The Merovingian Kingdoms 450 - 751 [First Edition] 113813922X, 9781138139220

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The Merovingian Kingdoms 450-751

Amicis et proximis

The Merovingian Kingdoms

450-751

Ian

Wood

�} Routledge i � Taylor Francis Group &

LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 1994 by Pearson Education Limited Published 2014 by Routledge 2 Park Square,Milton Park,Abingdon,Oxon OX144RN 711ThirdAvenue,NewYork,NY10017USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business CTaylor & Francis 1994 All rights reserved; no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, dectronic, mechanical,

photocopying, recording, or otherwise without either the prior written permission of the PublisheIS or a licence permitting restricted copying in the United Kingdom issued by the Copyright LicensingAgency Ltd., 90Tottenham Court Road, London WlT 4LP. ISBN 978-0-582-49372-8

(pbk)

ISBN 978-1-315-83653-9 (eISBN)

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Wood, I. N. (Ian N.), 1950T he Merovingian Kingdoms, 450- 751 /Ian Wood. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-582-21878-0. --ISBN 0-582-49372-2 (pbk.)

1. Merovingians. 2. France-History-To 987 .3. France-Church

history-To 987. 4. France-Kings and rulers-History. I.T itle. DC65. W 48 1993 940' .013-dc20

92-46027 CIP

Transferred to Digital Print on Demand 2012 Set by 7 in 10/12 Bembo

Contents

List

of Abbreviations

x

Preface

Xl

Introduction: Constr ucting Merovingian History 1.

The B arb arians in Gaul

5 5 6 8 10 13 14 16

The c oming of the barbarians The Visigoths The Burgundians The settlement of the barbarians Imperial weakness The last emperors The creation of the Visigothic

2.

king dom

Literary Continuity and Discontinuity: Late-Fifth- and

Sixth-Century Culture

20

Sidonius Apollinaris and the last days of the Empire Asceticism and culture in the fifth and sixth

centuries

Letter-writing in the sixth century

Gregory of Tours and the decline of culture

3.

1

The Establishment of Merovingian Power: the Franks before

537

The Trojan legend of the Franks

21 22 24 28

33 33

35 36

The early Franks

The long-haired kings Childeric I

38

Clovis Theudcric, the Danes and the Thuringians The end of the Burgundian kingdom and the Auvergne campaign

v

41 50 51

The Merovingian Kingdoms 4.

Kings and Kingdoms: the Structure of the Realm in the Sixth Century

SS

Merovingian succession

S8

The government of the

5.

55

The divisions of the kingdom Tei/reiche

60

Royal resources

64

Royal ideology

66

The Limits of Ecclesiastical Power: Episcopal Jurisdiction and Politics

71

71 72 73

D iocesan organizat i on The C hristian community Bishops and saint cults

6.

Epi scop al j urisdi cti on

7S

Episcopal elections

77

Bi shops and local society: the Auvergne

79

Theodore of Marseilles

84

Gregory

86

and Tours

Stability in Disunity: the Civil Wars of the Sixth Century

of war The Gundovald affair The causes

Gundovald and the opposition to Childebert II

Kings and magnates 7.

91 93 96 99

Politics in Aquitaine

100

Laws and Law-Codes: Merovingian Legislation

102 102

Childebert II Merovingian legislation

104

Lex Salica

108

Revisions and ratifications of Lex Salica The Pactus Legis Salicae and the west Frankish kingdom

The laws of the three kingdoms

8.

88 89

Fami ly poli tics S11-613

113 114 115

Lex Ribvaria and the Laws of th e Alamans an d Bavarians

115

Legislation and the aristocracy

117

Royal Women: Fredegund, Brunhild and Radegund

F rede gun d

120 120 121 123

Royal widows

124

Merovingian princesses

Merovingian queens

126 136

Brunhild

Holy retirement: Radegund

VI

Contents

9.

Redefining the Kingdom: Chlothar II, Dagobert I, Sigibert III and Clovis II

140 140

The emergence of Chlothar II

B urgundy and Austrasia Royal politics, 622-30

144

Desiderius of Cahors and the Merovingian court

149

146 152

The court in action

10.

Chlothar II, Dagobert I and the Church

154

Sigibert III and Clovis II

155

The Merovingians and their Neighbours

159

Brittany Frisia and the

11.

lands to the east of the Rhine

Italy

164

The Visigoths

169

Gascony

175

The English

176

The Place of the Monasteries: Politics and the Religious Life,

613-64 The development of a monastic tradition

183

'Columbanian' monasticism

184

Monasticism and the royal court in the seventeenth century

189 191 192

Piety, theology

194

The impact of Luxeuil: evangelization and reform and politics: the Vita Columbani

Balthild and monastic immunity

Land, Wealth and the

Economy

197 203

Charters and immunities

204

Bertram of Le Mans

207

Abbo of Provence

210

Labour

211

The Merovingian economy Treasure

214 217 219

The Failure of Consensus: Merovingian Politics from 656-80

221

The Grimoald coup and its aftermath

222

Merovingian wills

206

St Wandrille

213

Coinage

13.

181 181

Royal monasteries Fursey, Foilan and the Pippinids

12.

159 160

Chlothar III, Childeric II and the western kingdom, 664-75

The return of Ebroin

Dagobert II and Austrasia

The Merovingians and aristocratic faction in the age of Ebroin vii

224 230 231 234

The Merovingian Kingdoms 14.

The Culture of Churchmen: Education, Theology and Book-Production in the Later Seventh Century The knowledge

of administrators

240

Bishops and their writings

241

Merovingian theology and Rome: Bonitus and Amandus

243

Hagiographic and his torical wri tin g in the seventh century

246

Merovingian books

249

The state of the Merovingian Northumbria

15.

239

Church

in the late seventh century

and Merovingi an Church culture

250 252

The Checks on Ambition: Merovingian Politics, 680-721

255

The

age of Pip pin II

255

Annales Mettenses Priores

257

The Liber Historiae Francorum, the con tinu ations of Fredegar and the

Warat toni ds and Pippinids

259

The evidence of the charters, 675-711

261

Pippin II and the Merovingian Church

264

The opposition to

16.

Pipp i n II

265

The crisis of 714-17

267

Chilperic II and his allies

268

The emergence of Charles Martel

270

Towards Reunification: Wars and Politics, 721-751

'Carolingian'

sources and Charles Martel

The heirs of Savaric: E uch eri us of Orleans and Ainrnar of Auxerre The abbots of St Wandrille Charles and the lands of th e Church Provence: Abbo of Novalesa and Maurontus Eudo, the S ara c e ns and Aquitaine The peoples to th e east of the Rhine The achievement of Charle s Martel Carloman and P ip p i n Ill

Gripho

and

Bavaria

P ippin III and the deposition of Childcric Ill

17.

273 273 275

277

279

280 281 285 286 287 288 290

The Northern Emporia: Quentovic, Dorestad and the 'Sceatta' 293

Economy

Quentovic and Dorestad

under the Carolingians

293

295

Merovingian Quentovic

Dorestad in the Me rovi ngi an period

296

The chronology of the

299

'sceattas'

The 'sceatta' economy and the early medieval sta te

viii

301

Contents 18.

Mission Accomplished: the Merovingian Church East of the Rhine The Life of B o nifa c e

Arbeo of Freising and the Bavarian Church Paganism, heresy and Church reform

304

305

307

309

Christianization in the Merovingian kingdom

311

Wilfrid and the disciples of Ecgbert

315

Willibro rd

317

Conclusion: The Merovingian Achievement

322

Bibliography

325

Genealogies ef the Merovingian Family

343

Prosopography of the Merovingian Family

350

Map

1.

The division

ef the Merovingian Kingdom in 511

Map 2.

The division of the Merovingian Kingdom in 561

Map 4.

Francia and the

Map 3.

The division of the Merovingian Kingdom in 567 territories to the east ef the Rhine

367 368 369 370 372

Index

ix

List of Abbreviations

AASS CSEL

Acta Sanctorum.

MGH

Monumenta Germaniae Historica

Coipus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum

La ti n orum (Vienna).

AA

Auctores Antiquissimi

Epistolae Formulae

(Berlin, 1877-1919). (Berlin, 1887-). Formulae Merowingici et Karolini Aevi

Leg es

Leges Nationum Germanicarum

SR G in usum scholarum

Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usum

(Hannover,

1886).

(Hannover/Leipzig, 1892- )

.

scholarum sep eratim editi (Hannover/Leipzig, 1871-).

SRM

Scriptores Rerum Merowingicarum

SS

Scriptores

Pardessus, Diplomata

(Hannover/Leipzig, 1885-1951).

(Hannover/Leipzig, 1826-1934). J.M. Pardessus, Diplomata Chartae, Epistolae Leges ad res Gallo-Francicas ,

Pe rtz Di p lom a ta ,

spectantia (Paris, 1843-9).

G.H. Pertz, Dip lom a t a regum Francorum e stiipe

Merowingica,

Pertz, Diplomata Spuria

MGH, Diplomatum lmp erii 1 (Hannover, 1872). G .H. Pertz, Diplomata regum Francorum e stiipe Merowingica, MGH, Diplomatum lmperii

1

(Hannover, 1872). Pertz, Diplomata Arnulforum

G.H. Perz, Diplomata maiorum, domus e stiipe

Arn ulforum

MGH,

,

Diplomatunt lmperii 1

(Hannover, 1872) Patrologia Latina.

x

Preface

This book has been a very long time in the making. That it should have

taken so long to write has much to do with the p ressure placed on British

universities in the 1980s. This ba ckgroun d has doubtless also had its impac t on the emphasis placed here on the political power of women.

There have, however, been other gains from the long delays in this bo ok s '

c ompletion

.

I have benefited from the advic e of European and American

friends whom I knew scarcely, if at all, ten years ago. In particular I have

le arnt much from Hartmut Atsma, Evangelos Chrysos, Alain Dierkens, Martin

Heinzelmann, S tephane Lebecq, Patrick Perin and Herwig Wolfram on this side of the Atlanti c

,

and from Dick Gerberding, Kathleen Mitchell, Tom

Noble, B arb ara Rosenwein and Walter Goffart in the United States and

Canada. Dick, Tom and Barbara read the whole text in dra ft, and generously

offered advice on how to improve what I had written. I have been equally

fortunate in my friends in Britain.

All who have worked

at the weekends

arranged by Wendy Davies at her house in Bucknell have helped in one way

or another. Most especially, Patrick Wormald offered generous and se archi ng criticism of my views of M erovingian law, while Paul Fouracre and Jinty Nelson scrutinized every chapter, improving the whole immeasurably.

So

thorough were Jinty's comments that her daughter once concluded that I was a

student having an essay returned!

Inevitably there are more general debts, to friends, colleagues and teachers

have influenced my work; among them Peter Brown, Thomas Charles-Edwards, D avid Farmer, Edward Jam e s , John Le Patourel, Robert

who

Markus, Jolm Matthews, Sabine McCormack, Peter Sawyer and Michael

Wallace-Hadrill; to students who have asked awkward questions; also to numerous

librarians,

in

Oxford,

London,

espe c ial ly

at

the

Institute

of

Historical Research, and the Brotherton Library Leeds, who have made the ,

task of research easier than it might have been.

Finally, in the long course of working on Merovingian history I have

incurred many personal debts; especially to Romaine and Timmy, who

xi·

Preface thought I

ould be better off working on a different kind of Burgundy than of Vienne, and above all to my parents. As a child, every summer holiday included a trip to the south of France, and on the drive down and back each year my mother had the task of reading a child's history of France from cover to cover. The origins of this book go back to those that

w

of Avitus

journeys. INW

26 October 1992

Xll:

Introduction: Constructing Merovingian Hi s to ry

In the history of Europe the period between the end of the Roman Empire in the fifth century and the cessation of Viking raids in the eleventh is one of

parti c ular importance. It was a time of transition, or rather transitions, from a Mediterranean-based empire to a world of states which were to develop into

those of modern Europe. Within these six centuries of transition, the earliest

saw the greatest changes: the collapse of the Empire and the first emergence of what might be called the Nation State. It was the fifth century that saw the

origins of France and the sixth that saw those of England. And if the lines of

development from Visigothic Spain and from Ostrogothic and Lombard Italy

to their

mod ern

counterparts were not to be so direct, they nevertheless

marked major developments in the transformation of the Roman World. Within the first three centuries which followed the end of Roman rule the kingdom which emerged in France, Belgium, the Rhineland and Switzerland

holds a preeminent place. Of the states which succeeded the Roman Empire

it was the l�mgest lasting. It was also, for much of the time, the most powerful. Nevertheless it has had a bad press. The reasons for this are complex, but two stand out. First the dynasty which ruled the Frankish kingdom from 481

to 751, the Merovingian dynasty, was su bj ec t to a

damnatio memoriae by the family which usurped its power, the Carolingians.

Nor was this damnatio memoriae difficult to effect. Despite their achievements the Merovingians themselves had been the subject of hostile comment from the late sixth century onwards. The historian Gregory of Tours thought that

the Merovingians failed for the most part to live up to the

great forebear Clovis I

(481-511).

The next

major

le of their write about

examp

historian

to

the Franks, the seventh-century chronicler Fredegar, implicitly compared 1 Clovis's sons to bears and wolves and his grandsons to dogs. The second reason for the bad press which has greeted the Merovingian Age is its lack of

great cultural figures. The kingdom of the Franks produced no equivalent to

1. Fredegar, III 12.

The Merovingian Kingdoms

pope Gregory the Great, to the Visigothic writer Isidore of Seville, or to the

English theologian and historian Bede. For this reason the development of European culture is usually seen as running from the Mediterranean to Northumbria, returning to the kingdom of the Franks only in the eighth

century when English missionaries crossed the Channel to work on the 2 continent. At the most schematic of levels this reading may have some sense,

but it is so much of a simplification of the cultural history of the period that it amounts to no more than a travesty. The Merovingian kingdom was not the

cultural backwater it is often represented as having be e n ; nor is its failure to produce a scholar of the stature of Gregory I, Isidore and Bede enough to eclipse its importance as the greatest state in western Europe. Yet, although the kingdom of the Franks was important, its history, like all early medieval history, is difficult to reconstruct. And here lies a further reason for the

comparative underestimation of its importance. For the

reconstruction of the narrative history of early medieval Europe we are never lavishly equipped. There are historical narratives, including those of Isidore for the Visigoths, Paul the Deacon for the Lombards and Bede for the Anglo­

Saxons. T o some extent the

kingdom

of the Franks is well served, with

Gregory of Tours, Fredegar and his continuators, the early-eighth-century Liber Historiae Francorum and the Carolingian Annales Mettenses Priores. None of

these, however, provide a detailed account of the later seventh century. There

is, therefore,

a

cruc ial lacuna in the narrative of Merovingian history which is

not easily filled.

There is a further problem. Although the seventh century poses particular

difficulties of reconstruction, it is an act of delusion to think that Gregory of Tours, any more than the other early medieval historians, is an accurate is not as obviously biased and suspect as the Anna/es

witness. Certainly he Mettenses

Priores.

Nevertheless he has his own axes to

grind, and at times

this

unquestionably led him to falsify evidence. 3 Our sources have the limitations

of any source: even allowing for their inadequate knowledge, they each present

an

incomplete

account of events,

by

means

of interpretation,

falsification and omission, depending on their form and intentions. For periods where the documentation is extensive it is possible to some extent to

counteract the problems posed by suspect evidence by comparing accounts of the same event, and by overlaying the information so as to limit, though nev er to remove entirely, the danger of be i ng hoodwinked by a rogue document. There is rarely enough contiguous evidence in the early medieval

period to make this possible. It is often impossible to be absolutely certain of what took place or when it happened. One result of this is that a valid narrative of the Frankish, or any early

medieval kingdom, is scarcely possible. At the same time, given the established traditions of historical writing, a non-narrative history of the 2. e.g. C. Dawson, The Making of Europe. 3. e.g. I.N. Wood, 'Gregory of Tours and Clovis', d'Histoire 63 (1985), p. 257.

2

Revue Beige de Philologie et

Introduction: Constructing Merovingian

History

Merovingians would not make easy reading for anyone unfamiliar with the range of documentation. For this reason I have attempted to offer a narrative of sorts within this book, while at the same time trying to indicate the difficulties in constructing that narrative. In order to do so I have tended to set out in each chapter an account of events as provided by one or more sources, and also to analyse the account and the events. This book is a narrative history only in so far as narrative is an aid to comprehension. Each chapter is more concerned with a theme or issue than with a reconstruction of what happened. The themes have, however, been set out in a roughly chronological order. Thus the sixth century has been divided up into chapters on the creation of the Merovingian State, its structure, the power of the Church, the problem of civil war, the position of the queen and the importance of legislation. This order is intended to refle ct the coming to the fore of certain problems in the d evelopment of the kingdom. Almost every chapter, therefore, is intended both to move the narrative forward as well as to analyse an issue. The issues I have chosen to analyse have most often been determined by the sources. My approach has not been detennined by established historical debates. This is a natural concomitant of my emphasis on the problems of narrative and documentation. For many of the historical debates which have raged about the early Middle Ages there is simply not the evidence to solve them one way or the other, however vital we may think the issue in question. In time new ways may be found to approach the problems of the Frankish aristocracy, of Merovingian and early Carolingian armies, or that of royal land. As yet, however, there are many questions which can be answered, but which have not received due attention. By concentrating on some of these it may be possible to construct some foundations for a future, more adventurous, and problem-based reading of Merovingian history. As it stands this book is primarily an account of the politics, in the widest sense of the word, of the Merovingian period. This may seem odd in the light of problems of accuracy posed by the sources. It is, however, precisely these problems which have prompted the political nature of my reconstruction. The sources may not provide an accurate account of political events. On the other hand no early medieval writer set pen to papyrus or parchment without good reason: the reasons usually involved power or land. More often than not, therefore, an understanding of our sources involves an understanding of the politics of the early Middle Ages, even if that understanding is sometimes limited to an appreciation of the aims of the author, rather than an acceptance of his or her information. If, in certain respects, a largely political history of the Merovingian period may seem limited, it has a particular value. Although the Merovingian kingdom in the seventh century had no historian to compare with Bede, it produced a comparatively large amount of other evidence, including a number of early saints' Lives and also charters. As a result, despite the difficulties of providing a coherent narrative, it is possible to reconstruct the political structures of the Merovingian kingdom in more detail than is possible 3

The Merovingian Kingdoms for those of other contemporary states. In this way the Merovingian kingdom may provide a model for understanding the politics of the Visigothic,

Lombard and Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. Indeed there are a number of ways in which Merovingian political history sheds light on and is linked to that of its neighbours. A history of the kingdom of the Franks is thus more than an account of one successor state; it is more even than the account of the greatest of those states, with all the implications that that may have for the first three cent u ri e s following the collapse of Roman in the west. It is also an analysis of early medieval politics.

4

Chapter One

The Barbarians in Gaul

In 476 the west Roman Empire came to an end with the deposition of Romulus Augustulus It was replaced by a number of states ruled by barbarian .

kings. By the early sixth century Italy was in the hands of the Ostrogoths; France was divided between the Franks, the Burgundians and the Visigoths

,

who also controlled Spain; wh a t had been the Roman province of Africa had

been transformed into the Vandal kingdom. A century later the map had been slightly redrawn, with the Lombards controlling northern Italy, the Franks

unchallenged in France, and peoples known variously as Angles and Saxons dominant in

much

of the old diocese of Britannia. It was the kingdom of the

Fr a nks which was to exercise most influence for the lo ngest period of time. For the first three

c entu

ries of its exi stence until 751, it was ruled over by ,

a

single family, that of the Merovingians. Merovingian history deserves detail ed study in its own right, but it also needs to be understood in the broader

context of Late Antique and early medieval history . This broader context is

particularly important for an understanding of the earliest stages of the

cre a tion of the Frankish kingdom, for the Franks and the Merovingians were

relatively late participants in the crisis which saw the collapse of the western Empire and the establishment of the successor states. The collapse of imperial power

in

Gaul

and

Germany,

and

the

activities

of the

Visigoths

and

Burgundians provide a necessary background for early Merovingian history.

The coming of the barbarians The Roman dioceses of Gaul and the Seven Provinces, which were to

constitute most of the Frankish kingdom, essentially covered what is now France, Belgium, Germany west of the Rhine, and most of Switzerland.

Geographically this territory is extremely varied, includi ng Mediterranean,

Atlantic and Channel coasts, the river valleys of northern France, of western Germany

and

of B urgundy

,

togeth er

5

with

the

western

Alps

and

the

The Merovingian Kingdoms

mountains of central France. Culturally it was equally diverse. To a large extent the areas nearest to the Mediterranean were the most civilized, but there were cities further north with important cultural traditions, including Lyons, Bordeaux and Autun, and there were other cities, including Trier and

Paris, which had at times been the residences

of emperors. Taken

as a

whole,

by the late fourth century the two dioceses had gained much from four centuries of Roman rule.

Not that those centuries had been times of

uninterrupted peace. There had been civil wars in plenty, and major barbarian incursions, particularly in the north-eastern provinces of Germany and Even in times of peace it

re

quired

constant vigilance

to

keep

Belgica.

the peoples

across the Rhine in check. But for the most part the frontier troops had succeeded in their task of keeping the barbarians at bay.

Then, on the last night of the year 406, or so one of our sources claims, 1

the frozen Rhine was crossed by a number of barbarian groups, including Vandals, Alans and Sueves. As a result the German frontier was broken, and for the next two years the provinces of Germany and Gaul were plundered by the invaders. Although the majority of these barbarians moved on to Spain in

409, som e stayed behind: th ere were Alans active in Gaul under their leader Goar for the next thirty years; they were to be settled in Gallia Ulterior, that is 2 Elsewhere, any respite that

on land to the north of the Loire, in the 440s.

was felt in 409 was short lived; in 412 another barbarian people,

the

Visigoths, crossed to Gaul from Italy, where they had sacked the city of

Rome in 410. They established themselves in the south-west, and their king, Athaulf, held court in Narbonne.

3

The Visigoths The Visigoths had been a sedentary people living north of the Danube. In the

sixth century they were said to have come originally from the island of Scandza, to have migrated to the Black Sea, and thence to have come into

contact with the Roman Empire. The historical value of their origin legend is open to question;

a

national migration from the Baltic is unlikely, but the

story may have been built out of traditions relating to specific groups which had played a part in the formation of the Gothic nation at various stages in its 4 history. From the mid-third century the Goths certainly impinged on the Empire, launching raids against the Balkans and Asia Minor. Subsequently relations between the Romans and Visigoths improved and the latter were

relatively peaceful. In 376, however, the Visigoths found themselves under

extreme pressure from the Huns, an Asiatic people from the steppes. The majority of them negotiated entry into 1. 2. 3. 4.

the Roman Empire under the

Prosper, Chronicle, 1230 Chronicle of 452, 127; Constantius, Vita Germani VI 28. H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, pp. 161-3. Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 12.

6

The Barbarians in Gaul leadership of Fritigem. Harsh treatment by the Romans over the next two

years transformed the refugees into a people fighting for survival, and in

378

they defeated and killed the Roman Emperor, Valens, at the battle of

Adrianople. Thereafter they moved around the Balkans, sometimes in open

war with the Romans , sometimes boun d by treaty. In 401 they entered the western part of the Empire, under the leader s hip of Alaric I. Once again they oscillated

between

friendship

with

the

Romans

and

outright

hostility,

depending on the possibility of imperial recognition and acceptance. The sack

of Rome in 410 marked the most hostile period in the relations between

Alaric and the imperial court. Within a year of the sack Alaric died and in 5 412 his brother-in-law, Athaulf, led his people out of Italy and into Gaul.

At first AthauJf joined a confederacy of Burgundians and Alans, which had established the usurping emperor Jovinus in power, but he soon abandoned the usurper and his brother for an alliance with the legitimate emperor, Honorius. What he wanted was a position within the Empire - according to 6

the historian Orosius, he wished to support Rome with barbarian arms.

When negotiations with Honorius failed to bri ng rewards Athaulf showed

both his anger and h is desire to be associated with the Empire by marrying the emperor's sister, Galla Placidia , who had been a captive since 410. Then,

in 4 15, he moved to Spain, where he was murdered. His successor but one,

Wallia, made

an

attempt to lead his people across to Africa, but failed, and

instead came to terms with th e Roman leader Constantius, for whom he

c ampaigne d against the Vandals and Alans in Spain. Subsequently, perhap s in 7 418, perhaps in 4 19, a new treaty brought the Visigoths back to Aquit ai ne .

After they had been settled in Aquitaine the Visigoths were relatively loyal

to the Roman state, although in 422 they deserted the Romans during a

campaign against the Vandals in Spain. At the same time, the conflict between

competing factions among the Romans themselves meant that the Visigoths could intervene against one or other party, or try to exploit the situation for their own gain. Thus, they took advantage of the confusion surrounding the usurpation of the emperor Joannes in 423, and the subsequent establishment of Valentinian III, to attack Ades in 425. They did the same in 430 when trouble was brewing between the two Roman generals , Aetius and Boniface, and in 433 they supported Galla Placidia against Aetius. In 436 the Visigothic king Theoderid tried to expand his territory towards the Rhone valley , but was checked by Aetius and his general Litorius. In 438, however, Litorius was captured and killed when he attacked the Visigoths at Toulouse. Nevertheless ,

Theoderid did fight for the Romans against the Sueves in Sp ain in 446, and

i n 45 1 he provided the most substantial portion of the confederacy which

5. Wolfram, History of the Goths pp. 1 61-2; P. 332-489, pp. 219-20. 6. Orosius, Historia adversos Paganos, VII 43, 4-7.

Heather,

Goths

and Romans

7. Wolfram, History of Goths, pp. 170-4; Heather, Go ths and Romans, pp. I. N. Wood , 'Continuity or calamity?: the constraints of literary models', in J. Drinkwater and H. Elton, eds, Fifth-Century Gaul: ,1 Crisis of Identity, p. 15.

220-1;

7

The Merovingian Kingdoms faced Attila and the Huns at the battle of the Catalaunian Plains . The battle saw the defeat of Attila, and the end of his invasion of Gaul . It also saw the death of Theoderid. 8

The causes of Attila's decision to attack Gaul in 45 1 are obscure, although

legends explaining it circulat�d from very early on. Some thought that he had been paid to attack the Visigoths by Gaiseric, king of the Vandals, who were now settled in North Africa; others that he was making good a claim to be the husband of princess Honoria, daughter of Valentinian III, or that he was

intervening in a dispute over the succession to the kingship of the Franks. 9

What is certain is that Attila's decision to invade Gaul marked the failure of

Aetius's policies, which had depended on using the Huns to further his own career in Italy, and to keep the barbarians in check in Gaul. Having been a hostage among the Huns himself, he had called in Hunnic troops to support

the usurper Joannes in 425; he fled to them after his defeat at the hands of Boniface in 432; and he was probably behind their destruction of the 10 Burgundian kingdom in the mid-430s. Granted this set of policies, Aetius can scarcely have been well placed to gather the confederacy which kept Attila in check at the Catalaunian Plains. A

man

b etter placed to gain the

support of the Visigoths was Avitus, praetorian prefect of Gaul from 439 . In 455 the Goths were to be the prime movers in his elevation to imperial 11 office.

The Burgundians The Visigoths were the first of the barbarian peoples to be formally settled within Gaul. The Alans, who were given land around Valence in c. 440, and 12 in Gallia Ulterior two years later, were the second. The third major group to be s ettled were the Burgundians, who were apparently given Sapaudia a year

after the grant of Gallia Ulterior to the Alans . Although the name Savoy later developed out of Sapaudia, the area in question seems to have lain to the

north of Geneva. 1 3

By the ninth century the Burgundians were thought to have come from

Scandinavia. This legend was probably developed in emulation of those relating to the early years of the Goths . In reality, like the Visigoths, they had long been neighbours of the Romans. Pliny knew of the Burgundians, and 8. Wolfram,

History ef the Goths,

pp. 1 73-8 .

9. John of Antioch, fr. 1 99 (2) ; Priscus, fr. 1 5 , 1 6; cited in C.D. Gordon, The

Age of A ttila, pp. 1 04-6.

1 0 . Gordon, The Age of Attila, pp. 45-50. 1 1 . Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 1 79 . 1 2 . Chronicle of 452, 1 24, 1 2 7 . 1 3 . Chronicle of 452, 1 28; on the difficulties o f this entry, s e e Wood, 'Continuity or calamity?: the c on strai nts of literary models ' , p. 1 5 ; on the region, see P. Duparc , 'La Sap audia', Comptes rendus de l 'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Let/res (1 958) , pp. 37 1-83 . 8

The Barbarians in Gaul Orosius thou gh t that they had reached the R hin e lan d in the days of the emperor Tiberius , re c eivin g their name because they lived in settlements called burgi. His account of their arrival and his etymology for their name cannot be trusted. The Burgundians first come fully into view in the pages of Ammianus Marcellinus, wh ere th ey are to be found to the east of the Rhine.

T h e emperor V alentinian I enlisted their support a gainst the Alamans in 369.

Ammianus

also

tho ught that they were descended from the Romans .

Biologically this ca1mot be tru e , but it may be an assertion of politi cal 14 friendship and thus relate to Valentinian's diploma cy . Burgundians may have been involved i n the crossing o f the Rhine i n 406. Six y ears later their ruler Guntiarius j oined Goar, ruler of the Alans, to set up

Jovinus as emperor .

15

Guntiarius appears again as ruler of a Burgundian

kingdom in the Rhineland which was des troye d by the Huns in Sho rtly after, at a date

give n

c.

43 5 . 16

both as 443 and 447 by the same chronicle

Sapaudia. 1 7 The s e ven th c entury c hro nicler F re degar thou ght that they were given lands by the Gallo-Roman arist o c racy ,

source,

they were s ettled in

-

who thereby gaine d tax exemption i n the days of Valentinian I . 1 8 I t may be

that this info rmation a c tu ally relates to the reign of Valentinian III, an d therefore that it is the same as the grant of Sapaudia, but this is b y no means

certain. More than one treaty is known to have been made with the B urgundians, although some may not have had imperial approval. Thus , Marius of Avenches records a land division made with Gallo-Roman senators ,

under the year 4 5 6 , that i s a t the time of the fall of the emperor Avi tu s . 1 9 His successor,

Maj orian,

apparently overthrew this

B u rgundian s out of the environs of Lyons in 458.

arran geme nt , p u shin g the 20

The behaviour of those Burgundi ans who settled within the Empire is

similar to that of the Visigoths.

They camp aign e d for the Romans, for 21 At the same time they also

i ns tanc e at the battle of the Catalaunian Plains .

exploited the current p oliti c al situation for their o wn ends . In 4 5 5 , the year

after Aetius's murder, and the year in which Valentinian III was assassinated, they were clearly extending their territory, since they are recorded as being 22 The expansion recorded by Marius under the

driven back by the Gepids .

following year was pro b ably made with the connivance of Avitus , or in the aftermath of his dep ositi o n For the most part, from the reign of V ale ntini an I .

through to the early fifth century, the Bu rgun di ans were among the most

1 4. I . N . W o o d , ' E th n i c i t y and the ethnogenesis of the B u rgundia n s ' , i n H . Wolfram and W. Pohl, eds , Typen der Ethnogenese rmter besonderer Berifrksichtigung der Bayem, 1 , p. 5 8 . 1 5 . Olympiodorus, fr, 1 7 , ci ted in Gordon, The Age ef Attila, p. 39. 16. Prosper, Chronicle 1 322; Hydatius, Chronicle, 1 08 ; Chronicle ef 452, 1 1 8. 1 7 . Chronicle ef 452, 1 2 8 . 1 8. Fredegar, II 46. 19. 20. 21. 22.

Marius of Avenches, Chronicle, s.a. 456; Audarium Havniense, s.a. 457, 2. Sidonius Apollinaris, carm, V, II. 564-7 . Jordanes, Getica XXXV I 1 9 1 . A uctarium Havniense, s.a. 455, 5 .

9

The Merovingian Kingdoms

loyal federates of th e Empire, and they we re pro u d of their connections with the Romans . The conflict with Majorian was caused by his reversal of the

policies of Avitus, rather than any ho stility towards th e Emp ire held by the Burgundians themselves .

The settlement of the barbarians An outline of the settlement of the barbarians in Gaul up until the 450s is ne ce ss arily made up of fragments from a variety of sources , not all of which are in agreement. Thu s , ac co r ding to the Spanish chronicler Hydatius the

settlement of the Vis igoths in Aquitaine took place in 418; ac cording to the 23 Gallo Ro man Pr ospe r , it happ ene d a year lat er The difference may seem -

.

slight, but it c o uld affe ct int e rpreta ti on of th e event, since the most important

assembly of the Gallic provinces, the Council of the Gauls, wa s re-established 24 The Council may have played a maj or role in planning

in the former year.

the transfer of the Visigo ths to Aqu itai ne . A third source, the Chronicle ef 452,

gives a date of 4 1 5 , which is plainly wrong, although the error may result from confusion of Athaulfs period of rule in Narbonne with the later 25 settlement. Su bs e quently however, the Chronicle ef 452 co mpli c at e s matters ,

n o t o nly by being in conflict with other sources over the dating of events but also by itself providing two alternative dating systems , wro n gly correlated. This would be of little s igni fi can ce if th e Chro ni cle in more seri ously

,

,

qu e sti o n were not the only source to record some important ep i s ode s

.

The

grants of Valence and Gallia Ulterior to the Alans, and that of Sapaudia to the

Burgundians are not attested elsewhere . Any narrative of the settlements in Gaul, therefore , is inevitably tentative.26

So too is any i n te rpretati on of the nature of the settlem ents . It us e d to b e

assumed that the barbarians were settl e d according to the Roman practice of

billeting, whereby a soldier was given one-third of a hous e . Recently this has

be en challenged, and it has been suggested that the third which was allocated

was one-third of the taxation due on a pro p erty 27 The evidence is not .

detail ed enou gh to sustain either argument. The chronicles, which provide

our only evidence on the firs t p has es of the settlements, speak about grants of land to live in, of seats of habitation, and about the division of te rritory

.

Vis i gothic and Burgundian law-codes are more precise , but th ey date from

Thus th e Burgundia n Code, or Uber Constitutionum, was issued in 5 17 . It contains an important law on settlement, which is likely to pre dat e the p ro mulgatio n of the code itself, although by how much is later generatio ns

.

23. Hydatius, Chronicle, 69; Prosper, Chronicle, 1 27 1 . 24. Wolfram, Histo ry ef the Goths, p . 1 73 . 25 . Chronicle of 452, 7 3 ; s e e Wood, ' Continuity or calamity?: the constraints o f literary models', p . 1 5 . 26. Wood, 'Continuity or calamity? : the constraints of literary models' , p. 1 5 . 27 . esp . W. Goffart, Barbarians and Romans : Techniques of Accommodation, passim.

10

The Barbarians in Gaul unclear. The law itself envisages a number of phases in the settlement of the Burgundians. Some barbarians had already received land from the king who issued the law, others had been endowed by his predecessors ; those who had not benefited in this way were to receive two-thirds of a property, one-third of the slaves and half the woodland. This implies grants stretching over at least two generations . A later law dealing with landless newcomers, specifies that 28 they should receive half the property, and not two-thirds. Although the references to property could imply tax yield rather than real estate , related laws which deal with land clearance make this unlikely. The Burgundian legal evidence, therefore, suggests that land rather than tax revenue was granted. At the same time , it reveals a succession of different grants, none of which can be shown to be associated with the original concession of Sapaudia. Just as the barbarians themselves seem to have changed their p olicies about settlement, so too the Romans are unlikely to have had a monolithic system for settling the barbarians within the Roman Empire . At times taxation may have been a significant factor, either because the barbarians were simply allocated revenue , or, as in the Romans gained tax exemption

as

case rnisrecorded by Fredegar,

because

a result of conceding land to the barbarians.

In addition the practice of billeting was used on occasion; it is described plainly in a poem written by a Gallo-Roman landowner, Paulinus of Pella, who originally thought himself lucky not to have had Visigoths billeted on 29 him, but afterwards regretted not having them to protect his estates. Later, another Gallic aristocrat, Sidonius Apollinaris, obj ected to the smell and the 30 noise of a group of Burgundians who were established on his estate . The settlement of the barbarians was plainly varied, and our sources provide only a hint of its complexities. The same holds true when it comes to a consideration of the reasons for the individual grants made by the Romans . The Visigothic settlement in Aquitaine is usually seen as proof of the success of the Roman general Constantius, in blockading Wallia and his people when they were in Spain. The choice of Aquitaine is then linked variously to the ability of the people of that part of Gaul to pay, the possibility that they may have backed the wrong side in the recent usurpations against the emperor Honorius, and the threat from separatist groups north of the Loire , who were known as 31 The evidence is not good enough to support any one of these

Bacaudae.

interpretations to the total exclusion of either of the others. Moreover, it is possible that they underestimate the position of the Visigoths at the time of the transfer. Although Wallia had come to temis with Constantius in 4 16, he

28. Uber Constitutionum, 54, 55, constitutio extravagans 2 1 ; Wood, 'Ethnicity and the ethnogenesis of the Burgundians' , pp . 6&--7 . 29. Paulinus, Eucharisticon, 1 1 . 281-90 . 30. Sidonius Apollinaris, carm. XII.

3 1 . E . A . Thompson, 'The settlement of the barbarians in southern Gaul' , Journal

of

Studies 46 (1956) , pp. 65-7 5 ; see also E.A. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians, pp. 251-5 ; J.M. Wallace-Hadrill , ' Gothia and Romania' , in Wallace-Hadrill, The Long-Haired Kings , pp. 25-48.

Roman

11

The Merovin,�ian Kingdoms had subsequently campaigned on the e mp ero r ' s behalf, again st other barbarian groups in Spain. The settlement, therefore , was not the direct result of any c apitu l a tion . Further, when the Visigoths did return to Gaul, it was to an area where Athaulf ha d once established his court. Wallia may have had some say in th e grant made to his pe ople .

In the case of the Alans, the extent of the deserted countryside round

V al e nc e is unknown; so too are the circumstances of the concession . The fact that the land

was

deserted,

however,

may have

been

significant.

The

settlement of the Alans near Valence may have more in common with

imp erial attempts to solve the pro ble m of abandoned land, agri deserti, tha n with other grants to the barbarians. It is p os si ble to reconstruct the

Gallia Ulterior,

circumstances of the second concession to the Alans , of land in

with rather greater ce rtai nty . Here the Bacaudae were u n questi o nab ly a factor.

At ab out the time of the settlement of the Visigoths in A quitain e there had

been unrest north of the Loire , which had been s u pp resse d . This unrest is sometimes seen in terms o f the class war, but strictly speaking this is unlikely to have been the case, since the rebels appear to hav e included dispossessed

aristocrats . Problems flared up again in th e 430s , when the Bacaudae gained a leader called Tibatto. Aetius s ent the Alans under Goar against Tibatto and his followers . This mission was b riefly halted by Gernlanus, bishop of Auxe rre ,

Bacaudae suppressed. 32 The Gallia Ulterior conceded to the Alans may well have been that area

but Tibatto was subsequently captured and the area

of

which had supported Tibatto , and the grant may well have been a means of

pu nishing the rebels and k e epin g them under surveillanc e , as well as b e in g a r ew ard for the followers of Goar. The Alans certainly treated th e inhabitants of the region ruthl e s sly . Although the

land wa s meant to be divided between

Romans an d b arbarians, many of the former were fo rc ibly ej ected, and there 3 was a further uprising, led by a doctor called E udoxi us . 3

The s e ttl e ment of S ap audia is less easy to

u n de rs tand .

A B u rgun dian

kingdom on the Rhine ruled by Guntiarius had been destroyed by the Huns

not long before. 34 The survivors can scarcely have been in a strong position

to demand territory from the Romans . Nor can they h av e b e e n s ub s ta ntial

e no u gh to have provided defence against further attacks from the Huns or from

the Alamans.

Nevertheless ,

Sapaudia was

divided

up

between

the

Burgu ndi ans and the native population . M oreover , a few years later, the Burgu ndians did provide troops to fight against Attila at the Catalaunian Plains. Aetius certainly gained manp ower through his grants to Burgundians and Alans.

the

32. Chronicle of 452, 1 1 7 , 1 1 9 , 1 27; Constantius, Vita Germani VI 28. 33 . Chronicle of 452, 1 33. 34. Prosper, Chronicle, 1 322 ; Hydatius , Chronicle, 1 0 8 ; Chronicle of 452,

12

Visigoths,

1 1 8.

in

The Barbarians

Gaul

Imperial weakness Manpower may hold a key to many of the poli cies ado pt ed by the Romans in d ealing with the barbarians. The successes

firs t

of Constantius and then of

Aetius in dealin g with the Gemunic invaders obscure the real we ak n e ss of the

Roman pos ition . Had they been stronger, the Romans would doubtless hav e

dealt more forcefully with the barbarian threat. In fact the western Empire

was probably in a much weaker pos ition after 406 than the sources suggest. From 395 o nwards the rivalry between the advisers of Honorius in the west and Arca dius in the east had ensured a lack of cooperation, if not downright

hostili ty , between the two halves of the Roman E mp ire . It was in this

con text that the Visigoths moved from the Balkans i n to Italy . The sub sequ e nt breaking of the Rhin e further e xacerb ated matters. When Honorius failed to respond to the new problem , a usurper, Constantine III, decided to deal with th e

defence

of Gaul

himself.

In

this

way

the

barbarians

e n co ura ged 35

us urpati on, and the usurpers drew attention away from the barbarians.

Indee d , the Ravenna Annals

see m to suggest that the court did not recognize

the b arb arians as a s igni ficant probl em;

they

concentrate on r e co rding and

depi c ti ng the failu res and executions of us urp e r s . 3 6 To some extent the

priorities of Honori us and his advisers may h ave been justified. However, the

result of the civil wars caused by the usurpations of the first two decades of the fifth century a p p e ars to have led to a considerable decline in the Roman,

as opposed to a federate, army. Roman troops as su ch scarc ely appear after the

sourc e , except the Notitia Dignitatum, which appears to be an idealized list drawn up in the 420s, and not a statemen t of the re ali ty of the imperial fighting forces.37 Writing in th e sixth century the Gothic historian J ordanes knew o f o nly one Roman squadron at the b attle of the Catalaunian Plains. 38 In th e light of this Constantius is p erh aps unlikely to have been in a position to destr oy Wallia completely in 416: Stilicho, who had been in a position at least as stron g, had failed to destroy Alaric. Besides, there was the p o ssib ili ty that the Vi s i goths could be used to shore up the Empire. The same was true of the Alans and the Burgundians in the 430s and 440s. To s urviv e , the western Empire de pen ded on federates, and the early b arb arian settlements were a way of ensuring a supply of federate forces. Athaulfs wish, to support th e E mpire wi th Visigoth ic troops, had effe ctively been granted. first d e cade of the fifth century in any

35. J.F. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court A.D. 364--425, pp. 308-10. 36. Ravenna Ann als, ed. B. Bischoff and W. Kochler, 'Eine illustrierte Ausgabc der

spatantiken Ravennater Annalen', in W.R.W. Koehler, ed., Studies in Kingsley Porter, pp. 125-38.

37. P. Salway, Roman Britain, p. 476, 38. Jordanes, Cetica, XXXVI 191.

n.

2.

13

Memory ef A.

The Merovingian Kingdoms The last emperors The battle of the Catalaunian Plains was proof that the imperial policy could work, if only for a limited period of time. The events of the next decade were to show just how weak was the western Empire. In 454 Valentinian killed Aetius, supposedly with his own hand, accusing the general of 39 treachery. Although this has been seen as a crucial error on the emperor's part, he may not have been wrong in his assessment of his magister militum. Besides, it was not the general's assassination so much as that of the emperor a year later which was vital. Some of the barbarian federates are known to have understood their loyalty as being to Valentinian; his death, therefore, absolved 4° them from any treaty with the Empire. Further, with the murder of Valentinian the house of Theodosius came to an end in the West; as a result there was no clear heir to the imperial throne, which was open to competition. Inevitably the confusion that followed tested even the most loyal barbarians, who could suddenly discover that the emperor they supported had been overthrown by a palace coup, and that there was a hostile ruler in his place. Valentinian's immediate successor, Petronius Maximus, was killed in the commotion preceding the Vandal sack of Rome in 455. In response the Visigoths raised the Gallic aristocrat Avitus to the imperial office. He, however, was unpopular in Italy, and was soon opposed by his own general, 41 Ricimer, who sided instead with Majorian. Ricimer more than anyone else dominated the politics of the last twenty years of the Roman Empire in the west. A soldier of mixed Visigothic and Suevic extraction, he came to power under Avitus, was responsible for his fall, and was effectively involved in the appointment of all the western e mpero rs to hold office between 457 and his own death in 472.42 Avitus's fall alienated the Visigoths. His successor, Majorian, is unlikely to have gained the support of the Burgundians in 458, when he drove them out of the lands which they had received with the approval of the Gallo-Roman senators. Nor was he immediately popular with large sections of the Gallic aristocracy from whom Avitus himself had come. Nevertheless he managed to establish his authority over Gaul and its barbarian settlers, until he fell foul of Ricimer, who had him executed in 461.43 The emperor's death in its turn 44 alienated his supporters, most notably the Gallo-Roman Aegidius, who 39. 50-2.

John

of Antioch,

fr. 200 (1), 201 (I, 2), cited in

Gordon,

The Age of Attila,

pp.

40. John of Antioch, fr. 201 (6), cited in Gordon, The Age of Attila, pp. 113-14. 41. John of Antioch, fr. 201 (6), 202, cited in Go rdon The Age of Atti la pp. ,

,

113-16. 42. Fasti Vindobonenses Priores, s.a. 461; Cassiodorus, Chronicle s.a. 461; Ch ro n icle 511, 635-6; John of Antioch, fr. 202, 207, 209 (1, 2), cited in Gordon, The Age Attila, pp. 116-17, 120, 122-3. 43. John of Antioch, fr. 203, cited in Gordon, The Age ef Attila p. 117. 44. Priscus, fr. 30, cited in Gordon, The Age of Attila, pp. 118-19.

14

of

of

The

Barbarians in Gaul

began an independent career in Soissons, in the north of Gaul, which was to

hold some significance for the e arly history of the Franks . After t he execution of Majorian, Ricim er ap pointed Severus as e mpero r ; four years later he agreed to the elevation of Anthemius, but in 472 he had

Anthemius executed and replaced him with Olybrius. The appointmen t and overthrow of individual emperors were largely matters of Italian politics, but they had significant re pe r cussions in Gaul, not least because of the close

personal connections between Ricimer and the Burgundian royal family , the Gibichungs.

One of Ricimer's brothers-in-law,

Gundioc,

appears

as the

leading military official, the magister militum, in Gaul during the reign of 45 S everus (461-5). The family connection was enhanced when G undi oc ' s s on ,

Gun dobad , became Ricimer's ri ght- hand man, and as su ch he

responsible for the execution of Anthemius.

was

Gun dobad' s importa nc e was

further en hanced when Ricimer died, for he took over his mentor's p ositi on

at court . After Olybrius's de ath in 472 it was h e who appointed G lyc erius as

emperor. Meanwhile other members of the family benefited from his position .

During Gly ceri us's reign Gundobad ' s u ncle , Chilpe ric I, bec ame magister 46 militum, and w as to be found e xe r c ising authority in Lyons and Geneva. When Glycerius died in 474, however, Gundobad seems to have r eturned to Gaul. The move may have been connected with the fact that t he new

emperor, Julius Nepo s , was an eastern appoi ntment . Ce rtainly hi s authori ty was not r ecogn ize d b y Gund ob ad ' s u nc le, Chilperic , who appears to have 47

regarded support for him as treasona ble.

Chilperic's rule in the Rh o n e valley and the region to the east p r ovi des a

rare insight into the complexities of pr ovinc ial government in the 470s.

Although his a uthor ity was un doub tedly derived from the Roman office which he h eld , the area ove r which he exercised control seems not to have

been determined by any Roman administrative division, but rath er by the presence of the Visigoths to the west and by other smaller groups, in cl u d ing

Aegidius and his followers, to the north. The Roman poet and--letter-writer 48 Sidonius Apo llinaris c oin e d the ph r ase Lugdunensis Germania to describe i t. In some respects Chilperi c seems to have been well regarded . Relations

between him, his wife and bishop Patiens of Lyons were particu larly c ord ial , accordin g to Sidonius in a letter w hich provides the only de p iction of the

Burgundian ruler's cultu ral and religious connections: Chilperic admired the 49 ban quets p rovid ed by Patiens and his wife admired the bishop's fasts. Nevertheless, Sidonius did fear for the safety of his ow n family in the 50 And there were others who saw

aftermath of the access ion of Nepos .

Chilperic's rule as something new. Acc ording to th e early-sixth-century Life of 45. John of Antioch, fr. 209, cited in Gordon, 46. Sidonius Apollinaris, epp. V 6; V 7; VI (92), II 1 1 (96). 47. 48. 49. 50.

Sidonius Sidonius Sidonius Sidonius

Apollinaris, epp. V 6; V 7. Apollinaris, ep. V 7, 7. Apollinaris, ep. VI 12, 3. Apollinaris, epp. V 6; V7.

15

The Age ef Attila,

pp. 122-3.

12, 3; Vita Patmm lurensium, II 1 0

The Merovingian Kingdoms

the Jura Fathers, abbot Lupicinus attacked Chilp eric s power as being a type of '

kingship (condicio regia) rather than an exercise of public justice (ius publicum).

51

Th at it was something new is further in dicate d by Sidonius's extraordinary

descriptio n of Syagrius as 'a new Solon of the Burgundians in interpreting

law', imp lying that a Roman aristocrat had devoted himself to

drafting edicts

for Chilperic and his Burgundians.52 Nevertheless, the Gibichung family

remained attached to the idea of the Roman Empire. Gundobad and his son

Sigi s mun d both w anted the title of magister militum in the sixth century, lo ng after the last emperor in the west had been deposed. 53

The creation of the Visigothic kingdom By 476 the Vi sig othic position was very different. The immediate result of the

battle of the C atalaunian Plains in 451 had been the succession of Theoderid's

eldest son, Thorismund. His policies looked back to the more aggressive

activities of his fath e r ; he fought the Alans, and he attacked Arles.54 His reign,

and successor, Theodoric II,

however, was short-lived, and his brother

c ooperated rather more clos ely with the Empire, sending a third brother Frideric against the Sp anis h Bacaudae in 454 and appointing Avitus emperor in 55 Sidonius d e s cribes the Visigothic court in a letter of this

th e following year.

perio d. He paints a picture of the king's day, starting with his religious

observance, and running through his holding court, surrounded by barbarian troops and ap proa c hed by foreign legates, his tour of the royal stables, his

restrained lunch, followed by

a

game of dice, his hearin g of litigants, and

dinner.56 Sidonius, perhaps for p o litical reasons, is concerned to portray

res train ed and civilized man, with

a

a

good deal of power and authority.

After the overthrow of Avitus in 456 Majorian had to use force to bri ng

the Vis igo ths into line, but thereafter they fought for him against the Sueves

in Spain. In the confusion following Maj o rian s death in 461, h owever, th ey '

found themselves fighting against one of his closest supp o rters , Aegidius, first

in the south, and subsequently in the Loire valle y , where Frideric was killed

in 463.57 Two years later Aegidius hims�lf died, provi di n g opportunity for

V is igothi c expansion in the Loire valley.:i8 Despite this territorial expansion

Theodoric was still technically a federate of the Roman Empire, working in

the

service first of Severus and then of Anthemius. This relationship between

the Visigoths and the Romans was bro ken by Euric, who murdered his

brother Theodoric in 466 and seized the Visigothic throne. 59 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59.

Vita Patrum lurensium, 92

(II, 10).

Sidonius Apollinaris, ep. V 5, 3.

Avitus, cpp. 78, 93, 94. Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 178.

of the Goths, Sidonius Apollinaris, ep. I 2.

W olfram, History

pp. 178-9.

Wolfram, Hist01y ef the Goths, p. 180.

Wolfram, History of the Goths, p. 181.

Wolfram, History efthe

Goths, p. 181.

16

The

Barbarians

in

Gaul

The first clear indication of a real shift in attitude towards the Roman

Empire comes not from evidence relating to Eu ric himself, but rather from a

letter of Sidonius discussing the accusations levelled against the prefect of Gaul, Arvandus, in 468. The latter was accused of treason on account of a letter he had sent to Euric, advising him not to make peace with the Greek emperor, that is Anthemius, but rather to attack the Britons who were

stationed on the Loire, and to divide Gaul with the Burgundians. Sidonius depicts the scheme as madness; nevertheless he maintained his friendship for

Arvandus, and he may even have given up his office of prefect of the City of 60 Rome in order not to be involved in sentencing his friend. Arvandus's scheme was premature. But Euric did take some of the advice offered. He attacked and defeated the British forces which Riothamus had brought to the

Loire in support of the emperor.

The events of the next few years are recorded in considerable detail by

Sidonius. Having returned from Rome at the end of 468, he was suddenly consecrated bishop of Clermont in 470. Since the Auvergne was central to

Euric's strategy between 469 and 475, Sidonius is a well-informed, and involved, witness. Already at the start of the period Euric moved to isolate the Auvergne, by annexing the territories to the south and west. In so doing

he seems to have been acting in concert with a Roman official called

Seronatus. Despite his determination to maintain his friendship with Arvandus, Sidonius shows nothing but hostility towards Seronatus, whose 61 plans impinged too closely on his own life. In 471 Euric launched his first

onslaught against Clermont. Military resistance was organized by Sidonius's

brother-in-law, Ecdicius, son of the emperor Avitus. In r e sponse, Anthemius sent an army fr om Italy under the command of his son, but Euric's forces crossed the Rhone, destroying it and killing its general. The Burgundians 62 then intervened, pushing the Visigoths back across the river. The following year Euric attacked Clermont again; once more Ecdicius organized

the

defence,

probably

using

Burgundian

troops.

Anthemius

intended to acknowledge his achievements by giving him the title of patricius, but the emperor was himself killed by Gundobad. Under his successor, Olybrius, the Burgundians seem to have continued to defend the Auvergne against the Visigoths. Sidonius, suspected by the Burgundians, and threatened by the Visigoths, thought the situation intolerable; but worse was to follow. With the death of Olybrius and the appointment of Julius Nepos the Burgundians under Chilperic found themselves in opposition to the emperor; presumably they withdrew from any involvement in the defence of the

60. Sidon ius Apollinarics, ep. I 7; on this sec J.D. Harries, 'Sidonius Apollinaris, Rome and the barb ari ans : a cli mate of treason?', in Drinkwater and Elton, eds,

Fifth-Cent11ry

Gaul, pp. 298-308;

H.C.

Teitler, 'Un-Roman activities in late antique

Gaul: the cases of Arvandus and Seronatus', ibid. pp. 309--17. 61. Sidonius Ap olli naris , epp. II 1; V 13; VII 7, 2; Teitler, 'Un-Roman activities

in late antique Gaul'. 62. Wolfram, Histo1y

of the Goths,

pp. 181-4. 17

The Meroving ian Kingdoms

Auvergne. Nepos at first delighted Sidonius by conferring on Ecdicius the

patriciate which Anthemius had promised. Shortly afterwards, however, in

475 the emperor conceded the Auvergne to Euric in return for Provence,

which the Visigoths had apparently overrun two years previously. Clermont

was taken over by the

dux

Victorius, a Gallo-Roman whom Euric had

appointed as governor of Aquitania Prima; Sidonius was sent into exile. The treaty agreed between Euric and Julius Nepos was one of the last imperial acts to

affect

Gaul.

The

deposition

of

Nepos

and

then

that

of

Romulus

Augustulus in 4 7 6 saw the end of the line of western Roman emperors. Euric

moved to reconquer Provence, which he did, despite the opposition of the

Burgundians. 63

In the immediate aftermath of annexation or conquest Euric's rule was far

from pleasant. Laymen who had opposed the Visigoths are likely to have suffered; so too did ecclesiatics. Here there was an additional complication in

that Euric and his people were arian Christians, who believed that the Holy

Trinity was a hierarchy, in which the Father, Son and Holy Ghost were not equal, while the majority of the Gallo-Romans, including Sidonius, were

catholics, and insisted on the equality of the three persons in the Godhead.

Euric, therefore, was able to combine politics and religion, in persecuting the

catholic Church. Just before his own exile Sidonius described to bishop Basil

of Aix-en-Provence the state of the Church in the areas under Visigothic rule: Bordeaux, Perigueux, Rodez, Limoges, Javols, Eauze, Bazas, Comminges

and Auch were all without bishops, and it was impossible to enter basilicas

because their doorways were overgrown with brambles.64 A century later

f

Gregory of Tours treated this descri tion as representing the normal state of

the catholic Church under Euric.

6

In fact there is plenty of evidence to

suggest that the oppression was merely temporary, being imposed while the king established his grip on the country.66 Thereafter the sees were filled;

Sidonius himself returned to Clermont, where the chief opposition to him came from his own clergy. 67

The kingdom which Euric created was substantial. It occupied most of the

land of France south of the Loire and west of the Rhone. In addition, regular campaigns within Spain had brought much of the area to the south of the

Pyrenees under Visigothic control, even if as yet there were few Gothic settlements in the region.

far-reaching importance. In

Further, Euric's court was clearly a place of

a

somewhat panegyrical poem Sidonius described

some of those in attendance on the king; Saxons, a Frank, a Herule and a Burgundian; Ostrogoths seeking help and Roman protection. 68 Elsewhere he

refers to a treaty imposed by the king on the peoples who lived on the river

63. 64. 65. 66.

Wolfram, History ef the Goths, pp. 184--9. Sidonius Apollinaris, ep. VII 6. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, II 25. Wolfram, History ef the Goths, pp. 199-200. 67. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, II 22-3. 68. Sidonius Apollinaris, ep. VIII 9, 5. 18

The Barbarians in Gaul

Wahal, that is the Franks.

69

Whether Euric really could enforce a settlement

so far away is open to question but clearly he tried to exert influence considerably to the north-east of his own territories. ,

The Gallo-Romans quickly reached accommodation with the new rulers,

despite differences in culture and religion Some like Seronatus and Victorius .

moved to do so even before 476. Numerous others must have done so

w ell.

Sidonius

wrote

to

a number

of Romans who

as

achieved eminent

positions under Euric, including Leo, who became one of the king's leading

advisers. In a letter addressed to him in 476 or 477, Sidonius talks of Euric 7° restraining weapons with laws. If the laws in question were the great legal

compilation known as the Codex Euricianus, then the king must have had the 71 support of numerous Roman lawyers from relatively early in his reign. Sya�ius likewise collaborated with the Burgundians in legal matters before

469.72 Within a mere twenty years of the murder of Valentinian III the Romans had accustomed themselves to new political circumstances, and the

barbarian rulers had taken over many of the duties which had formerly been

exercised by provincial governors

as well

as

military leaders.

The new

establishment was to be more durable than the experiment envisa ged by Athaulf and attemp ted by Constantius and Aetius, where a traditional Roman government was supported by barbarian arms.

69. Sidonius Apollinaris, ep. VlIJ 3, 3.

70. Sidonius Apollinaris, ep. Vlll 3, 3.

71. On the Codex Euridanus, see Wolfram, History ef the Goths, pp. 194-5. 72. Sidonius Apollinaris, ep. V 5, 3.

19

Chapter Two

Literary Continuity and Discontinuity: Late-Fifth- and Sixth-Century Culture

The impact of the barbarian invasions and settlements in Gaul can be seen in the substantial literary output of the fifth c entury. This literature, however,

presents considerable problems for the histori an

.

First, it is geographically

confined: it almost all comes from southern and central Gaul. Very little of it

relates to the north and n o rth e ast, altho ugh Salvian does describe the sack of 1 It is also the product of a single class. Indeed the majority of fifth- and -

Trier.

early-sixth-century writers whose works have survived were relat e d to each 2 Despite these limitations the surviving evidence for the fifth century

other

.

depi c ts the pe riod in two ra dical ly different ways.

M o st of the

works

produced in the first half of the century p ortray a period of social and

religious cataclysm,

which is argu ably compatible wi th

the archaeology of the

north-eastern province s where evidence for de cline in the cities, towns and ,

villas, and dramati c changes in burial practices, gives a picture of d isrup tion

.

By contrast Sidonius Apollinaris, the most prolific writ er of the se cond half of the century, imp lie s almost total continuity with the imperial past. This

discrepancy makes any assessment of the extent of dislocation caused by the

barbarian invasions extremely difficult. It also p oints to a third limitation

within the sources; that of genre. To a very large extent the sources of the first part of the period which suggest calamity are moralizing tracts intended

to prompt sp iritu al and social �eform. Sidonius's writings are verse panegyrics

addressed to emperors, and letters : both literary forms which tend to emphasize the traditional value s of the senatorial aristocracy and imperial 3 court.

Although this poses

a

very particular problem for understanding the history

of Gaul in the fifth ce ntury similar evidential difficulties continue into the ,

Mer ovingian period. The contemporary evidence for the g en eration after

Sidonius, that is th e last decades of fifth- and the first of sixth-century Gaul, is 1 . Salvian, De Gubernatione Dei VI 39, 72-7, 82, 85-9. 2. Wood, 'Continuity or calamity?: the constraints of literary mod els

3. Wood, 'Continuity or

calamity?:

',

the constraints ofl iterary models'.

20

pp. 10-11.

Late Fifth-

and

Sixth-Century Culture

largely made up of letter collections. These a ga i n imply considerable social and

cultural

con tinuity at

a

senatorial

level.

They impo s e

a

particular

perspective on the period , albeit one that is often ignored, because it does not

provide a narrative framework for u nderstan din g late Roman and early

Merovingian history. Such

a framework is provided only by sources written

towards the end of the sixth ce ntury, by the short chronicle of Marius of

Avenches and, above all, by the Decem Libri Historiarum, or Ten Books of

Histories, of Gregory of Tours .

The

Ten Books of Histories have determined the outlin es of early

Merovingian history. They are, nevertheless, unique. Indeed in the preface to

his work Gregory appears to proclai m their un i queness . I nevitab ly there is a

danger of rely ing too much on Gregory. Despite their importance, for much

of the p eriod for which they provide the chief narrative, the Decem Libri

Historiarum are not strictly sp e aking contemporary. Moreover, they arc not the culture of early Merovingian Gaul. It is, therefore,

representative of

important to be aware of the changing nature of the evidence for the period,

before turning to the narrative of early Merovin gian history. At the same tim e

the cultural history of the late fifth and sixth centuries is worthy of attention

in its own right.

Sidonius Ap ollinaris and the last days of the Empire Sidonius Ap ollinaris was born into one of the l ea ding senatorial families in

Gaul in the early 430s. He was well educate d at Lyons and Ades. He married

the daughter of Avitus, then p rae torian prefect of the Gauls. Wh en in 455 his

father-in-law b ecame emperor,

delivered

Sidonius

accompanied hi m

to

Italy

and

a panegyric in his honour in 456. S hortly afterwards Avitus was

overthrown, and Sidonius, back in Lyons, had the problem of welc onung the new emperor Maj orian , again with a verse p ane gy ric. Subsequently Sidonius

limeli gh t until the fall of Majorian, and the elevation of Anthemius, for whose first cons ulship in 468 he also deli v ered a pane gyric. In recompense An them.ins created Sidonius pre fect of the city of

s ee ms to have retired from the

Ro me. Within a year, however, the latter had returned to Gaul, and in somewha t mysterious ci rc u mstances he became bishop of Clermont in 471 . Thereafter he was one of the prime figures in the resistance to Euric, until

Nep os conceded the Auv e rgn e to the Visigoths. For Sidonius the immediate

result was exile, but after one or two years he did re turn , and live d out his 4 life as bishop , albeit harassed by his own clergy, until the late 480s. Granted his edu catio n and career it is not surprising that

S i doni us, both in

his panegyrics and also in his letter-collection, was able to sec the last days of

the imperial court within a traditio nal perspective. It is difficult, nevertheless, to assess the extent to whi ch this persp ectiv e is

reigns of Avitus, Majorian 4. For

the narrative

and

actually appropri ate to the

Anthemius. The confused events of the 450s

of Sidonius's life,

see

21

C.E. Stevens, Sidonius Apo/linaris.

The Merovingian Kingdoms

and 460s are not easily squared with the literary image of the period purveyed by Sidonius. Equally problematic is the validity of Sidonius's very cultured

presentation of the barbarian co urts of Theodoric II, Euric and Chilp eric I.5 Here, the author might have had political reasons to present the barbarians in

as positive a light as p oss ible Except in very specific cases Sidonius's attitudes a nd style encourage the reader to see continuity where there may have been .

disruption. Thus his writings give the opposite impre ss ion to those of the

earlier moralists like Salvian, and even of that conveyed by Paulinus of Pella, a member of the senatorial aristocracy who collaborated with the Visigoths in the early years of their settlement in Aquitaine, but eventually lost the majority of his property, as he relates in his autobiographical poem, the

Eucharisticon. 6

Asceticism and culture in the fifth and sixth centuries The question of the dislocation in the literary evidence for the fifth century

can be approached from a different angle. Paulinus of Pella provides an

unusual example of a member of the senatorial aristocracy known to have been bankrupted by the barbarian invasions. A number of his contemporaries, however, willingly gave up their wealth during the opening decades of the fifth century. One of the most notable features of the first years of th e

invasions was t he development of monasticism in souther n Gaul. The patrons of this monastic movement were largely members of the Gallo-Roman aristocracy. Of these the most influential was Honoratus, the founder of the

island monastery of Lerins, just off the southern coast of Gaul. Lerins itse lf

was importa n t in two ways; first it played a major part in t he promotion of

monastic ideals in Gaul, and second it trained a succession of bishops who 7 made a substa nt ial impact on the Gallo-Roman, and later Frankish, Church.

It was not the only important monastic centre in Gaul; already Martin, bishop

of Tours at the end of the fourth century, had established an ascetic tradition

in the Touraine and Po ito u, 8 and in Marseilles John Cassian, an easterner

with first-hand knowledge of Egyptian asceticism, wrote two of the classics of monastic literature, the Institutes and the Conferences. 9 Cassian, however, was associated with Lerins, as was Salvian, himself a priest of Marseilles.

10

5. Sido nius Apollinaris, epp. I 2; VI 12, 3; VIII 9, 5. 6. Pauli nus , E11charisticon, 11. 291-405. 7. The classic account is to be found in F. Prinz, Fn'ihes Mi:inchtum im Frankenreich, pp. 47-87; on the position of Lerins in the ecclesiastical politics, see R.W. Mathisen, Ecclesiastical Factionalism and Religious Controversy in Fifth-Century Gaul, pp. 69-205. 8. C. Stancliffe, St Martin and his Hagiographer, passim; P. Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority and the Church, pp. 143-65. 9. 0. Chadwick, john Cassian, passim; Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority and the Ch u rch , pp. 169-234. 10. R. Markus, Tlie End of Andent Christianity, pp. 164, 168.

22

Late Fifth- and Sixth- Century Cultu re

This tradition of aristocratic asceticism spread through Gaul largely as a result of the episcopal careers of certain Lerinian monks. One of the most influential of these was the Briton Faustus, bishop of Riez. Among those who regarded Faustus as their spiritual master was Sidonius, whose brother had 11 been in s o me way saved by the bishop . The religious culture o f Lerins and of Faustus in particular seem at first sight to be at odds with the rhetorical c u ltu r e of Sidonius's own writings. Even when the latter does raise religious matters, he seems to deal with them from a different perspective than that of the ascetic theology of Faustus or the spiritual philosophy of another great writer and friend, Clau dianus Mamertus . Again, however, the problem i s a matter of style as much as one of substance. On the one hand the theologians of the fifth century were also experts in rhetoric, even if the style they chose as being approp riat e to their r eligi o us works was differen t from that used by Sidonius in his letters and po ems ; on the other, Sidonius is known to have composed some ecclesiastical works including an epitaph for the ascetic Abraham, p o ems for various c hu rch es , as well as a version of the M ass which 12 appears not to have survived. Sidonius's letters and poems portray a world i n which imperial values and late Roman rhetorical culture flourish. The relationship of this picture with th at pro vi de d by Salvian and his fellow moralists, who saw the early fifth century as a period of destruction, is not immediately apparent. Yet Sidonius belonged to th e same aristocratic class as Salvian and the early ascetics of Lerins, although he belonged to a yo u n ge r generation. He w a s also closely connected with some of those bishops w h o had spent time in the island monastery. Taken together, this evidence indicates some of the complexity of cultural responses to the developments of the fifth century, even tho ugh it relates to only one particular section of society. The ascetic c ul ture of Lerins was to continue to be of significance. One of the island's greatest p upils was Caesarius, bishop of Aries from 503 to 543 . Born of noble family in territory c o ntroll e d by the Burgundians, he left his parents and went to Lerins, where his ascetism was too severe for his health. As a result he was sent to Arles, where he came into contact with the rhetorician Julian us Pomerius . Meanwhile he attracted the attention of bishop Aeonius of Aries , who negotiated his release from the community of Lerins, and ordained him. Thereafter he became abbot of one of the city's suburban monasteries, and then bishop. In that office he had to deal first with the Visigothic king Alaric I I and then with the Ostrogoth Theodoric I. He was twice accused of treason , but was exonerated on both occasions. Subsequently he witnessed the trans fer of Provence to the Franks. His writings include two monastic rules and a large number of sermons , notable for the simplicity of their style as well as their message. Despite his connections with Julianus Pomerius, whom he influenced gre atly Caesarius was able to disregard the ,

1 1 . Sidonius 12. Sidonius

I I 22.

Apollinaris, epp . VI 3; VI 9; Apollinaris, epp .

II

1 0 , 4;

carm.

XVI . Gregory, Decein Ubri Historiarum

VII 17, 2;

23

The Merovingian Kingdoms

rhetorical traditions

of his own class.

As a preacher who

cultivated an

the convenor of a number of maj or c h u r ch councils , he was perhaps the most i nfluential p roduct of Lerins . 13 accessible style of preaching, as a monasti c legislator, and as

Letter-writing i n the sixth century In the literature to have survived from the sixth century, however, the legacy of Sidonius is as significant as that of Lerins. Indeed, Caesarius apart, the maj or writers of the next generation looked back to Sidonius as their model.

In so d oing they extended the problem of dete nnining the relationship

between rhetoric and reality into the early barbarian p eriod. Two writers whose le tter-collections survive, Ruricius of Limoges and Avitus of Vienne,

op enly revered the style of Sidonius, 1 4 and a third, Ferreolus of Uzes, is

known to have modelled his own writin gs on those of the bishop of 15 Clermont. Ennodius of Pavia , whose career took him to I t aly but whose ,

from Provence , wrote in a similar style . Amon g the writings of Ru ricius , Avitus and Ennodius ar e numerous letters of friendship , or amicitia, whi ch were one of the traditional means of culti va ting and maintaining family

came

contact with one ' s peer group . Sidonius , like the Late Antique authors on

whom he 1nodelled himself, had written such l e tters to e n sur e the existence of a pool of friends on whom he could count in times of need. The writers of 16 the next ge n era ti on did the same Both Ruricius and A vitus were close relatives o f Sidonius, as well as literary followers. 1 7 Avitus was also related, if only as godson, to bishop 18 Mame rtus brother of the theologian Claudianus . He succeeded his father, .

,

Hesychius, as bishop of Vienne, in or about 490 . 1 9 His cathedral city was one

the favourite centres of the B u rgundian kings , and he therefore had much wh o like Euric was an arian, he corresponded at len gth over questions of

of

to do with both G u n do bad and his son Sigismund. With the form er,

doctrine.

20

Sigismund converted to catholicism before becoming king in

5 1 6.

of Vienne was probably not responsible for his conversion, but he undoubtedly exercised considerable influence at the start of the new reign. He The bishop

even seems to have b e en responsible for Sigi s mu n d s most formal letters , those '

1 3 . J . M . Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church. , pp . 1 3-1 6, 55-7, 97-9. 1 4 . Ruricius, cp. II 26; Avitus, cpp. 4 3 , 5 1 . 1 5. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiamm, V I 7. 1 6 . I. N. W o o d , ' Admi n i strati o n , law and culture in M erovingian Gaul ' , in R . McKitterick, ed., The Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe, pp . 67-7 1. 1 7 . On the family connecti ons of this group , sec R. W. Mathisen, 'Epistolography, literary circles and family ties in Late Roman Gaul' , Transactions ef the American Philological Association 1 1 1 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , pp. 95-109. 1 8 . Avitus , h o rn . 6 . 1 9 . Avitus, h o m . 6. 20. e . g. Avi tus , epp . l -4, 2 1 -2 , 30.

24

Late Fifth-

and

addressed to the eastern e mp e ror. figure .

21

Sixth- Century Culture He was not, however, simp ly a poli tical

In his letters to Gundobad, in some of his sermons ,

and in his

versification of the first two books of the Bible, he showed himself to be a

re aso n able theologian . And in his l e n gthy poem on virginity, the Consolatoria

de castitatis laude, he rev e al ed the commitment of himself and his

family

to the

ascetic li fe .

A compari s on of Sidonius and Avi tu s reveals something of the

c ontinuities

and discontinuities of the late fifth and early sixth centuries , a nd th us of the

period which saw the transformation of the barbarian s ettlem ents into fully

fledged ki n gdoms . Avitus, like Sidonius, was a master of rhetoric; if anything

his style is more complex than that of his model although his grammar is less ,

classical. Also like Sidoniu s he found a career in the Church, although this

se ems

to h a ve been a ma tte r of choice at

a

relatively early age , whereas

S i d o n i u s became b ishop after a maj or secular career, without any obvious

preparation. Av i tus s father, who was perhaps a tribune in 4 5 6 , exp e ri ence d '

the same shift from s ec ular to ecclesiastical office as Sidonius. 22 A generation

later the political opportuni ties which had been

a vai lable

in the middle of th e

fifth c entury were closed, but equally the restri c ti ons of the 470s had lifted. As

b ishop of a maj or city Avitus was invo lved in court politics to an e xtent that Si do niu s cut off from the centre of V i si gothi c power in Clermont, was not. He was also more adept at u s ing his rhetori c al skills in the service of theology and asceticism. In so doing he combined the reli gi o u s culture of L e rins and th e rhetorical culture of Late Antiquity mo re successfully than had Sidonius. Avitus's genera ti on is the last for whi c h a full Roman education in the schools of Gaul can be assumed. N everth el ess the c ultu re of Si donius and his followers was preserved among the s u rvivin g Gallo-Roman aristocracy. Ferreolus of Uzes, who died in 5 8 1 , was the a u thor of a letter-collection in the manner of Sidoni us 2 3 His name suggests tha t he was the scion of one of th e great families of fifth-century Gaul, a family, i ndee d which Sidonius held 24 in great esteem. Like Avitus, he app ears to have combined rhetoric and asceticism. Altho u gh his letters have not survived, a monastic Rule which he co mp osed is still extant I n addition, Parthenius, neph ew of Ennodius of Pavia, and husband of a granddaugh ter of Ruri cius, was highly re garded by his conte mporaries for his skill in rh e t oric . How he obtained this skil l is not ,

.

,

.

recorded, but it may be significant that he visited Ravenna, where he

befriended the poet Arator. 25 He was to become one of the leading advisers of the Merovingian king Th e udebert I , and was lynched after the king s death 26 as being responsible for taxin g the Fran ks . Another family to boast a continu i n g li terary tradition was that of the late-sixth-century p atric i an , '

21. Avitus, epp . 78, 93-4. 22 . Mathisen, 'Epistolography,

literary circles 23. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarium, VI 7. 24. Sidonius Apollinaris, ep. VII 1 2 .

2 5 . Mathisen , ' Epistolography, literary circles 26. Gregory, Decem Uhri Historiamm, III 36.

25

and

family ties ' , p. 1 00 .

and

family ties ' , p. 103 .

The Merovingian Kingdoms

Dyn amius , who n umb er e d Venantius Fortunatus , the greatest p o et of the 27 p eri od, and pope Gre gory the Great among his correspondents . The esteem in which the literary ab ility of th es e men w as held can be seen

in a collection known as the Epistulae A ustrasiacae, which contains two of Dynamius' s letters and also

a

p a ssin g reference to the skills of

Parthenius. 28

The Epistulae A ustrasiacae is made up of forty ei gh t letters, the earliest of -

whic h is a verse epistle of the 460s, and the latest is to be dated to c. 590. It is

thought

to

have been

put

t o ge th e r

shortly

thereafter,

p erh ap s

at

the

Austrasian, that is the east Frankish, co u rt hence the title by wh ich the collection is known. 29 A number of the letters relate to diploma tic missions ,

between Austrasia and Byzantium, but the collection cann o t have had

a

p u rely p oli tic al purpose. Some letters might have been re garde d even in the

late sixth century as being historically import ant ; the first two , which are among the earliest in the collection, are letters from Remigiu s , b ish op of Rheims, to Clovis, the first C hris ti an king of the Franks. But several of the Epistu lae A ustrasiacae have no such importance, being expressions of frie n dshi p ,

like the amicitia l e tters o f Sidonius and his followers , sent from one member of the

court

to

an o ther .

The

co lle cti o n of model le tt ers

,

compilation, therefor e , might be seen

as

a

ap p ropria t e to all sorts of circ u ms tance s , formal

and informal. If this is th e case, it is testi mony to the c o n tin uing i mport ance

of a li t era ry tradition within the Frankish court in the late sixth century. Moreover, s in c e letters had a considerable social function in creating and

maintaining bonds of friendship , which

could be

exploited for political ends ,

the continuity of this li tera l}' tradition may also i mply the continuity of 30 patterns of political i nfl u e n c e . That the ex ch a nge of letters continued to be significant into the seventh

century is c l ea r from the co lle cti on of Desiderius of Cahors . D e si d erius was an

aristocrat from A qu i t ain e where he seems to have been educated. He ,

the court of Chlothar II after 6 1 4 , and there he forme d

a

joined

number of close

fri en dship s . However, when one brother who was gov erno r of M ars eill e s

died, he was sent to replace him, and he was later elected bishop of C ah o rs in 31 As bishop , D e si deri u s had

p la c e of another brother, who had been killed.

o ccasion to write about numerous sp e ci fic issues, but he also took time to maintain the fri endship s he had made at court. In so doing he was c ont inui n g a tra dition which looked back to Sidonius, a nd to t h e social traditions of the 32

late Roman aristocracy.

The gre ates t collection of l e tte rs to have survived from post-Roman Gaul,

however, is made up of the poems of Venantius Fortunatus, many of which

are v ers e epistles. Fortunatus was no t 27 . Venantius Fortunatus ,

also IV 3 7 . 28.

Epistulae Austrasiacae,

carm.

a

G allo R o m an , but an Ital i an . H avin g -

VI 9-1 0; Gregory I , Register, III

33; VII 33;

12, 1 6, 17.

2 9 . P. Goubert, Byzame avant l 'lslam, 2, Byzance e t /'Occident, pp . 9 5-6.

30. Wo od , 'Administration, law and culture in Merovingian Gaul ' , pp. 67-9 .

3 1 . For his life , see Vita Desiderii Cadurcensis. 32. Wood, 'Administration, law and culture in Merovingian Gaul' , pp. 70-1 .

26

see

I.Ate Fifth- and Sixth- Century Culture

been c ure d of an eye infection thro ugh the agency of St M artin , in 565 he decided to visit the saint's shrine at Tours. His j ourney took h im through Austrasia, where he was h osp itably received by members of the ari sto cra cy In 33 return he co mp o se d short poems of thanks. T hro ughout his career he .

continued to write occasional pieces for friends and patrons, among them

L e o n ti u s bishop of Bordeaux, the h usb an d of one of Sidonius's des c en dants

.

34

He also c omp os e d more formal poems, i n cluding an epithalamium on the

marriage of king Sigib ert and the Visigo thic p rinc ess Brunhild as well as panegyrics and poems for the courts of Charibert and Chilp eri c I . These public poems provi d e what is perhaps the best evidence for the ideology of 35 the Mero vi ngian court in the second half of the sixth century. After Fortunatus left the Austrasian kingdo m he travelled to Tours and ultimately to

Poitiers , wh ere h e b e c ame bisho p in th e last years of his life . Once he reached Po i ti e rs hi s li tera ry output b ecame increasingly religi o u s and included a ,

numb er of prose saints' Lives. During his e arly days in Poitiers a substantial number of his poems were written for Rade gund , sometime wife of the Merovingian king Chlothar I, and founder and inmate of th e abbey of th e Holy Cross in Poitiers . For her he c o mpose d his most imp ortant devo tional

36 in p rais e of virginity. Comp aris on between this last work, with its h ighly c harge d and colourful ima gery, and Avitus of Vienne's wo rk o n c has tity which appro aches the same subj ect thro ugh an examination of his own family, r ev e als a vast difference in the imagination of the two writers, and do e s suggest th a t despite the continuities , there had been a sharp change of tas te in the first half of the sixth century. On th e one hand c h as tity is understo od as an aspect of the piety of a senatorial family, while on the other it becomes the centre of a visio n of the kingdom of heaven and its s aintly inhabi tants . Altho ugh Fortunatus was an Italian, and although there is n othing comparable to his books of poetry in the sixth-century west, in many respects

works ,

i nclu ding

s ev e ral

hymns

and

a

poem ,

his writings can be placed in the s ame tradition as those of Sidon.ius and

Avitus. While the latter left no verse e p i stl es , Sidon.ius did, as did o the r writers whose works are p r e s e rv ed in the Epistulae A ustrasiacae. As for th e content of the verse epistles of F o rtun atus like that of many fifth- and sixth c entury letters , it is often concerned simp ly with expressions of frie ndship , here called dulcedo rath e r than amicitia, an d thanks . In addition, Fortunatus's p an e gyri c s are a revival, if not a co ntin u atio n of the form in which Sidonius had ex c ell e d His career is fu rthe r proof of th e esteem in whi ch the sixth-century aris to c racy and the courts of the Mcrovingian kings continued to hold lit erary skill ,

-

,

.

.

33. For his career, see J. G eorge, Venantius Fortunatus : A Latin Poet in i\1erovingian Gaul, pp. 1 8--3 4.

34. George, Venantius Fortunatus : A I.At in Poet in Merovingian Gaul, pp. 70-4. 35 . G eorge , Venantius Fortuna/us: A Latin Poet in Merovingian Gaul, pp. 35-6 1 ; M. Reydellet, LA R oya u t e dans la litterat1m latine de Sidoine Apollinaire a Isidore de Seville, pp . 297-344. 36. George, Venantius Fortunatus: A I.Atin Poet in Merovingian Gaul, pp. 32-4, 1 6 1 -77.

27

The Merovingian Kingdoms

Gregory of Tours and the decline of culture It is against this background that the writings of Fortunatus's friend, Gregory

of Tours , need to be considered. All too often Gregory's greatest work , th e Ten Books of Histories, whi ch are unq uestionably t h e most substantial and i mp ortan t single source for the h is t o ry of s i xth ce n tury Gaul, are considered -

in isolation. D espite their signi fic anc e

it is necessary to place them within

,

their historical and literary co ntext, in order to appreciate the complexity of Gregory's achievement, and so as to avoid being hoodwinked into takin g his w ork at face value. Gregory was born i n 538 or 5 3 9 . the

37

His family as he depi cts it was one of It was ce rtainly of con si d e rabl e

greatest senatorial families in Gaul.

importance in the sixth-century Gallic C h urch

.

Among his close relatives,

Gregory numbered bishops of Lyons, Clermont and Langres , and h e claimed 38 that all except for five bishops of Tours were rel a ted to him. Moreover, the

family was also said to have i n clud e d Ve tt iu s Ep a gathu s martyrs of

177. 39 G re go ry 's

,

one of th e Lyons

father died wh e n he was still a boy, and h e was

b r o u ght up first b y his great uncl e , Nicetius, then a priest in Chalon-sur­ -

S a6ne , but later b ish o p of Lyo n s

,

and afterwards by Avitus, archdeacon of

Clermont, where his uncle Gallus was bishop . Avitus was later to become

bishop of the same see . Gallus di e d in 5 5 1 , and by 552 G re go ry was a deacon i n Lyons, where Nicetius was then bishop . S u b s e que ntly he seems to have

served th e martyrial church of St Julian at Brioude, in the Auvergne. In 573,

however, he was elected b i sh o p of Tours . He died in 594 or p e rh ap s a year later.

G regory records that he wrote ten books of histories, s ev en of miracl es and

one of the

Life of the Fathers,

to gether wi th a c o mmen tary on the Psalter, and

a work on the offices of the Church, each in one book. He also m e nti ons

pr eface to the Masses of S ido niu s 40 All of these survive, .

commentary on the Psalter and the p re fac e

made up of one on the

.

e

a

xc ep t for the

The seven books of miracles a re

Glory of the Martyrs,

another on the p assio n and

miracles of St Julian of Brioude, four on th e miracles of St Martin , and one on the Glory ef the Confessors. In addition an acc o un t of th e miracles of St

Andrew and a version of the Passion

of the

Seven Sleepers of Ephesus h av e been

attributed to Gregory. The c o mpo s i ti o n of these works stretched over a

considerable p eri o d of time . The Histories were begun in the mid-570s and

n ot completed until s h o rtly b efore Gre go ry 's d e ath ; the four books on the mira cles of St Martin were started slightly earlier and the last of them was still

37. For a narrative of Gregory's life, see J. Verdon, Gregoire de Tours. Decem Libri Historiarnm, V 49; R.W. Mathisen, 'The family of Georgius Florentius Gregorius and the Bis h ops of Tours ' , Medievalia et Humanistica 1 2 ( 1 984) , pp. 83-9 5 . 39. Gregory, Decem U h ri Historiarnm , I 29, 3 1 ; Gregory, Uber Vitae Patrum, 6, 1 . 40 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarium, X 3 1 . 3 8 . Gre gory,

28

Late

Fifth-

and Sixth- Century Culture

being extended in 593 . The works on Julian, the Glory of the Martyrs and of

the confessors seem to belong largely to the 5 80s, as do es the legend of the

Seven Sleepers . The Life of the Fathers was not completed until 592 at the earliest. In other words, throughout the period of his episcopate Gregory was compiling and writing his

Histories

and his hagiographical works . 4 1

Gregory came from the same aristo cratic milieu a s Sidonius and hi s

followers. Much of his youth was spent in C lerm on t

a city wh e re the latter had been bishop , and his mentor there was Avitus, whose name indicates that he came from the same family as Sidonius's father-in-law. Some of his early ,

ecclesiastical career was spent in Lyons, which was Sidonius's own home

town. Since Gregory belonged to t he senatorial aristocracy, it might have b e en

assumed

that

he

would

accep t

its

literary

traditions.

His

great-grandfather, Gregory of Langres, had been a correspondent of Avitus of Vienne , 42 and the bishop of Tours himself wrote a preface to the Masses of Sidonius.43 Nevertheless, Gregory's surviving writings do not belong to the

rhetorical traditions which had been so fashionable in Late Roman and

Merovingian Gaul. I ndeed, at first sight he appears to deny that they existed

in his own day.

Gregory prefaced his great work, the Decem Libri Historiarum, with the

following statement:

The cultivation of liberal letters is declining or rather dying in the cities of Gaul , since some things that are good and some that are wicked are

taking place , and the savagery of the barbarians is on the loose; the

anger of the kings is sharp ; the churches are under threat from the heretics, and are protected by th e catholics; the faith of Christ bums in some and is cold in o the rs ; those same churches are enriched by the devout and empoverished by the perfidious; nor can any grammarian skillful in the art of dialectic be found to depict this in prose or verse . Many groan frequently, saying, 'Woe to our days, because the zeal for

letters has died among us, nor is it to be found in those people who can

set present events down in writing' . Knowing that these and similar

things are being said, in order t o commemorate past deeds , so tha t they

to the notice of fu ture generations, I have not be e n able to hide the s tru ggles of the wicked or the lives of those who have lived righteously, even in mu ch uncultivated sp e e ch . And I have been

may come

particularly inspired by this: l was impressed that many of us say that 'Few understand

a

philosophical rhetor, and many understand

rus ti

c

speech' .

4 1 . For a chronology of Gregory's writings see Verdon, Gregoire d e Tours, pp. 77-8 5 . 42 . Av:itus, ep. 64. 43 . Gregory, Decem Libri Histo1iarum , I I 22.

29

The Merovingian Kingdoms

In many ways this seems to contradict what is known of the culture of the

se nato rial aristocracy and the M er ovingi an court in the sixth century. Yet, on

the one hand this contradiction has been hidden by privile gin g Gregory's comments and ne glecting the importance of the

Episwlae Austrasiacae

and the

writings of Venantius Fortunatus ; on the other, it has been explaine d by the

apparent lack of educational opportunities available to Gre gory in the households o f Nicetius and Avitu s In answ er to this sec o nd argument it can .

be said that the education available to Desiderius of Cahors in the following

century is not likely to have been any better, 44 and yet he did write in the

manner of earlier letter-writers.

Gregory's account n e e ds to be read carefully . At first sight it is rather

a

confused juxtaposition of two themes; literary decline and p o litical crisis. The literary decline in question, however, is not a general one; it relates to a lack of grammarians, in other words to the absence of great schools. That is not to

say that there was no literary skill aro un d Indeed, Gregory almost admi tte d as much at the end o f the Histories when he asked his successors in the bishopric .

of Tours to preserve his works intact, allowing no alteration to them, except

th e ir versification.45 This may seem a curious e x c ep tion but it is as well to ,

remember that Gregory would have known of the versification of Sulpicius

Severus's Life of St Martin

by Paulinus of Perigueux, and that he counted

among his friends the poet V e na nt ius Fortunatus , himself the author of a poetic work

on

the miracles of St M artin

.

B esides, Gregory's p re face is in itself something of a rhetorical display,

leading to a defence of his use of rustic speech. Nor is the use of rustic sp eech necessarily the pro du ct of a decli n e in lite racy

Gregory

.

i ght have ma de

m

a

deliberate choice. The standard of the bishop of Tours 's Latin used to be seen as ruling out this possibility. Recently, however, scholars have become aware that there are considerable difficulties in assessing Gregory's linguistic skills. In

part this change of attitude has b e en caused by an

awareness

that the earliest

manuscript of the Histories, which contains o nly an abridged version of the

first six books , does not reflect Gregory's own intentions . It is , therefore ,

�

dange rous to take the poor quali 4

in dic ation of what Gregory wrote .

of the Latin in that manuscript as an

His own grammar and spelling may have

sical than is often supp o sed in any case, need to be separate d from arguments about style , particularly in a period of fast linguistic change, such as

been rather more Arguments

clas

about lan gua ge

.

,

the Merovingian Age. Gregory knew he was writing in a rustic style, and he

thought that this had certain advantages in terms of its accessibility to the 47 int ended audience. Caesarius of Ades seems to have held a similar opinion . 44 . On education in the seve nth century, see Wood, 'Administration, law and culture' , pp . 7 6-7 . 45. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, X 31 . 46. W. Gotfart, 'From Historiae to Historia Francorum and back again: aspects of the textual history of Gregory of Tours' , in Goffart, Rome 's Fall and After. , pp. 255-74. 47 . M.-J. Delage, Cesaire d'Arles: sermons au peuple, Sources Chretiennes 175 , pp.

1 80-208.

30

Late Fifth- and Sixth-Century Culture Like Caesarius, Gregory was , nevertheless, able to employ rhetorical devices

when he wanted to , as in the prefaces to the Histories. Also to be detached

from the qu es ti on of grammar is that of narrative skill. That Gregory was a

masterful storyteller has long been recognized. 48 That there is more to his

writing than an ability to recount individual anecdotes is increasingly being acknowledged. The bishop of Tours was c apable of ordering his narrative for

particular effect. He used j uxtapo siti on to e mp has ize his moral interpretation

of events , and also to impl political comments, when it would have b een � dangerous to speak openly.4

The dislocation between the culture of Sidonius and that of Gregory of

Tours is not, therefore , as extreme as a reading of th e preface to the Decem

Libri Historiarnm might imply. D espi te the absence of great schools of rhetoric,

something of the literary culture of Sidonius had survived in the continuing tradition of letter-writing. Although Gregory himself left no works within this

tradition, he was able to employ tricks of style when it suited him. In one respect, however,

Gregory does appear to h a ve broken new

ground. By deciding to write history he embarked on a task which other

Gallo-Romans had avoided, it seems, for over a century.50 Admittedly two Gallic chronicles survive from the fifth century,5 1 and the Chronicle of

Gregory's own contemporary Marius of Avenches

is

a

text

of utmost

importance with re gard to the territories once ruled by the Burgundian

kings. 52 Nevertheless chronicles, with their short annalistic entries, are scarcely to b e compared with a work of history on the scale of Gregory's Ten

Books.

Closer to such history in terms of the narrative skill required is hagiography.

In the century and a half prior to Gregory numerous saints' Lives had been

written, most notably those concerned with the Lerinian saints, Honoratus,

Hilary of Aries and Caesarius, as well as those devoted to Germanus of

Auxerre, the Jura Fathers , and Genovefa, the

vir

gin

saint of Paris. 53 But no

Gallic history survives from this period, and Sidonius had explicitly refused to

write one , when asked to provide an account of Attila's invasion of 45 1 . 54

F o r the end of th e fourth and early fifth centuries Gregory was able to use the Sp anish historian Oro sius , and the works of two otherwise unknown authors ,

Sulpicius Alexander and Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus, but thereafter he ha d 48 . See the surveys by W. Goffart, 111e Narrators of Barbarian Histo ry , pp. 1 1 2- 1 9 , and G. de Nie, Views from a Many- Windowed Tower, p p . 1-26. 49. I . N . Wo od , ' The secret histories of Gregory of Tours' , Revue Be ige de Philologie et d 'Histoire (forthcoming) 50. For Sidonius's refusal to write history, see ep . IV 22. The commission may have been taken up by a Goth , if Pe ter Heather's suggestions about Ablabius arc

correct:

Goths and Romans 332-489, pp. 64-5 . Earlier in the fifth century

Renatus

Profuturus Frigeridus and Sulpicius Alexander had written histories: Gregory, Libri Historiarum, I 8-9. 5 1 . S. Muhlberger, The Fifth- Century Chroniclers.

Decem

52. J. Favrod, La Chronique de Marius d 'Avenches (455-58 1). 53. For the date of the Vita Genovefae, M. Heinzelmann and J.-C. Poulin, Les Vies an.dennes de sainte Genevieve de Paris: Etude critique. 54 . Sidonius Apollinaris, ep . IV 22.

31

The Merovingian Kingdoms no hi s to rian to follow. Apparently, within Gaul the writing of history had no

appeal from the early fifth

c entu ry until Gregory determined to write an which would put his own times on record and set them in

account

p erspe c t i ve

.

It is not clear what induce d G re go ry to resort to t� e writing of his tory . His mo ther did encourage him in other of his writings, S:, and certainly there is a goo d deal of family tradition in the ten books , which might reflect h er influence , but she is not mentioned in the preface to the Decem Libri Historiarum. Nor is there anything to suggest that Grego ry was atte mpting to create a new genre of national historiography, although his History is often, misleadingly, d e s c ribe d as a history of the Franks. 56 He hi ms e lf e mp hasi ze d his concern to record the go o d and bad that was being done in his own day, especially in so far as it c o nc e rne d the Church, and he noted among the prin c ip al actors , kings, catholics and heretics. His concerns are moral and reli gi o u s and in certain respects, therefore, alth ou gh th ey appear to be o u t of line with the literary culture of Sidonius and his sixth-century followers, they do look back to the moral response which met the first wave of the barbarian ,

invasions .

Gre gory s mo ral and religio us concerns were unquestionably a significant 57 factor in leading him to write history. Arguably they are mo re apparent in the early books of Histories th an in the lat er ones, where his commentary on events was constrained by political circumstances . In dealin� with the difficult topics of his own day he resorted to s ile n c e and ambiguity . 8 For t h e late fifth and e arly sixth ce ntu ri e s however, he was less c o ns trai ned 59 His moral re adi n g of events wa s given free rein As a re sult , altho u gh he is our major narrative source for the period, he is not a reliable guide to the opening decades of the Me rovingi an kingd om '

,

.

.

.

5 5 . Gregory, Liber de Virtutibus saiuti Martini I, praef.

56.

See the comments of Goffart, ' From

again'.

57 . W .

Goffart,

The Narrators of Barbarian

Historiae to Historia Francomm

History, pp. 1 1 2-234; G. de Nie ,

from a Many- Windowed Tower, pp. 68-9, 1 28-3 2 , 287-93.

58. Wood, 'Th e secret histories of Gregory of Tours ' . 5 9 . Wood, 'Gregory o f Tours and Clovis', pp. 249-72.

32

and back Views

Chapter Three

The Establishment of Merovingian Power: the Franks before 5 3 7

The Franks were the last of th e invaders of Gaul , although ul timately they

were the most successful. Already under C lo vis (48 1 -5 1 1) they could bo ast a

leader of considerable stature . Th e n in 534 they ov erthr ew the kin gdom of the Burgundians , and two years l ate r

te rrit ory held by the

th ey were ceded the n1aj ority of the

Goths in Provence. D esp it e

their importance ,

the

emergence of the Franks as a power to be reckoned with is remarkably

obscure . Clovi s s father, Childeric I , is the first member of the Merovingian '

dy nas ty to be well attested in the sources, b u t even he remains a sh ad owy

figure . B efore him most of the e vid e nce for the royal dyn asty is lege n d ary .

Frankish nation was reasonably well known to the Roman emperors in the fo ur th century, its origins are equally hidden in myth.

And although the

Nevertheless the myths and lege nds associated with the Franks may hold some

clues to their early his tory: ce rt ai nly these le ge n ds were important to the

developing political ideologies of the Merovingian kingdom. They deserve before any investigation of the more o bvi ously historical evi de n c e which survives for the reigns of C hil deric and Clovis. examination

The Trojan legend of the Franks

Wri ting in the mi d seven th century, p rob ab ly in Burgundy, 1 the chronicler known as Frede gar recorded the tradition that Priam was the first king of the Franks. Friga succeeded him The people the n split up , some remaining in Macedonia, others following F riga to the Danube and the Ocean. There a further division took pl ac e Some stayed and, ruled by Torcoth, th ey became known as Turks, whil e others followed Francio to the Rhine, whe re they -

.

.

1.

After,

W. Goffirt, ' The Fredcgar problem reconsidered' , in Goffart, Rome 's Fall and pp . 3 1 9-54. 33

The Meroving ian Kingdoms

became known as Franks . Thereafter, under the leadership of military leaders , 2 duces, they remained undefeated.

Another version of this Trojan origin legend was written down in 727 by

the author of the

Liber Historiae Francorum.

According to him or her, after the

fall of Troy Priam and Antenor led twelve thou s and men to th e river Tanais,

and then to the Maeotic swamps . From there they moved to Pannonia, where

they built a city called Sicambria. Meanwhile the empe ror Valentinian offered remission of tribute for ten years to any people who could drive the Alans out of the Maeotic swamps. This the Troj ans did, and as a result they were called the Attic for

fier ce ' . When the ten

Franci, which the author thought

was

latter killed the tax collectors . As

result Valentinian sent troops against them,

'

years were over the Romans tried to reimp ose tribute on the Franks, but th e

but th ey fought back.

a

In th e battle Priam was killed. The Franks left

Sic a mbria and moved to the Rhine. There Sunno , Antenor's son, died, and ,

on the recommendation of Priam's son,

Marchomir, the 3

Franks e lecte d

Faramund as their rex crinitus, or long-haired king.

These tales are obvi o usly no more than legend, but they contain within

them some i ntere sting elements . C o mmon to both are Trojan and migration traditions. The Troj an story is first recorded in Fredegar, and it seems to have had some vogue in seventh- and eighth-century Francia, where o ther Trojan

legends were preserved. 4 Its origins can only be guessed at. Of relevance may be the tradition recorded by Ammianus Marcellinus, that the Burgundians 5 Although he does not say so explicitly, this

were b rothe rs of the Romans.

could mean that they were thought of as Trojans . The claim is biologically nonsensical, but it seems to have had political significance since it is first

recorded in the context of a diplomatic initiative of th e emperor Valentinian I, intended t o

secure

B urgundian

support

against

Alam.ans . Interestingly Macrianus was later to

die

Macrianus ,

king

of the

at the hands of the Franks.6

P erhaps the Franks and the Burgundians both gained the epithet 'Troj an ' at

this time. It may not b e chance that the Liber Historiae Francorum names the 7 emperor who called the followers of Priam Franks as Valentinian . With the evidence of Ammianus in mind, it is likely that the Franks, like

the Burgundians, received the epithet 'Trojan' within the context of i mp erial 8 diplomacy. This would not have been the only occasion on which the notion of brotherhood was used to imply a special relationship with Rome ;

the people of Autun, for instance, regarded themselves as b ein g brothers of 10 9 as did the men of the Auvergne . Subsequently what had

the Romans, 2.

Fredegar, III

2.

3. Liber Historiae Fratuorum, 1-4. 4. J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Long-Haired Kings, p. 80 . 5. Amrnianus Marcellinus, XXVIII 5, 1 1 . 6. Ammianus Marcellinus, XXX 3 , 7 . 7 . Liber Historiae Francorum, 2 . 8 . Wood, 'Ethnicity and the ethnogenesis of the Burgundians', pp . 9. Panegyrici Latini, V 2, 4. 1 0 . Sidonius Apollinaris , ep . VII 7, 2.

34

57-8.

The

Fra nks before 53 7

been no more than a name i mplying a certain diplomatic affiliation between the Franks and Valentinian must have been i nterpre te d as

indication of the origins of the Franks th ro u gh contact with what was

the story, originating

.

provi ding

a ge nui ne

The idea will have been elaborated

still kn own of the Troj an legend. Ultimately

partly in i mp erial politics and p artly in

a

literary vogue,

was r e co rded in one version by Fredegar and in another by the author of the Liber Historiae Francorum. By this time, of course, the diplomatic origins of th e

epithet had b e e n forgotten. Gre gory of Tours seems not to have known about the Troj an origin of the Franks, but he did know an undeveloped version of their migration legend. He thought that the Franks came from Pannonia, an d that they cro ss ed the Rhine, and marched through Thuringia, when they set up l o ng haire d kings 11 The peculiar geography involved h as disturbed many, who -

in every region.

have wanted to emend Thuringia to Tongres, an emendation alr e a dy made by a scribe of one manuscript of G re go ry s Histories. To do so suggests that '

Gre gory s narrative at this point is ge nu ine history rather th an legend, which '

may have some basis other than a purely factual one. The migration from

Pannonia, for instance, could have a symbolic significance, in that St Martin of Tours also came from there .

12

As for the fuller versions of the migration,

as p re se rv ed in Fredegar's Chronicle and in the Liber Historiae Francorum, they

may have been writt e n in resp o nse to the origin legends of the Goths , which

had been developed by Cassiodorus and preserved by J ordane s In fact there is .

no reason to believe that the Franks were involved in any long-distance

�

migratio n : arc h aeo logy and history su gest that they originated in the lands

immediately to the east of the Rhine. 1

The early Franks The Franks first appear in historical sources relating to the barbarian invasions

of the third century. There they are already e s tablish e d in the region of the lower Rhine. In fifth-century sources their territory is described as s tre t chi ng

as far e as t as the Elbe. It is gene rally tho u ght that they were a new people only in name , and that they were made up of tribes such as the Amsivarii,

Chattuarii and Chatti, who are me nti o n ed in earlier sources, but rarely, if at

all, in later o nes . 1 4 At the end of the century the Franks

appear in the Latin

pane gyrics as a maritime people , c au sin g trouble in the Channel. As such,

they were the precursors of the Saxons , who came to b e more and more associated with attacks on the coasts of northern Gaul and Britain. By the late fourth century, in fact, the Saxons were said to have been involved in raids

1 1 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , II 9. 1 2 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, I 36. 13. E. James, The Franks, pp . 35-8.

14. James, The Franks, pp . 35-6; the fullest history is E. Zollner, Geschichte der Franken.

35

discussion of this

p eriod of

Frankish

The Merovingian

Kingdoms

whi ch h a d p revi o u sly been ascribed to th e Franks. As a result, it is not always

easy to distinguish b etween th e two p e opl e s in the context of attacks on 15 Nevertheless, in the fourth century the Franks were also in close contact with the Ro mans , as allies and a s recruits for the imperial forces . Their i nv olvem e nt in Valentinian's wars with the Alamans was not unique . M o re o ver some in divi du al Franks did extreme ly well for th ems e lve s in no rthe rn Gaul .

imp erial

service,

and

one

or

two

eve n

gained

the

consulship.

Their

signific an c e in the 350s is recorded by Ammianus Marc ellinu s . 1 6 Two other sources p ro vid e crucial information on this s tage of F ran ki s h development.

Although

the

h i s t o ri e s

of S ulp i cius

Alexander

and

Renatus

Profuturus

Frigeridus no lon ge r survive, Gregory of Tours ha d access to their works , and

e xc e rpte d th e m . Sulp i c ius Alexander recorded conflict in 389 b etween Arbo gast, a Frank who held high military office in the empire , and two re,�ales, or pe tty kings , of the F ranks , Sunno and Marcomer, and he revealed that the latter was the warleader of th e Amsivarii and the Chatti. 1 7 The History of Fri ge ri d u s covered events of a sli gh tly later period. From it Gregory l earnt abou t the activities of the Franks in the first decades of th e fifth century, including their involvement in the civil wars which followed the usurpation by C onstantine Ill . 1 8

The long-haired kings How the informa ti on of Frigeridus related to wh at followed, Gregory c o uld not understand.

The

F ra nks of th e late fourth and early fifth centuries could

not be squared with those led by the M erovingians in the late fifth and sixth.

What parti c ul arly distressed Gregory was the failure of S ulpi c ius Alexander, R en atus Profuturus Frigeridus and Orosius to talk about the kings of the Franks. For the most part, Sulpicius Alexander referr e d to petty kings, regales, rather than kings , reges. To make ma tt ers worse, when he did refer to a rex he failed to name him. Since Gregory's account of the Fra nks in the late fifth century revolves around kings, th e re is a disl oc a ti o n between his summary of the evidence p rovi d ed by earlier Roman historians , an d his account of the establishment of long-haired kings after the mi grati on from Pannonia. Had Gregory re ad Ammianus M arc elli nu s who do es talk of a Frankish king c alled Mallobaudes , 1 9 he would have b een less troubled by th e apparent absence of kings in the sources. N ev e rt h el ess the dislocation in his narrative may well be historically significant. ,

in

1 5 . I . N . Wood, 'The Channel from the fourth

S . McGrail, e d . ,

to

the seventh centuries AD ' ,

Maritime Celts, Frisians and Saxons, pp. 93-6.

1 6 . Anunianus Marcelli nus, XV 5, 1 1 ; see

J.H.W.G. Liebeschuetz, Chrysostom, pp.

in the Age of Arcadius and 1 7 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , II 9. 1 8 . Grego ry , Decem Libri Historiarum, II 9. 1 9 . Arnmianus Marcellinus, XXX 3, 7; XXXI 10, 6.

Bishops: Anny, Church and

State

36

Ba rb a ri a ns and 8-1 0 .

53 7

The Franks before After

e xcerp ti

n g Su lp i c i u s Alexander and Rena tus

P r ofu turu s F ri geri du s

,

G re go ry p l ac e d the emergence of the Merovingians at the conclusion of his 20 v e rs i o n of the Frankish migration. The Liber Historiae Francorum went some

way towards connecting th e evidence of Sulpicius Alexander with the Troj an migration legend by making the supp o s ed father of Chlodio , F a ra mun d the 21 son of Sunno, th u s uniting the Troj an and M e rovi ngian families. F re de ga r s solution to the p ro ble m is more illuminating. H avin g p rovi de d the Franks with a Troj an ori gi n, he stated that after the death of Franc i a they were ruled by duces, thus pr ovi d in g an e xplan atio n for the lack of a r oyal family, which so troubled Gregory, an d c re a ti ng space for a new dyn as ty of long-haired kings . But he also pro vi ded an a cc o unt of Merovech's birth, which may cast light both on the ori gins of the Merovingians and also on so me of the 22 peculiarities of the account provi ded by the bishop of Tours . Acco rdi n g to Fredegar, M e rovec h was conceived when Chlodio's wife w e nt swimming, and encountered a Q u i n otaur Altho u gh it is not explicitly stated that this sea-monster was the father of eponymous founder of the M erovingian dynasty, that is c le arly the imp re s s i o n wh i c h F re d egar intended to give . The ro yal dynasty, th u s was th o u ght to have had a supernatural origin. Gregory may well have known of th e s e claims, and have thought of th em as pagan. Whe re as F re d e g ar relates the tale of the encounter with the Quinotaur, in the corresp ondin § s ec ti on of his Histories the b ishop of Tours has an o u tb urs t against idolatry. 2 The origin legend of the Merovingians as re c or de d by Fredegar is i mpo rtant not only for its sugge sti o n that the family cl aim e d to be descended from a supernatural ancestor, but also for the impli catio ns it has for the rise of the dynasty. In his panegyric on Majorian, Sidonius A p o llinari s records the defeat of Chl odio , who was supposed to be the father of Merovech, at th e 24 vicus Helena in Artois. This ep i s ode is th ough t to have taken plac e around ,

'

.

,

448 . As C hlodi o s son, Merovech must therefore be a fi gure of the second fifth century. This suggests that the emergence of the Merovingian '

half of the

should be dated to the same p e rio d Faramund, who is later said to have been Chlodio s father, is not attested in any early source. The dislocation apparent in G re gory 's account of the early his tory of the Franks may be a direct refle cti on of the fact that the Merovingians were not a significant dyn as ty before th e mid-fifth ce n tury . Their origins were s ep arat e and later than tho s e of their people . It also may be that Gregory's references to Thuringia have more relevance to the M ero vi ngi a n family than to the Franks . According to the b i s ho p of Tours, the Franks created lo ng haired kings in Thuri ngia, that is the terri t o ry dynasty

.

'

-

20 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiaru m , II 9. 2 1 . Liber Histo riae Francorum , 5 . 22. Fredcgar, I I I 9 .

2 3 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, I I 10; see H. Moisl, 'Anglo-Saxon royal genealogies and Germanic oral tradition' , Journal of Medieval History 7 (198 1 ) , pp.

223-6.

24. Sidonius Apollina1�s, carm. , V, II. 2 1 0-54. 37

The Merovingian Kingdoms

around modem Weimar. He also wrote that Chlodio, the first member of the dynasty about whose existence we can b e certain, originally ruled in 25 Dispargum, which he placed in Thuringia. Again historians have questioned the geo graphy , preferring to p lace Dispargum in modem Belgium, but gi v e n that Merovech's son, Childeric, had close associations with Thuringia, where he s ough t asylum, and found a wife,26 it is possible that the Merovingian family did originate in the east of Frankish territory. Taking the early references to the Franks together with their origin legends, it seems that we are dealing with a con federacy of peoples long settled in the region of the lower Rhine, and in the river valleys to the east, as far as the Elbe and the Mai n . In the third and fourth centuries these peoples were responsible for riverine and maritime raids against the north-eastern p rovi n c es of Gaul and G ermany At the same time, there were elements within the confederacy which became in creasi ngly associated with the Roman Empire. The fifth century, however, saw a change among the Franks, when the Merovingian family came to dominance. This family seems to have ascribed to itself a p e culi ar supernatural origin, which probably had pagan overtones. It is quite unlike the Trojan origin w hich may already have been attributed to the Franks as a result of imperial diplomacy, and suggests that the Merovingian dynasty did not come to the fore as a result of its connections with Rome. It is possible that it came from the east of the Frankish confederacy, rather than the Rhin elan d .

.

Childeric I

Gre go ry learnt from his Roman sources that Chlodio captured Cambrai, an d occupied territory as far as the Somme . 27 Of Merovech he records nothing other th a n his supp os e d descent from C hlo di o and that he was the father of Childeric. For the latter, however, he was able to draw on a set of annals which seems to have been written in Angers, to judge from the use of the Latin verb venire (to come) with reference to that city.28 Gregory records a battle fought by Childeric at Orleans, and the arrival of Odo vac er and the Saxons at Angers. This was followed by p lagu e and the death of Majo ri an s sometime general, Aegidius, who left a son called Syagrius. After Aegidius's death, O dov ac er to ok ho s tages from Angers. Meanwhile the G oths drove the Bri tons from Bourges, but the comes (count or more precisely co mpani o n) Paul, who l ed a force of Romans and Franks, attacked the Goths and took their booty. Odovacer th en re ach e d An gers , where he was followed a day later by C hilderi c. Comes Paul was killed and Childeric took the city. The annals also recorded a war between the R oma ns and the Saxons. The Franks '

2 5 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , II 9.

26. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , I I 12. 27 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , I I 9. 28 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , II 18.

38

The Franks before 53 7 took advantage of this by seizing s om e islands which the Saxons had held.

Then O dovacer and Childeric made a treaty, and turned against the Alamans 29

who had invaded Italy.

These

incidents

s carc ely

add

up

to

a

coherent

narrative,

a nd

the

chronology is uncertain. If th e Britons who were d efe ate d by the Goths were the followers of Riothamus, they provide a date of 469 . The Angers annals

then cast a little, albeit crucial, light on events in the Loire valley in the reign

of Anth e rni us , but it is not clear whose side Childeric was op erati n g on.

Indeed he app ears as a somewhat independen t figure . As for Odovacer, he has sometimes been identified with the

warleader who was to be r espo nsib le for

the deposition of the l as t emperor, Romulus Augu stulu s , in 476. Yet there is n o thing to su pp o rt or to disp rove the i de ntifi c ati o n

.

In so far as the g en eral

picture is i n telli gible it appears that we are dealing with a group of warlords ,

in

the

north ,

s ome

of whom

could

claim

to

be

u p holding

Roman

j urisdiction. As regards the amiies of th e s e leaders , they were heterogeneous warbands rather than eth ni c groups. Some Franks were prepared to fight under the Roman Paul, j ust as Childeric's men had once followed Ae gi dius

a c co rdi ng to a rather more legendary story which Gre gory of Tours knew, but which Fredegar related at greater length. 3o In F redegar s narrative Childeric was exiled from the Franks for his sexual '

profligacy, but he arran ge d with his faithful follower, Wiomad, that he would re tu rn when the latter had sent him half a coin whi c h th ey had divi ded

between them. Wiomad cunnin gly stirred the Fra nk s up against their new

ruler, th e Roman Aegidius , and then equally cunningly tricked the emperor Maurice into givi ng Childeric a vast treas ure for hi s return to F ran cia

.

Re-established in power, Childeric was approached by the wife of his one-time host, Bisinus, king of the Thuringians. She h ad followed him because of his p rowess and became his queen. On their we ddin g night she s e nt him to look outside and he saw, as a symbol of their future descendants , 31 As it stands lions, unicorns and l e opards ; bears and wolv es ; and finally dogs .

in Frede gar, the story is part of a c o mplex literary construction which

includes parallel tal e s of fri e ndship and marriage r elati ng to the O s tro gothi c

king T h eodo ric and to the emperor Justinian , as well as to Childeri c . As for

the visi o n of the ani mals , which is ab s e nt from Gregory's version of events , it has b e c ome crucial to modem interp re tati ons of Merovingian his tory as a tale

of s te ady degeneration. Nevertheless , in its e mp hases on A egi diu s and on the

Thuringians , the story of Childeric's exile do es seem to be drawing on real

events. The death of A egidius was recorded within the ac count of th e Loire

wars in the Ange rs chronicle , and his son Syagrius later appears as the first of 32 the o pp on e nts and victims of Childeric's son Clovis. Altho u gh there is no in d ep e n den t evidence for the behaviour of Basina, the name Basena is known 29. 30. 31. 32.

Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , I I 1 9.

Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , II 1 2 ; Fredegar, III 1 1 . Fredegar, III 1 1- 1 2 .

Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarnm , II 27.

39

The

Merovingian Kingdoms

from a silver ladle , dating perhaps to the sixth century, found at Weimar. 3

3

As

recorded by Fredegar, the Byzantine link, with the emperor Maurice , is

chronologically impossible , but the presence of vast quantities of Byzantine

coin in Childeric's grave goes some way to supporting the idea that he did

have support from the eastern Empire .

Childeric's grave at Toumai , discovered originally in 1 653, is perhaps the

richest royal burial known from the early medieval period; the quantity of goods found was astonishing. Fortunately, they were well published soon after

their discovery; unfortunately, most of them were stolen from the Cabinet des

Medailles in Paris in th e nineteenth century.34 They include d weapons,

j ewellery,

and obj ects which may have had some symbolic significance ,

whether religious or royal. Most notable among the latter were numerous

gold bees or cicadas , which appear once to have adorned a cloak, a small

bull's head,

also made of gold,

and

a

signet-ring, which identified the

occupant of the tomb . What the finds show most certainly are the wealth,

resources and contacts of the dead king. Most individual obj ects from the

grave can be paralleled on

a

lesser scale by finds from other Frankish burials of

the period. The garnet-work on the sword, however, may indicate Gothic

influence, although the use of garnets was soon to b ecome something of

a

speciality of the Franks. The finds also indicate the importance of Roman

tradition.

Childeric's brooch was in the style of that of a high-standing

imperial official . And the Byzantine coins imply some

connection with

Constantinople .

The burial itself is neither entire ly barbarian, nor entirely Roman . It is not

possible to say whether the

apparen tly

symbolic

obj ects had any sacral

meaning, although the story of Merovech's birth provides some reason to

thi n k that the authority of the Merovingian kings in this period may have

been bolstered by pagan tradition . The recent discoveries of horse burials

around the site of the original find of 1 653, and probably to be associated 5 But the

with it, have, however, provided fu rther indications of paganism. 3

same discoveries have drawn attention to the proximity of the grave to a Roman cemetry, beside a Roman road, on the outskirts of the city. This

mixture of Roman and b arb arian in terms of the burial and of the grave

goods needs to be seen in the contexts of Childeric's career as recorded by Gregory,

following

the

annals

of

Angers .

Childeric's

tomb

is

the

archaeological counterpart to the delicate problem of the relationship of his

authority with that of Aegidius , and later with that of Paul.

For Childeric's authority at the end of his life there

is one

further piece of

i n formatio n , a letter of bishop Remigius of Rheims to the king's so n , Clovis,

33. Pauly -Wissowa, Thuringi.

Real-Encyclopiidie

der

classischen

Altertumswissenschaft ,

s. v.

34. James, The Franks, pp . 5 8-64. 35. R. Brulet, M . -J. Ghenne-D ubois and G. Coulon, 'Le quartier Saint-Brice de Tournai a l'epoque merovingienne ' , Revue du Nord 69 (1 986) , pp. 361-9 .

40

The Franks before

53 7

preserved in the Epistulae A ustrasiacae.36 In the letter the bishop congratulates Clovis on taking over his father' s position in Belgica Secunda, the province

which included the cities of Rheims , Soissons, Chalons-sur-Marne, Noyon , Arras, Cambrai, Tournai, Senlis, B eauvais, Amiens, Therouanne, Boulogne and Laon. I n addition, he insists that h e should listen to clerical advice, even though the new ruler was as yet a pagan, as his father had been. The date of the letter is disputed. Some have assigned it to 48 1 , the probable date of Childeric's death ,

others to

486, when Clovis is said to have defeated

Aegidius's son, Syagrius, and taken over the city of Soissons which he ruled.

Since Soissons was part of Belgica Secunda it is argued that Clovis could not

have been in a position to claim his father's authority over that province until Syagrius and his kingdom had been destroyed. It is scarcely possible to make a

choice between the two dates. One relevant factor concerns the extent of

Syagrius's power. It has been assumed that this was consi derable. If this were

the case, then one of two points must follow; either Childeric himself never

ruled over the whole of Belgica Secunda, or Syagrius established his kingdom after Childeric's death. On the other hand, there is no reason for thinking 37 Whatever date o n e

that Syagrius's power ever extended beyond Soissons .

ascribes t o t h e letter, Remigius conceived of Childeric 's power in terms of Roman provincial rule, and he also thought that the clergy had a right to

advise, even though the ruler might be barbarian and pagan . Childeric must

have been subj ected to many of the influences which were to impinge on his son.

Clovis With Clovis, Frankish history appears to come of age . Gregory of Tours could at last write a coherent narrative of a barbarian ruler and provide him with a chronology. Gregory's account

runs

as follows : first Clovis defeated

Syagrius; he then married Chlothild, the daughter of a Burgundian king. She

attempted to convert her husband to catholic Christianity, but failed. During a battle against the Alamans, however, he vowed to become Christian if he was victorious; as

a

result of his victory he was baptized by bishop Remigius

of Rheims. Next he allied with Godegisel against the Burgundian king Gundobad,

but the latter survived through the cunning of his minister

Aridius. Then Clovis attacked the Visigoths because they were heretics. On his

return

he

received

consular

office

from

the

eastern

emperor;

he

subsequently chose Paris as his capital; his last years were spent eliminating 38 rival Frankish leaders . Clovis's reign, Gregory claims, lasted thirty years ; with a little difficulty we can compute the dates of his accession as 48 1 , the defeat of Syagrius as 486, the victory over the Alamans as 496 and the king's 3 6 . Epistulae A11strasiacae, 2. 37 . James, The Franks, pp. 67-7 1 .

38. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, I I 27-43.

41

The Merovingian Kingdoms death as 5 1 1 . From independent sources we can add dates for the Burgundian war

(500) , and

for the Visigothic

campaign (507) .39

All in all Clovis' s reign seems to be straigh tfo rward There is, how ever .

some conflict between detail provided by

Gregory

,

in his Histories and that to

be found in his o ther works ; moreover earlier evidence is

at

o dds both with

sp e cifi c points in the Histories, and also with their gen eral

int e rpre tation

,

which sees Clovis's reign as the manifestation of divine support granted to the 40 king after his conversion. Thus, Gregory's ha giograp hy reveals that the exile

of Quintianus of Rodez, which is important for the interpretation of Clovis's

anti-arian policies, is pl a ced a decade e arly in the Histories.41 So too p erhaps , 42 is the king's victory over the Alamans, and by extension his conversion. ,

Gregory's account of Clovis seems to be more concerned to create the image of

a

catholic king against whom his successors could be ass e ss e d

,

than with

any desire to p r o vid e an accurate account of the reign. In order to understand

Clovis within the context of the late fifth and early sixth centuries it is

necessary to e mphas i ze the c ontemporary evidenc e , and to treat Gregory, as far as possible, as a secondary source.

For Clovis's accession , Re migius s letter provides the only evidence outside '

Gregory. Little is known about the period from 481 until the end of the century , but during this period there were a number of signifi c ant marriages

uniting the ruling dynasties of barbarian E urop e . F o r the most part, th ese ma rri a ges served to strengthen the position of Theodoric the Great, the

Ostrogothic ruler o f Italy, but since Clovis was drawn into this web of matrimonial alliances, it is as well to note their relevance to his career.

Theodoric himself married Audofleda, the sister of Clovis, and there were

further marri a ge s between his family, th e Amals , and th e ruli ng dynasties of

the Vi s i go ths, the Thuringians, the H e rul es and the Burgundians - that of the

B ur gundian

in

eince Sigismund being of particular importance for developme nts

the 520s. 3

Clovis s own marriage to the

as p ortrayed by

'

Gregory,

Burgundian princess, Chlothild,

is not on a par with the rest. Whereas Theodoric

of

envisaged marriage alliances as a means

coordinating the policies of the

western kingdoms , the bishop of Tours implies that Clovis' s choice of a bride was calculated to cause unease. 39. For the Burgundian campaign, see Marius of Avenches; for the outbreak of h o stili ti es with Alaric II, see Chronicle of Saragossa; Chronicle of 5 1 1, 688; Cass i odo rus

III 1-4 . 4 0 . Wood, 'Gregory o f Tours and Clovis'.

Variae,

41 . Compare Gregory, Liber Vitae Patrum, IV 1, with Decem Libri Historiarum, II 35 . 42 . See especially A. van de Vyver, 'La vi c to ire contre les Alamans et la

C lo vis ' , Revue Beige de Philologie et d 'His toire 15 (1 936) , pp. 859-9 1 4 ; 1 6 35-94; van d e Vyver, 'L'unique vi c toi re contre les Alamans e t la conversion de C lovi s en 506', Revue Beige de Philologie et d 'Histoire, 1 7 ( 1 9 38 ) , pp. 793-8 1 3 . More recently see Wood, ' Gre go ry of Tours and Clovis' .

conversion de

( 1 937 ) ,

pp .

43. F o r a n overview o f Theodoric's Procopius, Wars, V 1 2, 22; Wo lfram ,

Theodoric's marriage to Audofleda, see

Decem Libri Historianm1,

III 3 1 .

relations

with

neighb o urin g rulers see 307- 1 5 . For

History ef the Goths, pp. A nonymi Valesiani Pars Posterior,

42

63 ; Gregory,

The

Franks before 53 7

Chlothild was the daughter of Gundobad's brother, Chilperic IL According to Gregory, Gundobad murdered Chilperic, and exiled Chlothild; Clovis, however, learnt about the girl, and asked to marry her; Gundobad was afraid 44 to refuse. Fredegar elaborated on the story, providing interesting detail about Geneva being her place of exile. In so doing he may have had access to 45 If Gundobad was responsible for the death of Chilperic,

local traditions.

then Chlothild was not likely to encourage good relations between the Franks and the Burgundians. This point is picked up by both Gregory and Fredegar, who

describe

the

later Frankish invasion

of Burgundy in

prosecution of Chlothild's bloodfeud against her uncle 's family.

523 as the 46 There are ,

however, problems with this interpretation. If Chlothild waited from the 490s until 523 the feud cannot have been uppermost in her mind. Moreover, Avitus of Vienne in a letter to Gundobad describes him as weeping over the 47 deaths of his brothers. It may be that Chilperic's death came to be seen in a new light after the Burgundian wars of the 520s and 530s. There is also a curious parallel between the manner of his death, supposedly by drowning in a well, and the similar disposal of Sigismund's body after his defeat and 48 It seems that Gregory's account of the murder of Chilperic

capture in 524.

and the subsequent bloodfeud reflected later assumptions , rather than historical reality. The marriage of Chlothild, therefore, may not have had the ominous implications which the bishop of Tours attributed to it. Even Gregory did not associate Clovis' s campaign against Gundobad with Chlothild's desire for vengeance. He describes it as being initiated by the Burgundian king' s brother, Godegisel, who made secret overtures to Clovis, persuaded him to invade Burgundy, and then j oined him on the battlefield. Gundobad fled to Avignon, where he may have received Visigothic support.

There he came to terms with Clovis and became tributary to him. Then, with the Frankish king out of the way, he besieged and kill e d his brother in 49 the city of Vienne. Although no clear account of this episode dates from the early sixth century, Gregory's evidence is confirmed

by

the chronicle of

his own contemporary, Marius of Avenches . The latter, who was writing in Burgundy, is an important source of information for the kingdom of the Burgundians. He dated the war to 500 . If Chlothild's influence on relations between Franks and Burgundians is hard to assess, so too is her role in her husband's conversion. Gregory sees her as the prime mover in this, while allowing for the importance of divine 50 On the other hand, a

intervention in Clovis's victory against the Alamans.

letter, written by Avitus of Vienne, on the occasion of the king's baptism, ascribes no role either to the queen or to the outcome of a battle , but sees 44. 45 . 46. 47 . 48 . 49 . 50.

Gregory, Decem Libri Frede gar, III 1 7-20. Gregory, Decem Libri Avitus, ep. 5 . Gregory, Decem Libri Gregory, Decem Libri Gregory, Decem Libri

Historiarum II 2 8 . Historiarum , III 6; fredegar III 19, 33 . Historiarum , II 28; III 6 . Historiarnm, II 32-3. Historiarum, II 29-3 1 .

43

The Meroving ian Kingdoms

Clovis's decision to become a catholic as the personal choice of an intelligent 51 This silence over Chlothild and the Alaman victory need not

monarch .

imply that they played no part in Clovis's conversion, but it is as well to consider what Avitus did choose to emphasize . First, he comments on the

king's astuteness in seeing through the arguments of the heretics , though he

implie s that for some while Clovis had been persuaded by them. Second, he congratulates the king on breaking with the traditions of his ancestors . Finally,

after conjuring up an i m age of the royal baptism , he exhorts the king to further the cause of catholicism, while praising his recent action of freeing an unnamed captive p eople.

Avitus's letter deals only b riefly with Clovis 's paganism, and it does so in

terms of the king's abandonment of ancestral religion. The problem of a convert's attitude to his forebears was a considerable one . It was recognized in the Carolingian period by the author of the

Life ef Wulfrmn ef

Sens, who

thought that the Frisian leader Radbod preferred to be with his ancestors in hell rather than alone

in

heaven. 52

For a Merovingian, whose dynasty

originated with a sea-monster, rej ection of previous belief

and he approved

although it did not

meet because of the king's defeat and death at the hands of Clovis. The

' evidence from the Visigothic kingdom, therefore, does not support Gregory s

image of hostility b etween the arians and catholics in Aquitaine. Catholicism is unlikely to have been the key to Clovis' s success. Moreover, sources contemporary with the war of 507 allow a different interpretation from that offered by Gregory. Avitus of Vienne associated the 66 campaign with unspecified matters of finance. Cassiodorus , Theodoric's spokesman,

thought the causes of the

conflict

were

minor, and tried,

unsuccessfully, to prevent war breaking out by drawing attention to the ties of 67 marriage which united the kings. Since Gundobad and Theodoric were both arian, Avitus and Cassiodorus would have been ill pl aced to describe -

Clovis 's war as a crusade. Nevertheless, the ec o nomi c factors mentioned by Avitus may have been significant . The 'Vouille' campaign was not the first Frankish invasion of Visigothic Aquitaine. There is

a

reference among the

additions to the chronicle of Prosper preserved in a Copenhagen manuscript 8 to a Frankish attack on Bordeaux in 4 9 8 . 6 It is possible that one of these

earlier attacks had ended with a promise by Alaric II to pay tribute. Gregory 69 a fi n a n c ial settlement ended the Burgundian war. There was undoubtedly a mercenary side to the campaigns of t hi s peri od

states that

.

Nevertheless, there are indications that Gregory had good reason to think that the war had a religious aspect.

prece ding th e battle of 'Vouille'

In his ac count of the manoeuvres

Gregory

describes

the

appearance

of

miraculous signs, indicating divine approval for the Franks. For at least one of

these anecdotes he h a d

a

written source; he was not the first to see the

confrontation between Clovis and Alaric in religio u s terms. 7o In addition he

records Clovis's concern for the property of the catholic Church, again c i ting

earlier hagiographi cal texts in support of his case. For this last point, there is b e tter evidence from

507 . The first official document to survive from a

Merovingian king is a letter addressed by Clovis to his bishops, explaining that

en route for 'Vouille' he had issued an edict protecting Church

property.

71

Clearly Clovis was currying favour with the catholic clergy at the

start of the Visigothic war; that is not to say that the war was a crusade , nor is 64. Wolfram, His tory 65 . Wolfram, History 66. Avitus , ep. 87.

of the

Goths, pp. 1 9 6-7 .

of the Goths, p p .

200-1 .

67 . Cassiodorus, Variae III 1-4. 68. A uctarium Havniense, s . a . 498. 69 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , I I 32. 70. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, II 37. 7 1 . Capitularia Merowingica, 1 .

47

The Merovingian Kingdoms

had

it to say that the k i ng

al ready

been baptized. Avitus places Clovis's

bap tism in the aftermath of the liberation of a captiv e people ' ; the only group '

which can easily be described in these terms are the Gallo-Romans Aquita ine

.

of

It is difficult to understand Avitus's comment as anything other

than a hyperbolic reference to the defeat of the Vi sigo ths and the destruction ,

of Gothic power.

A reasonable interpretation of the religious history of Clovis 's r eign could

thus run as foll o ws : from the moment of his father's death, Clovis had to deal

with the catholic hierarchy; nevertheless he remained a pagan, even after h i s m arriage to a catholic wife . Drawn into the complex political world of the

an

490s he showed

interest in the arianism of his fellow monarchs , as well as

in the catholicism of Chl othild and s om e members of his court w e re actually ,

b aptized as arians; he himself, to

Christianity,

did not

altho ugh

he may have already been converted

commit himself firmly either to

c a th olic i sm or

arianism , alth o ugh he certainly showed an interest in the vi ews of the heretics.

His final decision was possibly taken at the time of the war with Alaric , when he may have tho ught that t he re was propaganda value to

be

gained by

standing as the defender of the catholic C hurc h ; he was sub s e quently baptised,

p rob a bly

in 508.

5 1 1 Cl o vis summoned a council of bishops to O rle ans , largely to deal with ecclesiastical ma tters in newly conquered Aquit aine . 7 2 Whether he was a good master for th e Church , however, is a moot point; there is In

corresp o ndenc e of Remigius of Rheims dating from after Clovis 's death, and

again preserved in the Epistolae A 11strasiacae wh i ch suggests that the king made

some poor appointments , and that th e bishop acquiesced in them, to the disgust of other members of the

clergy.73 Even more qu e stionable is the for his peopl e . Some Franks had already

significance of the king's conversion

b e en converted. O thers will have followed their master to th e

font,

but one

need not believe the figure of three thousand given by G rego ry The maj ority .

of the Franks are unlikely to hav e been affected as yet by Christianity. The 'Vouille' campaign and

In 508

the follo wing year mark the high p o int of -

his father's onslaught on the 74 Gothic south , in tandem with the Burgundians. In the same year Clovis Clovis's reign.

Theuderic

c onti nu ed

that sul and Augu s tus at Tours must be a misunderstanding, al th o ugh an honorary consu l sh i p is not out of the question . 75 The implications of the recognition, on the other han d, are clear from re fe re n c es received some recognition from the empero r Anastasius . Gregory's claim

he was hailed as

c on

7 2 . Council of Orleans

(5 1 1 );

the geographical c o nc e rn s of the council

are

indicated by the signatories.

7 3 . Epistulae A11strasiacae, 3 . 7 4 . Chronicle of 5 1 1 , 689, 690 . 7 5 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiamm

II

38 .

On

the

celebrations,

see

M.

McCormick, ' Clovis at T o urs , Byzantine public ritual and the ori gi ns of medieval

mler symbolism' , in E . K . Chrysos an d A. Schwarcz, eds, Das Re ich tmd die Barbaren, pp. 1 55-80; M. McConnick, Etern a l Victory: Triumphal Rulership in La te Antiquity, Byzantium and the Early Medieval West, pp. 335-7 .

48

The

Franks

before

in eastern sources and from C assio do rus

.

53 7

The year 508 marked the nadir of

relations between the Byzantine e mpire and the O s tro go thic king Theodoric

the Great, and war broke o u t 76 Hitherto Theodoric had been regarde d by .

the emperor as the s e ni or figure in the barbarian west: now Clovis was to

supplant him. Thi s state of affairs was not to go unchallenged. After Alaric's death , Theodoric took it up o n himself to defend the Visigoths, and to p uni s h their

attackers.

O s tro go thic

fo rtunate

Clovis was

counterattack;

not

face

th e

full brunt of the

who

did,

suffered for

to

the Burgundians ,

their

involvement in the cam� aign of 50 8 , a nd lost a sub s tan ti al strip of la n d in the 7

south of th e kingdom.

Th e Ostrogothic presence in Provence, however,

meant that the ann e xation of A qui tain e by Clovis's s o n Theuderic was not to continue , at l ea st

for the time being; the following years saw th e resumption Rodez, if not beyond.

of Gothic power in

Perhaps because he was b lo c k e d in the south, Cl o vi s now turned his

att enti o n to the north. Accordin g to Gr egory

,

at th e end of his life he

destroyed the ki ngdom of Col ogn e under Sigibert the Lame , th en he tu rne d

against various other kings of the Franks , Chararic and Ragn a c ha r whose base ,

in Cambrai, alo ng with the latter's brothers, Ricchar and Rignomer, who was killed in Le Mans. In addi tion he tried to discover any o the r royal

was

figures, in o r der to eliminate po ten ti al rivals.

78

·

The chronology of these

stories is su rp ri si n g ; Clovis ought to have e ra dic a t e d Fran ki sh o p p o siti o n

earlier in his reign. Ne ve rthel e ss ther e are incidental details in G re gory s '

account which migh t be thought to suggest that s ome , if not all, of th es e atrocities are rightly p l ac e d ; for i nstan c e Gregory states that Clovis had Chararic tonsured, which, if tru e , i mpli e s that the M e rovi ngi an himself had already been c onver t e d If Gregory s o rd e ring of events here is right, and .

'

there are no means of testing this part of his account, then th e last years of

Clovis's reign were c on c e rne d with the internal power politics of the Franks ,

whereas m uc h of his earlier activity had taken pl a c e on an int ern ational stage.

Whatever the chronology, when Cl ovis died in 5 1 1 the Frankish kingdom

was c e rtainly th e mo s t p o werful kingdom in Gaul, and he was apparently the favoured western ally of the B yz antine emperor Anastasius. That is not to say that his power and influence was actu ally greater than that of the O s trogo thi c

kin g Theodori c , nor that it was inevitable that the Franks would permanently eclipse

the

B u rgundi ans

in

Gaul.

There

was

still

much

Neverthe less Clovis had transformed the Franks from being

to an

play

for.

essentially

northe rn people to one which was i nflu e nti al in the wider p o liti c s of Gaul and the Mediterranean.

His reign was crucial, but not decisive in the

dev e lop men t of Frankish power.

76. Marcellinus Comes, Chronicle s.a. 508; Cassi odorus, Variae If 38. 77 . Procopius , Wars, V 1 2 , 44-5; Cassiodorus , Variae, Ill 4 1 ; Wolfram, the Goths, pp. 309, 3 1 1 -1 2. 78. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, II 40-2.

49

History of

The Merovingian

Kingdoms

Theuderic, the Danes and the Thuringians When

Clovis

died

he

divi de d hi s

kin gdom

into

four.

Hi s

eldest

son

Theuderic (5 1 1 -33) rul e d from Rheims , and the sons who had b e e n born to

C hlo th ild,

Chlodomer

C hil debert

(5 1 1-24) ,

I

(5 1 1 -5 8)

and Chlothar

I

(5 1 1 -6 1 ) , rule d from O rleans , Paris an d Soissons respectively. This division s et 7

something of a p re ceden t . 9 Clovis's own actio n, however, does not appear to

have been tra ditional . The By za n ti n e historian, Priscus, records a disputed 80 su c ce s s io n among the Franks before Attila' s inva s i o n of Gaul. Although Gregory

refers

to

Clovis's

relative Ragnac h ar

as

Ragn ac h ar's bro th e rs, Ri c char an d Rignome r , kings.

rex, h e does not call

81

It i s clear, t h e refo re ,

that the Frankish kin gdom was not au t omatic ally divided between all th e sons

of the p revious ruler. Clovis 's decision that hi s kingdom should be so divided

most probably reflects the pre c is e political s i t u a tion at the end of his reign .

C hlo th il d must have been determined t o

see the

su c ces s io n o f her s on s . They

were , however, still minors . Theuderic, who was Clovis's son by an earlier

liais o n , had al r e a dy distingui s he d himself as a military leader: he c o ul d not be

passed over. The division may have been the only way that Chlothild was 82 able to ensure that part of Clovis's re alm p a ss ed to her offspring. Whatever t h e cause, the solution was to ha ve maj or consequences in terms of the later

political his t ory of the M erovingians . For the dec a de after Clovi s ' s

death

we hear little about his s o ns . Only

Theuderic, i n the eastern kingdom of Rheims, attracted Gre gory ' s attention,

first when he sent his own son Theudebert to deal with a Danish invasion led 83 by Chlochilaich, the Hygelac of Old English poetry , and secon d when he

b e came involved in the internal p oli ti cs of the Thuri ngi an royal family.

Gregory of Tours places the original creation of the long-haired kings i n

T hurin gia . And it was there that Childeric fled. Gregory has nothing to s ay

about the Thuringians in Clovis' s re i gn . But he does record that Clovi s ' s son

Th e u d e ric was approached by Hermanfrid, kin g of the T huringia ns , who was

i n tent

on

d estr oying his brother and fellow ruler, Baderic. A ccordi n g to th e

bi s h o p of Tours, H erma nfre d offered Theuderic half the Thuringian kingdom for his help . After Baderic's destruction, however, he did no t keep hi s

agreement . Subsequently, probab ly in 531 , Theuderic e nlisted the support of

his half-brother, C hlothar , in an invasion of T h urin gia . Hennanfred was

kill e d ,

his

ni e c e

Radegund was

taken pri s onner by

Chloth ar ,

and the

was annexed. 84 In Gregory's narrative the Thuringians app ear as dup es for the more sop histicated and warlike Franks . This may well underestimate th e ir

Thuringian

kingdom

7 9 . I . N . Wood, ' Kings, kingdom� and consent ' , in P. H. Sawyer and I . N . Wood,

eds, Early Medieval Kingship, pp. 6-26 80. Priscus , fr. 1 6 , cited in Gordon, The Age of A ttila, p. 1 06. 8 l . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarurn, II 42.

82. Wood, 'Kings , kingdoms and consent' , p p . 2 5-6. 83. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , III 3; comp are the Hygelac of Beowulf. 84. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, III 4, 7 -8 .

50

The Franks before 53 7 significance. The Ostrogothic kin g Theodoric cultivated contacts w:ith them, drawing them into his web of marriage alliances, and trying to use them as a check on Clovis in 507. They were included within the diplomacy of the

�

successor states, even tho u gh the

the one-time Roman Empire.

5

were outside the geographical bounds of Th ey

may

even

have

converted

to

Christianity. Radegund is extensively commemorated as an abb ess and a saint in

the

wri tings

of Venantius

Fortunatus

and

her

second

bio grap h e r

B audonivia. Nowhere is it suggested that she had to convert from paganism.

The end of the Burgundian kin g dom and the Auvergne campai gn The defeats of Chlochilaich and Baderic are the only episodes i nvolvi ng the

Franks which are recorded by Gregory for the decade after Clovis's death. They obscure

p eriod the

a

hiatus in the expansion of Merovingian power. During this

Os tro go ths

maintained

a

strong

presence

in

Provenc e ,

and

re-established G o thic authority in p arts of so u the rn Aquitaine . 86 They would continue to be a significant force in Gaul until the Byzantine threat led them to relinquish their holdings in Provence in 537.

87 Yet it was the Burgundians,

if anyone, who were the most pre stigi o us people in Gaul in the second decade of th e sixth century.

Clovis's death must have come as a r eli ef to Gundobad. There c o ul d be no

doubt that the Burgundian was th e leading r ul er in Gaul between 5 1 1 an d

5 1 6 , and he may well have been the b arbari an king most favoured by the court of Constantinople . At the end of his life he appears to have held the

prestigious title of mag ister militum, an office he had probably held after Ricimer's death in 472. When he died in 5 1 6 his son Sigismund succeeded

with Byzantium for his father's title .88 I n Italy, Theodoric was worried by the B u rgu ndi a n dealings with the emperor, and

him,

and

negotiated

89

tried to cut communications . The Franks may also have been uneasy . A year after his elevation to the throne Sigi smu n d gave p ro o f of his s tat esmanship when at his Easter court he issued his law-book, the Liber 90

Constitutionum, better, though less correctly, known as the Lex Gundobada. But it is the ecclesiastical aspects of Sigismund's reign which are best re c o rde d by Avitus , Gregory, two Chu rc h councils , and the Passio of the king himself

,

Gundobad had contemp lated conversion to catholicism, and Sigismund was

already a c ath o li c by 5 1 5 , whe n he founded one of the most prestigious o f 85 . Cas.5iodorus, Variae, III 3; VI 1 ; Procopius, Wars, V 1 2 , 22. 86. Wolfram, History ef the Goths, pp. 244-5 , 309-1 1 .

87. Procopius, War.;, V 1 3 , 1 4-29 ; Agathias, I 6 , 3-6; Wolfram, History ef the p. 3 1 5 . 88 . Avitus, cpp . 78, 93-4. 89. Avitus, ep. 94. 90. I.N. Woo d, 'Disputes in late fifth- and sixth-century Gaul: some problems ' , in W. Davies an d P. Fouracre , eds, The Settlement of Disputes in Early Medieval Europe, p. 1 0; Wood, 'Ethnicity and the ethnogenesis of the Burgundians' , p. 54.

Goths,

SJ

Ifie

Merovingian Kingdoms

early medi eval monasteries, that of St M aurice at Agaune . It was distinguished

by its peculiar liturgical arrangement, the

laus perennis

or perpetual chant. For

this the monks were organized into groups to ensure that praise was offered

unceasingly to God. 9 1 It was to be an arrangement which was thought

particularly appropriate to royal monasteries. 92 A year after the foundation of Agaune Si gismund had become king, and in 5 1 7 , the year in which the Liber Constitutionum was issued, a great council of the bishops of the kingdom was

held at Epaon. It dealt largely with matters of church discipline, and with the

problem of dismantling the arian Church in Burgundy.9 3

T h e apparent concord of Sigismund's opening years did not last long;

within a short period of time the episcopate threatened to suspend the king

from communion, because of his support for a royal official in a case of incest.

To

protect

themselves

they

also

determined to

withdraw

to

a

monastery. Sigismund was forced to accept the bishops' judgement.94 Second,

and more important, in 522,

s tirre d

up by his second wife , if we may believe

G regory, he had his son by a previous marriage, Sigistrix, strangled. He

subsequently foundation

decided

at

to do penance

A gaune . 9 5

In

5 23 ,

for the deed, and set off to

C hlodomer

attacked

the

his

Burgundian

kingdom. Gregory associates the attack with Chlothild's bloodfeud, but more

likely it was an opportunist move prompted by the crisis fo l l o wi n g the murder of

Sigistrix. The

campaign was swift ; Sigismund was handed over to

Chlodomer and murdered, together with his wife and children ; their corpses

were thrown down a well . Subsequently his body was taken back to Agaune,

where it b ecame the obj ect of a cult, the first royal saint-cult of the Middle Ages.96 Chlodomer returned to Burgundy in

524, but

was defeated and killed

at Vezeronce by Sigismund' s brother, Godomar.97 The latter took over the

kingship and established himself in power, until he was overthrown by Chlodomer's brothers , Childebert and Chlothar, ten years later.98

Thus far the events are reasonably certain, and in any case Gregory's

narrative is b acked up by entries in the chronicle of Marius of Avenches .

Nevertheless there are problems with the evidence not only fo r the fa ll of

Burgundy, but also for the related hi s tory of the Auvergne. In Gregory's account, Chlodomcr, before setting off to Vezeronce, asked his half-brother,

Theuderic, to accompany him, an d the latter agreed; but when Childebert

and Chl othar asked him to j oin them at the time of their later campaign 9 1 . Avitus , horn. 25 ; Vita A bbat11m Aca1mensiu111 absq ue epitaphi1:S, 3; Gregory, Dece111

5. 9 2 . F. Prinz, Friihes Monchtum i m Frankenreich, pp . 1 02-1 2 . 9 3 . Council of Epaon (5 1 7) . 94. Council o f Ly ons ; Vita Apollinaris, 2-3. 9 5 . G regory, Decem Libri Historiarwn, III 5. The date is given by Marius of Avenches. 96. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiamm, III 5-6. A gain th e date comes from Marius. For the cult , se e Grego ry , Uber in Gloria Martyrnm, 74; Passio Sigismundi Regis. 97 . Gregory, Decem Libn' Historiarum, lll 6; Marius of Avcnchcs, s . a . 524.

Libri Historiarum, I II

98. Grego ry , Decem Libri Historiamm , III 1 1 ; Marius of Avenches, s.a. 534.

52

The Franks before 53 7

kin gdom , he refused. Instead, because his followers Auvergne, where there had recently been a conspiracy agains t him, which he wished to punish. 99 The c ru ci al difficulty revolves around the dating of the Auvergne camp aign Gregory makes this contemporary with the destruction of the Burgu ndian kingdom in 5 3 4 , but this is ch ro nolo gi c ally i mp oss ib le , since Quintianus, who was bishop of Clermont at the time of the attack, died in l OO and Theuderic seems to have die d in 533. If he led his followers c. 5 2 4 , a gai ns t th e Auvergn e while one of his s tepbrothe rs fought against the B u rgundian s Theuderic must have done so in 523 or 524. Why the n did again st the B urgundi an

were anxious for a fi ght, he led them against the

.

,

Gregory specifically associate him with Chlodomer's invasion of 524? The

answer may lie in a spee c h put into the mouth of S igis mun d s wife by Grego ry . In order to incite her husband against her st ep s on , Sigistrix, sh e claimed that the p ri nc e intended to kill his father, to take over Burgun dy and 1 01 subsequently Italy This last amb i ti o n may not be as absurd as it l ooks ; Sigistrix w a s , after all, t h e gran dso n of Theodoric . The Ostrogothic king may well have reacted to his gran d s o n s murder; he c ertai nly sent an army to occupy territory between the Drome and the Durance. 102 The forces of Theuderic wh ic h G r e go ry tho ught were p res e nt at Vezeronce may h av e been those of Theodoric, a nge re d by th e murder of his grands o n There is a further indication that this is the ri ght s o l ution; one of the few archaeological fin ds to have come from the b attl efiel d at V ezeronce is a fine helmet, which has been thought to be of O strogo thi c w o rkmansh ip . G r ego ry seems to have confused the c h ro n ol ogy of events in the 520s and '

.

'

.

530s, j ust as he had muddied that of the two p r evi ou s decades. The history of

an d

Burgundy

the

Auvergne

in

the

l at e r

period

can,

however,

be

rec o ns truc ted with some c o nfi d e n c e . In 522 Sigi s mund killed Sigistrix. The following

year

C hlo do mer

i nva ded

B urgu ndy

and c ap tu red and killed in alliance with the Ostrogoths, but he was kill e d at V ez ero n c e . As a result his own kingdom was divide d among his brothers. Theuderic, meanwhile, mo un te d a punitive raid against the

Si gis mu nd In 524 he attacked G o domar .

,

Auvergne - o stentatiously av o i ding the Burgundian campaign. His behaviour

at this poi nt

can b e readily expl ained by the

£a c t that he

was S i gismu n d ' s

son-in-law . After Vezeronce Godomar took power in Burgundy, which he held until his overthrow in 534.

The crucial lessons to be learnt from this go beyon d

events . D e spi t e th e fact th at he

a

reconstm ction of

w a s born in the Auvergne in 5 3 9 , Gregory was still unable to provide an a ccu rat e account of what took place in Clermont in the 5 2 0 s and 530s; moreover he was thoroughly confused by the whole career of Qu inti anu s even tho u gh the latter's successor as bishop was ,

99. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum III 6, 1 1 . 1 00. I.N. Wood, ' Clennont and Burgundy : 5 1 1 -53 4 ' , No ttingham Medieval Studies 32 ( 1 988) , p. 1 22. 1 0 1 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarnm , I I I 5. 1 02. Wolfram, History �f the Goths, p . 3 1 2 .

53

The Merovingian Kingdoms

Gregory's uncle and mentor, Gallus.

1 03

At the same time, although he was

mistaken about the chronology, his account of Theuderic's expedition was extremely vivid. And he returned to the event again and again in his works. That he had good cause is suggested by the fact that the raid is mentioned in 1 04 The the legal formulae of the Auvergne as being a time of great destruction . punitive expedition of a Merovingian monarch was not quickly forgotten. Frankish Kings could be as brutal as Euric had been in the days of Visigothic expansion. With the conquest of Burgundy, the Frankish take-over of Gaul was almost complete ; three years later the Ostrogoths, under enormous pressure from the Byzantine invading forces in Italy, handed over Provence to ensure peace with the Franks . The Merovingian kingdom was firmly established. It

include d most of modern

France , with the exception of the old Roman

province of Septimania, lying between the Rhone delta and the Pyrenees , which

remained subj ect to

the Visigoths until the

eighth

century,

and

Brittany, over which the Franks exercised influence rather than direct rule . To the east the Merovingians controlled the French- and German-speaking

areas of Switzerland, as well as

Belgium, Luxembourg

and the Rhineland, at

least as far north as Utrecht. The coastal areas of Frisia were effectively

independent in the late seventh and early eighth centuries, but previously they

may well have been under Frankish control. B etween the accession of Clovis

in 4 8 1 and and the acquisition of Provence in 5 3 7 the Merovingians had established one of the most powerful of the successor states to the Roman Empire . In time it was to become the greatest of all.

1 03. Wood, ' Clermont and Burgundy: 5 1 1-534' . 1 04. Form ulae Arvernenses, 1 .

54

Chapter Four

Kin g s and Kin g doms : The Structure of the Realm in the Sixth Century

With the conquest of B urgun dy in 534 and the cession of Provence two years

later, the main geographical outlines of the Merovingian ki ngdo m were

drawn. Inevitably there would be variation along the fronti e rs , and, more important,

Frankish

control

over

neighbouring

peoples ,

incl u di ng

the

Thuringians, was not constant; the hegemony exercised by the Merovingians

to the east of the Rhine was an integral part of their empire . Nevertheless,

the base of their power lay within the territory which th ey had ac quired by the late 530's.

The vast block of land over which the Merovingians ruled was essentially

treated as two different units; on the one hand there was the north and the

east, that is the territories which ha d been controlled by the Franks before the

'Vouille' campaign, together with the Burgundian kingdom; o n the other there was Provence and the lands captured fr om the Vi sigo ths The first of .

these ar e a s in the sixth century was usually divided up into a number of geographically coherent kingdoms . Aquitaine and Provence, once they came

into the hands of the Franks , were also divi de d but wi th less concern for ,

geography, and the units were subordinated to the kingdoms of the north.

The divisions of the kin gdom

The hi s to ry of the divisions of the kingdom, or Teilungen as they are often known to modem scholars , is a c omplex one, and it is one that has to be

reconstructed from narrative sources which are not concerned to describe those kingdoms, but which provide th e relevant information only in passing.

a result our picture of the divisions, and of the resulting kingdoms, or Teilreiche, is not complete, and even the outline that we have was not 1 properly understood until the middle of the twe nti e th century.

As

1 . Central to any understanding of this crucial issue are the two arti cles by E.

frankischen T eil un ge n und Teilrciche (5 1 1-6 1 3) ' and 'Die frankischen Teilreichc im 7 . Jahrhundert (61 3-7 1 4) ' , reprinted in Ewig, Spatantikes rmd frankisches Gallien, 1 (Munich, 1 976) , pp. 1 1 4-7 1 , 1 72-230.

Ewig, 'Die

55

The Merovingian Kingdoms

When Clovis died his kingdom was divided equally between

his four

s u rvivin g sons. To a large extent we have to infer the nature of this earliest

division from what we can l e a rn of later arrangements; in particular we are

told by Gregory of T o urs that i n 5 6 1

kingdoms

p ortion

of the previous

Clovis's gran ds o n s took over the

ge neratio n ; thus, Charibert I

(561-7) r e c eive d the

of C h il d e be rt I (5 1 1-5 8) , b as ed on P a ris ; Guntram (5 6 1 -92) that of

Chlodomer (5 1 1 -24) , wi th its centre at Orleans; Ch ilp eri c I (5 6 1 -84) was

given th e

kin gd om of Soissons, o n ce held by C hloth ar I (5 1 1 -6 1 ) ; while

S igib er t I (5 6 1 -75) i nh e ri t ed the re alm of The ude ri c I (5 1 1 -34) and his

de s c en da n ts Theudebert I (534-47) and ,

himself at Rheims. 2

Theudebald (547-5 5) , and e stab lish ed

In addition to working back from subs e quent arrangements , we can use

Gregory's narrative to e stab lish the sp heres of a c tivi ty o f th e v ari o us ki n gs Theuderic I , for instan c e was faced wi th a D anish invasion in the Rhineland.

.

,

The

maj o rity of G rego ry s information on him , however, concerns his '

te rrito ry in Aq u itain e and centres on his atta c k on Clermont and the 3 Auvergn e It may be significant that Clermont, w hi ch was o n e of the .

Aquitanian cities c o nsi gn e d to the east Frankish kin gdom of Theuderic and

his su c c e ssors , was als o one of the cities which he h a d invested in 507, in the

aftermath of 'Vouille ' . The way in which A qui tain e was divided up and alloted to the

northern kingdoms

may owe much to th e nature of th e

Frankish conquest of the area in the first th re e decades of the sixth century;

but that is

a topic on which we have scarcely any information. The other ev i de n c e p rovided by Gregory on the Teilreiche in

this peri o d is to the divisio n of 5 1 1 , an d not with th e o riginal arrangements. Thus, after C h lo d ome r s death at Vez e ro n c e his so ns were bro u gh t up by their grandmother, Chlothild, wh o cl e arly exp ected them to inhe rit their father's kingdo m Their uncles , Childebert I and Chlothar I, h ad other ideas and res o lved t o divide Chl o do mer s k i ngdo m between them. Chlothild was pre s e n ted with the choice of either h aving h e r gran dchil dr e n tonsured or killed; she ch os e the latter solution, although one child, Chlodoval d , e s c ap e d to b e c ome a mo nk an d , in t im e , to b e revered as 4 St Cl o u d Ac c ordi n g to Gregory, Chlodomer' s kingdom was divi de d equally b e tw e e n Childebert and Chlothar, but in so far as th i s division can be re c o ns tru c t e d it app e ars not to h av e been confined to th e two brothers ; there are grounds for thi nking that Thcuderic also may have p rofit e d from the murders . 5 On Theuderic ' s death in 533 C hild e b e rt and Chlothar unit e d o n c e again to exclu d e a n e p h ew from his i nh e ri tanc e This ti m e however, the opposition wa s made of s t ern e r stuff. Theudeb ert I was already an a c tive concerned l argely with modifications

'

,

.

'

.

.

,

2. Gregory, Decem Libri Historianm1, IV 22. 3. Gregory, Decem Libri Historianim, lII 3, 1 1-1 3 . 4. Grego ry , Decern Libri Historiarnm, I I I 1 8. 5. Ewig, 'Die frankischcn Teilungen und Teilreiche ' , pp. 1 28-9 , followi ng of Leo of Sens, Epistulae Aevi Merowingici Collectae, 3 .

56

a

letter

The Structure ef the Realm

in

the Sixth Century

figure in the last years of his father's reign , and he had the support of a military following, his leudes, with whose help he made good his claim to the 6 When he died in 547 there was , apparently, no opposition to the

throne.

succession of his son, Theudebald, although his subj e cts took advantage of his 7 death to lynch th e hated minister Parthenius. Eight years later Theudebald

died without an heir, and on this occasion Chlothar was , it seems, able to

take over the eastern kingdom without opposition. 8 The same circumstances

were repeated in 558, when Childebert died. For the last three years of his

life Chlothar was thus sole king of the Merovingian kingdom; when he died in 5 6 1 the process of division c ould start again from s cratch. 9

According to Gregory the division of 5 6 1 was in many respects a return to that of 5 1 1 ; Charibert I received Paris , Guntram Orleans , Sigibert I Rheims and

Chilperic

I

Soissons .

There

between the two divisions: for

a

were,

however,

significant differences

start, in 5 1 1 the Franks did not control

Burgundy, and what lands they held in Aquitaine can hardly have seemed secure with Clovis dead and the Ostrogothic king Theodoric intent on restoring the power of the Visigoths. For the south-east and in Burgundy, the

arrangements of 5 1 1 could no t have pr ovi d ed the sons of Chlothar with any

precedent . Those of 5 6 1 were not , in any c ase, to last long. After a reign of 1 only six years Charibert died. O As a result, his kingdom, with the exception of Paris ,

which was treated as neutral ground, was divided among his

brothers, not that the division was universally respected. Indeed many of the

disagreements of the following years seem to be associated with cities which

had once b een held by Charibert, and this was to hold true even after the

murder of Sigibert, since lands which he had acquired in 5 67 became bones 11 of contention b etween his son, Childebert rI, and Guntram. Neither the murder of Sigibert in 5 7 5 , nor that of Chilperi c nine years later

was

to alter the political map of the M erovingian kingdoms in the way

that the death of Charibert had done , since they each left a single male h eir.

Certainly in both cases the child was a minor, and there were problems in ensuring their succession to their fathers ' territories, but there was no need for a n ew division of the kingdom.

The parallels, such as they are, between 5 1 1 and 561 , together with the

arrangements made to cope with the death of Charibert, lend a spurious

uniformity to the divisions of the Merovingian kingdom , but one which is, at

first sight, supported by the events of 595 . Guntram had died three years

earlier and, according to the seventh-century chronicler Fredegar, Sigibert's 12 son, Childebert II (575-96) took over his kingdom, thus uniting what had

been the kingdom of Orleans, but which came to be known as the kingdom 6. 7. 8. 9. 1 0. 1 1.

12.

Gregory, Dece111 Libri Historiamm, III 23. Gregory, Dece111 Libri Historiarnm, III 36. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiamm, IV 9.

Gregory, Dece111 Libri Historiarum, IV 20, 22. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , IV 26.

For Paris, see Gregory, Decem Libri Historianmi, VII 6. Fredegar, IV 1 4.

57

The Merovingian Kingdoms

of Burgundy, with that of Rheims , or Austrasia. Chilperic's son, Chlothar II

(584-629) , was excluded from this arrangement, which ha d b e en agree d at

the Tre aty of An delot in 587 . 1 3 Three years after Guntram's death , however,

Childebert himself di e d, leaving two sons, Theudebert II (596-6 1 2) and Theuderic II (596-6 1 3) , of whom the former had already in 589 been given a sub-kingdom of the cities of Soissons and Meaux, at the re quest of some of the lea ding citizens - development pregnant wi th implications for the 14 fu ture Now in 596 Theudebert re c eive d Au strasia, an d Theu deric B urgu n dy 1 5 app arently cementing the divisions created by Charib ert's death in 5 67 . The political d evelopments of the next eighteen years ensured that .

,

this was not so. The first significant

to the political map

change

of the Me r ovingian

kingdom occurred with the campai gn of Theudeb ert II an d Theuderic II

against Chloth ar II in the year 600 , as a result of which the latter was left 16 The alliance of

only with the territories of Beauvais, Amiens and Rouen

.

the sons of Chil deb ert I I , how ev er , was short-lived. I n 6 1 1 Theuderic took

the

field against his b ro th er,

and promised to neutrality.

Dent elin to Chlothar, in return for his

Theudebert, and killed him

Austrasia he died

an d

restore th e duchy of the A

year

later he overth rew

his sons, but after uniting B urgun dy

and

of dysentery Althou gh he left four sons, his grandmother .

Brunhild, decided to

elevate

,

only one of them, Sigibert II (6 1 3) , to the

throne. Nevertheless this attempt to ensure the succession of at least one of

her descendants failed; the aristocracy deserted to Chloth ar I I , and the old queen

her

and

Merovech,

were

wandchildren,

greatkille d

.

with

the

exc eption

of one

child,

In 613 the kingdom was reunited, as it had b een

under the previous Chlothar

in

558.

Merovingian succession Although the

divi sion

been tra ditional

of the M erovingian kingd om is oft e n held to hav e been

clearly not the case in 5 1 1 . And although the death certainly set a precedent, it did not ensure the succession of all Merovingi an male s despite Gre gory of Tours 's .18 famous dic tum that 'all b oys born of kings are c alled king's sons' Ch ildeb e rt I and Chlothar I ensured that Chlodomer's sons did not succeed ,

this was

arrangements made at Clovis 's

,

13. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarnm, IX 20 . 1 4 . Gregory, Deceni Libri Historiarnm, IX 3 6 . 1 5 . Fredegar, IV 1 6. 1 6 . Fredegar, IV 20. 17. Fredegar, IV 37-42. 18. Gre gory, Decem Libri Historiarnm, V 20. This sentence should be taken in context: by Roman law (Codex Theodosianus, lV 6, 3) the children of a free-p erson a n d a slave we re automatically slaves. Gregory is merely sayi ng that any ch ild sired by a Mcrovingian was to be regarded as having royal blood, even if the mother was servile.

58

The Structure of the Realm in the Sixth Century their father, and they tried hard to e xc lud e Theudebert I from the throne.

Towards the second half of th e sixth century Fredegund was detennined that

her husband Chilperic's so ns by other women should not b e in a p ositio n to 19 succeed, and assisted in their fates . On e of them, Merovech , attem ted to outwit

his

s tep m o the r

by

marrying

Sigibert's

widow,

�

Brunhild. O

Not

surprisingly princes were concerned to build up a position of strength during

their fa th ers ' lifetimes.

This probably accounts for the events of the closing years of the reign

Clovis's

of

longest surviving son, Chl o tha r I. Aft e r Theudebald's de ath in 5 5 5 ,

Chlothar sent his own s o n Chrarnn t o Clermont, where he terrorized the bishop , Cautinus, and remo ve d the

comes,

Firminus. 2 1 Th e prince th e n moved

to Poitiers and alli e d with his uncle Child eb ert against his fath er . 2 2 The conflict between Chramn and Chlothar dragged on from 5 5 6 to 560, when

the prince was finally defeated, captured and burned. Exactly a year later Chlothar himself di e d of fever at Compiegne. He was buried at the church of 23 St M e dard in Soissons. Chramn's ac ti ons are best int erp reted as those of a prince

determined

to

have

some

share

in the M e rovi ngian kingdom:

effectively he was creating a new ki n gdom in his father's lifetime.

Even at the time of Chlothar's death the issue of the succession seems to

have been

undecided. Venantius Fo rtunatus reveals that Chl o thar may have intended that

father's favourite. succeed.

24

C hilp e ri c was his he

alone

should

Gregory's account of what actually happ ened is laconic in the

extreme . We are told that Chilperic seized his father's treasure and gained a

following through bribery . He then went to Paris and occupied the throne of his

uncle

Charibert.

His

three

half-brothers

un i ted

against

him

an d

subsequently th e kingdom was divided e qually. The division finally arrived at

in 5 6 1 was , then, a compromise made after Chilperic's bid for the throne of 25 Paris .

A further factor needs to b e taken into consideration. Chlothar, like many of the early Merovingian monarchs, was uxorious: he had at least sixth wives. Three of his surviving sons or at le ast of those whom he acknowledged as his - were the children of Ingund; the fourth, Chilperic, was the child of -

Ingund's sister, Aregund.

26

It is possible that Chilperic's actions immediately

after his father's death were intended to e n sure that he was not excluded from

the succession by his half-brothers. Arguably unlike Chlothild in 5 1 1 and certainly unlike F r ede gu n d, Aregund may have playe d no p art in ensuring her

son' s succession. She is not known to have been involved in any way. 1 9 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historianim, V 14, 39. 20 . Grego ry , Decem Libri Historiarum, V 2. 2 1 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IV 1 2- 1 3 , 1 5 . 2 2 . Gregory, Decent Libri Historiarum, I V 1 6 . 23. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IV 2(}-1 . 24. See M. Reydellet, La Royaute dans la litterature latine de Sidoine Apollinaire a Isidore de Seville, p . 3 1 1 . 25. Gregory, Decem Libri Historia m m , IV 22. 26. Gregory, Decem Libri Hist oriamm , IV 3.

59

The Merovingian Kingdoms Nevertheless

the

serial

monogamy

of kings

likely

is

to

have

had

its

i mpli c atio ns for the rivalrie s b etween their heirs. Chilperic was n o t the only

son of Chlothar to be affected b y his mother's position: in co n s i dering

C h ramn's bid for power it is importan t to remember that his mother was

neither Ingund nor Aregund, but C hunsina 27 Certainly the rivalries within .

the Merovingi an fami ly ensured that there could never been

of succession

a

simple pattern

The government of the Teilreiche The evi den c e for th e div isi o n s of the Merovingian kingdom is sli ght political

.

The

narrative of the sixth century, however, makes it clear that they were

not the result of automatic recourse to a p attern established in 5 1 1 . The

evidence for the working of government is e qually slight, but there are re c u rre n t features which allow som e insight into

the organization of the

kingdoms . Time and again we are told that a kingdo m was divided e qually.

524 and 5 6 1 . 28 Wh at constituted equality is open to question ; cer tainly it is unlikely that there was a strict division a cco rding to acreage . This in any case would seem to be ruled ou t by references to some kin� ho lding c e rtain civitates, or cities with their surrounding territories, jointly . 2 9 More lik ely the intention was to give b rothers portions which provided equal incomes. This was almost certainly the decisive factor in the division of A qu i taine The basis for a sses s ment th erefore , would have been administrative re co rds suc h as tax registers , p r ovi di ng evidence of the value to the monarch of individual civitates, whi ch This is recorded as being the case in 5 1 1 ,

in

as

.

,

had been the b asic units o f government in the later Roman Empire. When a

city and its territ o ry was divided between two kings we should understand th at it was their revenues th at were at stake, although certain cities also had a stra t e gi c importance, w hi ch may also have b e en a matt e r of concern. The civitas w as central to the division of the Mero vin gi an kingdoms because, as in the Roman period, it was the basis of much o f the administrative system. Its administrative impo rtance is c ertainly attested for the sixth c e ntu ry and it p rob ab ly c onti nu e d, alth o ugh evidence is almost non-existent for the later peri o d Indeed, to be strictly accurate , the evidence is far from complete for the early M erovingian age , and, for that matter, even for the fifth century We do not, for instance , know much about the administration of a civitas. From collections of legal Jomzulae we know something about the local archives of a ci ty in which wills and other actions ,

.

.

,

were re gistere d

,

and we find various officials, the defensor, curator, magister

militum and other members of the local curia being called up on to op en the archives for the registration of n e w grants, but we have Formularies only from 27 . Gregory, Decen1 Libri Historiarum, IV 3 . 2 8 . Gregory, Decent Uhri Historiarnm , I I I 1 , 1 8 ; IV 2 2 . 2 9 . e . g. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VI 3 2 . 60

The Structure

of the Realm

in

the

Sixth

Century

a small n umb e r of civi tates, and their contents are not often datable, except to

the perio d before the ninth century, when most of them were written down.

It is not clear that there

was

kingdom in such matters .30 The

senior

u nifo rmity across the whole of the Merovingian

official in the

was usually the

civitas

com es

(pl.

com ites) ,

sometimes unhelpfully transl ate d as 'count' ; to be precise the word means 'companion' . On the whole the Merovingian comites have been seen as similar

to the late Roman comites

civita tis,

a n d there is c ertainly a case for thinking

that both could carry out the same duties, which included the he arin g of

law-suits and the enforcement of j us ti c e , and could involve military leadership as well . 31 The

comes prob ab ly had as his subordinate another o ffi c e r whose post was also of late Roman origin , the centenarius. 32 Information rel atin g to centenarii, however, is scarc e . Further , it is o nly for th e kingdom of the

Burgundi an s that there i s evidence for anything like an all-embracing comi tal

structure ,33 an d while mo st, if not all, Merovin their

�an

civitates

must have had

comites, or in the north, their graphiones, 4 in all probability l o c al could vary a c c o rding to regional tradition and to the will of a n

administration

individual king , whose main c on c e rn was to ensure the l o yal ty of and to r ealize the revenues from his civitates.

Similar fle xib ility should also be e nvi saged when dealing with officials of

ran k superior to that of the

comes.

At tim es we hear of men with c h arge over

more than one civitas ; thus Nicetius , who had actually been removed from

comital office in the Auv e rgn e , resorted to bribery and became Auv e rgne , the Rutenois and Uzes.35 There is even a

dux

of the

list of offices which claims that a dux was in charge of twelve civitates, but although this text has been se e n as a Merovingian do cu m ent, it is almost c ert ainly a school-book, o rigin ating perhaps in the British l sles . 3 6 In fact while we find du ces in charge of gro ups of civitates, they also ap p e ar as leaders of royal armies, with out any cle ar geographical base , and they were to be found en gaged in a wide variety

of other activites, including diplomatic missions . 37

30.

For

the

Fomiulae

and

th eir

use

in

government,

sec

I.N.

Wood,

'Administration, law and culture in Merovingian Gaul' , pp. 64--6 ; also Wood, 'Disputes in late fifth- and sixth-century G a ul: some problems ' , pp. 9, 1 2-1 4. 3 1 . A.C. Murray, ' The position of t he grafio in th e constitutional history of

Mcrovingian Gaul ' , Sp ecu lu m 64 (1 986) , pp. 787-805 . 32. A . C . Murray, 'From Roman to Frankish Gaul: " Centcnarii" and "Centenae" in the administration of the F rankish kingdom' , Traditio 44 (1 988) , pp. 59-1 00. 3 3 . Uber Constitutionum, prima constitutio, 1 3 . 3 4 . Murray, 'The position o f the grqfio i n th e constitutional history o f Mcrovingian Gaul' . 3 5 . Gregory, Decena Libri Historia rum , VIII 1 8 . 3 6 . For a translation o f the text s e e Wallace-Hadrill, Th e Long-Haired Kings, pp . 2 1 7- 1 8 : for its composition, se e P. Barnwell, ' " Epistula Hieronimi de Gradus Romanorum" : an English school book ' , Historical Research 64 ( 1 99 1 ) , pp. 77-86. 37. A.R. Lewis, ' The dukes of the Re.gnum Francorum, A.D . 550-75 1 ' , Speculum 51 (1 976) , pp . 381-4 1 0 .

61

The Merodngian Kingdof!IS

Much eludes us about the government of the Merovingian civitates, but some aspects of their role within the administration of the kingdom are

reaso nably clear. The levying o f taxes in particular seems to have been based

on the civitas. Our most instructive anecdote for this is Gregory's account of

the new taxes instituted by Chilperic in 579. Five gallons of wine was to be levied on every half acre of land, and there was to be an additional tax on

manpower. Th e levels

were

s o heavy that people left Chilperic' s kingdom in

order to avoid the taxes. In addition the arrival of the referendiary Mark at 38 Limoges to collect the taxes provoked a riot. How much was new about these demands is not clear; Gregory liked to portray tax as unwarranted and

uajust.

In origin, however, the taxation system of the Merovingians was 39 at Lyons an

undoubtedly based on that of the later Roman empire ;

exemption supposedly granted by the Byzantine emperor Leo (457-74) was 4o

still in force in Gregory's day.

It was exemptions that interested knowledge

Gregory, and this means that our

of Merovingian taxation is

decidedly

one-sided.

Exemptions

marked the generosity of the monarch, as with Theudebert's concessions to 41 Wicked monarchs challenged tax-free status, the churches of the Auvergne.

as happened on more than one occasion to the church of Tours. Chlothar I even made the heinous suggestion that the churches of his kingdom should

hand over one-third of th eir revenues to the crown. 42 Gregory records such

plans in order to show how they were prevente d whether by a bishop , as in ,

the case of Chlothar's request, or by God, as happened to Chilperic's tax demands. The disease visited on his sons prompted his wife , Fredegund, to 43 burn the new tax registers . This bias of Gregory makes it very difficult

to assess the regularity of

tax

collection, but on one occasion the bishop of Tours does allow some insight

into what appears to be the norm. Because the tax registers of Poitiers were

out of date , h e avy burdens were falling on those unable to pay, including

wi do ws and orphans. This prompted the bishop,

Maroveus, to ask that the

city be reassessed, with the result that the poor were granted relief, and o nly

fair taxes were levied. Childebert's tax inspectors then tried to institute the

same reforms in Tours, but Gregory claimed that the city was exempt, and

related the history of exemption since the time of Chlothar I .44 However, if

reorganization had not threatened Tours , it is doubtful

wh e the r

we would

have heard of the perfectly sensible arrangements at Poitiers, which suggest

38. Gregory, Decem Libri Histvriarum, V 28.

39. W. Goffart, ' Old and new in Merovingian taxation', in Goffart, Rom e 's Fall and After, pp. 2 1 3-3 1 .

40. Gregory , Li ber i n Gloria Confesso ru m 62; s e e the comment o f the translator, Gregory of Tours : Glory of the Confessors, pp. 69-70, n . 70. 41 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, III 25. 42. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IV 2. 43 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , V 34. 44 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IX 30.

R. Van Dam,

62

The Structure of the Realm in the Sixth Century not only that taxation was normal in the Merovingian kingdom but also that ,

it could be organized efficiently, and so far as one can see, fairly. Nevertheless

taxation

does

not

seem

to

h ave

fallen

on

the

whole

population While the Romans are described as being tributary, it seems that .

the lands which had originally been granted to free-born Franks had been exempt from tax, and that the Franks subsequently assumed that any lands

which they came to hold were similarly exempt 45 This at least is the neatest .

way of explaining some of the conflicts described in Gregory's Histories between free Franks and administrators who insisted that they were liable to 46 taxation: Parthenius they lynched, and Audo t hey deprived of his 47 property The tax collectors were fighting an uphill struggle: during the .

seventh centu

�

the royal fisc. 4

'truly free men' came to have immunity from payin g dues to

Gregory claimed that Tours was free not only from taxation, but also from

578 Chilperic ordered the men of the Tou rai n e , Poitou, the Bessin, Maine an d Anjou to march against Brittany, but as G regory explains the p oor and th e men of the cathedral and of St Martin's

certain

military

obligations

.

In

,

did not go because they were exempt from public service.

49

This claim

illuminates one of the recurrent features of the military histo ry of the period;

the frequent presence of the men of one dvitas or another

on

campaign,

above all during the civil wars which bedevilled the second half of the sixth

century, when rivalry between cities seems to have exacerbated problems. Apparently the kings could rely not only on taxation from the dvitates, but also on local armed forces. P resumably such militias date back to the last years

of the Roman period, although there is no evidence for them in the fifth century. Nor was such military service the only obligation on which the sixth-century Merovingians could rely: they could expect the provision of hospitality, which could be an extremely costly business, as when Chilperic I's d aughter

Rigu nth, set out to meet her in tended husband in Spain

retinue devastated the country it passed through. SO ,

-

her

How many of these obligations could still be demanded in the seventh century, we do not know, alth ou gh there are references to tax concessions granted to Tours Clovis II

b�

(634-57),

Dagobert I

(623/9-39),51 to the city of B ourges by

2 and to families exposing children in ord er to avoid

public exactions in the Life of his queen, Balthild.

53

Certain types of taxation

also continued: the seventh century boasts plenty of evidence for tolls of various kinds, which will be considered in chapter 12.

45. Goffart, 'Old and new in Merovingian taxation', pp. 223-4. G regory Decem Libri Historiarum, III 36.

46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51.

,

Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VII 15. Goffart, 'Old and new in Merovingian taxation', pp. 230-1. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, V 26. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VI 45. Vita Eligii, I 32.

52. Vita Su lp icii episcopi Biturgi, 6-7. 53. Vita Balthildis, 6.

63

The Merovingian Kingdoms Royal resources A king dep ended on the administrative s tru ctu re

of the

civitas

for tax r even ue

and for some of the manpower re q uired for his armies. But he had additional

sources

of wealth and troops. Although the evidence for military organization

in the Merovingian period is as poor as that for any other

asp ect

of the

administrative history of the period, it is possible, once again, to put together 54 some picture from the narratives provided by Gregory of Tours and ot hers .

There are references in the so urce s to laeti, who were p r o bab ly descended

the empire.55 More important were the leudes of a king. These were military followe rs appar ently of considerable social status and influence, though p robably to be distinguished from the

from barbarian soldiers settled within

greatest magnates of the realm, many of whom had military followings of

their

own,

and might

outside his ki n gdom

be expected to fight for the king both inside and

.

Theudebert I was reliant on his leudes to survive the threat from his uncles 56 on his accession, and Chilperi c I created an equivalent following throu gh bribery in order to make his bid for the throne in 561.57 The value placed on these men is most clearly stated in the Treaty of Andelot, where Guntram and Childebert Il settled the question of the succession and dealt with vario us

matters which had arisen during the early years of the latter's reign. Among

these was the question of those leudes who had once followed either Guntram

or Sigibert I, the father of Childebert, but had transferred their loyalty

els ewhere ; they were to be made to return to their original allegiance from

the places where they were kn own to have settled. Neither king was to accept a m e mb er

of the other's leudes in fut ure

58

A bond between a ruler and and th e re is some indication, in the assumption that Sigibert's lwdes should follow Childebert, t hat the bond was hereditary. At the same time the actions of Theudebert and C hilp eri c as well as thos e of the disloyal followers covered by the Treaty of a

.

military follower was clearly considered as binding,

,

Andelot, s how that kings were expected to offer incentives, and we may well

believe that the distribution of land and wealth was th e major facto r in ensuring that a king

had a loyal following.

In terms of land, the early Merovingian kin gs

were probably well endowe d

with estates and palaces, many of them perh aps originally part of the imperial fisc. These estates would have been

nm

by appropriate stafIS of officials,

including comites of the palace, various agents, refendaries, notaries and so

forth, although, o n ce again, it is doubtful w hether there

genuinely regul ar pattern to the duti es of this band of administrators; much cle arly was

a

54. B. Bachrach, Merovingian Military Organisation 481-751, gathers some of the material, but the approach is rather dominated by narrative. 55. On fourth-century laeti, see Heather, Goths and Romans 332-489, pp. 123-4; Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, p . 12. 56. Gregory, Decem Uhri Historiarnm, III 23. 57. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IV 22. 58. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IX 20.

64

The Structure of the Realm in the Sixth Century

depended on who was attendant on the king at any one time. Ab out the

lands themselves we are badly informed; the evidence is, as usual, pr ovi ded in

p assing

.

In narrative and hagiograp hic sources we sometimes learn of the

kin g s presence at one or other of his estates, and in charters and other legal '

document s we see him

making

grants or j udgements from some palac e or

royal villa. The prob lem which arises from this is that we are never given any

i nkling of the totality of a king's estates, and there is a particular difficulty in trying to construct the

whole

a

pi c ture of crown land by listing all references to it from

Merovingian

period;

if kings rewarded their followers by

conferring estates on them, even tho ug h the grant might not be hereditary, the pool of land must have changed constantly Kings also endowed churches .

and, increasingly, monasteries. Meanwhile they replenishe d their land h oldings -

by con ques t and by the confiscation of the estates of those who had fallen out of favour: rebels and criminals. Be c ause of this fluidity in royal land h o lding a list of all the known royal estates from the whole Merovingian period would be misleading; it would no t allow for the pattern of acquisition and alienation. -

At the same time

the

poverty of our sources on this iss u e means that we

cannot come anywhere near making an informed guess at the extent of the

estates of any o ne king. What is almost certain is that royal land holdings -

were vast, and they were probably particularly impressiv e in the no rth .

To the

we al th

they received from their estates and taxation, successful

Merovi ngi ans could also add plunder and tribut e from

neighbourin g

p eoples

.

Following the devastation of T huringia by Chlothar I in 556 the Saxons paid 59 an annual tribute of 500 c ows D agob ert I (623/9-39) was pro b ably richer than most Merovingian monarchs, not least because he helped Sisenand seize the V i sigo thi c throne. As payment for this h elp Sisenand p romi sed a gold dish, w e i ghing five hundred pounds which had been given by A etius to king Thorismund in the fifth cen tu ry The Goths, h owe ver o bj ec ted to this na tio n al treasure being handed over, and redeemed it for 200,000 solidi. 60 In addition diplomacy could be a source of treasure. In 581 a Frankish legation se nt by Chilperic I returned from Constantinople with numerous gifts. .

,

.

Unfortunately

th ey

,

were shipwrecked and lost much of what they had been

given. Among the obj ec ts salvaged were gold dishes, weighing a pound each, with the image of the emperor

on

them. Chilperic also

sh

owed Gregory a

gold salver c ov ered wi th gems weighing fifty pounds. This Chilperic himself ,

had commissioned to enhance the glory of the Franks.61

Descriptions of gold and silv er obj e cts commissioned by Merovingian kings

and don ated to churches are

n ot

i nfreq uen t in hagiography from the s even th

century and later. They testify to the fact that a colossal amount of wealth

pass ed th rough royal hands, and it is therefore not surp rising that control of 62 Oddly

the royal treasury was a significant fact or in Merovingian politics. 59. Fredegar, IV 74. 60. Fredegar, IV 73.

61. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VI 2. 62. See e.g. Gregory, Decem Uhri Historianim, V 1; VII 4.

65

The Merovingian Kingdoms enough this is not to say that kings always had easy access to wealth : much to

the dis gus t of monks of St Denis, Clovis II (634-57) removed silver from the

apse of their church, to p rovide alms during a famine. 63

There is, in fact , a paradox about the w ealth of the Merovingians . Their

res ources were considerable ; not only did they have vast incomes from taxation and from their own estates , b ut also th ey could expect considerable

quantities of tribute

from the subject peoples east of the Rhine and elsewhere.

Nevertheless Chilperic I complained that his treasury was always empty

b ecause of the church, 64 while one retainer of a Merovin gian prince attributed this penury to St Martial and St Martin, that is to the churches of 65 Gregory regarded these claims as bein g marks of Limoges and Tours. particular wickedness, and he saw the Merovingians as being, for the most part, rapacio us. In fact t hese two opinions are not incompatible: a Merovingian may have had a large income, but he also had vas t financial

commitments; he had to reward his faithful retainers; he had to endow the

shrines of the saints, to ensure their support, and that of the clergy who served them; he woul d also have to dem onstrate his piety in almsgivin g. In a dditio n, gifts would be require d in any negotiations with foreign p owers, especially if they culminated in a marriage alliance. Nor was there any question of hoarding treasure for a rainy day: a king' s status was related to his generosity and to the display of wealth; hence Chilperic's salver made to the glory of the Franks; hence also the fact t hat on the death of the magnate

Rauching, who cannot have had an income comparable to that of a king, more treasure was found in his coffers than was held in the ro yal treasury.66

Royal ideology Gregory was not greatly im p ressed by most of the sons and grandsons of Clovis,

but there were exceptions. He admired Theudebert I, despite his 67 He was particularly impressed by his treatment of

injustices and adulteries.

Verdun: although bishop Desideratus had been exiled by Theudebert, he

asked the king for financi al aid to help restore his city. No t only was a loan of

7 ,000 gold coins made, but the repayment was subsequently remitt ed . 68 Gregory's picture of Theudebert as a great monarch can be supplemented by other sources. His qualiti es as a Christi an king are extolled in a letter addresse d to him by a certain Aurelian, who was once identified with the

bishop of Arles of that name. 69 More extraordinary is another letter preserved 63.

Gesta Dagoberti

I, 17, 50.

65.

Gregory, Decent Uhri Historian@, IV 16. Gregory, Decem Libri Hi storiarum, IX 9.

64. Grego ry, Decem Uhri Historiarum, VI 46. 66.

67. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , III 25. 68. Gregory, Decem Uhri Historiarum, III 34. 69. Epistulae Austrasiacae 10. On the author,

see R. Collins, 'Theodebert I, "Rex M agnus Francorum'", in P. Wormald, ed., Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo­ Saxon Society, pp. 18-22; see also Wallace-Hadrill, The Long-Haired Kings, pp. 191-2. 66

The Structure of the Realm in the Sixth Century in the Epistulae Austrasiacae, in which Theudebert des crib es to

extent of his hegemony , which, he said,

st re t ched

Justinian

the

from Visigothic S ain to

�

Thuringia, and from the North Sea to the D a nube and Pannonia. O The

claims sound far-fetched, but they show the extent of Theudebert's ambition .

Essentially he was establishing himself as a figure of imperial stature, as his 71 gold co inage reveals. He app ears to have worried the Byzantines, who 72 thought that he was planning an attac k on Constantinople. Theudebert was certainly thought of as a great and powerful king.

War was clearly central to Theudebert's status, both at home and abroad.

At the same time his status seems to have caus e d him to be asso ciat e d wit h c ampaigns which took place after his death: th e invasion of Italy by Buccelin,

which rightly belon s in the reign of Theu deb al d , was assigned by Gregory to that of his father .7

f

Most of the great Merovingi ans p roved themselves in

battle. E ven Gregory admired the successes of the Merovingian kings over their neighbours, as did Venantius Fortunatus. Great victories could become

legendary: C hl othar !I's defeat of the Saxons in the early seventh century is 74 known to have been commemorated in the songs of washerwomen. There are two other aspects to Theudebert ' s greatness as

a

mona rch :

Christian and Roman. These same elements form the basis of the royal virtues

described

in

the

Childebert I

pane gyric al

could

works

of Venantius

be compared with

the

Old

Fortunat us . For him Test ament monarch,

75 Melchisedek - and doubtle ss, having come from Ravenna, Fortunatus's

image of Melchisedek would have been similar to that which was set up in San Vitale ,

where the patriarch p rovided an analog ue

to the emperor

Justinian.76 Other of the portraits in Fortunatus's poems are more classical;

Chilperic is described in terms of his military p rowess , his justice and his 77 but Sigibert, es pecially in the epithalamium celebrating his marriage

culture ,

to Brunhild, is dep i c t ed in term s derived almost enti rely derived from the Roman past. 78

70. Epistulae Austrasiacae 20. 71. P. Grie rso n and M. Blackburn, Medieval Eu ropean Coinage, I, The Early Middle Ages (5th-10th Centuries), p. 116; McCormick, Eternal Victory, pp. 338-9. 72. Agathias I 4, 1-4; see A. Cameron, 'Agathias on the early Merovingians', Annali della Scuola normale superiore di Pisa 37 (1968), pp. 97, 100-1, 107, 122-3; Collins, 'Theodebert I, "Rex Magnus Francorum"', pp. 9-10. 73. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, III 32; for an accurate account of Theudebert's involvement in Italy, see Wolfram, History cf the Goths, pp. 347-8, 355-6. 74. Vita Faronis 78.

75. V cnantius Fortunatus , cann. II 10, 17-24; Reydellet, LA Royaute dans Ia li t terature latine de Sidoine Apollinaire a Isidore de Seville, pp. 322-30; George, Venantius Fortunatus: A LAtin Poet in Merovingian Ga u l, p. 43 . 76. George, Venantius Fortunatus: A Latin Po et in Merovingian Gaul, p. 43. 77. Venantius Fortunatus, carm. 9, 1; George, J/'enantius Fortunatus: A LAtin Poet in Merovingian Gaul, pp. 48-57; Reydellet, LA Royaute dans la litterature latine de Sidoine Apollinaire a Isidore de Seville, pp. 330-1. 78. Venantius Fortunatus, carm. 6, la; George, Venantius Fortunatus: A LAtin Poet in Merovingian Gaul, pp. 40-3; Reydellet, LA Royaute dans la litterature latine de Sidoine Apollinaire a Isidore de Seville, pp. 321-2.

67

The Merovingian Kingdoms These traditions also have their echoes in Gregory of Tours, but with more

note of h ostili ty. Chilperi c is compare d with Nero and Herod.79 The a language of criticism as well as one of praise. It should, nevertheless, not be dismissed as mere rhetoric. Chilperic's wish to appear as a cultivated monarch is no t in question; he wrote po e try, however badly, and he sh owed some interest in s uch issues as the alphabet, to w hi c h he wished to add four letters, and in theology, where he came close to than a

Christian and imperial past provided

heresy, when he decided to abolish the di stincti ons between the persons of the Trinity. 80 In addition

he was to

be found bu ilding amphitheatres in

Soissons and Paris to p rovide shows for the citizens.81 Gregory may have lau ghed at Chilperic's a tt empts at apeing the culture of the Roman past, an d desp is ed him for them but circuses were integral to the political culture of the later Roman Empire, and its Byzantine s uccessor : the hippodrome was ,

central to the c o urt ritual of Constantinople.

Merovingian

to

m onarch

involve

82

himself in

Nor was Chilp eric the on1 building

such

�

projects.8

Doubtless they represent a thorough-going attempt to a dopt the sort of Roman styl e env isaged

response

some

from

by Fortunatus and they presumab ly drew an admiring of the more backward-looking members of the ,

Gallo-Roman aristocracy The

.

romanizing aspect

i de ology seem�

of M e rovingi an

impressed Gregory. His own

have

not to

ideals were ecclesiastical rather then Roman.

There was a tradi tio n of royal charity in the Merovingian kin gdom a p aren t

�

,

in the Church c ouncil s and in the

Childebert,

h owev er

,

Gregory

surviving edict

one

had

littl e

to

say.

of Childebert I.

Among

4

Of

Merovingian

monarchs it was Guntram who provided Gregory with his model of Christian kingship. He was pious, and Gregory even recounts a mi ra cle worked by a 85 thread taken from his cloak. There is, however, another side to Gregory's p o rtrait from whic h the king emerges as a suspicious and not to ta lly effectual ,

ruler. One Sun day he begged the congregation of a Paris church not to 86 assassinate him. There is also reference to reprimands and complaints addressed by him to his subordinates; on one

o ccasion

we are told that the

generals on an unsuccessful campaign j ustified their failure by explaining that

alth ough his pie ty was noted, he was not feared and this meant that his agents commanded

no

respect.87 Even Gregory re c ogni zed his weaknesses: however

much of a royal virtue

it

might be, piety alone was not e nough

.

It

is not

79. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, Vi 46. 80. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiamm, V 44; VI 46. A poem by Chilperic, Ymnus in sollemnitate s. Medardi, survives, ed. K. Strecker, MGH Poetae IV 2; see F. Brunholzl, Histoire de la litterature latine du Mayen Age, 1/1, L'epoque merovingienne, p p. 116-17. 81. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, V 17. 82. S. McCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiqliity, pp. 79-81. 83. Procopius, War.s, VII 33, 5. 84. Capitularia Merowingua, 2. 85. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IX 2 1. 86. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VII 8; see also Wood, 'The secret histories of Gregory of Tours'.

87. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VIII 30. 68

The Structure of the Realm in the Sixth Century likely to be a coincidence that Guntram's reign was marked by disagreements with his fellow rulers, and also by treason.

If anything it is the emperor Tiberius II who is Gregory's paragon. The

bishop of Tours relates that when the emperor saw a flagstone engraved with

a cross he ordered it to be raised. Below it was a second and then a third such

stone. Beneath the third was a vast treasure which the emperor then used for charitable purposes.88 Oddly enough a similar tale was told of Guntram by

the eighth-century Lombard historian Paul the Deacon. Once when Guntram

was out hunting he paused for a rest, and while he was sleeping a dragon

climbed out of his mouth, c ro s sed a neighbouring stream, vanished, returned and climbed back. On being told about this Guntram followed the dragon's

route and discovered some treasure, which he originally determined to send to Jerusalem, but then decided to use for a

ciborium for

the church

of St Marcel at Chalon.89 The pious act would have delighted Gregory. But

there are other aspects of the story which

are

just as appropriate to

Merovingian royal ideology. The point that the king was out hunting is not

insigriificant: hunting was an appropriate pastime for kings, and Guntram is

known from Gregory to have been a keen huntsman.90 Nor is the dragon

entirely inappropriate in a story relating to a king supposedly descended from

a

sea-monstcr.91

Despite Gregory's account, the Merovingians can be seen as

which .::ultivated

a

a

dynasty

complex political ideology during the sixth century. To a

large extent that ideology looked to the Roman past.

So also did the

governmental structures of the Merovingian kingdom. As a result the rule of Clovis's descendants was by no means unsophisticated: it could also be

oppressive. This is particularly clear from Gregory's account of the convoy

created to escort Chilperic's daughter Rigunth to Spain in 584. Families of serfs were forced by Chilperic to accompany the princess; some h ange d

themselves to avoid going; people of good birth were also expected to make

the journey, and then to stay in Spain; as a result they made their wills,

reckoning

themselves

to

be

as

good

as

dead.92

The

exaggerated, but it is certainly an indication of royal demands.

image

may

be

At the same time, although there were considerable powers on whi ch a

king and his administrators could draw, not every monarch could actually mobilize his resources. Gregory liked Guntram because of his benefactions to

the Church and his regard for churchmen, although he does not hide his

weaknesses. Chilperic he disliked, in part because of his attitude towards the

Church and clergy, despite some remarkable acts of generosity to individual

shrines. Yet it is likely that Chilperic was the more impressive monarch and

88. 89. 90. 91. 92.

Gregory, Decem Lihri Historiarum, V 19. Paul, Historia Langobcirdornm, III 34. Gregory, Decem Ubri Historiarum, VIII 6; X 10. Fredegar, III 9.

Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VI 45. 69

The Merovingian Kingdoms inspired the greater respect. Power was not handed to the Merovingians on a plate, but a firmly established king, once he had control of his resources, could be very powerful indeed.

70

Chapter Five

The Limits of Ecclesiastical Power: Episcopal Jurisdiction and Politics

Alongside the complex structures of secular power there were other types of authority, associated with the Church. Not that Church and State were easily separable in the Merovingian period; on the contrary, the authority of the Church, and particularly that of the bishops, was connected with the power of the king, especially in the urban centres of the Frankish kingdom. Nevertheless it requires separate assessment, not least because it drew on certain areas of experience not directly dominated by the monarch.

Diocesan organization

The structure of the Merovingian Church was taken over directly from its Gallo-Roman predecessor. It was based on dioceses which for much of the kingdom were the ecclesiastical counterparts of the civitates, with which they 1 were coterminous. In the north and east, however, where the barbarian invasions had caused most disruption, dioceses had to be re-created, with the result that their extent reflected the connections and interests of the clergy involved in their re-creation, rather than the geography of the Roman

civitas.

Thus, unlike that of Clermont, for instance, the Merovingian diocese of Mainz did not correspond exactly to any earlier Roman administrative 2 district. Like Gallo-Roman civitates, dioceses were organized into provinces, and their bishops were subordinate to a metropolitan. Theoretically there was a further hierarchy within the metropolitan sees. What this was was much 3 debated, particularly by the metropolitan bishops of Ades and Vienne. In practice the

authority

of an individual metropolitan was

influenced

by

political factors, such as the favour in which he was held at court. A king

could forbid a bishop to attend a council called by his metropolitan, as 1. E. James, The Origins of France, pp. 45-ng-Haired Kings, p . 2 1 7 .

118

Laws

and Law-Codes: Merovingian Legislation

on the j ustice dispensed by the king, its form can be deduced from the survival of Merovingian placita, that is the legal agreements or 'final accords ' , 1 05 drawn u p at the end of law suit�. Each begins with a reference to the king or his officer sitting at the seat of j us tic e , and the plaintiff arriving and putting a case , which the defendant had then to answer or concede , before judgment was

given. Most placita provide only the barest outline of the evidence

brought to court, but they do show kings in action, exercising judicial authority. It was an authority they preserved until almost the end of the

Merovingian

period. Even Einh ard s derision of the Merovingians travelling '

by ox-cart is, as we have seen , an indication of the surviving importance of royaJ j ustice.

1 05 . Fouracre , ' "Placita" and the settlement Francia' , pp. 23-7.

1 19

of

disputes

m

later Merovingian

Chapter Eight

Ro y al Women: Fredegund, Brunhild and Radeg un d

M ero vingi an history when women influence of women in Francia was arguably more important than in any other early medieval state . This may seem curious given the notorious role that the Salic Law was to play in royal succession in the later Middle Ages. In fact Lex Salica is not unusual among There are a numb er of crucial p eriods in

dominate events . Indeed, the political

early law codes in privileging the inheritance of land by mal e s It did not .

prevent women from owning property. The influence however, depended not so mu c h on their land-holdings ,

be

important,

but

Merovingian politics.

of royal women, al though these could

on the opp o rtu n i ti e s afforded by the structure of

Merovingian princesses On the whole the daughters

in

of the kings

of the Franks

attract scant attention

our sources. Royal blood gave them very little , except airs and graces,

which did not alw ays

stand them in

good stead in later life : the

revolt of th e

nuns of Poi tiers , which occupies a considerable proportion of Books Nine and

Ten of Gregory's Histories, was caused at least in part by the pretensions of the Basina and Chlothild, both prin ces s e s unhappy with their lot. 1 The best t hat a princess could hope for was a prestigious marria ge , but the history of royal marriages between Merovingian wo me n and the princes of n eighb o urin g kingdo ms was not a happy one. Clovis's daughter Chlothild had to be rescued from her h us b and the Visigothi c king Amalari c . 2 Rigunth, the daught e r of Chilp eric , was betrothed to the Visigothic p rinc e Reccared. The wedding, however, was put off because of the d e ath of her brother, and ultimately it was abandoned because of the murder of he r father; the girl was

nuns

,

1. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiantm, IX 39--43 ; X 1 5-1 7 . 2 . Gregory, Decem Libri His toriarnm, I I I 2 , 1 0 .

120

Royal Women : Fredegund, Brunhild and Radegund

consigned to a lifetime of arguments with her mother and, a c cordi n g to 3 Gregory, to sleeping with all and sundry . H appier at first was the lot of her cousin l n gund , dau ght er of Brunhild, who was married to Reccared's brother,

Herrnenegild, but after her husband's rebellion she fell into the hands of the

Byzantines . As a re sult she an d

her young

son

became

the

centre

of

dipl o mati c n ego tiati ons between Brunhild and th e emperor Tiberius II. She 4 died in Africa before these came to fruition. Of all the Merovingian

p rinces s e s the mo s t fo rtunate w as p erhap s B ertha, who at th e time of her marriage to the Kentish prince !Ethelberht was little b e tter than an o rp han . Her

h usband

was

sc arc ely

a

of great

king

status

in

the

eyes

of the

Merovi ngi ans , to whom he may well have been tributary, but, p erh aps because of this, Bertha appears to have been a figure of some signifi c a nce at

th e Kentish court: with the arrival of

Augus tin e' s

mission, if not before , she

was given the opp o rtunity to play a ro l e in the Christianization of E n gl and . 5 Few

Merovingian

princesses

who

married

had

careers

of equivalent

distinction , and of most princesses we know n othing, not even th eir names.

Their activities were only of occasional interest to G rego ry of Tours . Some

may

have

c o n tra c te d

non-royal

marriages,

others

certainly

went

into

nunneries; for many of th e m appearance in the historical record was fle eting .

Merovingian queens Names are sometimes almost the only thin g known of the o t h e r group of royal wom en , th e queens , and more gen e rally, giv en the lifestyle of the Me rovin gi ans , th e sl e e ping partners of the Frankish kings . H o w eve r , there are

a n u mb er of qu e ens who figure pro min e ntly in th e historical record. Some of

them were the daughte rs of neighbouring kings , and were therefore of diplomatic importance. The Visigothic king Athanagild must have hop ed to strengthen his relations wi th the Franks when he married his da ughte rs

Brunhild and Galswinth to Sigibert and Chilp eric. 6 hope

A fo re i gn

p rincess might

that her position as a pawn in the diplomatic relations b e tw e en

kingdoms would protect her in times of difficulty. In the case of Chilperic's

qu e en , Galswinth, however, neither wealth nor kin s av e d her when her 7 Other royal p a rtners may have

husband decided to hav e her murdered .

gaine d from havi n g Frankish ki nsm e n to protect them, but almost n o thing is

known of the family background of most of them, a n d so m e Merovingia n s 3. Grego ry , Decem Libri Historianm1 , VI 1 8 , 34, 44; VII 9, 1 0, 1 5, 39; IX 34. 4 . G re go ry, Decem Libri Historiaru m, V 38; V I 40; VIII 1 8 , 2 1 , 2 8 ; Ep istulae

A ustrasiacae, 27 , 2 8 , 43 , 44, 4 5 . 5. G re go ry , Decem Libri Historiamm, I V 2 6 ; IX 2 6 ; Gregory I , Resister, V I 5 7 ; VIII 4 ; XI 48; also l.N. W oo d , 'The mission of Augustine' (forthcoming) . 6. Grego ry , Decem Libri Historiamm , IV 27, 28; see J.L. Nelson, 'A propos des femmes royal e s clans les rapport� entre le monde wisigothique et le monde franc a l'cpoque de Reccared', in XIV Centenario Concilio III de Toledo 589-- 1989, pp. 468-70. 7. Gregory, Decem Ubn' Historiarnm , IV 28.

1 21

The Merovingian Kingdoms seem actively to have preferred women of low birth . Sigibert

I deliberately

chose not to follow the example of his brothers when he married the 8 Visigothic princess Brunhild. Usually the status of a queen or concubine depended almost entirely on the support of her husband. Nevertheless they could be very powerful indeed. A queen ' s p ower depended on her relationship with her husband, her role 9 Some , if not all ,

as the b earer of his heirs , and on her control of wealth. queens

took

charge

of their

husband's

treasuries.

After

Chilperic

was

murdered,

Fredegund had in her control a considerable treasure , which 1° included a golden salver which the king had commissioned. Charibert's widow, Theudechild, and Brunhild also had plenty of treasure with them 11 when their husbands died. It is not clear how much of what they had was their own. Shortly after Chlothar II had established himself as sole ruler of the

M erovingian kingdom in 6 1 3 , bishop Leudemund told queen Berthetrude to

send all the treasure she could to Sion, in expectation of her husband' s 12 The bishop' s intention was that she should marry Alethius , who

death.

would then succeed to the throne. Probably the treasure in question was not simply the queen's private wealth . What the story may also suggest is that a woman could carry a claim to the throne : unfortunately Fredegar's meaning at this p oint is obscure .

The treasure referred to in all these instances might have been that of the

king, but queens had treasure of their own . Although the treasure which Fredegund had with her in

584 may have been Chilperic's, when her

daughter Rigunth set out for Spain she conferred so much on her that the

king was alarmed, and the queen had to explain that she had saved up from her own revenues and estates . 13 All queens would have received dowries, or

rather morgengaben, from their husbands. Chilperic bestowed on Galswinth five 14 cities. This colossal gift may have been abnormal. Its size may have been determined by Chilperic's desire to eclipse his half-brother Sigibert, who had already married Brunhild.

It may also have been intend ed to convince

Galswinth 's father Athanagild of the sinc erity of Chilperic's commitment to

the marriage. There is nothing to suggest that other morgengaben were on this 15 N evertheless, all queens had access to considerable wealth, and they

scale .

were therefore powerful patrons . As such they were both courted and hated. With the king's ear and control of his purse, a queen could establish herself

as the most influential political figure in the kingdom, but her route to power began in the royal bedchamber. The first priority for any queen or concubine 8 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiamm , IV 27. 9 . P. Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers, pp . 1 04-6.

1 0 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , VII 4; see VI 2 . 1 1 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , IV 26; V 1 . 1 2 . Fredegar, IV 44. 1 3 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , VI 45. 14. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , IX 20. 1 5 . Nelson, 'A propos des femmes royales clans les rapports entre le monde wisigothique ct le monde franc a l'epoque de Reccared' , p. 469.

1 22

Royal Women: Fredegund, Brunhild and Radegund

was to retain the affections of the king, who could all too easily discard a woman who no longer took his fancy. The problems of re taining

a

king's

affections are apparent in the Histories of Gregory of Tours; D euteria, who

had left one husband for Theudebert I, r e aliz e d that her daughter's be au ty was

a threat to her own position, and arranged to have her drowned at Verd un.

Perhaps

as a result of this Theudebert ab an don ed

Deuteria

and instead marri ed

the Lombard Wisigard, to whom he had been betrothed for some time. 1 6

Charibert's first wife lngoberg tried to prevent her husband from falling

the daughters

of

for

a wool-worker by setting the father to work i n the king's

presence, but the plan backfired and Charibert di smiss e d Ingaberg. 17 M ore peculiar was the outcome of the wish of Chlothar

l's

wife , Ingund, to find

her sister a suitable husband: once the king had seen the girl he decided to

marry her himself, and thus became husband to b o th sisters in tum, or perhap s

at

once . 1 8

Against these tales

of

marital

upsets

the

ability

of

Fredegund, Chi1peric's second wife, to re-establish her p osition after the king's marri age

to

Galswinth, and thenceforth to become a driving force in

her husband's kingdom, i s truly r emark able

.

Fredegund Gregory's information on Fredegund hinges largely on her

c o nc e rn

for her

own offspring, and by e xte nsi o n with her desire to wipe out any conceivable

challe nge to h e r

children's

this end she pursued her

chance of s u c c e e din g to th e ir father's two stepsons, Clovis and Merove c h ,

kingdom. To

arranging the

murder of th e first and driving the second to suicide. 1 9 Nor did their s upp o rt ers fare much b etter. Clovis 's allies, Leudast and the two Ri culfs , all 20 Merovech's bap tismal sponsor, bishop Praetextatus of suffered at he r hands . Rauen, who received the prince and Brunhild when they fled to Ro u e n to 21 be married , faced tri al exile and ultimately murder. Meanwhile the deaths of her own chil dr e n p ro mp te d extrava ga nt di splays of gri e£ When Chlodobert and Dagobert were dying of dysentery, Fredegund concluded that this was divine punishment for unjust government and insisted on the incineration of her husband's new tax registers. 22 On the death of another ,

_Engs

son, Theuderic, she burned all his belon

women tortured for suppo s e d witchcraft.

and had a gro up of Parisian

Her

co n c ern

for her family

c an

also be seen in the quantity of gifts she made to her daughter, Rigunth, prior

1 6. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21 .

Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, lII 26, 27. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IV 26. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IV 3 .

Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarrm1, V 1 8 , 3 9 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, V 49.

Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , V 1 8; VIJI 3 1 . 22 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historianm1 , V 34 ; V I 34-5 . 23. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VI 34-5 .

1 23

The Merovingian Kingdoms

to her departure for Spai n . children

underpinned

24

In addition, protection of her husband and her

Fredegund's

behaviour

towards

others .

was

She

pro b ably responsible for the murder of Sigibert, when he looked set to

destroy the kingdom of her husband, Chilperic, and is said by Gregory to

have be en the evil genius behind assassination attempts on both Brunhild and Childebert , as well as Guntram.

25

Thus far Fredegund might be seen as a model, if somewhat bloodthirsty, queen, whose chief concern was the protection of her immediate family. Gregory,

however,

also

suggests

that

her

actions

were

rather

more

self-centred. Although she lamented the deaths of Chlodobert, Dagobert and Theuderic , she rej ected her newborn son S amson and wanted him to die ,

b ecause s h e thought herself at death 's door. 26 It was left to Chilperic to insist on his bapti sm. Similarly, although she endowed Rigunth with treasure for her j ourney to Spain, when the princess ended up as a spinster at court 27 Fredegund tried to murder her. The chief source of conflict b e tw e e n the two women, says Gre go ry

Fredegund's

morals

were

,

was the loose morals of Rigunth. Nevertheless not

above

suspicion:

Guntram

doubted

the

parentage of Chlothar 1 1 ,28 and Gregory in si sts that the queen turned against 2 Eberulf because he refused to b ecome her l ove r 9 The bishop of Tours had .

no liking for Fredegund, and it is p oss ib le that the picture of her

w

hic h he

presents is misleading. The ei ghth-century Uber Historiae Francorurn, however,

went further than Gregory, accusing the queen of the murder of her own husband,

Chilperic, after he discovered that she was having an affair.30

Fredegund's career cannot be reduced simply to that of a woman con cerned

only for the survival and inheritance of her children, but such concerns were cru cial to her as to other Merovingian queens.

Royal widows Fredegund's

career as

queen

appears

not

to

have b een

interrupted

by

Chilperic's murder. She continued he r lethal brand of politics during the early

years of Chlothar I I ' s reign, an d app arently died a natural death in 587 .31 Most royal women, however, seem t o have left the political stage on the death of their husbands . Since a queen's p ower depended on her position as

wife of the king and the mother of his sons , it is not surprising that most

queens ceased to be significant figures in widowhood. Those royal women 24. G regory, Decem

Ubri

Historiarwn , VI 45.

25. G re gory, Decem Uhri Historiarum, IV 5 1 ; VII 20; VIII 29, 44; X 1 8 .

2 6 . Gregory, Dece111 Uhri Historiarnrn, V 22. 27. Gregory, Decem Ub1i Historiarum, JX 34. 28. Gregory, Decem Uhri Historiarum, VIII 9 ; sec also Wood, 'The secret h istories of Grego ry of T ours' . 29. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VII 2 1 , 22, 29. 30. Uber Historiae Francomm, 35. 3 1 . Fredegar, IV 17; Liber Historiae Francomm, 37 .

124

Royal Women: Fredegund, Brunhild and Rad�!?�md who remained important in secular politics after the death of their husbands

were the mothers of prin c es who had not yet reac he d the age of maj o ri ty .

The problems of establishing a yo un g prince on the throne and o f or gani zin g

a re gen cy provided royal wi d o ws with an opportunity

to c onti n u e to hold on

to power. Fre d egund had a role to play in the es tablis hment of Chlothar I I as 32 king; Brunhild was to witness the minorities of her son C h il deb e rt I I , h er grandsons, Theudeb ert II and Theuderic 1 1 , and ultimately to see the failure 33 o f her great-grandson, Sigibert IL In the seventh century Balthild, widow

of Clovis I I , a c te d in the regency for h er son Chlothar Ill, and was probably

also involved in the elevation of another son, Childeric II, to the th ro ne of 34 Austrasia. In this a c ti o n she appe ars to hav e acted together with her sister-in-law, C himnechild, the widow of S i gibe rt

III.

The latter ensured the

her own role at court, in extr emely complex political circumstances, by arrangi ng for the marriage of her daughter to Chi lderic 35 The c o ll us ion of th e two queens resulted in the only known case o f M e ro vin gi an en do gamy a si gni fi c an t , but u ni qu e , variation in the pattern of c o n tinuan c e

of

.

,

royal succ ession. Closer to th e traditional behaviour of Merovingian queens was

th e

action

tak en by the

wi dow

of the ruli ng aris to crat Pipp in II,

Plectru de , in 714, when s h e trie d t o prevent h e r stepson Charles Martel from 36 taking over her husband's power and treasure . It is possible th at P le ctru de was deliberately a c ting as if she were a queen in this instance , but her behaviour might equally well indicate that aristocratic women in general were faced with the same problems and embarked upon the same strategies as their royal counterparts.

The prec i se w e ap ons which queens and qu e e n- m o th ers could use in such

circumstances are nowhere clearly stated, but it is likely tha t most were

dependent on

a

following b ui lt up by the distribution of patronage during

their husband's lifetime . This could continue after the king' s de ath In his record of a me eting b etween Fredegund and two c lerics, wh o were being sent .

to assassinate Childebert and Brunhild, Gre gory puts into the queen's mouth a sp e e ch

in which she promises

either

a

lavish reward for th e assassins or, s h o uld

they die in the attempt, wealth and office for their relatives.

which

a queen or a qu e e n- re ge n t

could draw would

37

The wealth on

h av e certainly have

included her own personal tre as ure Many of the actions o f royal women p resent e d in the sources are seen as .

underhand or stealthy . Chlothild is dep i cted as h avin g harboured notions of vengeance fo r decades on end, before she fo und in Chlodomer a

being

32. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VIII 9; X 1 1 . 33. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VIII 29; IX 9; Fredegar, IV 1 8 , 1 9 , 42 .

'

34. Fredcgar, cont. 1-2; Liber Historiae Francorum , 44-5 ; Vita Balthildis, 5; Nels o n , Qu eens as Jezebels: Brunhild and Balthild in Merovingian histo ry ' , pp. 1 9-2 1 .

35. O n th e marriage of Childeric I I and Bilichild,

see

Vita Balthildis, 5 ; Passio

Leudegarii I, 8; on the continuing influence of Chimnechild, sec Passio Praeiecti, 24. 36. Fredegar, cont. 8; Liber Historiae Framorum, 5 1 . 37 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VIII 29.

125

The Merovingian

Kingdo ms

fin in

champion to de stroy her Burgundian relatives.38 Time and a

narrative Fredegund appears as the employer of assassi ns . 3

Gregory' s

The bishop of

Tours narrates her activities in graphic detail, alth ough he must have b een de pe nd ent on rumour and he arsay for much of his evidence . In the next century

Brunhild would be the butt of similar ac c us ations with fatal 40 The accusations le v elle d agains t both queens suggest th at it

consequ en c es.

was assumed that the employme n t of assassins was a mode of operation which

th ey were likely to empl oy . Being women, they were unlikely to fight their

own

battles,

altho u gh

on

occasion both did behave

in manly fashion:

Brunhild, for instance, intervened to prevent open war between the followers of Ursio and B erthefred on the one hand, and those of her favourite , Lupus,

on the oth er : 4 1 Fredegund later tried to int ervene in a bloodfeud, and when

neither party listened to her she had the survivors killed at a banquet. 42

Brunhild The full range of difficulties and opportu nities facing a queen are most clearly app are nt in th e career of Brunhild. At the same time the problems posed by the

literary

sources

for

the

late

sixth

and

e arly

seventh

centuries

are

particularly apparent in her history Brunhild clearly imp re ss ed Greg01y and .

also Venantius Fortunatus . The latter s poems written at the court of Si gibert '

have a notably classi c al flavour, b e ing modelled on the works of Clau di an and Sidonius Apollinaris . 43 They may well reflec t the taste of th e queen. The image of Brunhild offered by both Fortunatu s and Gregory, however, needs

to be tre ate d with some care ; it app e ars from Fortunatus that Brunhild played a role in the appointme nt of Gre go ry to Tours , something that the latter 21never mention s 4 As for Fortunatus himself, in his early years in Francia he .

lived entirely on patronage , and much of the support he received in thos e

early years came from the Austrasian

c o urt

o f Sigibert. 45 Both writers may

h ave been biased in h er favour. By contrast seventh-century sources, including Fredegar's c onsist ently

Chronicle hostile

a n d the

to

the

Life of Co lumbanus

queen.

by Jonas of Bobbio, are

Their position

seems

to

have

been

determined by the destruction of Brunhild and her dynasty by Chlothar I I . Perhaps less liable t o bias was pope Gregory the Great, who seems t o have

38 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, III 6. 39. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IV 5 1 ; V 39; VII 20; VIII 29, 3 1 , 44; VIII

18; see Wood, 'The secret histories of Gregory of Tours ' . 4 0 . Fredegar, IV 42. 41 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, VI 4. 42. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, X 27. 43 . Reydellet, La Royaute dans la litterature latine de Sidoine Apollinaire a Isidore de Seville, pp. 306-8. 44. Venantius Fortunatus, carm., V 3, 1 1 . 1 5- 1 5 . 45 . George, Venatius Fortunatus: A Latin Poet in Merovingian Gaul, pp . 27-9.

126

Ro y al Women : Fredegund, Brunhild and Radegund

thought highly of Brunhild. But even his comments are suspect, because he depended on the queen for the implementation of Church reform in Francia.

Brunhild was th e d au gh te r of the Visigothic king Athanagild and his wife

Goiswinth; she was sought in marriage by Sigib ert who was, says Gregory, ,

partic ularly concerned to find a wife of noble birth, in contrast to his brothers 46 who had up u ntil that time married women of no status Little is known of .

her career during the lifetime of her husband, except that she abjured the arian creed of her parents. It would be wrong to ass um e from this, however,

that she was of no importance ; comments ascrib ed to Ursio and B erthefred by

Gregory suggest that some members of the Austrasian aristocracy thought that

she had too mu ch influence over

Sigibert. 47 S omething

of her i nflu enc e is

indica ted by Fortunatus, when he reveals the involvement of Brunhild in the

appointment of Gregory to Tours. It is likely that the queen exe rcised

patronage to considerable effect.

is Brunhild's response to the

What neither Fortunatus nor Grego ry reveal

death of her siste r Galswinth. According to the bishop of Tours , Chilperic's ,

brothers were furious with him when he murdered Galswinth,48 but no

comment is p asse d here or later in the Ten Books of Histories on Brunhil d s '

reaction . Certainly there is reference to animosity

between

Brunhild and

Fredegund but there is nothing in Grego ry or in other sixth-century writers ,

to s u gge st tha t Brunh il d saw herself as th e avenger in a bloodfeud. Nor, indeed, is th ere any indication that Fredegund was involved in Galswinth's murder, which is laid entirely at Chilperic s door. E qually, Fredegund's '

apparent involvement in the murder of Sigibert is not described by G regory

as instigating a feud. Brunhild may have been

Frede gar claimed.

responsible for C hilp eri c s '

But Gre go ry makes no such suggestion, and the 49 Liber Historiae Francorum held Fredegund responsible. Since Gregory does death, as

Jt a

describe Clovis's wife , Chlothild, as prosecutin

with the c o ll ap se of the Burgundian kingdom,

regard

such

a

role as being inapp rop riate

even

for

bloodfeud when de aling

it is clear that he did not

saintly queens; his failure to

depic t relations between Bnmhild and Frede gund in terms of a vendetta eith er req u ir es

a

detaile d explanation

,

or it should be assumed that such a

ve ndetta did not exist. Any murders which were co mmitted by th e se queens were part of the politics of survival, not of the bloodfe u d

.

The murder of Si gi b ert brings Bru nh ild rather further to the fore in

Gregory's narrative . Whatever her influence befo re Sigibert s death, her '

positi o n was precarious in the following years . Her son, Childebe rt

,

was

taken

from he r by th e dux Gu ndo vald wh o arra nged for the prince to be accepted ,

by his fathe r s followers. Brunhild herself was left to the mercy of Chilperic, '

who had her exiled to Rouen. 51 At this p oin t her career became enmeshed 46. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IV 27. 47. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , VI 4. 48 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, IV 28. 49. Fredegar, IV 42; Liber Historiae Francorum, 3 5 . 5 0 . Gregory, Decem Uhri Historiarum, I I I 5 . 5 1 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum, V 1 .

1 27

The Merovingian Kingdoms

with

that

of Merovech,

opportunity

to

Chilperic's

strengthen

son

by Audovera,

who

seized

'

Chilp eric separated the two , t ak ing his son into

custody

the

wido w 5 2

his position by marrying Sigib e rt s

.

and appare ntly

allowing Brunhild to return to the eastern kingdom of Austrasia. There, after

e s c aping from his father and

taking sanctuary at St Martin ' s , Merovech

followed her, only to be turned away by the Austrasians . 53

What Merovech stood to gain from his marriage to Brunhild seems

reasonably dear; he was strengthening his chance of becoming king,

in

opposition to any plans b eing laid by Frede gu n d . 54 Whether he saw his claim

as centring on his father's kingdom or on that of Sigibert, which was now in the hands of a minor, is debatable. Brunhild' s position is opaque. She had a pp

arently been ignored by the Austrasians when Gundovald took over th e

protection of Childebert; Gregory, recounting the events of 5 8 7 , says that

Ursio and B erthefred wished then to humiliate the queen as they had done

when she was first wi dowe d 55 As well as enhancing his own po si ti o n , .

Merovech might, therefore, be seen a s offering the queen s ome p ro t e c ti on The events following the separation of Brunhild and Merovech raise .

further questions. Had the situation changed in her favour when she was

received in Austrasia? And when Merovech tried to follow her, was he driven out with or without her connivance? Whatever the an sw e rs , Brunhild cannot have

remained absolutely p ow erles s for long, since in 581 sh e intervened to

prevent Ursio and Berthefred from fighting her supporter, Lupus . date

she

clearly had a

following

unopposed, she was

a

of Javols , tried for

lese-majeste. He

,

and although

her

56

influence

By that was

not

force to be reckoned with. That this was so three years

later is clear from the fact that in 5 8 4 she was able to have Lupentius , abbot was

acquitted, but then murdered while

travelling home. 57 A similar murder, that of bishop Desiderius of Vienne , in 58 the early seventh c entury would b e linked firmly with Brunhild; i t is presumably a mark of G r e go ry s personal bias that no shred of suspicion i s '

raised

ainst her in this instance. T hat she could make the charge against Lupentius , even if it did not stick, is a mark of her power . The same year s aw ag

the murder of C hilp e ric , which was later to be attributed to Brunhild, and also the escalation of Gundovald's revolt.

52. Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , V 2. 5 3 . Grego ry , Decem Libri Historiarum , V 14. 54. Nelson, 'Queens as Jezebels: B runh ild and Balthild in Merovingian history' , pp . 1 0- 1 2 . 55 . Gregory,

Decem

Libri Historiarum , IX 9 .

5 6 . Gregory, Decem Ubri Historiarum, V I 4; Nelson, ' Queens a s Jezebels : Brunhild and Balthild in Merovingian history' , p. 1 2 .

57 . Gregory, Decem Libri Historiarum , V I 37. 58 . fredegar, IV 32; Sisebu t, Vita vel Fassio saru:ti Desiderii, 1 5- 1 8 ; Passio sancti Desiderii, 9; on the propaganda in this material, see Wood, ' Forgery in Merovingian hagiography ' , pp . 373-5 .

1 28

Royal Women : Fredegund, Brunhild and Radegund

Brunhild seems to have had some c o ntac t with Gundovald and,

later,

with

his sons . 5 9 She o ffe re d protection to his s om e time supporter Waddo . 60 But,

as w e have seen, she was not a n atu ral ally of the other Austrasians wh o were

involved in the revolt. She was opposed to Guntram Boso , whose d ea th 6 Childebert o rdered in 5 8 7. 1 In the same year she and Childeb ert were the 62 in t e n de d victims of a plot led by Rauching Ursio and B erthefred. Also ,

involved was b i sh op E gi diu s of Rheims , who seems to have b e e n imp licate d 63 in th e Gundovald affair. These men disliked Brunhild's influence ove r Childebert, who Guntram had re c o gniz e d as b eing fit to rule in t h e last stages

of Gundovald's revolt. The implication of all this is that Brunhild, although she was not powerless in the last years of Childebert's minority, had to cooperate with members of the a ri s to c ra cy who were hostile to her. The

period between her return to Austrasia in 575 and 585 seem'i , therefore , to

have been o n e in which no s i ngl e faction could main tai n control over the

king. It must have been a difficult time for B run hild , who had to work with men who , according to Gregory, openly reviled her.

The rnid-580s saw Brunhil d s power considerably enhanced, ab o ve all '

because Childebert was able increasingly to establi s h his a u tho ri ty and with it

that of h is mother. He was first recognized as being fit to rule by Guntrarn in

584 .64 Not l ong afterwards his tutor, Wandelenus, died, and Brunhild was

able to take over responsibility for her son.

65

She still fa c e d opposition from

among the aristocracy, as is apparent from h er failure to gain any sympathy

for

her daughte r , Ingund, who was currently languishing in Africa, havin 6

fallen into the hands of the Byzantines after the revolt of Hermenegild.

Z

Concern for dau ght e r a nd gran d. Theodoric

himself as the arbiter of western Eu ro p e , and tried in vain 58 It w as also he who p rovi d e d the defeated Alamans with a refuge,59 an d who set himself up to ave nge the 60 defeat of the Visigoths at 'Vouille ' . The Burgundians, however, rather than

unqu estionably saw

to le c ture Clovis on how to b ehave.

5 1 . Fredcgar, cont. , 1 1 . S2 . Fredegar, cont. , 1 9 , 27 , 3 1 , 3 5 .

53 . Anna/es Mettenses Priores, 54. Fredegar, cont. , 3 1 , 3 5 .

s.a.

748, 749.

S S . McKitterick, Th e Frankish Kingdoms 1mder the Carolingians, 75 1-98 7, pp. 61-3. S6. G regory, Decem Libri Historiari -4'>-4'>-

1?

T heu d o ald

I

2 Suavegotha

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Genealogy of the Mcrovingian Family 1

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2

0

Orleans Rheims/Metz Soissons

S

Paris

by 3

R

P

Key

by 3

o ns

I Chlodomer

s

?

-Gundovald -,

I Chlothar

daughte rs

m.

by

Chramn

'"""'

�

�

;:I

;;; ·

�-

"=

Cl

� "'

�

..,,

5· �

�

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Page Intentionally Left Blank

�

(;l

Merovech

A th an agild

I II

C hlo th ar

I Adaloald

m.

daughter

596-6 1 2 , A m. 1 Bilichild m. 2 Theudechild

Theudebert

I

I

A

Theudila

f

daughters

by

2

lchild

I

sons ?

Childebert

Genealogy of the Merovingian Family 2

II 6 1 3 , A/B

S i gibert

Corbus

Rheims

Austrasia Burgundy

R

A B

Key

Merovech

sons

-- - · · --------.----,---,---.

596-6 1 3 , B ; 6 1 2- 1 3 , m. 1 ? m. 2 Ermenberga

II

Chlodosinda

Brunhild

Theu deric

B

daughters

I

575-96, R; 592-6 , 1 ? m. 2 Faileuba

m. Hennenegild rn .

Childebert II

lngund

I

5 6 1-75, R

Sigibert

�

�

::!

;p

i:; · ;:

�-

':!

c

"'

s::

;:.­ "'

�· �

�

;:

0, "'

00

by

1

Theu I deb ert

I

1

by 1

(?)

by 1

B asma I.

by

1

1

S a1nson 1 by 2 by 2

or

2

Gomatrude

Nantechild

1

2

4 W ulfegund

m.

m.

5 B erchild

3 Ragnetrude

et al

m.

m.

(sister of Sichild)

m.

623-3 2 , A; 629-3 9 , NIB

by 2

by 2

or

3

1 b ert D ago

by 2

Chilp eri c

I

6 2 9-32 , Aquitaine

by

2

m.

m.

3 Sichild

2 B erthetrude

m. l Haldetrude

6 1 3-23 , A

6 1 3-29 , B

2

I----i I ? 584-629, N

by

� Th eu i denc . Chlothar

�����-! Charibert II

..

Chi ou Lo b ert

���

by 2

R.igunt ! h

I

3 Galswinth

Fredegund

m. m.

1 Audovcra

2

m.

-� DagoJ ert I by

Ch.Id Iesmt . h l

���

�

by 1

Cl ov1s I .

Merov ech

Brunhild

m.

by

Merovec h

Chilperic I

5 6 1 -84, s

21 .,,

� �

�

;:s

;:; ·

�

�·

� c;

;;:l "'

(.,> -!''°

676-9 ,

by 1

A

N

B

Austrasia

m. Childeric II

by 2

Bilibhild 656-62?

I

Balthild

17 1 1

III

721-37

eri c I I I

I . Theudenc

7 43-5 1 12

?

D ani el / 7 1 5/6-2 1

Chilperic I I

I

Dagobert

r 1 Chlothar IV

7 1 7- 1

II

m. Bilichild

Childeric

662-75, A 673-5, NIB

/ I

-

/ I

� ? ------ C hild

Theuderic IV

I

7 1 1 -7 1 5/ 1 6

Dagobert

III

__

694

690/ 1-4 I

675-6

Chrodochild

673 , 675-90/ 1 , N/B 687-90/ 1 . A

Childebert

I

I

Clovis

I

A

Theuderic III

-

� 2 639-57, NIB ; c. 656-7 ,

Clovis lu

657-73, NIB

--· -

Clovis III

Genealogy of the Merovingian Family 3

Neustria

Burgundy

Key

A

Dagobert II

-·

- Childebeit the Adopted Chlothar I I I

2 Chimnechild

m.

�-----.------'

1?

m.

632-c. 656, A

Sigibertl ff{ �3

�

�

�

�

:::; ·

1

�

�

�

5·

�

Q

Prosopography of the Merovingian Family

prosopography whic h follows is mer ely intended t o serve as a j us ti fi cati o n pre ce ding gene al o gy . Alth o ugh Eugen E wig has recently produced a major new reconstruction of the Merovingian family tree ('Die Name n geb ung b ei de n altesten Frankenkonigen und im merowingischen Konigshaus ' , Francia 1 8 , 1 ( 1 99 1 ) , pp . 2 1 -69) , the selective nature of most other vers i ons of the Merovingian family tree which arc r e adily available to students , and the o c ca s io nal inaccuracies to be found in them, suggests that such a prosopography is necessary. Nor, d e sp ite the use I have made of Professor Ewig's reconstruction, is my reconstruction ex actly the same as his . The e n tri e s in the prosopography are arranged alphabetically, and, for p ersons of t h e same name, chronolo gicall y . I have limited myself to providing only those references whi c h are basic to esta b li s h i ng the relati o ns h i p s of individuals (listing parents, partners and children) . O v e r the question of royal chronology, in th e main text, the ge n e alo gy and in the prosopography which follows , I have followed, wi tho u t citation, either Krusch in his edition of the M c rovingi an kinglists (MGH, SRM 7) , or Ewig. Finally, in the gen e al o gy , I have us e d the ab b re viati on ' m . ' , and in the prosopography I have used the word 'partner' to cover all Merovingian liaisons: distinguishing between m arri age , concubinage and fleeting affairs would be an impossible task. The

for the

Other abbreviations used:

Bede,

Cata I.

H.B.

Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica. Chrono loJ; ica Regum Franco rum Stirpis Merowingicae, Catalogi, comp uta tiones annorum vetustatae cum

ed. B. Kru s ch , MGH, SRM 7 . Gre gory o f Tours, Decem Libri Historiarum. commentariis,

D.L.H.

Ep istulae A ustrasiacae .

Ep . Aust.

Flodoard, Hist Fred. IV

Rem . Eccl .

Flodoard, Historia Remensis Ecclesiae. The

Fourth Book of th e Chronicle of Fre de ga r . 350

Prosopography of the

Continuations of the Chronicle of Fredegar. Gesta Abbatum Fontanellensium.

Fred. cont. C.A . F. L . H. F. Pass . Leud.

Meroving ian Family

Liber Historiae Franco rum .

I

Paul, H.L. Pardessus, Dip lo m a ta

Pass i o Le u dega ri i I.

Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum . J .M. Pardessus, Diplomata, Chartae, Leges

ad

res

Gallo-Francicas spectantia.

Pertz, Vit.

Diploma ta

G.H. Pertz,

Diplomata regum Francorum e stirpe

Merowingica. Bait.

Vita Balthildis.

V.F.

Vi ta Lantberti Fontenallensis . Stephanus, Vita Wilfn'di. Venantius Fortunatus.

Adaloald

parents: AgiluJf/Theudelinda, Fred. IV 34; Paul,

Vit. Lant.

Vit. Wilf.

H.L. IV

25 .

partner: daughter of Theudebcrt I I ; Paul, H.L. IV 3 0 . d. 626. JEthelberht

partner: Bertha,

D . L .H.

IV 26; IX 26. D . L . H.

IV

Alpsuinda

parents: Alboin/Chlodoswintha, Paul, H.L. I

27 .

Amalaric

parent: Alaric II, D . L. H. II 3 7 . partner: Chlothild, D.L.H. III 1 . d. 53 1 , D.L.H. Ill 1 0

Aregund

sister: lngund, D . L . H. IV 3 . partner: Chlothar I , D . L H. I V 3 . son: Chilperic I , D . L H . I V 3 .

Alboin

Athanagild Audovera

partners: Chlodoswintha, Rosamund, 3 , 4 1 ; Ep . A ust. 8 ; Paul, H. L. I 27 . daughter: Alpsuinda, Paul, H.L. I 27 .

parents: Hermegild/lngund, Ep . D L . H . Vl l l 2 8 .

43 , 44, 45, 47 ;

A ust.

partner: Chilperic I , D L H. IV 28. sons: Theudobert, Merovech, Clovis , .

28.

27, 28,

.

.

D . L. H.

daughter: Basina, D .L.H. V 39; V I 60.

Austrechild

partner: Guntram, D . L H. IV 25 . sons: Chlothar, Chlodomer, D . L . H. I V 25. d. 580, D . L.H. V 35.

35 1

IV

Merovingian Kingdoms

The B althild

Fre d .

partner: Clovis I I I , L . H. F. 43; Bait.

3.

cont. 1 ; Vit.

sons : Chlothar III, Childeric I I , Theuderic I I I , L.H.F. 4 4 ; Fred. cont. Leud . I, 2 .

1;

Vi t . Bait. 3 , 5 ; Pass .

d. 680 .

B asina

I I Audovera,

parents: Chilperic 34.

(?

=

L. H.F.

Childesind in

D . L . H. V 3 9 ; VI

31).

Berchild

partner: D agob ert I , Fred. I V 60.

B erth a

parents: Charibert I / In gob e rga D . L . H. IV 26; ,

IX 26.

p artner : .!E th elb e rht , D . L .H. IV 26; IX 26; B e de , H. E. I 2 5 .

Berthefled Berthetrude

parent: Charibert I , D . L H. IX 3 3 .

?

of B urgu n di an royal blood, Fred. IV 4 4 .

partner: Chlothar I I , Fred. I V 43. sons : Dagobert I (?) , Gesta Dagoberti I, 5 ;

Charibert (?) , s u gge s t e d b y E . Ewig, ' Die

Namengebung bei den altestcn Frankenkonigen und im merowingischen Konigshaus' ,

p. 64 .

d. 6 1 8/ 1 9 , Fred. IV 46. B erth o ara

p arent: Theudebcrt I,

Bili child

partner: Th eu d e b e rt I I , Fred.

V.F.

c a m1 . I f 1 1 .

IV

35.

d. 609/ 1 0 , Fred. I V 37 . Bilichild

parents : S i gib e rt III/Chirnn e child, Passio Praeiecti, 24 ; Pass .

Leud.

I, 1 0 .

partner: Childeric Pertz, Diplomata,

II,

L.H.F. 4 5 ; Fred. cont. 2 ;

29 .

d. 67 5 , L . H. F. 4 5 ; Fred. c ont . 2 .

Brunhild

parents:

Athanagild/Goiswinth,

sister: Galswinth,

D.L.H. IV

D.L.H.

IV 27 .

28.

p a rtn e rs : Sigib ert I , Merovech, D . L . H. IV 27 ;

sons: C hildebert II, sons (?) ,

D.L.H.

V 2.

IV 5 1 , V 1 .

daughters : Ingund, Chlodosinda, daughters ,

D . L. H. v 1 , 38; vm 21 ; IX 1 0 , 1 6, 20 , 25, 28 . d. 6 1 3 , Fred. IV 42 .

Chalda

parent: Wilichar, D . L.H. IV 20; L.H.F. 28. p artner : Chramn, D . L . H. IV 2 0 ; L.H.F. 2 8 .

d au gh ters : L.H. IV

20.

d . 5 6 0 , D . L . H. IV 20.

352

Prosopography ef the Merovingian Family

Charibert I

parents: Chlothar l/Ingund, D . L .H. IV 3. partners: lngoberga, Merofled, Theudogild, Marcovefa, D.L.H. IV 26. son: D . L . H. IV 26. daughters: Bertha, Berthefled, Chrodechild (?) , D.L.H. IV 26; IX 26, 33, 3 9 . kingdom: Paris, D . L . H. IV 22. d. S67, D. L.H. IV 26.

Charibert I I

parents: Chlothar 11/Berthetrude or Sichild, Fred. IV, S S ; Gesta Dagoberti I, S identifies Sichild as the mother; Ewig, 'Die Namengebung bei den altesten Frankenkonigen und im merowingischen Konigshaus', p. 64 argues, in favour of Berthetrude. Since Chlothar married Sichild after 6 1 8 , while Charibert had a son by 632, Berthetrude may seem a more likely mother, but Sichild is not biologically impossible. uncle: Brodulf, Fred. I V S S . son: Chilperic, Fred. IV 67. kingdom: Aquitaine , Fred. I V S7. d. 63 1 /2 , Fred. IV 67.

Childebert I

parents: Clovis I/Chlothild, D . L . H. III 1 , 1 8 . partner: Ultrogotha, D . L . H. I V 20 ; V . F . cam1. VI 6. daugh ters: Chrodoswinth, Chrodoberga, D . L.H. IV 20; V . F . , Vita Germani, 61 ; Pardessus, Diplomata, 1 72. kingdom: Paris, D.L.H. IV 22 . d. 558, D . L.H. IV 45.

Childebert I I

parents: Sigibert I/Brunhild, D . L . H. IV 5 1 ; V 1 . partner: Faileuba, D . L H. IX 20. sons: Theudebert II, Theuderic II, D.L.H. VIII 37 ; IX 4. daughter: Theudila, Fred. IV 30, 42. child: D.L.H. IX 38. kingdoms: Rheims, D . L . H. V 1; Burgundy, Fred. IV 14. d. 596, Fred. IV 1 6 . .

Childebert

parents: Theuderic II/concubine, Fred. IV 24.

Childebert

parent: Grimoald; adoptive parent: Sigibert III, L.H. F. 43 ; Cata/. 3. d. c. 662.

353

The Merovingian Kingdoms Childebert III

parent: Theuderic III, L.H.F. 49 ; Fred. cont. 6. so n: D agobert III, L.H.F. 50; Fred. cont. 7 . d. 7 1 1 , L.H. F. 50; Fred. cont. 7 .

Childeric

parents: Chlothar l/Ingund; D . L . H. IV 3 .

Childeric II

parents: Cl ovis I I /B alth il d , L.H.F. 4 4 ; F re d . cont. 1 ; Vit. Bait. 5. partner: B ili chi ld ( daugh ter of S i gib e rt III and Chimnechild) , Fred. cont 2. s o ns : D a go b e rt, L.H. F. 43: Vit. Lant. 4; Vita II Audoini, 4 1 ; Daniel/Chilperic II (?) . kingdoms: Austras i a, Neustria, Burgundy, L.H.F. 45 ; Fre d . cont. 2; Pass . Leud. I, 5-7. d. 675 , L.H.F. 45 ; Fred. cont. 2.

Childeric III

parent: Theuderic IV (?) , G.A .F. 8 ; P ert z Diplomata, 96; Ewig, 'Die Namengebung bei den altesten Frankenkonigen und im merow in gis c he n Konigshaus' , p. 68, argues in favo ur of Chilperic II being Childeric's father on the grounds of his name. son: Theuderic (?) , Ewig, 'Die Name ngeb u n g bei den altesten Frankenkonigen und im m ero wingi s che n Koni gs h au s p . 69. ,

' ,

Childesinth

parents : Chilperic l/Au d ov e ra L.H.F. 3 1 (? B as in a) ,

=

.

Chilp eri c I

parents: C hloth a r I/ Aregund, D.L.H. IV 3. partners: Au dov e ra , Fredegund, Galswinth, D.L.H. IV 28. sons: Theudobert, Merovech, Clovis, Samson, Chlodobert, Dagobert, Theuderic, Chlothar II (?) , D.L.H. IV 28; V 34, 42; VI 23, 27, 41 ; VII 5; VIII 9; V . F . carm. IX, 2-3 . da ughte rs : B asina (? = C h ilde sinth in L.H.F. 3 1 ) , Rigunth, D . L . H I V 38; V 3 8 , 49; V I 34. child (?) : D . L.H. VII 7. kingdo m : S o isso ns , D . L.H. IV 22. d. 5 8 4 , D.L.H. VI 46. .

C h i lp e r i c

parent: C ha rib e rt Fred. IV 67 . d. 63 1 /2 , Fre d IV 67 . ,

.

C hilperi c II

see D aniel .

Chimnechild

p artner : Sigib ert III , Passio Praeiecti, 24; Pass . Leud. 1 1 0 .

354

Prosop ograp hy ef the Meroving ian Family

daughter:

B ili c hil d

Passio Praeiecti,

,

Leud. I, 24; Pertz, Diplomata, 29.

24;

Pass .

Chlodeberga

parent: Guntram, Council of Valence, 585.

Chlodoald

p arent: Chlo domer

Chlodobert

p arents : Chilperic/Fredegund, V.F. carm. IX 4. d. 580, D . L.H. V 34.

Chlodomer

parents: Clovis I/Chlothild, D . L . H. II 29. partner: Guntheuca, D. L.H. III 6. sons: Theudoald, Gunthar, Chlodoald, D . L . H. I I I 6. kingdom: Orle ans , D . L.H. IV 22. d. 524, D . L.H. III 6.

C hl o domer C hlodo s in da

Chl odoswintha

,

parents: Guntram/ Austrechild, d. 577, D.L.H. V 1 7 . parents: Sigibert

D . L .H. V 34;

D . L.H. I V

25.

I/Brunhild, D . L .H. IX 1 6 , 20 .

parents: Chlothar/Ingund, D . L . H. IV 3. partner: Alboin, D.L.H. I V 4 1 ; Ep . A ust. 8 ; Paul, H. L.

I

27.

daughter : Alpsuinda, Paul, Chlothar I

6, 1 8.

D . L.H. Ill

H.L. I 2 7 .

parents: Clovis I/ Chlothild, D.L.H. lII 1 .

partners: Guntheuca, Radegund, I ngu n d , Aregu n d, Chunsina, Wuldetrada, D . L.H. III 6, 7; IV 3, 9. sons: Gunthecar, Childeric, Charibert, Guntram, Sigibert I, Chilperic I, Chramn Gundovald (?) , D.L.H. IV 3 ; VI 24. daughter: Chlodoswintha, D . L.H. IV 3. kingdom: So i sso n s D . L.H. IV 22 . d. 561 , D . L. H. IV 21 . ,

,

Chl othar Chlothar

parents: Guntram/Austrechild, d . 577, D . L . H . V 1 7 . II

parents: Chilperic

D . L.H. IV 2 5 .

l/Fredegund (?) , D . L.H. VI

4 1 ; VII 7; VII 9 .

Haldetrude, Berthetrude, Sichild, Vita Fred. IV 42 , 53 ; Gesta Dagoberti I, 5 . s o ns : Merovech, Dagobert I , Charibert, Fred. IV

p artners:

II Audoini, 4 1 ;

25 , 2 6 , 4 7 , 5 5 .

ki n gdom : Neustria, D . L.H. V I I 7 ; IV 43 .

d. 629, F red . 355

IV 5 6 .

F rancia, Fred.

The Merovingian Kingdoms

Chlothar Chlothar lII

parent: Theudebert II, Fred. IV

42.

parents: Clovis II/Balthild, L.H. F. 44; Fred. cont. 1; Vit. Bait. 5 . son: Clovis (?) , Pass . Leud. I, 1 9 . kingdom: Neustria, Burgundy, L.H. F. 44. d. 673.

Chlothar IV

parent: unnamed. kingdom: Austrasia, L.H.F. 53; Fred. cont. 10. d. 7 1 9 , L.H.F. 53; Fred. cont. 1 0.

Chlothild

parent: Chilperic II of Burgundy, D . L.H. II 28. partner: Clovis I , D . L . H. II 28. sons: Ingomer, Chlodomer, Childebert I, Chlothar I, D.L.H. Il 29; III 1, 6 , 1 8 . daughter: Chlothild, D . L . H. I I I 3 , 1 0. d. 544, D . L.H. V 1 .

Chlothild

parents: Clovis I/Chlothild, D . L . H. Ill partner: Amalaric, D.L.H. III 3 , 1 0 .

3,

10.

d . 531 , D . L.H. III 1 0 .

Chlothild

parent: Guntram, Council o f Valence, 585; D .L.H.

Chramn

Chrodechild

IX 20 .

parents: Chlothar I/Chunsina, D.L.H. IV 3. partner: Chalda, D . L.H. IV 20 ; L . H . F . 28. daughters : D . L . H. IV 20. d. 5 60, D . L . H. IV 2 0 . parent: Charibert I (?) ,

D . L. H.

IX 39.

Chrodoberga

sister: Chrodoswinth, Pardessus, Diplomata, 1 7 2 . parents: Childebert l/Ultrogotha, D . L . H. 20; Pardessus, Diplomata, 1 72.

Chrodochild

partner: Theuderic II I , L . H . F. 49; Vita Audoini, 1 4. sons: Clovis III, Childebert Ill (?) , L.H.F. 49; Fred. cont. 6.

Chrodoswintha

sister: Chrodoberga, Pardessus, Diplomata, 172. parents: Childebert I/Ultrogotha, D.L.H. 20; V.F. Vita Germani, 61 ; Pardessus, Diplomata, 1 72.

Chunsina

partner: Chlothar I, D.L.H. son, Chramn, D .L.H. IV 3.

Clovis I

IV 3.

parents: Childeric/Basina, D.L.H. II 1 2 . partners: ?, Chlothild, D . L . H. I I 28. sons: Theuderic, Ingomer, Chlodomer, 356

Prosopography of the Merovingian Family Childebert I, Chlothar

I,

D.L.H. II

III 1 ,

28, 29;

6 , 18. daughter: Chlothild, D . L . H. I II d. Clovis

D . L .H. II

3, 10.

43.

parents: Chilperic I/Audovera, D . L.H. II d.

Clovis II

511,

584, D

.

L

.

28.

H V 39. .

parents: Dagobert I/Nantechild, Fred. I V

76;

L . H.F. 42.

partner: Balthild, L.H.F.

1;

Fred. cont.

43 , 44;

Vit. Balt. 3. sons: Chlothar I I I , Theuderic III, Childeric II, L.H.F.

44;

Fred. cont.

1; Vit.

5. L.H.F. 43 ;

Balt.

kingdoms : Neustria, Burgundy,

Fred.

cont.

1. d. 657 , Fred.

cont.

1;

L.H.F.

44.

(?) , Pass. Leud. I, 1 9.

Clovis

parent: Chlothar I I I

Clovis I I I

parents: Theuderic III/Chrodochild, Fred. cont. d.

Corbus

Fred. cont. 6: L.H.F.

613,

Fred. IV

d.

580,

24.

42 .

parents: Chilperic l /Fredegund, V . F . carm. IX

Dagobert I

49.

parents: Theuderic I I / concubine, Fred. IV d.

D agobert

694,

L.H. F. 49;

6.

5.

D . L . H. V

D.L. H.

V

34;

34 .

parents: Chlothar 11/Haldetrude or Berthetrude , Fred. IV,

47 ; Gesta Dagoberti I, 5

identifies

B erthetrude as the mother; Ewig, 'Die Namengebung bei den altesten Frankenkonigen und im merowingischen Konigshaus ' , p.

64,

argues in favour of Haldetrude, who appears in Vita

II Audoini,

4 1 , although not as Dagobert's

mother. The problem is a chronological one , caused by Fredegar's comments on Berthetrude and Sichild. See above, under ' Charibert II ' . partners: Gomatrude , Nantechild,' Ragnetrude,

Wulfegund, Berchild, et al. , Fred.

IV 53, 58, 59,

60. sons: Sigibert III, Clovis I I , sons , Fred. IV L.H.F.

59;

43.

kingdoms: Austrasia, F re d IV 47 ; Neustria, .

Burgundy, Fred. I V d.

639,

Fred. IV 79.

357

57;

Aquitaine, Fred. IV

67 .

The Meroving ian Kingdoms D a gob ert I I

p arent: Sigi be rt I I I , L . H. F. 43 .

exiled, 656,

kingdom: d. 6 7 9 ,

D a gob ert

Fred.

IV 43.

Vit. Wilf.

Austrasia,

28, 33.

Vit. Wilf. 33.

p are n ts : C hilde ri c I I / B ili c hild , L . H. F. 43 ; Vit.

Lant. 4;

D agob e rt III

Vita

II

41.

Audoini,

parent: Childebert III, L . H.F. 50; Fre d cont. 7 .

s on: Theuderic

IV, L . H . F .

.

53.

d . 715, L . H. F. 5 2 : Fred. cont. 9 . Daniel =

Chilperic

II

parent: Childeric I I (?) kingdom: Ne u stri a , Burgundy, L.H. F. 52; Fred. cont. 9-10. d.

D e u teria

72 1 , L.H.F. 53: Fred.

p artn e rs :

man

o f Be ziers

,

cont 1 0 . .

Theudebert I , D . L . H.

I I I 22. son: Th eudeb ald D . L.H. I I I ,

daughter: Ermenberga Faileuba

27.

(by m an of Beziers ?) , D . L . H.

parent: Witteric , Fr e d . IV 30.

30.

partner:

Theuderic

II,

partner:

Childebert

II, D . L . H. IX 20.

Fred. I V

III 26.

child: D . L. H. IX 3 8 .

F r e de gund

p ar tn er : C hilp eric

I , D . L . H. IV 2 8 . Dagobert,

sons : Samson, Chlodobert,

Theudcric ,

Chlothar I I , D . L . H. V 22, 34; VI 23 , 2 7 , 4 1 ; V . F carm. IX 4, 5 . daughter: Rigunth, D . L . H. V I 4 5 . child (?) : D . L . H . VII 7 . d. 596-7 , Fred. I V 1 7 . .

G alswinth

parents : Athanagild/Goiswinth , D . LH. I V 27-8 . sister: B ru nh ild , D . L.H. IV 2 8 . partner: Chilperic I , D . L.H. IV 28.

Gomatrude

siblings: Sichild, Brodulf (?) , Fred. IV 5 3 , 55. p artner : Dagobert I , Fred. IV 53.

Gundobad

parents :

Gundovald

parent: Chlothar

Guntram/Veneranda, I (?) ,

D . L.H.

D . L.H. I V

25 .

VI 24.

sons : D .L.H. IX 28.

d.

585, D . L . H. VII 38.

G u nthar

parent: Chlodomer, D . L.H. I I I

Gunthecar

parents: Chlothar 1/Ingund, D.L.H. III 2 1 ; IV 3.

358

6.

Prosopography of the Meroving ian Family Guntheuca

partners: Chlodomer, Chlothar

Guntram

parents , Chlothar I/Ingund,

partners : Veneranda , D.L.H. IV 25.

I , D . L.H. III

D.L.H.

IV

6.

3.

Marcatrude , Austrechild,

sons: Gundobad, son, Chlothar, Chlodomer,

D.L.H. IV 25. daughters: Chlodeberga, Chlothild, Council of Valence ,

585 : D.L.H. IX 20. D . L.H. IV 22. 593, Fred. IV 1 4.

kingdom: Orleans, d.

H alde tru d e

Hermegisl

partner: Chlothar II, Vita II Audoini, 4 1 . sons : Merovech (?) , Dagob ert I (?) . of Theuderic I = Wars, VIII 20. Pro c op i us Wars, VIII 20.

partners: ? , da u gh te r

The u de chil d (?) , son: Radigis,

Pro copius, ,

Hermenegild

parent: Leovigild, D.L.H. IV 38. partner: Ingund, D . L .H. I V 38; V 38. son: Athanagild, Ep . Aust. 27 , 28, 43, 44, 45 , 47; D.L.H. VIII 28.

Ingoberga

partner:

daughter: Ingomer Ingund

D.L.H. I V 26. D.L.H. IV 26; IX 26; B ede, H.E. I 25.

Charibert,

parents: Clovis I/Chlothild, D . L . H. I I 29. sister:

Aregund,

D.L.H. IV 3. D.L.H. I V 3.

partner: C hl o thar I ,

sons : Gunthecar, Childeric, Charib ert

I, I , D .L.H. I V 3 . Chlodoswintha, D.L.H. IV 3.

Guntram, Sigibert

d aughte r : Ingund

parents: Sigibert I /B runhild

D.L.H. V 38; VIII 21 . D.L.H. V 38. Aust. 27, 28, 43 , 44, 45, ,

partner: Herrnenegild, son: Athanagild, Ep .

47: D.L.H. VIII 28 . Marcatrude

parent: Magnachar,

D.L.H. IV 25. Guntram, D.L.H. IV 25. D.L.H. IV 25.

partner: son: Marcovefa

D.L.H. IV 26. sister: Merofled, D.L.H. IV 2 6 . partner: Charibert, D.L.H. IV 26.

Merofled

parent: wool-worker,

parent: wool-worker,

D .L.H. IV 2 6 . D.L.H. IV 2 6 . Charibert, D.L.H. I V 26.

sister: Marcovefa, partner:

359

The Merovingian Kingdoms Merovech

parents: Chilperic I/Audovera, partner: Brunhild,

cl. 578, D.L.H. V

D. L.H. 18.

D.L.H.

IV 28.

V 2.

Merovech

parent: Chlothar I I , Fred. I V 25 .

Merovech

parent: Theudebert I I , Fred. IV 38.

Merovech

parent: Theuderic

Nantechild

parent: a Saxon,

cl. 6 1 3 , Fred. IV 3 8 .

Fred. IV 2 9 .

II,

cl. 6 1 3 , Fred. I V 40.

42 .

L.H.F.

partner: D agobert I , Fred. IV 5 8 , 60; L . H.F. 42. son: Clovis I I , Fred. IV 7 6 (Clovis II and Sigibert I I I ,

L.H.F. 42) . IV 90.

d. 64 1 /2, Fred. Rade gun cl

parent: B erthacar,

D.LH. III 7 . D. L.H. I I I 7 .

partner, Chlothar I ,

cl . 5 8 7 , D.L.H. I X 2 .

Radigis

parent: Hermegisl, Procopius ,

Wars, VIII

partner: daughter of Theuderic I (?) , Procopius, Ragnetrude

Wars,

20.

Theudechild

VIII 20.

partner: Dagobert I , Fred. IV son: Sigibert I I I , Fred.

Rigunth

=

59.

IV 59.

parents : Chilperic I /Fredegund, betrothed to Reccared,

D . L.H. D.LH. VI 34.

V I 45 .

Sarmon

parents : Chilperic/Fredegund,

Sichild

siblings : Gomatrude , Brodulf (?) , Fred. IV 5 3 ,

cl. 578, D .L.H. V 22.

son: Charibert

D.L. H. V

(?) , Gesta Dagoberti

22.

55.

I, 5 . See

above , under 'Charibert I I ' . S igibert I

parents : Chlothar I/Ingund,

D.LH.

IV 3 .

partner: Brunhild, D . L.H. I V 27 . sons: Childebert I I , sons

(?) , D.L.H.

IV

51;

V 1.

daughters: Ingund, Chlodosinda, daughters,

D.L.H. V 1 ,

3 8 ; VIII 2 1 ; IX 1 0 , 1 6 , 20, 25 , 28.

kingdom: Rheims, D . L . H. IV 22

cl. 675, D.L.H. VI 46.

Sigibert I I

parents : Theuderic I I /concubine , Fred. IV 2 1 . kingdom: Austrasia, Burgundy, Fred. IV 40.

cl. 6 1 3 , Fred. IV 42.

360

Prosopography of the Merovingian Family Sigibert

parents : Dagobert I/Ragnetrude , Fred. IV 5 9

III

(Nantechild,

L.H.F.

42) .

partner: Chimnechild,

Fassio Praeiecti I 10. son: Dagobert I I , L.H.F. 43.

24;

Pass .

Leud.

Cata/. 3. daugh te r : Bilichild, Passio Praeiecti, 24; Pass. Leud. I, 1 0; Pertz, Diplomata, 29.

adopted son: Childebert, L . H. F. 43 ;

kingdom: Austrasia , Fred. IV 75. d. 656

(?) .

D . L.H. III 5 : Hist. Rem . Eccl. I I 1 . partner: The uderi c I , D.L.H. III 5 . daughter: Theudechild, Fl odo ard , Hist. Rem . Eccl. I I 1 . parents : Sigismund/Ostrogotha (?) ,

Suavegotha

Flodoard,

parents: Theudebert I /Deuteria,

Theudebald

partner: Wuldetrada,

kingdom: Rheims, D . L.H. d. Theudebert

I

5 5 5 , D.L.H.

IV

parent: Theuderic

D.L H.

I l l 27 .

D . L.H. IV 9 .

9.

I I I 37.

I , D.L.H. III 1 .

partners: Deuteria, Wisigard,

? , D.L.H.

III 20,

22 , 27.

T h e ude bal d, D.L.H. III 27. daughter: Berthoara, V . F . carm. I I

son:

kingdom: Rheims, d. 548, Theudebert

Theudebert

D.L.H.

D .L.H. I II 36.

parents : Chilperic/ Audovera,

II

11.

I I I 23 .

d. 575 , D . L.H. I V

50.

parent: Childebert

II (?) ,

D.L.H. IV 23 ,

D . L.H.

VIII 37;

28.

Fred.

I V 5, 27. partners : Bilichild, Theudechild, sons: Merovech, Chlothar, Fred. daughters: Paul,

H.L. IV

30;

kingdom5 : Soissons/Meaux,

F r e d . IV 35, 3 7 . IV 38, 42

L. H.F. 3 8 , 3 9 . D .L.H. IX 32, 36:

IV 1 6 . IV 38.

Austrasia, Fred. d . 6 1 2 , Fred. Theudechild

I/Suavegotha (?) , Flodoard, Hist. Rem . Eccl. I I 1 ; V.F. IV 2 5 . partners : Hermegisl (?) , Radigis (?) , Procopius , Wars, VIII 20.

Theudechild

partner: Theudebert

parents: Theuderic

361

II,

Fred.

IV 37.

The Merovingian Kingdoms Theuderic I

p arent: C lovi s I , D . L . H . II 28. partners: ?, Suavegotha, D . L . H. III 5 ; Flodoard, Hist. Rem . Eccl. II 1 . son: Theudebert I , D.L.H. III 1 . dau gh te rs : Theudechild, ? , V . F . carm. IV 25: Flodoard, Hist. Rem . Eccl. II 1 ; Procopius, Wars, VIII 20. kingdo m : Rheims, D.L.H. IV 22. d. 533, D.L.H. III 23 .

T h eu d e ri c

p arents : C hilp eri c I/ F re d e gu nd , D.L.H. VI 23 , 27. d. 584, D.L.H. VI 34.

Theuderic II

Childebert II, D . L . H. IX 4: Fred. IV 7 . partners : ?, Ermenberga, Fred. IV 2 1 , 24, 29, 30. sons: Sigibert II, C hildeb ert, Corbus, Merovech , sons (?) , Fre d. lV 2 1 , 2 4 , 2 9 , 36. kingdoms: Burgundy , Fred. IV 1 6 ; Austrasia, Fre d I V 3 8 . d. 6 1 3, Fred. IV 39. parent:

.

Theuderic lil

parents : Clovis

cont. 1 .

II/Balthild, L . H . F. 44; Fred.

partner: Chrodochild, L . H . F. 4 9 . sons: C l ov is I I I , Childebert Ill, Chlothar IV (?) , L.H.F. 4 9 , Fred. cont. 6. kingdoms: Neustria/Burgundy, L . H. F. 45 ; Fred. cont 2 , 3; A ustrasia, L.H. F. 46.

d. 690/ 1 ,

L . H. F . 49; Fred.

cont. 6.

Theuderic IV

p arent : D agob ert I I I , L.H.F. 53; Fred. cont. 1 0 . d . 737 .

Theuderic

parent: Childeric III, G.A.F. X 4.

Theudila

pare nt : Childeb ert 1 1 , Fred.

Theudoald

p ar ent: Cblo domer, D . L . H. In

The u do gi l d

Ultrogotha

parent: a

IV 30, 42 .

6.

shepherd, D.L.H. IV 26. D.L.H. IV 26.

par tn e r : Charibert I ,

partner: Childebert I , D.L.H. IV 20; V. F . VI

6.

d au ght ers : Chrodoswinth, Chrodoberga, IV 20; V.F . , Vita Germani 6 1 ; Pardessus , Diplomata, 1 72. V e n eranda

D.L.H. IV 25 . D.LH. I V 2 5 .

p artner: Guntram,

son: G u nd ob a d 362

,

carm.

D . L . H.

Prosopography of the Merovingian family Wi sigar d

parents: Waccho/Austrigusa , Pau l, H.L. I 2 1 . sister: Wuldetrada, Paul, H.L. I 2 1 . partner: Theudebert I , D.L. H. III 20, Paul, H.L. I 21 .

Wuldetrada

Wulfegund

parents: Waccho/Austrigusa, Paul, H.L. I 2 1 . sister: Wisigard, Paul, H.L. I 2 1 . partners : Theudebald, Chlothar I , Garibald, D.L.H. IV 9: Paul , H. L. I 2 1 . partner: D ag obe rt I, Fred. IV 60.

363

Page Intentionally Left Blank

Maps

Page Intentionally Left Blank

Maps

- Theuderic I ffi] Chlodomer � Childebert I � Chlothar I

0

0

200 mis

Map 1 . The division of the Merovingian Kingdom in 5 1 1 [Maps 1-3 show the three most important divisions of the Merovingian kindom in the sixth century. They are based on E. Ewig, Die friinkischen Teilungen und Teilreiche. It is not possible to :tssign every civitas to a king with

any degree of certainty. I have, therefore, left some civitates unassigned. For the division of 561 , however, I have assumed that Guntram's Burgundian territories in 561 included all that he is known to have held in that region after 567 . I have not, on the other hand, assigned che northern part of Belgica Secunda co Chlothar I in 5 1 1 or to Chilperic I in either 561 or 567, which may lead to a substantial underestimate of their lands.]

367

The

E'.'Z,d [[[] ITiill) �

Merovingian

Kingdoms

Charibcrt I Gunt ram

Sigibert I

Chilperic I

0 0

200 mis

Map 2. The division of the

Merovingian Kingdom in 5 6 1

368

Maps

- Thcudcric I [[[]] Chlodomer � Childcbcrt I � Chlothar I

0

0

200 mls

Map 3. The division of the

Merovingian ki ngdom in 567

369

The Merovingian Kingdoms

la Mans

• + St

Calais

• Poitiars

+ Solignac

AQUITAINE

GASCONY

Clermont •

Novalesa

+

PROVENCE

Map 4. Francia and the territories

to

the

e as t

370

of the Rhine

:N.\

orest ad

t

JSTRASIA aastricht •

Li6ga

THURI NGIA HESSE

Fulda

+

e Wiirzburg

• Metz

• Regensburg • Passau

Freising •

+ Luxeuil

BAVARIA • Salzburg

RANSJURA

• St

M a u rice

d' Agaune

Key

+ Monastery •

Towns

X Battle site

Index

of Provence, 206, 207, 2 1 0-1 1 , 280-1 will of, 206, 2 1 0- 1 1 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 4 , 280, 28 1 , 284 Abb o , moneyer, 1 50 Abd ar-Rahman, 273, 283 Abraham , abbot, 23 A c e a, bi sh op of Hexham, 3 1 7 A dalgis el Grimo, 206 A da lo al d , ki n g of the Lombards, 1 67 , 1 68, 1 69, 322 Adalric Eticho, 23 1 , 233, 237, 247 Adaltrudc, 256, 258, 260, 26 1 , 263 , 264, 278

Abbo, patridus

Additamentum Nivialense de Fuilano, Ado ,

223 1 5 1 , 1 86, 192, 241 , 253

Adrianople , 7

A e ga , maior, 1 56 , 1 94

A e ga ,

wife of Autharius, 1 5 1 , 1 86 1 5 , 1 6, 38, 39, 40, 41 Ae gyla, patricius, 1 32 Aeonius, bishop of Arles, 23 Aegidius , 1 4 ,

!Ethelbald, king of Mercia, 280 !Ethelberht, king

of Kent, 1 2 1 , 176-7,

1 78 !Ethelburh ,

179

Aetius, 7 , 8, 9, 12, 1 3 , 14, 1 9, 65 , 1 74

Africa, 7 , 8 , 1 2 1 , 1 29, 1 72

Agathias ,

1 65 52, 1 83 , 1 89, 25 4 Agde, Council of ( 506) , 47 Agilbert , bish op of Paris, 1 78 , 253, 3 1 4-1 5 Agilolfings, 1 1 7, 146-7, 1 61-2, 1 66, 286, 287, 289 , 307 , 309, 3 1 2 Agilulf, 1 1 7 Agilulf, king of the Lomb ards , 1 66-7, 1 68, 286 Agaun e ,

Agnes,

abb ess

Agrestius,

of the Holy Cross,

1 37

1 87, 1 94-5, 196-7, 244, 312 agri deserti, 12, 2 1 3 Aidulf, bishop o f Auxerre , 280 Aigulf, 1 89 Aimnar, bishop of Auxerre, 275, 276, 277, 280, 287 Aire , 240 Aistulf, king of the L o rnbards, 289 , 290, 29 1 , 292 Aix-en-Provence , 262 Alamannia, 1 63 , 288, 292 Alamans, 9, 1 2, 34, 36, 39, 41 , 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 1 1 5 , 1 1 6, 1 1 7, 1 6 1 , 1 64, 258, 273, 285 , 288 Alans, 6, 7 , 8, 1 2 , 13, 1 6, 34 Alaric I , king of the Visigoths, 7, 13 Alaric II, king of the Visigoths, 23, 46, 49 Albi , 46

372

Index

Alboin , king of the L ombards , 1 66 ,

282, 284, 285, 287' 288, 293 , 323, 324

1 67

A nn e gray , 3 1 1

Alc hima , 80

Ansbert, bishop of Rauen, 242, 2 64 ,

Alcuin, 303 , 3 1 4 , 3 1 7 , 3 1 8-20, 324 Aldgisl,

king

265 , 266, 294

3 1 7-20

Vita Willibrordi,

Ans e gis u s , Constitu tio, 2 1 4

Frisians, 269,

of the

Ansemundus, 206

297-8 , 30 1 , 3 1 5

Ansfled, 256, 260 , 2 6 1 , 278

Alethius, 1 22 , 1 44 , 1 4 5 , 1 46 , 1 47-8 ,

Ansoald, 1 4 1

235

Alp ai da , 239, 261 , 267, 270

Ansoald, bisho p o f Poi ti ers, 226-7 Anstru de , see Adaltrude

Alp e s Maritimes, 2 1 0 Alsace, 3 1 2

Amalaric, king o f the

Visigo ths ,

Antenor, patricius, 264, 266, 28 1 , 282

Antenor, T r oj a n

1 20,

A nt h emi us , emperor, 1 5 , 1 6, 1 7 , 1 8 ,

1 69-70

21 , 39

Amalgar, 1 89

Antolianus, martyr, 242

Amandus, bishop of Maastricht, 7 8 , 1 78 1 87-8 , 1 89, 1 90 , 1 9 1 , 1 93 ,

Aosta, 1 68

3 1 2,

Apo llinaris

,

1 97 ,

243 ,

34

,

245-6,

298 ,

,

bishop of Clermont, 80,

82

3 1 3 1 4 , 3 1 5 , 3 1 9, 320 -

Amatus, bishop of Sion, 230

A qu ilei a n schism, 1 96 , 244

Amatus, abbot of Remiremont, 1 86-7,

Aquilina, 1 89

244

Aquitaine , 7 , 1 0 , 1 2 , 22 , 26, 46, 4 7 ,

Amay , 253

48 , 49, 5 1 ,

Ambleve , 267, 270-1

89,

Ambrose, b i s h op of Milan, 75

55 , 5 6 , 5 7, 60 , 8 1 ,

96,

98 ,

1 00-1 ,

1 1 2,

1 1 5 , 1 4 1 , 1 46, 1 48 , 1 5 1 , 1 59 ,

Ami e ns , 41 , 5 8 , 263

1 74 , 1 7 5 , 1 7 6, 1 8 5 , 1 86 , 1 9 1 ,

Ammianus Marcellinus , 9, 34 , 3 6

207, 208 , 2 1 6, 2 1 8 , 228 , 229,

Amo neburg , 3 0 5 , 306

A msivarii, 35, 36 Anastasius, emperor,

90,

2 3 6 , 237, 238, 240, 245 , 274, 2 7 5 276 , 280 , 2 8 1 -4 , 285 , 28 6 , ,

48, 49, 1 65, 1 79

Anastasius, priest of Clermont, 83

288, 289, 298 Arabs, 254, 29 1 , see also Saracens

Andarchius , 2 1 2

Arator, 2 5

Andelot, Treaty o f (587) , 58, 64 , 99,

Arbeo ,

1 03 , 1 04 , 1 30

bi s hop

of

Freising, 1 62,

307-8 , 309

Andernach , 1 03-4 , 1 07

Vita Corbiniani, 1 62 , 30 7 , 308 , 309

Angers , 3 8 , 39, 40

Vita Haimhramni, 307-8

Anglo-Saxons, 5, 1 7 6-80 , 1 98 , 246,

Arb ogas t, 36

252-3, 29 1 , 302, 3 1 0, 3 11 , 3 1 5 ,

Arcadin s emperor, 1 3

3 1 6 323

Arcadius, son of Apollinaris, 82, 8 3 ,

,

,

Anglus, moneyer, 296

84, 9 1 , 1 00

Ango ul eme , 95

Are gund , 59-60 , 92

Anj o u , 63

arianism, 1 8, 24, 4 1-2, 44-5 , 46, 47,

Anna, king of the East Angles, 1 79 A nnales Mettenses Priores, 2, 1 60 , 1 64

48, 5 2 , 1 2 7 173 '

,

257-9 , 261 , 264, 268, 27 1 , 274,

Aridius, abbot of Li mo g es , 206, 207 Aridius, counsellor of Gundobad, 4 1

3 73

The Merovingian Kingdoms Arioald, kin g of the Lombards , 1 67 , 1 95 , 1 97 Arle s ,

Aurelian, 66 Au reli an , bish op of Arles, 1 82 , 1 83

7 , 1 6, 2 1 , 46, 7 1 , 89, 1 36, 1 82 , 1 83

Amobius, 250

Au s trapius , 87 Austrapius, dux, 1 84 Austrasia, 2 6 , 27 , 5 8 , 8 1 , 9 1 , 1 1 3 ,

b i sh o p of Metz, 1 4 1 , 1 46 , 1 47 , 1 5 7 , 1 87 , 1 90, 1 92 , 208 ,

Amulf,

1 1 4 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 6, 1 25 , 1 26 , 1 28 , 1 29 , 1 3 1 , 1 32, 1 34 , 1 3 5 , 1 40 ,

233 , 240, 2 4 1 , 258, 259

1 4 1 , 1 45-6 , 1 5 5-6, 1 5 9 , 1 63 , 1 64 , 1 68 , 1 69 , 1 72, 1 77 , 1 86 ,

Arnulf, son of Drogo, 267, 270

Arogast,

1 9 1 , 1 92 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 5 , 222, 223 ,

1 09

Arras, 4 1 Arvandus, 1 7 Asclepiodatus, 1 07-8 , 1 1 8 Ascl epio du s , See As cl e p io datus

224, 227, 228 , 230, 23 1 -4, 236,

237, 2 3 8 , 252, 25 5 , 256 , 257-8 , 2 5 9 , 267, 268, 270, 27 1 , 274, 276, 279, 280, 287, 280, 287, 293 , 298 , 3 1 5

Asclipius, 1 08

As-Samh, 282 Athala, abbot of

Austrasians, 98, 1 00, 1 28 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 6, 1 4 1 , 1 43 , 1 47 , 223 , 228, 23 1 ,

B o bbi o , 1 87 , 1 94 ,

233, 236-7 , 25 5 , 256, 272, 297

1 97

Au tbe rt bisho p of Cambrai , 1 88

Athanagild, king of the Visigoths ,

,

Athanagild,

son

of

b isho p

Autun, 6 ,

Alexandria,

1 34 ,

1 52 ,

1 84 ,

2 4 6 , 247, 25 1

of the Hu n s , 8 , 1 2 , 3 1 ,

Auvergne, 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 1 , 28 , 34, 52-4,

5 6, 6 1 ,

50 ,

1 3 0,

St Symphorian , 225-6, 228, 23 8

1 0, 1 1 , 1 3 , 1 9

Auc h

34,

1 93 , 225-6 , 227, 23 1 , 2 3 6 , 2 3 8 ,

Athaulf, king of th e Visigoths, 6, 7 ,

king

1 66 ,

Autharius, 1 5 1 , 1 86 , 1 92 of

250

Attila,

Lombards ,

1 67 , 1 68 , 1 69

Hermenegild,

1 3 5 , 1 72

Athanasius,

of the

Au th ari , king

1 2 1 , 1 22 , 1 27 , 1 70-1

99,

18

A uctarium Havniense, 47

62,

7 8 , 79-84, 91 , 93 ,

1 52 , 225 , 228 , 2 3 7 , 238 ,

243 , 282

Au d e c h ar, see Au th ariu s

Auxerre, 220,

262 , 263 , 266,

276,

280

Audo , 63

Audofleda, 42 , 44-5

Avallon, 276

Audoin, bishop of Rouen, 1 50, 1 5 1 ,

Avars, 89, 29 1 , 307

1 52 , 1 60 , 1 86, 1 92 , 1 93 , 1 9 7 ,

Avign on , 43 , 94, 9 5 , 274

Avitus,

1 99 , 2 0 1 , 238, 2 4 0 , 24 1 , 242,

bi s h o p of Vi enne, 24-5 , 27,

2 9 , 43-5 , 47 , 48 , 5 1 , 1 49 , 1 83 ,

243 , 253

311

Audovera, 90, 1 28 Audulf, 1 6 1 , 298

Avitus I , b i sho p of Clermont, 28, 29 ,

Augsburg, 3 1 2 Augu stine , archbishop of Canterbury,

Avitus

30, 8 1 , 8 3 , 84, 208 84, 243

1 2 1 , 1 30 , 1 7 8 , 1 79 , 3 1 1 , 3 1 4 Au gu stine

,

bishop

I I , bi s ho p of Clerm on t , 8 1 ,

o f Hi pp o , 249 ,

250

Avitus , emp eror , 8 , 1 7 , 2 1 , 84

Aunemundus, bisho p of Lyons, 1 99 ,

201 , 239 , 3 1 5

bacaudae, 1 1 , 37 4

1 2, 1 6

9,

10,

14,

1 6,

Index

Berthar, king of the Thuringians,

Baddo, 1 73 Badegisl, bishop of Le Mans, 7 6 , 7 8 B aderic, king o f the Thuringians, 5 0 ,

1 37

51

Bainus, abbot of St Wandrille, 264 Balthild, 78, 1 2 5 , 1 39 , 1 57 , 1 8 1 , 1 86, 1 93 , 194, 1 97-201 , 2 1 2-13, 220, 221 , 223 , 224, 225 , 227 , 229 ,

Berthefred, 97 , 1 2 6 , 1 27 , 1 2 8 Berthefred, bishop of Amiens, 200 Berthegisel, bishop of Le Mans, 207, 208

Berthetrude, 1 22, 1 44, 1 45 , 1 48 , 1 49 Bertram, bishop of Bordeaux, 9 5 , 96, 1 06

235 , 236, 239, 265

baptism, 72 Barberini diptych, 135 Barisis-du-Bois, 1 87 , 1 89, 1 93 Barontus, 77 Basil, bishop of Aix-en-Provence, 1 8 Basil, Rule of, 1 88 Basina, daughter of Chilperic I, 1 20, 136, 1 38 , 1 39

Basina, wife of Childeric I, 3 8 , 39 Basques, see Gascons Baudinus, bishop of Tours, 7 8 Baudonivia, 5 1 , 1 3 7 , 1 39 , 1 83-4 Bavaria, 1 1 7 , 1 4 7 , 1 6 1-2 , 1 9 1 , 266, 288 , 289, 292, 305 , 306, 307,

273 ,

Berulf, 86 Bescan�on, 1 88 , Bessin, 63 Beze , 1 8 9 , 23 1

1 87 , 1 9 4 ,

1 92

Beziers, 1 74

Bilichild, wife of Childeric II, 229

Bilichild, wife of Theudebert II,

29 1 ,

309,

1 76,

132,

1 36 10, 1 1

Bisinus, king of the Thuringians, Bladast, 9 5 , 96

288,

73,

1 98-9 , 223 , 2 2 4 , 2 2 6 , 227 , 228 ,

285-6 ,

39

Blois, 93

Bloville , 294

Beauvais , 4 1 , 5 8 , 262 , 263

Bobbio , 1 8 5 , 1 86, 1 88, 195, 1 97, 247 ,

1 78, 1 79, 250, 252, 254,

295 , 296, 3 1 5 , 3 1 6 , 317, 323 , 324

Belgica Secunda, 4 1

Benedict Biscop ,

179,

25 2-3 ,

254,

3 2 1 , 323

Rule of, 181, 1 88, 1 89, 1 90-1,

279, 304 Benignus, martyr, 74-5

Benignus , abbot of St W andrille, B eomrade, bishop of Sens, 3 1 8 Berchar, maior, 255-6, 25 8, 259, 26 1 , 263 , 265, 266 B erny-Riviere, 86, 88, 1 0 5 Berre, 274 Bertha, 1 2 1 , 1 76-7, 1 78

248

Bobbo, 1 50 B obo, bishop of Valence, 23 1 , 25 1 Bobolenus, Vita Gennani Grandivallensis,

Begga, 26 1

Benedict,

1 97, 244

Birka, 294, 303

Bayeux, 278 Bazas, 1 8 Bede, 2,

Bertulf, abbot o f Bobbio ,

1 1 6 , 1 1 7 , 1 5 9 , 1 66 , 1 68 ,

31 1 , 312

206,

207- 1 0 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 , 2 1 4

billeting,

308-9 , 3 1 0 , 3 1 1 , 3 1 2

B avarians ,

B ertram, bishop of Le Mans,

277

1 87, 233, 247 , 248

Bodensee, 1 6 1 , 3 1 2 Bodilo , 228 Bois-du-Fays, see Lucotao Boniface IV, pope, 244 Boniface, archbishop of Mainz, 161,

260 ,

1 63 ,

239-40 ,

250,

7, 8, 25 1 ,

252, 254, 27 8 , 280, 289, 290, 292, 2 9 5 296, 298 , 304-6, 308 , ,

309 , 3 1 0, 3 1 1 , 3 1 6 , 320, 321 , 323, 324

375

The Merovingian Kingdoms

�����--� ��-

--�������-

B o nitus, bishop of Clermont, 8 1 -2 ,

Burgundofara, 1 8 5-6, 1 9 2, 1 94 , 206,

8 4 , 1 5 4, 243-4

207

B ordeaux, 6, 1 8 , 46, 47, 208 , 229 ,

Burgundofaro ,

283

,

of

Meaux,

Burgundy, 5 5 , 57-8 , 7 8 , 9 1 , 103 ,

Bordelais , 208 B o re ti us

bishop

1 85-6 , 1 8 9 , 1 97

A., 1 04

1 08 , 1 1 3 , 1 1 4, 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 1 1 8 ,

B o th em , 1 09

1 30,

B o ulogn e , 4 1 , 2 1 4

1 5 5-6, 1 5 9 , 1 68 , 1 85 , 1 86, 1 9 1 ,

B o u rges , 3 8 , 63 , 72, 245,

Braesetum, 2 1 0

2 8 4 , 288

Bretons, 1 03 , 1 5 1 ,

1 44-6,

1 92 , 1 98 , 207, 208, 2 1 0, 2 1 1 ,

2 8 1 , 286

aristocracy of, 144-6, 1 56, 1 92, 235--6

1 5 9-6 0 1 75 ,

Breviarittm A larici, 47, 1 1 5 , 240 , 249

Byzantine Empire, 26,

40 ,

48,

49,

5 1 , 94 , 9 5 , 1 0 3 , 1 2 1 , 1 29 , 1 3 5 ,

Brice, bishop of Tours , 1 99 ,

1 6 5 , 1 67-8 , 1 72, 1 74, 1 7 9 , 1 80 ,

220

244 , 2 4 6 , 2 9 1 , 292

Brioudc, 28, 83 B ritain , 3 5 , 1 76 , 3 1 5 , 324

Caedwalla, kin g of W es s e x , 302

B ri tons, 1 7 , 38, 39

B ri ttany , 54, 63 , 1 5 9-60 Brittia, 1 76

Caesaria, abbess of St J e an, Arles, 182 Caesarius,

Brodulf, 1 1 8 , 1 4 8 9 ,

1 00 ,

will of, 206, 207

106,

Caesarius, b ish op of Clermont, 76

1 0 7 , 1 20 , 1 2 1 , 1 22 , 1 23 , 1 24 , 125,

1 26-3 6 ,

1 54 ,

1 66 ,

1 39 ,

1 40 ,

141 ,

Cahors, 2 6 , 7 6 , 1 5 1 -2

1 78,

1 79 ,

Canche, 293

1 42 , 1 43 , 1 4 4 , 1 45 , 1 46 , 1 5 1 ,

1 70-4 ,

24,

1 8 9 , 206,

1 89 , 1 92

Brunhild, 2 7 , 5 8 , 5 9 , 67, 78, 8 9 , 90 ,

98,

1 82 ,

Rules of, 1 37 , 1 38 , 1 8 2, 1 84 , 1 88 ,

Bructeri, 3 1 6 96-7 ,

of Ari e s , 23 ,

207 , 242, 3 1 1

1 55

-

bish o p

30- 1 , 46, 4 7 ,

Brives-la- Gaillarde, 94, 1 00

92,

1 43 ,

238, 248, 2 5 2 , 274, 2 7 6, 280,

B re gc n z , 1 6 1 , 3 1 1

91,

141,

2 1 4 , 2 1 5 , 227 , 228, 229 , 233 ,

B reb i e r c s , 2 1 3

tomb of,

1 40 ,

Cambrai, 38, 4 1 , 49 , 27 1

1 84 , 1 93 , 1 94 , 1 95 , 1 96 , 1 97 ,

Can ta b ri a, 1 7 3

1 99 , 20 1 , 22 1 , 223 , 2 3 9 , 246,

Canterbury, 1 76, 305 , 3 1 4

Capitulare de partibus Saxoniae, 3 1 9

314

Bub o , dux of the Frisians, 285

Caretcna, 45

Buccelin, 67 , 1 65

Carloman, 100, 1 63, 1 64, 175, 273, 274,

284, 286, 287-8, 289, 290, 304

buildings, 2 5 2 3 3 1 0 -

Bulgarians, 1 62 B u raburg , 306

Burghard, b is hop of 308 , 309

B u rgun di an s , 5 ,

C arolingian dynasty, 1 , 1 4 1 , 309 , 3 1 8,

,

W il rzb u rg ,

3 1 9 , 3 2 1 , 3 22 ,

dyn as ty

292 ,

see also Pippinid

Cassiodorus , 35 , 47, 48

7 , 8-1 0, 1 1 , 1 2, 1 3 ,

Cassius, martyr, 242 Catalaunian Plains,

1 4, 1 5-16, 1 7, 1 8 , 1 9, 23 , 33,

12, 13,

34, 42-3 , 44, 45 , 46, 47 , 4 8 , 49 ,

1 4, 16

5 1 -4 , 6 1 , 92, 93, 1 08 , 1 1 2-1 3 ,

Catla, 294

1 26, 1 27 , 1 3 7 , 1 45 , 1 5 6 , 1 64-5 ,

Cato, 80-1 , 8 2 3 -

311

37 6

battle

of, 8,

9,

Index Chelles,

Cautious, bishop of Clermont, 5 9 ,

9 0 , 1 9 3 , 1 98 , 200, 201 , 220,

224, 249 , 272 , 2 8 9

8 1 , 82 3 -

Childebert the Adopted, king of the Franks, 2 2 2 3 , 224, 235 , 259 Childebert I, king of the Franks, 50,

Ceolfrith, abbot of Monkwearmouth/ ]arrow, 2 6 8 , 295 centenarii, 6 1 , 1 07 Cerdafia, 283

-

52, 5 6-7 , 58-9 , 67, 83, 89 , 94,

Chagn eri c , 1 85 , 1 9 2 Chailly, 263 Chalaronne, 1 42 Chalcedon, Council of (4 5 1 ) , 2 44 Chalon-sur-Saone, 1 1 5 Council o f (579) , 1 0 5 Council of ( 602/3 ) , 1 06 Council of (647/53) , 78, 1 05

1 1 4, 1 1 6, 1 3 7 , 1 60 , 1 64, 1 69 70 ,

St Marcel, 6 9 , 1 0 6 ,

-

Praeceptio of, 68, 1 04, 1 06 I I , king of the Franks,

Childebcrt

1 67-8 ,

1 48-9 , 1 5 5 , 1 7 5 , 1 77 , 282, 289

Charimer, bishop of Verdun, 7 8 C hari ul f, 8 7 Charlemagne, 1 1 8 , 1 64, 2 9 4 , 3 1 9 Charles the Bald, 289 Charles Martel, 1 00, 1 1 4 , 1 2 5 , 1 63 , 2 1 0-1 1 ,

25 1 ,

254,

2 5 7 , 263, 266, 267 , 2 6 8 , 270-2 ,

1 69 , 1 7 1 -2 , 1 80 , 1 95 ,

261 , 262-3, 266, 267, 268 , 269, 276, 322

Childebrand, 257 , 273 , 274 Childeric I, king of the Franks,

33,

Childeric I I , king of the Franks, 7 3 , 1 05 , 1 1 3 , 1 1 4, 1 1 8 , 1 25 , 1 93, 1 98 , 205 , 22 1 , 2 2 2 , 223 , 224, 225-9 ,

230,

23 2 ,

234,

235 ,

2 3 6 7 , 24 1 , 243, 245 , 2 5 1 -2 , -

263 , 2 6 8 , 2 8 2 , 2 9 7 , 298 , 322

Childeric III, king of the Franks, 1 1 3 , 290, 2 9 2 322 ,

Childeric the Saxon , 8 7 C hilp e ri c I, king of the Burgundians,

273-8 1 , 282-7 , 288, 289 , 29 1 ,

2 93 297, 3 04, 3 05-6 307, 309, ,

3 1 0 , 3 1 8 , 3 1 9 , 320, 322

1 5- 1 7 , 22 , 45

Chilperic II, king of the Burgundians, 4 1 , 43

charters , 203, 204-5 , 220, 225 , 25 1 , ,

1 36 ,

3 8-4 1 , 44, 50 , 1 1 1

1 36, 1 76 king of the Franks, 1 4 6 ,

2 6 1 -3 , 268

1 35 ,

Decretio of, 1 03-4, 1 07-8 , 1 1 0, 1 1 6

9 4 , 1 05 , 1 22 , 1 23 ,

,

132,

Childebert I I I , king of the Franks, 1 1 3, 205, 2 1 6 , 256, 257, 258,

·

56, 57, 58, 59, 73, 86, 89, 92,

175,

85,

84,

,

Channel, 35 , 1 76, 178, 293, 295 , 302 Chararic , king of the Franks, 49 Charbonniere , 1 1 2 , 1 1 4, 2 6 0-l Charibert I , king of the Franks, 27,

1 64,

1 2 8 -3 1 ,

207 3 1 1

Chanao , 1 60

II,

74,

1 43 , 1 44 , 1 45 , 1 5 9 , 1 6 1-2, 1 66 ,

Chamnctrude , 207

93 ,

64,

1 0 7 , 1 08 , 1 1 6, 1 1 8 , 1 24 , 1 25 , 1 27 ,

1 83 , 1 89 , 1 95

Champagne, 97, 256, 265

Charibcrt

62 ,

57-8 ,

89-9 1 , 9 3 , 95 , 96-1 0 1 , 1 02-4,

1 88

,

1 0 5 , 1 1 1-1 2 ,

1 84 , 24 1

Chalons-sur-Mame , 4 1 , 1 1 6 C h a malic r es

96, 99, 1 04,

91 ,

Chadoind, 1 1 7

2 90 , 295, 3 1 7

Chilperic I , king of the Franks, 2 7 , 5 6 , 5 7 , 5 8 , 5 9 , 60, 62, 63 , 64,

Chartres, 93, 288 Chateaudun, 93

85 , 8 6 , 88, 89-9 1 , 9 2 , 93, 9 4 ,

Chatti, 35, 36

96,

Chattuarii, 35

1 08 , 1 1 1 , 1 1 8 , 1 20 , 1 2 1 , 1 22 ,

65, 67 , 68, 69-70, 75 , 79, 8 4 , 97 ,

98,

99,

1 02-3 , 1 0 5 ,

1 23, 1 24, 1 27-8 , 1 34, 1 3 5 , 1 3 8 ,

377

The Merovingian Kingdoms 1 40-1 , 1 43, 1 53 ,

Chlothild, daughter of Charibert I (?),

1 59 , 1 6 1 , 1 63 ,

1 7 0 , 1 7 1 , 1 75 , 1 76 , 1 93 , 207 ,

1 20 , 1 36, 1 3 9

Chlothild, daughter o f Clovis I, 120,

2 1 9 , 289

Edictum of, Chilperic

II,

204 ,

1 04 , 1 07 ,

1 10

king of the Franks, 1 1 3,

205,

215,

268-7 1 ,

274,

287 ,

322

3 1 9,

229,

277 ,

278 ,

1 69-70 Chlothild,

267,

42

282 ,

58, 89,

1 25-6, 1 3 7

Chlodosind, 1 66, 1 68 , 1 72-3 Chlodoswintha, 1 65-6 Chlodovald, 5 6 Chlothar I , king of the Franks, 27 , 82-3 , 8 5 , 89, 9 1 , 92, 9 3 ,

94, 1 00, 101 , 1 1 1-12, 1 35

,

314 287 , 288, 289

Chunsina, 60 ,

92

1 62 , 1 63 , 1 64 , 1 65 , 1 66 , 1 70 ,

Chur, 3 1 2

1 84 ,

cii1itates, 6 0, 6 1 , 62, Claudia, 227

219, 241

Chlothar II, king o f the Franks, 26, 58 , 67 , 76, 78, 90-1 , 92, 9&-100,

1 04 ,

1 1 6,

1 17,

1 1 8,

1 26, 1 32 , 1 3 4 , 1 54-5 ,

135,

1 40-9 , 1 5 0-1 , 1 52 ,

1 56,

1 6 1 , 1 63 , 1 67 , 1 68 , 1 69 ,

1 73 ,

1 22 , 1 24,

1 7 5 1 7 7 , 1 8 0 , 1 86 , 1 9 2 , 1 9 5-6 , ,

207, 208 , 209, 2 1 1 ,

240, 24 1 , 245 ,

235 , 236,

282, 3 1 3

Edict o f Paris (6 1 4) , 1 04, 1 0 6-7 , 1 1 6 , 1 4 2 3 , 1 45 , 1 54 , 1 96, -

204, 235

Praeceptio of,

1 04 , 107,

1 08

Chlothar III, king of the Franks, 1 25 , 1 8 1 , 193, 1 97 , 1 98-9 , 205 , 2 1 5 , 22 1 , 222, 224, 2 2 5 , 227 , 229,

230,

232,

63 , 64, 7 1 , 2 1 5

Claudian, 1 2 6 Claudianus Mamertus, 23 , 2 4 Claudius, 75 Claudius, 1 1 7 Clement, 250 Cleph, king of the Lombards, 16 7 Clermont, 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 1 , 25, 28, 29, 46, 56, 59, 7 1 , 79-84, 1 52 , 1 54, 212, 225 , 228 , 243, 247

Council of (535) , 78, 105 Clichy, 1 5 4-5 , 261 Council of (626/7) , 78, 1 05 , 1 54, 241

Clovis I, king of the Franks, 1 , 26, 33,

39, 40-50,

51,

54,

5 6 , 57,

58, 5 9 , 66, 72, 89, 9 2 ,

234, 235, 236,

1 1 1 , 1 1 2, 1 1 3,

242, 2 6 3

1 27 , 1 3 6 ,

Chlothar IV, king of the Franks,

1 14,

41 ,

Chunoald, princeps of Aquitaine , 284,

1 1 4, 1 1 6,

1 37 , 1 3 8 , 1 53 , 1 5 9 , 1 6 1 ,

204,

I,

52, 56, 5 9 ,

Chrodebert, 275 Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, 304 Chrodoald, 1 4 6 , 1 47 , 1 48 , 1 5 7 Chrodoara, 253 Chrodobert, bishop of Paris, 1 99 Chronicle of 452, 1 0 Chronicle of 754 , 282, 2 8 3 , 284 Chundo, 1 1 5 Chunibert, bishop of Cologne, 1 5 7 ,

5 0 , 5 2 , 5 &-7 , 5 8-9, 60 , 62 , 6 5 ,

73,

50,

1 00, 1 5 9 , 1 64 Chramnelenus, bisho p of Embrun, 205 , 230, 25 1

232

Chlochilaich, 50, 5 1 , 1 60, 269 Chlodio , king of the Franks, 37, 38 Chlodobert, 1 23 , 1 24 Chlodomer, king of the Franks, 50, 56,

of Clovis

4 5 , 48,

1 25-6 , 1 27 , 1 3 &-7 , 1 9 8 , 224

,

52, 53,

wife

Chramn, 59, 60, 82-3 , 84, 89, 92,

Chiltrude, 287, 289 Chimnechild, 1 25 1 93 , 1 9 8 , 2 2 3-4 , 228 , 229,

4,

-

267 , 27 1

378

1 54,

101,

1 1 4, 1 1 8, 1 20, 1 6 1 , 1 64-5 , 1 69 ,

Index Conversio Bagoariorum e t Carantanorum,

1 79 , 1 84 , 28 1 , 285 , 3 1 1 , 3 1 3 ,

308 , 3 1 0

322, 323

C orb ie , 1 86 ,

letter to bishops, 47-8 , 1 04 , 1 06,

1 0 5 , 1 2 5 , 1 44 , 1 48 , 1 50 , 1 5 1 , 1 67 ,

1 69 ,

181,

1 94 ,

Cotentin, 2 1 4 Council o f the

2 1 2 , 22 1 , 222, 223 , 224 , 225 ,

10

Gauls,

227, 230, 236, 2 59 , 260, 2 6 3 ,

Crecy-en-Ponthieu , 29 5

322

Crondall hoard,

Clovis III , king of the Franks, 1 1 3 , 205 , 2 5 6 , 2 5 8 , 2 6 1 , 262 , 269

Clovis, s o n of C hilp e ri c I , 87, 90, 92, 99, 1 23

(?) ,

Dado , see D a go b e rt

230,

65 , 1 42 , 109,

1 15,

295-6

Cugnon, 1 93 Cuthbert, coffin of, 253

234

Codex Euricianus, 1 9 Codex Theodosianus,

200,

Cordova , 2 1 5-1 6

1 92 ,

1 93 , 1 97 , 1 98 , 1 99 , 200 , 2 0 1 ,

Clovis, son of Chlothar I I I

1 98 ,

268, 323 C o rb ini an , bis h op , 2 5 2 , 307 , 32 1

Clovis II, king of the Franks, 63 , 6 5 , 1 5 5-7 ,

1 93 ,

2 1 3 , 2 1 5 , 242, 249 , 250, 252,

1 1 2, 1 1 8

Audain

I, king of the 79,

1 16,

1 45-9 ,

Franks , 63,

1 17 , 1 50 ,

1 18,

1 40 ,

151,

1 52,

1 1 6,

1 54-5 , 1 5 6 , 1 57 , 1 59 , 1 60 , 1 6 1 ,

coinage, 40, 76-7 , 1 61 , 1 74, 177, 1 78 ,

1 78 , 1 79 , 1 80 , 1 83 , 1 8 6 , 1 9 2 ,

1 62 , 1 63 , 1 69 , 1 7 4 , 1 7 5 , 1 7 7 ,

240, 243, 249 2 1 7-9, 294, 295--6, 298-301

Collectio Co rbeins is , 240-1 ,

1 93 , 1 97 , 20 1 , 205 , 208 , 2 2 1 ,

250

222 , 242, 245 , 259, 295 , 298 ,

Cologne, 1 03-4, 1 07 , 267, 27 1 , 275 , 298, 3 1 6, 320

Columba, tomb of, ' C olumbanian' 1 90 ,

220

m on

191,

312, 314

as t i c i s m ,

1 92 ,

Columbanus , 73 ,

3 0 1 , 3 1 3 , 3 1 5 , 320, 322

Da gobert I I , king of the

1 32,

1 84-9 ,

2 3 5 , 2 3 6 , 2 3 7 , 297 , 2 9 8 , 3 1 5 ,

1 94-7, 248,

322

Dagobe rt 1 3 3 , 1 34 , 1 40 ,

1 88 , 1 89 , 1 90, 1 9 1 , 1 94 , 1 95 ,

1 96-7, 2 1 0 , 244, 247, 280, 3 1 1 ,

3 1 2-3

272

64 , 7 9 , 1 59

bishop of Lyons, 201

Concilium Germanicum (742) , 304 C o ns tan s II , emperor, 1 76 Co nstantin e I , emperor, 7 6 , 1 54 C onst an tin e I I I , emperor, 1 3 , 36

Danes, 5 0 , 5 1 , 56, 3 1 9 Dani el , see Chilperic II Daniel, bishop o f Winchester, 3 1 0 D e fe ns o r o f Liguge ,

Constantinople, 40, 65 , 67 , 68, 94, 101,

138,

1 65 ,

19

defensores, 75 martyr,

Denis, emperor, 7 , 1 1 , 1 3 ,

Liber Scintilla mm,

254

1 68 ,

1 72 , 1 7 6

Constantius I I I ,

I, 1 23 ,

1 24

Dalmatius, bishop of Ro de z, 7 8 Dalphinus, abbot of St D enis, 263 D alphinus , brother of Aunemundus,

1 88 , 1 89 , 1 92 , 1 9 6

96,

king of the Franks ,

Dagobert, son of Chilperic

Compiegne , 5 9 , 262-3, 266, 267

95,

Ill,

1 1 3 , 205 , 256, 258, 266, 267 ,

1 42, 1 50 , 1 5 1 , 1 6 1 , 1 85--6 , 1 87 ,

Rule of, comites, 6 1 ,

Franks, 1 69 ,

22 1 , 222 , 223-4 , 226, 2 3 1 -4 ,

1 5 5 , 1 57 , 1 9 9

Denmark, 299 , 301 , 303 , 3 1 8 Dentelin, 58, 1 4 1

379

The Merovingian Kingdoms

Deorulf, 309 Desideratus, bishop of Verdu n , 66 Desiderius, bishop of Auxerre, 1 3 1 , 1 33

Desiderius, bishop of Cahors, 2 6 , 30 , 72, 7 6 , 7 9 , 1 40 , 1 49-5 2 , 1 5 4 , 1 86 , 1 92, 220, 2 4 0 , 24 1 -2 Desiderius , bishop of Eauze, 77 Desiderius, bishop of Vienne, 73 , 1 06 , 1 28 , 1 3 0 , 1 32 , 1 34 , 1 42 ,

1 73 , 1 96 , 1 98 , 239 Desiderius, dux, 94, 95, 96, 99 Dettic, 3 09 Dido , bishop of Chalon-sur-Saone , 2 3 1 , 25 1 Dido , bishop of Poitiers, 222, 223 , 226, 236, 23 7 , 240 Die, 281 Dijon, 74-5

Disparg um,

38

Edwin , king of Northumbria, 1 77 Egbert, archbishop of York, 2 80 Egbert, king of Kent, 295 Egidius, bishop of Rheims, 93, 97-8

,

Eichstatt, 306 Eigil, Vita Stunni, 306 Einhard, 102, 1 1 9 Elbe, 3 5 , 38 Eligius, bishop of Noyon, 87, 1 50-1 , 1 52 , 1 54 , 1 60, 1 8 6 , 1 90, 1 92 , 1 93 , 200, 201 , 2 1 7 , 2 1 8 2 1 9, 22 0 2 4 1 2 42 , 3 1 3 Elno, 1 87-8, 1 93 , 245 ,

,

,

Embrun, 2 8 1

1 77 Emmeram, bishop of Regensburg

300

E mma ,

Domne gisel , 209

307, 3 2 1

Dornnulus, bishop of Besarn;:on, 1 85 , 1 88

Domnulus, bishop of Vien nc, 1 33 Dorestad, 293-5 , 296-301 , 303 , 305 Drogo , son of Carloman, 288 Drogo, son of Pippin II, 256, 258, 260, du ces

E cry, 324

1 06 , 1 29-30 , 1 33 , 2 1 9 , 220

Deuteria, 1 23

Dodo, 270 Domburg, 293-4,

260, 266, 267, 269, 295 , 296, 2 97 Ecdicius, 1 7 Ecgbert, 302-3 , 3 1 6, 3 1 7 Echternach, 2 0 6 , 261 , 265, 27 0 , 27 1 , 3 1 0, 3 1 6 , 3 1 7, 3 1 8 258, 259,

282,

England,

1 2 1 , 1 76-80 , 1 85 , 2 03 ,

,

280,

295 , 297 , 299, 30 1 , 302 , 3 0 5 ,

306, 3 1 4 , 3 1 5

Ennodius, bishop of Pavia,

24 ,

25,

45, 4 6

Epaon, Council of (5 1 7) , 5 1-2 episcopal elections, 77-84, 1 54 Epistulae A ustrasialae, 26 , 27, 30, 40-1 , 4 8 , 67 , 1 03 , 1 7 2 Epistula Hieronimi de Gradus Romanornm,

261 , 262-3, 264, 265, 267 , 278

34, 37, 61 , 1 1 7, 1 47, 1 6 1 Duren, Synod of, 289 Durham, Liber Vitae, 268 Dynamius, patridus, 25-6, 78, 85, 1 01 ,

Eadbald, kin g of Ke n t , 1 77 Earconberht, king of Kent, 1 77 Earcongota, 1 77 East Anglia, 1 7 7 , 1 78, 1 90, 3 0 2 , 3 1 4 Eauze, 1 8 , 175 Eberulf, 7 5 , 8 7 , 1 24 Ebroin, maior, 1 00 , 1 75 , 1 76 , 1 8 0 1 95 , 1 99 , 205 , 2 1 7 , 2 2 1 225,

,

61

Erchanbert, Erc hino ald ,

285 maior, 1 4 8 , 1 5 6, 1 77 , 1 90 , 1 9 3 , 1 9 8 , 225 , 230, 236,

2 5 9 , 28 1

Erembert, bishop of F reisin g ,

234-8, 239 , 242, 247 , 2 5 5 , 2 5 7 ,

308,

309

Erembert, bishop of Toulouse, 229

,

227, 228 , 229 , 230- 1 , 232 , 233,

Breviarium,

Erfurt, 306 Ennenberga, 1 32, 1 36, 173

380

199,

Index ab b o t o f J umieges ,

F il ibert ,

Enne n fre d , 234 , 25 5

1 86 , 1 8 8 ,

1 9 2 , 230, 237, 240

Ermino, abbot of Lob bes, 265 E nnintru d e , 20 6

Firminus, 5 9 , 8 1 , 84

Estinnes, Synod of (7 4 3) , 304

fisc, 63 , 64--5 , 1 9 2-3 , 20 4--5 , 2 0 9 ,

Ethelberga, 1 77

Flaochad, maior, 1 5 6, 2 36

Et ap les, 29 3

215

Eucherius, bishop of Orleans, 275-6,

Fl avia , 1 8 5 Flavius, bishop of Chalon-sur-Saone,

277, 279, 287 Eudo , dux

of

Aqui tai n e ,

78

1 76 , 27 1 ,

Fleu ry,

273-4, 276, 280, 282-3 , 284,

F o ilan , 1 89-90, 1 94, 223 , 239

Eudoxius, 1 2

Fontanella, see S t

E ufrasius , 8 1 , 82, 83

of Tours, merchant, 2 1 6

Wan drille

Foret de Cuise, 267 , 269

1 39

Eufronius, bishop Eufronius,

1 89 , 1 9 3 , 229

Fle ury- en-V exin , 264

286, 287 , 29 1 , 3 22

fom1Ulae, 60-1 , 2 1 2

Formulae Atvemenses, 54

E u ge n dus , abbot, 1 83 Eunomius , 86

Fosi t e ,

Euric , king of the Vi sigo ths, 1 6- 1 9 ,

Fosses , 1 90 , 223, 232 Franci o , 33 , 37

2 1 , 22, 2 4 , 46, 54

Franks, origins of,

Eusebius, bishop of Paris, 2 1 6

Eusta siu s ,

abbot

of

33-6 , 248

s tatus of, 63 , 228

Luxeuil, 1 85 ,

1 89 , 1 9 1 , 1 94-5 ,

1 8 6-7,

319

Fre deg ar , 1 , 2 , 9 , 1 1 , 33 , 34, 35, 37,

1 96,

39,

1 97 , 3 1 2 , 3 1 4

40,

1 1 8-1 9 ,

Eutharic, 1 65

Eutych e s , 244

43,

91 ,

1 22,

1 26,

1 03 ,

106,

1 27,

1 30,

1 3 1 -2, 1 33 , 1 34, 1 35 , 1 39, 1 40,

Evantius, 1 0 1

1 42,

1 44,

1 45,

1 46 , 1 47, 1 5 5 ,

exemptions, 62 , 6 3 , 79

1 56 ,

1 57 ,

1 60 ,

1 63 ,

Exeter, 305

1 69, 1 7 3, 175, 1 79, 248, 3 23 , 324

continuator, Faileuba, 1 29 , 1 3 5 Fara, 1 47 , 1 57 Faramund , 34, 37 Faremoutiers, 1 56 ,

1 47 ,

1 68,

1 67 ,

1 5 6, 226, 228,

23 1 , 2 5 7 , 268, 273, 274, 280, 28 1 , 282 , 283-4, 287, 288, 2 9 1 , 292, 296, 32 4

1 88 ,

Fredegund, 5 9 , 62, 8 6-7 , 8 9 , 90, 9 1 ,

Faro, bishop of Meauz, see Bugundofaro

1 2 6 , 1 27 , 1 28, 1 34 , 1 3 5 , 1 40,

1 79 ,

1 85 ,

92, 9 6 , 9 8 , 1 2 2 ,

1 89 , 1 9 2, 1 94

Faustus, bishop of Riez, 23 of B o u rges , 2 0 8

Freisin g,

Felix, bishop

of Clenn o nt,

Frideric , 1 6

81

Felix bishop o f the East An gle s , 1 7 8 ,

1 90 , 3 1 4--1 5

of

Friga , 33

A qui ta in e , 229 ,

1 60- 1 ,

217,

257 ,

269,

270 , 293, 295, 296, 2 9 7 , 2 9 8 , 237,

282

2 9 9 , 30 1 , 302, 305 , 3 0 6 , 3 1 3 , 3 1 5-1 6 , 3 1 7-1 9 , 320

Felix, father of Abbo , 2 1 0 Ferreolus,

306, 307 , 308

Frisia, 5 4 ,

Felix, bishop of Nantes, 76, 1 60 dux

1 25 ,

1 4 1 , 1 60 , 1 72 , 220, 239

Felix, bishop

Felix,

1 23-4,

bishop

of Uzes, 24 ,

Frisians, 256, 25,

1 88

258 ,

267,

269,

28 5 ,

2 9 7 , 298-9, 303 , 3 1 0 Fritigern , king of the Visigoths, 7

38 1

The Merovingian Kingdoms Fritzlar, 30 6

Fulda,

Germany, 305 ,

306, 307 , 3 1 1 , 3 1 6 G ertru de , abb ess o f Nivelles , 1 9 0 , 258, 260 Gervold, abbot of St Wandrille , 2 94 , 296 Gesta abbatum Fontanellensium , 2 1 4, 242, 246, 250, 277-9 , 2 9 4 , 3 1 8 Gesta Dagoberti I, 1 48 , 1 5 5 , 1 5 7 , 1 69

3 06 , 3 1 8

Fulrad, abbot o f S t Denis,

F u rs ey ,

292 1 89-90, 223, 232, 239

Gaerinus , 230 , 2 3 6 , 242 Gaiseric, kin g of th e Vandals, 8 Galla P la cidia , 7 Gallia Ulterior, 6, 8, 1 0 , 1 2 Gallienus, 86 Gallo-Romans, 9 , 1 4 , 1 9, 2 0-32 , 44 , 63 , 6 8 , 1 8 1

Gesta

episcoporu m

204, 208 Gewilib , bishop of Main z , 278, 304

gesta municipalia,

Ghent, 3 1 3

Gallus, bishop o f Clermont, 28, 54,

Ghislemar, maior, 205 , 255 ,

80-1 , 8 2 , 83, 84

Gallus, pupil of Columbanus, 1 6 1 , 312 Galswinth, 89, 1 2 1 , 1 2 2 , 1 23 , 1 27 , 1 30, 1 70 G ap, 281 Garibald, king o f the Lombards, 1 69 Garivald, bish op of Clermont, 8 1 Garival d , bishop o f Regensburg, 308 , 309 Garivald, dux of th e Bavarians , 1 6 1-2, 1 66, 1 76-7 Garonne, 1 75 , 282 , 283 Gascons, 1 75-6 , 178, 1 9 1 , 245 , 2 8 2 , 288, 3 1 3 Ga s cony , 1 7 5-6 Geismar, 306 , 309 G e n e siu s , bi s hop s of Lyo n s, 1 9 9 ,

Grandval, 1 87 , 248

20 1 , 23 1 , 236

6 1 , 1 07 bishop of Langres, 29, 74-6 Gregory, bishop of Tours, 1 , 2, 1 8 , 2 1 , 28-3 2 , 3 5 , 36, 3 7 , 39, 40, 4 1 -4 , 45-6, 47, 48, 49, 50, 5 1 , 52, 53-4 , 5 6 , 5 8 , 5 9 , 62 , 63, 64 , 65 , 66 , 67, 68 , 69 , 74, 7 5 , 77-8 , 7 9 , 80, 82 , 8 3 , 84 , 85-7 , 88, 9 0 , 9 1 , 9 2 , 93, 97-8 , 99,

graphiones,

Geneva, 8, 1 5 , 43

Grego ry,

Genialis , 1 75

Gennadius of Marseilles, 250 Ge n o v efa , 3 1 , 1 5 5 tomb o f, 220 G ep ids , 9 1 9 2 , 1 94, 233 , 23 8 , 2 3 9 , 2 48 b ish op of Auxerre , 1 2 , 3 1 , 75 G ermanu s , bishop o f Paris , 73 , 1 32 , G e rma nus ,

257 , 259 ,

260 Gib i c hun gs, 1 5 Glycerius, emperor, 1 5 Goar, king of the Alans , 6, 9, 1 2 G o defre d (II) , dux o f the Alamans, 288 G o d e gis el , king of the Burgundians, 41 , 43 Godinus, abbot of Jumieges, 264 Godo, 246, 2 49 Godomar, king of the B urgu ndia n s , 52, 53 Goiswinth, 1 2 7 , 1 70-3 , 224 Gomatrudc, 1 48-9 Gotcfrid (I) , dux of the Alam ans , 285 Gozbert, dux of the Thuringians , 1 63 , 3 0 8 , 3 1 2

Genesius , comes, 8 1 , 82

Germanu s , abb ot of Grandval, 1 87 ,

A utissiodorensium,

276, 280

1 02 , 1 03 , 1 04 , 1 05 , 1 06 , 1 1 5 , 1 20, 135,

1 38

1 2 1 , 123, 1 24, 1 26, 1 27,

1 2 8 , 1 30 , 1 3 1 , 1 32 , 1 33 , 1 34, 1 3 6-7 ,

1 38 ,

1 40 ,

1 53 ,

1 59-62, 1 63 , 1 65 , 1 68 , 1 6 9 ,

tomb of, 220 382

Index

1 70 , 1 7 1 , 1 72 , 1 75 , 1 7 9 , 1 82 ,

88,

1 84 , 1 93 , 1 99, 2 1 2, 2 1 3 , 2 1 6,

1 28-9, 1 3 8 , 1 53 , 1 80

p op e , 2,

311,

313,

1 03 ,

9, 12

Guntram B oso, 7 5 , 8 5 , 9 5 , 9 7 , 9 8 ,

1 76 , 1 78 , 1 8 4 , 1 93 , 244, 246,

250,

9 3- 1 00 ,

Guntiarius , king of the B u rgundians ,

26, 1 0 1 , 1 08 ,

1 26-7 , 1 3 0-1 , 1 33-4 , 1 4 2 , 1 66, 248-9 ,

92,

Gundulf, 8 5 , 1 0 1

2 1 9 , 238 , 246, 248, 269 , 323

Gre go ry I,

9�1 ,

1 29

3 1 4,

Guntram,

3 1 9 , 324 Cura Pastoralis, 249

of

king

the Franks, 5 6 ,

57-8 , 64, 68-9 , 7 9 , 8 4 , 8 5 , 8 6 ,

Dialogues, 249

89-1 0 1 , 1 0 2-3 , 1 04 , 1 0 5 , 1 07 ,

Homiliae in Evangelium, 249

1 08 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 8 , 1 24, 1 2 9 , 1 30 , 1 35 , 1 3 6 , 1 39 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 3 , 1 46 ,

Moralia , 249

Gre go ry II,

pope, 283 ,

286,

1 5 9-60,

29 1 ,

Gregory III,

Grimo , bishop of Rouen,

of the

Hadrian, abbot, 1 76 , 1 80

278

Hadrian I, p o pe , 277

hagiography, 3 1 , 1 40 , 1 5 6, 1 8 5 , 1 99,

Lombards,

1 69

Grimoald (I) ,

204, 2 1 2 , 225 , 233 , 246-9 , 2 5 1 ,

of Bavaria, 286 Grimoald (II) , dux of B avaria, 2 7 3 ,

1 57,

I, son of Pippin I, 1 86,

1 90,

1 93,

1 94, 222,

236-7 ,

238, 259, 260, 261 , 265, 297 Grimoald II, son of Pippin II, 256, 258,

263, 267, 269, 270, 297 , 3 1 9

Hautmont , 264, 265 , Hector, patricius

266

of Marseilles, 227 ,

228, 23 1 , 237 Heiric of Auxerre , 220 Heraclius, emperor, 245 heresy , 309 , 3 1 0

G riph o , b ish op of Rouen , 2 64 Gripho, son of

264, 293 , 307 , 3 1 5 , 323

Haldetrude, 1 49

Hamwic, 302 maior, 1 47,

223, 224, 232, 233, 234,

Hermanfred, king of the Thuringians ,

Charles Martel, 1 64 ,

1 75 , 286, 288-90, 3 0 9

50, 1 37 Hermenegild, 1 2 1 , 1 29 , 1 7 1-2 , 224

Gueret, 2 84

H e rmin ari us,

Gundeperga , 1 67 , 1 69 , 1 73 , 1 7 6

Gundioc,

25 2 ,

dux

286, 307 Grimoald

1 72 ,

207

Grimo, abbot of Corbie, 250, 252

king

1 69 ,

Hadoindus, bishop of Le Mans, 206,

P. , 30�1

Grimoald,

1 68,

Edict of ( 585 ) , 1 04

p o p e , 274 , 306, 308

Gre gory of Utrecht, 303 Grenoble , 2 8 1

Grierson,

1 67 ,

1 83 , 1 84 , 1 93 , 207 ' 25 1

305-6, 307, 308

bishop

of

Autun,

225-6 , 230, 237

king o f t h e Burgun di ans ,

15

H erod, 6 8 Herp o , dux, 1 44 , 1 45 , 1 46, 1 56

Gundoald, 286

H erules, 1 8 , 42

Gundobad, king of the Burgundians,

Hesse , 305, 306, 309, 3 1 0 , 3 1 1

1 5 , 1 6, 1 7 , 24 , 2 5 , 4 1 , 43 , 45 ,

H esychius, b is h op of Vienne , 24

46, 5 1 , 1 65

Hetan (I) , d ux of Thuringia, 1 63

Hetan (II) , dux of

Gundolandus , maior, 208

G un do vald , d ux, 1 2 7 , 1 28

Gundovald, son of C hlo t har

309- 1 0

I (?) , 8 5 ,

Hewalds, 3 1 6 Hexham,

383

253

Thuringia, 1 63 ,

The

Hilary , bishop of Ari es,

31

Hildegar, bish op o f Cologne, Hincmar,

Mero11ing ian Kingdoms

arc hbi s hop

of

Iona, 3 1 4 Ipswich , 302 Ireland, 223, 23 1 , 236, 298, 3 1 6, 3 1 7 Irmina o f O eren, 206, 261 3 1 6 Irmino , Polyptych, 205 Irminsul, 3 1 9 I sido r e , b i shop o f Seville, 2, 1 1 6, 243 , 248, 250, 324 Islam, 2 1 8 Isle o f Wight, 302 Issoire , 83, 240 Italy, 7, 67 , 74 , 94, 95, 96, 1 47 , 1 62, 1 64-9 , 1 72 , 286, 288, 291 , 292, 307, 322 , 324 Itta, 1 90, 258, 260, 265

320 Rheims ,

274-5 , 277

,

hippodrome, 68 Hippolytus , Uber Generationis,

248 250 Honoratus, abbot of L C rin s , 22, 3 1 , 181 Honoria, daugh t e r o f Val e ntini a n I I I , 8 Honoria, freedwoman , 2 1 2 H onorius, emperor, 7, 1 1 , 1 3 Honorius, pope , 1 97 H ornbach, 3 1 2 H ortensius, 8 2 , 84 History of Apolloni us of Tyre,

253, 268, 323 18 Jerome , 243, 248, 250 J erusalem, 69, 1 38 Jews, 46, 73, 8 1 , 83 , 1 07 Jezebel , 1 3 1 , 1 39 ]arrow,

Hrodbert, see Rupert of Salzburg

27 1 H u gbert, dux of B av ari a 307 H ugo , bishop of Rouen, 258, 260 , 261 , 278 Huns, 6, 8 , 9, 12, 1 64 hunting, 69 Hydatius, 1 0 , 248 Hygelac, see C hloc hil aic h

Jav o ls ,

Hubert, bishop of Liegc , ,

Joannes, emperor, 7 , 8 J o e l , p rop h e t ,

88

John, abbot of Reome,

31 3 308

John, bishop of Salzburg,

Ibas of Edessa, 1 96 iconoclasm, 29 1 Idda, 206, 207 I d o b e rga , see l tta Ile de Franc e , 206-7 , 3 1 4 I le de Y eu, 245 immunity, 1 42, 1 93-4, 195, 1 97-201 , 203 , 204, 205 , 2 1 5 , 26 1 , 265 , 294, see also privileges Jndiculus Superstitionum, 309 Ine, kin g of W essex, 302 , 305 I ngitru de , 94, 1 3 8 I ngaberg, 1 23 I n g o fri d , abbot of Luxeuil, 233 , 248 Ingramn, 262, 269 Ingund, daughter of S igib e rt I, 1 2 1 , 1 29 , 1 3 5 , 1 7 1 , 1 7 2-3 , 1 7 9 Ingu nd wife o f Chlothar I , 59, 9 2 , 1 23 Inpetratus, 80 ,

John Cassian , 22 J onas of Bobbie,

1 2 6 , 1 3 1 , 1 32, 1 39 , 1 40, 1 42 , 1 5 1 , 1 56, 1 85 , 1 86, 1 87-8 , 1 9 1 , 1 92 , 1 94, 195, 1 96-7 , 246, 248, 3 1 2, 3 1 3 Vita Columbani, 1 26, 1 3 1 , 1 33, 1 42, 1 5 1 , 1 8 5 , 1 87 , 1 92, 1 94-7 , 247-8 , 3 1 2 Vita Iohannis, 1 88 Vita Vedas tis, 188, 3 1 3 J ordan e s , Getica, 1 3 , 35 , 250 Jouan-e, 1 5 1 , 1 86, 253 J ovinians 243 J ovi nus emperor, 7 Jovinus, patricius of Provence, 78, 8 5 , 101 Judicael , 1 60 Judith, e mp r es s 289 ,

,

,

Julian of Brioude, martyr, tomb of,

384

220

Index

Juli an

His to ria

of Toledo ,

Leo

Wambae,

Julianus Pomcrius,

23

Julius Nepos, emperor, 1 5 , 1 8 , 2 1

27 5 , 27 6,

J umieges , 1 86, 230, 264,

I , pop e , 250

Tome of, 244 Leodebodus, 1 93 Leodegar, bishop

1 74-5

Justinian

I,

emperor,

73, 7 8 ,

23 8 , 23 9 240-1 , 242 , 25 1 , 2 5 2 , ,

258 , 267

Leonti us,

also placita 67,

39,

L e o vi gild,

bishop of Bordeaux, 27, 84

king

of the

1 7 1 -2

1 65,

Visigoths,

25, 1 8 1 , 1 82, 1 89

Lerins, 22, 23, 24,

1 79 , 1 96 , 244, 248

Justus, bisho p of Rochester, 1 4 1-2,

collections, 20-1 ,

letter

24-7,

1 49 , 1 92 , 2 4 1 -2 Leubovera, abbess of the Holy

1 78

Kent, 1 42, 1 5 4, 1 7 6 7, 3 1 4

Kilian, 1 63 , 308, 3 1 2 , 3 2 1

Leudemund,

bis h op

Sion, 1 22,

of

1 44

kingship , 35 , 3 6-8 , 40

Krusch, B . , 226 , 247

leudes,

57 , 64 , 9 9 , 1 43 , 1 47

Leudesius , ma ior, 230, 236, 28 1

Lex A lamannoru m , 1 1 7- 1 8 , 1 6 1 , 285

laeti, 64 Lagny, 1 90, 223

of Maastricht, 1 9 5 , 229 , 23 1 , 239 , 2 5 1 2 270, 27 1 Landeri c, b i s hop of Paris, 1 5 7 , 1 93 , bishop

-

,

Lex Baiwariorum, 1 1 6- 1 7 ,

1 18,

Lex Grmdobada, see Liber Constitutiomm1 Lex Ribvaria, 1 04, 1 1 0, 1 1 5- 1 7, 1 1 8 ,

240

200, 2 4 1

Lex Romana Burgundionum , 1 08

Lantbert, bishop of Lyons, 78, 264

Lex

dux of

the Alamans, 1 1 8 ,

1 6 1 , 285

1 1 0,

laus peren nis, 52, 1 83

37, 1 1 4, 1 1 5

Le an der, bishop of Seville, 1 7 1

233 ,

1 85

counsellor of Euric , 1 9

Le o I , e mp e ro r , 62

Leo III, emperor , 29 1

1 34 ,

34, 35,

1 56,

1 57 ,

232 ,

23 4 , 257, 2 5 8 , 262, 263 ,

Uber Pontificalis, 283

SS Pet er and Paul, 208, 209, 2 1 0,

214

1 27 ,

268 , 272, 273 , 282, 322

Le Ma n s , 49, 1 84 , 207- 1 0, 289

Lenteild, 44

1 24 ,

1 63 , 223, 225 , 228 , 23 1 ,

Lech, 288

Leo ,

1 1 2, 1 1 5

Liber Historiae Francorum, 2,

Latin, 30, 2 4 1 , 247

of,

see

Visigothorum,

Uber Constitutionum, 1 0-1 1 , 5 1 , 52,

21 1

law, 'personality'

Romana

Breviarium A larid

Lex Salica, see Pactus Leg is Salicae

Laon, 4 1 , 1 87 , 233 , 234, 289

latifundia,

14 7 ,

1 62 , 285-6

Langres, 28 , 1 87 , 231 , 233

L e ins te r ,

Cross,

Leudast, 86-7 , 8 8 , 9 9 , 1 00, 1 23

-

Lantfrid,

31,

1 36

Kaiscrwerth , 3 1 6

Lambert,

Autun,

223 , 225-8 , 230, 23 1 , 2 3 6 , 237 ,

278

Jura, 1 44, 1 45 , 1 85 Jura monasteries , 1 82-3

justice, 6 1 , 1 43 , 262 , see Justin I I , emperor, 1 38

of

1 1 3 , 1 1 4, 1 1 5 , 1 1 8 , 1 95 , 1 99 ,

Licerius, b i s h op of Ad e s , Liege, 2 1 5 , 270-1

78

St Lan1bert, 256, 267, 270, 2 7 1

Liguge, 1 8 1

Limoges,

1 8 , 62, 1 50 , 2 1 6- 1 7 , 284

Lindisfarne , 268

Litorius, 7 385

The Merovingian Kingdoms Liudger , 303

Maastricht, 1 0 � , 1 07 , 1 52, 178, 245 ,

Vita Gregorii, 297

25 1 , 252, 277 , 298, 299, 301 ,

king of the

Liudprand,

Lo mbar ds ,

29 1

3 1 3, 3 1 8 Macarius, Rule of, 1 8 8

Liutwin, bishop of Trier, 279

Ma c edo nia , 3 3

Liuva, kin g of the Visigo ths , 1 7 1 Livry, forest o f, 228

Macliaw, 1 60

Macon, C ouncil of (58 1 /3) , 1 05

Lobbes, 265

Council of (585) , 1 0 5 , 1 06

Loches , 288

Council of (62617) , 1 9 7 , 244

Loire, 38, 39,

1 1 2, 1 1 4, 1 5 9 ,

1 00,

2 1 5 , 2 2 9 , 2 3 0 , 282, 283, 284

Macrianus , king of the Alamans, 34

Lolian, tomb of, 220 Lombards, 95 ,

Maconnais, 2 1 0

Madelinus, 298, 299

1 03 , 1 32 ,

1 59 ,

162,

1 65-9 , 1 7 9 , 1 80, 286, 2 9 0 , 29 1 ,

Maeotic swamp s , 34 M agno al d , abbot of Tuss o nval , 2 62

Magnu s , 1 1 7

3 1 2, 322

Lomb ardy, 243 , 289

Main, 38

London, 297 , 302

Maine , 63

Lorraine , 208

Mainz, 7 1 , 304, 306

Lot, F . , 2 1 4

maior

lots, 3 1 9

Louis the

Pious, 275 , 289

Maj orian, emp eror, 9,

259,

Mal ay , Council

Lull, archbi sho p of Ma inz , 305 , 306 ,

1 0, 1 4-1 5 ,

1 6,

of (677) , 2 5 1

Mallobau des, kin g of the Franks , 36

318

Mamertus, bishop of Vienne, 24

Lup entius, abbot of Javols , 1 28 , 1 33 ,

Mammes , saint , relics of, 1 38

1 99 , 239

Manglieu, 243 , 253

1 6 , 1 83 Lupus, dux, 98, 1 26 , 1 28 Lupicinus, abb o t

,

Marcellus, bishop o f Uzes , 78, 1 0 1

of Aqu itaine , 1 74,

dux

Marchiennes, 1 88

176,

229 , 2 3 0 , 2 3 7 , 25 1 , 2 8 2 , 298,

Marchomir, 34, 3 6

322

Marcomer, see Marchomir

Luxeuil , 1 42,

1 50,

1 85 ,

1 8 7,

Marcovefa, 73

1 88 ,

Marc ulf Formulary of, 1 04, 1 89 , 2 1 5 ,

1 89 , 1 90 , 1 9 1 , 1 92 , 1 94 , 1 9 5 ,

,

241

1 96--7 , 201 , 227 , 228, 2 3 0 , 233 , 241 ,

262 ,

2 1 , 37 , 38

Lucofao , 234 , 255

,

236,

Mais, 3 07

Lucius , tomb of, 220

Lupus

domus, 1 53 ,

267, 295

242,

248 ,

249-5 0 ,

31 1 ,

3 1 2 , 3 1 3 , 3 1 4 , 3 1 5 , 32 1 , 323

,

Lyonnais, 280 Lyons, 6, 9, 1 5 , 2 1 , 28, 29, 62, 1 05 , 1 84 , 2 1 6 , 23 1 , 243 , 249 ' 262 ,

Marius, bishop o f Avenches 9 , 2 1 , 3 1 , 43 , 52

Mark, referendarius, 62, Maroveus,

Council of (567173) , 1 05

xenodochium, 1 84

Lyti giu s , 82

bishop

of

Poitiers, 62,

73-4 , 1 3 8

276, 3 1 5 Council o f (5 1 8/ 1 9) , 5 1 , 52

219

Marmo utier, 1 8 1

marriage , 72-3 , 9 2 , 227 , 308, 3 1 2

Marseill es, 2 2 , 2 6 , 84-6, 1 0 1 , 1 5 1-2, 210, 2 1 5 , 216, 237 Martin, bishop of Tours , 22, 27 , 35 , 1 8 1 , 1 99

386

Index tomb of, 220

M artin

M a r ti n

,

mission, 1 2 1 , 1 30, 1 78-9, 1 87-8, 1 9 1 , 285 , 298 , 305-2 1 , 323

232, 234 , 2 5 5

Pippinid (?) ,

monasticism, 22, 52, 73-4, 1 81 -202,

I , pop e , 245 , 246, 3 1 3 Maumaques, 2 63 Maurice , emperor, 3 9 , 40, 1 67-8

252, 3 1 2 , 3 1 3 , 323 Monkwearmouth, 253, 268, 323 mono the l i tism, 245 , 246

Maurice , martyr, 1 83

Montecassino , 289 , 290

Maurienne, 2 1 0, 281

Mo n tier en D er, 265

Maurinus, 87 Maurontus , 2 1 0,

284, 286

-

274,

280-- 1 ,

-

Mo nza , 1 67

282,

Maximian , tomb of, 220

mo rgengaben, 1 22 , 1 7 0 Mummolus, 94, 9 5 , 96, 105 , 1 67, 2 1 9

Maximus, bishop of Geneva , 1 83

Munderic, 92 Munnuza, 283, 284

Meaux, 5 8 , 1 45 , 1 79 , 1 86, 3 1 5

Medard, bishop o f Soissons , 1 37

Murbach, 3 1 2

Mediterranean, 49 , 2 1 0 , 274

Muslims , see Saracens

Megingoz, bishop of Wiirzburg, 3 0 6 Nant, 1 88 , 1 9 3 , 245

M elchisedek, 67 Melle , 2 1 8

Nantechild, 1 49 , 1 56, 236, 259

Me llobaudes , abb o t , 253

Nantes, 273

M enignos, 74

Narbonne, 6, 10, 274, 282 Narses, 94, 96

Merofled, 73

Nero , 68

Melun,

307

Merovech, father of Childeric I, 37, 38, 40, 1 1 1

M erovech,

son of Chilperic ! , 5 9 ,

88, 90 , 9 1 , 9 2 , 98, 1 23 , 1 28 , 1 34, 1 9 5 Merovech, son of Theuderic II, 5 8 Merovingian dy n as ty , 1 , 37, 3 8 , 4 0 , 5 8-60, 1 4 5 , 1 46 , 2 2 1 , 234-5 , 238, 2 5 5 , 263, 266, 2 67 , 27 1 ,

Nestorius, 244 Neuf-Chateau , 289

Neustria,

1 46,

87,

274, 30 1 , 322

M e ttlach 279

1 1 3 , 1 14 , 1 1 5, 1 47 ,

1 5 5-6,

1 40 ,

159,

1 41 , 1 76,

1 77 , 1 9 1 , 1 92 , 1 98 , 2 0 7 , 208,

2 1 1 , 2 1 5 , 223, 2 2 4 , 22 5 , 227, 22 8 , 229 , 2 3 0 , 234, 2 3 6 , 238,

256, 259 , 260,

2 6 1 , 263 , 2 7 0 ,

274 , 2 7 6 , 280, 2 8 1 , 288, 293

Neustrians, 9 0 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 5 , 1 92 , 222, 224, 228 , 236, 2 5 5 , 256, 257,

,

Metz, 8 1 , 1 06, 262, 265 , 2 7 1

260, 267, 269, 27 1 , 272, 287 ,

Liber Vitae, 208

314

St Amulf, 265 , 2 6 8 , 271

Nevers, 276

St Stephen, 2 09

Nicetius, bishop of Dax, 76

Meuse valley , 1 46, 261 , 270, 271

Nicetius, bishop of Lyons , 28, 30

military obligations

Nicetius, bishop of Trier, 73,

,

63, 64, 93

Milo , bi sho p of Trier, 277, 278-9, 304 Milo , Vita A mandi, 245 , 3 1 3

Miracula Austregisili, 284

1 3 2,

1 66

Nice tiu s , dux, 6 1 Nivelles, 1 90, 1 94, 223 , 253 , 260, 265

Miracula Martialis, 238

Nordebert, maior, 25 6 , 262

Miracula Wandregisili, 294

Nordobert, bishop of Clermont, 8 1 Northumbria, 1 80, 252-3

387

TI1e Merovingian Kingdoms 31 4, 3 1 7 13

Northumbrians,

Notitia

1 79 , 2 1 6 , 222, 23 0 , 2 5 5 , 2 5 7 ,

Dignitaturn,

2 62 , 263, 27 1 , 278, 3 1 4

Novalesa, 206, 2 1 0 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 4, 280

Council of (5 5 1 /2) , 1 05

Novatians , 243

Council of (56 1 12) , 7 8 , 1 60

Noy o n , 4 1 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 2, 230, 27 1 , 278

Council of (573) , 241

N umerian , bishop of Trier, 1 8 7

Nursling,

Council of ( 6 1 4 ) , 78,

S t Germain, 1 94 , 205 , 294

of B avaria, 287, 288, 2 89

Parthenius , 25, 26,

O do va c er , 38, 39

Passio Desiderii, 1 3 3 , 1 39 , 1 4 2 , 1 96 Passio Kiliani, 1 63 , 3 08 Passiones Leudegarii, 1 1 3 , 225-7 , 230,

Offa , king of M erci a , 294

Oise , 9 1 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 6

Olybrius , emp eror,

2 3 5 , 237, 238, 240, 24 1 , 247,

15, 1 7

Ongendus, king of th e Danes, 3 1 9

25 1

Passio Praeiecti, 8 1 -2 , 1 8 8 , 225 , 227 ,

Orleannais, 2 29 , 237 Orleans, 38,

50,

46,

56,

57-8 ,

228-9 , 237, 2 3 8 , 247 , 248-9

93 ,

Passio Sigismundi,

27 1 , 275-6 , 277

C oun cil of (5 11 ) ,

48

Co u n cil

( 5 49 ) ,

246 St Aignan , 1 94,

78,

Paul , bishop of Verdun,

Paul the D e ac on , 2 , 1 67 , 1 68 , 1 69 ,

1 80

54,

51,

O tto,

maior,

1 50

Paul,

Sentences of,

69, 322

1 03 ,

1 61-2 ,

1 07

Paul, Visigothic u s urp e r , 1 74 , 1 7 5

1 59 ,

Paulinus of Pella, 1 1 , 22

Paulinus of Perigueux , 30

Oswiu, king of the Northumbrians , 1 80

1 5 , 45

Paul , comes, 3 8 , 3 9 , 4 0

244 ,

200

39,

1 64-5 , 1 7 9 ,

Patrick, saint, 1 90

105,

O ro sius , 7, 9, 3 1 , 36

Ostrogoths, 5,

51

Pa ti ens, bishop o f Lyons,

of (5 3 3) , 78 , 1 05 Council of (5 3 8) , 7 8 of

57, 63

Passau, 306, 308

Ohrdruf, 306

Council

1 06 ,

H oly Apostles , 4 4 , 1 54

O b rege , 1 5 1

Odilo, dux

105,

1 4 1 -2, 1 45 , 1 54 , 1 7 8

306

Pavia, 1 67

1 57 , 222

Pelagia, 206, 20 7 Perctarit, king of the Lombards, 1 69

Pactus Legis Salicae, Pactus

Perigueux,

1 04, 1 08-1 5 , 1 1 6 ,

1 1 7 , 1 1 8 , 1 20 , 1 7 8 , 24 1

pro

ten ore

pacis, 1 04 , 1 07 , 1 09 ,

1 1 1 -1 2 , 1 1 3

37, 44, 7 4 , 1 06 , 1 1 2- 1 3 , 1 63 , 1 64 , 1 78 , 1 9 1 , 2 6 9 , 285 ,

p aganism,

304,

308,

309,

312,

18

Peronne, 1 0 6 , 1 9 0 , 1 93 Pertz, G . H . , 2 6 1 , 268

Peter, abbot of Dover, 1 4 1-2, 1 7 8

Petronius Maximus , 1 4 Pharamund, bishop o f Ma as tricht , 252

3 1 3- 1 4 ,

220

3 1 6, 3 1 9

Piato, tomb of,

paleography, 249-50

Piedmont, 2 1 0

Palladius, bishop of S aintes, 1 0 6

Pientius, bishop of Poitiers , 1 84

Pannonia, 34, 3 5 , 3 6 , 3 0 7

P ardulf, abbot of G uere t, 284 P aris , 6 , 59,

40 , 41 , 44, 46, SO, 56, 57 , 68,

1 05 ,

1 08 ,

141 ,

Pilitrude, 273, 286, 307 Pippin I, maior, 1 4 1 , 1 46, 1 47 , 1 4 9 ,

1 70 ,

388

1 57 , 1 8 6, 1 90, 22 1 , 2 3 3 , 2 5 8 , 2 5 9 , 260 , 26 1

Index Pippin

II, m a io r, 7 8 , 2 3 2,

81,

1 60 , 1 6 2 ,

1 00 ,

Pro c op i us , 1 6S , 1 76

12S,

Proculus ,

233 , 2 3 4 , 239 ,

82

2S2, 2 S S , 2S6, 2S7-8 , 2 S 9 , 260,

Prosper o f Aquitaine, 1 0 , 47

2 6 1 , 262, 263 , 264-7 , 2 6 8 , 269,

Protadius , 1 32

270, 272 , 276, 278,

Provence ,

28 1 ,

284,

207 , 208 ,

3 1 6 , 3 1 7 , 3 1 8 , 3 1 9 , 320

Pipp in III, maior, 1 00 , 1 64, 1 7S , 2 7 1 , 27 3 , 2 74 , 27 8 , 279 , 280, 2 8 4 , 286, 287-92,

Pippinid dynasty ,

304 1 47 ,

1 62 ,

261 ,

262 ,

2 6 6 , 267, 2 6 8 ,

C arolin gi an

also

Pirmin, 3 1 2 ,

,

tomb of, 220

1 1 9,

dynasty

300 ,

St P ete r

321 262-3 ,

269,

27 6 ,

269, 270, 27 1 , 27 8 , 287 ,

8

294

,

bishop

Quintianus , 4 6,

rachin burgi, 1 07 ,

3 1 6,

Radbod,

319

1 82 , 2 1 6 , 226-7 ,

283 , 284, 286, 307

29 7

240, 273-4 ,

298, 3 00 , 3 0 1 , 305 , 3 1 6 ,

27, 50-1 , 73 4 , 94, 136-9, -

311

1 0S-6 , 1 20 , 1 3 6 , 1 37-9 ,

Rado , 1 5 1 ,

21 0 polyptychs, 2 1 3-1 4

Radulf,

1 92, 241

of

227--8 ,

Clermont, 230 ,

of

dux

1 57-8 ,

bishop

1 62-3 ,

23 1 ,

27 4 , 277 , 322

244,

27 8

,

2 8 2 , 285 , 3 1 9 ,

so

193-4, see also

Ragnetrude, 1 5 6

Probus , bishop of Tortona, 1 95 , 1 96,

Rathmelsigi, 3 1 7

immunity 1 97 , 244

1 80 , 22 1 ,

Ragn a char , kin g of the Frank� , 49,

Priam, king of Troy, 33, 34

203 ,

1 64,

Ragamfred, maior, 267-8 , 269-7 1 , 273 ,

precaria, 264, 279 , 2 87

-

Thu rin gia , 1 4 7 ,

Ragamfred, bishop of Rauen, 278

1 23 , 239

1 84,

,

Raedfrid, 295

240, 242 Praetextatus, bishop of Ra u en , 1 0 S ,

1 S7 ,

2 24

3 22

237 , 2 3 8 , 239,

P ris c u s , SO p rivi le ge s , 74, 1 9 7 20 1 ,

Frisians, 44,

1 8 1 , 1 83-4 , 198, 201 , 220,

1 83-4,

225 ,

,

Radegund,

Monastery of the Holy Cross , 2 7 ,

8 1 -2 ,

1 10

of the

3 1 8- 1 9 , 320

Hypogee des Dunes , 2S3

Praeiectus,

king

R o d e z , 42,

2S6, 258, 2 67 , 269-70, 285,

Poitiers , 27 , 46, S 9 , 62 , 63 , l OS-6,

73-4,

of

53-4, 80, 82, 84

1 25 , 2S 6 , 2 6 1 , 26S , 267,

Plectrude,

298,

297 ,

Quinotaur, 37, 4 4 , 69

28 1 ,

Plato , archdeacon of Tours, 86

Pliny ,

293-6 ,

3 02

Quierzy, 274

287

318,

217,

Qu entovic,

Placidina, 80

p la ci ta,

283

reclausum, 242

Quaestiones ad Siwinum

Quenti n martyr, 87

26S,

289 , 29 1 , 293 , 297 , 300, 3 0 1 , see

237 ,

23 1 ,

282 , 284, 286

2 7 8 , 28 1 ,

27 1 ,

214,

,

Pyrenees, 1 74 , 1 7 5 , 208 ,

189-90,

2 64 ,

21 1

24 1 , 243 , 263 , 266, 274 , 2 80-- 1 ,

1 94, 2 2 1 , 233 , 2 3 4 , 2 S S , 2 S 8 , 2 S 9-60,

1 8, 23, 24, 3 3 , 49 , S l , S 4 ,

S S , 8 1 , 8 S , 1 0 1 , 1 08 , 1 S 4 , 1 8S ,

28S, 286, 293 , 296-7 , 298 , 307,

Rathar, governor of Marseilles,

Rath ariu s , comes, 279

8S

Ranching, 66, 97, 98, 99, 2 1 3 , 2 1 9

389

The Merovingian Kingdoms

Ravenna, 25 , 67

Rimbert, Vita A nskarii, 2 9 4

Vitale, 67 Ravenna Annals, 1 3

Riothamus, 1 7 , 39

Rimoaldus, 298

San

Rip on , 3 1 7

Ravenna Cosmographer, 296, 297

Rodez, 1 8 , 46, 49 , 6 1 , 80

Rebais, 1 5 1 , 1 8 6 , 1 89 , 1 93 , 1 97 Re c care d , king of the V isigoths , 8 8 , 1 20- 1 , 138, 1 66 , 1 68 , 1 7 1-3 ,

Rodoald, king of the Lo mb ards , 1 67

Romainm6tier, 1 86

Romans, 34 , 3 8 , 1 1 0

2 1 9 , 224

Romanus, abbot , 1 83

Rege nsb urg , 306, 307, 308 Reichenau, 3 1 2

Romaric ,

1 86, 1 93

b isho p

Remigius,

of

29 1 , 292 , 295, 3 0 5 , 306, 307 ' 308, 3 1 0 , 3 1 3 , 3 1 7

Romulus

Remiremont, 1 83 , 1 86 , 1 87 , 1 90

Rothari, king of

Reolus , bishop of Rheims, 2 5 6 , 265

the L o mb ards , 1 67 ,

Rouen , 5 8 , 1 23 , 1 2 7 , 1 86 , 242, 262, 264, 278, 295

Rhaetia, 3 1 2

Council of ( 688/9) , 25 1

Rheims, 4 1 , 50, 5 6 , 5 7-8, 9 1 , 277

Ruccolen, 75

Rhine , 6, 9, 3 3 , 3 5 , 3 8 , 5 5 , 5 6 , 8 9 ,

Rufi.nus of Aquileia, 250

1 09 , 1 46 , 1 5 8 , 1 5 9 , 1 6 1 , 1 62 ,

R upe rt ,

1 64, 1 65 , 1 74 , 1 76 , 1 8 0 , 22 1 ,

b i sh op of Salzburg, 1 62 , 233 , 2 6 6 , 269 , 2 8 6 , 308 , 3 1 2 ,

2 5 8 , 269, 270, 27 1 , 274 , 285 ,

321

293, 296, 298, 302, 305 , 306,

Ru ric ius , bi s h op o f Limo ge s , 24, 2 5

3 1 5 , 32 1 , 322, 323

Rustica, 2 1 0

valley, 15, 1 6, 1 82 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 7 ,

Rusticula, abbess of Arles, 1 44 Rusticus, b ish op of Cahors, 76, 1 5 1 -2 , 23 9

252, 254, 2 74 , 323

Rib e , 303 Ric char , 49 , 50 abbot

of

Centula

(St

Riquier) , 1 78 , 3 1 4-1 5

Ricimer, 1 4-1 5 , 45 , 5 1 Riculf, priest of T ours , 7 8 , 86-7 , 9 9 ,

Sadalberga, abbess of Laon, 1 87 ,

Sadregisel, 1 48

194

S;ethryth, 1 79

Saffaracus, bishop of Paris , 1 0 5

1 00, 1 23 Riculf,

rebel, 2 1 1 , 28 1 , 284 Riculf, subdeacon of Tours, 86-7 , 1 23

Ri gn omer , 49, 50 Rigobert, bishop of Rheims, 265 ,

Sagittarius, bi s hop 105, 1 95 ,

25 1

of Gap , 9 5 ,

96,

St Amand, see Elno

St B e rti n , see St

Sithiu B e rtran d de Co mmin ges , 1 8 , 94, 95

277

R i gunth , 63,

e mp e ro r , 5 ,

1 80

Reome , 1 88

Richarius,

Augustulus,

1 8 , 3 9 , 323

Frigeridus, 3 1 ,

36, 37

Rhone

Remiremo nt ,

245, 246, 249, 268 , 289, 290,

will of, 206, 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 3 Profuturus

of

Rome, 6, 7, 1 4, 1 7 , 1 66, 234, 243,

Rheims, 26 ,

40-1 , 42, 48, 1 1 3 , 207

Renatus

abbot

1 8 6-7 , 1 90 , 1 92

Remaclus , abbot of Stablo-Malmedy ,

69 ,

86,

88,

95,

96,

1 20-1 , 1 22 , 1 23-4, 1 38 , 1 7 1 ,

St Calais, 1 84, 1 9 5 , 205

saint-cults, 74-5 , 87, 1 32, 1 55 , 1 98 ,

219 390

Index 1 99-200, 20 1 , 2 1 6, 220 , 230,

Senlis, 41

238 , 247 , 259-60

S ens, 1 8 4

St Pierre-le-Vif, 1 8 4 , 200

St Cyran, 247 St Denis, 66,

155,

1 57 ,

1 60 ,

Septimania, 54,

181,

88,

172,

1 74, 229,

322

1 83 , 1 93 , 1 94, 1 95 , 200, 2 0 1 , 203 , 205 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 6, 227, 2 5 7 ,

Septimima, 1 2 9

263 , 268 , 269 , 2 7 4 , 279

Sergius , martyr,

21 6

Sergius, papal legate , 288, 29 1 , 309

St Die, 1 8 7

Seronatus , 1 7 , 1 9

St-Jean-de-Losne, 1 1 8

Severinus, tomb of, 220

Council of (673/5) , 1 05 , 229, 25 1

Severus, emperor, 1 5 , 1 6

St Maixent, 226

St Maur-des-Fosses, 192, 268, 269

Siagria, 243 Sicambria , 34

Saintonge, 208, 2 1 4 St-Pierre-de-Granon,

Council

(673/5) , 1 05 , 229, 25 1

of

Sichild, 1 48 Sicily, 1 76

St Trond, 2 7 6

Sidonius

Apollinaris ,

bishop

of

Clermont, 1 1 , 1 5 , 1 6 , 1 7 , 1 8,

St Vaast, 1 8 8 S t Wandrille, 1 8 6 , 1 93 , 204 , 2 1 3- 1 4 ,

1 9 , 20, 2 1-2, 2 3 , 24, 2 5 , 26,

2 2 9 , 242, 2 4 6 , 248 , 249 , 2 5 0 ,

27, 28, 29, 3 1 , 3 2 , 3 7 , 4 5 , 80,

25 1 ,

252,

264,

26 8 ,

82 , 84, 1 26, 1 49 , 241

277-9 ,

Sidonius , bishop of Mainz, 76

294, 3 1 8

Sidonius , bishop of Passau , 3 1 0

Salegast, 1 09

Sigbert, king of East Anglia, 1 77

Saleh em, 1 09 Salonius ,

bishop

1 9 5 , 251 Salvian, 20, 22, 23

Sigib ert I , king of the Franks, 27 ,

of Embrun , 1 05 ,

56,

57 , 5 9 , 6 4 , 67 , 7 8 , 8 1 , 84, 8 6 ,

8 8 , 89-90, 9 1 , 92, 93 , 94, 1 03 ,

Salvius, bishop , 246

1 05 , 1 2 1 , 1 22 , 1 24 , 1 26, 1 27-8 ,

Salzburg, 269, 306 , 308

1 34 , 1 35 , 1 36 , 1 38 , 1 39 , 1 43 ,

S a ms o n bishop, 1 60 ,

Samson, son of Chilperic

I,

1 63 , 1 64 , 1 70 , 1 7 1 , 1 74 , 1 7 6 ,

1 24

1 84 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 6 S i gib ert

Sapaudia , 8 , 9 , 1 0, 1 1 , 1 2

Sarac ens, 273-4, 2 7 5 , 276, 28 1 , 282,

58,

,

1 00 ,

1 25 ,

1 34,

1 36,

1 4 1 , 1 64

283 , 284, 286, 29 1 S arago ssa

I I , k i n g o f the F r a n k s ,

1 70

Savaric , bishop of Auxerre , 77, 263 ,

266, 275-6, 304 Saxons, 3 5-6, 3 8 , 39, 65 , 67 , 1 5 9 ,

Sigibert

III , king of the Franks, 7 2 , 81 , 1 2 5 , 1 45 , 1 47 , 1 49 , 1 50 , 1 54 , 1 5 5 -8 , 1 62 , 1 64 , 1 77 , 1 80,

1 86 , 1 92 , 1 93 , 1 98 , 205 , 2 1 5 ,

1 60 , 1 62 , 1 63-4, 2 7 3 , 2 8 5 , 2 8 8 ,

22 1 , 222, 223 , 229, 23 1 , 243 ,

3 0 6 , 3 1 0 , 3 1 6 , 320

245 , 259, 265, 322

Saxony, 1 63---4 , 289, 290 , 292, 3 1 9

sceattas,

Sigibert

2 1 7 , 299-3 0 1

the

L am e

,

king

of

the

Ripuarian Franks , 46, 49 , 1 1 2

Scheldt, 1 87, 1 88 , 3 1 2 , 3 1 3

Sigismund, king of the Burgundians,

Sedulius, 250

1 6, 24-5 , 42 , 43 , 45, 5 1---4 , 92,

Seine , valley of, 9 1 , 1 4 1 , 1 46 , 1 8 5 ,

1 1 0 , 1 65 , 1 83 , 1 84

1 86 , 1 9 1 , 206-7 , 208 , 2 1 4, 264,

Sigistrix, 5 2 , 5 3 92

294

Sigobrand, bishop of P ari s , 1 99, 224

,

391

The Merovingian Kingdoms

Visigoths 1 74 3 1 5- 1 6, 3 1 7 Syagri us bishop o f Autun , 1 30 , 1 34

Sigofred, 263

Swinthila, king of t h e

Sigrada, 242

Silva Carbonnaria ,

Charbonniere

see

,

Syagrius, g overn o r of Marseilles, 7 6 ,

simony , 1 3 0 , 1 33-4, 1 99 , 243 Sion, 1 2 2

1 5 1 -2

Sisebu t , king of the Visigo th s , 1 73

Syagrius

Passio Desiderii, 248 1 74 , 322

Symphorian,

Slan e , 2 3 2

1 12,

1 07 ,

1 72

50, 5 6, 5 7 , 5 8 , 68 , 236, 257

Tertry, 256,

242

Synod of (744) ,

304 1 90, 1 93 Somme , valley o f, 3 8 , 1 9 1 Spai n , 6 , 7 , 11 , 69, 9 1 , 1 22 , 1 24 , 1 69 75 2 8 2 ,

Stablo-Malmcdy,

1 8 6 , 1 90, 1 93 , 1 95 ,

2 1 5 , 2 3 2 2 5 2 , 265 , 287 ,

Vita

Wi!fridi,

20 1 ,

23 1 , 232 , 234, 2 5 2 , 2 6 9 ,

315,

223 ,

295 ,

31 7

259,

260,

Theo bald, 309- 1 0

Theo dard , bishop o f M a as tri ch t

,

25 1

Thcodatus, 243

Theodcrid, king of the Visigoths, 7 , 16 Theo dore , archbishop of Canterbury , 1 76, 295, 296 Theodore , bishop of M a rseilles, 84-6 , 9 4 , 9 5 , 96, 1 0 1 , 1 3 5 Theodore of Mopsuestia, 1 96 Th e odo ret of Cyrrhu s 1 96 Theodoric the Great , king of the ,

Stephen fl , po p e , 298 , 320

Ostrogoths, 23, 39 , 42 , 44 , 45 ,

Stilicho , 1 3

Strasbourg, 23 2 ,

Stremonius ,

258,

261 , 265

Solignac , 1 86 ,

296, 2 9 7 ,

257,

Teutsin d, 278, 2.79

S t Medard, 59, 1 84 , 1 94, 200

S tep hanus ,

,

Ill,

Tersia , 2 1 2

89, 1 45 , 1 5 1 , 223,

-

226

dux of B av ari a 1 03 , 1 6 1 -2 dux of B avaria, 289 taxation , 1 1 , 25, 60, 62-3 , 6 4 , 1 23 , 205 , 2 1 8 , 2 1 9 , 29 1

Tassilo

,

Soissons, 1 5 , 4 1 ,

martyr ,

Tassilo I ,

1 78 ,

Sl avs , 1 78 , 1 9 1 , 24 5 2 8 8 , 3 1 1 , 3 1 3 c xa r c h ,

1 1 2-1 3

Tanais, 34

1 55 ,

209-1 0 , 2 1 1 -1 3

St Mary,

'Solon of the Burgundians' ,

Syagrius , son of Aegidius , 3 8 , 3 9 , 4 1

Sithiu, 2 0 5 , 268

Smaragdus ,

,

1 6, 1 9,

Sisenand, king of the Visigoths , 65 ,

slaves , 1 06 ,

,

S with be rt ,

315 martyr, 8 3 , 240,

4 7 , 5 1 , 5 3 , 5 7 , 1 64-5 , 248 242

Theodoric II , king of the Visigoths ,

1 6 , 22

Su eves, 6, 7 , 1 6

dux of Bavaria, 266, 286,

Su1picius, bishop of Bou rges, 1 50 Sulpicius Alexander, 3 1 , 3 6, 37 Su1picius S everus, Vita Martini, 30 Sunday work, 72 , 1 06, 1 07

TheudebaJd, king of th e Franks , 56,

Sunnichild, 2 7 3 , 2 8 6 , 2 8 7 , 28 8-9

Theudebert I , king of the Franks , 25 ,

Sunne gisel, 1 2 9

Th eoto,

307 , 308

Therouanne, 41 5 7 , 5 9 , 67 , 8 1 , 1 65 , 1 66

S u nno , 34, 36, 37

50, 5 6-7 , 59 , 62 , 64 , 66-7 , 73 , 89 , 1 0 5 , 1 23 , 1 61 , 1 65 , 1 66 ,

Susa, 1 68 , 2 1 0 , 2 8 1 Sussex, 302 Sutton Hoo, 1 7 7 1 7 8 , 295 ,

Swab ia

,

312

1 80, 2 1 6

179,

Theudcbert II , king of the Franks , 5 8 , 9 1 , 9 2 , 9 7 , 1 25 , 1 30-4 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 6 , 1 4 1 , 1 42 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 5

Sweves, 2 56, 273 , 2 8 5 392

,

Index

1 46 , 1 5 1 , 1 6 1 , 1 62 , 1 64 , 1 67 ,

Torcoth, 33

1 68 , 1 69 , 1 73 , 1 75 , 1 76 , 1 7 8 ,

Toulouse, 7 , 46 , 282 3

48, 62, 63 , 79, 8 2 , 86-7 , 8 8 , 9 9 , 1 00 , 1 36-7 , 1 3 8 , 1 6 0 , 2 1 6, 245 , 273-4 , 283 C o u n cil of (5 67) , 1 05 St Martin , 63 , 66, 74, 8 8 , 1 2 8 ,

Tours, 27, 28 ,

Theudechild, 1 22, 1 3 6

83,

Theudefred, 1 8 6 , 242, 250

1 32 , 1 36, 1 62, 1 66, 1 67 , 1 7 3 286

Theudelinda,

1 68 ,

,

Theuderi c I, king of the Franks, 46,

1 94 , 200, 205 , 2 1 6

4 8 , 49 , 5 0 , 5 2-4 , 5 6 , 80 , 82 ,

9 2 , 9 3 , 1 00, 1 1 6 , 1 1 7 , 1 3 7 , 1 4 5 , 1 46, 1 62 , 1 63 ,

1 65 , 1 84, 269

II,

king of th e

73, 9 1 , 97,

125,

F ra n h

1 30-4 ,

1 1 3,

St Maximi n , 279

Troj ans , 3 3-5 , 37 , 38 T royes

1 95 , 205,

Turks, 33

Tusson val, 262, 266

215,

22 1 , 227 , 229 , 230 , 23 1 , 23 3 , 234, 2 3 5 , 237 ' 256, 2 5 8 , 2 6 1 ,

Ulster,

26 2-3 , 264, 267 , 295 Theuderic

IV, kin g

Ultan ,

of the

Fran ks,

2 7 3 , 28 1 , 287 Theuderic, son o f Chilperic I, 1 2 3 , 1 1 3 , 272, 1 24 Theudesinda , 25 6 , 269, 297

Thcudila, 1 3 2 , 1 36, 1 7 3 Theudoald, maior, 256, 267 , 269 , 270 Thorisnmnd, king of the Visigoths, 1 6, 65 , 1 74 Three Chapters, 1 96 , 244 , 246 Thuringia, 35, 37 , 38, 50, 6 5 , 1 57-8 , 1 62-3 , 305 , 309, 3 1 0 , 3 1 1

42, 5 0- 1 , 5 5 , 1 03 , 1 37 , 1 59 , 1 62 , 1 64 , 306, 3 1 1

Thuringians , 3 9 , Tibatto , 1 2

Tiberius

l , emperor ,

9

Tironian notes,

T o lbi ac ,

see

1 53

Tongres, 3 5 Tonnerre, 276

205 ,

,

U ltro gotha, 1 05 , 1 98 , U rsinus ,

,

3 1 3 , 3 1 8, 3 2 0 Uzes,

61

Val e n c e , 8 , 10 ,

12

Council of (585) , 1 0 5 , l 07

Va1en cicnnes, 262

Valens , emp eror, 7 Valentinian I , e m p e ror Valentinian

19

,

9 , 3 4, 35 , 36

III , e mp eror , 7,

8, 9,

1 4,

8, 14

van dcr Vyver, A . , 45

277

Vedast, bishop of Arras, 1 88, 3 1 3 27, 28, 30, 5 1 , 59, 67 , 68 , 7 8 , 8 3 , 84, 1 2 6 ,

Venantiu s Fortunatus, 2 6 ,

Zu l pich

tolls, 63 , 142, 294 , 302

1 90 1 90 232

Vandals, 5 , 6, 7 ,

Tiberius I I , emperor, 6 9 , 1 2 1 , 1 7 9 Tilpin, bishop o f Rheims,

1 44, 276

,

Tru e Cros s , 73-4 , 1 38-9

king o f the Franks ,

1 1 4,

29 8,

Trier, 6, 20, 279

1 35 ,

1 92 , 1 94, 1 95 , 1 9 6, 207, 3 1 4

78,

224 226 U rsio , 97 , 1 26 , 1 27 , 1 28 Ursmar, abbot of Lobbes, 265 U trech t 54, 1 6 1 , 293, 2 9 7 ,

treasure , 65-6 58,

,

1 62 , 1 69 , 1 7 3 , 1 75 , 1 7 6 , 1 7 8 , II l,

293,

2 1 8,

300-3

1 36, 1 4 1 , 1 42 , 1 43 , 1 44 , 1 5 1 ,

Thcuderic

269,

217,

trade, 2 1 6 ,

8 4, 8 9 , 9 1 ,

Theuderi c

-

Tournai, 40, 4 1 , 44

1 92 , 207 , 3 1 4 , 322

21 5-1 6 ,

263 ,

1 27 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 3 , 1 37 , 1 38 , 1 39 , 1 49 , 1 6 1 , 1 63 , 1 64 , 1 70 , 1 76 ,

24 6 1 23 , 206, 2 1 6

1 8 1 , 1 83 4 , 20 1 ,

Verdun , 393

-

66,

The Merovingian Kingdoms

Vettius Ep a gathu s ,

28

Vita Geretrudis, 223, 247 , 260

Vetus Gallica, 250, 25 1

Vexin, 264 Vezeronce, 5 2 , 53, 5 6 Vi c t orin u s , martyr, 242 Victorius, dux, 1 8 , 1 9 Victorius of Aquitaine,

Vita Hrodberti , 266

Vitalian ,

Vita Pardulfi, 2 84

Vita Patrum lurensium, 1 5- 1 6 , 1 83

244

Vita Rigoberti,

vicus Helena, 37

Vienne,

24, 2 5 , 43, 7 1 , 1 33 ,

1 82 ,

Vita Sadalbergae, 1 87 , 233 Vita Sulpicii, 1 50

196 24 5-6

Vita Vulframni, 3 1 8- 1 9

,

Vikings, 275, 277 , 2 94

Vivilo, bishop of Passau , 308

Vincent, martyr, 1 70

Vinchy,

267 ,

268 ,

Vollore, 82

27 1 ,

277 ,

278 ,

Volvic , 225

31 8 Virgil,

Vo s ge s , 1 45

bishop of

S al zb u rg , 307 , 308 ,

309 , 3 1 0, 321

Vi s i g o t h s , 5,

13,

1 4,

6-8 , 15,

9,

10,

1 1,

12,

1 6- 1 9 ,

21,

38,

56,

Voulon, see Waccho,

5 4 , 5 5 , 5 7 , 6 5 , 8 0 , 1 03

W addo , 95 , 96, 97, 99, 1 29

,

1 20 ,

king of the Lombards,

1 5 9 , 1 64 , 1 6 9 -7 5 , 1 7 6 , 1 7 9 ,

Waifar, dux of Aqu it ain e , 284

1 80, 3 1 1

Waimar, 23 1 W alchere n , 293 Waldebert,

Vita Amandi, 245

Audoini,

B e san� o n

264

Luxeuil, 1 87,

151,

1 54 ,

1 92 ,

238 ,

Boniti, 8 1 -2 ,

247 ,

249 ,

Vita Desiderii Cadurcensis, 1 49 ,

151,

25 1 , 25 3 1 52 , 1 53-4 Vitae Landiberti Traeiectensis, 229, 25 1 , 270 Vita Eligii, 1 50 , 1 5 4 1 60 , 1 69 , 1 8 6 , ,

1 99-200,

2 1 7- 1 8 ,

Vita Eucherii, 275 , 277, 279

of

Visigoths, 7 ,

the

king

of

the

Visigoths,

1 74-5 , 229, 322

Wando , abbot of St Wa n drill e

,

250,

252, 277 , 27 8 , 3 1 8 Wandregisil, abb ot

of

S t Wandrille,

1 8 6 , 1 92, 1 93 , 2 1 4 , 246, 247,

264, 279 , 294

Waratto, maior, 205, 255 , 2 56, 258,

259, 260 , 2 6 1 , 278

220,

237-8, 242, 246

Warattonids, 259, 260

Warnachar,

m aio r, 1 34, 1 4 1 , 1 44, 1 46,

1 97 , 236

Vitae Wandregisili, 1 8 6, 246, 247-8

Warni, 1 03

Vita Filiberti, 1 88 , 237

Vita Fursei, 247 , 249

king

1 1-1 2, 1 3 Wamba ,

243 ,

1 85 , 1 89 , 1 92

1 29

W allia ,

224, 247

,

Waldelenus, tuto r of Childebert I I ,

Vita Balthildis, 63 , 1 93-4 , 1 9 8 , 20 1 ,

1 92 ,

of

fathe r of D on atu s of

Waldelenus, ,

Vita A rnulfi, 259-60 247

abbot

1 66

188, 248

Vita A mati, 244 Vita A nsberti, 25 1

1 06 ,

'Vouille'

3 9 , 4 1 , 42 , 43 , 44, 4 6 , 49,

Visio Eucherii, 275 , 277

Vita

4 6 , 47 , 48, 55,

'Vouille',

1 1 2 , 1 64

Visio Baronti, 2 1 7 , 247 , 2 49

Vita

277

Vita Rusticulae, 1 44

2 1 0 , 2 1 6 , 252, 254

V igiliu s , pope,

pope, 246

Vita Lupi Senonici, 1 44

Wamo, 2 69 394

Index Weimar, 3 8 , 40

Winfri d , bishop of Lichfield, 295

Wends , 1 62, 1 63 , 1 64, 1 69

Winfrith ,

Westfalia, 3 1 6

Wio ma d

West Saxons, 3 1 4

Wisi gard

Whi tby, Sy nod o f (664) ,

Widerad,

abbot

of

315

278

Widogast,

B oniface

,

archbishop of

,

39

,

1 23 , 1 66

Wisogast, 1 09

Flavigny, 206,

207 Wido ,

see

Mainz

Wessex, 1 7 8, 253

Witlaic, abbot of St Wandrille , 279

Witteric, king of the Visigoths, 1 32,

1 4 1 , 1 73

1 09

Worms, 266, 308

Widohem , 109

Wuldetrada, 1 61 , 1 66, 1 76-7

Widukind, Saxon l e ader, 1 64, 3 1 9

Wulfetrude , 1 94, 223

Wulfoald, maior, 223 , 227, 228 , 230,

Wihtbert, 3 1 6, 3 1 7 Wilfrid, bishop of York, 1 79 , 23 1-2,

232 , 234, 235

234, 252-3 , 29 5 , 296, 297 , 302,

Wulfram, bish op of Sens, 44,

3 1 1 , 3 1 5-1 6, 3 1 7, 3 2 1

Wilrzburg, 306, 308, 312

318

Willebad, 1 56 Willibald,

Vita Bonifatii,

29 5,

296,

York, 303

305-6, 307, 308-1 0, 3 1 8 , 320

Willib rord, 161 , 1 63 , 206, 265 , 27 1 , 302 , 303 , 305, 3 1 0, 3 1 1 , 3 1 6,

310 Zulpich, 4 5-6

3 1 7-20, 3 2 1 Willicharius,

Zacharias, pope,

bisho p of Vie nne 25 4 ,

wills, 203, 206-1 3 , 237

395

250, 29 1 , 292 , 308,