent spread of the Islamic culture became a threat to the society which incited the people of the region to rebel against the Mughals. Gautam Bhadra12 argued that caste solidarity and com­ munity bonds amongst the people in the region transformed the rebellion into popular resistance which checked the incorporation of the peripheral zone of the Mughul state into the organized state structure. Sanghamitra Misra13 explains the nature of resistance at the frontier region in terms of spatial mobility of the peasants which created severe constraints in the operation of power both by the Mughals as well as the local chiefs. She argued that the nature of the frontier region compelled the Mughal state to adjust to it from time to time.

Agrarian Conquest in Mughal Goalpara

401

AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES UNDER THE KOCHS

Goalpara had alluvial soil and the fertility of the soil explained the perfect mixture of silt which was carried out regularly by the rivers during the floods. The region received plenty of rain. The agricul­ tural region of Goalpara was shaped as per the nature of its geo­ graphical landscapes. Its landscapes were divided mainly into two parts: uplands and lowlands. These two varieties of landscapes were spread all over the region anomalously and inconsistently. The up­ lands included the hills or elevated tracts found in Gola Alamganj, Parbotjoar, Karaibari parganas, in some parts of Eastern Duars and some parts were laid next to Garo Hills. This range of hills generally consisted of long ridges, with conical summits, rocky and covered either with dense scrub, jungle or heavy forest.14 In this tract the crops were grown mainly by practising shifting method and the principal crops included cotton, mustard, pulses, a small amount of ashu rice, etc. The low-laying belt consisted basically of flat tract and the soil was composed of either tenacious clay, or clay more or less mixed with sand. This type of land was found largely at the south-west and most western parts of the region neighbouring Rangpur and Cooch Behar.15 In this tract various kinds of rice were grown widely mostly by using a plough. Next to rice; mustard, pulses, vegetables, etc., were of great importance. In the region of Goalpara at various agricultural locations the same cultivating crops were of different importance because of the existence of two types of landscapes. The crops were grown by adopting either the method of sedentary plough cultivation or shifting hoe (or bill hook) cul­ tivation as per the cultivators’ choice as well as convenience. Further­ more, like other parts of Koch kingdom, in Goalpara region also the agricultural lands were divided for farming depending on the nature of the landscape and these were named after the name of growing crops. Such as baotali (very low land where bao or paddy was sown), maghuwatali (land for the cultivation of rabi crops), rupit (low land for the cultivation of roa or sali rice), ahutali (where ashu rice was grown), etc.16 The Goalpara region was inhabited by ethnic groups and people of various castes. Agriculture was their mainstay of life. However,

402

Satarupa Saha

they also participated in trade in order to sell their extra produce and buy necessities. They acted both the role of the cultivator and trader as per their needs and demands and also engaged in various other work for their survival. Hence, it can be said that in the society of Goalpara region there was the prevalence of ‘occupa­ tional mobility’ in accordance with people’s needs and choices. The ethnic communities like Pani Koch’s, Mechs, Rabhas, and Garos led mostly a migratory life and preferred to live mostly in the forested upland areas. They practised both plough and shift­ ing cultivation as per their ease as well as choice to till the fields. However, in this context, the historian Amalendu Guha (1991: 12) argued that their closer contacts with the Rajbanshi commu­ nity, the settled population of the low lying lands helped a lot to learn both plough and wet rice cultivation even prior to the thir­ teenth century, but they did not completely give up their tradi­ tional shifting hoe cultivation. Whilst Misra argued in a slightly different way that this was actually the outcome of shared practice because of territorial adjacency. The south-western belt of Goalpara region neighbouring Rang­ pur and Cooch Behar was inhabited by the Kochs.17 They were also found at many places of Eastern Duars and neighbouring Garo Hills. At Guma of Eastern Duars and at the south western part of Goalpara region they led a settled life.18 However, those who lived in the forested uplands of southern Goalpara region adjoining Garo Hills and in the forested areas of Parbotjoar, mostly led a nomadic life and were known as Pani Kochs.19 By the late fifteenth century the Kochs started converting to Hinduism. Of the Kochs, those who linked their lineage with Kochs king, Bishwa Singha, they took the Status of Kshatriya and called themselves Rajbanshi. Those who liked to call themselves in their own community name, were called the Kochs instead of Rajbanshi. The Rajbanshis of Goalpara region claimed that they were the clansmen of Bijni Raja, thus their claim of being associated with the royal stock of Cooch Behar.20 Furthermore, during the sixteenth century itself a number of Coochs also diffused with the Islamic culture who resided at Karaibari and Kalumalupara (situated in south-western Goalpara) close by Mymensingh and Rangpur of

Agrarian Conquest in Mughal Goalpara

403

eastern Bengal. They also preferred to call themselves as Rajbanshi and chiefly engaged in cultivation, using both the plough and hoe as per their own convenience. They also engaged in foraging and trade according to their needs and demands.21 Thus, it is wrong to assume that the Rajbanshis learnt or adopted the plough cultivation because of their conversion to Hinduism. Rather, one would like to argue that Rajbanshis practised largely settled plough cultivation mainly because of their acknowledgement to the Koch state’s sedentary policy to settle the cultivators in order to reinforce the process of state making by generating regu­ lar revenue. They showed their larger acceptance of the state policy mainly because of their ethnic linkages with the Koch state. Thus, amongst the various ethnic groups in the region, the Rajbanshi adopted and practiced largely the sedentary plough cultivation. Furthermore, the chosen dwellings of Rajbanshis in the south western and the western most parts of Goalpara region nearest to Rangpur, Mymensingh and Cooch Behar followed the shared agri­ cultural practices which were the same as the cultivators of these nearby areas. Moreover, all these areas had the same agricultural landscape which was suitable for wet rice cultivation. Besides rice, they also grew mustard, pulses, tobacco, etc. Mostly they lived in settled villages having houses with gardens though they did not completely give up the hoe cultivation. Mostly they used hoe in the gardening of vegetables and fruits.22 REVENUE SYSTEM UNDER THE KOCHS

During the reign of Koch kingdom, paik system was prevalent in almost all the villages. It was a kind of socially embedded mecha­ nism which included both revenue payment and military services like that of the neighbouring Ahom kingdom. According to Darrang Raj Vamshavali, this system was introduced by the Koch king, Bishwa Singha.23 Under this system, the kings used to hold a census and nominated three to four people to create a gote (a unit) of paiks. The paiks were given arable land in return they had to provide military service to the state or to do assigned works in favour of Koch kingdom as the payment of revenue. These lands were known

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as paikan or chakran land. Each paik had to render service to the state for three months in a year on rotation basis while other three paiks worked jointly as a cultivator in the assigned fields of a gote.24 The paikan lands were purposely maintained by the state in order to generate revenue in the form of labour service. In other words, these lands were predominantly meant for paiks’ maintenance dur­ ing the tenure of their military service to the state. These lands were transferred to another gote, when the land holders’ services were no longer required, so that participation of others could be entrenched in the state revenue mechanism. Thus, during the days of Koch rule, the revenue and military systems coincided and were largely embedded in social organization. During the reign of Nara Narayan the land measuring system, pura was introduced. Each soldier (paik) was provided three puras of revenue-free lands for his service to the state. A pura was equiva­ lent to four bighas. Twelve bighas of land were assigned to the paiks instead of cash payment.25 Apart from military service, the paiks were obliged to perform certain civil duties such as capturing and driving elephants, boat making, arrow making, house building, etc.26 Furthermore, when a paik returned from state’s service, he used to engage himself as a cultivator on his own land or on the community owned land. Thus, during the Koch rule cultivators’ identity oscillated between the status of ordinary cultivators and paiks. Furthermore, there was the presence of a class of zamindars (land­ lords) who were hereditarily acknowledged by the Koch state to garner revenue at their holding areas.27 Of the total revenue from these lands they were allowed to have a share either in the form of labour or in kind by the Koch state. These zamindars were popu­ larly known as bhuyan, dewan, gomasta, garmali, mandal, mena, karji, thakuria, etc., who belonged to the part of local gentry of Goalpara region.28 Of them those who received land grants from the Koch king used to hold autonomous zamindari. They remained free from revenue payment to the state and used to possess own paiks. Nonetheless during 1555 the Narayani coins had started minting and circulating in the Koch kingdom still the revenue system was not monetized. Coins were used mainly for the

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large transactions.29 Thus, the Koch kingdom utilized the human physical labour to generate both revenue and military manage­ ment. REVENUE SYSTEM UNDER THE MUGHALS

When the parts of Koch kingdom were brought under the ex­ panding Mughal Empire through a series of military expeditions, the two hereditary Koch Rajas named Lakshmi Narayan of Cooch Behar and Parikshit Narayan of Kamrupa-Goalpara region and their lineal zamindars of Bijni and Sidli at Goalpara region also con­ ceded defeat and accepted the ranks of subservience. Consequently, the revenue administration of Goalpara region went to the hands of the Mughals after the defeat of Koch king, Parikshit Narayan in 1603. The new fiscal system began with the appointment of Mughal faujdar at Rangamati. The Mughal officer, Mir Safi at Jahangirabad (near Dhubri in Goalpara region) first introduced the new rev­ enue administration for the entire Goalpara region. Initially, the government did not rely on the local zamindars (the descendent of the Parikshit Narayan) for its revenue administration in the re­ gion. Like other parts of Mughal Empire, in this region also the standardised form of revenue administration was introduced based on Mughal imperial ideas of agrarianization. For instance, it ap­ pointed the salaried Mughal officials in place of local zamindars to collect the revenue, tried to replace the labour form of revenue payment into a monetised one and separated the military from the taxpayer. Moreover, it attempted to repeal the existing revenue system in favour of homogenised one. When the territories of Cooch Behar and Koch Hajo (where Goalpara region located) were brought under the Mughal impe­ rial power, the total area from Cooch Behar to Bar Nadi was di­ vided into twenty revenue circles in order to facilitate the revenue administration. These circles were directly under the supervision of the appointed Mughal officials, either under karori or mustajir (ijaradar or revenue farmer). These circles were again divided into sarkars which further split into parganas and taluks to ease the revenue administration. Karori was a salaried Mughal revenue

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official and he was given the responsibility to collect revenue from the assigned areas. Similarly, mustajirs or ijaradars used to collect revenue contractually by taking the legal documents (kubuliyat) of acceptance from those parganas of the region which were particu­ larly allocated to them.30 Nayab qanungo was an important Mughal official who used to do the paper work of maintaining the records of revenue payment made by the ryots (peasants). He also did the task of measurement of land and also had the responsibility to inspect karori, mustajir and jagirdar. He was even vested with the responsibility to check the civil and criminal affairs of the assigned areas to him. Later, he was also directed to do the job of measurement of zamindari lands of Bijni and Sidli and maintained the records of their tribute pay­ ment to the Mughal faujdar. Kabindra Patra (formerly he held the high official Barua under the Koch king) was first appointed as the nayab qanungo at Rangamati and later this office was given to his son, Kabi Shekhar under the sanction of Mughal sanad.31 He supervised the areas of Dhekeri, Bangalbhum, Kamrupa and Dakhinkul. The post of qanungo was assisted by the karori who used to visit villages to collect data from the ryots about their pro­ duce for the purpose of measuring land revenue. The revenue was received from the ryots in produce at certain amounts which was evaluated on the basis of the estimated price of the produce at state’s compilation.32 Except these salaried revenue functionaries there was also the presence of jagirdars. These officials used to receive jagir or land in place of salary and their jobs were transferable. They had to pay the estimated rate of revenue to the state from the total amount of revenue collection from their assigned jagir and they kept the rest of the amount for their personal collection as the payment for his work. Mirza Nathan, the military commander of the Mughal state had worked as a jagirdar at Khuntaghat and Bagribari parganas for a while.33 During the days of Mughal rule the land was divided into sed­ entary as well as shifting cultivation in order to operate the rev­ enue system. The land was measured on the basis of so much of land tilted by per plough in the area of sedentary cultivation and

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so much of land tilted by hoe (kodal ) or bill hook (dao) in the area of shifting cultivation. 34 The freshly cultivated grounds were in­ corporated into the taxation system on the basis of the land cleared by the hoe or bill hook as against the plough which was consid­ ered as the unit of measurement of land in the region during the medieval period.35 In fact, the Mughals not only reordered the paik system but also brought the untaxed cultivated lands into revenue assessment. Furthermore, the government demanded that local militia or paiks were to be paid salary for their military service to the state. It also demanded that the paiks had to pay the land taxes either in cash or in crops for their cultivable lands.36 It tried to break the social embeddedness of the former revenue system. The newly in­ troduced revenue system under the Mughals imposed the extra land tax burden on the paiks and converted them into a salaried army. In fact, it abrogated the earlier system of shared manage­ ment of standing military and regular revenue. It separated the military from the revenue administration. Thus, in this way the Mughal imperial ideas of standardised revenue administration endeavoured to alter the socially embed­ ded pre-Mughal revenue system during its initial days of rule in the region. PEASANT DISCONTENT TO THE UNREST

By the early years of seventeenth century when the Mughal state took over the revenue administration of the Koch kingdom, it brought a transition in the old revenue system which resulted in the several upheavals in the Goalpara region. In this context, this article explains the journey of people from discontent to unrest. The appointment of the new Mughal revenue officials was made with the condition that no cultivator would be oppressed and there must be the increase of cultivable land as much as possible under their supervisions.37 In actuality, the new revenue officials like mustajirs and karoris appeared exploitative in nature. They in­ creased the taxable amount from the ryots for their own profit. In Baharistan-i-Ghaibi, Nathan mentioned, ‘When the Mustajirs,

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after making a slight increase in the rent, took possession of the parganas, and thought of increasing it more for their own benefit and expenses, it augmented the causes of discontent among the ryots.’38 The officials even indulged in seizing the girls and boys of Goalpara region and its surroundings. For example, Muhammad Zaman Tabrizi, the karori of Khuntaghat pargana oppressed the ryots by demanding increased rate of revenue. The increased amount was procured by demanding fowl, fish, etc., and also by seizing their beautiful men and women.39 Similarly, Shaykh Ibrahim karori of Koch Hajo also indulged in the same practice. In the Baharistan­ i-Ghaibi, it is written that ‘Shaykh Ibrahim’ (they say) ‘not only made us miserable but went so far as to take away our beautiful and fair faced girls and boys and he persists in those ways.’40 He even pocketed Rs. 700,000 of the imperial revenues and made a great waste of the Mughal treasury.41 It seems that the Mughal penetration was not only concentrated in the extra demand of materials, rather it reached the family of the cultivators. This de­ ceitful and malicious nature of the Mughal officials made the cul­ tivators furious which subsequently provoked them to start unrest to represent their agitation against the misrule. The local nobles (zamindars) of Goalpara region first stirred up to show their grief in Khuntaghat pargana of Bijni estate when the two Koch kings, named Lakshmi Narayan and Parikshit Narayan were besieged and imprisoned by the Mughals. They showed their aggression by killing and plundering some karoris and mustajirs as the Mughal state broke the promise of maintaining the dignity of the Koch kings.42 The nobles even anticipated that if this was the fate of the Koch kings, then their prevailing zamindari would also be shaken up anytime by the Mughals. These activities of the nobles became the opening path for the outbreak of many rebellions in the region in the upcoming periods. This development was sup­ ported even in the ordinary peasants and the paiks of Goalpara region and its surrounding areas on a very large scale. Subsequently it took the shape of popular character because of its support from every section of society. The rebellions were inflicted mostly by targeting the important locations and also by taking advantage of

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the seasonal condition of the region, so that they could annihilate the Mughals at the utmost. However, these rebellions were spon­ taneous and sporadic in nature. The rebels fought with the Mughal battalion with bow, arrow and fire gun.43 In 1614 the peasants of Goalpara region seized the Mughal fort at Rangamati and attempted to occupy the mouth of the River Gangadhar which flowed through the city of Gilah or Gilahnnay,44 an important gateway of Goalpara region and an essential way of transit of rations from its neighbouring areas.45 By occupying the mouth of the river, the peasants actually planned to check the entry of the Mughal army and its officers at Gilah in order to stop their spread to entire Kamrupa-Goalpara region. They even planned to restrict the supply of food stuff in the Mughal garrisons to make the survival for the Mughal army and officers difficult. However, the Mughal forces were able to recapture Rangamati fort from the rebels and also establish garrison in the eastern Kamrupa, between the rivers Manas and Bar Nadi.46 Next, the peasants spontaneously appeared in a group and cap­ tured the city of Gilah. They showed their audacity by terrorising the people of the city with fire. However, they were pushed out of the city strongly by the Mughal forces. The Mughals also made the arrangement of guarding the city with the help of cavalry un­ der the command of an influential mansabdar.47 In August-September, 1615, the discontented Koch cultivators of neighbouring eastern Kamrupa attacked the fort of Dhamdhama under the leadership of Sanatan (a Koch paik).48 During the same time, the peasants of Khuntaghat pargana withdrew their revenue and joined hands with the peasants of foothills of Garo hills in the neighbouring Goalpara region to attack the Mughal fort at Puti­ mari. For this, they even built a fort at Takunia in order to protect themselves from the Mughal attacks. Unfortunately their fort was forcefully seized and destroyed by the Mughals.49 Peasant rebel­ lion also out broke at the pargana of Bhitarband and Bahirband, located near Dhubri against demand of extra revenue by the Mughals. To punish the peasants, Mirza Nathan raided the villages of the pargana and brought the cultivators as captives and tortured them. 50

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The peasants also planned their unrest as per the seasonal atmo­ sphere of the region. At the height of the rainy season they with­ drew their revenue payments because in the rainy season the Mughal officers found it difficult to visit the villages as the paths were filled with wild bushes, plants and insects.51 They were very much scared of the disease of jungle fever. Thus, the peasants planned their rebellion on the basis of the natural condition of the region, so that they could give a big threat to the Mughal administration in the region. The peasants of Khatribag took the opportunity to withdraw their payment of revenue because of the flood and it was a setback in the revenue collection at Khatribag, the jaigir of Mirza Nathan.52 Similarly, the peasants of Putimari in Khuntaghat pargana also refused to pay the revenue, taking the advantage of rainy sea­ son.53 However, the rainy season proved to be not only an obstacle for the collectors to visit villages and collect revenue from the peas­ ants but also a great trouble for the peasants as the region was prone to inundation which hampered their crops and compelled them to withdraw revenue. In order to calm the continuing uprisings, Mirza Nathan de­ cided to negotiate with their leader, Sanatan by sending a messen­ ger to him. Nathan sent the following message to Sanatan: It has been reported that Shaykh Ibrahim Karori has treated you with violence and oppression. The object of our appointment to Kamrup with all the officers is that we shall appoint another Karori if the present incumbent is found oppressing the ryots. If any trouble has been created by the ryots we shall punish them for their impertinence so that they may not display any desire for such unbecoming acts in future.54

However, Sanatan did not agree with Nathan. He sent back the messenger by explaining their grievances in the following points: The oppression perpetrated in this country have been reported to you. Now the ryots do not possess the power and ability to turn their attention to the payment of revenues. How can I be pacified your Excellency’s arrival? Two of our noble Rajas accepted imperial vassalage and gave lakhs and crores. What benefit they have derived which I may consider as an advantage? All the same, I can agree to the following terms: I shall hand over one of my brothers for Excellency’s service, on consideration that: First, Shaykh Ibrahim must be

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severely punished; secondly, remission of our revenues should be made for a full year; thirdly, the imperial army should withdraw to Gilahnay; fourthly, the allowance of the paiks should be given to them direct and not made an addition to revenues due to government.55

The demands of Sanatan were representing the voices of the people at Goalpara region. It denoted that the peasants did not accept the Mughal revenue system and were very disturbed with its mismanagement. They preferred the previous arrangement of revenue payment to the cash or crops mode of payment. They were even upset about the disrespect of two Koch kings and their subjugation by the Mughals. This reveals that the Koch kings’ strong social recognition at the region because of their caste soli­ darity and ethnic ties with the people of Goalpara which trans­ formed the rebellion into a popular movement. However, Sanatan’s demands were accepted partially by the Mughals and the important part of it remained unchanged. Like Sanatan, paik Parsuram and Jadu Nayak were also the lead­ ing peasant leaders who played an active role to raise the voice of the peasants in the pargana Sambhur of Dakhinkul and more par­ ticularly at Solmari. The Ghaybi informs ‘. . . a rebel of Dakhinkul named Parsuram made plundering raids and blocked the passage of transit of rations for the army in Kuch and Assam.’56 In this way they were able to put a great difficulty to the Mughal officers like Qulij Khan and Shaykh Kamal. The blockade of ration hiked the price of salt. It was sold at narayani rupees 42 per maund and it was not even possible to get butter without paying one rupee and eight annas for a seer. However, this rebellion was suppressed by the Mughals with the defeat of Parsuram.57 Troubled state of condition was also noticed in relation to the gharduwari (auxiliary footmen) and pali (guards of the place where elephants were captured) paiks. In Khuntaghat pargana gharduwari and pali paiks started resistance which was known as the Hathikheda (The Capture of Elephants) rebellion. They used to do the work of capturing elephants since the days of Koch rule. During the Mughal regime, many of them were killed by the Mughal official, Baqir Khan without any reason. This infuriated the paiks to begin their insurrection by withdrawing the job of capturing elephants for

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the Mughal government. The rebel paiks marched from Khuntaghat to Jahangirabad and raided the city. The Mughal commander, Qulij Khan, along with his family was imprisoned. Bakir Khan, along with a large number of Mughal armed men was killed and the elephants of the Mughals were seized by the rebels. In this way they showed their discontentment against the Mughal adminis­ tration.58 During the same period, the paikpurs (Bhutia state apparatus at the frontier) of Khuntaghat pargana neighbouring Bhutan Hills assembled together and planned to make a night-attack on the Mughal officials. They were discontented because the Mughal gov­ ernment did not follow the local practice of presenting gifts to them for capturing the elephants at Khuntaghat pargana as it was a shared territory between the Raja of Bijni and Bhutan govern­ ment. They made three demands to the Mughals: first, the gov­ ernment had to continue the practice of presenting gifts to them for capturing elephants. Second, it had to allow the Bhutias to come down to Goalpara region for trade and third, the Mughal sardars had to keep themselves away from molesting the men and women of villages. Finally, Shitab Khan, the Mughal official agreed to the above demands and presented them with ten big jars of local wine, fifty pigs, twenty dogs and fifty maunds of rice of dif­ ferent kinds.59 The Mughals solved the problem with paikpurs by reinstating the previous system. In addition, Goalpara, the geographical region of sparse popu­ lation with abundant fertile lands, always supported the peasants to be mobile as per their needs and convenience. Moreover, their nature of mobility from one place to another could also be linked with their potentiality to pose a challenge to the state regime in case of overwhelmed mayhem. Their practice of fleeing the lands was a big threat to the state administration in revenue collection. During the Mughal regime, whenever there was the hike of rev­ enue or cess, the unsettled peasants increased their tendency to flee away from one pargana to another so that they could evade tax and also pose a threat to the state administration. This unexpected astonishment to the state could be linked to their silent rebellious nature in order to represent their resentment. For example, in 1683,

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the peasants of Mechpara fled to the Parbotjoar estate in order to escape their nankar tax to Debiprasad Barua, the Mughal qanungo of Mechpara. As a result in 1699, the emperor Jahangir was com­ pelled to issue the badshahi parwana which forbid the cultivators from paying tax in the pargana of Mechpara in order to control their running away so that they could settle in one place.60 In this way, the people of Goalpara and its surroundings showed their resentment against the misrule of Mughal government and pressurised the government for its repeal. AFTERMATH OF THE UNREST

The increasing forces of unrest at Goalpara region during the seven­ teenth century compelled the Mughal government to reinstate the local Rajas by replacing the Mughal revenue officials and also by appointing the local nobles to run the administrative machinery on behalf of the government. It assured them a degree of autonomy and asked them to pay nominal revenue to the Mughal treasury. The Bijni Raj estate was founded by Chandra Narayan, the son of Parikshit Narayan and his property was extended from the middle of Rangpur to the middle of Kamrupa. After the defeat of his father, he fought with the Mughals, but he failed to win and finally ac­ cepted the Mughal suzerainty. Next, the estate was bifurcated into three separate zamindaris, Bijni, Mechpara and Chapar.61 Under the Mughal dominion, it was again split into twelve parganas to form three more zamindaris for the convenience of revenue admin­ istration. These parganas were Habraghat, Khuntaghat, Mechpara, Karaibari, Kalumalupara, Chapar, Parbotjoar, Ghurla, Jamira, Tarai, Gola Alamganj and Aurangabad. The newly created three zamindaris were Karaibari, Parbotjoar and Gauripur. Thus, it was finally di­ vided into six chieftainships of Bijni, Mechpara, Chapar, Karaibari, Parbotjoar and Gauripur and their zamindaris were recognized by the Mughal sanad and their estates were incorporated into the khalisa land under the Mughal revenue system.62 Finally, the zamindar of Bijni retained only with Bijni Duar, Habraghat and Khuntaghat parganas and a mahal (area) lying in the foothill of Garo Hills. Like Bijni Raja, Sidli Raja was also

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defeated by the Mughals and became feudatory under them. This estate was even included in khalisa land under Mughal adminis­ trative system. It was also under the possession of hereditary zamindari of Sidli Raja who had retained it with autonomous power since the days of Koch rule.63 The Mughal state accepted these two hereditary Rajas’ zamindari rights and their title also. It recognised the Rajas of Bijni, Sidli and Karaibari as the peishkashi zamindars as they were customarily autonomous to possess the right to judiciary and held militia. These rights of theirs continued even under the Mughals and during the early years of the East India Company rule at Goalpara region. They used to pay their peishkash or annual nazrana to the Mughal faujdar at Rangamati. The peishkash actually consisted of forest resources such as the agur (aloe wood) and elephant and the im­ portant local commercial product like cotton. The Mughal state had given them military power and autonomy to decide the issues connected to the political and administrative affairs of their estates and autonomy to manage the eastern Mughal frontier. Except these above mentioned zamindars, the rest of the chief­ tains were actually part of local gentry of the Goalpara region. Initially under the Mughal state they were given the responsibility to collect revenue from their assigned parganas and they had to send the state’s share of revenue to the faujdar at Rangamati. The chieftains received a commission called choudhurai for their job and they came to be known as choudhuri. Later, by the early decades of eighteenth century their position became hereditary in their respective area and they became zamindar as per the recognition of the Mughal sanad.64 In this way the Mughal revenue system en­ larged the class of zamindars in Goalpara region by enclosing the newly developed zamindars with the class of two traditional local Rajas. The Gauripur Raj estate fell under the category of local gentry. It included the parganas of Ghurla, Aurangabad, Gola Alamganj, Makrampur, Jamira, Kalumalupara, Noabad Futuri, Dhubri and a part of Tarai and Srijangram and Adardiya in Khuntaghat pargana. The choudhuri of the parganas used to pay nominal share of his collected revenue, called jama to the Mughal state.65 He had his origin primarily as a tax gatherer rather than a taxpayer. For this

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service he used to receive land as nankar fee or allowance from the state. The ancestors of Kabindra Patra established the Gauripur Raj estate.66 Similarly, the choudhuris of Mechpara, Chapar and Parbotjoar could be included in this category and also paid jama to the Mughal state and received choudhurai and nankar fee for their services to the Mughal state. These two fees were indirectly accumulated by the Mughal state from the peasants at an increased rate of tax through the help of choudhuris to pay the choudhuris only. The payment of revenue to the Mughal state by the Rajas and the choudhuris were frequently irregular in nature since its incep­ tion. But this irregularity became more prominent at the turn of the eighteenth century when the Mughal state was in a state of decline. Like other parts of the empire, in this region also the local rulers became opportunistic to accumulate more wealth, as much as they could. The zamindars and choudhuris used to make extra money by collecting various cesses or awabs from the ryots. They used to collect thulijat for timber stacked on the bank of rivers and col­ lected chulunta masool on timber floating down the rivers. They levied rusi and bastoo salami from the cultivators to cover the expenditure for land measurements and assessments.67 They also levied sayar from the Garo traders and radhari from the merchants coming from various places of eastern Bengal including the Goalpara region. These traders used to trade at the foothill markets of Garo Hills, neighbouring Goalpara and these markets were actually established by the zamindars and choudhuris of Goalpara. They engaged in levying duties from the merchandise boats at the river banks and also established tolls (chowki) for this purpose. By the mid-eighteenth century when the Mughal imperial power was in a decadent stage, all the zamindars (including the choudhuris who upgraded to the status of zamindar by the Mughal sanad) also found greater autonomy in their administration and they were began to collect taxes even from the cultural and social life of the people. For example the zamindar of Gauripur started accumulat­ ing awabs from the people during the festival of Dolyattra, Durga Puja and Diwali to cover the expenses of the religious ceremony at his estate. All the zamindars collected awabs for the purpose of Gangayattra, any kind of Tirthyattra and hospitality of relatives or

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outsiders. The people of the zamindari estates of Mechpara, Khuntaghat and Habraghat parganas used to pay the highest awabs than any other zamindari estates. They even had to pay the mar­ riage awabs, if the marriage was performed ritualistically before the fire and this awab was known as maresha.68 Consequently, this excessive demand also provoked the peasants to increase their ten­ dency to run away from one pargana to another. Hence, in Goalpara region the Mughal government was bound to follow the ‘administrative exception’ in order to make its adjust­ ment with the frontier region. Thus, the medieval literature of Padshah Buranji 69 and Baharistan-i-Ghaibi 70 rightly depicted that during the days of the Mughal rule, the Bengal frontier of Ranga­ mati, situated in the Goalpara region remained aloof from the regular imperial patterns of administrative control. Furthermore, the ‘ad­ ministrative exception’ of the Mughals enlarged the class of zamin­ dars by incorporating the local nobles into it and also by involving them into revenue management. CONCLUSION

From the above it can be concluded that during the seventeenth century the Mughal imperial ideas of standardised agrarian policy transformed the socially organised agrarian system. The Mughal officers’ malfunctioning, the reordering of existing agrarian system under the framework of homogenised order and the disrespect of their former kings of Koch kingdom provoked the people of Goalpara region to start unrest against the Mughal government. This received a popular character as it was supported by ordinary peasants, paiks and Koch nobles. The rebels mostly targeted im­ portant locations and took the advantage of the season to create disturbance in the smooth functioning of Mughal administration at the region. The forces of rebellion compelled the Mughals to alter the standardised policy and also forced them to follow the ‘administrative exception’ in the region by giving autonomy to the local zamindars in managing the frontier. However, the tactic of silent rebellion was continued to carry out by the cultivators when­ ever there was the increase of revenue and additional demands.

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NOTES 1. Khan Choudhuri Amnantullah Ahmed, A History of Cooch Behar, Cooch Behar: The Authority of the Cooch Behar State, Part I, 1936, pp. 1-13. 2. An Account of the Province of Assam and its Administration, Shillong: Assam Administration, 1903, p. 52. 3. D.P. Barooah, Gazetteer of India: Assam State: Goalpara District Gazetteer, Guwahati: Government of Assam, 1979, pp. 48-9. 4. B.C. Allen, Assam District Gazetteer: Goalpara, Guwahati: The Govern­ ment of Assam, 1st pub, 1905, 2nd edn. 2012, pp. 16-19; S. Barman, Zamindari System in Assam during British Rule: A Case Study of Goalpara District, Delhi: Spectrum Publications, 1994, p. 5. 5. Ibid., 2012, pp. 18-20; Ibid., 1979, pp. 57 & 2. 6. E.A. Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati: L.B.S. Publications, 1st edn. 1905, rep. 2005, p. 59; H. Blochmann, ‘Cooch Bihar, Koch Hajo and Asam, in the 16th and 17th centuries, according to the Akbarnamah, the Padishahnamah, and the Fathiyah-i-Ibriyah’, Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. 41, Part 1, No. 1, 1872, p. 50. 7. Ibid., 1979, pp. 57-63; Ibid., 2012, pp. 19-24. 8. Ibid., p. 67. 9. Ibid., p. 7. 10. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of the Mughal India 1556-1707, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1st pub. 1963, 3rd edn. 2014, pp. 388-9. 11. Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier: 1204-1760, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1st edn. 1993, edn. 1994, pp. 189-91. 12. Gautam Bhadra, ‘Two Frontier Uprisings in Mughal India’, Ranajit Guha (ed.), Subaltern Studies, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1984, vol. II, pp. 43-59. 13. Sanghamitra Misra, Becoming Borderland: The Politics of Space and Identity in Colonial Northeastern India, New Delhi: Routledge, 2011, pp. 30-5. 14. W.W. Hunter, A Statistical Account of Assam, Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, vol. II, 1st pub. 1879, rep. 1975, pp. 19-20. 15. Ibid., p. 19. 16. D. Nath, History of the Cooch Kingdom: 1515-1615, Delhi: Mittal Publica­ tions, 1989, p. 125. 17. Subhajyoti Ray, Transformation on the Bengal Frontier: Jalpaiguri 1765­ 1948, London: Routledge Curzon, 2002, p. 22. 18. ‘Revenue Administration of West Dooars’, file no. 385, 1867-9, Bengal Government papers, Assam State Archives, Guwahati.

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19. Report on the Census of Assam for 1881, Calcutta: Government Print, 1883, p. 75; M. Martin, The History, Antiquities, Topography and Statistics of Eastern India, London, vol. III, 1837, p. 539. 20. Ibid., p. 74. 21. In interaction with some Muslim and Hindu dwellers of Bhaitbari, Baghmara and Mahendraganj of Garo Hills, Meghalaya (during seventeenth century these places were known as Kalumalupara and Karaibari) and Gauripur of present day Dhubri district of Assam, they shared the accounts of their ancestrals’ diffusion in ‘Islamication’. The word ‘Islamication’ means the following of Islam religion with less emphasis is given to rigid Islamic culture. This idea is borrowed from Prof Amit Dey’s (Calcutta University) lecture in the Dept. of History, NEHU, Shillong, 29 March 2019, 11:30 a.m. to 1 p.m. 22. S. Ray, op. cit., p. 21. 23. Hemchandra Goswami, Darrang Raj Vamshavali, Calcutta, 1917, p. 55. 24. Gautam Bhadra, op. cit., p. 52. 25. Khan Choudhuri Amnantullah Ahmed, op. cit., p. 125. 26. Gautam Bhadra, op. cit., p. 51. 27. A. Guha, Jamindar Kalin Gowalpara Jilar Artha Samajik Awastha: Eti Oitihasik Dristipat, Guwahati: Natun Sahitya Parishad, 2000, p. 3. 28. Ibid., p. 4. 29. Ibid. 30. Mirza Nathan, Baharistan-i-Ghaiabi, Eng. tr. M.L. Borah, Guwahati: DHAS, 1936, vol. I, pp. 272-3. 31. S. Barman, op. cit., p. 27. 32. Ibid., p. 4. 33. Ibid., p. 5. 34. ‘Corresponding Regarding Bijni and Sidli in the District of Goalpara’, Goalpara papers, f. no. 7, Guwahati: ASA, 1866-70. 35. S. Misra, op. cit., p. 39. 36. Ibid., vol. I, pp. 288, 289 & 370; Richard M. Eaton, op. cit., pp. 189-90. 37. Ibid., p. 158. 38. Ibid., p. 289. 39. Ibid., p. 273. 40. Ibid., p. 369. 41. Ibid., p. 443. 42. Ibid., pp. 290-3. 43. Ibid., pp. 354-5. 44. The city of Gilah or Gilahnnay, situated a few miles away from the town, Agrarian Conquest in Mughal Goalpara 407 Dhubri was also known as

Agrarian Conquest in Mughal Goalpara

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Jahangirabad. It remained an important administrative centre both under the Cooch and the Mughal rules. This information was borrowed from the endnote of the book, written by S. Misra. For details, ibid., p. 44, Endnote no. 40. 45. Ibid., pp. 301-2. 46. Ibid., p. 190. 47. Mirza Nathan, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 303-4. 48. Ibid., pp. 355, 365 & M. Nathan, Baharastan-i-Ghayabi, Eng. tr. M.L. Borah, Guwahati: DHAS, vol. II, 1936, pp. 443-4; R. M. Eaton, op. cit., p. 190; S. Misra, op. cit., pp. 32-3. 49. Ibid., pp. 350-1. 50. Ibid., pp. 230-1. 51. Ibid., p. 31. 52. Ibid., pp. 34-5. 53. Ibid., p. 354. 54. Ibid., p. 369. 55. Ibid., p. 370. 56. Ibid., p. 505. 57. Ibid., pp. 505-10. 58. Ibid., pp. 638-41, 676. 59. Ibid., pp. 676-7. 60. Ibid., p. 32. 61. Khan Chaudhuri Amanatulla Ahmed, op. cit., pp. 239-40. 62. Santa Barman, op. cit., pp. 15 & 206. 63. G.P., file no. 7, op. cit., Sanad I. 64. A. Guha, op. cit., pp. 5-6. 65. Ibid., p. 4. 66. Ibid., pp. 24-5. 67. Ibid., p. 36. 68. A. J. Laine, An Account of the LandTenure System of Goalpara, Shillong, 1917, no. 7, p. 18-21; A. Guha, op. cit., p. 58. 69. S.K. Bhuyan (ed. & Eng. tr.), Padshah Buranji: The Annales of the Delhi Badshahate being a Translation of the old Assamese Chronicle, Guwahati, 1947. 70. Ibid.

C H A P T E R 19

The Mughals and the Advent of

Portuguese in the North-East

DEEPALI BHATTACHARJEE

The Portuguese settlements in the north east are numerous, the most prominent being Bondashil in the Badarpur junction of the Cachar valley; Mariamnagar in Agartala, Tripura and Rangamati in Goalpara. Wherever the Portuguese went they carried the flag of Catholic Christianity. But the European colonial tone of glory can be subtracted from the Portuguese moves in the north east. Only God and gold reigned supreme. The history of the Portuguese settlements in north eastern India was a two headed process. It was induced by relegio-economic motives. Filtering down the Bay of Bengal, the Portuguese made the first moves into the north eastern region of India. The exact date of the arrival of the arrival of the Portuguese mercenaries in the north east is not exactly known. But the Portuguese settlements in the north east must not be older then 150 years.1 The Portuguese had been moving to different parts of India at different times for business. There is however no conclusive proof as to when they had moved to different parts of north eastern India. But they were most mobile during the reign of the Mughal emperor Akbar (1556-1605). During the reign of emperor Akbar, merchants of Portuguese, French, Dutch and English nationality established trade centres in the then undivided Assam Bengal region. Fr. Pushpa Raj has an interesting reason to give as to why the Portuguese were not despised but welcomed whenever they sought residence in any of the kingdoms of the north east. The Mughals had invaded the north east many times

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but they had not been able to carry their arms much further. Also the Mughal conquest had not been permanent and whenever rains and epidemic chased away the foreign invaders, the memory of the conquest was washed off. Therefore, whenever the Portuguese arrived with a Mughal sanad they were welcomed. 2 The Portuguese mercenaries who came to north east were welcomed here for another more practical reason. The Portuguese were noted for their expertise in the use of cannons and method of warfare. The local kings employed them in their service as cannoneers and train their soldiers in the fashion of the Europeans armies and in the use of European arms. Whenever any king was in the need of mercenaries who could ward off possible attacks by enemies by the superior use of fire arms, he turned to Portuguese merceneries who thus found favour in the courts of the local kings. The local kings who employed the Portuguese mercenaries had to offer them land and full freedom within their kingdoms in writing. The Portuguese, unlike the other Europeans, settled down easily in a new place and mixed with the local people intermarrying with the local women and fathering new generations who were Portuguese in blood but Indian in culture. Thus they began to settle down in the rent free land they received as gifts from the local lords and this was the beginning of the Portuguese settlements in the north east. The Portuguese had trad­ ing centres in the north east in Bondashil (Cachar), Rangamati,3 Udaipur (Tripura) and Lakhipur. There was also a business settle­ ment in Banyachong in Bangladesh. RANGAMATI

Rangamati in Goalpara, situated on the frontier of the Mughal frontier in the north east, was the earliest known Christian settle­ ment of north eastern India.4 The Portuguese settlement of Rang­ mati had its beginning in the Mughal enterprise in the north east during the time of Aurangazeb. The Portuguese cannoneers accom­ panied Mir Jumla in his campaign against the Ahom kingdom from AD 1661 to 1663. Mir Jumla had 80 gunners in his army during this campaign. The saying goes that Mir Jumla had married a Christian woman named Mariam. Raja Ram Singh, the Mughal

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Army Commander made Rangamati his centre of operations from 1667 to 1687. This provides ample evidence that the Portuguese settlements in the north east were associated with the Mughal enterprises in India.5 Even Fr. Pushpa Raj agrees with the motion that the Portuguese settlement in the north east was associated closely with the Mughal enterprises in the region.6 There is however no evidence to show that the Portuguese of Rangamti were in any way engaged by any local king in the internal disputes of their kingdoms. They must have been involved only in the Mughal enterprise in the north east. The Augustinian Friars of Bandel near Hoogly in Bengal who visited Rangamati in 1682 reported that a Portuguese Community numbering 7,000 were already living in Rangamati. Frey Sicardo, an Augustianian priest, reported that the community had two churches. This indicates that the community was flourishing in the early stages. Sicardo referred to another outpost named Hossum­ pur or Ossumpur7 close to Rangamati. The Catholics of Rangamti were not left unattended by their priest. In 1713 the Jesuist Bishop of Mylapore, Francis Laynez visited Rangamati. The Catholic priests were regular visitors to Rangamati. How or why the Portuguese settled here is an unanswered ques­ tion. Their disappearance is equally surprising. Many facts about the Portuguese of Rangamati are sure to surprise us. The first is the location of Rangamati. Five possible locations of Rangamati have been identified. (1) These are a town in the present Goalpara district of Assam on the north bank of the Brahmaputra river approximately 30 miles west of Goalpara town, (2) Rangamatighat, also on the north bank of the Brahmaputra, lying approximately 20 miles east of Guwahati in the present Darrang district, (3) a village in the Golaghat sub-division of the Sibsagar district of Assam, (4) a town north of Cooch Behar near the Bhutan border in West Bengal, and (5) a town in Noakhali or the Chittagong Hill tracts of Bangladesh. The third location can be easily eliminated as it is located deep inside the Ahom kingdom and far removed from the Mughal frontier. The fourth is located in North Bengal and, therefore, does not tally with the location of the Rangamati in question. The fifth location is questionable as it is far removed from the Mughal frontiers. But

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refusing the arguments of Hosten, the Goalpara Rangamti has been identified as the Rangamati in question as a Mughal garrison was been found here. Goalpara Rangamati as the centre of Mughal operations is well known in the history of Assam.8 The presence of a large number of Catholics in Rangamati is easily understood by the fact that they had entrenched themselves in the place where the Mughal garrisons were put up as they were the camp followers of the Mughals. The first reference about this community describes it as flourishing. But the last reference to it between 1758 and 1769 by Marco della Tomba and Tieffenthaler sometime around 1776, describes it as a community in decline. Tomba said that the Portuguese priests who lived there had gone back to Dhaka. This might have happened because their services were no longer needed. Menaremperil states that there were no traces of the Christian community of Rangamati in 1800. The existence of the Portuguese community of Rangamati around 1682 and their disappearence in 1800, roughly corresponds to the Mughal enterprises in the north east. As the Mughals retreated, their Portuguese camp followers either went back with them after the region was transferred to the British in 1765, or dispersed in the north east to seek services under other local kings. The complete disappearance of this community is not accepted by S.K. Bhuyan in toto. Speaking about Goalpara in the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth centuries, he says that although the Portuguese community of Rangamati was in decline yet numerous Christians lived in Goalpara and Rangamati. John M’ Cosh gives an interesting account of the culture of the Portuguese of Rangamati. He gave this account when the com­ munity was already in decline. He counted the total number of Portuguese to be fifty or sixty in 1937. Yet they adhered to their original religion which was Catholic Christianity. Yet they had adopted the manners and customs of the Hindus. Each family had some rude wooden image commonly of the Virgin Mary cut upon a post and stuck to the ground after the fashion of the Hindus. They did not gather in religious assemblies as their co-religionists did. They generally assembled only at funerals. But this was not to greive for the deceased but more to feast at the expense of their

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neighbour. They often stipulated for certain sweet meats, liquor and delicacies before they carried the corpse to the grave. They dressed up like the natives. Their occupation included low paid jobs like feeding cows and that of Chuprasies. The natives kept away from them as they feared them. This fear might have arisen due to their being camp followers of the Mughals. They married within their own community. If by any chance anyone would marry a Mussalman then the couple was ostracised by both communities. Marriage ceremonies were performed by the magistrate rather than the Church. Baptism was not practised. The Portuguese of Rangamati began to inhabit this area as the camp followers of the Mughals. But with the retreat of the Mughals they too disappeared. But they should not have disappeared entirely from the scene. Their mixed culture would not have come into vogue had they not inhabited this portion of land. Some might have returned, some might have sought services with the local kings as the tottering Mughal empire was incapable of providing them enough jobs. Some might even have mixed with the locals so much that it became difficult to distinguish between them. The origin and the fate of the Portuguese in Ranagmati can be conjectured, but it is difficult to asses its decline or say something definite about their disappearance.9 MARIAMNAGAR

The Portuguese settlement of Mariamnagar differed in some respects with the Portuguese settlements of Bondashil and Rangamati. The Tripura king Amar Manikya (1579-85), employed the Portuguese mercenaries of Chittagong and Noakhali to ward off the attacks by the Moghs of Arakan and Chittagaong hill tracts.10 The Portuguese had gained eminence in the use of firearms.11 Amar Manikya em­ ployed the services of the Portuguese to have a better shield against the Arakan king. The ‘Rajmala’ (the history of the Manikya dynasty of Tripura) by Bhupendra Chandra Chokrovorty differs with David Syiemlieh regarding the Portuguese involvement in the war between Amar Manikya and the Arakan king. Chakravorty states that the Portuguese sided with the Arakan king against Amar Manikya.12

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Amar Manikya had repulsed the Moghs attack on his capital with success. His three sons who had fought shoulder to shoulder in the war against the Arakan king, did not see eye to eye with each other. The Arakan king, although defeated had got scent of the disaffection among the three brothers-Rajdhar, Durlabh and Jujha Singh. He sought to engage the three brothers in useless quar­ rel by a clever ploy, while he himself advanced towards the capital, Udaipur. By the time the three brothers realised the deceit the Arakan king had advanced towards the capital. Amar Manikya was left with no other option but to vacate Udaipur. He shifted his capital to Kailasahar. Rajdhar Manikya who succeeded Amar Manikya was crowned the king at a place called Rajdharchera (present Ratachera). Rajdhar Manikya was succeeded by his son Yasodhar Manikya who signed a peace treaty with the Arakan king and secured the safety of the Tripura kingdom. But Udaipur now passed into the hands of the Mughal governor, Fateh Jung. But with the onset of epidemic the Mughal forces reverted to Meherkul (present Comilla of Bangladesh). Kalyan Manikya was instated as the new king of the Manikya dynasty and Udaipur again became the seat of government. The Mughal forces again advanced towards the frontier of the Tripura kingdom to sue the Manikya king. On the refusal of Kalyan Manikya to pay tribute to the Mughals, his kingdom was attacked. The Mughal attack was successfully repulsed by his son Govinda Narayan who created disarray among the Mughal ranks. The reign of Govinda Narayan was disturbed by the machinations of Nakhatra Ray who invited the Mughals to attack the Tripura kingdom. Govinda Manikya averted the possibility of such a calamity by abdicating in favour of Nakhatra Ray. Strangely, the Arakan king gave asylum to Govinda Manikya during his exile. Seven years later Govinda Manikya was reinstated on the throne at the death of Nakhatra Narayan alias Chatra Manikya. The Mughal forces disturbed the Tripura kingdom for a long time. During the time of Dharma Manikya II (AD 1718­ 36) the Tripura kingdom was ultimately annexed to the Mughal Empire. The power of the Manikya dynasty was on the wane.13 The hill tribes soon realised that Mukunda Manikya, the successor of Dharma Manikya II was totally under the influence of the

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Mughals, so they decided to oust the Mughal faujdar. But the Mughal faujdar acted cleverly and arrested Mukunda Manikya and his son Krishnomoni. Mukunda Manikya died in captivity. He was succeeded by his son Indra Manikya. During his time the Tripura kingdom became divided into two. Joy Manikya established his capital north of Udaipur and began to rule the hilly tracts of the north of the Tripura kingdom. A struggle between the two became inevitable. A third aspirant for the throne of the Tripura kingdom was Gangadhar, the son of the late king Dharma Manikya. He sought the help of the Nawab of Dhaka to oust Indra Manikya and took the title Uday Manikya in Comilla. Thus the Tripura kingdom was broken up by internel dissensions. The Manikya dynasty lost its former glory and the Tripura kingdom its inde­ pendence. However death took the upper hand and once again the Tripura kingdom was left without a king. The choice fell on Joy Manikya’s younger brother Haridhar, who was installed on the throne by the name of Bijoy Manikya. The Tripura kingdom had fallen into anarchy. Disorder reigned supreme. Everyone vied with each other to gain control of the throne. At the death of Bijoy Manikya the throne again fell vacant. Krishnomani, the younger brother who had taken refuge in the Kachari kingdom was invited to assume power. But the zamindar of Roshanabad,14 Samsher Gazi occupied the Tripura capital, Udaipur. But he realised that the people of Tripura would not accept him as the rightful king. So he handed over the throne to Krishnomani. Thus the Manikya dynasty was again overpowered by a foreign power. Shamsher Gazi created havoc in the Tripura kingdom. He looted the houses of the zaminders of Tripura, Noakhali and Chittagong. Krishnomani had received reports of the excesses of Shamsher Gazi, but he was no match to the might of Shamsher Gazi. He organised an army of Kachris and Manipuris, but without success. He then appealed to the Bengal Nawab for help. The help being granted, Krisnomani successfully did away with Shamsher Gazi. Krishnomani assumed royal power and took the title Krishna Manikya. He shifted his capital to Agartala.15 Although the Manikya dynasty had re-established itself on the throne of the Tripura kingdom, but it was greatly reduced in power.

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The history of the Portuguese community of Mariamnagar is intricately linked with the fate of the Manikya dynasty of Tripura. Amar Manikya had given rent free land in Udaipur to the Portu­ guese to settle down as a prize for their help in his struggle against the Moghs of Arakan. They called their village Mariamnagar. The Portuguese mercenaries were employed in the service of the Tripura state as cannoneers. However, with the decline of the power of the Manikya kings and the loss of ‘royal patronage’16 the Portuguese population began to reduce. During the visit of Fr. Barbe in May 1843, which was the first visit by any Catholic priest, the Portuguese population of Mariamnagar was of 118 persons who lived in 28 houses. During the visit of Fr. Louuis Augustine Verite some years later, the Portuguese population had declined to 108. Fr. Barbe had reported that the Portuguese of Marimanagar paid taxes to the king and led a happy life. But Sambhu Mukherjee, the Dewan of the Tripura state during his first residence in the Tripura state in 1877, reported that the Portuguese community were living a most miserable life. Their position in the army was taken up slowly by the ‘up country’ soldiers, Manipuris and Gurkhas. The Portuguese began to settle down as commoners and cultivators on the rent free land. Another settlement of the Portuguese in Tripura was Kashipur, which was some distance away from Udaipur. It might have been a larger settlement then Mariamnagar. But with the passing of time the settlement at Kashipur began to dwindle away. The Portuguese community of Mariamnagar differed in some respects with the other Portuguese communities of the north east with regard to their culture. Not only this, they retained the physical features of their European forefathers. Fr. St. Onge C.S.C. noticed the fairness of their skin even in the 1950s, particularly those of the children.They kept their culture intact without even a catheist or priest to attend to their spiritual needs. They had built a chapel between the two visits of Fr. Barbe and Fr. Louuis Augustine Verite. They guarded their faith so jealously that they would never intermarry with the local people. Unlike the other communities they preferred to marry within the same community.17 Even after the international boundary was drawn up between India and Bangladesh they sought marriage alliances from Noakhali and the

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more closer Bondashil, Badarpur. They added the appellation ‘Firingi’ to their names to distinguish themselves from the local people. But even then their culture presented a strange blend of that of the Christians and Bengalis. This is evident in their marriage customs. Shambhu C. Mukherjee in his book Travels in Bengal: Calcutta to Independent Tipperah describes a marriage ceremony of the Portuguese community of Mariamnagar in detail. To quote from the account of the marriage ceremony, ‘The day before the wedding, the musicians line up before the groom’s house playing on the tambourine and the flageout while the groom is bathed in perfumed water. He then dresses and sets out with a cortege towards the house of his fiancée. He presents her with a large basin filled with perfumed water in which she bathes once he has left the scene. The groom arrives at the chapel atop an elephant, elegantly painted, and the bride carried in a palanquin on the shoulder of bearers. Having arrived at the church they give no sign of recognition or friendship but go to the altar as if they are strangers to one another. The young man is dressed in his best dhoti. He wears a red hat embroidered with gold, around his neck a silver necklace and a mantle of muslin decorated with silk is worn on his shoulders. He wears shoes for the occasion and has a man hold a red parasol over his head the whole day long. The bride is covered with layers of cloth and decorated with silver bracelets. She wears sandals. After the ceremony the groom still would not see his newly married bride directly. They return back home together, the groom on his elephant and the bride in the palanquin’. The apparent distance that the spouses maintained even on the occasion of their marriage differed with the European culture in which openness was pre­ ferred, and was closer to the Indian culture where shame and veil arrested openness. The marriage ceremony was followed by the wedding feast. The whole village was invited. Rice, pork, mutton and yoghurt was served on banana leaves. Pork was regarded an important item of food. The Portuguese of Mariamnagar were gradually being integrated into the Bengali culture. They had been greatly reduced in numbers by death. Probably their living conditions were not good enough. Sambhu C. Mookherjee found that the Mariamnagar Portuguese

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produced by far the best kind of liquor. He found them a useful component in the population of Tripura. He, therefore, successfully persuaded them to stay in Mariamnagar with promises of a good life and enlistment in the army. Thus the Portuguese community of Mariamnagar which was leaving the village in the hope of a better life in Noakhali, were preserved in the population of Tripura. But the Portuguese of Mariamnagar are fast losing their identity. The reason behind their assimilation with the Bengali culture is not out of their willingness but out of isolation. They have gone much further than the Portuguese of Bondashil in their assimilation with the Bengali Culture18 but they still use their religion and their history to seclude themselves socially.19 BONDASHIL

The tiny hamlet of Bondashil standing on the River Barak had been variously named as Bondashil, Padrighat and Dighirpar. It is situated on the left bank of the River Barak. The name Bondashil has been given to the village because below the village the river flows through a narrow passage of rocks and the name has been derived from this. ‘Bond’ means closed and ‘Shill’ means rock. The total area of the village was once a sprawling 1.523 acres. But as the river changed course, it washed away a large area of the village. People began to migrate to nearby places like Panchgram and Tikarburunga near Kalain. Some people even migrated to Dibrugarh. The village was reduced to less than half of its size and population. The present village is much smaller than the original. It is surrounded on two side by Muslim settlements. Hence the name Padrighat is given to that portion of the village which is in­ habited by the Catholic Christians. Padrighat in the local language means the place inhabited by the Christian missionaries. The entire village of Bondashil has been parceled out between the Catholics, Muslims and the Hindus. The Catholic inhabitants of the village call that portion of the village where they reside as Dighirpar. The possible explanation given for the origin of this name is that, the portion of the village where they live is closest to the river. The village of Bondashil is at a distance of a mile from Badarpur and

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25 km from the district headquarters of Karimganj. The village of Bondashil, presently in the Badarpur town of the Karimganj district, was included within the Cachari kingdom. The Portuguese cannoneers of this village had participated in the Burmese war in Cachar (1823). But the existence of the village dates back to the Mughal period. The first exodus of the Catholic Christians to this village is unknown as nothing has been recorded in the government records and the church records.20 Many varaying traditions point to the origin of the Portuguese community of Bondashil. The most plausible and commonly believed account is the theory that the people of this community are the descendents of the Portuguese mercenaries of Sardhana. The elders of the village agree that their ancestors had come down from Sardhana. Sardhana is located between 29 degrees and 9 minutes north and 77 degrees and 38 minutes east, twenty miles north west of Meerut city. The town was founded by Raja Sarkat whose family ruled the place till they were expelled by the Muslims. Later, the area was inhabited by Dhusars and Bishnois, who were driven out by the Tagas. Towards the latter half of the eighteenth century it fell in the domain of Mirza Najaf Khan, the premier noble of the Mughal emperor, Shah Alam II. In 1777, the area was given as a fief by him to Walter Reinhardt. Walter Reinhardt was a native of Luxemburg, Germany. He was a butcher by profession. He came to India to search his fortune and lead a better life. He organised a small army which consisted of soldiers of many European nationalities-Portuguese, Dutch, French and English. The Indian kings then used the services of the European mercenaries as they were superior in the use of arms. Walter Reinhardt took up service with the French East India Company in 1754 as a soldier. He took part in the war against the English in which Chandannagore was seized by the British in 1757. Walter was however always on the lookout for those employers who would pay him the highest salary. He, therefore, took up services with the English East India Companies and various other Indian princes. He left Chandannagore and took service with Gurgin Khan, the Armenian general of Mir Qasim, the Nawab of Bengal. Here Reinhardt earned the name of Sombre from his colleagues due to

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his grave and sober nature. But the Indian soldiers could not pronounce his difficult nickname and corrupted it to Samru. Thus the name Samru originated. Mir Qasim was pleased with the performance of Reinhardt and made him his favourite. He was again engaged in action during the Battle of Buxar, 1764 and took the side of Mir Qasim. After the defeat of Mir Qasim, Samru detached himself from the services to the Bengal Nawab and sought the services of Jawahir Singh, the Raja of Bharatpur in 1776. The Mughal empire was tottering at that moment and opportunists were looking for a chance to establish their rule on any chunk of the disintegrating Mughal empire. Reinhardt participated in the siege of Delhi conducted by Jawahir Singh with his band of soldiers. The Raja of Bharatpur made himself the overlord of Agra. Samru repaired the famous church built by the great Mughal Emperor in Agra in 1769 during his stay in Agra. Akbar had built the church for the Jesuits in 1598, but it had been pulled down by Shah Jahan in 1635, although he later allowed the Jesuit preists to rebuild it with the materials of the desecrated temple. Ahmed Shah Abdali razed the temple to the ground until it was rebuild by Samru and Father Wendell. Samru left the services of Jawahir Khan and joined Shah Najaf, the wazir of the Mughal emperor Shah Alam II in 1773. Najaf Khan with the consent of the emperor granted Samru a jagir. The jagir was located in the Gangetic Doab that stretched from Aligarh to beyond Muzaffarnagar. He made Sardhana the seat of his government. Najaf Khan sent Samru first to Ajmer and then as civil and military governor of Agra. This was the second posting of Samru to Agra. Samru had adopted the habits of Mughals. He dressed up in the fashion of the Mughals. In character and habits he became totally a Mughal. The eventful life of Samru was cut short because of his untimely death on 15 May 1778. He was laid to rest in the old Christian cemetery in Agra. The Catholic community of Agra came under the care of Begum Samru, the widow of Reinhardt after his death. The Begum was a most interesting character who became the virtual leader of the Catholic Christan Community of North India.21 She was popular in the elite circle of Delhi and held in high regard by her soldiers. Different theories point to the origin of the charming Begum Samru.

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Fr. Pushpa Raj is of the opinion that there was an independent kingdom in north India named Sardhana. The Mughals were eyeing it. The queen, Begum Sumru knowing very well that she could not defend her kingdom against the might of the Mughals invited Reinhardt. He not only helped her but soon they fell in love and married. M.R. Renick gives a more romantic recounting of the origin of Begum Samru. According to his theory the Begum rose from humble origins. Begum Samru’s real name was Zeb-un-Nisa. She was born in 1751. Her father was a Zamindar of Afghan descent named Lutf Ali Khan of Kotana lying north of the River Jamuna in the Meerut district. Zeb-un-Nisa was born of a concubine named Zeldah. All went on well for Zeb-un-Nisa and her mother till her father’s death. Then her step brothers pushed them out of the house. They moved to Delhi where the beautiful Zeb-un-Nisa caught the fancy of Reinhardt who married her in 1776. Begum Samru soon proved herself a suitable consort to the adventurous Reinhardt. She was a paragon of beauty, a true Amazon and was gifted with shrewd intelligence. She accompanied Rein­ hardt in his campaigns and gained enough expertise in leading military campaigns. While Reinhardt had been posted at Delhi by Najaf Khan, Begum Samru cleverly managed all jagirs. After the death of Reinhardt, Begum Samru accepted the faith of her deceased husband. The Carmalite priest, Rev. Fr. Gregorio baptized her on 7 May 1781. She took the Christian name of Johanna No­ billis. Thus emerged a new leader on the horizon of the Christian Missionary Movement in North India. The Christian society of Agra of which the Begum assumed leadership was composed of Roman Catholics. After her baptism as Begum Samru, she began to work for the propagation of her new faith with great zeal. She began to cater to the spiritual admin­ istration of her subjects. She began building a church of Our Lady of Grace at Sardhana in 1809 and completed it by 1822. It was designed by Anthony Reghelini on the model of the St. Peter’s Church in Rome and was modified by Mughal architecture. It was a magnificient structure and evoked a sense of reverence from which­ ever side it was viewed22 and was built at a cost of four lakhs. It was dedicated to Mother Mary, the Mother of the Holy Prophet. The

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Church of Sardhana was raised to the level of a cathedral at the request of Begum Samru. In December 1961 it was raised to the level a minor basilica by Pope John XXII. The Begum appointed Fr. Angelo of Coraglio as the first resident chaplain to look after the spiritual needs of the people under her protection. The Begum was lavish in her charities. She served the poor and the needy freely. She had no children of her own but showered her love freely on the needy children of her family. She bequeathed a large sum of money for the maintenance of the Christian institutions of Sardhana like St. Mary’s Church, St. John’s Church, the Catholic chapel at Meerut, the Roman Catholic Church at Agra, Calcutta, Bombay and Madras and also that of England. She did not distinguish between the Catholics and the Protestants and distributed freely to the deserving charitable institutions in England. She also donated liberally for the Hindu and Muslim institutions. She encouraged native Christianity by building the St. John Seminary intended to train the natives in the tenets of Christianity. She built the St. Joseph’s Church and the priest’s house at Meerut in 1826. She built St. Paul’s Mission Church at Sardhana in 1839. The Begum left for her heavenly abode on 27 June 1836, after a illustrious life no less in importance to her husband. She was a true crusader of Catholic Christianity in north India and had raised it to the level of importance. Begum Samru had not neglected the affairs of her large estate in her religious zeal. Her possessions included towns like Sardhana, Baraut, Barnawa and Dankaur. After the death of Reinhardt she assumed the management of the estate and the command of the troops which numbered five battalions and about three hundred European officers and gunners, with fifty pieces of cannons and a body of irregular horse troops. Like her deceased husband she engaged the troops under command in the services of the local kings. The Begum differed with her husband in one respect. Reinhardt worked only for money and, therefore, almost always betrayed his employers and benefactors. But the Begum always remained faithful to those who did her a good turn. She remained a faithful ally to the Mughal king Shah Alam II and was an important personality in the Mughal court for sometime. Shah

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Alam II sought the help of Begum Samru to repulse the attack of 30,000 Sikhs under Baghel Singh in 1783 and again in 1787 to quell the rebellion of Najaf Quli Khan. The Catholic army of Sardhana had rendered invaluable service to the Mughal cause before and now the Begum did her part to serve the Mughal cause. During this time the Mughal empire was tottering. After the defeat of the Marathas23 or Mughal24 by the British in 1803 she submitted to the mighty British empire. Reinhardt was never liked by the British, and now his estates had ultimately passed into British hands. Begum Samru put her army of 5,000 men under the disposal of the British. No event of consequence is reported after the principality of Sardhana was taken over by the British. After the death of the Begum in 1836 the principality was taken over by the British. The army of the Begum migrated to the new region of the Surma valley and began to stay there permanently.25 The Catholics who served under the Begum were undoubtedly of Portuguese origin. Even before Reinhardt had taken the Catholics of Sardhana under his command they had already been initiated to the Catholic faith by the Portuguese missonaries. This raises a larger question that whether the Portuguese content of Reinhardt’s army were pureblooded Portuguese or not. However it is to be believed that the mercenaries of Reinhardt’s army who migrated to the Surma valley after the death of Begum Samru were Portuguese after all. The surnames of the families like Pinereo, Fernandez, Mendez, De’Costa and Dias suggest their Portuguese origin. Fr. Pushpa Raj cites yet another reason for the Portuguese presence in the village of Bondashil. It seems that the Mughal king sent the Portuguese soldiers of Meerut under his service to ward off the British influence in the Mughal territories in the north east. But there is hardly any evidence to prove it. One cannot also say if the Portuguese had by any order of the Mughal king been given the right to stay in Bondashil. But it does have a bearing upon the Portuguese presence in the village of Bondashil during the Mughals. Although there is no evidence to prove that the people of Bondashil have any connection with the Portuguese of Sardhana, but from the oral interviews conducted with the people of Bondashil, it seems probable that they did have such connection. The eldest generation

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of the village who had handed down their past through oral recountings to the newer generations had always mentioned the place of their origin to be Sardhana.26 The other theory dates the settlement of the Portuguese mercen­ aries in Bondashil during the Burmese invasion of 1823. The third theory says that the Portuguese of Bondashil are the descendents of the gunners who had invaded this region under the Maharaja of Sylhet who gave them the whole of Badarpur. But there is a paucity of evidence to support this theory. Some elders of the village believe that their ancestors had come to this place under the leadership of Alivardi Khan and Mir Qasim. A section of the Portuguese mer­ cenaries stationed in Sylhet had helped Mir Qasim in his war against the British. Thus they had gained the animosity of the British. Another tradition goes that the Portuguese of Bondashil were descendents of the Dutch and Portuguese gunners who had invaded Assam under the leadership of Mir Jumla in 1662. Thus, it goes on to prove that the Portuguese had been present in the village of Bondashil from the time of the Mughals and served the King of Cachar under the leadership of the British and achieved eminence. The important part played by the Portuguese mercenaries of Bonda­ shil in the history of Cachar has not been well documented. This has led to the omission of an important part played by foreigners in the local history of Cachar. Bondashil is truly a Christian oasis in the Surma valley. While the other settlements of Mariamnagar and Rangamati and the other minor settlements are either decaying or have vanished, Bondashil has shown the promise of life. The River Barak has jeopardised the life and property of the people of the village. Yet the village still bubbles with life. The village of Bondashil is special in many ways. It is the only Portuguese settlements among the three which can boast of a continued existence. Rangamati has been lost in oblivion. The village of Mariamnagar is in a state of decay. Bondashil has suf­ fered the ravages of nature, yet it still maintains its existence. There­ fore, the village of Bondashil holds the most important position in the understanding of the movement and the settlement of the foreign mercenaries in the north east in general and the Portuguese in particular.

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The Portuguese settlements in the north east have many dissimil­ arities though they were similar in many ways. The Portuguese settlement of Rangamati came as a result of the Mughal enterprise in the north east, Mariamnagar due to the employment of the Portuguese mercenaries in the service of the Tippera state. The exact cause of settlement of the Portuguese village of Bondashil is shrouded in mystery. True to their Portuguese descent the Portuguese of north eastern India assimilated with the local culture while retaining their own religious beliefs. But the pattern and degree of assimilation varied from place to place giving rise to their own forms of indigenous Catholicism.

NOTES 1. F.S. Downs, Essays on Christianity in North-East India, p. 39. (Hubert Dias of Bondashil said that the houses in Bondashil must not be more than 200 or 150 years old.) 2. Based on the interview conducted with Fr. Pushpa Raj. 3. There is a confusion in the location of Rangamati. Fr. Pushpa Raj has placed it differently in Bangladesh, while others position it in Upper Assam. 4. Downs, Essays on Christianity in North East India, p. 39. 5. Ibid., p. 39. 6. Interview conducted with Fr. Pushpa Raj. 7. Hossumpur or Ossumpur was given as a prize to the Portuguese community of Rangamati for their services to the Mughal government Downs; Essays on Christianity in North-East India; p. 44. 8. Ibid., p. 44. 9. Downs, Essays on Christianity in North-East India, p. 48. 10. David Syiemlieh, NEIHA, 18th session, p. 166 and David Syiemlieh, Disappeared and Integrated: the Indo-Portuguese in North-East India, p. 7. 11. Bhupendra Chokrovorty, Rajmala, p. 121. 12. Ibid., p. 120. The Arakan king had sought the help of Jaoa de Silvera who was sent by Lopo Soares, who became the Portuguese Governor after Albuquerque was sent to Chittagong in 1918 at the command of a fleet of four ships, to help him against the Bengal sultan to recover Chittagong. The request was however not agreed upon. But this does show that the Arakan king had connections with the Portuguese prior to their movement in the north east.

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13. Bhupendrachandra Chokrovorty, Rajmala, p. 182. 14. The Bengal Nawab, Shuja-ud-din overran Udaipur during the time of Dharma Manikya II. Only the plain areas of the Tripura kingdom remained under Dharma Manikya II. Shuja-ud-din named the plain tracts as ‘Chakla Roshanabad’. Bhupendrachandra Chokrovorty, Rajmala, pp. 180-1. 15. David Syielieh, NEIHA Proceedings, 18th session, p. 166. 16. Ibid., p. 167. 17. Syiemlieh David, NEIHA proceedings, 18th session, p. 168. 18. Syiemlieh David, Disappeard and Integrated:The Indo-Portuguiese of NorthEast India, p. 10. 19. Syiemlieh David, NEIHA proceedings, 18th session, p. 169. 20. Fr. Pushpa Raj, Bondashil Indo-Portuguese Community, p. 2. 21, Renick, Christian Missionary Movement in North India, p. 77. 22. Ibid. 23. Sharma, Christian Missions in North India, p. 7. 24. Becker, History of the Catholic Missions in North-East India, p. 101. 25. Ibid., p. 101. 26. Fr. Pushpa Raj expressed the same views in his book Bondashil Indo-Portuguese Community, p. 10.

REFERENCES Ahmed, Afzal, Indo-Portuguese Trade in Seventeenth Century (1660-1663), New Delhi: Gian Publishing House, 1991. Allen, B.C., District Gazateers Cachar Part 1, Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1905. Barpujari, H.K., Assam in the days of the Company (1826-1858), Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 1980. ——, An Account of Assam and her Administraion (1603-1822), Delhi: Spectrum Publications, 1988. ——, The Comprehensive History of Assam (vol ii), Guwahati: Publication Board Assam, 1992. Baruah, S.L., Last Days of Ahom Monarchy A History of Assam from 1769-1826, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Pvt. Ltd., 1993. Basu, Sibtapan, Badarpur Rup Theke Rupey, Hasanpur, Badarpur: Barak Vision NGO, 2003. Becker, Christoper, History of the Cathol;ic Missions in North-East India,1890­ 1915, Shillong: Sacred Heart Theological College, 2007.

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——, Early History of the Catholic Missions in North-East India,1598-1890, Shillong: Sacred Heart College, 1989. Bhattacharjee, Jayanta Bhusan, Cachar under British Rule in North-East India; New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1977. Bhuyan, S.K., Tunkhungia Buranji A History of Assam, 1681-1826, London: Oxford University Press, 1983. ——, Anglo Assamese Relations, 1771-1826, Guwahati: Lawyer’s Book Stall, 1990. Borkakoti, Meena Sharma, British Administration in North-East India 1826­ 74 A Study of their Social Policy, New Delhi: Mittal, 1985. Boxer, C.R., Portuguese Seaborne Empire, London: Variorum, 1969. ——, Portuguese Conquest and Commerce in Southern Asia, 1500-1750, Hampshire: Variorum, 1955. Chakrovorty, Bhupendrachandra, Rajmala, Agartala: Parul Prakashani, 2002. Choudhury, Sushil and Michel Morineau (ed.), Merchants, Companies and Trade in The Early Modern Era, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Cipolla, Carlo M., European Culture and Overseas Expansion, London: HarmondsWorth, 1970. Compiled by Authority; Provincial Gazateer of Assam, Delhi: Cultural Publishing House; Delhi, 1983. Das, Gupta, Ashin, Merchents of Maritime India, 1500-1800, Northamptonshire: Variorum; 1994. Downs, Fredrick S., Essays on Christianity in North-East India , New Delhi: Indus Publishing Co., 1994. Elliot, H.M. and John Dowson, The History of India (vol. 6), Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1990. Gait, Edward, History of Assam, New Delhi: Surjeet Publications, 2008. Grey, C., European Adventurers of Northern India; New Delhi: Lal Publishers, 1986. Guha, Upendra Chandra, Kacharer Itibritta, Tripura: Parul Prakashani, 2005. Guy, Arnold, Mercenaries the Scourge of the Third World ; London: St. Martin’s Press Inc., 1999. Hazarika, B.B. and S.B. Roychoudhury (ed.), Gazetteer of India Assam State Cachar District, Guwahati: Government of Assam, 1991. Karim, Khondkar Mahbubul, The Provinces of Bihar and Bengal under Shah Jahan, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 1974. Karotemprel S.D.S. (ed.), The Catholic Church in North-East India (1890-1990); Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1993.

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Khan, Ahsan Raza, Chieftains in the Mughal Empire during the reign of Akbar, Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1977. Machiavelli, Nicolo, The Prince, Hertfordshire, U.K., Wordsworth Editions Ltd., 1993. Mackenzie, Alexander, The North East Frontier of India, New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1979. Mathew, K.S. (ed.), Marieners, Merchants and Oceans Oceans, Studies in Maritime History; New Delhi: Manohar, 1995. McPherson, Kenneth, The Indian Ocean A History of People and Sea; New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1993. Moraes, George Mark, A History of Christianity in India From Earliest Times to St. Francis Xavier AD 52 to AD 1542, Bombay: Manaktalas, 1964. Neill, Stephen, A History of Christianity in India The Beginning to AD 1707; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. ——, A History of Christianity in India 1707-1858 AD, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Pearson, M.N., The Portuguese in India The New Cambridge History of India (vol. 1.1); Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1987. ——, Before Colonialism Theories on Asian-European Relations (1500-1700), Bombay: Oxford University Press; 1988. Pemberton, R.B., The Eastern Frontier of India, Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1835. Proceedings of North-East India History Association, Eighth Session , Shillong: North-Eastern Hill University, 1987. Proceedings of North-East India History Association, Eighteenth Session, Agartala: Tripura University, 1998. Raj, Rev. Fr. Pushpa, The Indo-Portuguese of Bondashil, Silchar: Holy Cross Church, 2002. Raychaudhuri, Tapan, Bengal under Akbar and Jahangir An Introductory Study in Social History, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1969. Renick, M.S., Christian Missionary Movement in Northern India ; Delhi: ISPCK, 2004. Roy, Jyotirmoy, History of Manipur, Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1999. Shakespeare, L.W., History of Upper Assam, Upper Burma and North-East Frontier; London: Macmillan and Co. Ltd., 1914. ——, History of Assam Rifles, Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 1980. Singh, Khuswant, Ranjit Singh Maharaja of the Punjab 1780-1839, Bombay: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1973. Snodgrass, J.J., The Burmese War, Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1827. Soares, Aloysius, The Catholic Church in India A Historical Sketch; Maharashtra: Government Press and Book Depot, 1964.

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Syiemlieh, David, They Dared to Hope, Bangalore: Holy Cross Mission, 1998. ——, Disappeared and Integrated The Indo-Portuguese in North-East India, Guwahati: ICHR, 2007. Sharma and Sharma, Documents of North-East India (Assam 1664-1935) (vol. 3); Documents of North-East India (Manipur) (vol. 6), New Delhi: Mittal, 2006. Subramanyam,Sanjay, The Portuguese Empire in Asia 1500-1700 A Political and Economic History, New York: Longman, 1993. ——, Improvising Empire Portuguese Trade and Settlement in the Bay of Bengal, Bombay: Oxford University Press; 1990. Thekkedeth, Joseph, History of Christianity in India (vol ii), Bangalore: Theological Publication in India, 1982. Tracy, James D., The Rise of Merchant Empires Long Distance Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350-1750, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1990. THESIS AND DISSERTATION ‘Arakan, Min Yazagyi and the Portuguese: The Relationship Between the Growth of Arakanese Imperial Power and Portuguese Mercenaries on the Fringe of mainland South- East Asia 1517-1617’ (June, 1993); Unpublished thesis by Michael W. Charney presented to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. URL link: http://web.soas.ac.uk/burma/3.2files/22Charney1993.thesis.pdf. VERNACULAR SOURCES Das, Monojit, Prosongo: Badarpur Durgo, Sonar Cachar, 6 September 2004. Biswas, Bimal, ‘Banglay Portuguese shobdoke aaj aar chenar upay nei’, Jugo Sankha; 10 January 2008. ——, ‘Bangla Bhasa O Jatiya Jibone Portugueser Oboda’, Jugo Sankha, 9 January 2008. Pal, Dipon, ‘Bodorpur Durger Abhibhabak Ke?’, Sonali Suprabhat, 2 April 2000. JOURNALS AND SOUVENIR Subramanyam, Sanjay, ‘Taking Stock of the Franks: South Asian Views of Euro­ peans and Europe, 1500-1800’, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, January-March 2005; vol. XLII; no. 1.

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Xavier, Angela Barreto, ‘Disquiet on the Island: Conversion, Conflicts and Conformity in 16th Century Goa’, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, July-September 2007; vol. XLIV, no. 3. Brien, Kevin A.O. ‘PMC’s, Myths and Mercenaries: The Debate on Private Military Companies’, Royal United Service Institute Journal, February 2000. URL Link: http://www.kcl.ac.uk/orgs/lcsa/Old/pmcs.html. Accessed on 29 May 2008. Mathieu, Fabien , Nick Dearden & Louise Richards, ‘Corporate Mercenaries: The Threat of Private Military and Security Companies’, Review of African Political Economy, December 2007, vol. 34, no. 114. URL Link: http:// 1172.14.235.132 search?q=cache:nh7kfThob24J. www.waron. Accessed on 29 May 2008. Want.orgdownload.php%3Fid%3D488+Mathieu,+Fabien+,+Nick+Dearden+ 26+Louise+Richards%3B+review+of+African+political+economy,+ December+2007%33+Vol.+34%3B+No.+114&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=l&gl =in&client=firefox-a. Accessed on 29 May 2008. Souvenir of St. Joseph’s School (2002-2003). ARTICLES Syimlieh, David, ‘Christianity in Tripura’, URL Link: http:// www.agartaladiocese. com/in_pages/history.html. Choudhury, Shankhadeep, ‘Memories Buried in History’, The North-East Telegraph. Keane, Fergal, ‘There will be work for mercenaries in Africa Until Democracy Replaces’, The Independent (London); 20 March 2004. URL Link: http:// www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/there-will-be-work­ for-mercenaries-in-africa-until-democracy-replaces-dictatorship­ 566946.html. Burke, Jason, ‘Al-Qaeda Britons feared to be back in UK’, Observer, 2 June 2002. URL Link: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200102/ cmselect/cmfaff/922/92204.htm. Leppard, David, ‘Bin Laden had 3000 British fighters’, The Sunday Times, 21 July 2002, URL Link: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm 200102/cmselect/cmfaff/922/92204.htm. William, Harris, ‘How Mercenaries Work’, 25 August 2008, URL Link: http:/ /science.howstuffworks.com/mercenary.htm. Plaut, Martin and Keith Somerville, ‘Mercenaries in Africa’ s Conflicts’, BBC News, 15 March 2004. URL Link: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/ 3501632.stm.

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Scahill. Jeremy, ‘Our Mercenaries in Iraq’, Los Angeles Times, 25 January 2007. URL Link: http://www.commondreams.org/views07/0125-25.htm. Robberson, Tod, ‘Contractors Playing Increasing role in US Drug War’, Dallas Morning News, 27 February 2000. URL Link: http://www.strategypage. com/htmw/htpara/articles/20080424.aspx. Goering, Laurie, ‘South Africa strains to keep lid on mercenaries’, Chicago Tribune, 18 March 2008. URL Link: http://www.sandline.com/hotlinks/Chicago­ Trib-merc-strain.html. Navaer, Louis, ‘Terrorist Mercenaries on US Payroll in Iraq War’, Pacific News Service, 4 May 2004. URL Link: http://www.berkeleydailyplanet.com/ article.cfm?issue=05-04-04&storyID=187925. Malley, Becky O, ‘Mercenaries amok in Iraq’, Berkeley Daily Planet, 4 May 2004. URL Link: http://www.berkeleydailyplanet.com/article.cfm?issue= 05-04-04&storyID=187925. ‘Nepal’s Colonial Mercenaries turn Global Peacekeepers’, Asian Political News, 5 April 1999. URL Link: http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0WDQ/ is_1999_April_5/ai_54388523. Ved, Mahendra, ‘Pakistan recruits Islamic Mercenaries in Central Asia’, The Times of India, 20 August 1999. URL Link: www.indianembassy.org/press/ New_Delhi_Press/August_1999/Pakistan_Mercenaries_CAsia_Aug_ 20_1999.htm. ‘Kingdom of Ayuttha’, URL Link: www.thailandsworld.com/index.cfm. Win, Dr. Ma Tin, ‘How Yodaya got into bad company’, The New Light of Myanmar, 17 June 2002. URLLink: http://www.myanmar.gov.mm/Article/ Article 2000/june/june17a.htm. ENCYCLOPEDIAS The New Encyclopedia Britannica, vol. 8, 11, 22, 24, 29, USA: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc., 1994. Funk and Wagnallas New Encyclopedia, vol. 17, Funk and Wagnallas Corporation, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1876. Grolier Encyclopedia of Knowledge, vol. 12, Connecticut: Grolier Incorporated Danbury, 1993. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition, URL Link: http://www.encyclopedia. com/topics/a11.aspx.

C H A P T E R 20

Mughal Wars in North-East India: Analysis of the Ahom Victory over the Mughals GEETASHREE SINGH

The foundation of the Ahom kingdom in the first half of thirteenth century under the able leadership of Sukapha was an important event in the history of medieval Assam. The Ahoms were very power­ ful and with their brilliant war-diplomatic policies, they could rule for six hundred years. The rule of the Ahom Kingdom is a unique episode in the history of Assam as well as India. The Ahoms could rule for such a long period because of their well-organised admin­ istration as well as military system. The Ahom rulers put more emphasis on a well-equipped and disciplined military system. It has been recorded that Lachit Barphukan killed his uncle as he failed to complete the construction of the Amingaon rampart which was entrusted to him.1 Such incidents of physical punishment were common in the Ahom army. The incident of the killing of his maternal uncle by Lachit Barphukan had left not only a deep im­ pact upon the Ahom soldiers but has also been marked as impor­ tant incident in the history of Assam. Their alliance with the local chieftains also played a very important role in strengthening the position of Ahom. The Ahom military system was organised in various forms like infantry, artillery, cavalry, navy, espionage, ele­ phantry, etc., under the able supervision of officials specially ap­ pointed for looking after its management. Through the strong military system and brilliant defence strategy, the Ahom not only established their political hegemony over the local tribes but could

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also face the foreign powers successfully. The Ahom-Mughal conflicts started over the issue of control over Koch and Hajo which ended in 1682 with the defeat of the Mughals at Itakhuli.2 The article is an attempt to study the Ahom military system, the war-techniques and strategy that helped them to win over the Moghuls. The article has been divided into two sections. Section I reveals the Ahom military system and Section II discusses the Ahom-Mughal wars and the decisive win of Ahom over mighty Mughals. THE AHOM MILITARY SYSTEM

Assam was the last mongloid state in north eastern India to suffer the brunt of Mughal imperialism after Cooch Behar and Kamrupa. After the conquest of Kamrupa, a direct Ahom-Mughal clash was inevitable. The Ahom could successfully defeat the foreign inva­ sions by Turks and Mughals from the west and Naras from the east because of their well-equipped military force.3 Even Mughal Lieu­ tenant Rasid Khan appreciated the Ahom military power. He said, ‘The enemy is beyond the reach of our heavy artillery; and there is no opportunity for fighting with arrow and guns. Their ministers, commanders and infantry are all to be admired for having con­ structed such an impregnable wall of defence’.4 Even the Persian chroniclers who visited Assam during the Ahom period had appre­ ciated their high military techniques. Sihabuddin Talish, a Persian chronicler who came to Assam during Mir Jumla’s expedition writes ‘They (the Ahom) are superior to most nations in their bodily strength and power of endurance. They are enterprising . . . fond of war . . . if one of them should meet ten Mohmadans on foot, he will fearlessly attack them and even be victorious’.5 Mirza Nathan, the author of Baharistan-i-Ghaibi had also appreciation for Ahom infantry and its military strength.6 As already mentioned, infantry, artillery, cavalry, navy, elephantry, espionage system, etc., were important parts of the Ahom military system and able officers were appointed for taking care of the re­ spective departments. The king was the commander in chief of the army at least in theory. Moreover, the territorial governors used to

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act as the commanders under their jurisdiction. Initially there were only two ministers Bargohain and the Burahagohain to assist the king in the administrative activities. With the expansion of the Ahom territories, the post of Barpatra Gohain was created in 1532. Later under Pratap Singha the post of Barbaruah and Barphukan was created. Barbaruah was entrusted with the responsibility of super­ vising and governing the territories of upper Assam and Barphukan with lower Assam. The Persian chronicles have praised the high technical skills and general excellence of the Assamese infantry. Shihabuddin Talish viewed that, one soldier from the Assamese infantry was more than a match for ten Muslim soldiers.7 Ram Singh, after sustaining de­ feat at the battle of Saraighat, proclaimed: ‘Every Assamese soldier is expert in rowing boats, in shooting arrows, in digging trenches and in wielding guns and cannons. I have not seen such specimen of versatility in any other part of India.’8 Even the strength of the infantry in number was praiseworthy. The author of the Baharistan­ i-Ghaibi on one occasion estimated it was about two hundred thou­ sand. 9 ‘Elephants were highly prized in Assam and ranked second in importance to infantry.’10 Some writers viewed that elephantry occupied a less important position in comparison with the infantry as well as the navy, however, the elephantry formed an indispens­ able part of the army as an auxiliary to the infantry. 11 The vast forest area as well as humid climate of the state of Assam facilitated elephant–breeding and made elephantry an important part of the military system of the area. Elephants played an important role under the Ahom administration as one know from an eighteenth century treatise on elephants entitled Hasti-Vidyanava. 12 It dis­ cusses the species, features, function, catching, training, manage­ ment and treatment, etc., of elephants. Elephants were used to break through forts, palisades, traversing thick jungles and thus clearing the road for the infantry to pass through. Elephantry was under the supervision of an able officer named Hati Baruah. The Ahoms had a brilliant and efficient naval power which was of immense help during the war because of long rainy weather in the region. The naval power of the Ahoms was exhibited during

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the historic war of Saraighat and Kaliabar. The Assamese war boats were usually termed as bacharis. The Assamese war boats were very strong and durable. These boats were also furnished with big guns and canons and could carry 70 to 80 soldiers/men at a time. ‘The numbers of boats reaching and passing Guwahati in a single month was 32,000.’13 Naosaliya Phukon was the supervising officer of the navy under Ahom administration. He was entrusted with various activities of the naval force. The smaller workshops of navy were known as Naosals and located at old metropolis such as Garhgaon, Jaipur, Majuli and Dergaon, whereas the central workshop called as Barnaosals was earlier located at Garhgoan and later transferred to Rangpur.14 S.L. Baruah opined that ‘Assamese Cavalry was more decorative than effective’.15 However, importance of cavalry in the initial phase of the Ahom rule was without any doubt. As viewed by Gait dur­ ing the time of the advent of Sukapha, he had possession of 300 horses16 in his military force on the strength of which he could subjugate the Nagas and the tribes of the south-eastern part of the valley, but his successor failed to keep up the efficiency of the cavalry. The lack of cavalry was because they could not bring a fresh quota of horses from across the Patkai, nor from other coun­ tries. The officer named Ghora Baruah was authorised for the supervision of cavalry and an officer known as Barbara used to assist him. After the conquest of Kamrupa in the middle of the seventeenth century it became possible for the Ahoms to import horses from Bhutan. Although the cavalry played an important role in the establishment of the Ahom monarchy, gradually due to peculiar topographical, geographical and climatic features of Assam the importance of cavalry as a fighting force in the Ahom military declined.17 Maintaining strict discipline was one of the important features of the Ahom military system, ‘By insisting on the utmost disci­ pline in the ranks and making faltering generals strive their ut­ most, the Ahom king prescribed female attire (mekhela) for them and the body to be cut to pieces and thrown in the open to be eaten by the vultures and crows.’18 Even, Lachit Barphukan, the commander of the Ahom army declared inactivity as a capital

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offence.19 There were several occasions when soldiers as well as officials were meted out punishment by the king or the commander of the army for their inactivity or violation of royal orders. Persian historian, Sihabuddin Talish, viewed that the soldiers were be­ headed for any charge in the battlefield.20 The soldiers were trained for the military services under the supervision of Pani Phukan and Deka Phukan. Ahom weaponries consisted of both defensive as well as offen­ sive war equipments. The defensive equipments consisted of tupi (a cap) to cover the head, gati (a thick jacket) for the upper body and shields called as Dhal and Baru. The offensive weapons in­ cluded swords, Yathi (flat spears), da (dagger), swords, javelins, guns, matchlocks, canons, bows and arrows, etc. However, gradu­ ally more sophisticated weapons like artillery were added to the Ahom weaponries. The use of missiles attached with the bows and arrows were evident. Before the annexation of Bhuyan and Chutia territory, the Ahoms used the Karphai Dhenu (a large bow) but after the annexations of these territories, Chutia Dhenu and Bar Dhenu were collected and used by Ahoms. 21 The archers from Kamrupa were known for their accuracy and sharp shooting abil­ ity. The arrows were of different shapes and sizes and poisoned at the tip. The variety of daggers included mit da, nakoi da, kopi da, mesi da, and the axe was also used for close combat.22 During wars hiloi (matchlocks) were also used by the Ahoms.23 In Ahom mili­ tary eleven types of matchlocks and five types of Bartup (big can­ non) were used. They were named as gathiahiloi, jamburhiloi, ram­ sangihiloi, saruhatnaliahiloi, kamayanhiloi, khukahiloi, basaraihiloi, etc., and the Bartups were known as biyagumbartup, hatimuriabartup, tubukibartup, mithahulung, baghmaratup. Even these matchlocks were sometimes gifted by the local chieftains to the Ahom rulers. Chutia rulers gifted mithahulung matchlocks to Ahom king Suhungmung Dihingia.24 It is commonly believed that firearms in Assam were developed since the time of Turbak’s invasion in 1532. But if one believes the Assamese chronicles, the use of firearms was developed in Assam since the defeat of the Chutiyas by Ahoms and long before Turbak’s invasion. They (Ahoms) were reported to confiscate 69 firearms.25 Even Tavernier believed that the use of

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gun power entered the kingdom of China through Assam.26 The Assamese were experts in making various kinds of guns, match­ locks, artillery and big cannons and an officer called Khargharia Phukan was in-charge of the manufacture of firearms and gun powder.27 It is also significant to note that the gunnery and can­ nonry were not allowed to be used by all but restricted to profes­ sionals.28 The war strategies of the Ahoms were also supported by the geographical and natural features of the region.29 The topography, hills, rivers and dense forests of Assam provided the Ahom forces with natural defence potentials. However, there are instances when offensive strategies were also adopted by them like in the battle of Itakhuli. The espionage system, forts construction and war strat­ egy were also very important parts of the Ahom military system. Spies were sent to the enemy’s camp to know their strength and strategy before leading to any battle or excursion. The Ahom government constructed impregnable forts at various strategic points, which not only made it difficult for the enemy to win over the Ahom but also evoked the admiration of the Mughals. Ram Singh, the Mughal General once reportedly stated to Rashid Khan, his lieutenant, ‘the enemy is beyond the reach of our artillery and there is no opportunity for fighting with arrows and bows and guns. Their ministers, commanders and infantry are all to be ad­ mired for having constructed such an impregnable wall of defence.’30 Fortifications or ramparts constructed by the Ahoms were known as garhs. The ramparts were constructed at strategic places like at the tops and sides of hills, the nodal points like confluence of rivers or along the opposite banks of rivers like the Brahmaputra, i.e. twin forest, the passes (duars) in Kamrupa and Darrang, junc­ tion of roads or routes of transport and also on river beds, embank­ ments, especially on the Brahmaputra. Thus, Ahom’s forts were of three types, land forts, water or marine forts, and hill forts. River forts were called Panigarh. ‘It is highly instructive and interesting to know the process of construction of Panigarh ramparts on deep water’.31 Some of the most important forts constructed by the Ahoms on the north bank of the Brahmaputra were at Chamdhara, Singri, Srighat or Saraighat and Agiathuti and those on the south

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bank were at Lakhugarh, Simalagarh, Kalibar, Kajali and Pandu. Subsequently, Guwahati and Jogighopa was also fortified. Forts during the Ahom age were generally made with mud, bamboo, wood and grass. Around the main throttlehold, a strong wall of wood was made with high towers mounted with guns and other ammunitions. Surrounding the fort wall there was a deep ditch with skirts of thick bamboo palisade and sometimes the palisade was surrounded by a second ditch. It was garrisoned adequately and also with a powerful naval contingent to the nearest possible point. Subsequently the Assamese also learnt the technique of con­ structing bridges of boats across the river Brahmaputra. Bamboo stake (panijis) fixed on the grounds and inside the pit (as at Jogighopa) and also by palisades of strong timber (as at Srighat) were also used. ‘Another characteristic feature of the defences was the system of having twin fortification on opposite sides of the Brahmaputra, e.g. Jogighopa and Pancharatam: Samdhara and Simugarh, etc.’32 The Paik System, i.e. compulsory military system by the youths between the age group 16 to 50 also strengthen the military system of the Ahoms. During the time of war all the in­ habitants of the kingdom have to participate in the battle whether they wish or not.33 The socio-political organisation of Paik system helped in mobilising the large number of troops within a very short notice under the Kheldar. 34 The Assamese were expert in guerrilla warfare called dagajuddha and night attacks. ‘They would only come out of their forts at night and fall on the enemies unno­ ticed; invest them if they could and in the event of their repulse they would hurry back to their retreats. By these tactics they nearly succeeded in thwarting the activities of Mir Jumla.’35 The army used to move in close cooperation with the fleet. In case of an uncalled aggression, the Assamese would allow the enemy to enter the country, then cut off their communication and attack them in front and rear and thus compelling them to surrender. This war strategy was also followed by the kings of ancient Assam. Amongst their military strategy mention may also be made of their diplo­ macy. Backing the local chieftains and rulers of anti-Mughal forces was also an important part of Ahom diplomacy and that really helped the Ahoms in their struggle against the Mughal. To secure

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the withdrawal of the enemy, they would enter into a treaty with them, honour the terms for sometime and no sooner they re­ cognised their strength than openly defy it. It is, therefore, stated that the Ahom diplomacy in the post-Mir Jumla period was a masterpiece of casuistry and subterfuge, of concealment and make­ believe.36 Because of its strength and competency, the Ahom military was recognised as ‘. . . one of the few races in India, who could stem the tide of Mughal conquest. . .’37 It was not that there were no defects in the Ahom military system. There was the lack of a regu­ lar standing army and military discipline. A soldier in the Ahom military was a soldier only in times of war, otherwise he was a peasant or a labourer absolutely attached to manual work. So, an Ahom soldier might not match the trained soldier of the Mughal empire. Lack of cavalry was also one of the major defects of the Ahom’s army. Even the boats of the Ahoms were not suitable for the swift operation as they were very heavy. On the other hand, the boats of the Mughals were light and swift. Though these were the disadvantages with the Ahom’s army, still they could fight bravely and win over the mighty Mughals. THE AHOM-MUGHAL WARS

Assam was a petty kingdom of Ahoms before the mighty Mughals but still they could not establish their control over Assam and ultimately, they had to leave after a struggle of 67 years. There are various reasons for the ultimate success of the Ahoms over Mughals which can be summarised as fortification, strict discipline, navywar boats, night attacks, guerrilla warfare, alliance with neigh­ bouring parts, etc. The determination and never give-up attitude of the Ahom rulers led to the success of the Ahoms and failure of the mighty Mughal policy in Assam. The Ahom-Mughal wars or mili­ tary conflict can be confined between the years 1615 to 1682. After the success over Cooch Behar and Kamrupa, Qasim Khan’s, the Mughal viceroy of Bengal, next attempt was the annexation of Assam, to cherish the political ambition of continuing the im­ perialistic policy of Mughals. It was the ‘. . . political ambition of

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Qasim Khan to carry his brother’s policy forward in the north­ eastern frontier a step further by the conquest of Assam. . .’.38 Sayyid Aba Baqr was selected for this task and with a huge expedi­ tionary force consisting of about ten to twelve thousand cavalry and infantry, 200 musketeers and a flotilla of 300 or 400 war boats, he along with 1,500 imperial officers including mansabdars Raja Satrajit of Bhusna and Jamal Khan Mankali, approached Assam.39 In the first attempt Ahoms lost Kajali Fort, Kalang to Kalibar and then the Sala Fort followed by the capture of Ahom royal treasures and plunder of the Bishwanath Temple. Incensed by the Mughals aggressions, the Ahom established a fort at the juncture of Dikrai and the Brahmaputra. The defences of the Samdhara Fort was reinforced with added stockades and chief officers like the Hati Barua, Rajkhowa and Kharghuka Phukan were dis­ patched with a large force.40 But even after that they could not get success against the Mughals and stockades were captured, Retia Deka (son of Barchetia) was killed and Bingsa Patra, a commander was captured. But that could not demoralise the Ahoms and the Ahom kings redoubled their efforts. The three principal command­ ers at Samdhara, the Burhagohain, the Bargohain and the Barpatra­ gohain were given a strong reinforcement of 14,000 men and urged to launch an offensive attack on the Mughals. In the initial attempts Ahoms got success. They captured the stockade at the mouth of the Bharali. Then, spies were placed in the Mughal camp for night attacks. Spies reported that the site of entrenchment was defective, as the ground was sandy and not duly protected. The spies also reported that the surrounding jungles were not cleared. The Ahoms played on the blunder of the Mughal commanders; on the other hand the Mughals underestimated the strength of the Ahoms.41 Taking advantage of the weakness of the Mughal’s position, the Ahoms cleared the jungles surrounding the fort to facilitate their access to it. The Mughal espionage was not efficient enough to detect it. By January 1616, the Ahom army of 3,00,000 and 700 war elephants, transported on three bridges of boats across the Bharali and took the careless Mughals by surprise.42 The Ahoms captured the fortified Mughal camp, destroyed the Mughal arse­ nal, captured the artillery and elephants. The Mughals collapsed

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even without any fight. The commander Aba Baqr, tried to escape but was killed by Bella Bargohain.43 The Ahom captured Mughal war resources like elephants, horses, war boats, guns, sward and ammunition. Pratap Singha constructed a fort at Samdhara and had his exploits on rock (1616) as visama samara vijayana.44 Spies played a very important role in the attack; they identified the loop­ holes by the Mughals and taking advantage of that night attack, the Ahoms won over the Mughals. THE BATTLES OF SUALKUCHI, HAJO AND

BHARALI (1636-8)

The Ahom-Mughal conflict renewed after twenty-one years in 1636. In the last 21-year period, the Ahom king gave political asylum to anti-Mughal elements and supplied men, money and war-materi­ als to alienated chieftains and hill-rajas of Kamrupa. That means the Ahom were backing the attack from behind without coming out in the open. In the battle of Hajo the Ahom commander launched a strong night attack with five hundred ships and took the Mughal fleet at Srighat by surprise. The Ahoms inflicted a disastrous naval defeat on the Mughals. One of the Mughal offic­ ers, Muhammad Salih was killed and the other, Majlis Bayazid, was captured. The Ahoms acquired seven ghrabs and thirty bachharis (war Boats) and huge war implements. Mughals finding no other way had to retreat to Sualkuchi hastily with their remaining ships and the Ahom regained their fortification at Agiathuti.45 After bril­ liant naval success at Srigaht, Pratap Sinha planned to free Kamrupa from the Mughals. He first targeted Sualkuchi with an army rein­ forced by 10,000 archers and matchlock men and sixty big ships. The Mughals failed to maintain their position and lost many war ships, transport boats and suffered huge causalities. The Ahoms got large spoils—300 ships, 160 swords, guns-big and small, two hundred hand grenades, besides gold and silver.46 After Sualkuchi, the Barphukan and Koch King Bali Narayan turned towards Hajo. It was surrounded by the Ahoms and the Bengal governor, Abdus Salam, surrendered. The Ahoms captured immense treasure con­ sisting of 200 guns (big and small), about 5,000 swords and 700 horses besides numerous pearls and jewelled ornaments.47 After

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that, Bali Narayan with 300 Koches and Assamese troops captured Barnagar, a loyal vassal of the Mughals. Then he also attacked Mughal outposts in the north western corner of modern Kamrupa district and occupied most of the outposts. In the ten months of continuous war from March to December, 1636, the results were highly favourable to Ahoms and the rebels of Kamrupa.48 Except a few minor defeats near Pandu and Srighat they had occupied all the principal fortified outpost on both sides of the Brahmaputra, including Hajo, Pandu and Srighat. The Ahoms established their sovereignty in most parts of Kamrupa.49 Here the alliance with the Koch kingdom played a very important role in the success of Ahoms against the Mughals. The Ahom-Mughal conflicts were resumed in December 1636. The Mughals entered Kamrupa proper and this time with an ex­ tended army of 40,000. Even the night attacks of the combined force of Koch and Ahom could not survive before the Mughals defence due to the lack of the ammunition. The joint force of Bali Narayan and the Ahoms were defeated and Kamrupa was re­ annexed to the Mughal empire in November 1637. The third round of conflict, between the two parties started in October 1638. Even after the defeat at the hands of the Mughals, Pratap Singh was not demoralised and under the able lieutenant Momai Tamuli Barbarua, made preparation to confront the Mughals. ‘Assamese Buranjis take justifiable pride in stating that even women were ready to fight if needed and one says that they beat the Mughals with Bamboo tods.’50 The Assamese under three Gohains, some Phukans and Baruas especially Momai Tamuli Borbarua, defeated the Mughals at Duimunisila after the 3-day naval battle. The Ahoms re-occu­ pied Kajali and the Mughals had to halt at Guwahati. The Mughals ran short of food supplies and suffered heavy casualties. As both sides were eager for peace, the treaty of Asurar Ali (1639) was signed between the Ahom general, Momai Tamuli Borbarua and the Mughal commander, Allah Yar Khan. The king of Assam recognised the supremacy of the Mughals in Kamrupa. For the first time. the Mughal faujdar also acknowledged the independent authority of the Ahom and forsook all territorial ambitions east of the Bar Nadi and Kalang on the two banks of the Brahmaputra. Guwahati came under the Mughals and commercial intercourse was established

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between the two parties.51 The period of 1639-60 was a period of cold war between Ahom and Mughals. Allah Yar Khan, faujdar of Kamrupa and the Assamese chief secretary Momai Tamuli Barbarua though they tried to show gesture of peace and exchanged presents through respective envoys52 as both the parties were exhausted and needed time for recovery, the cold war between the two parties was evident over the issues of commercial intercourse, kheedah opera­ tions, boundary disputes, extradition of political offenders, viola­ tion of personal freedom of subjects, etc. MIR JUMLA’S INVASION ON ASSAM (1661-3)

Jayadhwaj Singha, the Ahom ruler was successful in expelling the Mughals from Guwahati because of the war of succession in the Mughal camp. But after Aurangzeb ascended the throne, Mir Jumla, the Mughal noble was asked to re-establish Mughal pres­ tige in eastern India by conquering Arakan, Cooch Behar and Assam for the Mughal empires. Mir Jumla took the Emperor’s permission to postpone the Arakan expedition and invade Cooch Behar and Assam. ‘If we believe European travellers, the Mir wanted to use Assam as a base for conquering Burma and China’.53 John F. Richards pointed out that, ‘Mir Jumla marched directly to Kuch Bihar, entered Kathalbari, the fortified capital, unopposed by the Kuch Bihar ruler who had fled, and annexed the kingdom to the empire. . . The conqueror appointed a temporary faujdar and diwan, changed the name from Kuch Bihar to Alamgirnagar, and set up an impe­ rial mint’.54 After the annexation of Cooch Behar, Mir Jumla en­ tered Assam in the beginning of the year 1662. The Ahoms were defeated at the hands of Mir Jumla and he easily occupied Pandu, Guwahati and Kajali. After that Mir Jumla decided to attack Simalugarh and Samdhara. At Simalugarh even with a heavy cannonade the Mughals could not damage the thick wall of the forts but Dilir Khan encircled the fort and attacked it simultaneously from two sides and the Ahoms had to flee. Even in Samdhara, the Mughals were in better position with their boats and better technique, supported by the European admirals and the Ahom had to suffer at the hands of

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the Mughals.55 On 17 March 1662, Mir Jumla entered the Ahom capital Garhgaon and took away 82 elephants, about 300,000 gold and silver coins, 675 big guns, about 4,750 maunds of gun­ powder in boxes, 7,828 shields, 1,000 odd ships, and 170 large storehouses of rice, each containing one to ten thousand maunds of rice.56 The Ahom king Jayadhwaj fled, abandoning his capital and all his treasures. Though the Ahoms were defeated but that couldn’t break their spirit and once again they started to strengthen their resources and the Assamese people were advised by Burhagohain ‘Go on killing your enemy, but do not get yourself killed.’57 He devised a unique defensive method which was called dogajuddha. It can be called equivalent to guerrilla warfare. The Ahoms never tried to face the Mughals openly and that is why they waited for the ad­ vent of rains and floods as it would make their opponents weak. The Ahoms adopted harassing tactics which can be summarised in the following points: (i) Surprise raids and night attacks, ambushes, kidnapping, shooting or killing stragglers in search of forage or firewood. The captives were tortured with a special iron device, returned to their camps but ultimately died: (ii) hindering or cutting off food supplies on transit, paralysing the Mughal commissariat and camps; (iii) destroying stores of powder and paddy or boats to prevent their seizure by Mughals, according to the principles of ‘scorched earth’ policy; (iv) Occasional retaliation by open skirmishes or encounters (not battles). The Ahoms failed to defeat Mir Jumla but their defensive warfare for nine months contributed to the erosion of the patience of the victors.58

Mir Jumla conquered Kamrupa and Assam within five months but could not exercise full authority over it. The Ahoms continued the guerrilla resistance in full swing, disrupted the communica­ tion of the Mughals, cut off the food supplies, captured Mughal boats, burning everything and blockading Garhgaon itself. Even the torrential rain and flood water from the rivers caused immense trouble to the Mughals. Explaining the misery of the Mughals, Talish has written, In no history has it been read that in any age from the advent of Adam to this time, a force of ten or twelve cavalry and many infantry and numberless camp

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followers remained for six months powerless and enclosed like the centre of circle by brooks and streams, so that nobody could place his foot outside the circumference of the camp like the (point of) a pair of compasses.59

This way Mughals suffered the effect of the Assamese rainy season which was in the words of Barpujari as severe as the Russian winter.60 The Ahoms recovered Lakhaubut, Garhgaon and Mathura­ pur which were still under the Mughals, but abandoned when situation worsened. The situation became worse for the Mughals not only because of the flood but also for the pestilence that broke out in Mathurapur in August 1662. The air of the hill near Jwar Parbat was poisonous and it took the lives of hundreds among the Mughal army and 2,300,000 Ahoms. The food shortage caused by floods and plunder by Ahoms forced the Mughal army to con­ sume the flesh of horses, camels or elephants. People died of dis­ eases of voiding excrement and dropsy, ague and purging, fever, etc. Finding no other way Mughals abandoned their camps.61 By the end of September, the situation improved. Rainy season was over and communication became possible. But because of the ill health of Mir Jumla, the soldiers refused to advance any further and the Ahom king was also anxious for peace, so a treaty was signed at Ghilajhari Ghat on 23 January 1663. According to the terms of the treaty, the Ahoms ceded western Assam to Mir Jumla and promised to pay a huge war indemnity of three lakhs of rupees including ninety elephants. The Ahoms also agreed to deliver his only daughter Ramani Gabharu, as well as his niece, to the harem of the Mughal emperor. The cause of the defeat of the Ahoms was lack of dynamic leadership. The Assamese did not lack in men, money, material, provisions and arms but all these proved unavailing in the lack of an inspiring leader, capable of guiding.62 ‘Jayadhwaj’s Assam lacked dynamism and the capacity to inspire.’63 On the other hand, the Mughals possessed great leadership under Mir Jumla.64 But Mir Jumla could not survive long after the struggle. Due to the unhealthy air of country and over-exertion in this campaign, Mir Jumla fell sick and died on 31 March 1663 while returning to Dhaka by boat. 65 According to Jadunath Sarkar, ‘Though Mir Jumla’s expedition ended in heavy loss of men, his own death from disease and exhaustion, and the speedy loss of his

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acquisitions in Kuch Bihar and Assam, yet his character shone with supreme radiance in this enterprise.’66 RAM SINGH’S EXPEDITION TO ASSAM

The due-payment of war indemnity was the cause of friction be­ tween Ahoms and Mughals. Chakradhwaj Singha (1663-70), Jayadhwaj Singha’s successor was against any payment to the Mughals. He viewed that, ‘It is better for one to die than to remain under the domination of Bangals’.67 He ordered his minister and nobles to adopt measures to expel the Mughals from western Assam, he said, ‘My ancestors were never subordinate to any other people; and I for myself cannot remain under the vassalage of any foreign power. I am a descendant of the Heavenly King and how can I pay tribute to the wretched foreigners.’68 The Ahom-Mughal war resumed over the question of payment of the due amount of war indemnity in March 1667. What was more hurtful for the Ahom king, Chakradhwaj was the undigni­ fied request of Sayyid Firuz Khan, the new faujdar of Kamrupa, for Assamese girls to be sent along with the elephants. Lachit Barphukan was entrusted with the supreme command of the expedition. Un­ der the able leadership of Lachit Barphukan, Itakhuli, a small hill on the south bank of the Brahmaputra, was captured by the Ahoms on 2 November 1667 and the Mughal army was chased down to the mouth of the Manaha. The Ahoms succeeded in getting back their people who were previously been taken as prisoners during Mir Jumla’s expedition. The victory of the Ahoms and the recovery of Kamrupa up to the Manas was a momentous episode in the Ahom-Mughal conflicts.69 After receiving the news of the capture of Guwahati by the Ahoms, Mughal emperor Aurangzeb commissioned Ram Singh of Amber, son of the distinguished Rajput general Mirza-Raja Jai Singh, to lead an invasion to Assam, accompanied by Rashid Khan, who was ex-Faujdar of Guwahati. On the arrival of Ram Singh, there were a few skirmishes at Rangamati in which Ahoms were defeated. As the Ahom were not yet ready to resist Ram Singh. Lachit Barphukan, the commander-in-chief, of the Ahom camp played a mind game

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to get some time. Lachit Barphukan sent a message to Ram Singh, through Firoz Khan, ex-faujdar of Guwahati, who was imprisoned by the Ahoms asking him the reason to come to their country. Ram Singh demanded, the restoration of the territorial bound­ aries as fixed by the treaty of Asurar Ali.70 By the time Barphukan received this reply, the Ahoms became ready to face the Mughals. It resulted in the defeat of Mughals near Sualkuchi, both on land and water. Then the fort at Agiathuti was also recovered by the Ahoms but Ram Singh attacked the Ahoms once again and in­ flicted heavy losses. Again, in the Battle of Alaboi (1669), the Ahoms were badly defeated by the Mughals and Ram Singh de­ manded the evacuation of Guwahati and restoration of the treaty of Asurar Ali for one more time. But, Barphukan rejected his de­ mands once again and so, war became inevitable. This was the time when Chakradhwaj Singha was succeeded by his brother Udayaditya Singha (Sunyatphaa, 1670-2). The Ahoms renewed the war and march against the Mughals. They marched with 20,000 men from Samdhara to Saraighat. This time the Ahoms were again successful and the Mughal navy was forced to depart. The Mughals could not bear the ferocity of the Ahoms and were defeated be­ cause ‘. . . Assamese were fighting for their life and liberty, and the Mughals for the mere luxury of triumph and territorial expan­ sion. . .’71 The battle came to an end and it gave a decisive victory to the Ahoms. The battle is known as the Battle of Sariaghat in the history of Assam. Ram Singh deteriorated after consecutive losses and was forced to withdraw. Finally, Mughals were evicted from Kamrupa and Guwahati was strongly fortified. Ahoms became the unchallenged authority of their territories till AD 1679. The power­ ful leadership of Chakradhwaj Singha played an important role in the victory of Ahoms over Ram Singh. ‘The courageous personality of the Ahom King was imbibed by his generals and his soldiers.’72 BATTLE OF ITAKHULI, THE FINAL BATTLE

In 1681, Gadapani became the next Ahom ruler. He adopted the name Gadadhar Singha (Supaatphaa, 1681-96). He has the credit of fighting the final battle against the Mughals. Soon after ascend­ ing the throne he started battle against Mansur Khan, the Mughal

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faujdar in Bengal, and succeeded in recovering Guwahati after a decisive encounter at Itakhuli in August 1682. The invaders who came with their war vessel at the mouth of the Barnadi were chased by the Ahoms in their boats. The invaders could not stand in the battle and fled away in their canoes leaving their larger boats.73 Itakhuli was then captured by the Ahoms. Mansur Khan was ex­ pelled from Guwahati and finally, Ahoms were successful in re­ establishing their territorial boundary up to the river Manaha. Since then Manaha (Manas River) became fixed as the western boundary of Assam and it was maintained till the occupation of the western Assam by the British in the year 1826. Most of the seventeenth century paintings also depict the Ahom-Mughal conflicts and de­ feat of the Mughals at Itakhuli.74 A number of factors worked in favour of the Ahoms and which ultimately led to the victory of the Ahoms over the mighty Mughals. Though it was not an easy win for the Ahom it was a continuous skirmish against the enemy to save their motherland. The Mughals had always an upper hand over Ahoms in matter of resources and manpower but the one thing that led to the ultimate win of the Ahoms was their determination of not being ruled by any foreign power. Even in the harsh situation they built-up their strategy and stood up against the Mughals. They knew their limitations before the Mughal power and never dared to face them openly and al­ ways tried to harass them in various ways. Even the allies of the Ahoms worked in favour of them. The espionage system and the navy of the Ahoms was better than the Mughals which gave them success in various battles. Even the geographical and climatic fea­ tures of Assam worked in favour of the Ahoms. Thus, Ahoms might be a petty kingdom but their win over the Mughals is a proof of their heroism. NOTES 1. S.K. Bhunyan, Lachit Barphukan, Guwahati, Assam: Assam Prakashan Parishad, 6th edn., 2006, pp. 36-7. 2. R.S. Arha & Latika Singh, Glimpses of Assam, Jaipur: ABD Publisher, 2008, p. 5. 3. S.K. Bhuyan, Anglo-Assamese Relation, Guwahati, Assam: Lawyers Book Stall, 1949, pp. 3-5.

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4. S.K. Bhuyan, Atan Buragohain and His Times, Guwahati, Assam: Lawyers Book Stall, 1957, p. 57. 5. H. Borbaruah, Ahomar Din, Guwahati, Assam: Publication Board of Assam, 1981, p. 448. 6. Mirza Nathan, 1936, Baharistan-i-Ghaibi, A history of Mughal wars in Assam, Cooch Bihar, Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, during the reign of Jahangir and Shah Jahan, tr. Dr M.I. Borah, Government of Assam, Department of Historical and Antiquarian Society, Guwahati, Assam, vol. II. 7. Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, vol. I, 1915, p. 191 cited in S.L. Baruah, A Comprehensive History of Assam, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 2007, p. 396. 8. S.K. Bhuyan, Studies in Assam History, Guwahati, Assam: Shrimati Lakheswari Bhuyan Company, 1965, p. 147. 9. Mirza Nathan, op. cit., p. 488. 10. J.N. Sarkar, 2007, in H.K. Barpujari (ed.), Comprehensive History of Assam, Guwahati: Assam Publication Board, 2007, vol. III, p. 68. 11. Imdad Ali Ahmad, Elephants in Medieval Assam,Proceeding of Indian History Congress, vol. 76, 2015, pp. 268. 12. P.C. Choudhary, Hastirvidyarnava, Guwahati, Assam: Publication Board, 1976. 13. S.K. Bhuyan, op. cit., p. 93. 14. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., pp. 396-7. 15. Ibid., p. 398. 16. E.A. Gait, A History of Assam, Calcutta: Thacker Spink & Co., 1906, p. 74. 17. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 71. 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid. 20. N.N. Acharyya, The History of Medieval Assam, Guwahati: Western Book Depot, p. 121 . 21. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit. 22. L. Gogoi, Tai sanskritir Rupreha, 3rd edn., Calcutta: Sribhumi Publishing Company, p. 263. 23. J.N. Sarkar, H.K. Barpujari, op. cit., p. 73. 24. Hiteswar Borbaruah, op. cit., 1981, pp. 445-50. 25. S.K. Bhuyan, Satsari Ahom Buranji, Guwahati University Publication Department, 1960, p. 14. 26. V. Ball, Travels in India by Jean Baptist Tavernier, Macmillan and Co. 1889, vol. II, p. 277. 27. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 397. 28. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 74.

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29. Nilam Hazarika, A study into the Ahom Military System in Medieval Assam, International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention ISSN (online): 2319-7722, ISSN (print): 2319-7714 www.ijhssi.org volume 4, issue 6, June 2015, pp. 17-22. 30. Asam Buranji obtained from the family of Sukumar Mahanta, p. 96; Atan Buragohin Bhyan, etc., p. 70, cited in S.L.Baruah, p. 398. 31. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 75. 32. Ibid., p. 174. 33. Relevant section from Fathiyyai-ibryya by ShihabuddinTalish in translation in Jadunath Sarkar, ‘Assam and the Ahoms in AD 1660s’, Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, vol. 1, 191, S, pp. 179-95. 34. Nilam Hazarika, op. cit., pp. 17-22. 35. History of Assam by Sir Edward Gait, p. 253, cited in S.L.Baruah, op. cit., . p. 399 . 36. Atan Buragohain Bhuyan, etc., p. 40, cited in S.L. Baruah, p. 398 37. D. Mohan, ‘A Study into the Ahom System of Government during Medieval Assam’, Pratidhwani the Echo, A Peer-Reviewed International Journal of Humanities & Social Science, ISSN: 2278-5264 (online) 2321­ 9319 (print) Impact Factor: 6.28 (Index Copernicus International), volume VI, issue II, October 2017, pp. 192-6, published by Dept. of Bengali, Karimganj College, Karimganj, Assam. 38. S. N. Bhattacharya, ‘Twenty Years of Stagnation and Reverse (1613-1633)’, in The History of Bengal, vol. II: Muslim Period, 1200-1757, ed. Jadunath Sarkar, published by The University of Dacca, Ramna, Dacca, 1948, p. 295 39. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., vol. II, p. 150. 40. Ibid., p. 151. 41. Purani Ahom Buranji, 82 in H.K. Barpujari ed., op. cit., 2007, 3rd edn., 2007, p. 151. 42. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., vol. II, p. 151. 43. Purani Ahom Buranji, 85; mentioned in the comprehensive history of Assam vol. II by H.K. Barpujari, Publication Board of Assam, 3rd edn., 2007, p. 152. . 44. Purani Ahom Buranji, 88; ibid., p. 152. 45. Ibid., 102-3; ibid., p. 157 46. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., 2007, vol. II, 3rd edn., 2007, p. 157 47. Ibid. 48. Ibid. 49. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 158. 50. Purani Ahom Buranji, 119-20; mentioned in Barpujari, 2007, p. 164.

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51. E. Gait, p. 116. 52. S.K. Bhuyan, ‘Kamrupor Buranji: An Account of Ancient Kamrup and a history of Mogul conflicts with Assam and Cooch Bihar up to AD 1682 with Appendices’, Department of Historical and antiquarian studies, Assam, 1958, pp 44-51. 53. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 170. 54. John. F. Richards, The New Cambridge History of India: The Mughal Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, p. 167. 55. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 176. 56. A. Guha, ‘Ahom Political System: An Enquiry into the State Formation Process in Medieval Assam (1228-1714)’, Social Scientist, 1983, vol. 11, no.12, p. 6. 57. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 177. 58. Ibid. 59. Fathiyyaa, 93-4, 2007, cited in H.K. Barpujari, The Comprehensive History of Assam, Publication Board of Assam, 3rd edn., vol. II, p. 181. 60. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 180. 61. Ibid. p. 183. 62. J.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 193. 63. Ibid., 193. 64. Ibid., pp 192-3. 65. Ishwari Prasad, A Short History of Muslim Rule in India, Allahabad: The Indian Press Limited, 2nd edn., p. 648. 66. Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb: vol. III. First Half of the Reign, 1658­ 81. Calcutta: M.C. Sarkar & Sons, 1916, p. 205. 67. S.K. Bhuyan, Tungkhungia Buranji or A history of Assam, 1681-1826 AD, Department of Historical and Antiquarian studies, Guwahati, Assam: 1990, p. 3. 68. S.K. Bhunyan, Lachit Barphukan, Assam Prakashan Parishad, 6th edn., p. 177 (Appendix I). 69. H.N. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 208. 70. S.C. Dutta, The North-East and the Mughals (1661-1714), New Delhi: D.K. Publication, p. 123. 71. S.K. Bhunyan, pp. 83. 72. S.K. Bhuyan, Tungkhungia Buranji or A history of Assam, AD 1681-1826, Guwahati, Assam: Department of Historical and Antiquarian studies, p. xix. 73. Ibid. p.18 74. G. Singh, ‘Looking Back into History of Art of Assam’, DAV Academic Review, issue no. 1, vol. no. 1, December, A Refereed Research Journal, ISSN no. 2455-3999, p. 106.

C H A P T E R 21

The Curious Community of Asomiya

Sikhs: The Mughal Connection?

SAJAL NAG

Sikhs are a meagre 2 per cent of India’s population but they are a very visible community of the country. Their population is con­ centrated mostly in Punjab and Delhi but there is perhaps no part of India where there is no Sikh presence. Demographically their number in some states are sometimes only in three or four digits but due to their cultural marker which they generally steadfastly carry wherever they are, they have strong visibility. Assam is one such state where there is some Sikh population. But interestingly in Assam there are two different categories of Sikhs; one, who are recent or temporary migrants mostly due to employment or busi­ ness imperatives; second, a category of Sikhs who are permanently settled in Assam for about four centuries now. There is a marked difference between the two categories. As against the tall, fair, stout, caucasoid Sikhs typified by as Punjabi Sikhs, the settled Sikhs of Assam are rather short, coloured and with a racially mongoloid admixture. The latter speak Assamese fluently and are more likely to pass off as an Assamese rather than a Punjabi which is markedly different than the Punjabi Sikhs. This category of Sikhs is known as Asomiya Sikhs rather than Sikhs of Assam.1 This is because due to their prolonged stay in Assam, disconnected from their mother state and complete assimilation with the native Assamese these Sikhs have become Assamese for all practical purposes except that they still profess the Sikh religion and continue to use their cul­ tural markers which all Sikhs practise. ‘As a result of their long

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residence, Sikh male folk can hardly be distinguished from the rest of Asomiya population except their turban and beard. ‘Even the lady of the house looks like just any other Assamese married women—adorned with sindoor (vermillion) and clad in mekhala­ chaddar, the traditional Assamese dress.’ She is so familiar with the rhythms of local culture that her hare himjure Asomiya (100 per cent Asomiya) assertion does not seem unconvincing.’2 Interestingly, while defining the ‘indigenous people of Assam’ as required in the implementation of the Assam Accord, it was suggested by one authority that Asomiya Sikhs be included in the category of indig­ enous population.3 But who are these Asomiya Sikhs? If they are Sikhs from Assam who have settled and assimilated in Assam when and how did they reach here and under what circumstances? The Asomiya Sikhs have been identified and categorised in different categories. The first category of Asomiya Sikhs number about four to five thousand who are settled in Dhubri region around the Dhubri Gurudwara. These groups trace their origin to the Sikh soldiers who were supposed to have accompanied their Guru Tegh Bahadur who came along with the Mughals. Though the Mughals returned, these Sikhs stayed on and settled permanently in this Bengal-Assam trans-frontier region. Since they did not bring their women with them they married local women and as a result their progenies reflect a racial admixture. The Ahoms are essentially of the Mong­ loid race and so are the myriad tribal communities who live in the region. Due to intermarriage of the Indo Aryans with both the Ahoms and tribals, the Assamese reflect a mixture of Caucasoid and Mongloid races. The Asomiya Sikhs are no exception to this. These Sikhs have completely assimilated with the local population having embraced local language, culture and social practices. They con­ sider themselves integral part of the Assamese society. However, they maintain their religion and distinct Sikh identity and portray them­ selves as Assamese Sikhs having no connection with/or relatives in Punjab. The other Asomiya Sikhs predominantly reside in Chaparmukh, Barkola, Lanka and Hatipara villages of Nagaon dis­ trict, situated a little over 60 miles away from the former provincial capital Guwahati. According to their oral traditions they are the descendents of the Sikh mercenaries who were hired by the Ahom

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rulers to fight the enemy during the Burmese invasion of Assam. They fought against the Burmese on the side of the Ahoms in the Battle of Hadirachaki fought between Ahoms and Burmese (1823). A few of them were descendants of mercenaries of dissimilar ethnic and territorial background who had participated in ravaging lower Assam in the late eighteenth century as well and had landed there in the army of the East India Company following the Moamariya uprisings which had resulted in large scale death and destruction of local population. After the war these mercenaries stayed on and settled down in the area as peasants and landholders. They are predominantly cultivators. In fact, they became a part of the Assamese peasantry. But unlike their counterparts in Punjab they remained small farmers and petty traders. Their agricultural holdings are small, situated near river banks and subjected to occasional floods from Kapili and Kalang.4 THEORIES OF MIGRATION: VISIT OF THE GURU

The migration story of the Asomiya Sikhs is shrouded in mystery as there are more legends, myths and oral traditions rather than actual documentary evidence. It is little surprising that even a three hun­ dred old event does not have any documentary evidence whereas historical events of thousands of years could be comprehensively proved by documentary evidence. As a result the migration of Asomiya Sikhs are more like origin myths of pre-literate tribal com­ munities who trace their origin to some distant place but is at a loss to prove the historicity of the place. In the case of the Asomiya Sikhs, however, there is no confusion about their origin in Punjab. The lack of evidence is only about the date and circumstances of their migration and settlement in Assam. The first part of the narrative of Sikh migration to Assam relates to the visit of Sikh Guru Nanak Dev to Assam. It traces the migra­ tion of the Sikhs to Assam coeval with the entry of Sikhism itself. This conjectures cited the Sikh religious texts to corroborate the point. There is no doubt the Guru Nanak was a much travelled man. The official biography of Guru Nanak represents him as a much travelled man going from Baghdad in Iraq to Kawaru in the

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east and from Ladakh and Tibet in the north to Sri Lanka in the south.5 Here Kawaru has been interpreted as Kamrupa (Assam).6 According to this report the Guru had visited the part of the state of Assam then known as Kamrupa in the early sixteenth century. Dr B.K. Kakoti is of the opinion that Guru Nanak visited Assam after AD 1517.7 Gopal Singh claims that ‘Nanak turned towards the east, and went to well-known centres of Hindu Pilgrimage Kurukshetra, Hardwar, Benaras, Gaya and Patna going as far as Dhaka and Assam.’8 The country was then being reportedly ruled, according to Sikh accounts, by a woman named Nur Shah. There is no corroborating evidence to authenticate this. The name Nur Shah sounds like a Persio-Arabic name and there is no evidence to suggest that in this period there was any kingdom or principality, small or big ruled by a female Muslim ruler. But Nur Shah was known in the legends of Assam as a women sorcerer and famous witch mentioned in the Janmakshi.9 If the Guru had indeed visited Kamrupa, he had perhaps encountered this Nur Shah who was not a ruler but due to her fame as a black magician, was introduced as a powerful person. This was construed as a ruler. However, the belief that Kamrupa was a land of magic and sorcery outside the region around this time is testified by the Mughal accounts.10 The account further states that Nur Shah and her group of women had approached the Guru and his follower Mardana and tried to cast spells of magic on them. When it did not work the women began to sing and dance which too did not work. Finally the group of women brought jewels like pearl, diamonds, gold, silver, coral and such valuables from the state treasury and surrendered to the Guru who gave them the message of Holy name and advised them to renounce magic. The Guru then left Kamrupa by River Brahmaputra and reached Puri in Orissa.11 During his visit to Assam, Guru Nanak was supposed to have met Sankar Deva (a Vaishnavite Saint of Assam). Again there is no historical evidence of such a visit or meeting between the two ex­ cept the assertions of some historians of Sikhism. Both Nanak and Sankar Deva preached a religion of supreme surrender to one God. In this context Gopal Singh stated, ‘That Guru Nanak vis­ ited Assam and met Sankar Deva, the renowned Hindu Vedantist

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of this period, is corroborated in contemporary evidence.’12 About the influence of Guru Nanak upon Sankar Deva another historican of Sikh religion Trilochan Singh stated ‘Two factors strongly indi­ cate the personal influence of the founder of Sikhism on Sankar Deva. This is the only Vaishnava sect in India whose mode of wor­ ship strongly resembles the one preached by the Sikh Gurus. Guru Nanak met a prince and princess during his visit to Assam. Rani Gaurjan was the name of the princess.13 Trilochan Singh observes about the princess ‘The grandson of this princess, Raja Ram Rai was a devoted disciple of Guru Tegh Bahadur.’14 There are other texts of the Sikh religion like the Janam-Sakhis which also provides account of Guru Nanak’s visit to Kamrupa.15 TESTIMONY OF SACRED SIKH TEXTS

AND THE ACCOUNTS

Sikh holy texts like Puratan Janam-Sakhi reportedly mentioned that Nanak’s first journey was to the eastern part of India.16 The name of the female magician, Nur Shah is also mentioned in Puratan Janam-Sakhi. The land ruled by Nur Shah was mentioned as ‘kawru, or Kavaru’. ‘Mardana also accompanied Guru Nanak during his visit to Kavaru, or Kamrupa. According to Puratan Janam-Sakhi, Mardana was turned into a lamb by female magicians. But all their efforts failed in case of Guru Nanak and the female magicians ultimately submitted themselves to Guru Nanak.17 Another Sikh text Miharban Janam-Sakhi also reportedly described Nanak’s journey to the eastern part of India, with the exception of the name Kamrupa.18 According to this reading Miharban Janam-Sakhi Guru Nanak travelled in the eastern countries during 1507-10. He travelled to ‘. . . eastern countries after visiting Sultanpur’.19 The other text Bala JanamSakhi also has similar mentions. According to Cole and Sambhi, ‘The Bala Janam-Sakhi on the other hand has often been very popular because of the legend that it was dictated by ‘Bhai Bala, a close companion of the first Guru, in the presence of Guru Angad.’20 In the Bala Janam-Sakhi there is no reference to a queen called Nur Shah. Like the Puratan Janam-Sakhi, Bala Janam-Sakhi also mentioned the name of the country of eastern India as Karu (Kam­

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rupa?). But as the version of different Janam-Sakhis differ regard­ ing Guru Nanak’s visit to Kamrupa so Macleod stated that ‘It is not possible to state categorically that Guru Nanak never visited Assam, but we must acknowledge that there is no acceptable evi­ dence to support such a visit.’21 THE MUGHAL CONNECTION

The settlement of the Sikhs was a curious case of migration and settlement of a population who traced their origin to far flung northern provinces of Punjab. The Assamese historians endorse the claim. Prof Swarnalata Barua observed that ‘. . . the settlement of the Sikh population in Assam dates back to the middle of the seventeenth century. It is said that the early Assamese Sikhs are descendents of the disciple of Guru Tegh Bahadur who came to Assam in AD 1669.’22 Sikhism made its entry into the north east in a peculiar fashion. During his Assam campaign in 1669, Raja Ram Singh, the commander of the Mughal army, brought with him the ninth Sikh Guru, Tegh Bahadur, and some of his followers. Al­ though the Mughal army was defeated and Guru Tegh Bahadur also left Assam, his followers stayed behind and introduced Sikhism in Assam, The Sikh Community in Nowgong claims descent from the followers of Tegh Bahadur. Like the migrant Muslims, the Sikhs too were assimilated in the Brahmaputra Valley.23 Dr S.K. Bhuyan is of the opinion that ‘Ram Singha brought with him the ninth Sikh Guru Tegh Bahadur and five Muhammadan Pirs, Shah Akbar, Shah Bagmar, Shah Saran, Shah Sufi and Shah Kamal to undo the effects of Kamrupi black arts.’24 Encyclopedia of Sikh Religion and Culture also recorded that Guru Tegh Bahadur visited eastern India in 1669 and stayed at Dhubri (the Capital of Kamrupa) and visited the sacred places where Guru Nanak had first preached to the local people.25 In the words of Faruqi, ‘Tegh Bahadur, for some reason, left the Punjab and accompanied Raja Ram Singh, the son of Mirza Raja Jai Singh, to Assam and joined the Mughal army.’26 With his wife and mother, Guru Tegh Bahadur left Anandpur and moved towards the east of the country. After travelling to Agra, Allahabad, Benaras and Gaya he arrived at Patna. Then the Guru visited Sylhet,

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Chittagong and Dhaka. From Dhaka Guru Tegh Bahadur moved towards Assam. But when the Guru moved towards Bengal, he left his family at Patna under the care of his brother-in-law, Kirpal.’27 Tegh Bahadur was in Dhaka when he had the news of the birth of his son (on December 1666) in Patna. Even today, Takht Patna Sahib (birth place of Guru Govind Singh) is considered as a place of pilgrimage by the Sikhs. There are legends too surrounding the visit of Guru Tegh Bahadur to Assam. It is said that the ninth Guru of the Sikhs Guru Tegh Bahadur (1621-75) who accompanied Raja Ram Singh of Amber leading the Mughal Army of Aurangzeb against the Ahom king of Assam remembered the aforesaid visit of Guru Nanak to Kamrupa. Some Assamesse historians cited the recording events of the Sikh chronicles in the following manner: the Guru (Tegh Bahadur) and the Raja (Ram Singh) then set out of the city of Rangamati on the right bank of the Brahmaputra. There the Guru took up his quarters and the Raja and his host followed his example. When the King of Kamrupa heard of Raja Ram Singh’s arrival to attack him, he vowed that he would destroy him and his army. He began to make incantations and spells but none succeeded. The King of Kamrupa then sent for all the women of his land who were famous for their magical spells. That too could not succeed against the Guru. He then went to worship at the temple of goddess Kamakhya, offered her sacrifice and received a blessing from the priests. He (the Kamrupa Raja) thought of a novel plan of hostilities. It was to divert a tributary of the Brahmaputra by making a huge dam across it and turning it on Raja Ram Singh’s army. The Guru told the Raja that a great torrent should come that night and his army was in danger. The Sikhs in Raja Ram Singh’s army service removed their tents, but several Musalmans who did not believe the Guru or heed his warning were swept away. 28

This reads as quite an accurate geo-political narrative. Another legend had it that the Kamrupa King’s mother was informed by the Goddess Kamakhya in a dream about the arrival of Guru Tegh Bahadur with Ram Singh and was instructed by the deity to go and make obeisance to the Guru which was readily done by the King. The Guru in turn preached Guru Nanaks’ message of peace and blessings to the troops and calling Ram Singh to his side bade him ‘beat the drum of victory.’ The Guru and the Amber Raja

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crossed the Brahmaputra in the company of one thousand Rajput soldiers and paid a friendly visit to the Kamrupa king. . . . the Guru sat down placing the royal disputants on either hand and effected a reconciliation and an interchange of friendly offices between them. By his influence they both exchanged turbans in token of lifelong amity. The Guru then gave him (Kamrupa king) instruction to repeat the Guru’s Name, serve the saints and if ever he encountered difficulty, address his supplication to the immortal god or rely on the words of the Guru.29

The Guru also fixed the particular spot of the meeting as a de­ marcating boundary between the Mughal Empire and Kamrupa. The Guru continued to spend the rest of days on the banks of Brahmaputra when Raja Ram of Assam came to have the Guru’s darshan and ‘drank water in which the Guru’s feet had been bathed, thus became a Sikh and returned happy to his capital’. This account of the Sikhs hagiography is not corroborated by the corresponding Ahom Buranjis which otherwise record every detail. But it would not be prudent to dismiss these accounts too hastily. There are myths and legendification along with some real events which need to be filtered out. According to historical ac­ counts Raja Ram Singh came to Assam early in 1668 and encoun­ tered the Ahom army under their commander Lachit Barphukan at Saraighat where a battle was fought between the two. The Assamese were able to inflict a huge defeat on the Mughal army forcing the the Raja of Amber to return to his temporary head­ quarters at Rangamati without regaining Guwahati from Ahom hands and losing Kamrupa to them in March 1671. From these intersepersed accounts it is very difficult to ascertain who the king of Kamrupa and the Raja Ram of Assam of the Sikh account were. The Ahom king of Assam at that time was Chakradhwaj Singha (1663-9) and Udayadittya Singha (1669-73), but they are men­ tioned nowhere to have left the capital at Gargaon (Sibasagar) for Guwahati when the famous battle of Saraighat was fought nor is it recorded in any of the chronicles that the monarch embraced Sikhism. Again it is not clear who the Kamrupa king with his capital at Dhubri could be against whom the Mughal army under Raja Ram Singh marched and camped at Rangamati. According to Sikh

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accounts it is while in Kamrupa that the Guru received the message of the birth of his son—Guru Govind Singh. This was an event of 166630 while according to the Almagirnamah, Ram Singh was in Assam from 1667 to 1685 indicating that his whole period was spent in Rangamati. It is improbable that the Sikh accounts were all made up though it is evident that there is a lot of confusion regarding dates, place names and individual names. Despite these conflicting accounts it is quite certain that the presence of Guru Tegh Bahadur in Assam was there. Macauliffe writes, ‘At Dhubri the capital of Kamrupa, the Guru informed Raja Ram Singh’s officers that Guru Nanak had visited the place and rendered it holy by his footsteps. Guru Tegh Bahadur then requested that each soldier should bring shield-full of earth to raise, in memory of the founder of the Sikh religion, a mound which could be seen at a great distance. The whole of Raja Ram Singh’s Army joined in the work and it is said to have been accomplished in a few hours. The Guru then has a pavilion erected at the top. Some of the Guru’s followers remained in Kamrupa and their descendents are now found both in Dhubri and Chaotala.31 Since then the place has been a site for Sikh pilgrimage. This has been testified by the British recorders, The District Gazetteer compiled in 1905 writes, ‘. . . though there are few Sikhs in Goalpara, which is known to them Damdam Gurudwara, is a place of pilgrimage for the follow­ ers of the Sikh faith. The small hill at Dhubri is said to have been artificially constructed in AD 1665 at the request of Guru Tegh Bahadur. The Muhammedan army brought great quantities of earth on their shields from the Rangamati hill and when the Assamese flooded the country they took refuge on the hillock they had so laboriously constructed. A small Sikh temple now stands at the foot of the hills’.32 Another narrative of the Ahom-Sikh connection states that king Raja Rai presented a elephant, a large tent known as Tambol and a Eagle (baj) to Guru Govind Singh.33 There is a controversy among historians regarding the real purpose of Guru Tegh Bahadur’s visit to Assam. One group of historians believes that Guru Tegh Bahadur accompanied Raja Ram Singh of Amber to Assam.34 But Assam was then known for destructive diseases and witchcraft. So, Ram

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Singh’s mother and wives were as stated by S.K. Bhuyan ‘. . . Seized with fear having heard of Raja’s deputation to Assam.’35 Ram Singh invited Guru Tegh Bahadur to accompany him to Kamrupa. Guru Tegh Bahadur accepted the invitation of Ram Singh. In December 1668 AD, Guru Tegh Bahadur and Raja Ram Singh left Dhaka and in the words of S.S. Johar preaching the gospel of Guru Nanak at different places and ‘. . . reached Assam in 1669.’36 At that time Raja Chakradhwaj Singha was the ruling Ahom king.37 Both Raja Ram Singh and Guru Tegh Bahadur were camp­ ing at separate places at a distance of about 30 miles from each other. Guru Tegh Bahadur camped at Dhubri and Raja Ram Singh at Rangamati. 38 In the words of S.S. Johar, Tegh Bahadur ‘. . . halted at the Shrine of Guru Nanak at Dhubri whereas Raja Ram Singh camped at Rangamati about 24 km away.’39 Raja Ram Singh’s mother had warned him not to attack Assam as quoted by S.K. Bhuyan, ‘. . . there is universal nam-kirtana (religious music and recital) in that country.’40 Raja Ram Singh camped at Rangamati with 60,000 troops; on the other side of the River Brahmaputra was the huge army of Ahom Raja Chakradhwaj Singha. Guru Tegh Bahadur realised the evil effects of the war on both sides. He, therefore, in the words of Macauliffe ‘. . . effected a reconciliation and an interchange of friendly offices between them.’41 Some of the followers of Guru Tegh Bahadur according to Macauliffe, ‘. . . remained in Kamrupa, and their descendants are now found both in Dhubri and Chaotala.’ 42 Guru Tegh Bahadur’s visit to Assam is important for some reasons: First, Guru Tegh Bahadur’s main purpose was to spread the voice of God among the people of Assam. Second, the Guru tried to stop unnecessary bloodshed among the invading Moghul Army and Ahom soldiers.43 Another notable incident during Guru Tegh Bahadur’s visit to Assam was that one of the local chieftains Raja Ram, as stated by eminent Assamese historian S.K. Bhuyan ‘. . . obtained a son through the blessings of the Guru.’44 The name of Ram Rai’s son was Rattan Rai.45 After the death of his father, Rattan Rai became the Raja and he visited Anandpur with some valuable gifts for Guru Gobind Singh and stayed at Anandpur for about 5 months.

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In the words of Mann, ‘it was the result of all these assurances given by the Raja at the time of leaving Anandpur that Sikhs in large numbers considering this province as their homeland, started settling as agriculturists, and in other businesses and identified themselves completely with Assamese, through their matrimonial relations, manners and looks.’46 THE ADVENT OF SIKH MERCENARIES

During the reign of Ahom King Kamaleswar Singha, two brothers of North Kamrupa, Hardatta and Birdatta, enlisted some Sikh soldiers, along with some other soldiers in connection with a se­ cret maneuver to expel the Ahoms from Guwahati. In the words of historian S.L. Barua, Hardatta and Birdatta ‘. . . arrayed a large force of Barkandazes mainly of Hindustanis and Sikhs, against the Ahom government.’47 This rebellion was known as the ‘Dandua’ or ‘Dumdumiya’. S.K. Bhuyan remarked that ‘these mercenaries were called Dumaumiyas or Dundias, probably because the Sikhs had their headquarters at the Gurdwar Dumdume at Dhubri, which had been founded by the ninth Sikh Guru Tegh Bahadur in 1669 during his visit to Assam, with his patron Raja Ram Singha, son of Mirza Raja Jai Singh of Amber.’48 Macauliffe also accepted the view that Sikh soldiers who fought against Ahom government were called Dumdumiyas or Dundias, because the Sikhs had their main centre at the Gurdwara Damdama Sahib at Dhubri, which was founded by Guru Tegh Bahadur.49 The other account of the Sikh population in Assam is that of Sikh mercenaries invited by the Ahom king during the Burmese invasion. It is said that at the request of the Ahom king, an army of five hundred Sikh soldiers were sent by Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Punjab to help the Ahom King Chandrakanta Singha against the Burmese who invaded Assam in 1823. The joint army of the Ahoms and Sikhs gave a tough resistance to the Burmese at the battle of Hadira Choky, but were defeated. This batch of Sikh soldiers came to Assam during the reign of Chandrakanta Singha to fight against the Burmese Army. Hadira Choky opposite to Goalpara, was at­ tacked by the Burmese army. At that time Duaria Barua (resident

476

Sajal Nag

agent of the Ahom king at the outpost) was in charge of Hadira Choky.50 It was the last attempt of the Ahom King Chandrakanta Singha to restore Assam’s sovereignty. Chandrakanta Singha organ­ ised a large force, as stated by Gait ‘. . . of about two thousand men, chiefly Sikhs and Hindustanis.’51 Chaitanya Singh was the commander of the Sikh army. The Sikh army along with the Assamese army fought bravely for a long time at the battle of Hadira Choky. 52 They tried to resist the attack, but they were defeated and Chaitanya Singh with many other soldiers fell fighting on the battlefield. On the battlefield of Hadira Choky, the Sikh com­ mander Chaitanya Singh and his soldiers were killed. After the battle the Sikhs who remained did not go back to Punjab. Mataji, the wife of Chaitanya Singh travelled towards middle Assam where she established a Sikh Gurudwara at Chaparmukh. These Sikh soldiers along with the wife of Chaitanya Singh commonly called ‘Mataji’ or ‘Maiji’, moved upstream of the River Brahmaputra in boats.53 At a place named Kajalimukh (Kajalimukh is in the Nowgong district of Assam. It is about twenty four kilometres from Guwahati) this jattha of surviving Sikh soldiers with wife of Chaitanya Singh entered the river Kapili. And from this place they proceeded further upstream and came to the mouth of the rivulet Titaimara Suti. They camped at the present site of ‘Gurdwara Mataji’, Chaparmukh, in the district of Nowgong, Assam. Sikh soldiers carried with them some rare articles and all these are still preserved there in the ‘Mataji Gurdwara’ of Chaparmukh. The descendents of Chaitanya Singh married Assamese women and assimilated with the indigenous population though retaining their Sikh identity.54 The District Gazetteer stated, ‘. . . the Sikhs are descendents of soldiers who came for service to Assam about 1825 or a little later. The original settlers have inter married with Kewats, Koches and Kalitas and all except the latest arrivals from Punjab have now an admixture of Assamese bold. The majority have taken to agricul­ ture but their community includes a few carpenters and contrac­ tors. They are found in the Singaon and Hatipara villages in the Sadar Tahsil of Chaparmukh subdivision. The following excerpt from the community souvenir thus re­ constructs their experiences:55

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The history records . . . that a Sikh army consisting of 500 warriors under the command of General . . . Bir Chaitanya Singh was sent to Assam, by Maha­ raja Ranjit Singh of Punjab, at the request of the Ahom King Swargadew Chandra Kanta Sinha [?Singh], to fight for the cause of Assam and its people during the third Burmese invasion of 1820 [?1823]. The Sikh army along with the natives fought a fierce battle at Hadira-chaki to the north of the Brahmaputra river. The General earned martyrdom in the battlefield. Few surviving soldiers with Mataji, wife of the Sikh General moved upstream of the river Brahmaputra in boats. At a place namely Kajalimukh… they entered into the river Kapili and proceeded further upstream and came to the mouth of the rivulet called TITAIMARA SUTI which connects Kapili nadi with river Kolong at Raha in the District of Nowgaon, Assam. They pitched their tents on the bank of TITAIMARA SUTI, at Chaparmukh, Distt. Nowgaon, Assam. They had cannons, armoury and ammunition. The place where Mataji took rest is now enshrined as temple later named as ‘Gurudwara Mataji’ where the relics such as canons, grinding stone and Sikh scripture have been preserved. . . . I had the privilege to visit Chaparmukh . . . where I had the opportunity to see to my utter surprise, men folk keeping long hair and growing beard . . . they are really Sikhs. . . . Their language, customs and dress . . . is Assamese. THE SIKH BARKANDAZ IN ASSAM

The eighteenth century was a period of huge civil disturbance throughout India. After the Battle of Plassey (1757) there were a number of disbanded soldiers of the Mughals, various native rul­ ers, disbanded soldiers of zamindars as well as declining foreign forces who were working as mercenaries. These mercenaries or barkandazes as they were known were both of native origin like Hindustanis, Sikhs, Rajputs, Bundelkhandis as well as foreigners such as Portuguese, Dutch and so on. These were recruited by other local rulers to fight either their adversaries or suppress rebel­ lion in their own kingdoms. Mostly they worked as armed militia who would fight anyone’s battle and even switch sides for a price.56 It is likely that the Sikh soldiers settled in Dhubri also served as such mercenaries in other parts of Assam when it was rocked by civil war and Burmese invasion. Most of the barkandaz, sannyasi and fakirs earned their livelihood by raids and plunder when em­ ployment as militia was not available. They were armed and

478

Sajal Nag

equipped with swords, spears, shields as well as matchlock guns besides owning horses, elephants, camels and such carriers. In other words they were ‘ready’ soldiers and their employer did not have to provide them anything which was the reason they found regu­ lar employment. The Assam Bengal border district of Rangpur bordering Nepal, Bhutan and Cooch Behar was infested with such bandits who had disturbed the tranquility of the areas to such an extent that Warren Hastings had to write to the Court of Directors to endeavour to halt these depredations.57 When bands of these barkandazes tried to enter Assam, the Officer Commanding at Jogigopha stopped the movement. But the raiders tried to enter Assam from other routes. In June 1780 Warren Hastings wrote to the King of Assam assuring him that the newly appointed Resi­ dent at Goalpara, Hugh Baillie would protect Assam from the barkandazes. Indeed during the tenure of Baillie there was little disturbance from these bands but subsequently they became ac­ tive again. Captain Welsh wrote to Lord Cornwalis ‘. . . this coun­ try (Assam) has been a receptacle for every vagabond who could bring a sword or a matchlock for some years past and a fine harvest has been for them.’58 In fact such was the dominance of these barkandazes in Assam that these mercenaries were the virtual arbi­ ter of Lower Assam. For example Sivadutta Chetia Barphukan, in league with Helimelo Salal Gohain and others, procured the help of one Hazara Singh, a barkandaz through whom they installed one Bapi Gohain’s son as the King of Guwahati in mid 1774.59 The loyal state officials of Guwahati led by Jati Rajkhowa took the help of the same barkandaz, Hazara Singh by paying him a sum of Rs 10,000 and had Barphukan arrested. Jati Rajkhowa was then made the Barphukan but he lasted only three days. Badan Chandra Phukan promised a sum of Rupees sixty thousand to Hazara Singh for the office of Barphukan. Another barkandaz Jogangiri actually occupied Guwahati making Badan Chandra flee to Nowgong. It was Ahom king Gaurinath who introduced barkandazes in Assam politics during the Moamaria rebellion. On his request, Hugh Baillie permitted the disbanded barkandazes who were earlier under his command enter Assam. During the troubled times of eighteenth

The Curious Community of Asomiya Sikhs

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century in Assam one of the Choudhuries, Haradatta Buzar Barua, of one of the twenty six parganas of Kamarupa in collaboration with the Deka raja Hangsha Narayan tried to overthrow the Ahom monarch, from Guwahati but failed to win the war. Hangsha Narayan was executed and Hardatta escaped to Bengal. Hangsha Narayan’s son Krishna Narayan was denied the succession to the position of Deka raja. Krish Narayan sought help from the British and on being denied that, recruited 3000 barkandazes from Bengal to help him recover his office. These barkandazes, who were delisted soldiers, were active in Bengal and Assam frontier where they lived by loot, plunder and forceful extraction from the villagers. Among these barkandazes were many Sikhs, Hindustanis and Sanyasis. Among prominent captains of Krishna Narayan’s army was Dhir Singh Jemadar from Punjab. The army inflicted deafeat to the Ahom king Gaurinath Singh following which the barkandazes unleashed a reign of terror and oppression on the poor subjects of Ahoms. A desperate Gaurinath begged the English administration in Bengal to rid him of the depredation of the barkandazes. After initial reluctance the Company finally sent Captian Welsh who defeated Krishna Narayan and his barkandaz. Both Krishna Narayan and his barkandazes took refuge in the jungles of Bhutan from where they continued to harass the border folks. The encounter and oppression ended with the agreement between Gaurinath and Krishna Narayan at the mediation of Captian Welsh. But the barkandazes soon resumed their plunderous activity on the borders of Assam and Bengal. A harassed British government then led another offensive in which about fourteen Sannyasi and Sikh barkandazes were killed.60 But that did not deter the barkandazes to continue their operations. Realising that his forces were too small to control these barkandazes, Welsh then let them be. As mentioned earlier, at one time one of the barkandazes, Hazara Singh had become the real masters of lower Assam. The Ahom Prime Minister Badan Chandra bribed Hazara Singh a huge amount by selling the gold stacked at Kamakhya and Hajo temples without success and Badan Chandra had to escape from Guwahati. King Gaurinath then sent a combined force of Bengal and Assam to

480

Sajal Nag

depose Hazara Singh and Jogangiri and replace Badan Chandra with Kaliabhomra Barphukan. Kaliabhomra on arrival in Guwahati found that Hardatta Buzarbarua had enlisted a huge army of bark­ andazes comprising mostly of Sikhs who were called Damdamiyas due to their origin from the Damdamiya Gurudwara of Dhubri. Although Kaliabhomra crushed Hardatta, his barkandazes contin­ ued to be a menace under new leaders like Bijau Singh and Alu Singh. In fact the Assam monarch had to petition the administra­ tors of East Indian Company to control and banish the barkandazes from the area and despite the intervention of the British; the bark­ andazes continued their harassment of the people as it had become their source of livelihood. They had also become a permanent fea­ ture in the politics of Assam till the British took over. In the palace conspiracies they were used by rival groups against one another. One was between Purnananda Buragohain and Chandrakanta Singha. During the Moamaria rebellion too the services of the barkandazes were utilised by rival camps.61 The Ahom state em­ ployed the Sikh mercenaries who subsequently found employment in the Ahom frontier outposts.62 The descendents of these mercenaries settled in Raha and Chaparmukh area of Assam permanently which constituted an­ other Assamese Sikh enclave. In time they were absorbed in the local peasantry. Matrimonial relationship with the local women resulted in racial admixture and permanent settlement of these Sikhs in Assam. British colonial rule only consolidated their life in this part of the globe. With permanent settlement came the neces­ sity of identity and political participation. So they organised them­ selves as the Assam Sikh Association and participated in the All Parties Conference held in Sibasagar in October 1928. When V.D. Savarkar organized a Hindu procession in Assam in 1940, the Sikhs of Assam joined it as Sikhs with their markers like Kirpan and so on. They continued to live with these markers of Sikhism despite complete assimilation into Assamese life. However, like all other migrants to the state of Assam the Sikhs too constitute the margin in the political, social and cultural landscape of Assam and are hardly an integral part of the Assamese identity. It is they who call themselves Asomiya Sikhs and not the other way round.

The Curious Community of Asomiya Sikhs

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NOTES 1. Scholary works on this community are few. Notable among them are Himadri Banerjee, ‘The Other Sikhs: the Asomiya Sikhs of Brahmaputra Valley’, Indian Historical Review, vol. 37, no. 2, pp. 235-58; Bimal Phukan, Between Two Worlds: Assamese Sikhs, New Delhi and Guwahati: Omson Books, 2012; there are historical novels by Rajanikanta Bordoloi on the community. One is titled Monumati which is a historical novel describing the battle of Hadirachaki, the other is entitled Dandua Droha, Guwahati, (1919), 1954. 2. Himadri Banerjee, ibid. 3. Naba Kumar Deka Baruah, ‘Asomiyar Sangya Bichari’, Asom Sahitya Sabha, 2019, cited in The Telegraph, Guwahati, 22 January 2020, p. 11. 4. Himadri Banerjee, op. cit. 5. Max Arthur Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1909, vol. 1, pp. 73-82 cited in Maheshwar Neog, Religions of the North East India, Guwahati: Publication Board, Govt. of Assam, 2008, pp. 184-96. . 6. Ibid. 7. B.K. Kakati, Purani Kamrup Dhamar Dhara, (Assamese), 1955, p. 103. 8. Gopal Singh, The Religion of the Sikhs, New York: Asia Publishing. House, 1971, p. 6. 9. Anurupa Barua, ‘Social Transformation of the Asomiya Sikhs’, Journal of Historical Research, BKB College, vol. 1, pp. 86-90. 10. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati: LBS Publication, original pub. 1905, rep. 1984, p. 37. 11. Max Arthur Macauliffe, op. cit. 12. Gopal Singh, A History of the Sikh People (1469-1978), Delhi: World Sikh University Press, 1979, p. 86. 13. Trilochan Singh, Guru Nanak: Founder of Sikhism; a biography, Delhi: Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, 1969, p. 212. 14. Trilochan Singh, ibid., p. 213. 15. Jyotirmoyee Devi, ‘Sikhism in Assam: Its Historical Background— Resemblances and differences between Original Sikhism and Sikhism in Assam’, Unpublished PhD thesis submitted to the Department of Philosophy, Guwahati: Gauhati University, 1998, p. 32. 16. W.H. Mcleod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968, pp. 36-41, 64, cited in Jyotirmoyee Devi, ibid. 17. Jyotirmoyee Devi, ibid. . 18. W.H. Mcleod, op. cit. 19. Ibid.

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Sajal Nag

20. W.O. Cole & P.S. Sambhi, The Sikhs, Their Religious Beliefs and Practices, London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1978, p. xvi cited in Jyotirmoyee Devi, ‘Sikhism in Assam: Its Historical Background—Resemblances and differences between Original Sikhism and Sikhism in Assam’. Unpublished PhD thesis submitted to the Department of Philosophy, Guwahati: Gauhati University, 1998, p. 32. 21. W.H. Mcleod, op. cit. 22. Swarnalata Barua, A Comprehensive History of Assam, Delhi: Munshiram Manhorlal, 1985, p. 18. 23. B.P. Singh, The Problem of Change: A Study of North East India, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987. 24. S.K. Bhuyan, Annals of the Delhi Badshahate, Guwahati: Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, 1947, p. 10. 25. R.C. Dogra & G.S. Mansukhani, Encyclopedia of Sikh Religion and Culture, Delhi: Vikas Publishing, 1995, p. 115. 26. Zahiruddin Faruki, Aurangzeb and His Times, Mumbai: D.B. Taraporevala and Sons, 1935, p. 251. 27. Gopal Singh, op. cit., p. 248. 28. Max Arthur Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. 4, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1909, pp. 353 ff. 29. Ibid., p. 156. 30. Ibid., p. 358. 31. Ibid., p. 356. 32. B.C. Allen, Assam District Gazetteer, Goalpara, Shillong, vol. III, 1905, p. 59. 33. Anurupa Barua, op. cit. 34. Gopal Singh, op. cit., p. 249. 35. S.K.Bhuyan, Atan Buragohain And His Times: A History of Assam, from the Invasion of Nawab Mir Jumla in 1662-3, to the Termination of Assam-Mogul Conflicts in 1682, Guwahati: Lawyers Book Stall, 1957, p. 65. 36. S.S. Johar, Handbook on Sikhism, Delhi: Vivek Publishers, 1977, p. 31. 37. After the death of Jayadwaj Singha, Supungmung, who assumed the Hindu name Chakradhwaj Singha became the Ahom King. 38. The Moghul outpost ‘was situated at Rangamati lying on the road between Dhubri and Bilasipara’, S.K. Bhuyan, Atan Buragohain And His Times: op. cit., p. 9. 39. S.S. Johar, op. cit. 40. As quoted by S.K. Bhuyan in Studies in The History of Assam, Gauhati: Lawyers 1965, pp. 86-7.

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41. Max Arthur Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1909, pp. 355-6. 42. Max Arthur Macauliffe, op. cit., p. 356. . 43. Jyotirmoyee Devi, op. cit. 44. S.K. Bhuyan, Lachit Barphukan and His Times, Guwahati: Lawyers Book Stall, 1994, p. 115. 45. Ibid. 46. A.S. Mann, ‘Relation of the Sikh Community with Assam’, SAT SRI AKAL TRACT, no. 30, p. 7 cited in Jyotirmoyee Devi, ibid. 47. S.L. Barua, A Comprehensive History of Assam, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1985, p. 350. 48. S.K. Bhuyan, Anglo Assamese Relations, Guwahati: Lawyers Book Stall, 1947, p. 431. 49. Max Arthur Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, vol. 4, op. cit., 1909, . pp. 356-8. 50. Gunabhiram Barua, Assam Buranji (Assamese), Calcutta, 1884, Guwahati: Assam Prakasan Parishad, rep. 1972, p. 143. 51. Edward Gait, op. cit., p. 235. 52. Gunabhiram Barua, op. cit. 53. Kripal Singh, ‘Assamese Sikh Their Originality’, The Sikh Review, vol. XXX, no. 51, April 1982. 54. Anurupa Barua, op. cit. 55. Joginder Singh, ‘Sikhs in Cultural Fabric of Assam’, ed. Jayashree Mohanta, Smritigrantha, Guwahati, 1990, p. 27. 56. Ratan Dasgupta, ‘Mercenaries and the Political Economy of Bengal: 1727­ 63’, Social Scientist, vol. XIII (4), 1985, pp. 17-35. L.W. Shakespear, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and North-Eastern Frontier, London, 1930, p. 60, cited in Himadri Banerjee, ‘The Other Sikhs: the Asomiya Sikhs of Brahmaputra Valley’, Indian Historical Review, vol. 37, no, (2), pp. 235-58. 57. Srishtidhar Datta, ‘Bankandaz, Fakir and Sannyasi elements in Assam Politics in the 18th and 19th Centuries’, Proceeding of the North East India History Association, 14th session, Jorhat, Shillong, 1993, pp. 133-44. 58. Welsh to Cornwalis, 4 December 1779, Bengal Political Proceedings, 17 December 1779, no. 15, cited in Srishtidhar Datta, ibid. 59. Srishtidhar Datta, ibid. 60. Ibid. 61. Ibid. 62. Rajanikanta Bardoloi, Dandua Droha, Guwahati (1919), 1954, pp. 126­ 8, cited in Himadri Banerjee, The Other Sikhs, op. cit.

C H A P T E R 22

Arrival of Various Sufi Saints and their

Silsilah (Order) in Different Parts of

Assam and Establishment

of Khankahs

ASSADUZZAMAN

The soil of Assam, like other part of India, did not lag behind in welcoming the spiritual missions of the Sufi Saints. Moreover, it still proves a prospective centre for the practice of Sufism. The arrival of some of the Sufi Saints and their activities are no doubt the valuable facts of without which the history of Assam will not be completed. They or the Sufi Saints came here with the invading Muslim army, a few of them entered Assam along with traders, while some of them settled here with a zeal and enthusiasm for preaching Islam. A host of others were, however, sent to this land by their spiritual guide with the sole intention of spreading Islam and its doctrines.1 S.K. Bhuyan says that ‘Muslim Mazams’ or dargahs are scattered in the valley of Assam and their maintenance was encouraged by the state as one knows from the assignment of the prerequisites of a number of maqams in Kamrupa to Haji Anowar Fakir, and the custom of dispatching annual presents from the court of Powa Macca Shrine at Hajo. An examination of the maqams in Assam is bound to add to one’s knowledge of the careeres of the eminent Muslim saints who came to this country from outside to cater to the spiritual needs of the people. The religious songs composed by the Assamese Muslim pir, known as zikirs, are heard even to this day.2 Indian Sufism has received much importance

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Assaduzzaman

amongst the intellectuals, writers, historians and volumes of works on Indian Sufis and their activities have already been published. But unfortunately scholars have not given due attention to the detailed account of Islamic religious development as well as the life and activities of the Sufi saints of Assam.3 Some scanty references can be found in some of the available works on Assam but they deal mostly with political history of the region and virtually the social relevance of the Sufi saints and their activities are hardly taken into account.4 Especially the accounts of the introduction of Islam and Sufism are shrouded in the myths and legends. The account of great saints like Jalal Uddin Tabrizi, Shah Jalal Mujarrad, Ghiyas-Ud-Din Awliya and Azan Fakir are based only on pious legends and local traditions. Due to the silence of contemporary Persian sources in connection with the saints and their activities in Assam,5 it is again not easy to say anything presently about their social role and activities in contemporary Assam. Incidentally a thorough study on the subject may reveal that many of the Muslim saints came to Assam with the invading Muslim army, but subsequently a considerable number of them settled permanently in the region while others might have returned to their native lands. 6 The saints who stayed here permanently, started their noble mission of preaching and spreading the Islamic way of life. Gradually the importance of the places where they lived was increased and ultimately was turned into a dargah or khanqah. 7 However, in this article, it is intended to collect and examine, the authentic information regarding the arrival of Sufis and the life and activities of the Sufis of this land. There is, however, a long list of notable Sufis, who had flourished in Assam during the course of the present study, It may be noted that the course of the study will be followed in terms of presenting the list of the available Sufi saints who settled in different parts of Assam and thereafter a special attention will be paid to make a detailed study of the Sufi saints settled during the medieval period of Assam, who left a living imprint in the life and society of the people of after generations.8 The long list of the Sufi saints of Assam during medieval period is as follows,

Arrival of Various Sufi Saints and their silsilah

487

Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi (d. AD 1244) Hazrat Shah Badar (around AD 1346), Shah Adam Kaki (Badarpur), Shah Giya-UdDin (Badaerpur), Shah Abdul Malik, Shah Sikandal Gazi, Mir­ Ul-Arefeem, Shah Natawan, Khaja Khadir, Pir Shah Madar, Sheikh Hassan Chisti, Satya Pir, Pagal Pir, Deghdowa Pir, Ghiyas-UdDin Awliya (Hajo). Chand Khan/Chandsai, Hazrat Adam Guru (Kalirtakuchi), Hazrat azan Fakir/ Shah Milan (d. 1633-6), Hazrat Khandakar Pir. or Osman Gani, Hazrat Sawal Pir, Hazrat Nabi Pir, Panch Pir, Hazrat Dekababa, Hazrat Longar Sah, Zulgad ali Sufi Saheb (d. AD 1796-1896) Hazrat Abdul Qasim KhurswariNagshbandhi (d. AD 1896), Hazrat Shah Makdam, Shah Noor Dewan, Sayed Asad-Ud-Dowla Shiraji, Sayed Rousin Ali Chisti/ Bonga Baba, and other religious pontiffs. HAZRAT JALAL UDDIN TABRIZI

There is a popular belief among the Muslims of Kamrupa that Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi, who is said to have passed away in AD 1244 stayed in Garigaon before his demise, Haji and on the Uccha Parbat on the east of Guwahati. It is also believed that his tomb is in the Garigaon Khankah, where a beautiful shrine is erected, with his name clearly written in Urdu and English of course is of recent times. Ibn-Batuta who visited Bengal during AD 1346-7 wrote in his narratives account that he came to the ‘Mountain of Kamru’ to visit a saint Jalal Uddin Tabrizi. It is now recognised by historians that this Jalal Uddin was no other than the famous Shah Jalal of Sylhet who died about AD 1346, shortly after Inb-Batuta visited Assam. It will appear, therefore, that the country to the east of Mymensingh was called ‘Kamru’ irrespective of the territories, actually within the Kingdom of Kamrupa.9 It is not unlikely that Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi visited Assam sometimes in the first quarter of the thirteenth century AD, when the Kamrupa region of the Brahmaputra valley was ruled by local tribal chief either independently or as vassals of Gauda Sultan Ala Uddin Murdan Khalji. It is also probable that he might have entered the country with the invading army of Hussam Uddin Iwaz in AD 1226-7.10 The Moorish traveller, Ibn Battuta narrated that he stayed in the

488

Assaduzzaman

cavarn of a mountain of (Kamrupa) Kamru. This mountain was within or near the territory of ‘Habank’. A large river flowed through this territory and sailing down this river, one could reach Lakhnawati or Gauda in Bengal. He himself had steered down this river when he returned from Kamrupa.11 It is however, difficult to ascertain from the travel account whether the name of the saint was Jala Uddin Tabrizi or Jalal-Uddin Sheraji.12 In this context it seem essential to state that a renowned saint from the city of Shiraj is believed to have stayed in Assam sometime in the first half of thirteenth century. The general consensus of opinion is that, Ibn-Batuta actually visited Saint Shah Jalal of Sylhet, who is also regarded as the traditional conqueror of the later territory, in AD 703. 13 This contention seems to have been based on Blockmann’s observa­ tion that Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi passed away in AD 1244. 14 H. Beveridge, however finds sufficient reasons to assert that the year AD 1244 cannot be the last year of Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi and that he was not the same person as Fakir Shah Jalal of Sylhet.15 It is said that Ibn-Battuta’s earlier copy of the travel account (Rehla) being lost in his journey, he had to compile a second copy of it, in the latter part of his life. But he did not write it himself. He dictated it to an African friend. Consequently, the great traveller had certainly recorded this latter account entirely from his memory. It appears to be certain from the account that he came to Kam­ rupa, the land of magic,16 visited a renowned saint who lived in the cavern of a mountain.17 But this saint could not be Fakir Shah Jalal of Sylhet, because the Sylhet shrine of Fakir is not on hills and the River Nahr-Ul-Azrag of the account also cannot be identified as the Meghna of Barak in Sylhet, because the way from Kamru mountain (Khasi-Jaintia or Garo hills) is not through a river but through the Brahmaputra.18 From Lakhnawati Muhammad-IbnBakhtiyar followed the course of the Brahmaputra to enter ‘Kamru mountain’ in AD 1205. Lakhnawati falls to the north of the Meghna and near the Brahmaputra where the latter rivers turns to south having passed through the Assam Valley; one therefore, believes that Ibn-Batuta actually came to Hajo which lay on the north bank of Brahmaputra and facing Kamakhya, the place of magic.19 It may, therefore, be accepted that he visited Hazrat Ghiyas-Ud­

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Din Awliya who entered the country in AD 1256-7 and lived till the time Ibn-Battuta visited that place. It is not unlikely that Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi who visited Assam, probably during the first quarter of the thirteen century, established the khanqah at Hajo where Ikhtiyar Uddin Malik Yuzbak later erected a mosque in AD 1256-7 when Ghiyas Uddin Awliya came to stay there.20 Thus this place being associated with the name of Jalal Uddin Tabrizi, gradually attained widespread celebrity particularly from the stay of Hazrat Ghiyas Uddin Awliya there. It is very likely that in order to pay homage to the memory of Saint Jalal Uddin Tabrizi, the founder of the khanqah that Ibn-Battuta visited in Hajoi, and in the latter period of his life when he dictated the account of his travel, the aged Moorish traveller might have mixedup the name of the founder of this renowned khanqah for the name of the saint who stayed there during his visit. This supposition thus shows that Ibn-Batuta came to the Garudachal mountain in Hajo situated on the north bank of the Brahmaputra, in Kamrupa region, and is further strengthened by the fact that his description of the place of the saint appears to be greatly in agreement with the mountain and the shrine of Hajo.21 A small cavern still exists there at the foot of this mountain, facing the Brahmaputra on the south. The natives around the place believed it to be a mysterious cave where there are heaps of ancient metal wares and wealth kept by some unseen spirit. It is believed that from the southern slope of the hill this cave goes underground right to the base of the place where the shrine is now situated.22 Apart from this, one learns from the travel account of Ibn-Batuta that when he went back having visited the Saint, he steered his way through a big river which flowed by a prosperous place called Habank. This Habank was probably the same place as Hajo, which lay on the north bank of the Brahmaputra. Since this was the latter part of his life, he might have failed to remember the exact name of the place and, therefore, wrongly referred to it as Habank instead of Hajo.23 In regard to the stay of Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi at Garigaon dargah, though no literacy evidences are available, the people of the locality are deeply associated with his memory, as he is believed to have passed away in that place. One ancient tomb

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has been discovered in the place, a few years ago, which enhanced the belief of the people. But scholars have had a difference of opinion regarding the date and place of death of the Saint. Abdul Fazl relates that this great Saint breathed his last in Mahal-dev. This Mahal-dev has been identified as Maldives.24 The word ‘bandardeo’ is also mentioned along with it. Bandardeo might be Bandardewa hill in north Lakhimpur, Assam.25 H. Beveridge finds ample reasons to accept this identification as quite tenable.26 But the recent developments regarding his death relates to the place Lakhnawati in Bengal where a dargah is still named after him.27 These wide­ spread controversies make one think that he might not have breathed his last in Garigaon but tradition stating that he was the founder of the dargah does not appear to the altogether baseless, because it does not appear to be unlikely that Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi entered Assam in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. It was during this period that the great saint is said to have sojourned throughout India, therefore, it is not improbable that Jalal Uddin Tabrizi had also visited this place during that period. The other references regarding Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi’s stay in Kamrupa leads one back to the Uccha Parbat or the high mountain in the east of greater Guwahati, where at present the bodo (Kachari) tribal people live in the vicinity of the mountain. They believe that this mountain is the abode of a Musalman ‘Gosain’ or Muslim saint, and in order to make the Gosain satisfied, they make offering of milk on a rock in the name of the Gosain. Modern research scholars like Mohini Kumar Saikia and Mohd. Yahiya Tamizi are trying to relate this ‘Gosain’ with Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi, remembering the account of Minhaj Uddin as far as in AD 1205. A chief of the Mech people accepted Islamic faith from Muhamamd­ Ibu-Bakhtiyar Khiliji and that all the followeres of the chief became admirers of the said Kacharis (Bodo tribes) of Assam. These scholars, therefore, intend to establish that in the first quarter of thirteenth century Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi visited Assam and established his khanqah in these places which were inhabited chiefly by the followers of the Mech chieftain.28 In this way the name of Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi, the pious Sufi saint of India, had made a deep influence in the memory of this people of Kamrupa as well as Assam during the medieval period.

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HAZRAT SHAH BADAR (ALIVE IN 1346 AD)

According to Medini Choudhary, in early fourteenth century the Muslims permanently settled in Badarpur area. Hazrat Shah Badar was the first prominent Sufi saint of Assam who has received some attention from modern scholars.29 He came to Sylhet (now in Bangladesh) with Shah Jalal Mujarrad (d. AD 1346). He entered the territory of Assam and reached Badarpur from Arab land. Badar­ pur was in the border area of Sylhet district (at present in the district of Karimganj) Assam. The statement of Suhali Yeman that Shah Jalal had come to Bundasil village, near the present Madrasa Ali of Badarpur is said to be correct. There were 360 khalifas of Shah Jalal who accompanied him to Badarpur to propagate Islam and its teachings.30 But there is no detailed information regarding the life and activities of Shah Badar who is regarded as the first Sufi of this area. His shrine is situated in the old fort of Badarpur Ghat, near the present dak bungalow. After the death of the Sufi saint his shrine has become a symbol of unity and integrity.31 HAZRAT ADAM KAKI

One of the prominent Sufi saints who flourished during medieval period in the present Barak Valley of Assam was Hazrat Adam Kaki.32 Hazrat Adam Kaki was the contemporary of Shah Badar and Khalifa of Shah Jalal Mujarrad. His dargah is situated at the western part of Badarpur, adjacent to the P.W.D. Road, Badarpur, Karimganj at present a district of Assam. On every Thursday night more than hundreds of people flock to this dargah from far off areas and offer prayers there. Irrespective of caste, creed and religion, people visit this dargah and offer nazar-o-niyas. It seems that he was a living symbol and embodiment of Hindu and Muslim unity. 33 SHAH GIYAUD-DIN

Another reputed Sufi saint and companion of Shah Badar and Shah Adam Kaki was Shah Giyaudi-Din. Spiritual guide Shah Jalal Mujarrad had especially sent Shah Giyaud-Din to this place to

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impart education and training to the people of this area. He also acted upon the order of his Shekh and played an outstanding role in propagating Islam among the people to his last breath. He founded a mosque and a madrassa to impart education to the men near the Khadimman village of Badarpur in the district of Karim­ ganj, Assam. But all these were swept away along with his tomb by the waters of the Bara river. He was a Sufi of high rank and position.34 SHAH ABDUL MALIK

Shah Abdul Malik was an outstanding Sufi saint and companion of Shah Jalal Mujarrad. He was also a comrade of Shah Badar. In order to propagate Islam as well as to assist in the missionary activities, teaching and doctrine of Islam, Shah Jalal Mujarrad sent Abdul Malik to this place where Shah Giyaud-Din had settled.35 After his death he was entombed towards the north-east of the Badarpur Bazar. The shrine later on became a centre of pilgrimage for all sections of society. The saint was of a high rank and respected by all communities.36 SHAH SIKANDAR

Rofiul Hussain Barua is of the opinion that Shah Sikandar invaded Kamrupa and Nowgaon in 1357. He was a Sufi of high rank and position.37 Passing reference may be made to Shah Sikandar, who was said to be the nephew of a sultan of Delhi. He was defeated by Raja Gor Govind before the arrival of Hazrat Shah Jalal in Sylhet (now in Bangladesh). But in AD 1303. Shah Sikandar along with the Sufi Saint Shah Jalal leading a bigger army defeated Raja Gour Govinda and came to Sylhet. He ruled over Sylhet for sometime. Sir E.W. Gait is of the opinion that Sikandar Shah, the Sultan’s nephew had gone to Sylhet with an army. This tradition is confirmed by a Muslim inscription of AD 1512, in which it is said that the conquest of Sylhet was effected by Sikandar Khan Ghazi in the region of Shamsud-Din Firoz Shah of Bengal (AD 1301-2) in AD 1303. 38 Regarding the life of Shah Sikandar the information is very meagre. According to local traditions he was drowned in the Surma River

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while crossing it by a boat. So his grave is not found in the Barak Valley. But Shah Sikandar is remembered even today, by the local people, specially by the fisherman. The local people believe that Shah Sikandar is still living under the water and distributes fishes to the fisherman. A section of people of Badarpur claim to be his descendants. Shah Sikandar erected a mosque at village Gorekafun in Badarpur which can still be seem.39 Some people say that his tomb is situated at Saftamgram. No doubt he was a devout follower of Shah Jalal Mujarrad and his close contact and relation with the Saint greatly helped his missionary activities.40 MIR-UL-AREFEEN

Mir-Ul-Arefeen was a Sufi of high rank and order. Among the other prominent Sufi saints and companions of Shah Badar and disciples of Shah Jalal Mujarrad, Mir-Ul-Arefeen deserves special mention.41 The place where he passed a part of his life in prayer and austerity has become a centre of pilgrimage. A prayer place on the top of a hill and an ablution house on the bank of Dhaleshwari river (which falls into the Bara river) are still preserved. Near the site of the ablution house are a musafir khana and a mosque. People visit this place and offer there nazr-o-niyaz to get their desires fulfilled.42 The place where Mir-Ul-Arefeen used to offer prayers is situated on the top of a hill. His footprints can still be seen on the stone plate which is believed to be his prayer carpet.43 It is said that this place was situated in a forest where wild beats were found. The place is surrounded by the railway station of Panchgram ONGC Camp and proposed site of Hindustan Paper Mill in the district of Cachar. His tomb is situated at Lahr. Both Hindus and Muslims visit this place and pay their respects. SHAH NATWAN

Shah Natwan was one of the eminent Sufi saints who flourished in the present Barak Valley of Assam during the medieval period. But his dargah falls at Natunpur and which is famous because of him.44 It is said about him that having crossed the Barak river, he had gone to Jalalpur, Gumra, in the present district of Cachar with the intention of propagating the teachings of Islam among the people

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of this region. Till his last breath he lived there and continued his missionary activity. His tomb is, even today, a place of pilgrimage. Some are of the opinion that he belonged to the company of Hazrat Shah Jalal. But some other modern scholars do not support this statement. According to them he flourished in this region after Hazrat Shah Mujarrad of Sylhet (now in present Bangladesh).45 KHAWAJA KHIDR

The name of Khawaja Khidr or Khoyas Pir who had flourished in western Assam of Brahmaputra Valley and was held in high esteem among every section of the society, draws attention. He followed in the footsteps of Qutb and Abdul order and the term ‘Baliyas’ is ascribed to him. It is assumed that he was born in ‘Siraj’ in Persia and belonged to the family of Hazrat Nooh. His forefathers were Jews.46 During the early part of his life he was a chemist and a merchant. But suddenly a great change came into his life and he ultimately turned into a saint, having dedicated himself to the service of God and started travelling with a view to spread the mission of Islam. A stream near Kabul in Afghanistan is said to be associated with his name.47 But curiously enough a persian rock inscription saying. Abe Hayat Rashma Khizr which means, ‘the water of life and stream of Khidr’ is also found near the site of stream on the foot of the south eastern slope of the Nilachal Hill in the district of Kamrupa, Assam which is popularly known as Kamakhya Hill.48 The Pir was so famous and dignified that he was said to have been paid high respect and honour by the people of the area. But due to lack of information nothing in detail is known about him. Though his name is still popular among the masses, no specific place or dargah is found in Kamrupa to bear the sweet memory of the saint.49 PIR SHAH MADAR (PROBABLE

AD

1398)

Shah Madar, another Pir, whose original name was ‘Badi-Ud-Din

Shah Madar, seems to have come to Kamrupa during the early

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thirteenth century. It is believed that he hailed from Madina and was a disciple of Hazrat Bayazid Bistami. It is also said that from him the ‘Madari Fakir’ community developed.50 Before his arrival to Kamrupa, he had halted many years in the east in East Bengal (now Bangladesh), where there are holy places associated with his name in Paharpur, Rajshahi, Begura, Ghespur, Basta, etc. It is said that from there Shah Madar hailed eastward and spread the principles of Islam. The followers of the Madari orders are still found in some places of Cachar, Goalpara and Kamrupa district of Assam.51 Dr Maheswar Neog refers to a copper plate inscription of land grant issued to Anowar Fakir, where mention was made about four mazars, out of which one mazar belonged to Shah Madar in the Bausi Paraganah, which proves the deep rooted influence of the saint over the state, for which he had received the privileges to enjoy Pirpal land grant.52 But at present no dargah in his name is found in Assam. SATYA PIR

One more Pir or Sufi Saint who had influence in Western Assam and Cooch Behar is Satya Pir.53 It is believed that he was a Hindu, converted from Rajshahi district and ‘Satya Pir’ was only his title. Many people of the Northern part of Bengal and Kamrupa are said to have adopted Islamic faith as a result of his spiritual teach­ ings.54 He is credited for introducing the shirni function without the use of meat. It is popularly known that Satya Pir used to perform Satya Narayana Puja or the worship of Satya Narayana, an important religious function. It is interesting to note that in the Panchali of Satya Narayana no distinction is shown between Satya Pir and Satya Narayana,55 which is clearly reflected in the following popular verses in Bengali; Jai Satyanarayana Jai Satya Pir dui kale laiche seve kariya (Satya Peer is the Satya Narayana. He receives devotion from the both sides Hindus and Muslims is his two forms.)56

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Again; Satya Pir name puja karibe yavane . . . Karibe Seva jar jai mane (The Muslims will worship in the name of Satya Pir thus all will perform the worship in their own way.) 57 Again; Satya Lake Janmay mur nam Satya pir Kalee Kaley Janmiya hai noe jahir Hindur devota Amee muminur pir Jee jahe Kamana karee taree Hisel.58 Satya Pir or Satya narayan is popular in the following Assamese verses; Atee harubane duitee matsha charee Hal houl dui jana, Houl tee daria kakatee bunjaya Haltee keshea mana.59 PAGAL PIR

The name of Pagal Pir still has its influence on many people in western Assam in the Brahmaputra Valley and Cooch Behar. It is said that rabid dogs or jackals became subdued as soon as they saw Pagal Pir. It is for this that the people in later times used to lace a bamboo stick in the name of the Pir when they were to subdue such rabid animals.60 In this performance a person behaves like a bhauria [on whom the Peer has his influence] or a mad man and makes prophecies.61 The shrine of Pagal Pir is situated in the Patpara village near Dhupdhara, a place situated about 50 km west of Guwahati. According to tradition Pagal Pir entered Assam with an army of a Muslim invader.62 It is known from a government record that the Pagal Pir dargah received a Pirpal land grant of about 630 bighas around Dhupdhara. But it is not certain from whom the land grant was received. But the same record informs one about the confiscation of the grant by Ahom Queen Bhagyashree due to

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some unknown reason. The dargah was established by his disciples like Fakir Duman Shah and Fakir Bakhs Ali Shah. Though the ancient privileges are not available, the dargah is still prevailing with poor management.63 Dr Yahiya Tamizi, in his doctoral thesis ‘Sufi Movement in Eastern India’ mentioned that Pagal Pir had also left deep influence over many people of Cooch Behar as well as Bengal.64 Dr Maheswar Neog, states in his Prachaya Rasanawati that one of the prominent Sufi saints named Pagal Pir who flourished in the western part of Brahmaputra Valley and in Cooch Behar had left a deep influence over society. He was the contemporary of Deg Dhowa Pir. 65 DEG DHOWA PIR

Two eminent Sufi saints whose tombs are situated in the enclosure of the Dekaidal or Panjaton dargah and the Degdhuwa dargah near Goalpara town of present Assam,66 are the contemporaries of the Pagal Pir who flourished during medieval period. The name of these two pirs are not known, but it is said that they entered Assam along with some Muslim invading army with whom Pagal Pir came. These unknown pirs were the founders of the dargahs where they stayed till their death. It may, however, be noted here that the reference to Muslim armies invading Assam, appear to be a common feature of most of local traditions concerning the advent of the Musalman saints in the country.67 It is, therefore, not unlikely that in most cases the stories of invading armies particularly that of Mir Jumla and Husain Shah were introduced in the later period, and hence there are no historical values in them.68 Though the names of these two Pirs are not known but it is said that they were the founders of the two dargahs and they stayed in their respective dargahs and they were entombed there after their death. Many people from different parts of the region visit the dargahs even now and make the offerings to the tombs of the pir for fullfilment of their prayers.69 Some miracles or traditions of the Pir of Degdhowa dargah are still very much popular among the people of the locality. It is said that once the saint was stabbed to death by one of his disciples. He had a pet bird of extraordinary

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qualities and a large number of pigeons, which roosted on a rock near the abode of the pir, on the bank of the River Brahmaputra. This pet bird could recognise each of his disciples. After the assassination of the Pir the bird is said to have fasted unto death and the pigeons disappeared suddenly. The rock where the pigeons roosted is known as ‘Kabutarart Sil’ or the rock of the pigeons.70 HAZRAT GHIYAS-UD-DIN AWLIYA

Hazrat Ghiyas-Ud-Din Awliya was one of the most famous and influential saints of medieval period of Kamrupa, who still occupies the supreme position among the Sufi saints of the region. But it is a matter of great concern that no record can certainly say in detail about the saint, who is buried there under the tomb adjacent to the mosque on the Gardachal hill at Hajo. Therefore, it has always been the subject of discussion and arguments. His place of birth, name, time of arrival, activities and even place and time of death have always been controversial. According to some, it is said that his name was Ghiyas-Ud-Din Awliya and he entered Kamrupa with the invading army of Sultan Ghiyas-Ud-Din in AH 721/AD 1321. He first stayed in the Garigaon area to the west of Guwahati. But later, on, he went to the top of the Garudachal hill at Hajo, on the north bank of Brahmaputra, his abode.71 There is another popular tradition that Hazrat-Ud-Din Awliya came to India from Arab land sometimes around AH 642/AD 1244, when a famine ravaged that country. Having passed several years in different parts of India, he came to the Brahmaputra valley of Kamrupa with three of his asso­ ciates, Hazrat Jalal, Hazrat Shah Gudur and Hazrat Shah Buzung and lived on the top of 750 ft. high hill of Hajo till he breathed his last.72 References are available in a sanad of land grant issued to the Hajo dargah by Shah Shuja, son of Mughal emperor Shah Jahan, that Ghiyas-Ud-Din Balban was buried on the hill of the Garuda­ chal and hence the tomb on the hill is related to him. It is learnt from the Assam District Gazetteers (Kamrupa) records, edited by B.C. Allen, that there are two different accounts concern­ ing the dargah on the top of the mountain in Hajo. One of these accounts related that a mosque was built on the mountain by one

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Sultan Ghiyas-Ud-Din. But he died before it was completed and was buried there within the mosque. According to the other version of the record, Sultan Ghiyas-Ud-Din was killed in a war with the Ahoms, near Bishwanath and his body was brought to Hajo by his vanquished soldiers73 where he was buried. Prof S.K. Bhuyan, a renowned scholar of Assam, stated that in AD 1614 during the reign of the Mughal Emperior Jahangir (AD 1605-27). Makarram Khan was a faujdar at Koch Hajo and had sent three generals, namely Sayed-Hamim, Abu Bar, and Satyajit to invade Assam with the view to take revenge of the death of a merchant, who was killed by the Ahom King as he was suspected to be a spy. In this punitive war, Abu Bakr and his son Ghiyas Uddin lost their lives. Ghiyas Uddin was buried at Jao (Powa Macca). It is said that he was also a Sufi of high order. Later on, his tomb came to be known as Puwa Macca Dargah. The author further states that during the reign of Hussain Shah (AD 1494-1544) of Bengal, his son Danyal Shah was appointed as the faujdar of Hajo. After him a man, Ghiyas Uddin by name took the charge of faujdar. A section of people are of the opinion that he died there and the tomb belongs to him.74 According to K.L. Barua, although Hussain Shah’s invasion of Kamata proved to be a failure ultimately, it appears that a colony of Muhammadans remain in the country around Hajo. A mosque was erected there by Ghiyas Uddin Awliya who subsequently died and was buried near a mosque. This place is still considered as sacred by local Muslims who regard it was ‘Powa Macca’ or onefourth of Mecca.75 Another reputed scholar of Assam Dr Moidul Islam Borah informs that Sultan Ghiyas Uddin was the name of a saint, whose tomb is at Hajo. The detailed account of his life is still in obscurity. But a local tradition says that he was a great saint and devoted his life to the propagation of Islam in Kamrupa. He built a mosque at the top of hill at Hajo, near which he was buried. This place is held in great esteem and considered sacred by the Muslims as a place of pilgrimage and his shrine is called ‘Powa Macca’, i.e. one fourth of Mecca.76 Haliram Dhekial Phukan stated that Masandar Ghazi, Kalu Dewan and Sultan Ghiyas Uddin are possibly the generals of

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Hussain Sha. The latter is said to have built a mosque at Hajo and after his death he was buried near it.77 While Dr Maheshwar Neog mentions in support of Haliram Dhekial Phukan, that there were two Muslim commanders. They were Musander Ghazi and Sultan Ghiyas Uddin, who were subsequently delegated by the Gauda ruler to take Kamrupa under control. They built a mosque at Hajo and when Ghiyas Uddin Awliya died his body was buried near that mosque. He said again that Ghiyas Uddin Awliya is considered to have been the first propagator of Islam in Kamrupa. But it is not clear that Sultan Ghiyas Uddin, the faujdar of Koch Hajo and Sultan Ghiyas Uddin Awliya are the same persons.78 There is a strong belief among the Muslims of Kamrupa that the tomb at Hajo belongs to hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi, who visited Kamrupa during the first quarter of the thirteenth century. Of course several other tombs dargahs of Assam are also related to the name of Jalal Uddin Tabrizi about whom a detailed study will follow later on.79 There is a Persian inscription on a stone plate attached to the mosque near the tomb, from which one can get ample information regarding the construction (reconstruction) of the mosque, when and by whom it was done.80 But it is a matter of fact that this inscription is totally silent regarding any information about the tomb and the person who is lying there for eternal sleep, except the mosque to which it is attached. It is also interesting to note that this tablet was originally attached to the old mosque. When the mosque was renewed this tablet was reattached to the new wall of the mosque. It may not be hidden from the inquisitive mind that this grand mosque was built during the reign of Shah Jahan, by the humblest servants of the court and the81 followers of Shah Niyamatullah in the month of Ramzan in AH 1067/AD 1657. The original text of the Persian inscription is as follows: Bismillahi-r-rahmanir-rahim, alhamdu-lillhi rabbil-alamin, was salatu was­ salamu wa-la-rasulihi muhammadin wa-alihi’ ajmaa’ in wa-ashabihi at tahirim gala-llahe ta’-la inna-ma uanmiru masajidallah man amana bilah wal yumil akhir was agamass-salat wa ataz-Zakat wa lam yakhsha illa-allah faa’ sa utaika aunya kunu mindmutadin. Qala al-an-nabi sallatahu alaihi wa sallam, ‘mam bana majidan fidduniya bana-llaha Sabina masjidan fil-akhirah-bia’ hdi daulat Sultan-e-adil Shahan Shahi Jahan wa Khusru-e-dim abdul ghazi shuj a ‘uddin

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muhammad Shah wa Shahjada farkanda amin chun influallah shirazi bina kard humayun maszis khuuld zamin badatul aman mushhur mamalik shujia­ abad hifzullah bahinkami kirayat azima basuda bank bad a izwa tamkin musam in khana din bad maa’ musbahags hurmat janab sahim [(?) or yasin] zitaizi mia’mat illahi gawi bad hamisha in muhin munadi khirad chun salt trikh batakht amad jalil shudkhani din hi 1067, AH Ime.82

The translation of the above inscription is as follows: In the same of Allah, the most Beneficial and most Merciful, thanks to Allah who is the Lord of the universe. May the Blessings O Allah be on the Holy prophet-Mohammad to his House and his Holy Associates and companions. Almighty Allah says : those who construct mosques of Allah on earth and family believe in allah and in the Day of Judgement after Prayer and Zakat and fear none except God are variety the people who receive guidance from Allah. And the Holy prophet (PBUH) says ‘he who builds a mosque in this world, allah builds seventhly mosques for him in the next world. During the region of Abdul Ghazi Shah Shuja-ud-Din Mahmud the just, the superior of the world, the centre of Bounties and religion, the king and the Auspicious Prince, the Holy moaque was built in the land noted for peace among the entire Muslim world, Shuja Abad, May Government protect it from all calamities. It was built as the time when the roual barner was on march towards Bengal. May this religious centre flourish and survive with its honour and glory forever. May this country live long all magnificence of God in consonance with the Almighty’s glory of the prophet O’ intellect, declare the date of his construction. The voice came, the house of religion came into being AH 1067/AD 1657.

From the above accounts it becomes clear that the mountain of Garudachal is associated with the name of Ghiyas Uddin, who seems to have come of a princely family. The term Balwan which appear in the account of Shah Shuja was perhaps an incorrect rendering of the Assamese word balawanta as found in the Kamrupar Buranji. If this Sultan Ghiyas Uddin was killed in an encounter with the Ahoms at Bishwanath, as the second account of the Gazetteer relates, then even this could not have occurred before the first decade of the sixteenth century. Because the Ahoms came into direct conflict and clash with Muslims only from the second decade of the sixteenth century. But the first account recorded by B.C. Allen shows that Ghiyas Uddin’s death was not

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unnatural.83 This is corroborated by Kamrupar Buranji, from the account of which it becomes clear that Balawanta Ghiyas Uddin flourished long before the rise of Ahom supremacy over the Kamrupa region. 84 The first of the two local traditions referred above identitifies Ghiyas Uddin Awliya as Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi. It states that the latter came to be known us Ghiyas Uddin simply because he entered Assam with Sultan Ghiyas Uddin Bahadur Shah. But this does not appear to be convincing. In another place it again states that after the investiture of the Gaushiyat of Asia, Hazrat Jalal Uddin Tabrizi came to be popularly known as Ghiyas Uddin and he stayed in Hajo till his death. This change from the Ghaushiyat to Ghiyas Uddin appears to be extremely doubtful.85 The second tradition, which is even now believed by the larger section of the people to be trustworthy, relates that Hazrat Ghiyas Uddin Awliya entered India sometime after AH 642 and having stayed in different parts of the country, came to stay on the Garuda­ chal mountain in Hajo. If it is so, his advent in Assam appears to have occurred by AD 1257-8, i.e. during the time of the invasion of Kamrupa by Ikhtiyar Uddin Malik Yuzbak. This Sultan is said to have conquered and ruled Kamrupa, for a few months after which he and his whole army was destroyed by the ‘Rac of Kamru’. Minhaj Uddin records that the sign of Islam appeared in the country when Ikhtiyar Uddin Malik Yuzbak instituted Friday religious services, having erected a mosque there.86 It is, therefore, not unlikely that Hazrat Ghiyas Uddin Awliya entered Kamrupa during that time, as he was a Fakir, he seems to have been spared by the Rac of Kamrupa, who destroyed the entire forces of Malik Yuzbak. The dargah of Hazrat Ghiyas Uddin Awliya being situated on the top of Garudachal mountain in Hajo, it may be presumed that Ikhtiyar Uddin Malik Yuzbak erected the mosque there in AD 1256 where Ghiyas Uddin Awliya started to live permanently. Thus from the foregoing discussion, one may conclude that the renowed saint Hazrat Ghiyas Uddin Awliya of the Hajo Dargah, which is now popularly known as Powa Macca, entered Assam by the early part of thirteenth century AD and lived there till AD 1346-7 and that Ibn-Battuta visited him at the mountain of Kamrupa in the year AD 1341.87

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Apart from this Fakir many other Sufi Saints have appeared to stay in the ancient dargahs and khanqahs of Kamrupa and Goalpara as well as Assam during the medieval period. It is said that even in the Powa Macca dargah of Hajo about seventy Alims and Awliyas were laid at rest at different times, the prominent among them was Hazi Anowar Fakir who had flourished around AD 1780 because a copper plate inscription of Ahom King Lakshmi Singha issued in AD 1780 relates that the king placed Hazi Anowar fakir of a family of Persian reader of Assam, in-charge of the Maqams of those fakirs and he was granted revenue free land with a number of visitors,88 and herein lies the origin of the name Powa Macca as entitled to the dargah. It is a general belief that the place of Hajo dargah, in medieval times, were known as ‘Hajo Maqam’ to which the landed grant was given by the king.89 But in the subsequent period a dispute arose, between the management body and the Khadim, on how to utilise the property of the Maqam. And on discussion, it was decided that the Khadim would enjoy one fourth (One Powa) portion of the Maqam’s property and three-forth (Three-Powa) portion would go to the treasury of the dargah. Thus the word powa maqam came to use which in course of time was changed into Powa Macca.90 In this way the name of the place was derived and people came to know the name as Powa Macca dargah. Dhyanna Dhyanna Dhyanna Dhyanna

Sultan Ghiyas Uddin Awlia Tumar nam Hassamuddin-Iwaz Tumak Nazar Salam Kabir Gohain Tumak tatabar pranam hatyar Sirahakkhi, Hajor Makkam. CHANKHAN (CHANDSAI)

Another renewed religious man of medieval Assam was Chandkhan who is more popularly known as Chandsai. He was a tailor by profession and a devout of high order. During his early life he strictly followed the Islamic principles. But gradually his faith and belief took a cosmopolitan turn and from that he became a disciple of Sankar Deva who flourished from AD 1449 to 1569. It was probably for this reason that he was also called as ‘Kabir’ by his Assamese Vaishnavite brethren. Dr Maheswar Neog mentions that

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a number of Zikirs and other religious song of agnomic type are ascribed to him.91 Besides these, he is also said to have compiled a biography of Gopal Deva another celebrated Vishanava pontiff the MS of which as it is known, is now in the custody of Sri Purna Chandra Goswami of Golaghat, Assam.92 Many miraculous stories about his divine power are current among the people of Assam. The account recorded by J.P. Wade relates that ‘Kabir being ordered by his mother to repair the tollering root of his house, went to get the thatch. But when he saw the thatches waving to and from in the wind, like brahmins praying to God he desisted from cutting the reeds and returned home. But at home he found that the house had already been repaired by some miraculous rituals and had not been seen. The mother and the son then joined in acknowledging the hand of God in the work’. It is also said in this account that once four Hindu fakirs visited (Chandsai) who stayed at Hajo, on their way to the Ganges for pilgrimage. He said that the virtue of the Ganges was everywhere with the virtuous. The pilgrims ignored the advice and decided to proceed on their ablution in the Ganges. They had forgotten about Chandsai’s past advice about the food to offer to the holy Ganges and so they all became blind till they realized their mistake and made the offering to the river. When they offered food to the river, they were said to have seen the hand of the Ganges to receive the offer.93 It is also said that once a Hindu Oilman went for pilgrimage to Jagannath. On the way he collected a bundle of straw and said that Krishna, Balabhadra and Subhadra all were in the bundle and asked the oilman to pour all the oil there and this was done accordingly. The man then continued his journey to Jagannath. But on the way, he dreamt that the oil had already reached Jagan­ nath.94 Mr. Wade further records that Kabir Gosain stayed at Hajo and the tradition concerning his temple there was that it was ‘formed’ by God’ during his stay in that place. It is also learnt from this source that Kabir went afterwards to West Bengal where he was revered by Hindus more than Muslims on account of his principles and restrictions in diet. His compositions were found also in Bengali. His chief cult were the ‘Unity and universality of

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God and equality of mankind.’ He seems to have extended this equality to all animated creations. He alone was superior who adorned God properly. Many Hindus of Bengal were said to have accepted him as their apostle, and acknowledged God after him. They also abstained from taking flesh and fish. But in Assam his Hindu admirers worshipped their usual divinities.95 Dr Mohini Kumar Saikia states that Chand Khan or Chandsai, the Muslim disciples of Sankar Deva, was a tailor by profession. It is said that Chand Khan, once, having sighted Sankar Deva with four arms, made a shirt for the saint with four sleeves, Chand Khan is venerated by the Assamese Hindus and Muslims alike. HAZRAT ADAM GURU

There was another prominent Sufi Saint of Assam before the arrival of Sri Sankar Deva the then founder of Vaishnava Bhakti movement in Assam was Hazrat Adam Guru. He was a famous disciple of Harta Ghiyas-Ud-Din Awliya. Scholar Rafiul Hussain Barua is of the opinion that when Ibn-Batuta visited Kamrupa, he met this saint at Hajo. He devoted his whole life for the preaching of Islam. As a result a large number of Muslims became his disciples and the Hindus embraced Islam. According to present tradition Kalitakuchi near Hajo was inhabited by the Muslims who embraced Islam during time of Adam Guru. After his death he was entombed here in Kalitakuchi. It is also to be said to be near the tomb of Hazr.96 AZAN FAKIR OR SHAH MILAN (d. AD 1696)

The most renowned Muslim saint of Assam was Azan Fakir. His original name was Shah Milan or Shah Miran. It is known that Azan Fakir entered Assam in the first quarter of the seventeenth century AD with his brother Hazrat Nobi Pir from some place in the western country.97 It is believed that Azan Fakir came to Assam with the Mughal forces as early as AD 1612-13, and stayed with them in Hajo, perhaps in the dargah of Powa Macca, till AD 1626. His biographers stated that he hailed originally from Baghdad and was a decendent of prophet Muhammad (SM).98

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Even Azan Fakir himself declared in a zikir regarding his entry into Assam that: Dah ha dukuri naichan hizri Aru pache basar jaye Sah mirane air geert raachile Quran kitabat chai. (In the year of Quran).

AH

1045 Shah Miran compiled this song on the basis

The above mentioned verses have not only declared the date of its copilation, but from it the period of his stay in Assam might be assumed, which falls at AH 1045/AD 1615-16. Azan Fakir, while staying at Haji, had acquired deep knowledge of Assamese language and literature. But originally he was a man of literature and had high poetic calibre.99 In Kamrupa, he not only earned knowledge of Assamese language but also acquired perfect knowledge of Assamese folk-literature and other religious beliefs, which was selected in his unique literacy poetic works zikir and zaris or the marshiyas. From some zikirs, it is learnt that Azan Fakir was a grey haired man when he entered the Ahom kingdom. The zikirs which the pir composed during his lifetime, show that in language and style they conform distinctly to the folk songs of eastern Assam valley. 100 Obviously, there is least difficulty in asserting that he had settled in the Ahom kingdom some years before this date (AD 1635) in AD 1636. The second phase of war between the Ahom king Pratap Singha and the Mughals broke out and it ended with a peace treaty in AD 1639. By this treaty, as per the terms and conditions of the treaty, Asur Ali near the city of Guwahati on the south of the Brahmaputra, and its tributary Barnadi on the north had been fixed as the Ahom-Mughal boundary. Thus the present city of Gauhati remained within the Mughal territory of Kamrupa. The first war is said to have started in AD 1616 and ended in a ceasefire in AD 1628. One may, therefore, presume that Azan Fakir stayed in Mughal-Kamrupa till this year, i.e. AD 1628 and after this he went to the Ahom kingdom which he described in his zikirs as pardesh

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or alien country. It is also learnt from some other zikirs that the Muslims residing near the capital of Ahom kingdom (Sibsagar) became scared when hostility between the Ahoms and Muslims broke out. This saint had, therefore, come down to Hajo and stayed there. 101 It was perhaps that being a newcomer to the Ahom kingdom, he might have deemed it better to be away from the capital for his safety and after the danger was over, he came back again to the capital, and started the noble mission of preaching Islam. He met his followers personally, delivered speeches and composed poems in the form of zikir and zaris, through which he was trying to spread the message of Islam to the people, who did not know about it, on the one hand and tried to rectify the Muslims who had gave up the practice of religious deeds. All these noble ventures made Azan Fakir very popular among the masses of the country irrespective of faith and beliefs. But this growing popularity of Azan Fakir gradually became a cause of concern to the early Muslim settlers of Assam, because, through his writings and preaching, the Pir had attacked those native Muslims bitterly who delighted in doing such things which are against the Islamic Shariah. Thus in course of time he came into direct clash with the Assamese Muslim official Rupai Gariya, the Dadhara or the arm carrier of the Ahom king Gadhadhor Singha (AD 1644-8)102 in AD 1685, Rupai Gariya brought open charges against the Pir accusing him to be a spy of the Mughals and he used to meet Mughal soldiers in jungles. Besides this he told the king that Azan Fakir used to give wrong guidance to the Muslims, thus polluting their mind against both the religion and the king. At this the King was convinced and tacitly suggested to Rupai to do what the latter thought best and also cautioned him to act with utmost care and in the rightful way so that neither the king nor the Muslim subject be held responsible for his misjudgement. Rupai Gariya, having the king’s concurrence, arrested the Pir and gouged out his eyes.103 But subsequently the king learnt all about the intrigue against the Pir and, therefore, he immediately put Rupai Gariya to death and the Pir was granted a monastery with free land grant and servitors near the Dikhaw River in Sibsagar.104 Thus the saint who had started his career in Hajo at

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Kamrupa flourished in the eastern part of Assam. Shah Milan Aiias Azan Fakir is said to have married one Assamese woman, by whom he had three sons. His brother Nabi Pir, who also entered into Assam along with him, founded his khanqah near Simaluguri at Sibsagar sub-division. Azan Fakir died around AD 1696 and it is known that Azan Fakir had three sons. The descendents of all these sons are still living in Sibasagar, Lakhimpur and Nowgong districts of Assam, who are known as Saraguria or Jajorial, Kopohial or Chaporial and Gengadhara or Holongaparia respectively. These descendants are still found in Assam and known as Saraguria Dewans, a name which originated from the name of place where the king settled the saint after his eyes were gouged out by Rupai Gariya. Generally in India, the descendents of prophet Hazrat Mohammad (SM) used to write the title ‘Sayyid’ as a prefix to their name.105 As it is believed that Azan Fakir was a subsequent member of prophet’s family, therefore, the descendents of Azan Fakir also adopted the same title ‘Sayyid’ (Sayed) as a prefix of their names. Azan Fakir had occupied a unique place in the development of language and literature of Assam embedded with high poetic zeals of Perso-Arabic origin. His writings in the form of zikir and zaris have added new dimensions to the Assamese literary field. Beyond this Azan Fakir had acquired profound knowledge on Madhab Deva, which are clearly reflected in his writings as follows: Sankardeva jiyari Madhavdewur bowari Rahpur nagara ghar Rahpur nagarar rasak namai ani diya sakaloke bat. 106 (She is the daughter of Sankardeva and daughter-in-law of MadhaDeva, and she dwells in the city of Rahpur or land of Rassa, that is the sentiment of love and devotion. Boring down the Rassa from the city of Rahpur and distribute it among us all.) Moreover, Azan Fakir was a pioneering symbol of communal harmony and religio-cultural assimilation, which are also reflected in zikirs compiled by him:

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Hindu mussalman ek Allar farman gorasthane Kabar Sari sari hinduk puriba mominak gariba. . .107 (Hindus and Muslims are bounded by the same set of the divine of Allah. . . . The act of cremating a Hindu and the entombing a Muslim only signify one end death for all.) ganga jamunae allar kalima namar nakari kati santra mahanta awaliya sakale eketic namate khate. 108 (The Ganga and the Jamuna sing only songs of glory of Allah. The saints and mahantas, that is, the Hindu holy men and the Awliya also supplicate to one name, the name of God.) Though being couched in the spirit of Sufism, the Assamese zikirs sing the glory of gurus or religious preceptors and urge upon the detachment from mundane pleasure for the sake of the selfless services to God, they appear to be devoid of high poetic ecstasy of Persian Sufi poetry. 109 KHANDKAR PIR

The original name of Khandkar Pir was Hazrat Abdul Gani, who was a contemporary of Asan Fakir. Dr Maheswar Neog mentions that he entered Assam along with Azan Fakir. It is a general belief that he ended his life himself with the help of a grass blade, there was no body who entombed him, but the white ants are said to have raised a mound over his body where it lay in rest. Even today an anthill is seen on his grave. This grave is situated on the bank of the river Diging in Sibsagar. Like Azan Fakir, his genealogical table shows that he is also a scien of the family of prophet Muhammad (SM) and, therefore, his descendents had adopted the title ‘Sayed’ as a prefix to their name. It is known that Khandkar Pir did not marry but he adopted a male child and married him to a daughter of Azan Fakir. The descendants of this couple are subsequently known as the ‘Komaldauyas’.110

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Many miracles are attributed to the life of Khandkar Pir which made him popular among the masses. It is said that once some people of Dhai Ali of Sibsagar went to the dargah for jiyarat. Reaching the place they found no water was available in the pond adjacent to the dargah but at the depth of the pond there was a pot and one pair of Kharam (wooden footwear). There was water in the pot which was used by them for ablution and other purposes and finally they brought the ‘Pot and Kharam’ with them and placed them in the local mosque. But curiously enough from the next day an epidemic like cholera broke out in the village and claimed several lives. At this the Pir met one of his disciple in a dream and told him that until the kharam and the pot was returned the outbreak of cholera would not stop. Next morning the disciple talked about his dream to the mukhia of the village and managed to return the items to their previous place and this stopped the epidemic.111 Till today people of Sibasagar and of other places visit the dargah to pay homage to the saint. HAZRAT SALEH OR NABI PIR

It is known from a tradition that Hazrat Saleh Pir had established a khanqah at Tiru Pather near Charaidew hills in Sibasagar district of upper Assam. He is also known as Nabi Pir. It is known that he was a contemporary of Azan Fakir and came to Assam along with him. The Muslims of Nazira in Sibasagar believe that he was entom­ bed at a place in the vicinity of the Ahom royal place at Fgargaon (Nazira). Both the places have become the centres of pilgrimage and people visit them to pay homage to the saint. It is known that Nabi Pir married an Assamese woman and started a conjugal life also. His descendants are still found in Nazira and Namati in the district of Sibasagar, who are known as the Perbatia Dewan.112 HAZRAT SAWAL PIR OR BANDAR PIR

Sawal Pir was one, who came to Assam with Azan Fakir. There are popular traditions that this Pir has always roamed in jungles in order to avoid the madding crowds. Perhaps it was for this reason that he was called Bandar or Monkey Pir. He did not construct

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any shrine but after his death, it came to be known that he was entombed on the bank of the river Disang in Sibsagar.113 DHUBRIR PANCH PIR

The Panch Pirar dargah, situated in Dhubri town, is known to be founded by Hazrat Ghasi Shah Akabr and four other Sufi saints, who came with the invading army. It is learnt from the chronicle preserved in the Damdama Sikh Gurudwara in Goalara district that Ram Singha, the noted Rajput General of Emperior Aurangzeb, when he led his punitive expedition against Ahom king Chakradh­ waj Singha in AD 1667114 brought with him five renowned Pirs. Shah Akbar, Shah Bagmar, Shah Sufi, Shah Sharan and Shah Kamal with a view to overcoming the Assamese black art and magic.115 Generally people believe that these five Pirs stayed together till their death in the place where the Panch Pirar dargah is situated.116 The dargah is still a place of high easteem and people come to pay homage to the pirs in thus dargah, which is situated in Dhubri town. 117 But in the subsequent period, different opinions arose regarding the location of the tomb of these five Pirs. A group of people believed that in the Panch Pir Dargah only Shah Akbar’s (the head of these Saints) tomb is lying, because he stayed alone there till death. The people of West Garo Hills in the Meghalaya believed that Shah Kamal, one of these five Pirs visited it and founded a khanqah in Mahendraganj in the district of West Garo Hills in Meghalaya. He died in Mahendraganj and was buried there in the dargah. People still come to pay homage to the tomb of Shah Kamal in Mahendraganj. It is assumed by another groups of people that the other three pirs were none but Pagal Pir of Dhupdhara dargah and the two of Deghowa and Panjatana dargah of Goalpara.118 DEKA BABA OR DEK FAKIR

There is a legend that Hazrat Azan Pir/Shah Milan sent a Muslim preacher to Majuli for the preaching of Islam. However, it is not known as to how and what extent that preacher succeeded in preaching the ideals of Islam in that stronghold of Vaishnavism by

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Sankar Deva and his devotees. But soon he was to leave the place for Lakhimpur on the north of the River Brahmaputra. There he is said to have married a Hindu girl. This religious preacher, known as Deka Baba or Deka Fakir had his dargah in the village of Bilatiua in the North Lakhimpur district.119 He carried out his religious mission till his death. His tomb emerged as a holy place. At the time of annual examinations both Hindu and Muslim students offer prayers at the mazar or dargah of Deka Fakir or Deka Baba for doing well in examinations by burning lamps, candles and incense sticks. Moreover, for getting cured from diseases or on festive occasions both Hindu and Muslims visit the dargah of Deka Baba. Hindus offer prasad and the Muslim Shirni.120 HAZRAT LONGAR SHAH

Hazrat Longar Shah, one of the prominent Sufi saints, flourished in the Brahmaputra valley of Assam during the medieval period. His proper name is not known but he was better known as Longar Shah. It is to be mentioned that according to local traditions, Hazrat Longar Shah a notable saint came to Assam from northern India during the later part of the Ahom rule. He settled in the present Golaghat town in Chadmari for the missionary activity. He belonged to the Chisti Silsilah or order. Due to his liberal teachings both the Muslims and the Hindus became his disciples and devotees. The Ahom King (name not known) granted a revenue free land to the dargah which is still enjoyed by the dargah itself. He used to sit under a big tree from where he delivered the religious sermons and discourses. Also he used to live a very simple life which attracted the common people on a large scale.121 Buit Kamar Uddin, the Khadim or care taker of the dargah is of the opinion that Longar Shah was a contemporary of Hazrat Azan Fakir. He was instructed by his spiritual guide from northern India to preach Islam in eastern India. Accordingly he reached this place for the same.122 It is also reported by Alhaj Saidur Rahman aged 98 a retired teacher, that with the introduction of the British role in Assam, the saint was captured by the British but later on he was released due to his pious missionary activities. He had a natural death.123

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ZULQAD ALI SUFI SAHEB: (1796-1891)

The full name of Zulqad Ali was Hazrat Abdul Jalal Zulqal Ali. His father’s name was Pir Muhammad Sufi. He was born at Sibsagar in Assam in the year AD 1796. His father was a Sufi and an employee under the Ahom King. He completed his primary education, in Dhaka where he stayed for five years. From Dhaka Zulqad Ali went to Jaunpur124 and become a disciple of Maulana Karamat Ali Jaunpuri, who conferred upon him the title of Sufi. Later on he became the murid of the world famous Saint Hazrat Imdadullah Muhajik Makki, who permitted him to initiate people in all the four orders, Chistiyya, Suhrawardiyya, Sadiriyya and Naqsh­ bandiyya. 125 After returning to Guwahati with higher education and high spiritual devotion, Zulqad Ali started his missionary activities in Kamrupa, Darrang and Nowgong districts of Assam. Here he declared a crusade against the evil practices prevailing in the society. He also stood against observing the Muhrram festival and taking out tazia and mourning procession in the day of Muharam. In order to show the people the right path, he made speeches, wrote books and pamphlets and advised people to lead single and pure life like the prophet of Islam. B.C. Allen says that around 1880 a Saint named Zulqad Ali Sufi Saheb came from Guwahati and arrived in the surroundings of Patharighat and Pati Darrang to preach the principles of Islam and accordingly the people who had forgotten the practice of it, started to keep a beard, eat beef and construct prayer halls made of bamboo and thatches.126 He himself practised what he preached. He tried his level best to present himself as a true Islamic model or Islamic traditions. Salatr, Saum, Hajj, Zakat were advised to keep away from abuses, hypocrisy and evil practices. 127 Sufi Saheb had compiled his valuable work, Tariqul-Haq-Fi­ Bayan-e-Narul-Haq in Assamese but in Arabic script, it is an im­ portant production as it is reckoned as one of the oldest works in modern Assamese Prose, which has been published by his grandson Mohd. Saleh Qasim in Assamese script titled Satyar Path (Path of Truth). 128

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After a long period of devotion in the mystics path Sufi Saheb breacthed his last in AD 1891. His shrines or dargah is found nowhere in Assam. An extract from his excellent work ‘Satyar Path’ has been quoted below to see his literary genius: Dujahanak Saraje sai sar salag loun mai han di huna jadi dil lagai hakalore adite muhammad mustafak paida karile jai teok he bole khuda teror holaqar wor nai mai aggiyani koun kenekoi he mumin muslemin bhai allahar hokum deun sunai129 [Hear ye, O, people I praise him who created both the world and created Muhammad (PBUH). In the beginning of all for he alone is Allah whose praises ended not. O, ye, who believed ! Listen ye to the voice of this ignorant man for chant unto you only Allah’s commands] Commencing his book with a verse (an extract from which is given above, along with its translation), the author switches on to prose to deal with many topics covering precepts from the Holy Quran and traditions of the Prophet. He has dealt with many Islamic practices along with their spiritual contents in simple prose, which was prevalent in Assam at the time of his missionary activity. The book is written in Assamese prose, but as he was a scholar of Persian and Arabic he used Persian and Arabic words as well, here and there. However, this book has pointed out the fact that Assamese modern prose was taking a good shape even as late as that period. We are glad to find this sample of Assamese prose after the prosaic Kathagita and Katha Bhagabata, written by Bhatadeva in the sixteenth century. The prose in this book is of a superior quality to that used in the The Orunodoi. The Orunodoi period is usually taken as the beginning of modern Assamese prose literature.130 The author gives the Islamic version of the genesis of the universe

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from the light of the prophet Mohammad (SM) who was the first to be created. As the universe has emanated from the light of Holy prophet, worship of Allah in any other way except that shown by the Holy Prophet will not benefit man. This fact high-lights the importance of the Kalima—‘There is no lord but Allah and Muhammad is the prophet of Allah.’ Faith in which is binding upon man is salvation.131 HAZRAT ABUL QUSIM KHURSASANI NAQSH

BANDI (d. AD 1896)

It is known that Hazrat Abul Qusim was born in Khurssan and received his early education there. Later he migrated to Qandahar and accepted the discipleship of Sayed Muhammad Ata Jan, who was a murshid of Naqshbandiyya Mujaddadiyya order. From Ata Jan he acquired deep knowledge on the said Sufi order in eighteenth century AD and settled at Goalpara town in Assam, where his tomb is still lying on a beautiful hillock in the middle of the town in front of Goalpara college.132 Abul Qasim Khurasani was amiable in nature and he used to mix freely with the common people which made him popular among the masses, both Hindus and Muslims. He died in AD 1896 and his tomb is a place of pilgrimage, where the ceremony of ‘Urs’ Sharif is observed on the twenty first of Safar every Hijri year.133 The venerable Sufi Abul Qasim had devoted his life for the propagation of Islam in Goalpara and its surroundings. It is also known that before coming to Goalpara, he halted for a few days at Rangpur and extended his influence there. He tried his level best to teach the Muslims the proper ways of performing namaz (prayer) and roza (holy fasting) and advised all to give up all evil practices prevailing in the Muslim society of the day. Many miracles are attributed to this saint, which attracted the Muslims and nonMuslims alike. His personality and commitment to religion added to the increase of his disciples and followers. He was so well versed in Islamic technology that once he entered into ‘unazira’ (literary disputation) with Maulana Keramat Ali Jaunpuri at Rangpur.134 The Khursani Pir had started a family life in Goalpara and his

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descendants are still living around the mazar of Goalpara. People of all religions, irrespective of caste and creed still visit his shrine (or mazar) with a desire to fulfill their mannat or prayer. HAZRAT SHAH MUKHDAM SHAH

Hazrat Shah Mukhdam Shah is said to have come from Shairaj town of Baghdad during the sixteenth century AD. It is also believed that he was a grandson of Sufi Saint Hazrat Khawaza Khizir and a descendent of Hazrat Noor of Baghdad. It is said that along with his grandson Asratura and 14 (fourteen) other companions, he entered Kamrupa via Ajmer, Delhi and Gaur during the reign of Swargedo Pratap Singha. Initially he passed several years in the holy shrine of Hazrat Ghiyas Uddin Awliya at Hajo.135 After com­ pleting his mission of spreading the principles of fraternity and communal harmony through Islam, he started his eternal journey during the middle of seventeenth century AD. His pious body was buried at the enclosure of the khanqah, the tomb of which is still lying there. The descendents of this saint are still found in different places of Assam, It is also known that Shah Mukhdam had compiled a number of zikir and zari the contents of which were full with communal harmony, unity and fraternity which may attract any­ body, irrespective of religion and faith. SHAH NOOR DEWAN

It is believed that Shah Noor Dewan came to Assam along with Shah Jalal Mujarrad. From a local tradition, it is known that he came with Ghiyas Uddin Awliya. But no historical evidence is found to ascertain the date and time of his arrival in Assam. It is also unknown about his original home and birth. But is seems to be clear that he was a Saint of higher devotional qualities and flourished in Kamrupa during the region of Ahom King Siva Singha. It is held that Shah Noor Dewan, after visiting several places of Kamrupa, finally decided to settle at Bhella near Barpeta town, where he lived till his last breath.136 His tomb is still found there. In Bhella, Shah Noor Dewan started to spread his pious mission of preaching Islam and within a very short period he became so popular

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that people from distant places started coming to him for spiritual guidance. It is a popular belief that Shah Noor Pir was a man of miracles, through which he could have fulfilled the mannats (desires) of people. It is said that the King Siva Singha had no children and he, on hearing the miracles of the saint, managed to meet him and expressed his desires to have a son. At this, the Saint offered a ‘Banana’ with some advice to the king. Interestingly the Queen Puleswari, on eating the banana became pregnant and gave birth to a male child. At this, being enormously glad, the King re­ warded ‘One Dhulart Kub’ area of land to the Saint, which amounted to an area of 137 bighas of land. The dargah is still enjoying the privileges of this land as nizfi kheraji land. The descendants of the disciples of the saint are still living in the area, who pay the land revenue to the dargah fund and not to the Government.137 The people of the locality are of the opinion that their forefathers accepted Islam as a result of the noble teachings of Shah Noor Awliya, but unfortunately how and when these people accepted Islam, is still a matter of fresh research. Shah Noor Dewan maintained a very simple life, he did not construct any ‘pucca shrine’ there. It is said that the Pir used to live in a very temporary cottage. There was a large stone on which the Saint used to sit while delivering his sermons to the disciples. Till today the stone is lying there and it is said about the miracle of the stone that nobody can remove it from the place. If anybody tries to do so, he or she will fall seriously ill.138 Usually in the Sufi teachings there is a common tradition that almost every saint used to bestow khilafat or silsila upon his most devoted disciples. But in the case of Shah Noor Dewan there is no example of any such khilafat. It is very interesting to note here that one evening he told his disciples that the moment for his going as arrived. The most devoted lovers of him might see the blowing of smoke at the place where he would disappear. The place of his graveyard would be in that particular place, where the smoke would be blowing and his head would be placed in the spot of smoke. Accordingly one morning while the disciples entered the khanqah, the Pir was not found there. At this the disciple could realise the going away of the saint and they were shocked to realize that the event that had happened.

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It is stated in meelon published in 1994 that Shah Syed Chand Noor was a prominent Sufi Saint of high ranked position. Leaving his family member, he migrated from Baghdad reached Assam during the reign of Koch King Nara Narayana. But he was arrested by the King as he was suspected a spy of the Mughals, but later on he was released due to his miraculous power. Since then the king started to pay due respect and regard to the saint and also granted revenue free land in the name of the saint in Dekerukuchi in Kamrupa district. The descendents of Chand Noor are still living in and around the Dekarakuchi. But according to Badiuz Zaman a scholar of the time Chand Noor was a contemporary of Hazrat Azan Fakir. Both Azan Fakir and Chand Noor were the disciples of Hazrat Masudar. According to local tradition he is better known as Chand Noor Jagali Assamee.139 Legends have it that the disciples heard noise one night and when they came out from the room they could discover that in the southern side of the khanqah from a certain place fragmented smoke was blowing out. Perhaps that was the night of ‘Magh Purnima’ (full moon night in the month of Magh).140 The devoted disciples could realise the meaning of the sermon. Their guide had passed away, a few days ago and they had identified the place of smoke as the graveyard of their pir, and constructed a tomb surrounding it and still today people go there to pay respect to the saints. The festival of ‘Urs’ is observed every year on Magh Purnima.141 J.P. Wade further notes that there were ten or twelve schools of instructions for the children of Muslims of Guwahati and more than twenty at Rangghar (Sibsagar). They were neither prohibited nor encouraged by the monarch. They were meant to instruct youths and exercise their religion.142 Beyond this it is known that a number of Musalman Gosain lived in Jorhat sub-division in the latter part of Ahom rule in Assam. Their position and function were like those of the heads of the Vaishnava monasteries of medieval Assam. Occasionally, they bear the title Dewan while their local names are derived from their residence or from the name of the saint of the line whose successors are distinguished from him by the

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appellation Deka or Youth.143 The names of these Garia Gosains or Muslim spiritual guides were (a) Akan Deka, sone of Karphul Deka of Holonga Pariya line, (b) Aol Dek of Bakir puriya Gosain family, (c) Dewan Deka of Sakhoa Dewan family. They were, however, not bound to celibacy. It is said that the descendents of one of the three sons of Azan Fakir were known as ‘Holonga Pariya’.144

NOTES 1. Mohd. Yahiya Tamizi, Sufi Movement in Eatern India, Delhi: Idarah-iAdbiyat, 1992, p. 84. 2. S.K. Bhuyan, Annals of Delhi Badshahate, translation of the Assamese text of Padsha Buranji a chronicle of the Sultans and Emperors of Delhi, Guwahati: DHAS, AD 1947, pp. 16-17. 3. Mohd. Y. Tamizi, op. cit., p. 84. 4. Ibid., p. 85. 5. Sayed Abdul Malik, Sufi Aru Sufi Bad, Jorhat, Assam, 1975, pp. 66-7. 6. Mohd. Y. Tamizi, op. cit., p. 85. 7. Shiekh Samasher Ali, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Peer (The Sufi Philosophy and Azan Peer), Gauhati: Nandan Prakashan, 2001, pp. 76, 77. 8. Sayed Saifur Rahman (ed.), Azan Fakir Aru Saraguri Chaparir ati somu Bebaran, Sibsagar, 1995, pp. 17-18. 9. K.L. Barua, Early History of Kamrupa, 3rd edn., 1933, pp. 154-5. 10. M.K. Saikia, Assam Muslim Relation and its Cultural Significance, Golaghat: 1978, p. 194. 11. Aga Mehdi Hussain, The Rehla of Ibn Batuta, Baroda, 1953, p. 241. 12. Gibbs, Travels of Ibn-Batuta, pp. 266, 368. 13. J.N. Sarkar, History of Bengal, Dacca University, 1947, vol. II, p. 100. 14. H. Bluchmann, JASB, 1973, vol. XL II, pp. 266, 281. 15. H. Breveridge, ‘Jalal Uddin Tabrizi’, JASB, 1895, p. 230, Appendix B, note 2. 16. Agha Mehdi Hussain, The Rehls of Ibn Batuta, Baroda, 1953, p. 237. 17. Ibid., p. 238. 18. K.L. Barua, op. cit., p. 212. 19. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., p. 196. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid., p. 197. 22. Ibid.

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23. Ibid. 24. Abdul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, tr. H.S. Jarret, Culcutta: A.S.B. 1872-7, vol. III, p. 366. 25. S.K. Bhuyan, Assam Burunji, Harakanta Sadar amin & Kashinath Tamuli Phookan, Guwahati: DHAS, 1956, p. 80. 26. E.A. Gait, A History of Assam, Calcutta, 1906, 1st edn., p. 230. 27. Richard Eaton, The Rise of Islam is Bengal Frontier, New Delhi, 1997, p. 176. 28. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., pp. 197-8, Mohd. Y. Tamizi, Delhi: Idarah-i-Adbiyat, 1992, pp. 92-3. 29. M. Choudhury, Luit Barak, Aru Islam, Guwahati, 1982, p. 23, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir by Shaikh S. Ali, Guwahati, 2001, p. 78. 30. M.Y. Tamizi, op. cit., pp. 85-6, Asamar Jatia sanghatiti Azan Pir, F. Ali Ahmed, Delhi: Gauhati, 2002, p. 32. 31. Asghar Ali Engineer, Sufism and Communal Harmony, Jaipur, 1991, p. 109. 32. S.S. Ali, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, Guwahati: Nandan Prakashan, 2001, p. 78; Luit-Barak Aru islam, M. Choudhury, op. cit., p. 23. 33. M.Y. Tamizi, op. cit., p. 86. 34. Ibid. 35. Ibid., p. 87. 36. S. Samesher Ali, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, Guwahati: Nandan Prakashan, 2001, p. 78, Luit Barak Aru Islam, M. Choudhury, op. cit. 37. R.H. Barua, Islamiya Aytijya, Jorhat: Lucy Publication, 1989, p. 15. 38. M.Y. Tamizi, op. cit., pp. 87. 39. S.S. Ali, op. cit., p. 88; Luit Barak Aru Islam, M. Choudhury, op. cit. 40. M.Y. Tamizi, op. cit. 41. S. Samsher Ali, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, Guwahati: Nandan Prakashan, 2001, p. 78; Islamiya Aytijya Aru Asom Part I (up to AD 1615) R. Husna Barua, Nalbari, Assam, 1989. 42. M.Y. Tamizi, op. cit., p. 88. 43. M. Neog, Pabitra Assam, Jorhat: Assam Sahitya Sabha, 1960, p. 357. 44. S.S. Ali, op. cit., p. 78, Luit Barak Aru Islam, M. Choudhury, op. cit. 45. M.Y. Tamizi, ibid., p. 89. 46. Amanatullah K. Choudhury, Koch Beharar Itihas, Calcutta: State Press, 1936, p. 73. 47. M.Y. Tamizi, op. cit. 48. Irfan Suffi, Kabir Gohain at Hajo, Guwahati: Western Book House 1999, p. 135, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, S. Samsher Ali, op. cit., p. 77. 49. M.K. Saikia, Assam Muslim Relation and its Cultural Significane, Golaghat:

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1978; pp. 186-7, Kabir Gohain at Hajo, Irfan Suffi, ibid., pp. 138-9; Luit Barak aru Islam, M.M. Choudhury, op. cit., p. 44. 50. Khan Amanat, Koch Bihar Itihas, Calcutta: State Press, 1936, p. 73; Islamiya Ayotiya Aru Asom, R.H. Bora, Jorhat: Lucy Publication, 1989, p. 15. 51. M.Y. Tamizi, op. cit., p. 89. 52. Maheshwar Neog, Prachya—Rasanavali, Calcutta: Assam Sahitya Sabha, 1974, p. 174. 53. M.M. Choudhury, p. 44, op. cit. 54. M.K. Saikia, Assam Muslim Relation and its Cultural Significane, Golaghat: pp. 187, 1978. 55. R. Bhattacharjee (ed.), Satya Narayana Panchali, pp. 3-4. 56. Amanat Ullah Khan Choudhury, op. cit., p. 69, Islamiya Aytijya Aru Asom (AD 1616-1858) pt. II, R. Hussain Barua, Nalbari: Lucy publication, 1989, p. 35. 57. R. Bhattacharjee, op. cit., pp. 3-4. 58. Irfan Suffi, op. cit., p. 149, Sagmisranat Asamiya Sanskriti, Abdus Sattar, Jorhat, Assam, 1972, p. 44. 59. Ibid. 60. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., p. 188. 61. A. Khan Choudhury, op. cit., p. 68. 62. Y. Tamizi,op. cit., p. 162. 63. Maheshwar Neog, Pabitra Assam, Guwahati: Assam Sahitya Sabha, p. 337, No. record of Deputy Commissioner Goalpara District, 3 January 1859. 64. Y. Tamizi, op. cit., p. 162. 65. Sheikh Samsher Ali, op. cit., p. 78-9. 66. M. Neog, op. cit., p. 292. 67. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., p. 189. 68. M. Choudhury, Luit Barak, Aru Islam, Guwahati: Nandan Prakashan, 2002 (2nd edn.), p. 24. 69. Maheshwar Neog, op. cit., Koch Biharar Itihas, K.A. Choudhury, op. cit., p. 66. 70. M.Neog, Ibid., pp. 39, 189, 259, 293; Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir , S.S. Ali, p. 79. 71. Mohd. Yahiya Tamizi, op. cit., p. 162; Sayed Abdul Baset Shah Sultan Ghiyas-Ud-Din Awliya, p. 4. 72. Mohd. Hussain, ‘Powa Macca Dargah’, Assambani, 27 February 1959. 73. M.K. Saikia, Assam Muslim Relation and its Cultural Significane, Golaghat, 1978, p. 191. The Sanad of grant is now in the possession of the revenue deptt. Govt. of Assam, but the information has been ascertained with the help of the present Khadims of dargah, Assam District Gazetteers (Kamrupa)

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by B.C. Allen, 1905, p. 103, Islamiya Aytiya Aru Asom by R. Hussain Baru, Jorhat: Lucy Publication 1989, p. 19. 74. M.I. Bora, Baharistani I Ghaibi, Guwahati: DHAS, 1936, vol. II, p. 488; Kabir Gohain at Haji; Irfan Saffai, op. cit., p. 126, Saraghadeva Rajeswar Singha, S.K. Bhuyan, Gauhati, p. 174. 75. K.L. Barua, Early History of Kamrupa, Guwahati, 3rd edn., 1988, pp. 174-5, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, S.S. Ali, 2001, p. 79. 76. M.I. Bora, Mirza Natharis Baharisthan-I-Ghaibi (tr.) vol. II, p. 488, Luit Barak Aru Islam, M. Choudhury, p. 22. 77. Haliram Dhekial Phukan Prakashan, Guwahati, 2001, p. 80. 78. Maheswar Neog, Sankaradev and His Times, p. 46. Luit Barak Aru Islam, p. 22. 79. S.K. Bhuyan, Swardeva Rajeswar Singha, Gauhati: Assam Prakashan Parisad, 1975, p. 173. 80. Amanatullah Khan Choudhury, Koch Beharar Itihas, op. cit. 81. Ibid., p. 68. 82. Irfan Suffi, Kabir at Haji, op. cit., p. 4. 83. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., p. 192; Kabir Gohain, Irfan Safwi, p. 22. 84. S.K. Bhuyan (ed.), Kamrupar Buranji, op. cit., p. 5. 85. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., p. 192; Islamiya Ayitijya Aru Asom, R. Hussain Barua, p. 21. 86. Minhas-us-Siraj, Tabagat-i-Nasiri, p. 64. 87. H. Breyerodge, Jalal Uddin Tabrizi, op. cit., pp. 230-1. 88. S.K. Bhuyan, Annals of Delhi Badshahate, p. 15; Aomaloi Musalmanar Agaman Aru Sangskritic Sangmisran, M.M. Ahmamed, Nagaon, 2000, p. 14. 89. Irfan Suffi, Kabir Gohain, op. cit., pp. 22-3. This information has been supplied by Mohd. Mahtab Ali retd. Teacher, Hajo Higher Secondary School and a member of the present Dargah Management Committee. 90. Ibid., p. 150. 91. Sayed Abdul Malik, Zikir Aru Zarii, Guwahati, 1958, pp. 125-6, M. Neog, Sankardeva and His Times, p. 369. 92. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, Shaikh Samser Ali, Guwahati: Nandan Publisher, 2001; M. Imran Hussain (ed.), An Annual Publication of Hazrat Azan Peer, Pir, Sibsagar, Jorhat, Assam, Zikir Gabeshana Somittee Sarugir, Sibsagar, vol. No. VI, 1992, p. 60. 93. J.P. Wade, Kabir Gosain at Hajo; Assam Review, May 1929, pp. 213 F; Ibid., p. 214. 94. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., pp. 200-201. 95. J.P. Wade, op. cit., p. 214.

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96. R. Hussain Barua, Islamiya Ayitijya Aru Islam, p. 70. 97. Maheswar Neog, Pabitra Assam, op. cit., p. 51, Islamiya Aytijya Aru Asom, R.H. Barua, p. 35. 98. M.K. Saikia,op. cit., p. 202, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, ed. Samser Ali, op. cit., p. 105. 99. S. Samsher Ali, op. cit., p. 106. 100. S. Abdul Malik, Zikir Aru Zari, Gauhati University, 1958, pp. 28-9. 101. Ibid. 102. S.K. Bhuyan, Sargadeva Rajeswar Singha, pp. 180-1. 103. Ibid. 104. M.Y. Tamizi, op. cit., p. 100; ibid., Sayed Samsul Huda M.A. the retired DDPI and former Professor of Arabic, Gauhati University, Present Assam Falah Society, a renowned NGO in Assam dedicated to socio-educational development of Assam, belongs to the family of Azan Fakir. 105. S. A. Malik, Zikir Aru Zari, p. 31. All these verses have been quoted from the Zikirs and Zaris collected by Sayed Abdul Malik in 1958, published by Gauhati University. 106. Ibid., p. 52. 107. Ibid., p. 48. 108. Ibid., p. 103.

109 Ibid., p. 15. All these verse.

110. Maheswar Neog, op. cit., p. 63; Sayed Abdul Malik, the renewned litterateur and scholar of Assam belongs to his family, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, ed. Shaikh Samsher Ali, op. cit., p. 84. 111. Ibid., pp. 62-3. 112. Maheswar Neog, op. cit., p. 64. Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, ed. S. Sameser Ali, op. cit., pp. 83-4. 113. Ibid., p. 65. 114. Alice Begg, Growth of Muslim Population in Assam and its impact on Assam’s Economy, Maheswar Neog, Pabitra Assam, pp. 338, 344-5. 115. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., p. 190. 116. Sheikh Samsher Ali, p. 79, op. cit. 117. M.M. Choudhury, op. cit. 118. Sheikh Samsher Ali, p. 79, op. cit. 119. Alice Begg Barbhuyan, Growth of Muslim Population in Assam and Its impact on Assamese Society, North Lakhimpur, p. 31, 2005, Islamiya Ayitijya Ary Ahom, R. Hussain Barua, p. 44. 120. M. Neog, Pabitra Assam, p. 22, for detailed information report collected from Dr Alice Begg. Borbhuyan, Lecturer, North Lakhimpur College, Assam. Reported by Abdus Sattar Executive Member, Dargah Managing

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Committee. The same view also supplied by Ayub Ali and Zakirul Islam Khadems of 1 No. Panch Pir Dargah situated in Ward No. 1 near Natai Dhubunui ghat on the bank of River Brahmaputra in Dhubri district. 121. M. Neog, Pabitra Assam, Guwahati, 1991, 3rd edn., p. 100. 122. Reported by Khadim, Md Kumar Uddin, age 88 years. 123. Reported by Alhaj Md. Saidur Rahman, age 98 years (a retired teacher). 124. R. Hussain, Islamiya Aru Asom, p. 50, pt. II. 125. S. Samsher Ali, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, op. cit., p. 84. 126. B.C. Allen, Assam District Gazetteers, Darrang, vol. V, pp. 100-101. 127. Mohd. Y. Tamizi, Sufi Movement in Eastern India, op. cit., p. 184. 128. Sufi Zulqad Ali, Satyar Path: Tariqul-Haq-Fi-Bayan-e-Nurul Haq, ed. Mohd. Saheb Qasim, as Satyar path; Guwahati, 1967, pp. 3, 6. 129. Ibid., Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, ed. Samsher Ali, op. cit., p. 84. 130. Sufi Zulqad Ali, ibid., pp. 5-6; Songmisratant Assamiya Sanskriti, Abdus Satter, pp. 122-5. 131. R. Hussain Barua, Islamiya Aytijya Aru Asom, pt. II, p. 50. 132. Ibid., p. 50; S. Samsher Ali, Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, op. cit., p. 84, Orunodoi: is the first newspaper in Assam, published in the year 1846. 133. Maheswar Neog, Pabitra Assam, pp. 338-9. 134. M.Y. Tamizi, Sufi Movement in Eastern India, op. cit., p. 188; Sufi Darshan Aru Azan Pir, ed. Sheikh Samser Ali, op. cit., p. 84. 135. Maheswar Neog; Pabitra Assam, p. 339. This is not a well documented reference but based on local traditions and sayings. 136. Maheswar Neog, Pabitra Assam, p. 299. Dhul is a musical instrument, generally used in Namghar, provides high sound. The Dhul will be beaten one time and upto which area the sound of it will reach is known as ‘One Dhular Kub’ area. 137. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., p. 213. 138. This story has been reported to the author by Muhammad Gulsan Ali, retired P.W.D. Officer and one disciple of the pir. The discussion was held at his residence at Bhella. 139. R. Hussain Barua, Islamiya Aytijya Aru Assam, (AD 1616-1858), part II, p. 44, 1996, Nalbari: Assamar Jatia Sanghatit, Azan Pir, ed. F. Ali Ahmed, Guwahati, 2002, p. 32. 140. Anowar Hussain, The Last Thirty Years of Nasir Uddin Baghdadi in Jalesewar, 1987, p. 72. 141. J.O. Wade, Assam Review, March 1929. 142. ‘Kabir Gohainat Haji’, Assam Review; May 1939, pp. 213f. 143. M.K. Saikia, op. cit., pp. 206-7. 144. E.A. Gait, A History of Assam, Calcutta, LBS, 1906, 1st edn., p. 86.

C H A P T E R 23

Advent of Islam in

Surma-Barak Valley

MAHBUBUR RAHMAN LASKAR

Barak1 Valley is presently constituted with Cachar, Karimganj and Hailakandi, three districts of Assam. The name ‘Barak Valley’ came only after the partition of India in 1947 as after the referendum, broader Sylhet which was popularly called Surma2 Valley went to East Pakistan except a small portion (present Karimganj district) which for geographical convenience remained with India. So, before the partition, the region consisted of broader Sylhet and Cachar and was called Surma Valley and Cachar and after partition Karimganj joined with Cachar which consisted of the present Cachar and Hailakandi, became known as the Barak Valley after the name of the principal River Barak. Although Islam came in Bengal and Assam politically and for­ mally in thirteenth century, it came to the people of Bengal and Assam even before that through Arabian merchants, who came for trading purpose and settled in the different ports and adjoining areas of Bengal. Ikhtiyar-ud-Din Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar established Muslim rule in Bengal in AD 1203 and with this Islam began to spread in Bengal. A number of factors contributed to the rapid growth of Islam in Bengal. Surma-Barak Valley which was politically divided in the medieval period, was ruled by different rulers. Surma Valley which consisted of broader Sylhet in preindependent India, was ruled by the Sultans and Mughals whereas Cachar, which consisted of Cachar and Hailakandi, was never under any Muslim ruler. Before the British, it was ruled by the Tripura

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and Dimasa rulers respectively. However, the advent of Islam in Surma-Barak Valley was not an isolated development but was integrated with the rest of Bengal and Assam as socio-cultural aspects and prospects could not be constrained within the political territorial boundary. Barak Valley is a truncated portion of Surma Valley of the colonial period and during the medieval period, the modern Karimganj3 district being a part of Sylhet, was under the Muslim rule, whereas modern Cachar and Hailakandi, the two other districts of the Valley were under Tripura and Dimasa rule in succession. In other words Cachar and Hailakandi never constituted a part of the Delhi Sul­ tanate or the Mughal empire. But though Barak Valley was politi­ cally divided during the whole of the medieval period, the process of cultural development continued almost in uniform pattern over the whole Valley through ages. It is popularly said that Cachar (Cachar and Hailakandi) is the cultural expansion of Sylhet. For this reason the story of the advent of Islam in the Valley goes with the story of the advent of Islam in Sylhet. As a matter of fact, in the process of development of Islam in the region, Sylhet proper played the role of the epicentre and modern Karimganj, Cachar and Haila­ kandi its peripheries. So, the history of the advent of Islam in Barak Valley cannot be reconstituted without referring to that of Sylhet. The great Sufi saint Shah Jalal and his disciples and companions are connected with the Muslim conquest of Sylhet and consequently with the advent of Islam in the region.4 However, the evidence of Muslims contact with the region even before the conquest are not lacking. Arabian traders in course of their trading activities used to visit the coasts and ports of India and Bengal, and through trade they also had contact with the hilly regions of Bengal and Assam.5 In fact the Arabian writers from Alberuni to Ibn-Batuta refer to Sylhet as a part of Kamru, Kamrud or Kamrupa. The fact is also corroborated by the legend of Burhan Uddin, a resident of the kingdom of Gaur Govinda, connected with the Muslim invasion of Sylhet. S.K. Chatterjee rightly observes that Sylhet was brought under the control of the Muslim Sultan of Bengal in AD 1303. Prior to that, there was considerable penetration of Sylhet by Muslim traders from the west from the eastern Uttar Pradesh, and

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its present-day Muslim preponderance seems to go back to the end of the thirteenth century.6 When Gaur Govinda was the king of the Gaur kingdom (modern Sylhet), a Muslim named Burhan-ud-Din used to live in his territory. He was blessed with a son after long days of his marriage and to celebrate the happy occasion of Aqika (the naming ceremony) of the new born baby, he sacrificed a cow. Suddenly, a kite (a crow) took away a piece of flesh and threw it in the house of a Brahmin or in a temple campus. The Brahmin complained to the king who ordered the hand of Burhan-ud-Din to the chopped off and the infant to be killed. His order was executed.7 Bereaved and mutilated Burhan-ud-Din went to Sultan Firoz Shah who sent an expedition with his commandant Sikandar Shah (Saikandar Khan Ghazi) against Gaur Govinda but was defeated by the latter, Sikandar Shah tried a second time but no success. The Sultan then sent another expedition under his General Sipah Salar Nasir-ud-Din as the Head of the army who was accompanied by Shah Jalal and his 360 followers. Knowing that Shah Jalal was advancing towards Sylhet, Raja Gaur Govinda, removed all the ferry boats from the River Surma, thereby cutting off any means of crossing into Sylhet. Legend has it that Shah Jalal crossed the River Surma by sitting on a Jainamaz (prayer rug). But recent research identified the fact that when Gaur Gavinda removed all the boats, the followers of Shah Jalal and the army of Nasir-ud-Din had collected bamboo and banana trees from the jungle, bundled these in such a way that they floated on the water and thus they crossed the river. Shah Jalal, being a great saint was honoured by the others and for his convenience they put a Jainamaj on one such bundle of bamboo. Hearing the news of the crossing of river by Shah Jalal and the army of Nasir-ud-Din, Gaur Govinda fled without any resistance and Sylhet was annexed to the Sultanate of Bengal.8 This tradition had been cherished very fondly by the people for centuries and on the basis of it Suhl-i-Yamin, a Persian metrical biography of Shah Jalal was composed in 1860 by Nashir Uddin Haidar. The original Persian text was published in Calcutta in 1871 and the metrical translation into Bengali named Tawarikh-e-Jalali by Ilahi Baksh was printed and published in AD 1894 on the basis of Suhl-i-Yamin,

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the old tradition about the conquest of Sylhet by the Muslims which has been narrated above was collected in 1873. According to a tradition recorded in Suhl-i-Yamin, Shah Jalal sent one of his disciples named Jia-ud-din to Bundashil (Badarpur). At that time Bundashil was the eastern most boundary of the Gaur Kingdom.9 Shah Jalal also sent another companion of his Shah Badar ud-din, for imparting spiritual teachings amongst the locality. Subsequently, the modern town of Badarpur was named after Badar-ud-din. According to this tradition, the advent of Islam in the modern Karimganj district goes back to the life time of Shah Jalal, i.e. the early fourteenth century AD. As a matter of fact, archaeological remains found in different places of Karimganj prove beyond doubt that Islam could make headway in the region which now constitutes the territory of Karimganj district, before the fifteenth century AD. Such archaeological evidence includes both epigraphs and coins. The oldest inscription so far discovered in Karimganj district as well the pre-partitioned Sylhet is a stone inscription, now placed on the wall of a recently built mosque at Hatkhola village near Asimganj, about twenty five kilometres south of Karimganj town. The inscription was issued in Arabic language and dated AH 868. (AD 1463) by the caretaker of the royal palace of Sultan Rukn­ ud-din Barbak Shah (1459-74).10 The inscription refers to a mosque built by the caretaker on the present spot which is situated near the southern boundary of Sylhet district of the British period. Another inscription engraved on a piece of black stone in Arabic language and character found in the remains of a mosque unearthed by a local excavation at a village named Surjadas (locally called Furuzdha) near Kaliganj bazaar about 15 km south east of Karim­ ganj town, is now preserved in a local madrassa named ‘Madinatul Ulum, Baghbari’. This inscription issued in AH 909 (AD 1502), clearly shows the extent of the Bengal Sultanate during the reign of Ala-u-din Hussain Shah and consequently the extent of Islam in the region. The remains of the mosques and its architectural style which falls under the Bengal Provincial style of the Indo-Islamic Architecture,11 clearly indicates that Islam had make headway in this region even before the sixteenth century.

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The archaeological evidence thus corroborates the tradition about the advent of Islam in the western part of Barak Valley during the fourteenth century and in all possibility, preached by Shah Jalal and his disciples. Otherwise mosques would not have been built at different places of the region early in the fifteenth century.12 Hazrat Shah Jalal sent a number of his companions to modern Karimganj to propagate Islam and the first among these com­ panions who came over here was Sheikh Badar. 13 Sheikh Badar took part in the expedition under Nasir-ud-Din Shah against the feudal lord of Taraf (Habiganj), Achak Narayan. After the victory over Achak Narayan, Shah Jalal sent him to Karimganj.14 The statement of Suhail Yemen that Shah Jalal had come to Bundhasil village, near the present Alia Madrassa of Badarpur accompanying Sheikh Badar and other companions is said to be correct.15 Shah Diyaud Din, another companion of Shah Jalal Mujarrad had especially been sent to this place to impart education and training among the people, was a Sufi of high rank and position. He acted upon the order of his Sheikh and propagated Islam among the people till his last days.16 Among other companions of Shah Badar, Mir-ul-Arefeen deserves special mention. He was a Sufi of a higher order. The place where he passed a part of his life in prayer and austerity has became a centre of pilgrimage. A prayer place on the top of a hill and an ablution house on the bank of Dhaleshwari river, are still preserved.17 Among the contemporaries of Shah Badar whose names were available, mention may be made of Shah Adam Khaki, whose Dargah is situated at the western part of Badarpur, adjacent to the PWD Road, Badarpur, Karimganj. Both the Hindus and the Muslims visit the shrine and offer nazr-o-niyas. It seems that he was a living symbol and embodiment of Hindu Muslim unity.18 Other Sufis who propagated Islam in this region were Daria Pir (Patharia, Chandpur village), Jahan Sayad (Pratapgarh), Sheikh Sikandar (Deorile, Badarpur), Sheikh Jia-ud-Din (Deorile, Bundasil), Shah Abdul Malik (Badarpur). Shah Natawan, whose dargah falls in Natanpur and which is famous even after his death, was also a reputed saint. It is said about him that having crossed the River Barak, he had gone to Jalalpur, Gumra in the district of Cachar

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with the intention of propagating Islam among the people. He lived there till his death.19 However, there is no information as to whether he was a companion of Shah Jalal or not. The story of the advent of Islam in a region is generally attributed to the expansion of Muslim rule to the region. But it has already been said that the sway of Muslim rule never extended to the region now covered by Hailakandi and Cachar district of Barak Valley which had successively been under Tripura, Koch and Dimasa kingdom during the medieval period. Two Mughal invasions in the Dimasa kingdom are recorded in primary sources, but these are only passing phases in the history of the region. Information provided by Mirza Nathan in his ‘Baharistan-i-Ghayabi’ that the Dimasa or the Kachari kingdom was invaded by the Subadar of Bengal, Qasim Khan in AD 1612 and the king Yasa Narayan pur­ chased by offering huge tributes to both the Subadar and the Thanadar of Bandashand (Bundhashil/Badarpur) who was in the immediate command of the Mughal invasion.20 The river Surma had since become the boundary between the Dimasa kingdom and the Bangla Subah of the Mughal and a Thanadar was posted at Bandashil (Badarpur). Another Mughal attack led by Nawab Jamal Khan, most probably the Thanadar of Bundashil (Badarpur) who occupied Khaspur, was repulsed by the Dimasa king Yasa Narayan promising to pay tribute to him in addition to the regular tribute to the Subadar of Bengal. These historical events were passing phases in the history of the Dimasa kingdom and could not contribute any remarkable influence of Islam to the population of the region. No archaeological evidence or contemporary source is available to prove the influence of Islam in the region before seventeenth century AD. In all possibilities, the preponderance of Muslim population in Hailakandi and pre­ sence of a sizable number of Muslims in Cachar go back to the policy of the Dimasa kings who encouraged the migration of peasants from neighbouring regions, particularly from Sylhet, for developing wastelands and jungles into arable land.21 Some authors, while painstakingly identifying the traces of Sufi movement in the plains of Cachar and Hailakandi, want to indicate that the advent

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of Islam in this region goes back to the fourteenth century when Shah Jalal and his disciples were active with their mission in Sylhet proper and adjoining territories. This line of qualification cites a place near Panchgram and a ‘dargah’ at Natanpur under Kathigora Police Station in support of their assertion. The former is under the district of Hailakandi and the latter in Cachar. The identification of a place on the top of a hillock near Panchgram as the place where Mir-ul-Arefin, popularly attributed to be a direct disciple of Shah Jalal, is said to have stayed for a period of his life and the ‘dargah’ of Shah Natwan, traditionally regarded as the disciple of Shah Jalal at Natanpur in Cachar22 are generally cited as initial indicators of the advent of Islam in the region in fourteenth century AD. But these two names are not included in the list of the disciples of Shah Jalal provided by Srihatter Itibritta, by Achyut Charan Chou­ dhury23 who assiduously collected the names by visiting the places connected with the legends. However, he admitted that he could not collect names of 61 of Shah Jalals disciples which would have completed the list of 360 disciples as popularly believed.24 But, these two places do not provide one with any archaeological remains. The popular traditions are the only clues which are not corroborated by the historical sources. It is not unlikely that during the lifetime of Shah Jalal some of his direct or distant disciples might have visited places in Cachar and Hailakandi in the close neighbourhood of Badarpur. But these occurrences cannot be taken for certainty as the evidence of the advent of Islam in the districts of Cachar and Hailakandi as a whole. As a matter of fact, no tradition or historical evidence is available to prove the exact time or period of the advent of Islam in the whole region. It is not unlikely that when Islam attained a promi­ nent place among the agrarian masses of Sylhet including Kari­ mganj, groups of Muslim peasants began to enter the plains of Cachar and Hailakandi with the economic goal of transforming wasteland ‘rapidly covered with jungles immediately after the end of the Tripura domination in Cachar’25 into arable land. The end of Tripura domination in the region took place in the sixties of the sixteenth century when Chilarai, the general of the Koch king Nara Narayan, extended his sway up to the border of the modern Tripura

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state by defeating the Tripura king.26 It is said that some Muslim soldiers came to the Barak Valley with the troops of Koch General Veer Chillaroy during his expedition of Cachar in 1562. They were left here when Chillaroy returned. Muslims of Cachar bearing titles like ‘Sadial’ and ‘Hazari’ including many established families of Borkhala and Udharband area claim such descendency.27 With the end of the Tripura domination, the plains of Cachar (Cachar and Hailakandi) began to depopulate due to attacks of tribal people who took the advantage of anarchy precipitated by the fall of the Tripura kingdom.28 The alluvial land on the plateau of Barak rapidly indulged in luxuriant vegetation and the plains were soon covered with jungle. This state of affairs attracted the Muslim peasants of Sylhet in early seventeenth century. But in the eighteenth century when the capital of the Dimasa kingdom shifted to Khaspur, the Muslim peasants were settled in the plains of the state by the king Lakshmi Chandra (1745-80) abundantly with a view to turning the wasteland into arable land. This policy of the king increased the number of Muslim population in the state and also innovated a permanent source of replenishing the royal coffer. The Muslim population in the Dimasa kingdom was not so reckonable at the time of the establishment of the capital at Khaspur. But during the reign of Lakshmi Chandra it increased to a great extent.29 Another section of Muslims settled in Barak Valley are called Meiti Muslims. They are Islamic by faith and by religion, Muslim by culture and Manipuri by race and language. They migrated to the Barak Valley during the ‘Seven Years Devastation’ after the Burmese invasion of Manipur in 1818.30 Cachar was divided be­ tween four Manipuri brothers Sourjit, Marjit, Gambhir and Bishwa­ nath Singh driving out Gobinda Chandra the rightful king of Cachar. Gobinda Chandra took shelter in Sylhet, but failed to get British help to drive away the Manipuris from Cachar. Finding no other alternative, he requested the Burmese king who promised to re­ instate him. Accordingly the Burmese invaded Cachar in 1824. The Manipuri brothers fled to Sylhet and took shelter there. After the re-occupation of Manipur with English help, many fugitive Manipuris returned to Manipur. The present Meiti Muslim and

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Manipuri population of Barak Valley are the descendents of those Manipuris who remained here and did not return to their native land.31 It may be mentioned here that Hazi Akbar Ali of Lamba Basti was the founder of the famous Dar-ul-Ulum, Banskadi who belonged to the Meitei Muslim community. The British started tea cultivation in the Barak Valley during the middle years of the nineteenth century. A large number of labourers were brought for tea cultivation from Bihar, Chotonagpur, Odisha and other places; among them there was a small number of Muslim labourers. Presently their descendents are found in some tea garden areas specially, Lalamukh, Gaaglachera, Kalachera, Aynarkhal, Borakhai, Dolu, Silcoorie Tea Estate and other areas. The facts lead one to conclude that Islam began to appear large scale in modern Surma-Barak Valley in early fourteenth century. Muslims came here as merchants, preachers, conquerors, admin­ istrators, traders, workers, cultivators, soldiers and invitees of local kings. Sufis played a vital role in the spread of Islam in this region. Islam developed around Sylhet and subsequently grew in peri­ pheries. The Muslims of Surma-Barak Valley are mainly of three categories, i.e. foreign origin, converted from the Hinduism and the migrated Muslims. However, a small section of Muslims came from Manipur and still a smaller number came from Bihar, U.P. and other parts of India as tea garden labourers and settled in this area.

NOTES 1. The name of the river Barak is derived from the word ‘Bara-Bakra’ which denotes wide curve of the river. 2. The Valley was named after the River Surma. 3. Karimganj is named after the name of sufi saint Shah Abdul Karim, whose mazar lies on ‘Deli hillock’ near the railway line in Bonomali areas of Karimganj town. 4. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series, Eastern Bengal and Assam, Calcutta, 1909, p. 420. 5. Syed Amirul Islam, Bangladesh and Islam, Jatiya Grantha Prakash, Dhaka, 1999, pp. 20-1. The information is also available in the writings of Arab

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geographers of eight and tenth centuries, e.g. Sulaiman’s Silsilat-ul-Tawarikh written in AD 851. Arabian traders came to Chittagong for their commercial purpose. It is assumed that Burhan ud Din, was a descendent of Arabian traders. This assumption is because Sylhet was associated with the purpose of trade and commerce from the very beginning. Traders used to anchor their ship at Sylhet and that is why the main market of Sylhet has been still known as Bondor Bazar (Port Market). 6. Suniti Kumar Chattopadhyay, Kirata Janakrti, Asiatic Society, 1974, p. 127. 7. Dewan Mohammad Ajraf, Sylhete Islam, Anusha Pub., Dhaka, 2003, p. 53, Dr. Mohammad Yahya Tamizi, Sufi Movement in Eastern India, Idarah-I Adabiyat-I Delhi, 1992, p. 122. 8. Dewan Nurul Anwar Hussain Choudhury, Hazrat Shah Jalal (R) and His Life: A Source Study, Abdul Karim, Advent of Islam in Sylhet and Hazrat Shah Jalal(R), Sharif Uddin Ahmed (ed.), Sylhet: History and Heritage, Bangladesh Itihas Samiti, Dhaka, 1999, pp., 159, 160. 9. Achyut Charan Choudhury—Srihatter Itibritta, vol. I, ed. Sujit Choudhury, Guwahati, 1995, p. 76. 10. Kamal Uddin Ahmed, Sources of History of Medieval Sylhet—Sylhet— History and Heritage, edited by Sharif Uddin Ahmed, Bangladesh Itihas Samiti, Dacca, 1999, p. 21. 11. Kamal Uddin Ahmed, Art and Architecture of Assam, Delhi, 1994, p. 167. 12. Kamal Uddin Ahmed, Art and Architecture of Assam, Delhi, p. 24. 13. Dewan Mohammad Ajraf, op. cit., p. 92. 14. Ibid., p. 92. 15. Y. Tamizi, op. cit., p. 86. 16. Ibid., p. 86. 17. Ibid., p. 88. 18. Ibid., p. 86. 19. Ibid., p. 88. 20. M.I. Borah (Tr.), Baharistan-i- Ghayabi, vol. II, Guwahati, 1936, pp. 158-75. 21. S. K. Bhuiyan (ed.) Jayantia Buranji, Guwahati, 1963, p. 12. 22. Y. Tamizi, op. cit., p. 88. 23. Achyut Charan Choudhury, op. cit., pp. 78-83. 24. Ibid., p. 88. 25. U.C. Guha, Cacharer Itibritta, edited by Sujit Choudhury, Asom Prakashan Parishad, reprint 1971, p. 39. 26. Ibid., p. 30.

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27. Ali Haidar Laskar, A History of the Muslims and the Barak Valley, published by Misbahul Haidar Laskar, Guwahati, 2013, p. 107. 28. U.C. Guha, op. cit., p. 39. 29. Ibid., p. 97. 30. Nalini Kumer Bhadra, Bichitra Manipur, p. 55. 31. Quazi Hamid Ali, The Manipuri Muslim, published by the author, Banskandi, p. 19.

Contributors

IRFAN HABIB, Professor Emeritus, Centre for Advanced Studies, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. SHERIN MOOSVI, Professor, Centre for Advanced Studies, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. ISHRAT ALAM, Professor, Centre for Advanced Studies, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. SAIYID ZAHEER HUSAIN JAFRI, Professor, Department of History, Delhi University of Delhi. TAHIR H. ANSARI, Associate Professor, CAS, Department of History A.M.U., Aligarh. MAHBUBUR RAHMAN LASKAR, Assistant Professor, PDU Government Model College, Katlicherra. BIMAL PHUKAN, Independent Researcher. MEMCHATON SINGHA, Assistant Professor, Rabindra Sadan College, Karimganj, Assam. ASHFAQUE HOSSAIN, Professor, Department of History, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh. ANANDA BIKASH CHAKMA, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Chittagong, Bangladesh. LASOBORKI PYRNGAP, Assistant Professor, Shillong Commerce College, Shillong. I.S. MUMTAZA, Professor, Department of History, Gauhati University. NG. MEETA DEVI, Assistant Professor, Department of History, G.P Women’s College, Manipur.

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Contributors

ANINDITA GHOSHAL, Associate Professsor, Department of History, Diamond Harbour Womens University, West Bengal. M. PARWEZ, Professor, Centre for Advanced Studies, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. KAUSHIK ROY, Global Fellow of Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO), Norway. D EEPALI B HATTACHARJEE , Assistant Teacher, RGCMH School, Borkhola, Assam. SATARUPA SAHA, Research Scholar, Department of History, North Eastern Hill University, Shillong. SHERIN SULTANA TALUKDAR, Assistant Professor, Sahidul Alam College, Cachar, Assam. MAZHAR ASIF, Professor in Persian, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. TEJIMALA GURUNG NAG, Professor, Department of History, North Eastern Hill University, Shillong. SAJAL NAG, Professor in History, Assam University, Silchar. GEETASHREE SINGH, Assistant Professor in History, Sidho-KanhuBirsa University, Purulia, West Bengal. A SSADUZZAMAN , Assistant Professor in History, BBB College, Morigaon, Assam.