The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Volume XI: The Caribbean Diaspora, 1910–1920 9780822392729

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THE

MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

PAPERS Caribbean Series SPONSORED BY National Endowment for the Humanities National Historical Publications and Records Commission James S. Coleman African Studies Center, University of California, Los Angeles SUPPORTED BY Ahmanson Foundation Ford Foundation Rockefeller Foundation UCLA Foundation

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD

Fitzroy Baptiste† Richard Blackett O. Nigel Bolland Philippe Bourgois Bridget Brereton Patrick Bryan Ronald N. Harpelle Richard Hart Winston James Rupert Lewis Hollis R. Lynch Colin Palmer Stephan Palmié Brenda Gayle Plummer K. W. J. Post

iii

Hon. Marcus Garvey, D. S. O. E

THE

MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION

PAPERS

Volume XI The Caribbean Diaspora 1910–1920 Robert A. Hill, Editor in Chief John Dixon, Associate Editor Mariela Haro Rodríguez, Assistant Editor Anthony Yuen, Assistant Editor

D U K E U N I V E R S I T Y PR E S S Durham and London 2011

The preparation of this volume was made possible in part by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency, and the National Historical Publications and Records commission. Production of the volume has also been supported by grants from the Ahmanson Foundation, the Ford Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the UCLA Foundation.

Duke University Press gratefully acknowledges the support of the National Historical Publications and Records Commission (NHPRC), which provided funds toward the production of this book. Documents in this volume from the Public Record Office are © British Crown copyright material and are published by permission of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. The volume was designed by Linda M. Robertson and set in Galliard and Stempel Garamond type. Photographs and illustrations were digitized using a Xerox DocuImage 620s scanner and an Epson Perfection 1650 scanner. Copyright © 2011 Duke University Press.

Cataloging-in-Publication data on file with the Library of Congress.

ISBN 978-0-8223-4690-6

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper ∞

DEDICATED TO THE PEOPLE OF THE CARIBBEAN

As one who knows the people well, I make no apology for prophesying that there will soon be a turning point in the history of the West Indies; and that the people who inhabit that portion of the Western Hemisphere will be the instruments of uniting a scattered race who, before the close of many centuries, will found an Empire on which the sun shall shine as ceaselessly as it shines on the Empire of the North today. MARCUS GARVEY October 1913

viii

It is the duty of West Indians of light and leading who are domiciled in foreign countries to lead in the demand for a West Indian renaissance. They should not be satisfied with mere assertions of loyalty to any particular country, for they owe a higher loyalty to the islands where they were born. Therefore we suggest that men and women get together now, even as Irish, Czecho-Slovaks, Alsatians, Poles and Hindoos have done, and begin to formulate plans for the betterment of their respective islands. This is not the time to be laggards; it is the time to be up and doing. WEST INDIANS, WAKE UP! “RECONSTRUCTION IN THE WEST INDIES” Negro World, ca. 1 March 1919

ix

CONTRIBUTING SCHOLARS

Ronald N. Harpelle Alana Johnson Simon Jones-Hendrickson Gregory R. LaMotta Michael Louis Susan Lowes Marc C. McLeod Melanie Newton Ira P. Philip Brenda Gayle Plummer Lara Elizabeth Putnam Glen Richards† Bonham C. Richardson Reinaldo L. Román Gail D. Saunders Cleve McD. Scott Mimi Sheller Richard Smith Peter A. Szok Melisse Thomas-Bailey Nigel Westmaas Kevin A. Yelvington

Rosanne Adderley Peter D. Ashdown Patrick L. Baker O. Nigel Bolland Philippe Bourgois Bridget Brereton David Browne Marcelo Bucheli Carla Burnett Marcia Burrowes Kim D. Butler Aviva Chomsky Michael Conniff Edward L. Cox Juanita De Barros Dario A. Euraque Marion Bethel Francis Helen Francis-Seaman Humberto García-Muñiz Jorge L. Giovannetti-Torres Julia Greene Frank Guridy

xi

CONTENTS

PHOTOGRAPHS

xlv

ILLUSTRATIONS

xlix liii

MAPS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

lv

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

lix

HISTORY OF THE EDITION

xcix

EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES

ciii

TEXTUAL DEVICES

cix

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

cxi

Repository Symbols cxi Manuscript Collection Symbols cxiii Descriptive Symbols cxiv Abbreviations of Published Works cxv Other Symbols and Abbreviations cxvii cxix

CHRONOLOGY

HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES The Bahamas Barbados Bermuda Brazil British Guiana (Guyana) British Honduras (Belize) Costa Rica

xiii

cxlv cli clv clxi clxvii clxxv clxxxi

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Cuba Dominica Dominican Republic Grenada Guatemala Haiti Honduras Leeward Islands Panama and the Canal Zone Puerto Rico St. Lucia St. Vincent and the Grenadines Trinidad and Tobago U.S. Virgin Islands World War I

clxxxix cxcvii cci ccix ccxiii ccxix ccxxiii ccxxix ccxli ccxlix ccliii cclix cclxiii cclxxi cclxxv

THE PAPERS 1910 28 May

Report of a Pamphlet by Marcus Garvey

3

Essay by Niger in Our Own

3

Vox Populi to the Daily Gleaner

7

16 March

Article in the Limón Times

9

16 March

Marcus Garvey to the Limón Times

12

17 March

“Dawnist” to the Limón Times

15

18 March

Editorial in the Limón Times

15

30 March

Editorial in the Limón Times

17

5 April

Editorial in the Limón Times

17

5 April

“Enid” to the Limón Times

20

9 April

“Gallo del Monte” to the Limón Times

23

14 April

“A Nation” to the Limón Times

24

23 April

Item in the Limón Times

25

1 August 25 August 1911

xiv

CONTENTS

Item in the Limón Times

26

9 May

Henry Hylton to the Limón Times

26

9 May

Item in the Limón Times

27

10 May

Item in the Limón Times

28

13 May

Henry Hylton to the Limón Times

29

14 May

Item in the Limón Times

31

18 May

Editorial in the Limón Times

31

20 May

Editorial in the Limón Times

33

14 June

Article in the Limón Times

34

19 June

Article in the Limón Times

35

24 August

Article in the Clarion

36

31 August

Item in the Clarion

37

Marcus Garvey to the Clarion

37

19 May

Umbilla to the Jamaica Times

43

20 June

Umbilla to the Jamaica Times

44

Article in the Daily Gleaner

48

Article in the Daily Gleaner

49

Article in the Jamaica Times

49

Marcus Garvey in the African Times and Orient Review

49

17 January

Article in the Jamaica Times

57

7 February

Article in the Jamaica Times

58

Marcus Garvey in the Tourist

58

Article in the Daily Gleaner

63

27 April

14 September 1912

26 September 1913 28 May 18 October October

1914

June 11 July

xv

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1914 13 July

W. G. Hinchcliffe to the Gleaner

63

15 July

Marcus Garvey to the Gleaner

65

Pamphlet by Marcus Garvey

66

Sir William Henry Manning, Governor, Jamaica, to Lewis Harcourt, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 16 September Marcus Garvey to Lewis Harcourt, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 76

75

Report in the Christian Science Monitor

78

25 October

Article in the Gleaner

79

30 October

Article in the Gleaner

80

Article in the Daily Gleaner

82

Article in the New York News

83

19 September

Robert Josias Morgan et al., to the Jamaica Times

84

14 November

Article in the Daily Gleaner

87

Marcus Garvey in Champion Magazine (Chicago)

87

3 June

Amy Ashwood to Marcus Garvey

92

10 June

Amy Ashwood to Marcus Garvey

94

Travers Buxton, Secretary, Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, to Walter Hines Page, U.S. Ambassador to Britain ca. 4 July Resolution by the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society 97

95

ca. July–August 9 October

27 October 1915

1916 18 January 5 April

1917 January

9 July

xvi

CONTENTS

1918 8 April

John H. Pilgrim, Secretary, National Association of Loyal Negroes, to the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society

97

27 June

Dusé Mohammed Ali, Editor, African Times and Orient Review, to Dillon C. Govin, Secretary, Association of Universal Loyal Negroes

100

August

Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana, 101 to Duke of Devonshire, Governor General, Canada 22 July Circular Letter from Dillon C. Govin, Secretary, Association of Universal Loyal Negroes 102

19 September

Duke of Devonshire, Governor General, Canada, to Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana 2 August Dillon C. Govin, Secretary, Association of Universal Loyal Negroes, Montreal Branch, to J. B. Yearwood, Association of Universal Loyal Negroes 104

104

15 October

Robert Johnstone, Acting Colonial Secretary, Jamaica, to the Censor, Jamaica August Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana, to Leslie Probyn, Governor, Jamaica 107

106

Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana, to Claude Mallet, British Consul, Panama

108

October

7 November

U.S. Postal Censorship Report

109

9 November

Petition from John H. Pilgrim et al., National Association of Loyal Negroes, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office

111

22 November

Claude Mallet, British Consul, Panama, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office

114

xvii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1918 26 November

U.S. Postal Censorship Report

115

Claude Mallet, British Consul, Panama, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office 10 November Resolutions by the UNIA and African Communities League 117

116

11 December

U.S. Postal Censorship Report

118

11 December

U.S. Postal Censorship Report

121

Augustus Duncan, Executive Secretary, West Indian Protective Society, to the St. Vincent Times

123

John H. Pilgrim, Director of Research, National Association of Loyal Negroes, to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 15 January John H. Pilgrim, Director of Research, National Association of Loyal Negroes, to W. E. B. Du Bois and R. R. Moton

127

4 December

1919 ca. 2 January

15 January

24 January

127

Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, 129 Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados 10 January 1919 B. B. Cubitt, Assistant Under Secretary of State, War Office, to the Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office 134 29 December 1918 Letter from Major-General Henry Fleetwood Thuillier, General Commanding Officer, Taranto 134 27 December 1918 Major Maxwell Smith, Commanding Officer, Eighth British West Indies Regiment, to Major-General Henry Fleetwood Thuillier, General Commanding Officer, Taranto 136

xviii

CONTENTS

17 December 1918 Report on Caribbean League Meeting 137 14 January 1919 B. B. Cubitt, Assistant Under Secretary of State, War Office, to the Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office 138 26 January

Letter to the Daily Chronicle

139

28 January

W. H. Simpson to Marcus Garvey

142

3 February

Mary White Ovington, Acting Chairman, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, to John H. Pilgrim, Director of Research, National Association of Loyal Negroes

145

10 February

W. E. Allen, Acting Chief, Bureau of Investigation, to William M. Offley, Superintendent, Bureau of Investigation New York Division 16 January U.S. Postal Censorship Report

147

148

13 February

Robert Walter, Officer Administering the Government, British Honduras, to Rufus Isaacs, British Ambassador to the United States

152

17 February

Robert Walter, Officer Administering the Government, British Honduras, to Rufus Isaacs, British Ambassador to the United States

154

18 February

Letter to the Negro World

155

19 February

Claude Mallet, British Consul, Panama, to Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Foreign Office 4 December 1918 Petition from the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes 158 4 December 1918 Appendix to Petition from the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes 161 4 December 1918 Appendix to Petition from the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes 163

158

xix

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 20 February

Paraphrase Telegram from Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados

165

21 February

Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados 27 January J. A. Corcoran, Assistant Secretary of State, War Office, to the Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office 167 9 January Major-General H. L. Alexander, General Headquarters, to the Secretary, War Office 167 5 January Major-General Henry Fleetwood Thuillier, General Commanding Officer, Taranto, to General Headquarters 168 3 January Major Maxwell Smith, Commanding Officer, Eighth British West Indies Regiment, to Major-General Henry Fleetwood Thuillier, General Commanding Officer, Taranto 169

166

23 February

William L. Allardyce, Governor, Bahamas, to Admiral Morgan Singer, Commander in Chief, Bermuda

171

24 February

U.S. Postal Censorship Report

172

28 February

Article in the West Indian

173

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

179

4 March

10 March

William L. Hurley, Office of the Under Secretary, 181 U.S. Department of State, to L. Lanier Winslow, Office of the Counselor, U.S. Department of State 26 January National Association of Loyal Negroes to the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society 181

xx

CONTENTS

14 March

Military Representative, Executive Postal Censorship Committee, New York, to Brigadier General Marlborough Churchill, Director, U.S. Military Intelligence Division 18 February Edgar McCarthy, Secretary, UNIA Colon Division, to the General Secretary, UNIA and ACL 185 18 February List of Members of the UNIA Colon Division 186

184

23 March

Article in the West Indian

187

29 March

Article in L’Essor Quotidien

190

Letter to the Colonial Office, 31 March Eliézer Cadet to David Lloyd George, Prime Minister 192

192

11 April

Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Foreign Office, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office

194

20 April

Article in the Daily Chronicle

197

25 April

Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign 198 Office, to Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Foreign Office

3 April

9 May

George E. Chamberlin, U.S. Consul, British Guiana, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State 3 May George Ball-Greene, Acting Colonial Secretary, British Guiana, to George E. Chamberlin, U.S. Consul, British Guiana 204

199

10 May

Cecil Clementi, Officer Administering the Government, British Guiana, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

205

16 May

Editorial in L’Essor Quotidien

207

xxi

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 2 June

George E. Chamberlin, U.S. Consul, British Guiana, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State 31 May B. H. Bayley, Acting Assistant Colonial Secretary, British Guiana, to George E. Chamberlin, U.S. Consul, British Guiana 210

209

14 June

Arden A. Bryan to the Negro World

210

18 June

William M. Gordon, Acting Governor, Trinidad, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 6 June Aucher Warner, Attorney General, Trinidad, to William M. Gordon, Acting Governor, Trinidad 214 10 June William M. Gordon, Acting Governor, Trinidad, to Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana 215

212

27 June

“Marshall” to James Wilson

216

27 June

Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Foreign Office, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office 10 May Edmund D. Watt, British Legation, Haiti, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office 219 27 April William Henry Pauton Gibbons to King George V 219

218

28 June

Article in the Chicago Defender

224

28 June

Article in the Negro World

224

3 July

Paraphrase Telegram from Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados

227

6 July

Article in the Daily Chronicle

228

xxii

CONTENTS

8 July

William Stoute to Marcus Garvey, Managing Editor, Negro World

229

14 July

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

230

14 July

R. E. M. Jack to the St. Vincent Times

236

30 July

Address by Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Barbadian Planters

239

31 July

Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras, to 247 Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 10 May Edmund D. Watt, British Legation, Haiti, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office 219 ca. 31 July Memorandum by Robert Walter, Acting Governor, British Honduras 257 27 July Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras, to George O’Donnell Walton, Acting Chief Justice, British Honduras 258 27 July George O’Donnell Walton, Acting Chief Justice, British Honduras, to Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras 259

5 August

Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen, Leeward Islands Police, to the Acting Inspector, St. Kitts-Nevis Police

261

6 August

Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent, to George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands

268

10 August

Memorandum by Sergeant Thomas Foley, Panama Canal Zone Police, to Captain Guy Johannes, Chief, Panama Canal Zone Police and Fire Division

271

19 August

J. Rodriguez Tamayo, Assistant Superintendent, Baraguá Sugar Company, to William E. Gonzales, U.S. Minister to Cuba

275

xxiii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 19 August

George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

276

19 August

George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, to Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent

278

22 August

Article in the Daily Argosy

279

22 August

William E. Gonzales, U.S. Minister to Cuba, to Juan Montalvo y Morales, Secretary of Government, Cuba

281

22 August

William E. Gonzales, U.S. Minister to Cuba, 281 to J. Rodriguez Tamayo, Assistant Superintendent, Baraguá Sugar Company

28 August

Reuben Holder to the Negro World

282

30 August

Amy Ashwood Letter in the Negro World

283

2 September

Cecil Clementi, Officer Administering the Government, British Guiana, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

286

2 September

Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent, to George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands

288

J. H. Seymour, UNIA Colon Division, to the Workman

291

Hermon L. A. Thompson to the Inter-Colonial Supply Company

291

Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to H. E. W. Grant, Officer Administering the Government, Bahamas

296

ca. 3 September

3 September

10 September

xxiv

CONTENTS

10 September

Gilbert E. A. Grindle, Assistant Under Secretary 299 of State, Colonial Office, to Major John R. Chancellor, Governor, Trinidad 29 July William M. Gordon, Acting Governor, Trinidad, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 300 29 July G. H. May, Inspector General of Constabulary, Trinidad, to William M. Gordon, Acting Colonial Secretary, Trinidad 306 22 July Report by Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell Smith, Dispersal Area Commandant, Trinidad, to the Commandant of Local Forces, Trinidad 307 7 August William M. Gordon, Acting Governor, Trinidad, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 307 30 July George F. Huggins et al., to William M. Gordon, Acting Colonial Secretary, Trinidad 309 5 August Report by G. H. May, Inspector General of Constabulary, Trinidad, to William M. Gordon, Acting Colonial Secretary, Trinidad 312

15 September

Dorris Francis, Secretary, UNIA Colon Ladies Division, to the Dispatch

313

20 September

Geo. M. Du Sauzay to the Workman

315

20 September

Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State, to Albert S. Burleson, U.S. Postmaster General 24 August E. B. Montgomery, U.S. Vice-Consulin-Charge, Costa Rica, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State 318

318

20 September

John S. Johnson to the Daily Chronicle

320

22 September

A. L. Flint, Chief of Office, Panama Canal Company, to Frank Burke, Assistant Director and Chief, Bureau of Investigation

325

xxv

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 23 September

Frank Burke, Assistant Director and Chief, Bureau of Investigation, to A. L. Flint, Chief of Office, Panama Canal Company

326

27 September

Chester Harding, Governor, Panama Canal Zone, to Acting Chief Quarantine Officer, Balboa Heights, Panama Canal Zone

327

27 September

Report of Court of Policy Debate on Seditious Publications Bill

328

1 October

Publication of St. Vincent Government Gazette

342

1 October

George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, in the West Indian

344

1 October

Dorris Francis, Secretary, UNIA Colon Ladies Division, to the Workman

345

3 October

Secretary of the Admiralty to George V. Fiddes, Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office 1 September Vice-Admiral Morgan Singer, Commander in Chief, North America and the West Indies, to the Secretary of the Admiralty 350

346

6 October

Samuel Kress, Assistant Superintendent, United Fruit Company, Costa Rica Division, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company

352

6 October

Anderson Joseph to the Negro World

353

7 October

George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

356

8 October

Albert S. Burleson, U.S. Postmaster General, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State

357

xxvi

CONTENTS

9 October

A. L. Flint, Chief of Office, Panama Canal Company, to Frank Burke, Assistant Director and Chief, Bureau of Investigation 27 September Chester Harding, Governor, Panama Canal Zone, to A. L. Flint, Chief of Office, Panama Canal Company 358 27 September Clipping from the Panama Star and Herald 359

357

9 October

Jasmine Tavanier, Treasurer, UNIA Ladies Division, to the Workman

359

Horatio N. Huggins and 374 Others, Stubbs District, St. Vincent, to George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands

360

ca. 11 October

Richard A. Bennett and Others to Marcus Garvey

362

ca. 11 October

“Blackie” to the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper 363

ca. 11 October

Editorial in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper

363

“Strolling Scribbler” in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper

364

Dave Davidson, Vice President, UNIA St. Thomas Division, to the Negro World

365

ca. 11 October

“A Grenadian” to the West Indian

366

ca. 11 October

Article in the Dispatch

368

ca. 11 October

Article in the Dispatch

370

11 October

E. Theo Phillip to the Negro World

372

12 October

R. E. M. Jack to the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper

374

10 October

11 October

ca. 11 October

xxvii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 13 October

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 24 September Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Cecil Clementi, Officer Administering the Government, British Guiana 377

375

14 October

B. Jemmott to the Negro World 20 September Article in the Dispatch

378 378

14 October

R. E. M. Jack to Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent, and George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands

380

15 October

Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent, to R. E. M. Jack

381

17 October

Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent, to Horatio N. Huggins, Stubbs District, St. Vincent

381

18 October

Editorial in the West Indian

383

19 October

J. A. H. Thor[n]e to Marcus Garvey

386

22 October

Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State, to Albert S. Burleson, U.S. Postmaster General 5 October Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State 389

388

Article in the Port of Spain Gazette

390

24 October

Editorial in the West Indian

391

24 October

Editorial in the West Indian

394

ca. 25 October

Richard A. Bennett and Others to Marcus Garvey

396

ca. 25 October

Article by George M. Du Sauzay in the Dispatch

397

ca. 22 October

xxviii

CONTENTS

Joseph H. Bonney in the Negro World

402

27 October

William Phillips, Assistant U.S. Secretary of State, to Albert S. Burleson, U.S. Postmaster General 25 September Walter S. Penfield to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State 405 5 August Nathaniel H. Hibbert to Luís Garcia, Governor, Limón 408

405

27 October

“Marshall” to James Wilson

409

30 October

“Marshall” to James Wilson

411

31 October

Memorandum by Arthur W. Kennedy, Inspector, Panama Canal Zone Police, to Captain Guy Johannes, Chief, Panama Canal Zone Police and Fire Division

413

Article in the Negro World

414

ca.1 November

John E. Banton to the Negro World

416

ca. 1 November

A. McNaught, Ex-Sergeant, Sixth British West Indies Regiment, to the Negro World

417

ca. 1 November

Clement M. Clarke to the Negro World

420

2 November

Article in the Workman

424

3 November

H. J. Donnelly, Acting Solicitor, U.S. Post Office, to Walter S. Penfield

425

7 November

Article in the West Indian

426

7 November

Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary, Black Star Line, to Osiris de Bourg

427

Article in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper

429

10 November

Richard A. Bennett to the Negro World

429

11 November

William L. Allardyce, Governor, Bahamas, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

431

ca. 25 October

1 November

ca. 8 November

xxix

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 11 November

H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company, to Victor M. Cutter, Vice President, United Fruit Company

435

13 November

R. E. M. Jack to Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent

437

R. E. M. Jack in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper

437

14 November

S. W. Heald, Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company, to R. B. Walker, Receiving and Forwarding Agent, Panama Railroad Company 12 November Memorandum by L. L. Gilkey, Labor Inspector, Panama Canal Zone Executive Department 438 11 November F. S. Ricketts et al., to Chester Harding, Governor, Panama Canal Zone 439

438

14 November

William L. Allardyce, Governor, Bahamas, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

440

18 November

Article in L’Essor Quotidien

440

20 November

Article in the West Indian

442

21 November

R. B. Walker, Receiving and Forwarding Agent, Panama Railroad Company, to S. W. Heald, Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company

443

26 November

S. W. Heald, Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company, to R. B. Walker, Receiving and Forwarding Agent, Panama Railroad Company 25 November Chester Harding, Governor, Panama Canal Zone, to F. S. Ricketts et al. 444

444

28 November

Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados

445

ca. 14 November

xxx

CONTENTS

ca. 29 November

Ellen Joshua in the Workman

445

ca. 29 November

“Truth” in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper

446

2 December

Article in the Trinidad Guardian

448

6 December

H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company

449

United Fruit Company Report

450

7 December

George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company, to H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company

451

8 December

George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company, to H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company

452

ca. 6 December

15 December

H. K. F. to George P. Chittenden, General 453 Manager, United Fruit Company, and H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company

17 December

Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State

454

20 December

Cyril Henry, Assistant Treasurer, Black Star Line, to the Negro World

455

Article in the Workman

460

20 December

Memorandum by the Boarding Officer, Panama Canal Zone Police and Fire Division, to Lawrence W. Callaway, District Commander, Panama Canal Zone Police

462

20 December

Peter E. Batson to the Negro World

462

20 December

Fred D. Powell, General Secretary, UNIA New York Division, to the Negro World

467

20 Deember

xxxi

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 21 December

Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State 17 December Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company 472 17 December George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company, to Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica 473 17 December Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica, to LuÍs GarcÍa, Governor, Limón 474 18 December LuÍs GarcÍa, Governor, Limón, to Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica 475

470

21 December

George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company, to Victor M. Cutter, Vice President, United Fruit Company 19 December H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company 477

476

21 December

Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State

479

21 December

Article in the Panama Star and Herald

481

22 December

Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State

483

23 December

LuÍs GarcÍa, Governor, Limón, to Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica 22 December Carlos U. Jiménez, Costa Rica Department of Government and Police, to Stewart E. McMillin U.S. Consul, Costa Rica 485

485

23 December

Leopold S. Amery, Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados

488

xxxii

CONTENTS

ca. 23 December

Paraphrase Telegram from Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’ Brien, Governor, Barbados

489

23 December

Address by Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Barbados Employers

489

26 December

Cablegram from S. W. Heald, Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company

491

29 December

Article in the Panama Star and Herald

492

29 December

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas 10 December Secretary of State to William L. Allardyce, Governor, Bahamas 495

494

31 December

M. C. O’Hearn, General Agent, United Fruit Company, to H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company

496

December

British Cabinet Report

496

December

Report by A. D. Russell on the Enquiry into Disturbances in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad

497

Article in the Workman

500

D. H. O’Connor, UNIA Colon Division, to the Workman

502

5 January

Sanchez Gonzales, Provincial Governor, San Pedro de Macorís, Dominican Republic, to Philip Van Putten, President, UNIA San Pedro de Macorís Division

505

8 January

E. R. White, Acting Second Assistant Postmaster General, to the Solicitor, U.S. Post Office

507

1920 3 January ca. 3 January

xxxiii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1920 9 January

Pledge Signed by Francis Louis Gardier et al.

509

9 January

Augustus Duncan, Executive Secretary, West Indian Protective Society, to the Governor, St. Vincent

513

10 January

Article in the West Indian

515

11 January

Article in the West Indian

516

12 January

“Marshall” to James Wilson

516

12 January

“Etta” [Marie Duchatellier] to John E. Bruce

518

Article in the Workman

521

“Marshall” to James Wilson

521

Article in the Dominica Guardian

522

24 January

Article in the Workman

528

29 January

“Marshall” to James Wilson

528

29 January

Editorial in the Dominica Guardian

529

Article in the Workman

531

3 February

“Marshall” to James Wilson

532

5 February

Leopold S. Amery, Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados 5 February Gilbert E. A. Grindle, Assistant Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to the Under Secretary of State, Foreign Office 533 8 January Augustus Duncan, Executive Secretary, West Indian Protective Society, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 534

533

ca. 18 January 22 January ca. 23 January

ca. 30 January

xxxiv

CONTENTS

6 February

Unsigned Letter to Victor M. Cutter, Vice President, United Fruit Company

536

7 February

Editorial in the Daily Argosy

537

8 February

George N. Caterson to the Workman

539

10 February

“Marshall” to James Wilson

542

11 February

“Marshall” to James Wilson

543

17 February

By-Laws of the “Universal Improvement Association and Communities League” Society, Havana, Cuba

545

20 February

William L. Hurley, Office of the Under Secretary, U.S. Department of State, to Frank Burke, Assistant Director and Chief, Bureau of Investigation 7 February Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State 547

546

20 February

Rowland Sperling, Assistant Secretary, Foreign Office, to R. C. Lindsay, Counsellor, British Embassy, Washington, D.C.

548

20 February

Articles in the Daily Chronicle

550

21 February

J. R. Ralph Casimir to Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary, Black Star Line

554

23 February

Wilfred Bennett Davidson-Houston, Administrator, St. Lucia, to George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands 21 February Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Deane, Chief, St. Lucia Police, to Wilfred Bennett Davidson-Houston, Administrator, St. Lucia 562

557

xxxv

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1920 24 February

Major Norman Randolph, Department Intelligence Officer, Panama Canal Zone, to the Office of the Chief of Staff, U.S. Military Intelligence Division, Washington, D.C.

565

25 February

Thomas F. Murphy, Assistant U.S. Postmaster to the Negro World

565

25 February

Article in the Evening News

566

26 February

Report by Major Norman Randolph, Department Intelligence Officer, Panama Canal Zone

567

1 March

“Marshall” to James Wilson

572

2 March

Report by Major Norman Randolph, Department Intelligence Officer, Panama Canal Zone

573

2 March

Marcus Garvey to the Governor, British Guiana

575

3 March

“Marshall” to James Wilson

577

4 March

“Marshall” to James Wilson

577

4 March

Article in the Clarion

578

5 March

Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to the U.S. Secretary of State

579

7 March

Article in the Daily Chronicle

580

8 March

Memorandum by R. Carter to Captain Guy Johannes, Chief, Panama Canal Zone Police and Fire Division

582

Maurice Peterson, British Embassy, Washington, D.C., to Frederick Watson, British Consulate General, New York

582

10 March

xxxvi

CONTENTS

10 March

Weekly Situation Survey by U.S. Military Intelligence Division

583

11 March

“Marshall” to James Wilson

584

12 March

Article in the West Indian

584

18 March

Frederick Watson, British Consulate General, New York, to Maurice Peterson, British Embassy, Washington, D.C.

585

19 March

R. C. Lindsay, Counsellor, British Embassy, Washington D.C., to Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Secretary of State, Foreign Office 25 February R. C. Lindsay, Counsellor, British Embassy, Washington, D.C., to Leslie Probyn, Governor, Jamaica 586

585

22 March

Vice-Admiral T. D. W. Napier, Commander in Chief, Bermuda, to the Secretary of the Admiralty

587

27 March

J. R. Ralph Casimir to the Editors of the Emancipator

588

30 March

Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary, Black Star Line, to J. R. Ralph Casimir

593

30 March

Frederick Watson, British Consulate General, New York, to Maurice Peterson, British Embassy, Washington D.C.

594

ca. March

V. P. M. Langton to the Crusader

595

ca. March

“J. U. G.” to the Crusader

596

ca. 4 April

Article in the Negro World

597

General James Willcocks, Governor, Bermuda, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

597

5 April

xxxvii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1920 9 April

H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company

599

Article in the Negro World

601

14 April

Major John R. Chancellor, Governor, Trinidad, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 6 April Report by Aucher Warner, Attorney General, Trinidad, on the Seditious Publications Ordinance 605

603

14 April

Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

607

15 April

Edward M. Merewether, Governor, Leeward Islands, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 9 March Harry Gloster Armstrong, British Consul General, New York, to Edward M. Merewether, Governor, Leeward Islands 612

610

17 April

Article in the Afro-American

612

Article in the Emancipator

613

20 April

Samuel A. Haynes, General Secretary, UNIA British Honduras Division, to Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras

617

22 April

H. D. Curry, Private Secretary to the Governor, British Honduras, to Samuel A. Haynes, General Secretary, UNIA British Honduras Division

618

22 April

Samuel A. Haynes, General Secretary, UNIA British Honduras Division, to Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras

619

ca. 10 April

ca. 17 April

xxxviii

CONTENTS

24 April

Article in the Workman

620

26 April

J. R. Ralph Casimir in the Negro World

621

27 April

Marcus Garvey in the Negro World

629

29 April

Article in the Clarion

632

29 April

Article in the Negro World

641

1 May

Article in the Negro World

646

5 May

“C. M. S.” in the Belize Independent

652

8 May

Vice-Admiral T. D. W. Napier, Commander in Chief, Bermuda, to the Secretary of the Admiralty

654

8 May

C. W. Dixon, Principal Clerk, Colonial Office, to the Secretary of the Admiralty 6 March George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 656

654

8 May

Article in the Workman

658

Article in the Negro World

659

10 May

Samuel A. Haynes, General Secretary, UNIA British Honduras Division, to the Clarion

661

13 May

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas

663

Reports of Mass Meetings Against Passage of the Seditious Ordinance Legislation

664

Kenneth Solomon, Acting Attorney General, Bahamas, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas

672

ca. 8 May

19, 20, 27 May

20 May

xxxix

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1920 21 May

Sergeant J. S. Straun, Leeward Islands Police, and J. H. Bryan, Constable, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders, Inspector, Leeward Islands Police

674

25 May

Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados

683

25 May

Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders, Inspector, Leeward Islands Police

686

28 May

J. R. Ralph Casimir to Marcus Garvey

698

29 May

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas

698

30 May

Doris A. Richardson, UNIA Colon Division, to the Workman

703

31 May

Article in the Negro World

705

May

V. P. M. Langston to the Crusader

707

May

British Cabinet Office Report on St. Lucia

711

1 June

“Marshall” to James Wilson

712

2 June

William Walter Hendy to the Workman

712

3 June

William Stoute to theWorkman

714

5 June

Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders, Inspector, Leeward Islands Police

716

Lieutenant-Corporal Frank D. Kelly, Bahamas, to Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police

719

11 June

xl

CONTENTS

12 June

Marcus Garvey to J. R. Ralph Casimir

721

12 June

Executive Council, Minutes, St. Vincent 12 June St. Vincent Order in Council 723

722

Article in the Negro World

725

16 June

Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office

727

17 June

J. R. Ralph Casimir to Anthony Crawford,

728

18 June

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas

729

ca. 13 June

17 June Lieutenant-Corporal Frank D. Kelly, Bahamas, to Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police 730 21 June

Miss W. P. to the Editor of the Negro World

731

22 June

Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary, Black Star Line, to J. R. Ralph Casimir

732

22 June

Editorial in the Herald

733

24 June

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office 22 June Report on the UNIA by C. H. R., Acting Inspector General, Barbados Police 735

734

28 June

William P. Garrety, U.S. Consul, Honduras, to Bainbridge Colby, U.S. Secretary of State

737

28 June

Report of Legislative Council Meeting in the St. Lucia Gazette

740

30 June

Luc Dorsinville to the Crusader

744

Article in the Daily Chronicle

745

3 July

xli

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1920 5 July

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas 3 July Lieutenant-Corporal Frank D. Kelly, Bahamas, to Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police 747

746

5 July

Report by J. R. Ralph Casimir

748

5 July

Filogenes Maillard to the Negro World

756

7 July

Charles Osborn Anderson, Postmaster, Bahamas, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas

757

9 July

“Black” to the Negro World

759

10 July

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas 9 July Lieutenant-Corporal Frank D. Kelly, Bahamas, to Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police 760

760

10 July

Article in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper

762

12 July

Report by John M. Russell, First Provisional Brigade, U.S. Marine Corps, to the U.S. Department of State

764

12 July

Edward M. Merewether, Governor, Leeward Islands, to John Alder Burdon, Administrator, St. Kitts-Nevis

765

15 July

Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders, Inspector, Leeward Islands Police

766

15 July

Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders, Inspector, Leeward Islands Police

771

xlii

CONTENTS

ca 17 July

Article in the Central American Express

775

ca. 17 July

Editorial in the Dominica Guardian

776

19 July

Memorandum by Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, in Reply to Query Regarding the Race Question

778

30 July

D. E. Nanuthon-Smith to the Crusader

781

30 July

J. R. Ralph Casimir to Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary, Black Star Line

781

31 July

Article in the Jamaica Times

784

APPENDIX

787

Table 1: West Indian Emigrants in the U.S., 1900–1930 Table 2: Origins of West Indian Emigrants in New York City, 1920 Table 3: Origins of Male Participants in UNIA, 1917–1920 Table 4: Origins of Female Participants in UNIA, 1917–1920

789 790 791 796

799

INDEX

xliii

PHOTOGRAPHS

Hon. Marcus Garvey, D. S. O. E. President of the Black Star Line, Inc., and President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association of the World, ca. August 1919 (frontispiece) (Black Star Line Prospectus, Lusk Committee Papers, New York State Archives, Albany, New York) Barbadians arriving at Cristobal, Panama, in 1909, to work on the Panama Canal (Isthmian Canal Commission Records [Record Group 185], U.S. National Archives, College Park, Maryland) Sergt. William J. Gordon, West India Regiment, 1st Battalion (W. P. Livingstone, Black Jamaica: A Study in Evolution, 2nd ed. [London: S. Low, Marston & Company, 1900]) Winston Churchill Millington, member of the British West Indies Regiment (BWIR), 162nd Machine-gun Company, Palestine, during World War I (Courtesy of Memorial Gates Trust) “Kirkland and self 1916” A British West Indies Regiment (BWIR) machinegun team in the Palestine Campaign during the First World War (Courtesy of Imperial War Museum) Royal African Legion, Black Cross Nurses, and UNIA marching band, on parade, Hamilton, Bermuda (Courtesy of George A. Morris Family) Hon. Rev. R. H. Tobitt, B.A., UNIA High Commissioner for British Guiana (Courtesy of J. R. Ralph Casimir) Crowd of onlookers, UNIA parade, Roseau, Dominica (Courtesy of J. R. Ralph Casimir) Portrait of UNIA members, Roseau, Dominica (Courtesy of J. R. Ralph Casimir)

xlv

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Wedding photographs of Marcus Garvey and Amy Ashwood Garvey, New York, December 1919 Negro World, 3 January 1920 (Courtesy of Dr. Pauulu Kamarakafego [Roosevelt Browne]) Rev. Edward Byam Grant, UNIA official, Hamilton, Bermuda (Courtesy of Elmore A. Warren) Henrietta Vinton Davis of Washington, D.C., First Vice-President of The Black Star Line, ca. August 1919 (U.S. National Archives, College Park, Maryland, Records of the Federal Bureau of Investigation [Record Group 65]) Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary of the Black Star Line (Black Star Line Prospectus, Lusk Committee Papers, New York State Archives, Albany, New York) S.S. Yarmouth docked at the foot of 135th St. and North River, New York, prior to its maiden voyage, with supporters inspecting the ship (Courtesy of the E. D. Smith-Green Family) Members of the crew of the S.S. Yarmouth on its maiden voyage, Havana, Cuba, November 1919 (Courtesy of the E. D. Smith-Green Family) Capt. Joshua Cockburn (center) and officers of the S.S. Yarmouth being received by Cuban officials, Havana, Cuba, November 1919 (Courtesy of the E. D. Smith-Green Family) Capt. Joshua Cockburn (seated), flanked by Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary of the Black Star Line (extreme right), aboard the S.S. Yarmouth, Havana, Cuba, November 1919 (Courtesy of the E. D. Smith-Green Family) Capt. Joshua Cockburn (looking through spyglass), aboard the S.S. Yarmouth, Havana, Cuba, November 1919 (Courtesy of the E. D. Smith-Green Family) Rev. Fr. Raphael (Robert Josias Morgan) of Jamaica (African Times and Orient Review, February-March 1913) Rev. R. E. M. Jack, leader of the St. Vincent UNIA (Courtesy of J. R. Ralph Casimir) George A. Tobias of Grenada, Treasurer of the Black Star Line (Black Star Line Prospectus, Lusk Committee Papers, New York State Archives, Albany, New York) W. A. Domingo of Jamaica, Editor of the Negro World (A. M. Wendell Malliet, “My Contemporaries,” American Recorder, 16 February 1929) xlvi

PHOTOGRAPHS

Rueben Bethel of Nassau, The Bahamas (Courtesy of Marion Bethel) Henec Dorsinville of Haiti (Courtesy of the Dorsinville Family) Wilberforce O. Norville of British Guiana and St. Lucia (Courtesy of D. O. Norville) Eliézer Cadet of Haiti (Courtesy of Eliézer Cadet) Audience in attendance at Liberty Hall, New York (New York Amsterdam News, 3 August 1940)

xlvii

ILLUSTRATIONS

Marcus Garvey to the Limón Times

14

Notice of Marcus Garvey’s return to Jamaica

63

Report of Jamaican UNIA resolution at the start of World War I UNIA announcement

78

82

Atlantic Ticket and Tourist Agency, Augustus Duncan, Prop.

126

Universal Negro Protective and Co-operative Association advertisement Viscount Milner to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien Letter from A. St. Clair-Jones

133

144

UNIA flyer, Colón, Panama

164

Announcement of UNIA international convention

178

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien to Viscount Milner National Association of Loyal Negroes pamphlet Eliézer Cadet to David Lloyd George

180

183

193 –194

Evidence of African Blood Brotherhood Organization Straits Settlements Ordinance No. 11 of 1915 United States of West Africa flag

205

216

223

Report of Marcus Garvey announcing the Black Star Line Advertisement in the St. Vincent Times

239

Gazette Extraordinary (British Honduras)

256

St. Kitts–Nevis Universal Benevolent Association pamphlet Black Star Line rally

273

Amy Ashwood, “Message to Panama” Inter-Colonial Supply Company advertisement BSL flyer, Colón, Panama “Poverty and the West Indian”

xlix

317 324

285 295

224

267

126

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

“Negro Workers in Panama Underpaid”

325

Publication of St. Vincent Government Gazette Poem by C. L. Nicholson-Nicholls St. Vincent minute

343

361

385

Black Star Line leaflet

395

A. McNaught to the Negro World caption BSL receipt sent to Osiris De Bourg

415 428

Enclosed Negro World, 11 October 1919

433

Enclosed Negro World, 25 October 1919

434

Poem by Rev. S. E. Churchstone

466

Telegram from Marcus Garvey to A. W. Williams

470

Robert Lansing to Stewart E. McMillin

475

“Black Star Rates Higher than P.R.R.”

482

Costa Rican official to Stewart E. McMillin

486

Carlos U. Jiménez to Stewart E. McMillin

487

Poem by Walter A. Yearwood

504

West Indian Protective Society pamphlet

512

St. Christopher, Nevis, minutes, ca. 9 January 1920

515

Inter-Colonial Steamship and Trading Company advertisement Union notice, Colón, 16 February 1920

544

Cables to Marcus Garvey and Allan Barker

564

Cable from Nicholas Carter, 24 February 1920

564

Cable from Nicholas Carter, 25 February 1920

567

Cables from Henrietta Vinton Davis to Marcus Garvey Panama flyer

570

571

Emancipator, 27 March 1920 Advertisement: John Sydney de Bourg

592 682

St. Kitts–Nevis Benevolent Association circular notice

685

St. Kitts–Nevis Benevolent Association circular notice

697

Prospectus of the Union Mercantile Association

l

702

527

ILLUSTRATIONS

St. Vincent Order in Council

724

UNIA pamphlet, ca. July 1920

755

Program for UNIA event at Liberty Hall, Roseau, Dominica Negro World, 31 July 1920

li

786

783

MAPS

Caribbean and Circum-Caribbean Costa Rica

11

Barbados

129

British Honduras

153

Panama and Canal Zone Haiti

157

190

British Guiana

196

Trinidad and Tobago

212

St. Vincent and the Grenadines Leeward Islands Cuba

260

296 346

Leeward and Windward Islands Grenada

382

Dominican Republic Dominica

508

St. Lucia

556

Guatemala

704

Honduras

737

liii

235

274

The Bahamas Bermuda

cxlii

505

355

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Over the years spent editing the Caribbean Series volumes, the Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers project has incurred an unusually large number of institutional, intellectual, and personal debts. The preparation of the volumes would never have been possible without the continuing support and assistance of a wide array of manuscript librarians, archivists, university libraries, scholars, funding agencies, university administrators, fellow editors, and friends. While the debts thus accrued can never be adequately discharged, it is still a great pleasure to acknowledge them. They form an integral part of whatever permanent value these volumes possess. We would like to acknowledge our deep appreciation to so many for contributing so greatly to this endeavor. In a real sense, these volumes represent the fruition of the efforts of many hands that have worked selflessly to assist in documenting the story of the Garvey movement in the Caribbean. We would like to begin by thanking the many archives and manuscript collections that have contributed documents as well as assisted the project by responding with unfailing courtesy and promptness to our innumerable queries for information: Archives of the Episcopal Church, Austin, Texas; Archivo General de Centro América, Guatemala City, Guatemala; Archivo Histórico Provincial de Camagüey; Archivo Historico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba; Archivo Nacional de Cuba; Belize Archives Department; Bermuda Government Archives; Columbia University, New York; Department of Archives, Black Rock, St. Michael, Barbados; Department of Archives, Nassau, The Bahamas; Federal Archives and Records Center, East Point, Georgia; Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London; Jamaica Records and Archives Department, Spanish Town, Jamaica; National Archives of Guyana, Georgetown, Guyana; National Archives, Washington, D.C.; Royal Archives, Windsor; Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York; St. Kitts-Nevis National Archives, Basseterre, St. Kitts; St. Lucia National Archives; St. Vincent and the Grenadines National Archives. A large number of libraries and their staffs have rendered extraordinarily valuable service in response to the project’s flow of requests for bibliographical data as well as for historical and biographical materials. We wish to acknowledge and thank for their assistance: Bodleian Library, Oxford University; National Library of Jamaica; New York Public Library; Panama

lv

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Canal Zone Library, Balboa Heights, Canal Zone; Trinidad Public Library; University of California, Los Angeles Library. Several governmental agencies contributed time and resources to the project by assisting with the collection and reproduction of documents. The project wishes to thank these agencies and their staffs for their cooperation: Netherlands Consulate General in New York; National Historical Publications and Records Commission, Washington D.C. Along the way a large number of individuals in many countries have aided the various research efforts of the project. Despite their own busy schedules, they responded to the project’s numerous requests for advice and assistance. We would like to thank: Hilary Beckles, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill; Giulia Bonacci, French Center for Ethiopian Studies (CFEE), Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; Patrice Brown, National Archives and Records Administration; Ian Duffield, University of Edinburgh; Bill Elkins; Robert Gore; Julie Greene, University of Colorado at Boulder; Richard Hart; Dane Hartgrove, National Archives and Records Administration; Susan Hawley, Oxford University; Winston A. James, Columbia University; Rupert Lewis, University of the West Indies, Mona; Ghislaine Lydon, University of California, Los Angeles; Frederick Douglass Opie, Syracuse University; Stephan Palmié, University of Maryland, College Park; Anacristina Rossi; Jerome Teelucksingh; Rodney Worrell, University of the West Indies, Mona; Michael Zeuske, Universität zu Köln. Over the years various individuals have assisted the project with translation of foreign-language documents and phrases. We would like to thank for their services: Linda Greenberg; Rafael E. Moscote, public interpreter of the English language certificates; Ana Lya Sater; Arienne Starkie; Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken, Netherlands; Gabriele Yuen. Because of the editorial design of the Caribbean volumes, the project had the job of identifying and commissioning a panel of scholarly contributors to assist in annotating the large number of Caribbean references contained in the documents. For their willingness to serve and the time that it took away from their own projects, we should like to acknowledge and thank the following contributors: Rosanne Adderley, Tulane University; Peter D. Ashdown, St. Mary’s Hall, Brighton; Patrick L. Baker, Mount Allison University; Philippe Bourgois, University of California at San Francisco; Bridget Brereton, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine; O. Nigel Bolland, Colgate University; David Browne, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill; Marcelo Bucheli, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign; Carla Burnett; Marcia Burrowes, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill; Kim D. Butler, Rutgers University; Aviva Chomsky, Salem State College; Michael Conniff, San Jose State University; Edward L. Cox, Rice University; Juanita De Barros, McMaster University; Dario A. Euraque, Trinity College; Helen FrancisSeaman; Humberto García-Muñiz, University of Puerto Rico; Jorge L. Giovannetti-Torres, University of Puerto Rico; Julia Greene, University of lvi

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Colorado at Boulder; Frank Guridy, University of Texas at Austin; Ronald N. Harpelle, Lakehead University; Alana Johnson, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill; Simon Jones-Hendrickson, University of the Virgin Islands; Gregory R. LaMotta, National Archives and Records Administration; Michael Louis; Susan Lowes, Columbia University; Marc McLeod, Seattle University; Melanie Newton, University of Toronto; Ira P. Philip; Brenda Gayle Plummer, University of Wisconsin, Madison; Lara Elizabeth Putnam, University of Pittsburgh; Glen Richards, University of the West Indies, Mona; Bonham C. Richardson, Virginia Tech; Reinaldo L. Román, University of Georgia; Gail D. Saunders, Department of Archives, The Bahamas; Cleve McD. Scott, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill; Mimi Sheller, Lancaster University; Richard Smith, Goldsmiths College, University of London; Peter A. Szok, Texas Christian University; Melisse Thomas-Bailey, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine; Nigel Westmaas, Hamilton College; Kevin A. Yelvington, University of South Florida. It was also necessary to identify and appoint a team of scholars to review and evaluate the content of contributors’ annotations. Of necessity, the identity of the panel of peer reviewers must remain anonymous, both collectively and individually. Their diligence and critical eye for historical detail supplied important quality control and greatly improved the Caribbean series volumes. We wish to express the project’s gratitude to all of the reviewers. In keeping with the revised plan of the series, the project appointed a special editorial advisory board made up of distinguished Caribbeanist scholars. Their service to the project took several forms, viz., helping to identify contributing scholars and peer reviewers, finding fugitive archival documents, identifying local researchers, and, most importantly, advising on the editorial organization of the volumes. The enthusiastic support given to the project as well as their sound advice have served the project well over the past decade. We should like to acknowledge the valuable service rendered to the project by: Fitzroy Baptiste; Richard Blackett; O. Nigel Bolland; Philippe Bourgois; Bridget Brereton; Patrick Bryan; Ronald N. Harpelle; Richard Hart; Winston James; Rupert Lewis; Hollis R. Lynch; Colin Palmer; Stephan Palmié; Brenda Gayle Plummer; K. W. J. Post. In the years that the project has been functioning, undergraduate and graduate students have assisted with the work of research. Their special blend of resourcefulness, enthusiasm, and diligence have greatly aided the project in accomplishing its objectives. It is a pleasure to acknowledge and thank the following individuals: Jo Bangphraxay, Jenny Cho, Janette Gayle, Laura Gifford, Dennis Lee, Theodore Lieu, Sharon Luk, Brandy Worrall, and Marissa Yenpasook. The complex editorial methodology, as well as the huge amount of historical data supporting and explicating the texts, presented a formidable copyediting challenge. We wish to express a special appreciation to Olivia Banner, the project’s former copyeditor, for her invaluable work. lvii

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The final stages of production depended upon the expertise of several individuals. In preparing photographs and illustrations for publication, Freida Ibanez demonstrated rare skill as designer. Chase Langford expertly prepared the maps for each of the volumes. Duke University Press and its staff have once again proved what an important part academic publishing plays in the larger scholarly enterprise. The project’s sponsoring editor, Ken Wissoker, and Valerie Millholland, senior editor of Duke University Press, facilitated an otherwise arduous process by assisting with the various arrangements at every step of the production and publication process. Pam Morrison and Mark Mastromarino copyedited this volume, and Robert Tewksbury proofread its pages. The index was prepared by Martin L. White. Typesetting was done by Kalina Klamann, whose technical expertise was central in the final stage of the preparation of the volume. Supervision of a large historical documentary editing project brings with it many responsibilities that place administrative demands on the academic institution and department with which it is affiliated. The Garvey project has been singularly fortunate in receiving a level of administrative support that has become all too rare in an era of academic belt-tightening. For their continuing support the project acknowledges the significant contribution made by the UCLA International Institute and the James S. Coleman African Studies Center. Without their unstinting support and understanding of the demands of the research and editorial processes, final publication of the Caribbean Series volumes would have been impossible. We should like to express the project’s deep appreciation to them for their invaluable support. Finally, the project wishes to acknowledge the institutional sponsors of the edition as well as the generous assistance received from private foundations in support of the project’s work. We should like to thank the National Endowment for the Humanities, National Historical Publications and Records Commission, and the Ford, Rockefeller, Ahmanson, and UCLA Foundations.

lviii

GENERAL INTRODUCTION Africa was clearly Garvey’s ultimate objective and provided the subject of his program of African Redemption. Based on the principle of “Africa for the Africans,” Garvey looked to the creation of “a government of our own” in Africa that would be the means of uniting the black race worldwide. Speaking in Toronto in August 1938, two years before his death in London in June 1940, Garvey reprised the goal of the movement. The “ultimate object,” he said, was “making ourselves a nation with the hope of extending as an Empire.” This African imperium would redeem Africa, emancipate the race, and, ultimately, protect it. Garvey explained to his audience that “The UNIA [Universal Negro Improvement Association] has had to struggle in America for the ultimate carrying out of that object and as it is organized in America, so it is organized in every part of the world, for the ultimate of that object.”1 It was in America that Garvey struggled and succeeded in making his lasting political mark, the effects of which were profound and would ramify throughout the black world. Here he achieved his greatest renown as a black leader and created for himself a legend as a Moses of his race. Africa was the “ultimate” goal, but it was America that supplied the platform and the organizational means. Together, it was the combination of America and Africa that raised Garvey to the level of international significance. The price of Garvey’s rise in America, along with the political attraction of Africa, was paid in the coin of Caribbean independence. “My one regret now in Liberty Hall is that I was not born in slavery days,” Garvey declared. “I wish I were born in slavery days. I would have taught someone a lesson then.” Going further, Garvey spelled out the reason: If I were born eighty-four years ago in the West Indies, in the island of Jamaica, where, fortunately or unfortunately, I was born, tonight Jamaica would not have been a province of England. Jamaica would be a free and independent republic in the Caribbean Islands. But since I was not born then and I am born now, and they own that land out there, and since I am born at a time when Africa is not free, then my life, my blood will be given to Africa’s redemption, Africa’s freedom and Africa’s liberty.2 The coin of Garvey’s legend has hitherto not featured prominently the West Indian side of the phenomenon, though the significance of the political renunciation implicit in his statement assumes a West Indian context. Garvey lix

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was clearly addressing an audience made up mainly of West Indians when he spoke. In spite of this fact, Garvey’s legend has been comprised of two faces: the American on one side (the one most prominently displayed) and, to a much lesser extent, the African on the other. The propagation of this version of the story has won widespread acceptance. But, as these pages will make plain, although the main crucible of the Garvey movement was situated in the U.S., the main driving force was West Indian. Furthermore, if the Garvey movement, as a mass movement, was launched in America, the ground was not only prepared in the West Indies; it was also where the movement had its greatest political impact. Just how different things look when both these phases of the movement are more fully integrated, as they should be, into the wider historical narrative of Garveyism will become clear in the following pages. Garvey’s movement did not start in America. It came to America with Garvey, who had left Jamaica in 1916, seeking support for his fledgling Jamaican organization founded in 1914. Although it attracted the patronage of local officials, it received scant support from Jamaicans. After traveling through several states, Garvey returned to New York, his port of arrival, in May 1917, and decided to remain in America to seek his destiny. Garvey’s organization, the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), traveled with him from Jamaica, and he incorporated it in New York in the summer of 1918. The statement in the certificate of incorporation listing the objects of the association discloses the adventitious nature of the ideal that animated it. UNIA aimed “To promote and practice, the principles of Benevolence and for the protection and social intercourse of its members and for their mental and physical culture and developments and to extend a friendly and constructive hand to the Negroes of the United States.”3 Coming as he was from Jamaica to America, Garvey was joining a veritable wave of nearly one hundred thousand West Indians flooding into the United States before and after the First World War. Shortly after his arrival, Garvey had no trouble linking up with other Jamaicans who had only recently preceded him. “About three members of the old board of management are over here and helped at the lecture,” Garvey was pleased to report two days after making his debut at St. Mark’s Church Hall in Harlem in May 1916.4 America in the years leading to the First World War was the West Indian Mecca. For West Indians, migration to America became a way of life.5 The wave crested after the war in the 1920s, not coincidentally, the peak years of the Garvey movement in America. West Indians had been migrating to the United States since the nineteenth century, but construction of the Panama Canal starting in 1904 drew off an estimate of over a hundred thousand migrants.6 As canal construction tailed off and thousands of West Indians were laid off, they began to disperse and looked north again toward America.7 The number of migrants reaching the U.S. was astounding. Garvey’s Negro World estimated in October 1920 that immigrants from the West Indies and South America arrived in America “at the rate of 5,000 a month,” adding, lx

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“The West Indian section of the colored population in the United States is growing by leaps and bounds. Most of them are lost to the West Indies forever.”8 According to the U.S. Federal Census of 1920, approximately ninety-six thousand West Indians from the British West Indies, U.S. Virgin Islands (former Danish West Indies), and the Dutch and French West Indies were living in the United States9 (see Appendix, table 1). More to the point, of the total number of West Indians living in the U.S., close to half (47,063) lived in New York City. The community of Harlem—consisting of fifty square blocks—was home to as many as thirty-six thousand West Indians, and approximately ninethousand resided in Brooklyn.10 Together these two areas represented approximately 22 percent of the total black population of New York (see Appendix, table 2).11 Hubert H. Harrison, the doyen of the West Indian radicals in Harlem,12 contrasted nineteenth-century West Indian migrants with those of the early twentieth-century wave: “In the first period of West India immigration,” he observed, “when they who came here were mainly maidens and scholars seeking wider fields of usefulness, the Negroes of America drew from these samples as their first and more favorable estimates of West Indian character. It was taken for granted that every West Indian immigrant was a paragon of intelligence and a man of birth and breeding.” Harrison then detailed the social and political contours of the explosive phase of West Indian emigration that emerged before and after the First World War. Then came the slump in West Indian sugar,13 caused by German and American competition and the impoverished islands began to decant upon the mainland their working population, laborers, mechanics, peasants, ambitious enough to be discontented with conditions at home and eager to improve their lot by seeking success in the land of Uncle Sam. At first they furnished the elevator operators, janitors, hall-boys, porters, maids and washerwomen of upper Manhattan almost exclusively, with a few tradesmen and skilled workers thrusting themselves forward into better positions and breaking the trail for the Negro-Americans to follow. But during the last two decades they have won their way in New York as business men, lawyers, doctors, school teachers, musicians and journalists. Besides, there is the significant fact that almost every important development originating in Negro Harlem—from the Negro Manhood Movement to political representation in public office, from collecting Negro books to speaking on the streets, from demanding Federal control over lynching to agitating for Negroes on the police force—every one of these has either been fathered by West Indians or can count them among its originators.14 Harlem emerged during these years as the symbol of cultural and intellectual freedom for West Indians, and its effects radiated to every part of the West lxi

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Indies, laying the groundwork for the beginning of a cultural revolution there. New York’s black neighborhood, home to the Garvey movement specifically, and to West Indian radicalism generally, provided a place where new forms of Caribbean consciousness could be tested and explored. This was the allure of Harlem—it was a liminal space, a threshold across which important changes in personal as well as social status could be negotiated and achieved through the emigrant spirit of enterprise. Harlem became the place in America where West Indians could shed their insular differences and forge a new black communitas, based on their common humanity and equality as emigrants, rather than on the values of colonial hierarchy and a discredited, oppressive plantation system. According to the West Indian journalist and historian Arnold M. Wendell Malliet, who was born in Jamaica in 1896 and emigrated to the United States in 1918, it was these West Indians who provided most of the support of the Garvey movement during its highest peak of success, from 1919 to 1923, and who acted as the transmission belt for the spread of Garveyism throughout the entire Caribbean archipelago.15 The symbiotic relationship between the America–West Indian Diaspora and its homelands represented a continuous movement, with headquarters in Harlem. This base in New York was highly significant to the spread of the movement in the West Indies, for not only did it mean access to greater resources, but, most importantly, it also meant that the guiding center was beyond the reach of the strenuous British attempts to suppress the movement. West Indians at home had very little space to develop organizations that were critical of the plantation system that controlled them, since colonial officials rushed to snuff out the potential for any sort of protest or resistance at their very first sign. It was in America that West Indians would acquire the ability to conduct mass politics. In this sense, the Garvey movement provided an indispensable school of political training, learning from the example and experience of African Americans in their struggles against racial injustice. Thus, although the Garvey movement was founded and developed within the West Indian milieu, it was never exclusively the product of West Indians. African Americans were also deeply involved, and increasingly so after 1922– 1923, when the UNIA’s following expanded steadily into the U.S. South and Midwest. A compilation based on the available evidence of the names of UNIA subscribers, speakers or participants at meetings, officeholders, and signers of petitions and other documents during what is considered by many the high point of the movement, from July 1918 (when the UNIA was formally organized in New York) to August 1920 (when its first convention was held), allows for a comparison of these individuals’ ethnic backgrounds, thus providing a general breakdown of the ethnic composition of the movement. When organized by gender, the data show that 66 percent of the males were West Indian and 34 percent were African Americans. The figures for UNIA females are almost completely reversed: 61 percent were African American, and 39 percent were West Indian (see Appendix, tables 3 and 4).16 When both sets of figures lxii

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are aggregated, the breakdown is 59 percent West Indian versus 41 percent African American.17 These figures will be subject to change as additional sources are uncovered and more information is collected and tabulated. But for now they give a provisional sense of the relative proportions of West Indians and Africans during the three formative years of the UNIA in America. In addition, the data serve as a useful prosopographical tool by identifying individuals, many of whom are otherwise completely unknown. The information also points to deeper connections beneath the political rhetoric, permitting an examination of common characteristics as well as an assessment of the changing roles of particular status groups within the movement. Garvey would later describe what he found when he arrived in New York and why he needed to serve as a cultural broker between West Indians and African Americans. “On arriving in the city of New York, in the little district of Harlem where, then, about 100,000 Negroes lived,” Garvey explained, “I met a few of my countrymen and a few West Indians who had been living there for some time. They thought that I had come specially to advocate the cause of West Indians.” He described the popular misconception about West Indians that was spread about: “At that time, the West Indians who were living in America made the American Negroes understand that they were not Negroes, but Indians, and the American Negroes, who were very ignorant of the geography and history of their own race, believed that the West Indians were a branch of the Indian race, so that the West Indians were getting by as Indians.” Garvey claimed that when he arrived in Harlem, his fellow Jamaicans there thought that: I had come to speak to them especially. But I disappointed them and I spoke to the Negro people, and I told the Negro people of Harlem, including Americans, West Indians—Negroes all—the truth of their history. I told them that we were one—the same branch of one human family. I told them in Harlem that it was my duty to re-unite the Negroes of the Western world with the Negroes of Africa, to make a great nation of black men.18 Earlier, Garvey also claimed that such was the seriousness of the split that he felt obliged to remain in America in order to try to address it. Speaking in Liberty Hall in March 1920, Garvey explained: When I came to New York two and a half years ago, I found a disorganized state among my race here. I found the Americans were against the West Indians and the West Indians were against the Americans—that one side was saying “I am better than you,” and the other side was saying the same thing. . . . [F]rom my knowledge of the history of the Negro in the Western hemisphere, I saw that the American Negro was no better than lxiii

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the West Indian Negro nor the West Indian Negro any better than the American Negro—we were all fighting and struggling toward one common destiny. Because I saw that, I took the opportunity to organize a branch of the Association in New York.19 From his description, the split must have been full of rancor, with Garvey and the UNIA doing their utmost to steer a middle course between the rival camps. The rivalry had degenerated into a public scandal, as soap-box orators, brought out by the warm weather, appeared along Lenox Avenue in Harlem in 1919. “Obviously the new tactics of discussing the West Indian and American questions along purely nationalistic lines must be taken as eloquent testimony of the intellectual impoverishment of those speakers, who in order to attract a crowd resort to the most disgusting and vulgar form of billingsgate and abuse imaginable,” admonished the Negro World in an editorial entitled appropriately “Divide and Rule.” “Perhaps the Negro speakers who indulge in this race-disrupting pastime,” the paper continued, “are merely rendering service for wages already received, or perhaps (and this is a charitable view) they are merely imitating a certain white man who started out along that line on Lenox avenue this season.”20 Notwithstanding these claims, however, the strategic importance of the Harlem-based West Indian constituency for the UNIA’s very viability was something that African Americans in the movement’s leadership spoke openly about, but more defensively over time. In a keynote address before the fourth international convention of the UNIA, held in August 1924, William Sherrill, the assistant president-general, acknowledged the reason that he thought West Indians possessed an advantage over African Americans. He emphasized the adventitious character of the movement, stating that “the American Negro had done little or no traveling, while of the West Indian the opposite was true. To this was perhaps due the fact that when the movement was started West Indians resident in New York were the first to follow.”21 In the face of attacks from critics directed against the foreign character of the UNIA membership, West Indians, Garvey included, became defensive when discussing the West Indian make-up of the movement. Thus, in a letter of March 1920 to the governors of West Indian territories attempting to refute the accusation that the UNIA was subversive and that its members were disloyal to Britain, Garvey stated that “the majority of the Members of this Association are British subjects who have been loyal to their Government in all crises”22 (“British subjects” was a term commonly used to refer to West Indians in the United States). Significantly, it was stated in Garvey’s own Negro World that, at a meeting of the August 1920 convention, his “reference to England evoked the greatest applause.” According to the report of the meeting, the statement by Garvey that drew such great response was—“[T]hough England had ruled Ireland now for seven hundred years that has nothing to do with the fact that Ireland belongs to the Irish.”23 That a statement denouncing British rule and oppreslxiv

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sion of Ireland could evoke such a strong response says a great deal about the background of Garvey’s listeners. Inevitably, attacks against Garvey and the movement increased as its growing strength became all too apparent, and the attacks increasingly took on nativist overtones aimed at discrediting the UNIA’s legitimacy because of its large foreign membership. The UNIA’s response grew necessarily defensive in the face of such attacks. “More and more it is clear that the Universal Negro Improvement Association is acting for the entire Negro people of the world,” declared the Negro World, “and that the race will en masse rally whole-heartedly to its support. To say that it is a West Indian movement merely because the leader is a West Indian as are also some of those associated with him at the council table, or that it is dominated by a particular class or element of Negroes, is unjust—certainly not true. For it is representative in character, embracing Negroes of every country and clime and of every complexion; in fact, its very object is the union of colored people everywhere, irrespective of the place of their birth or residence, and the intelligent pooling of their resources—intellectual and material—for the common good.”24 If this was the ideal behind the movement, the stubborn reality was that ethnic distinctions would continue to be made, not least by the UNIA and its own supporters. Thus, in a report of speeches delivered at the opening of the second UNIA convention, in August 1921, it was said: . . . Rev. Dr. Duvall, a new speaker in Liberty Hall, showed that he, too, possessed in marked degree the powers of an orator. He is not a West Indian, and deprecated the fact that the American Negro is inclined to hold aloof from the movement. It was the West Indian who, as a teacher, came to this country, he said, in the early years after the emancipation of the Negro and helped educate the Negroes in the South.25 Surveying the history of West Indian emigration to the United States, A. M. Wendell Malliet took up the subject of “The Garvey movement, that most amazing mass movement of Negroes in all parts of the world, which threatened the stability of empires and challenged the statesmen of Europe, Africa and the Americas,” which he claimed “was due largely to the West Indian in Harlem.” He went further: Undoubtedly, the spearhead of Garveyism was the West Indian leadership and following. It expressed all the arrogance, the spirit of challenge and defiance, and the enthusiastic fury of the West Indian . . . In fact Marcus Garvey’s movement was really sponsored by West Indians, who had become ‘emancipated’ in the so-called free republics of Central America and Cuba, and whose experiences in the World War had stiffened their resistance against the white man’s rule and shown them the weaknesses of the inner structure of the white man’s civilization.26 lxv

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The publication of the present volume initiates a new series in the edition of The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers that documents the Garvey movement in its historical relationship with the people of the Caribbean, at home and abroad, which developed under colonial rule following the War of 1914–1918. It follows previous volumes that documented the Garvey movement in its American and African incarnations. Three volumes, of which this is the first, will constitute the first half of the Caribbean Series (Part One), covering the islands and territories of the Greater Caribbean, with the exception of Jamaica. The Garvey movement in Jamaica forms the subject of the second half of the Caribbean Series (Part Two) and will comprise two volumes. Together these five volumes will conclude the overall edition. When completed, the three series—American, African, and Caribbean—should be read together as parts of a coherent whole, each series informing as well as illuminating the events narrated in each of the others that, in spite of their diversity, demonstrate throughout a close interrelationship spanning continents and colonial empires. Nowhere was this truer than in the case of the ancient colonies of the Caribbean, comprising the Antilles islands of the inner archipelago, in addition to the islands of the North Atlantic, and the coastal territories along the mainland of Middle America.27 Garvey attained celebrity in America, and the movement that bore his name possessed all the features of a modern American revival. The documents in this and succeeding volumes, however, show that the movement’s greatest political impact was felt, ultimately, among the English-speaking people of the West Indies and its far-flung, overlapping diasporas in the Americas. “Indeed it would be true to say of Jamaica, and to a lesser extent of the other British West Indies,” observed Jamaica’s Sunday Gleaner a decade after Garvey’s death in 1940, “that national consciousness received its main impetus, if it was not actually born, from the racial movement associated with the still revered Marcus Garvey.” In paying tribute to Garvey as the “Father of Nationalism,” the paper concluded that “‘Garveyism’ lies at the heart of the modern political movements through which West Indian nationalism is seeking to express itself.”28 In fact, the Garvey movement provided the West Indies, in the aftermath of World War I, with a first full sense of national consciousness that helped to produce what could be described as a “West Indian Renaissance.” The Garvey movement in America sent out the political call to arms, and West Indians responded as never before to the summons. “They [West Indians of light and learning who are domiciled in foreign countries] should not be satisfied with mere assertions of loyalty to any particular country,” declared Garvey’s Negro World, “for they owe a higher loyalty to the islands where they were born. Therefore we suggest that these men and women get together now, even as the Irish, Czecho-Slovaks, Alsatians, Poles and Hindoos have done, and begin to formulate plans for the betterment of the respective islands.” The editorial

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closed with the stern admonition: “This is not the time to be laggards; it is the time to be up and doing. WEST INDIANS, WAKE UP!”29 Knit together through the diaspora framework of the large West Indian emigrant community, the Garvey movement was the beneficiary as well as begetter of a powerful long-range Caribbean nationalism.30 If “exile is the nursery of nationality,” as Lord Acton contended,31 then the West Indian transmigrants in America emerged from their encounter with America as a nationally conscious cultural group. From fragmented entities adrift in the sea, the outliers now constituted an emigrant natio. And they would achieve for the West Indies precisely what Irish Americans had done and were doing for Ireland and what other emigrant diasporas in America had done for their respective national causes.32 “The Garvey Movement could only have begun in New York City,” declared A. Philip Randolph, but not for the reason that he gave, namely, that the field had been prepared “for the reception of new ideas, presented through the vehicle of radicalism” in the form of the Messenger magazine, which he edited with Chandler Owen.33 Garvey might well have picked up ideas from them, as Randolph contended, particularly ideas relating to the governance of Germany’s African colonies that would form part of the peace settlement.34 Rather, the field was prepared for Garvey and the movement by the transformation of Caribbean identity in America. Gradually at first but pouring out in a torrent following the end of the First World War, the community of West Indian outliers seemed to acquire a newly found opposition to British colonial overlordship. “We started [in Jamaica] immediately before the war,” Garvey recalled, but the political impact of the war had a tremendous effect upon West Indians. Garvey explained: The war helped a great deal in arousing the consciousness of the colored people to the reasonableness of our program, especially after the British at home had rejected a large number of West Indian colored men who wanted to be officers in the British army. When they were told that Negroes could not be officers in the British army they started their own propaganda, which supplemented the program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. With this and other contributing agencies a few of the stiff-necked colored people began to see the reasonableness of my program . . . 35 If West Indians found strength in numbers in America, they also found themselves facing perceptions by African Americans that gave rise to a new kind of interethnic tension, symbolized by the presence of the Garvey movement. David Hellwig notes that “Garveyism, in its aggressiveness and independence of native black leadership, so clearly symbolized the problem of the West Indian in the minds of many American blacks that Garvey and West Indian became synonymous.”36 After a period of successful political cooperation between Afrilxvii

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can Americans and West Indians, according to Edgar M. Grey, an early official of the UNIA and a fellow West Indian who fell out with Garvey, the relationship suddenly changed drastically. “[T]his effort was successful to the extent that, between the years 1915 and 1917 both groups were on a fair way of realizing their common interest,” asserted Grey. “They had nearly lost their antagonisms; they were fighting in harmony for the common rights of Harlem, civic and political.” He continues: Then came Marcus Garvey and with him the fires of a new conflagration of intra-racial conflict in Harlem. The Garvey of 1917, without the opportunity to study the past records of the native leaders, proceeded to abuse and berate them. The man became so bombastic and his followers to obnoxious that the natives, in sheer self-defense, sought after attempts at compromise and conciliation, to fight him. The West Indian at once interpreted this behavior as being opposition to Garvey because of his birthplace: the Garvey board of strategy had the notion that the best way to demonstrate the power of the organization was to take issue with the native Americans through the N.A.A.C.P.37 Whatever the truth of Grey’s account and its depiction of extreme interethnic antagonism, it calls attention to what the anthropologist John SydneyJohn Sydney W. Mintz, writing about the Caribbean, refers to as the “political crystallization of ethnicity.”38 New York was the scene, in other words, of a process of political ethnogenesis on the part of West Indians, regardless of whether they were members of Garvey’s organization. In truth, some of Garvey’s harshest critics, such as W. A. Domingo39 and other West Indian radicals, were West Indians. For most African Americans, however, despite evidence of the political opposition to Garvey arising within the West Indian community, West Indians as a whole were taken to be his supporters. At the height of the conflict between Garvey and his Messenger critics, A. Philip Randolph sought to explain the basis of the perception. According to Randolph, the reason for the “prejudice between the American and West Indian Negro” was obvious: Mr. Garvey is a West Indian. As the leader of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, it is assumed that the followers endorse his policies. It is also assumed by American Negroes wrongly, of course, that all West Indians are followers of Garvey. Thus, the deduction of the American Negro is that all West Indians like Garvey are their enemy. While this is not true, it is believed to be true; and people act more strongly upon belief than they do upon fact and truth. The most prominent, intelligent West Indians are opposing Garvey. Garvey does not represent all West Indians any more than did Booker T. Washington represent all American Negroes.40

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The African American journalist, Lester A. Walton, in an appraisal of “Marcus Garvey: His Rise and Fall,” likewise argued that the popular assumption overlooked the fact that Garvey’s opposition originated within the West Indian community. “An impression prevails that Garvey had the united support of the large West Indian population in New York. This is far from the truth,” Walton declared. In the period of its greatest mobilization, “the New York division [of the UNIA] boasted of several thousand members, three-fourths of whom were of West Indian birth.” Still, it was an error all too often indulged in to conflate Garvey’s organization with the West Indian community as a whole. The reason for drawing the distinction, Walton argued, was that “Even when the New York division was much larger numerically than any in the association, the membership did not include 20 per cent of the total number of West Indians living in Harlem. Some of his own countrymen have been his most active opponents.”41 These comments point to something that subsequent commentators appear to have missed. The opposition to Garvey, whatever its ideological basis and profound though it was, denoted a deeper divide within the West Indian community, one based on social class as much as it was on ideology. The split worked to undermine unity of the West Indian community; by heightening antagonism between the working-class adherents of Garvey’s organization and members of the educated West Indian elite, the class divide grew worse. But to observers outside of the West Indian community, most of all African Americans, the social significance of the distinction was not seen. Whereas whites failed to notice that there were ethnic differences among blacks42 (a version of “blacks all look alike”), African Americans lumped together all West Indians into one undifferentiated group. “The American Negro failed to discriminate between the different classes of West Indians, and thus mistakenly judged the best by the worst,” observed the Jamaican Unitarian minister, Rev. E. Ethelred Brown, who himself had early on been associated with Garvey, “This mistaken judgment engendered a feeling of contemptuous superiority,” claimed Brown.43 To grasp how fundamental this aspect of the Garvey movement was requires, first of all, that its West Indian composition be taken seriously and examined in depth. Hubert H. Harrison would provide a political description of the social divide in describing reaction to Garvey’s conviction in 1923. Commenting on the behavior of Garvey’s followers immediately following his conviction on mail-fraud charges, in June 1923, Harrison expressed deep disdain: “No sane person who sat in the courtroom can deny that he got a fair trial. In fact, the judge strained both his temper and the court’s rules of procedure to give him more leeway than had even been granted to any lawyer.” But that was not satisfactory in the eyes of Garvey’s followers nor the outcome that they fervently wished for, causing Harrison to warn that

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that type of West Indian peasant from the hoe-handle and cow-tail brigade to whom Garvey is a god, and whose intolerant fanaticism may still compromise the thousands of intelligent and respectable West Indians in the United States; these people still believe that Garvey never did a crooked thing in his life.44 William H. Ferris, editor of Garvey’s Negro World from 1920 to 1923, during the most critical phase of the movement, testified to the radical change in perception that overcame members of the African American community. “It was in the summer of 1919,” Ferris remembered, “when Marcus Garvey first launched The Black Star Line, that I observed the change in sentiment regarding West Indians in America. Friends and acquaintances from New York to Washington asked me ‘Why are you so enthusiastic about the West Indians?’” In describing how Garvey mobilized West Indians as well as identifying the major centers of support, Ferris offers a peerless view of political ethnogenesis at work: Then the Garvey movement organized the West Indians in Boston, New Bedford, New York, Newark, Philadelphia, Washington, Miami, Key West, New Orleans and other places. The Garvey movement did not at first line up the American Negroes and the West Indians against each other, for it aimed to unite the American, West Indian and South American and African Negro in one international federation. But the Garvey movement by marshaling the West Indians [en] masse made manifest the characteristics in which the West Indians differed from the American Negroes.45 Ferris, who was a key figure in the hierarchy of the UNIA and who witnessed the evolution of the movement from the inside, identified the important change that altered the ethnic balance. “For the first two years, West Indians loyally carried the association forward,” noted Ferris in 1925. “Now the greater majority of the membership consist[s] of native Americans. Let this fact not be forgotten, nor let it not be overlooked that the latest venture was financed with American dollars.”46 Ferris was referring to the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Company, the successor enterprise to the Black Star Line venture, the launching of which caused Garvey’s international fame to explode and effectively spread the reputation of the movement far and wide among blacks. This earlier endeavor, Ferris’s statement confirms, which created a kind of social mania and transformed Garveyism into a mass movement, drew for its support mainly, to borrow Ferris’s allusion, “West Indian dollars.” It is essential to grasp the significance of this fact in assessing the relationship of West Indians and their support to the rise of the Garvey movement, particularly for the crucial period, 1919–1920.

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Ferris’s point about the role of West Indians in the mobilization and diffusion of the Garvey movement is borne out by the evidence. Outside the northeast, West Indians served as the key vector in spreading the message of Garveyism, introducing it into whatever communities they resided in. Moreover, Garvey employed a number of key organizers who were also West Indians. A few examples will have to suffice. Garvey traveled to Baltimore to address a meeting on 8 December 1918. The visit was hosted and organized by two West Indians, William Rankin of St. Kitts and George D. Morris, a West Indian “ex-soldier.”47 The report of the meeting published in the Baltimore Afro-American noted: “The organization [Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League] is novel in that it aims to comprehend all colored peoples, Americans, West Indians, Africans[,] and Indians in its membership.” Indeed, in this report appeared the very first intimation of the larger aims that Garvey had started to propound. “In addition to forming a league for political and social improvement of the Negro’s condition in this country,” the newspaper reported, “the aim is to establish in Africa a strong Negro Nation, which could command respect for the Negro, who resides in white countries.”48 After he left Baltimore, Garvey traveled to Newport News, Virginia, where he received an enthusiastic welcome from the large and vibrant Hampton Roads black community. There was a sizeable West Indian community residing in southeastern Virginia, attracted by the availability of wartime jobs in the naval shipyards. According to H. Vinton Plummer, director of the UNIA’s “bureau of publicity,” he first met Garvey in September 1918 at Newport News. Around the month of September, 1918, while sojourning in Newport News, Virginia, where in my small way, I was “doing my bit” to help “save the world for democracy,” at the port of embarkation . . . I had the pleasure of first meeting Hon. Marcus Garvey, by being introduced to him on his first visit to the southern city, for the purpose of establishing a branch or division of his then young organization in that city. Ten of us headed by Mr. R. H. Taylor, who afterwards became the first president of the Newport News division, whose charter was number 3, arranged for a dinner for Mr. Garvey.49 In October 1920, a Bureau of Investigation undercover informant reported the presence of the UNIA in Pittsburgh and Homestead, Pennsylvania. As was true of Virginia, there was a significant West Indian presence in Pennsylvania, though it was mostly concentrated in Philadelphia, the location of one of the UNIA’s earliest and largest divisions. “As is the case in New York,” reported the informant, “a large percentage of the Garvey followers here [Pittsburgh] are West Indians, who are now fraternizing with American negroes, something which never was done before.”50 In New Orleans, the lxxi

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UNIA division, the second one chartered in Lousiana, was founded in October 1920, at the home of Aliela and Sylvester Victor Robertson. Aliela Robertson was born in Bluefield, Nicaragua, the location of a sizeable community of West Indian migrants.51 New Orleans contained a large contingent of West Indians that had arrived from Central America, particularly after construction of the Panama Canal ended. Many worked as longshoremen and were significant enough in number to establish their own hall, at which they staged a special welcome reception for Garvey during his visit in August 1922.52 In 1921, Garvey dispatched a special organizer to invigorate the New Orleans and other Louisiana branches. “Colonel” Adrian Fitzroy Johnson, a Jamaican who had served in the First World War and who on learning of Garvey’s movement was inspired to come to the United States, later recalled, “I created an organization known as the Colored Comrades of the Great War, for the purpose of bringing the cause of the idle and near starving Colored Seamen in the various parts of the U.K., whose condition was one of desperation and pity, with the only hope, the seething vengeance of race violence that ultimately created the race riots of London, Liverpool and Cardiff.” Johnson describes his first awareness of Garvey: After lecturing in Glasgow I was handed a “Negro World” by an Arab seaman. In it I read of the launching of the Black Star Line and the clarion call of Mr. Garvey—“Negroes sharpen your sword for the battle of the survival of the fittest.” Conscious of this truth through experience that only those who are fit survive, I immediately decided to come to America to see for myself what it was all about.53 Johnson was clearly a very gifted political organizer, for his successes in Louisiana and the South drew Garvey’s unstinting praise (a rare commodity, indeed). In a speech at Liberty Hall in July 1921 shortly after returning from his Caribbean and Central American sojourn, Garvey commended Johnson and his work: . “All of you are acquainted with Mr. Adrian Johnson during the [1920] convention here and during the time preparatory to the convention when he was around Liberty Hall and did splendid work for the cause.” Garvey reminded his audience that I sent him to the far south—New Orleans, La. There were just about 100 or 200 members down there who were not properly organized. I sent him to organize New Orleans, La., Mississippi and Alabama. He spent a couple of months in New Orleans, in the heart of the South, and he took the 200 members to 2,500 when I arrived there. (Cheers.) Johnson did splendid work in the South . . . 54 In her memoir of Garvey, Amy Ashwood Garvey would place Johnson among the “Pillars of the Movement” for his organizing accomplishments in the lxxii

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South. “It was due to his [Johnson’s] forceful membership drive that the UNIA flourished in the Deep South as far as Mississippi,” she wrote. “Johnson was a very brave man and risked his life in planting the banner of the Red, Black and Green in the South.”55 In the lowlands of southeast Missouri, in the area known as “the Bootheel,” the UNIA spread among small-landowning as well as landless black cotton farmers. Initially, they were not the constituency in the area that first attracted the attention of the UNIA; it was mainly the black business and religious communities of Charleston, South Carolina, and New Madrid, Missouri, that mobilized support in late 1921. “Local history contends that a Jamaican dentist organized the New Madrid division, the older of the two.”56 In the summer of 1922, Garvey himself had visited and spoken in St. Louis and Kansas City, bringing the UNIA program to southeast Missouri. In Los Angeles, West Indians were also active in the affairs of the UNIA. Division 156 “boasted of the largest body of enthusiastic Garvey followers of any unit west of Chicago.” However, in late 1921, “a split and secession movement [developed] in the Local U.N.I.A., composed principally of West Indian negroes and the radical element, who objected to the conservative and patriotic stand of [Noah D.] THOMPSON,” according to a Bureau of Investigation report. “The better element of the negro population, including church people, Federal, County and City employees, and those who are seeking to avoid any racial trouble or clashes, have always and do yet support THOMPSON.”57 As did the Negro World editor William H. Ferris, W. E. B. Du Bois, Garvey’s symbolic archrival, noted that the movement underwent a change, though he made a special point of noting that “when the rank and file of ignorant West-Indian negroes were going wild over Garvey, the American negroes sat cool and calm, and were neither betrayed into wild and unjust attacks upon Garvey nor into uncritical acceptance.” Du Bois then detailed the development of Garvey’s following from his own perspective, writing of its ebb and flow: Its main and moving nucleus has been a knot of black Jamaica peasants resident in America as laborers and servants, mostly unlettered, poor and ignorant, who worship Garvey as their ideal incarnate . . . It is this blind and dangerous nucleus that explains Garvey’s success in holding his power. Around these are a mass of West-Indians, resident in the islands and in the United States, who have honestly supported Garvey in the hope that this new leader would direct them out of the West-Indian impasse of low wages, little education opportunity, no industrial openings, and caste. Especially they seized upon the Black Star Line, as isolated islanders would, as a plan of real practical hope. This group reached sixty or seventy thousand in number during Garvey’s heyday, but with the failure of his enterprises it is rapidly falling away.

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With these groups have always been a number of American Negroes: the ignorant, drawn by eloquence and sound; the grafters who saw a chance of sharing spoils; and with these some honest, thinking folk who paused and inquired, “Who is Garvey, and what is his program?” This American following, though always small, grew here and there, and in centers like Norfolk, Chicago, and Pittsburgh reached for a time into the thousands. But, on the whole, American Negroes stood the test well.58 With a few minor quibbles, Du Bois’s account stands up remarkably well to scrutiny. It would be difficult to challenge its narration of the facts, even if one would question the interpretation that Du Bois gives to those facts. That Garvey’s “following had ebbed and flowed,” with important consequences for the character and make-up of the movement, would be hard to deny. What explains the shift? The shift can be traced to early 1921. At that juncture, the Black Star Line started to advertise the sale of passages to Africa aboard the ship it was proposing to launch after concluding negotiations for its acquisition—the putative S.S. Phillis Wheatley. Garvey intended the ship to be used on the BSL’s proposed African route. Negotiations with the U.S. Shipping Board, however, would stretch out for almost a year and eventually came to naught, except for the fact that it would prove to be the source of Garvey’s undoing at the hands of federal prosecutors. As the futile negotiations dragged on, the failure to produce a ship meant that the departure for Africa had to be continually postponed. Advertisements in the Negro World of sailings of the Phillis Wheatley, put off month by month, appeared from January to November 1921. In spite of the postponements and the chimera of the ship, the promise of passage to Africa set off a wave of inquiries and bookings. The interest appears to have come mainly from African Americans who had a long history of African emigrationist sentiments and experiments, going back to the late eighteenth-century with people like Paul Cuffee and continuing throughout the nineteenth-century, particularly in the period before the Civil War, followed later with the collapse of Reconstruction and Jim Crow’s tightening grip on the freed people throughout the South.59 Garvey’s revival of the idea of African emigration did arouse African American curiosity, creating the opening that would now motivate interest in the UNIA where there had been very little before. That this new focus was a departure from the normal evolution of Garveyism was clearly spelled out by William Ferris in his critique of Kelly Miller’s essay on the Garvey movement, “After Marcus Garvey, What?” Miller’s essay appeared in the April 1927 issue of the British Contemporary Review, which Ferris thought was “brilliant.” Despite his praise of Miller, however, Ferris contended that the author “falls into the error that every other appraiser of the

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Garvey Movement falls into.” Ferris made explicit the nature of the misconception that led to the misunderstanding of the Garvey phenomenon: It is generally believed that, “Back to Africa,” was the core and essence of the Garvey Movement. But let us examine the facts. Between the summer of 1919 and the spring of 1920 when Garvey cried out, “Let us buy ships to enter the commercial world and trade with our brethren across the seas,” he sold about $600,000.00 worth of stock and bought three ships and three buildings. But between the summer of 1920 and the spring of 1921, he sang another song. He said, “Let us buy ships to carry Americans and West Indian Negroes back to Africa.” He had three times as many branch divisions, twice as many members, twice as many brilliant speakers, twice as many big Mass Meetings, and twice as much publicity in the Negro, American and Foreign Press than the year before when the Black Star Line in the terse and trenchant words of Marcus Garvey “everlastingly wrote its name on the pages of human history” . . . The only generalization from these facts is that the “Black Star Line” as a commercial venture was a better selling proposition than “The Black Star Line” as repatriation ship.60 Ferris fervently believed that the change wrought by the strategic shift toward repatriation would in time come to cost the movement dearly. “This is how Garvey and most of his lieutenants fell into a trap,” opined Ferris. “Back to Africa” was only one of Garvey’s ideas. It was the idea that white newspapers and reporters exploited. It was easy to get big headlines on the front pages by talking about the “African Empire” and “Repatriation to Africa,” and Garvey and most of his lieutenants followed the line of least resistance.61 Whether one accepts Ferris’s evaluation is not as important as noting the fact that, in his mind, qualitative change occurred. The question at issue is whether that change was accompanied by a corresponding change in the gradual reconfiguration of the UNIA’s composition from a West Indian to an increasingly African American base. Such an occurrence would point to the emergence of a parallel social movement—two movements operating in tandem, but with different tempos: the first one made up mainly of West Indian emigrants, focused on commerce and economic emancipation; the second one made up of a growing body of African American supporters, focused on African repatriation. Both movements claimed political allegiance to Garvey, but, ultimately, possessed distinct aims and interests.62 While the BSL was pushing the purchase of passages to Africa, Garvey was also embarking on his initial colonization scheme in Liberia. Initiated when he was setting out on his Caribbean and Central American tour in February 1921, the plan of African colonization generated considerable interest. By the sum-

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mer of 1921, however, the initial negotiations and preparations in Liberia, for which Garvey had sent a delegation of official representatives, were halted. Noteworthy is the fact that the aborted attempt was seen by Liberians as an effort on the part of West Indians. This was revealed in one of the extended reports written by the “Resident Commissioner,” Cyril A. Crichlow, who believed the directing force in the Liberian plan was West Indian. Following his return to the United States after several harrowing months in Liberia, Crichlow wrote that Liberians suggested that West Indians should not forget that at best they have made a very unsavory record in Africa, being in the past the tools of the British capitalistic and military interests to despoil them of their rights, their liberties, their lands and their lives. They are glad, however, that there has been an awakening on the part of West Indians which is now manifest in their newly found sense of responsibility towards Africa; but in the very nature of things, West Indians—and for that matter Americans—cannot now expect to force matters: they are bound to meet serious opposition if they do.63 Colonization would have to wait for another two and a half years (from July 1921 to December 1923), during which time nothing at all was heard about Liberia. When the idea was revivified, it accompanied the launch of Garvey’s latest shipping venture, the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Company. This second Liberian initiative would also fail, collapsing in July–August 1924, and this failure was far more dramatic and costlier still. The death knell was sounded when the Liberian government first declared supporters of Garvey persona non grata and then arrested and detained the team of technicians dispatched by Garvey in late June 1924 to set in motion arrangements for colonists to follow. A consignment of farm equipment that Garvey had also sent was seized and confiscated and later sold by the Liberian government.64 Although interconnected, these two phases of Garvey’s Liberian venture were distinct. They did have in common the promotion of Garvey’s two successive shipping ventures, for which the Liberian plans were basically expedients. Politically, they were also expedient in another sense, since they allowed Garvey to claim with some justification that his organization was moving toward establishing a black vanguard on the African continent. And in the movement to set up a Garveyite colony in Liberia, African Americans would now provide the main body of support. The allure of African repatriation was clearly strong and worked to draw African Americans toward the Garvey movement. Even so, it was not the only factor explaining the change. It was the indictment and arrest of Garvey by the U.S. government in January 1922 that in reality cemented the growing bond between Garvey and his American constituents and allowed the UNIA to push into areas, particularly in the South, where it had previously been absent.65 E. Franklin Frazier, writing shortly after Garvey’s release from prison in Atlanta, lxxvi

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was of the opinion that “Garvey, himself could not have planned a more strategic climax to his career in America than his imprisonment in Atlanta.” In Frazier’s view, “The technical legal reason for his incarceration is obscured by the halo that shines about the head of the martyr.”66 Benjamin E. Mays wrote in his autobiography, Born to Rebel, “Garvey’s arrest made a martyr of him and black people from many places came to his rescue . . . while Garvey was out on bail, and during his trial, when he acted as his own attorney, he became a greater hero than ever.” Perhaps this was a factor in Mays’s estimation of Garvey. “No other black leader, in my time, had attracted the masses as did Garvey,” he declared.67 Paradoxical as it might appear, it was the government’s prosecution of Garvey that ultimately paved the way for his elevation to the status of an American black leader. In the eyes of African Americans, when the government arrested and tried him for mail fraud, it was not just Garvey who was being persecuted; it was African Americans who were being attacked. Garvey must have represented something significant to bring out the full legal weight of the federal government against him, and they rushed to his defense. The government’s intervention, in other words, not only rescued Garvey; it nationalized him and made him a sympathetic figure, a hero of African Americans. Related to this, and as a consequence of Garvey’s elevation, was the rapprochement that developed between African Americans and West Indians. “At this time when American and West Indian Negroes truly desire to forget the strained relations of the past with all the misunderstandings and animosities, and to work together in the best interests of all,” Rev. E. Ethelred Brown wrote in 1926, expressing hope that “it would almost be a crime for any man, either by spoken or written word, to help, however remotely, to rekindle the smoldering embers of unfriendliness,” and stating his belief that “West Indians of every class are now more than ever in the mood to get together and work together with their American brethren.”68 The transformation was all the more remarkable, coming as it did so soon after all the hostilities and barbs of previous years. Then, two years later, William Pickens of the NAACP rose to champion the cause of “Co-operation between West Indian and U.S. Negroes.” Pickens, who previously went from being somewhat sympathetic to Garvey to becoming a member of the “Garvey Must Go!” movement in 1922–1923, agitating for the government to deport Garvey, was now proposing to let bygones be bygones. “Every community of interest, therefore, between West Indian and American Negroes,” advised Pickens, “is a complete argument for their co-operation and mutual aid. We are thinking especially of the West Indian Negro groups that live in the United States.”69 And then a curious thing happened. Following Garvey’s conviction and imprisonment from 1923 to 1925, a steady transvaluation of meaning inflected the historiography of African American nationalism and Garveyism. With the change of narrative, the Garvey movement was increasingly spoken of and viewed as a symptom of African American nationalism and alienation from the lxxvii

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American body politic, a warning of what might recur in the future, if changes were not made. Thus did the West Indian genesis of the Garvey phenomenon become displaced, particularly since the West Indian composition of the movement ceased to be a point of debate. By the time of the outbreak of the Second World War, a new narrative of the movement had become fixed, and Garveyism served as an essential placeholder in the articulation of the African American protest tradition, albeit the militant, separatist wing of that tradition, but an important component of it nonetheless. Garvey, it turned out, had been an American black leader all along. With this transvaluation and change in the narrative of Black Nationalism, Garveyism was domesticated, and with it went the erasure of the figure of the West Indian as the driving force of the Garvey movement.70 It would be difficult to overemphasize the importance to the West Indies, the Americas, and the world of the movements of West Indians.71 The construction of the Panama Canal required the employment of more than seventyfive thousand men and women—the largest, most ambitious engineering project ever attempted. Workers were recruited from over ninety different countries, but the overwhelming majority came from the West Indies, specifically Jamaica and Barbados.72 Then, as construction began to taper off, in 1912– 1913, West Indians began seeking an alternative to the Isthmus of Panama and to the future. Garvey would allude to the historic importance of Panama in making his case early on in America. Introducing himself by way of letters announcing his lecture debut in New York, Garvey summoned the West Indian experience of American leadership on the isthmus in Panama. “It is not necessary, to enumerate Jamaica’s service to the United States,” Garvey explained why he came to America to seek assistance for his fledging organization in Jamaica, “as in many ways the Negro people of that country have done their share in helping American capital, American enterprise and American industries, not to mention, our Negro people have helped substantially in pushing through the Panama Canal—to be the world’s great trade route—and our people are ever willing to work under the progressive leadership of American genius.”73 In the terms spelled out in the letter of introduction, Garvey was clearly promising to establish a tutelary relationship with America, in return for support of his UNIA venture. He was inspired by the epic contribution of West Indian workers to the construction of the Panama Canal (more than five thousand had perished in the process). West Indians should rightly be considered American heroes for their effort, and Garvey doubtless felt justified in expecting that their valuable contribution would count in his favor. Garvey did not sound at this point like a man looking for any sort of struggle with American racism, something that he would have observed in Panama, with, for example, the apartheid-like system of “silver employees” and “gold employees” and other discriminatory employment practices enforced by the canal administration. In spite of this, Garvey was disposed to be guided by America’s leadership. As he lxxviii

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envisioned the future in 1913, a year after the conclusion of his sojourn in Central America, Garvey boldly declared: As one who knows the people well, I make no apology for prophesying that there will soon be a turning point in the history of the West Indies; and that the people who inhabit a portion of the Western Hemisphere will be the instruments of uniting a scattered race who, before the close of many centuries, will found an Empire on which the sun shall shine as ceaselessly as it shines on the Empire of the North to-day.74 It is important to appreciate that Garvey embraced the “Empire of the North” even before his arrival in America. In addition to the experience acquired in his travel through Central America, Garvey had known Americans who were frequent visitors to Jamaica. Indeed, he had made it known that he and other Jamaican blacks were accustomed to being treated by white Americans with cordiality and respect—quite unlike the situation for American blacks. “Unlike the American negro, the Jamaican lives in an atmosphere of equality and comradeship, hence the outrages that are characteristic of America are quite unheard of in the island,” Garvey pointed out. In contrast, “White Americans, both Northerners and Southerners, have come to realise that all negroes are not pugnacious and vicious, for when they go over to Jamaica to spend their winter holidays they befriend and associate with the black natives just the same as they do with people of their own race.”75 To no one in America did Garvey wish to extend the hand of friendship and heap greater praise on than the man who orchestrated America’s control and construction of the Panama Canal, Theodore Roosevelt. In Garvey’s eyes, Roosevelt was clearly the most formidable man that America had produced. Thus, in July 1917, when he was still referring to himself as “Negro Traveller and Lecturer,” Garvey wrote a lengthy letter to the New York Tribune, praising the Rough Rider’s confrontation with Samuel Gompers, the leader of the American Federation of Labor, during a meeting at Carnegie Hall, in which Roosevelt was reported to have denounced Gompers. Garvey concluded his letter, titled “Men of Vision—The Need of Races, Black or White, the World Over,” with the extraordinary statement: Mr. Roosevelt is a genius, and though I am not of his race I admire him in the same way he admires the Negro and would do service for him. If the Negro and darker races had leaders of the vision of Theodore Roosevelt, then the situation of the world would have been different and mankind at large would be happier, but some day our men of vision will appear to meet the Roosevelts of the white race and to join hands together like brothers and make the world safe for true democracy.76

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Garvey looked to Roosevelt to reciprocate the feeling in some way, making repeated attempts to win some sort of endorsement from Roosevelt for his nascent movement. Perhaps thinking of Booker T. Washington, with whom Roosevelt had forged a well-known political bond even to the point of risking his own political capital,77 Garvey invited Roosevelt to deliver a special address at a meeting of the UNIA, on the subject of “The Whiteman’s Relationship to the Blackman in the Development and Preservation of Civilization.” In his letter of invitation, Garvey asserted that the purpose of the meeting was “To foster the spirit of race cooperation between the White and Black peoples of the world” and explained that Our Association, being representative of the educated and thoughtful of our race, desires a complete understanding between the two opposite races—the White and Black. We of the Association believe that ultimately the two races that have been so closely associated for all these centuries in the best of friendly relations will be forced to stand together in the preservation of those human rights that are every day being threatened from sources not quite friendly to the White or Black race.”78 The bonds of friendship with white leaders in America sought by Garvey were no doubt intended to be translated into political capital. The feeling was not inspired by racial sentiment in the first instance; fundamentally, it was colonial in inspiration. Garvey, the Jamaican emigrant, was seeking to capitalize on his identity as a colonial, which, at this point, denoted political partnership. To confirm the fact that race was not uppermost in Garvey’s mind in proffering an alliance with Roosevelt and America, it should be noted that Garvey contemplated the same kind of tutelary relationship with African Americans. In an essay entitled “The West Indies in the Mirror of Truth,” written for Champion Magazine during his visit to Chicago in late 1916, Garvey sharply criticized West Indians, chastising them for their indolence. “The Negroes of the West Indies have been sleeping for seventy-eight years and are still under the spell of Rip Van Winkle,” Garvey declared. “These people want a terrific sensation to awaken them to their racial consciousness. We are throwing away good business opportunities in the beautiful islands of the West. We have no banks of our own, no big stores and commercial undertakings, we depend on others as dealers while we remain as consumers. The file is there open and ready for anyone who has the training and ability to become a pioneer.”79 This judgment was harsh and unbalanced, especially as Garvey ignored the responsibility of the centuries-old stranglehold of sugar and the plantation system for the impoverishment of the West Indies. Garvey felt assured that a mercantile relationship with African American capitalists would energize West Indians. He declared that “If enterprising Negro Americans would get hold of some of the wealthy Negroes of the West Indies and teach them how to trade and to do things in the interest of their people, a great good would be accomlxxx

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plished for the advancement of the race.” The essay concluded with a list of what was needed: “The Negro masses in the West Indies want enterprises that will help them to dress as well as the Negroes in the North of the United States; to help them to live in good homes and to provide them with furniture on the installment plan; to insure them in sickness and death and to prevent a pauper’s grave.”80 The economically inequitable distribution of resources in Jamaica was the subject of a conversation Garvey had in Chicago in 1916 with Ida B. Wells, the outstanding black political leader and former crusading journalist against lynching in the South. In her autobiography, Wells described their Chicago encounter: “Mr. Garvey was travelling from place to place to arouse the interest of other West Indians who were living in the United States to assist him in establishing an industrial school in Jamaica. He visited my husband’s law office, and Mr. Barnett brought him home to dinner.” She also remembered their lively conversation: In the course of his conversation he said that ninety thousand of the people of the island of Jamaica were colored, and only fifteen thousand of them were white; yet the fifteen thousand white people possessed all the land, ruled the island, and kept the Negroes in subjection. I asked him what those ninety thousand Negroes were thinking about to be dominated in this way, and he said it was because they had no educational facilities outside of grammar-school work. He wanted to return to his native home to see if he could not help to change the situation there.81 Instead of returning to Jamaica, however, as appears to have been his original plan, Garvey would decide to change course and remain in America. He explained to an audience in Jamaica, in March 1921, how he made his decision: He went there [America] primarily for the purpose of seeking aid for the Jamaica Division of the U.N.I.A. to build an industrial school after the pattern of Tuskegee in the southern part of the U.S.A., but on arriving in America he received an unwelcome response from the Jamaicans and West Indians who lived in the city of New York. He left the city of New York and travelled through 5 or 6 of the States for the same object. He met other West Indians who discouraged him in the idea of receiving help in the U.S.A. to build an industrial institution for Negroes in Jamaica. He was forced, therefore, to change his object. Nevertheless, he was deeply interested in the development of the Negro.82 Then came the decisive turning-point, according to Garvey, one that he felt required him to remain in the United States:

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He saw before him in America then a grave problem, and immediately went into a sociological study of conditions of the Negro in the United States, which caused him to travel through thirty-eight of the States. He lectured in some of the churches, passed on from place to place, returning to New York in the latter part of 1917 [sic] with the intention of coming back to Jamaica. But just at that time something happened that caused him to render certain assistance and he gladly gave it. Immediately after that assistance was rendered, he found out that the people there desired of him a longer stay in New York. He was, therefore, encouraged to start the U.N.I.A. and he assembled 13 men and women in 1917 and founded the New York Division of this Association.83 Garvey’s strategy of seeking American tutelage for the West Indies was now almost exhausted. It had produced little. Soon it would end with Garvey exchanging it for the goal of “Africa for the Africans.” In that sense, it was Africa that rescued Garvey, not the other way around. At the same time, the new consciousness of Africa unleashed and symbolized by “Africa for the Africans” would inspire in West Indians, both in the Diaspora of the north and all across the archipelago, a new and radicalizing vision of their own liberation. Garvey’s focus would change, in 1917-1918, from the earlier program of improvement to the new goal of the emancipation and redemption of Africa. It was this change in direction, plus the spontaneous support generated among West Indians, that underlay Garvey’s proclamation, in December 1918, that the UNIA was “THE GREATEST MOVEMENT IN THE HISTORY OF THE NEGROES 84 OF THE WORLD.” What caused Garvey and West Indians to change? As Garvey explained it, the first major contributing factor was the First World War. “We are a new people, born out of a new day and a new circumstance,” Garvey announced. “We are born out of the bloody war of 1914-18.”85 The change among West Indians was all the more noteworthy after the initial outpouring of patriotic support for England following the outbreak of the war. Then came the shock of disillusion brought about by England’s racist treatment of West Indian soldiers, followed by the consequent reversal of patriotic feeling. “The war helped a great deal in arousing the consciousness of the colored people to the reasonableness of our program,” Garvey explained, “especially after the British at home had rejected a large number of West Indian colored men who wanted to be officers in the British army. When they were told that Negroes could not be officers in the British army they started their own propaganda, which supplemented the program of the Universal Negro Improvement Association.”86 By the end of the war, the popular disaffection felt by West Indians for the British Empire was broad and profound. The second major factor that contributed to the transformation of Garvey’s goal was the publication, on 9 November 1917, of the famous “declara-

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tion” by Britain’s Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour (First Earl of Balfour), which expressed the sympathy of the British government with Jewish Zionist aspirations while pledging to use its “best endeavors” to facilitate “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.”87 The effect upon Garvey was immediate and profound. “A new spirit, a new courage, has come to us simultaneously as it came to the other peoples of the world,” Garvey related. He recalled, “[i]t came [to] us at the same time it came to the Jew. When the Jew said, ‘We shall have Palestine!’ the same sentiment came to us when we said, ‘We shall have Africa!’”88 Garvey repeated the same sentiment almost verbatim the following year, when he informed an interviewer: “When the Jew said, ‘We shall have Palestine,’ we said, ‘We shall have Africa.’”89 Garvey thus felt empowered by Britain’s support of the Jewish Zionist claim to a national home in Palestine, and on 25 November 1917, speaking at a meeting on the subject of “The Opportunities of the Young Negro,” Garvey announced that “he will leave for Boston and other points soon and will then go to Africa, where he will organize the work among the natives there.”90 This was the first recorded mention by Garvey of his intention of moving to Africa. Earlier in 1916, Garvey had proposed that “[a] certain class of graduates from this Institute [the proposed Industrial Farm and Institute in Jamaica] will be used as missionaries to Africa with the hope of helping to bring the millions of that ‘wonderful’ Continent into the van of civilization, which will mean so much to commerce and other industries.”91 This was the voice of nineteenthcentury civilizationism speaking. The announcement that he intended to move to Africa, in November 1917, however, was of a different political order altogether. Speaking in Liberty Hall in New York, in February 1920, Garvey described the change in the political landscape. Alluding to the success of the Jewish Zionist movement as well as the Irish struggle, Garvey recalled the decisive impact of both these movements. “For months and months I spoke to you from the corners of Lenox Avenue,” Garvey reminded his audience. Near me on another corner there were other speakers talking about political, domestic and other matters, and when I started to talk about the larger matters of the race they said I was a crazy man. They called me all kinds of names . . . I made up my mind to see the matter through because just at that time other races [were] seeing their cause through—the Jews through the Zionist movement and Irish through their movement—and I decided that, cost what it might, I would make this a favorable time to see the Negro’s interest through.92 From this point onward, Garvey spoke in the name of African nationhood, of Africa constituting a separate nation. The Balfour Declaration also explains Garvey’s expectation of imperial support for his African program. “[B]y assisting his proposed Exodus to the Conquest of Africa, which he [Garvey] compared to the assistance rendered by lxxxiii

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Great Britain to the Jews to repopulate Palestine,”93 Garvey projected the transfer of colonial suzerainty in Africa. It was clearly attested, for example, when, in December 1924, Garvey compared the struggle of the UNIA against the success achieved by other nationalist movements and found it to be wanting. “Today the Negro would have had a great government for himself even as the Jews, the Egyptians and the Poles and the other people who gained their freedom between 1914 and 1918,” Garvey opined. All Africa was going a-begging between 1914 and 1918 until the armistice was signed—begging for some organized group of Negroes to come and take it, and because we were not organized Africa remained until the war was over and France and England and Italy took possession of that which they could not hold between 1914 and 1918.94 Fortunately for Garvey, the social capital accumulated by West Indians over decades, going back as far as the pre-Emancipation period, traveled with them to America. It would form the bedrock of the West Indian community-building experience in the United States. The organization of the UNIA was modeled on the West Indian friendly society that supplied each insular group of West Indians in America with its respective associations.95 In Harlem, for example, there was a friendly society or benevolent association for every Caribbean island and entity—British Virgin Islands Benevolent Association, British Jamaica Benevolent Association, Bermuda Benevolent Association, The Sons and Daughters of Barbados, B.W.I., St. Vincent Benevolent Society, St. Vincent Benevolent Association, Nevis Benevolent Society, Sons and Daughters of St. Christopher, British Guiana Benevolent Association, Antigua Progressive Society, Dominica Benevolent Society, Grenada Mutual Association, Jamaica Benevolent Association, Jamaica Benevolent Society, St. Lucia United Association, Tobago Benevolent Association, Trinidad Benevolent Association of New York. These are just a few of the names of West Indian benevolent associations that were active in the 1920s and 1930s in Harlem, drawn from the New York Amsterdam News. In reality, the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), seen in the context of the institutional life of the America–West Indian Diaspora, was no more than the largest and best known of these proliferating West Indian bodies.96 Indeed, at the very inception of the UNIA in Jamaica in 1914, Garvey stated that it was organized “[t]o establish a universal confraternity among the race,”97 the same term used by fraternal bodies and organizations to define their nature and purpose.98 Reference was made above to the statement contained in the certificate of incorporation of the UNIA in July 1918, declaring that its first goal was “[t]o promote and practice, the principles of Benevolence, and for the protection and social intercourse of its members and for their mental and physical culture and developments and to extend a friendly and constructive hand to the Negroes of the United States.99 The prototype of the West Indian lxxxiv

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friendly society would also inform the “Preamble” of the UNIA’s Constitution and Book of Laws: “The Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League is a social, friendly, humanitarian, charitable, educational, institutional, constructive and expansive society, and is founded by persons, desiring to the utmost, to work for the general uplift of the Negro peoples of the world.”100 In deriving the organizational template of the UNIA from the West Indian friendly society, Garvey followed the model closely, even to the extent of employing terms like “Board of Management” and designating himself “Founder” and “Travelling Commissioner,” all of them familiar names in the lexicon of friendly societies.101 The UNIA functioned like other benefit societies, providing death benefits for which it collected, in addition to initiation fees and membership dues, a “death tax” from members.102 When members died, their families would be paid the death benefit to assist with the funeral, which members would attend. West Indians attached the greatest importance to these rituals. In every respect, the UNIA adhered to all the norms of mutuality, cooperation, and benevolence. The principles would have been instantly recognizable to West Indians, who were already practicing them everywhere and relied on them as the basic support for the structure of their community. Ultimately, it was the organizational form best known to West Indians and one that they had brought to a high level of social efficiency, particularly through the practice of rotating savings and credit schemes. Indeed, in certain instances, friendly societies in the West Indies functioned as incipient trade unions, taking the place of labor organizations before such bodies were made legal.103 Like other West Indian friendly societies, the UNIA also organized social functions for members, such as dances, religious events, cultural performances, and sporting teams and events—particularly important for emigrants from the Caribbean. The UNIA also served important ceremonial and friendship purposes for both adults and juveniles, thereby playing an important part in many people’s lives. The documents presented in this and subsequent volumes will make clear that the UNIA spread throughout the West Indian Diaspora as well as in the West Indies and Central America principally by means of links that it successfully established with members and officials of friendly societies, benevolent associations, lodges, burial societies, and the like.104 Moreover, if members moved, they could join a different division or branch of the UNIA without difficulty; ceremonies were also fairly uniform throughout the far-flung UNIA, as the documents illustrate. Ultimately, the modular form of the UNIA was what made it readily portable, allowing its message to be diffused so widely. In replicating the fundamental features of the West Indian friendly society, the UNIA conserved and built upon the social capital that West Indian emigrants brought with them to America. And without that social capital to draw on, there would have been no Garvey movement.

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The Garvey movement is being conceived here as a form of cultural and political ethnogenesis.105 In coming to think of and understand themselves as a group that was culturally and ethnically distinct from the wider social milieu, diasporic West Indians gravitated to the UNIA as a major vehicle of group expression. Without the emigrant base, the Garvey movement would never have arisen and flourished to the extent that it did. The two were symbiotic, each expressing the movement of Caribbean consciousness in diaspora. As has been noted above, the Garvey movement served as a marker of West Indian group identity and became, in turn, an important means of maintaining and reaffirming a strong collective West Indian identity. The process of cultural reinvention helped to galvanize the Garvey movement wherever it moved or developed. The process in itself was not new: cultural adaptation had been occurring as far back as the planting of the original colonies in the West Indies. In the Caribbean, the process came to be known by the term creolization, later to become an especially fecund concept in the emergence of Caribbean studies.106 “What typifies creolization,” according to Philip Morgan, agreeing with Mintz, “is not just the fragmentation of culture or its destruction but rather the creation and construction of culture out of violent and disjunct pasts.”107 In moving to new geographic settings and evolving in new locations, West Indians underwent a new phase in the creolization of West Indian culture. Indeed, the UNIA, with its panoply of public and ceremonial rituals, became the vehicle for and showcase of the whole range of expressive Caribbean cultural forms. Whether it was the street parade that opened the annual conventions of the UNIA on 1 August, the Emancipation Day holiday in the West Indies,108 the speechmaking from the platform of Liberty Hall, or the music and mass choirs, all of it signified the continuing relevance of “serious” play in the public life of the West Indian Diaspora. When these events are seen within the “broader context of ‘play culture’” in the Caribbean, the presence of a distinctively Caribbean aesthetic of performance becomes easily recognizable. In the words of Richard Burton, speaking about events such as Carnival in the Caribbean, “To say that such extravaganzas are just ‘play’ is, of course to say that they are very serious, indeed.” 109 Illustrative of the connection between Garvey and the world of the West Indian emigrant community was a vignette that appeared in the Negro World, in one of the few times that the paper allowed the quotidian world to intrude. The report was headlined: GALA DAY AT THE OVAL SPARTAN C[RICKET] C[LUB] AND UNIVERSAL C[RICKET] C[LUB] —FORMER WIN BY 71 RUNS— Hon. Marcus Garvey Delivers the Opening Ball

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Just from seeing the word “Universal” in the club’s name, it becomes apparent that there was a cricket club identified with Garvey’s UNIA. Indeed, it is possible that the New York Division of the UNIA had fielded its own cricket club. Following the headlines, the report stated: All roads led to the Oval, Harlem, New York city, last Saturday afternoon, where the Spartan Cricket Club was at home to the Universal Cricket Club, the sporting offshoot of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. The event was a memorable one and furnished additional testimony to the popularity of the Hon. Marcus Garvey, founder and administrator of the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. The match was held under the patronage of the his Highness the Potentate, Mayor G. M. Johnson of Monrovia, Liberia, and his Excellency the Hon. Marcus Garvey, Provisional President of Africa, who graced the function with their presence, remaining on the ground the entire afternoon, interested spectators of the game. The Stars and Stripes and the Red, Black and Green floated over the main entrance to the inclosure. A section of the Black Star line Band was in attendance and entertained an enthusiastic crowd numbering about 1,000 persons . . . According to the report, shortly after arriving, Garvey was escorted to the pitch “to toss the opening ball,” whereupon “cheering broke out afresh as, standing at the south end of the pitch, he sent the leather through the air.”110 The report confirms both the emblematic importance of cricket in reproducing the cultural life of the West Indian œcumene in the diaspora as well as the easy familiarity and understanding that Garvey brought to the relationship. Most commentators observing the UNIA’s public spectacles utterly failed to understand their significance as enactments of Caribbean creole culture which had now taken on new meaning in America—and not just for Garvey’s West Indian followers but also for West Indians at large enjoying the performances. Instead of recognizing the culturally revivifying quality of these events, commentators were content to write them off as examples of Garvey’s alleged exoticism or his childlike fascination with pomp.111 At the same time, according to Burton, the culture of play derived its energy from another cultural impulse: “in the Caribbean all play is oppositional and all oppositionality is ‘playful’ or contains a ‘play element’ which most definitely does not mean that it is not intensely serious at the same time.”112 Viewed within the cultural context of Caribbean rhetoric of oppositionality, Garvey’s well-known pugnacious quality, conveyed primarily through his speeches, might have had a particular resonance when heard by West Indians in his audiences. The defiant, combative temper of Garvey’s verbal performances might thus have resonated in terms of fulfilling certain cultural expectations. As Roger Abrahams explains, “The more solemn oratorical and orderly marching display events, like Emancipation Day in its lxxxvii

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various apotheoses, or the activities of the burial societies at the death of a member, all testify to stylish gravity.”113 To illustrate the point, consider excerpts drawn from two speeches by Garvey, the first delivered on the eve of his departure for the Caribbean in the winter of 1921, the second from his visit to Panama during his sojourn there in the spring of that year. In both venues, Garvey’s audiences would have been overwhelmingly West Indian, but even more so in Panama than in New York. As examples of Garvey’s oratorical style, they vividly convey the flavor of his normal combative stance. Negroes, understand, there are 400,000,000 of you in the world, and if you are too cowardly to stand up for what belongs to you, if you are going to let 60,000,000 Anglo-Saxons take away that which God Almighty gave you, you ought to die! But here is one man (the speaker here refers to himself) who will measure arms with and meet any AngloSaxon anywhere, at any time. Every day and night I feel sure I will meet him and bring away what belongs to me and let him go on his way. That is the determination I want each and every one of you to make up in your minds, for it’s your last chance.114 This association [UNIA] consists of cultured, cultivated and educated men, who are well versed in political economy and political science and although I am alone here tonight, I challenge any man who can come on this platform and give a better discourse than I can, on either of these subjects. Lloyd George and other statesmen went to the best universities to study political science. I have been to a university and used the same textbooks that they have used. They have made plans for the development of their country and empire. I shall expect no apology from them and they shall expect none from me. Black man as I am, I shall choose my way for the building of my empire . . . The Anglo-Saxons will not beat me in the race of life. Whenever you hear Garvey is licked he is well licked.115 The cultural dimension of the Caribbean emigrant Diaspora makes it possible to read the documents presented in these volumes against the grain and to subject them to the cultural logic outlined above. Formal texts take on a new life and begin to breathe again. The Caribbean focus of the present volumes restores the important cultural and political aspects of the Garvey narrative that have been eclipsed.116 What the volumes of the present Caribbean Series reveal is the strength of the symbiosis connecting the Garvey movement in America with the movement that unfolded across the entire Caribbean. In the absence of this narrative, Garveyism loses its historical bearing, which might explain why it has been difficult to comprehend the diffuse and dispersed nature of the phenomenon. Even so knowledgeable and privileged an observer as Richard B. Moore, himself an lxxxviii

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active participant during Harlem’s radical movements of the twenties, would be careful to prefigure his discussion of the Garvey movement with a note of caution: “It is difficult and still perhaps somewhat hazardous to attempt an objective estimate of the Garvey movement . . . yet this is necessary if we are to learn from its lessons and to apply them wisely in our present endeavors.”117 Indeed, wrapped inside the phenomenon was a West Indian movement of diasporic consciousness; a Caribbean-wide nationalist movement; a redemptive social movement; a fraternal movement and friendly society; a movement aimed at moral reformation; a racial-irredentist movement; and an African American protest movement against racial injustice in America—all of them, interacting simultaneously and sometimes in dizzying combination. The Garvey movement, in other words, was not a single movement; it was several movements that faced in multiple directions, but all of them, during the peak years of mobilization, 1919–1923, anchored in and by the West Indian Diaspora of the north. The Caribbean Series has as its principal focus the pan-Caribbean aspects of what was an extraordinarily variegated, transnational West Indian, African American, and African phenomenon, operating in tandem, but each with its own tempo and political trajectory. Notes Abbreviations used in the notes are listed in the Symbols and Abbreviations section of this volume. 1. Negro World, 13 August 1921; “Garvey Speaking in Toronto,” Black Man, Vol. 4, no. 1 (February 1939): 7–10. 2. Speech by Marcus Garvey, Liberty Hall, New York, 6 March 1920, Negro World, 13 March 1920, reprinted The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Vol. 1 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 141, 250–258, cited hereafter as MGP, with volume and page number(s). 3. Certificate of Incorporation of The Universal Negro Improvement Association, Inc., New York City, filed and recorded 2 July 1918, MGP, 1:245–246, emphasis added. 4. Marcus Garvey to T. A. McCormack, New York City, 12 May 1916, MGP, 1:193–194. Garvey arrived in New York, by way of Belize, on 23 March 1916. 5. See Karen Fog Olwig, Global Culture, Island Identity: Continuity and Change in the AfroCaribbean Community of Nevis (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1993), and Caribbean Journeys: An Ethnography of Migration and Home in Three Family Networks (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007); Ninna Nyberg Sorensen and Olwig, eds., Work and Migration: Life and Livelihoods in a Globalizing World (New York: Routledge, 2002); Jean Besson and Olwig, eds., Caribbean Narratives of Belonging: Fields of Relations, Sites of Modernity (Oxford: Macmillan Caribbean, 2005); and Bonham C. Richardson, Caribbean Migrants: Environment and Human Survival on St. Kitts and Nevis (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983). 6. For the history and scope of West Indian migration to Panama, see Michael L. Conniff, Black Labor on a White Canal: West Indians in Panama, 1904–1980 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985); Velma Newton, The Silver Men: West Indian Labour Migration to Panama 1850–1914 (Mona, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1984); and Bonham C. Richardson, Panama Money in Barbados, 1900–1920 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1985). 7. The literature on West Indian emigration to the U.S. is large and growing; the main focus of the scholarship has been concerned with that which began in the 1960s. For accounts of the earlier movement, the main sources are Harry Robinson, “The Negro Immigrant in New York,” WPA Research Paper, June 1939, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture; Ira De A. Reid, The Negro Immigrant: His Background, Characteristics and Social Adjustment, 1899–1937 (New York:

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Columbia University Press, 1939; reprinted New York: AMS Press, 1968); Calvin B. Holder, “West Indian Immigrants in New York City, 1900–1952,” unpublished diss., Harvard University, 1976; “The Causes and Composition of West Indian Immigration to New York City, 1900–1952,” AfroAmericans in New York Life and History, Vol. 11, no. 1 (January 1987): 7–26; Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America (New York: Verso, 1998); “Explaining Afro-Caribbean Social Mobility in the United States: Beyond the Sowell Thesis,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 44, no. 2 (April 2002): 218–62; Violet Showers Johnson, The Other Black Bostonians: West Indians in Boston 1900–1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006). 8. Negro World, 23 October 1920. For the numbers of black emigrants arriving and departing from the U.S., 1899–1937, see Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia, table 1.1, “Black immigrant aliens admitted and black emigrant aliens departed, United States, 1899–1937,” p. 355. Extrapolating from the figures, between 1899 and 1924, when the Immigration Act of 1924 cut off the flow of West Indian emigrants, the aggregate number of black immigrant arrivals was 135,019; however, for 1911–24 alone, when black immigration peaked, the total was 101,389. Of this number, West Indians constituted the preponderant majority. 9. The Hispanic islands (Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic) are not included. “West Indian” and “Caribbean” are used synonymously and interchangeably throughout; however, when the context covers the wider Caribbean, including West Indian communities in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and the territories of Central and South America, then “Caribbean” is used. 10. Irma Watkins-Owens, Blood Relations: Caribbean Immigrants and the Harlem Community, 1900–1930 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996). 11. In 1925, W. A. Domingo, the radical West Indian activist, estimated that “foreign-born Negroes,” inclusive of West Indians, “formed slightly less than 20 per cent of the total Negro population of New York” (see W. A. Domingo, “The Gift of the Black Tropics,” in Alain Locke, ed., The New Negro: An Interpretation (New York: A. and C. Boni, 1925; reprinted, New York: Atheneum, 1992), p. 341. 12. Harrison has been described as the “father of the ‘New Negro’ movement.” For his career, see Jeffrey Babcock Perry, ed., A Hubert Harrison Reader (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 2001); Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009). Garvey scored his first speaking success in New York on Harrison’s platform. For an account of Harlem’s stepladder orators, the majority of whom were West Indian, see Ralph L. Crowder, “The Historical Context and Political Significance of Harlem’s Street Scholar Community,” Afro-Americans in New York Life and History, Vol. 34, no. 1 (January 2010): 34–71. 13. For the economic collapse of West Indian sugar in the 1880s and the lack of any effective imperial or institutional response, see S. B. Saul, “The British West Indies in Depression, 1880– 1914,” Inter-American Economic Affairs, Vol. 12, no. 3 (Winter 1958): 3–25; H. A. Will, “Colonial Policy and Economic Development in the British West Indies, 1895–1903,” Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 23, no. 1 (April 1970): 129–147; R. W. Beachey, The British West Indies Sugar Industry in the Late 19th Century (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1957); Gisela Eisner, Jamaica, 1830–1930: A Study in Economic Growth (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1961); and J. R. Ward, Poverty and Progress in the Caribbean 1800–1960 (Basingstoke: Macmillan Publishers, 1985). 14. “Du Bois A West Indian . . . Prejudice Growing Less and Co-operation More, Says Student of Question,” Pittsburgh Courier, 29 January 1927. 15. “Garvey Philosophy Becomes Guide for Negroes; Leader Called Moses of Oppressed People,” New York Amsterdam News, 10 August 1940. Malliet wrote extensively about the history of Garvey and the UNIA in the New York Amsterdam News, the newspaper of the West Indian community and was the author of The Destiny of the West Indies (New York: Russwurm Press, 1928). 16. Edgar M. Grey expressed the view that “Because of the English system of keeping women in the background, his women are, to a certain extent, unprogressive; so the West Indian and the other foreigners generally continue to resent the obtrusion of women in public activities” (“The Tropics in New York: ‘The West Indian and Native Belong to Same Race,’” New York Amsterdam News, 23 March 1927; cf. Irma Watkins-Owens, “Early Twentieth-Century Caribbean Women: Migration and Social Networks in New York City,” in Nancy Foner, ed., Islands in the City: West Indian Migration to New York (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 25–51. 17. The data refutes the claim made, for example, by Robert Brisbane and Winston James—cf. “[A] significant characteristic of the Garvey movement was the fact that its leadership was made up

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GENERAL INTRODUCTION almost exclusively of immigrant West Indians, while American Negroes constituted the preponderance of the dues-paying rank and file” (Robert H. Brisbane, The Black Vanguard: Origins of the Negro Social Revolution 1900–1960 [Valley Forge: Judson Press, 1970], p. 217; “Although the leadership of the UNIA was disproportionately Caribbean in origin, the organization as a whole—and certainly the UNIA in the United States—was not a ‘West Indian Movement’ in any meaningful sense” (Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia, p. 135). 18. Speech by Marcus Garvey, Ward Theatre, Kingston, Jamaica, 18 December 1927, Negro World, 7 January 1928; “Mr. Garvey at Ward Theatre,” Gleaner, 20 December 1927, MGP, 7:47–48. 19. Speech by Marcus Garvey, Liberty Hall, New York, 6 March 1920, Negro World, 6 March 1920, MGP, 2:235. 20. “Divide and Rule,” editorial, Negro World, 14 June 1919, reprinted in MGP, 1:423–424. 21. “Thousands Throng Liberty Hall,” Negro World, 23 August 1924. 22. Marcus Garvey to the Governor, British Guiana, New York, 2 March 1920, National Archives, Kew, Richmond, Surrey, England, CO 111/630, see pp. 575–576 in the present volume. 23. Negro World, 14 August 1920. 24. Negro World, 28 August 1920. 25. Negro World, 13 August 1921. 26. A. M. Wendell Malliet, “British West Indians Outnumber All Other Groups in Harlem; Immigration More Than 100 Years Old,” New York Amsterdam News, 5 March 1938. 27. Cf. “The term West Indies applies, strictly, to the group of Islands occupying the Caribbean Sea, stretching from the tip of Florida to the north-eastern hump of South America” (W. A. Domingo, “The West Indies,” Opportunity, Vol. 4, no. 47 [November 1926]: 339). 28. E. H. J. King, “This Is Jamaica—at the Half Century Mark,” Sunday Gleaner, 31 December 1950. 29. “Reconstruction in the West Indies,” Negro World, reprinted in the West Indian (Grenada), 28 March 1919. 30. Benedict R. O’G. Anderson, Long-Distance Nationalism: World Capitalism and the Rise of Identity Politics, The Wertheim Lecture 1992 (Amsterdam: Centre for Asian Studies, 1992); Nina Glick Schiller and Georges Eugene Fouron, Georges Woke up Laughing: Long-Distance Nationalism and the Search for Home (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001); Nina Glick Schiller, “Long-Distance Nationalism,” in Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and Refugee Cultures around the World, ed. Melvin Ember et al. (New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum, 2004), 2: 570–580; see also Devesh Kapur, “The Janus Face of Diasporas,” in Barbara J. Merz et al., eds., Diasporas and Development (Cambridge: Global Equity Initiative, Asia Center, Harvard University, 2007), 89–118; Fiona B. Anderson, “Constructing the Diaspora: Diaspora Identity Politics and Transnational Social Movements” (unpublished paper, March 2008). 31. Lord Acton, “Nationality,” Home and Foreign Review (July 1862), reprinted in William H. McNeill, ed., Essays in the Liberal Interpretation of History: Selected Papers by Lord Acton (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), 133–166. 32. John Kenny, “Mobilizing Diasporas in Nationalist Conflicts” (unpublished paper); Thomas N. Brown, Irish-American Nationalism, 1870–1890 (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1966); David Brundage, “Recent Directions in the History of Irish American Nationalism,” Journal of American Ethnic History, Vol. 28, no. 4 (Summer 2009): 82–89; Mark I. Choate, Emigrant Nation: The Making of Italy Abroad (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008); Donna R. Gabaccia, Italy’s Many Diasporas (London: UCL Press, 2000). 33. A. Philip Randolph, “Reply to Marcus Garvey,” Messenger, August 1922, p. 470. 34. See A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen, Terms of Peace and the Darker Races (New York: Poole Press Association, 1917). According to Randolph, Garvey “got his first knowledge of the African problem from a program drawn up by the writer and presented at a conference, held at the late Madam C. J. Walker’s home, Irvington-on-Hudson, out of which grew the International League of Darker Peoples. Garvey was there and participated in the conference” (Randolph, “Reply to Marcus Garvey,” p. 470). 35. Marcus Garvey, “The Negroes Greatest Enemy; A Chapter in Autobiography,” Current History, Vol. 18, no. 6 (September 1923): 951–957, reprinted in Amy Jacques Garvey, ed., The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, or Africa for the Africans (New York: Universal Publishing House, 1926; reprinted New York: Atheneum, 1992), pp. 124–134. For the story of the humiliating racist treatment of West Indians in the First World War and the deep resentment that it caused, see W. F. Elkins, “A Source of Black Nationalism in the Caribbean: The Revolt of the British West Indies Regiment at Taranto, Italy,” Science and Society, Vol. 34, no. 1 (Spring 1970): 99–103; Glen-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS ford D. Howe, Race, War and Nationalism: A Social History of West Indians in the First World War (Oxford: James Currey, 2002); and Richard Smith, Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004). 36. David J. Hellwig, “Black Meets Black: Afro-American Reactions to West Indian Immigrants in the 1920’s,” South Atlantic Quarterly, Vol. 77, no. 2 (Spring 1978): 219. 37. Edgar M. Grey, “The Tropics in New York,” New York Amsterdam News, 23 March 1927. 38. Sidney W. Mintz, “The Caribbean Region,” Daedalus, Vol. 103, no. 2, Slavery, Colonialism, and Racism (Spring 1974): 59. 39. W.A. Domingo, “An Opponent of Garveyism,” World Tomorrow, Vol. 4, no. 11 (November 1921): 347; see also “Figures Never Lie, But Liars Do Figure,” Crusader, Vol. 5, no. 2 (October 1921): 13–14. 40. Randolph, “The Only Way To Redeem Africa,” Messenger, Vol. V, no. 3 (February 1923): 612. Domingo agreed: “The support given Garvey by a certain type of his countrymen is partly explained by their group reaction to attacks made upon him because of his nationality” (“The Gift of the Black Tropics,” in Alain Locke, ed., The New Negro: An Interpretation (New York: A. and C. Boni, 1925; reprinted, New York: Atheneum, 1992), p. 348. 41. Lester A. Walton, “Marcus Garvey: His Rise and Fall,” Chicago Defender, 4 April 1925. In addition to his career as a journalist, Walton was the manager of Harlem’s Lafayette Theatre and an important theater critic as well as chairman of the Coordinating Council for Negro Performers; in 1924, he was appointed director of publicity of the Colored Division of the Democratic National Campaign Committee. See Susan Curtis, Colored Memories: A Biographer’s Quest for the Elusive Lester A. Walton (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2008). 42. “Often overlooked is the role of foreign-born blacks and the response of native blacks to the dark-skinned newcomers. While white Americans largely ignored the presence of West Indians as they persisted in the self-serving delusion that All Negroes were the same, blacks were alert and often hypersensitive to nationality differences” (David J. Hellwig, “Black Meets Black: Afro-American Reactions to West Indian Immigrants in the 1920’s,” South Atlantic Quarterly, Vol. 77, no. 2 [Spring 1978]: 206). 43. Ethelred Brown, “West Indian-American Relations: A Symposium,” Opportunity, Vol. 4, no. 47 (November 1926): 354–355. 44. Hubert H. Harrison, “New York Writer Analyzes Garvey Case,” Kansas City Call, 5 July 1923. 45. William H. Ferris, “Unity between Americans and West Indians,” Pittsburgh Courier, 4 February 1928. 46. Ibid. 47. “Great Mass Meeting at the Regent Theatre,” Afro-American, 6 December 1918. For examples of Rankin’s espousal of Garvey’s cause, see Afro-American, 17 June 1921, 11 August 1922. 48. “A New Radical Organization,” Afro-American, 13 December 1918. 49. H. Vinton Plummer, “The Universal Negro Improvement Association: As I See It—Then— Now,” Spokesman, May–June 1927, pp. 10, 29. Plummer might have misremembered the meeting as having occurred in September instead of December 1918. Or it is also possible that Garvey traveled to Baltimore after leaving Virginia. The party of ten that met with Garvey in 1918 would most likely have included West Indian representatives. For the UNIA in Virginia in the 1920s, see Claudrena N. Harold, The Rise and Fall of the Garvey Movement in the Urban South, 1918–1942 (New York: Routledge, 2007), chap. 4, “Virginia Garveyism, 1918–1942,” pp. 91–114; and Earl Lewis, In Their Own Interests: Race, Class, and Power in Twentieth-Century Norfolk, Virginia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 73–76, 94–95. 50. Reports by Bureau Agent A. J. Lenon, Pittsburgh, 2 September 1920, In Re: Marcus Garvey, Universal Negro Improvement Association, Black Star Steamship Line, Back to Africa Movement, MGP, 3:43. 51. Jahi U. Issa, “The Universal Negro Improvement Association in Louisiana: Creating a Provisional Government in Exile,” unpublished diss., Howard University, May 2005, pp. 101–103; see also Claudrena N. Harold, The Rise and Fall of the Garvey Movement in the Urban South, 1918–1942 (New York: Routledge, 2007), chap. 2, “‘We Are Constantly on the Firing Line’: The Garvey Movement in New Orleans, 1920–1935,” pp. 29–60. 52. “Welcome Address by West Indian Colonist[s] of Metropolitan Louisiana,” Negro World, 12 August 1922.

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GENERAL INTRODUCTION 53. Johnson’s statement is reproduced in an unpublished memoir by Garvey’s first wife, Amy Ashwood Garvey (“Portrait of a Liberator: Biographical Sketch of Marcus Garvey,” edited by Lionel M. Yard, n.d., The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers Project, James S. Coleman African Studies Center, University of California, Los Angeles; for Amy Ashwood’s career, see Tony Martin, Amy Ashwood Garvey: Pan-Africanist, feminist, and Mrs. Marcus Garvey Wife no. 1, or, A Tale of Two Amies (Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 2007), New Marcus Garvey Library, No. 4. 54. “My Trip to the West Indies and Central America,” speech by Marcus Garvey, Liberty Hall, New York, 20 July 1921, Negro World, 30 July 1921, MGP, 3:639; “Col. Adrian Johnson Speaks in New Orleans,” Negro World, 28 February 1921. Johnson presented a report, “[An] Indictment of British Rule,” at the 3rd UNIA convention, 16 August 1922, MGP, 4:889–890. 55. MS., Amy Ashwood, “Portrait of a Liberator: Biographical Sketch of Marcus Garvey,” edited by Lionel M. Yard, n.d., The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers Project, James S. Coleman African Studies Center, University of California, Los Angeles; cf. Tony Martin, Amy Ashwood Garvey. 56. Jarod Heath Roll, “Road to the Promised Land: Rural Rebellion in the New Cotton South, 1890–1945,” unpublished Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, December 2006, chap. 4, “‘Building up a Country of Their Own’: Rural Garveyism, 1920–1929,” p. 144. 57. Report by Bureau Agent A. A. Hopkins, Los Angeles, California, November 17, 1921, UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATON—NEGRO ACTIVITIES, MGP, 4:194–195; for the story of the Los Angeles UNIA, see Emory J. Tolbert, The UNIA and Black Los Angeles: Ideology and Community in the American Garvey Movement (Los Angeles: Center for Afro-American Studies, 1980). 58. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Back to Africa,” Century Magazine, Vol. 105, no. 4 (February 1923): 546. 59. The literature on the subject of African emigration and colonization (“Back to Africa”) is immense. For some of the most useful works, see Stephen Ward Angell, Bishop Henry McNeal Turner and African-American Religion in the South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1992); Eric Bruin, Slavery and the Peculiar Solution: A History of the American Colonization Society (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005); Kenneth C. Barnes, Journey of Hope: The Back-toAfrica Movement in Arkansas in the Late 1800s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); James T. Campbell, Middle Passages: African American Journey to Africa, 1787–2005 (New York: Penguin Press, 2006); Floyd J. Miller, The Search for a Black Nationality: Black Emigration and Colonization, 1787–1863 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975); Wilson Jeremiah Moses, Liberian Dreams: Back-to-Africa Narratives from the 1850s (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998); Emma J. Lapsansky-Werner et al., eds., Back to Africa: Benjamin Coates and the Colonization Movement in America, 1848–1880 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005); Edwin S. Redkey, Black Exodus: Black Nationalism and Back-to-Africa Movements, 1890–1910 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969); and Lamont D. Thomas, Paul Cuffee: Black Entrepreneur and Pan-Africanist (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988). For a critique of the tradition from an African perspective, see Tunde Adeleke, UnAfrican Americans: Nineteenth-Century Black Nationalists and the Civilizing Mission (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1998). 60. William. H. Ferris, “‘After Marcus Garvey What?’ A Critical Analysis of Kelly Miller’s Brilliant Article on the Garvey Movement in the British Contemporary Review,” Spokesman, Vol. 3, no. 1 (September 1927): 12–13. See also Kelly Miller, “After Marcus Garvey—What?,” Spokesman, May 1927. 61. Ferris, “‘After Marcus Garvey What?’ A Critical Analysis of Kelly Miller’s Brilliant Article on the Garvey Movement in the British Contemporary Review,” Spokesman, Vol. 3, no. 1 (September 1927): 12–13. 62. For a recent attempt to theorize the possibility of two distinct Garvey movements, see Nicholas Patsides, “Allies, Constituents or Myopic Investors: Marcus Garvey and Black Americans,” Journal of American Studies, Vol. 41, no. 2 (2007): 279–305. Patsides argues that “Though black Americans across different social groups endorsed his vision of African sovereignty as a means to inspire their ‘American Dream,’ their conception of his rhetoric often conflicted with his own vision of reform. Garvey and his Caribbean followers, on the other hand, shared a regional identity and cultural bond, as well as an unbreakable closeness in spirit and outlook, which made this group, in all but name, his true constituency” (pp. 279–280).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 63. Cyril A. Crichlow, “What I Know About Liberia,” Crusader, Vol. 5, no. 4 (December 1921): 20–23. Crichlow, who was Trinidadian by birth, had come to America in the early part of the century and was educated in the Midwest; he eventually teamed up with a Barbadian, Newton Brathwaite, in establishing a secretarial school in Harlem. Before leaving as a secretary of the mission to Liberia, Crichlow had held the position of official stenographer at Liberty Hall and would have been the person responsible for transcribing the bulk of Garvey’s speeches published in the Negro World. 64. See M. B. Akpan, “Liberia and the Universal Negro Improvement Association: The Background to the Abortion of Garvey’s Scheme for African Colonization,” Journal of African History, Vol. 14, no. 1 (1973): 105–127; I. K. Sundiata, Brothers and Strangers: Black Zion, Black Slavery, 1914–1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003), pp. 15–23. For Garvey’s side of the Liberian imbroglio, see Amy Jacques Garvey, ed., The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, or Africa for the Africans (New York: Universal Publishing House, 1926; reprinted New York: Atheneum, 1992), Part 3, “The Republic of Liberia and the Universal Negro Improvement Association,” pp. 351–412. 65. For a charting of where divisions of the UNIA spread in the U.S. South in the 1920s, see Jarod Roll, “Garveyism and the Eschatalogy of African Redemption in the Rural South, 19201936,” Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation, Vol. 20, no. 1 (2010): 27-56; Steven Hahn, A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), and The Political Worlds of Slavery and Freedom (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009); Claudrena N. Harold, The Rise and Fall of the Garvey Movement in the Urban South, 1918–1942 (New York: Routledge, 2007); and Mary Rolinson, Grassroots Garveyism: The Universal Negro Improvement Association in the Rural South, 1920–1927 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007). In July 1922, a Bureau of Investigation undercover agent in New York reported that the UNIA’s musical director, the Barbadian Arnold Josiah Ford, had discussed with him “the aims and objects of the Organization,” and that “Ford seemed to have an idea that the U.N.I.A. was originally formed to organize the negroes, have them march an army south and seize the territory below the Mason-Dixon line. Ford is a militarist and made it very plain in my conversation with him that he believes in the use of force by the negroes to attain their rights . . . Ford claims that most of the negroes do not know the real and secret objects of the U.N.I.A., which are as stated above, and that these objects can be explored to them only after they join the organization” (Andrew M. Battle, “RE: U.S. vs. Marcus Garvey: Alleged Violation Section 215 U.S.C.C. [Using the mails to defraud], New York, N.Y.,” 17 July 1922, in Theodore Kornweibel, ed., Federal Surveillance of Afro-Americans [1917–1925]: The First World War, the Red Scare, and the Garvey Movement [microfilm] [Frederick, Md.: University Publications of America, 1985]). 66. E. Franklin Frazier, “The Garvey Movement,” Opportunity, Vol. 4, no. 47 (November 1926): 346. 67. Benjamin E. Mays, Born to Rebel (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1971), pp. 305–306. 68. Ethelred Brown, “West Indian-American Relations: A Symposium,” Opportunity, Vol. 4, no. 47 (November 1926): 354–355. 69. William Pickens, “Co-operation between West Indian and U.S. Negroes,” New York Amsterdam News, 19 September 1928. For Pickens’s career, see Sheldon Avery, Up From Washington: William Pickens and the Negro Struggle for Equality, 1900–1954 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1989). 70. A major exception to this enveloping consensus was Harold Cruse (see The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual: A Historical Analysis of the Failure of Black Leadership, introduction by Stanley Crouch [New York: New York Review Books, 1967, 2005]); for an attempt to refute Cruse’s position, see Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America (New York: Verso, 1998), Postscript, “Harold Cruse and the West Indians: Critical Remarks on The Crisis of The Negro Intellectual,” pp. 262–291. 71. For the very substantial impact in the West Indies arising from the migration to Panama as well as the impact of the Panama experience on the migrant community there, see Olive Senior, “The Colón People—Part I: Jamaica the Neglected Garden”; “Part II: The Colón Experience: The Panama Canal,” Jamaica Journal, Vol. 11, nos. 3 and 4 (1977): 62–71, and Vol. 12, no. 42 (1978/ 79): 88–103; Bonham C. Richardson, Panama Money in Barbados, 1900–1920 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1985); Rhonda D. Frederick, “Colón man a come”: Mythographies of Panama Canal Migration (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2004); Trevor O’Reggio, Between Alienation and Citizenship: The Evolution of Black West Indian Society in Panama, 1914–1964 (Lan-

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GENERAL INTRODUCTION ham, Md.: University Press of America, 2006); and George W. Westerman, The West Indian Worker on the Canal Zone (n.p., 1951). For the story of the construction of the canal, see Julie Greene, The Canal Builders: Making America’s Empire at the Panama Canal (New York: Penguin Press, 2009); David G. McCullough, The Path Between the Seas: The Creation of the Panama Canal, 1870–1914 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1977); Alexander Missal, Seaway to the Future: American Social Visions and the Construction of the Panama Canal (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009); and Matthew Parker, Panama Fever: The Epic Story of the Building of the Panama Canal (New York: Doubleday, 2007). 72. For the numbers of emigrants from Barbados, Jamaica, and other West Indian territories, see Velma Newton, The Silver Men: West Indian Labour Migration to Panama 1850–1914 (Mona, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1984), pp. 91– 94. 73. Marcus Garvey to “Dear Friend and Brother,” April 1916, W. E. B. Du Bois Papers, University of Massachusetts, reprinted in MGP, 1:189–190. 74. Marcus Garvey, “The British West Indies in the Mirror of Civilization—History Making by Colonial Negroes,” African Times and Orient Review, 2 (Mid-October 1913): 160, reprinted in MGP, 1:27–33. 75. Marcus Garvey, “The Evolution of Latter-Day Slaves—Jamaica, A Country of Black and White,” Tourist, 19 (June 1914): 61–63, reprinted in MGP, 1:40–44. 76. Marcus Garvey, “Men of Vision—The Need of Races, Black or White, the World Over,” New York Tribune, 11 July 1917. 77. Louis R. Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, 1901–1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), chap. 1, “Partners of Convenience: Washington and Roosevelt,” 3– 31; Robert J. Norrell, Up from History: The Life of Booker T. Washington (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009). 78. Marcus Garvey to Theodore Roosevelt, New York, 12 March 1918, Library of Congress, Theodore Roosevelt Papers, reprinted in MGP, 1:240–241. For other solicitation letters to Roosevelt from Garvey, see MGP, 1:245, 287. 79. Marcus Garvey, Jr., “The West Indies in the Mirror of Truth,” Champion Magazine, Vol. I (January 1917): 167–168, reprinted in MGP, 1:197–200. 80. Ibid. 81. Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells, ed. Alfreda M. Duster (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 380. For Wells’s political career, see also Paula J. Giddings, Ida: A Sword among Lions—Ida B. Wells and the Campaign against Lynching (New York: Amistad, 2008). 82. “Reception Given Marcus Garvey,” Gleaner, 24 March 1921, MGP, 3:275. 83. “Reception Given Marcus Garvey,” Gleaner, 24 March 1921, MGP, 3:275. 84. National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland, Record Group 165, Records of the War Department General and Special Staffs, Military Intelligence Division, file 10218/261–11; MGP, 1:315. 85. Report of UNIA Meeting, Liberty Hall, New York, 11 July 1920, Negro World, 17 July 1920; MGP, 2:409–417. 86. Marcus Garvey, “The Negro’s Greatest Enemy; A Chapter in Autobiography,” Current History, Vol. 18, no. 6 (September 1923): 951–957; MGP, 1:3–12. For the impact of the First World War on the West Indies and upon West Indians generally, see W. F. Elkins, “A Source of Black Nationalism in the Caribbean: The Revolt of the British West Indies Regiment at Taranto, Italy,” Science and Society, Vol. 34, no. 1 (Spring 1970): 99–103; Peter Fraser, “Some Effects of the First World War on the British West Indies,” University of London, Institute of Commonwealth Studies Seminar Papers, Caribbean Societies, Vol. 1 (1982); C. L. Joseph, “The British West Indies Regiment 1914–1918,” Journal of Caribbean History, Vol. 2 (May 1971): 94–124; Glenford D. Howe, Race, War and Nationalism: A Social History of West Indians in the First World War (Oxford: James Currey, 2002); and Richard Smith, Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004). 87. Jonathan Schneer, The Balfour Declaration: The Origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (New York: Random House, 2010), p. 341. 88. Report of UNIA Meeting, Liberty Hall, New York, 11 July 1920, Negro World, 17 July 1920; MGP, 2:409-417.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 89. Rollin Lynde Hartt, “The Negro Moses and His Campaign to Lead the Black Millions into Their Promised land,” Independent (New York), 26 February 1921. 90. “Among the Negroes of Harlem,” Harlem Home News, 2 December 1917; MGP, 1:228. 91. “Dear Friend and Brother,” New York, April 1916, enclosure in Marcus Garvey to W. E. B. Du Bois, 25 April 1916, W. E. B. Du Bois Papers, University of Massachusetts Library; MGP, 1: 189. 92. Report of UNIA Meeting, Liberty Hall, New York, 11 July 1920, Negro World, 17 July 1920; MGP, 2:409–417. 93. Editorial letter, Negro World, 22 April 1922; MGP, 4:611. 94. Speech, Liberty Hall, New York, 14 December 1924, Negro World, 20 December 1924; MGP, 6:69. See also Garvey’s statement: “It is not so much force of arms that will redeem Africa; it is not so much gunpowder that will redeem Africa; it is organization among Negroes that will redeem Africa . . . because Africa, certain parts of Africa, will be going a-begging one of these days, belonging to nobody. Anybody can occupy because everybody will be engaged. I have a vision, and you may call it that of a lunatic, but I have a vision that in another fifty years the West Indies and Africa, as far as colonial possessions are concerned, are not going to belong to anybody; it will be a scramble for anybody that wants it. And that is why we are getting ready for the scramble, because we are going to be in it. We don’t want to kill anybody, to fight anybody. Get ready, keep ready, get organized, and you will pick up something one of these days” (Speech, Liberty Hall, New York, 15 June 1924, Negro World, 21 June 1924; MGP, 5:601–605). 95. For the history of friendly societies in the West Indies, see Marcia Burrowes, “The Cloaking of a Heritage: The Barbados Landship,” in Gad Heuman and David V. Trotman, eds., Contesting Freedom: Control and Resistance in the Post-Emancipation Caribbean (Oxford: Macmillan Caribbean, 2005), 215–234; Aviston D. Downes, “Sailing from Colonial into National Waters: A History of the Barbados Landship,” Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society, Vol. 46 (2000): 93–112; Leonard P. Fletcher, “The Friendly Societies in St. Lucia and St. Vincent,” Caribbean Studies, Vol. 18, no. 3/4 (October 1978–January 1979): 89–114; Howard Johnson, “Friendly Societies in the Bahamas, 1834–1910,” Slavery and Abolition, Vol. 12, no. 3 (December 1991): 183–199; Glen Richards, “Friendly Societies and Labour Organisation in the Leeward Islands, 1912–19,” in Brian L. Moore and Swithin R. Wilmot, eds., Before and After 1865: Education, Politics and Regionalism in the Caribbean (Kingston: Ian Randle, 1998), pp. 136–149; A. F. and D. Wells, Friendly Societies in the West Indies: Report of a Survey (London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1953). 96. For the activities of the various benevolent societies, see Irma Watkins-Owens, Blood Relations: Caribbean Immigrants and the Harlem Community, 1900–1930 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996), chap. 4, “Churches, Benevolent Associations, and Ethnicity,” pp. 56–74; “Early Twentieth-Century Caribbean Women: Migration and Social Networks in New York City,” in Nancy Foner, ed., Islands in the City: West Indian Migration to New York (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 25–51. 97. Marcus Garvey, The Destiny of the Negro, pamphlet, Booker T. Washington Papers, Library of Congress, reprinted in MGP, 1:64–66. 98. The terms ‘friendly society,’ ‘mutual society,’ ‘benevolent society,’ ‘benefit society,’ and ‘fraternal organization,’ are frequently used interchangeably. 99. Certificate of Incorporation of The Universal Negro Improvement Association, Inc., New York City, filed and recorded July 2, 1918, reprinted in MGP, 1:245–246, (emphasis added). 100. Constitution and Book of Laws . . . In Effect July, 1918, reprinted in MGP, 1:256–281. In “History of the U.N.I.A.—How to Teach the U. N. I. A.” (Lesson 20, School of African Philosophy), Garvey advised that “The preamble of the Constitution is vitally important to those who are to interpret its supreme object. Whenever the purpose of the organization is challenged by foes particularly, quote the preamble of the Constitution. This should be done particularly where its enemies assail it before a Court of Law or before Governmental Authorities. This preamble was written particularly for the purpose of winning the sympathy and support of alien races where the other objects of the association were being threatened through hostility” (reprinted in Robert A. Hill and Barbara Bair, eds., Marcus Garvey: Life and Lessons [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987], pp. 319–339). The Constitution and Book of Laws was modeled explicitly on the rules governing friendly societies, and its legal incorporation was that of a fraternal association. 101. A. F. and D. Wells, Friendly Societies in the West Indies: Report of a Survey (London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1953). 102. “A death tax of 10 cents per month shall be levied on each member, which shall be separate and distinct from the regular monthly dues, and the death tax so levied by each local division or

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GENERAL INTRODUCTION society shall be forwarded to the Secretary General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League to be lodged to the credit of the Association’s death fund; and on the death of a member who has paid up his or her last month’s complete dues a sum of seventy-five dollars shall be granted from the death fund for his or her burial” (Constitution and Book of Laws, Sec. 28). 103. See Richards, “Friendly Societies and Labour Organisation in the Leeward Islands, 1912– 19.” 104. For examples, see Putnam, “Nothing Matters but Color: Transnational Circuits, the Interwar Caribbean and the Black International”; Anne S. Macpherson, From Colony to Nation: Women Activists and the Gendering of Politics in Belize, 1912–1982 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2007), p. 302, n.7; O’Reggio, Between Alienation and Citizenship, pp. 72–73. 105. The key text is J. D. Y. Peel, “The Cultural Work of Yoruba Ethnogenesis,” in Elizabeth Tonkin et al., eds., History and Ethnicity (London: Routledge, 1989), pp. 198–215; reprinted in John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, eds., Nationalism: Critical Concepts in Political Science, 3 vols. (London: Routledge, 2002), 3: 964–982. According to Peel, “The further back we go, the more we find that Yoruba ethnicity was a cultural project before it was a political instrument,” p. 201. Cf. Jonathan D. Hill, ed., History, Power, and Identity: Ethnogenesis in the Americas, 1492– 1992 (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1996). 106. For applications of the creolization concept, see Roger D. Abrahams, “Questions of Criolian Contagion,” Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 116, no. 459 (2003): 73–87, and Everyday Life: A Poetics of Vernacular Practices (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), chap. 13, “Creolizations,” pp. 217–237; David Buisseret and Steven G. Reinhardt, eds., Creolization in the Americas (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2000); Charles Stewart, ed., Creolization: History, Ethnography, Theory (Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast Press, 2007); Ralph Bauer and José Antonio Mazzotti, eds., Creole Subjects in the Colonial Americas: Empires, Texts, Identities (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010). For a critique of the use of the concept, see O. Nigel Bolland, “Creolization and Creole Societies: A Cultural Nationalist View of Caribbean Social History,” in Alistair Hennessy, ed., Intellectuals in the Twentieth-Century Caribbean, 2 vols. (London: Macmillan Education, 1992), Vol. 2, Spectre of the New Class: The Commonwealth Caribbean, pp. 50–79, and “Reconsidering Creolisation and Creole Societies,” in Gad Heuman and David V. Trotman, eds., Contesting Freedom: Control and Resistance in the Post-Emancipation Caribbean (Oxford: Macmillan Caribbean, 2005), pp. 179–196. 107. Philip D. Morgan, “The Caribbean Islands in Atlantic Context, circa 1500–1800,” in Felicity A. Nussbaum, ed., The Global Eighteenth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 64; see Sidney W. Mintz, “Enduring Substances, Trying Theories: The Caribbean Region as Ecumene,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. 2, no. 2 (1996): 289–311, and “Creolization, Culture, and Social Institutions,” in Three Ancient Colonies: Caribbean Themes and Variations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010), pp. 182–212. 108. For the celebrations surrounding Emancipation Day, see J. R. Kerr-Ritchie, Rites of August First: Emancipation Day in the Black Atlantic World (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2007). 109. Richard D. E. Burton, Afro-Creole: Power, Opposition, and Play in the Caribbean (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), p. 246. For ethnographic analyses of ‘play’ in Caribbean culture, see Frank E. Manning, Black Clubs in Bermuda: Ethnography of a Play World (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1973; and Roger D. Abrahams, The Man-of-Words in the West Indies: Performance and the Emergence of Creole Culture (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983). 110. N. G. G. T., “Gala Day at the Oval,” Negro World, 27 August 1921. 111. Robert A. Hill, “Making Noise: Marcus Garvey Dada, August 1922,” in Deborah Willis, ed., Picturing Us: African American Identity in Photography (New York: New Press, 1994), 181– 205. 112. Burton, Afro-Creole, pp. 8–9. 113. Abrahams, “Questions of Criolian Contagion,” p. 78. 114. Speech by Marcus Garvey, Liberty Hall, New York, 13 February 1921, Negro World, 19 February 1921, reprinted in MGP, 3:201. 115. Speech by Marcus Garvey, Variedades Theatre, Panama City, Panama, 2 May 1921, Panama Star & Herald, 4 May 1921, reprinted in MGP, 3:383. 116. For renewed focus on the Garvey movement in the Caribbean, see “Garveyism and the Universal Negro [Improvement] Association in the Hispanic Caribbean,” Caribbean Studies, Special Issue, Vol. 31, no. 1 (January–June 2003).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 117. Richard B. Moore, “Africa Conscious Harlem,” in John Henrik Clarke, ed., Harlem: A Community in Transition (New York: Citadel, 1964), p. 83.

xcviii

HISTORY OF THE EDITION The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) Papers Project formally began in June 1976 at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, under the sponsorship of the National Historical Publications and Records Commission. The edition was transferred the following year to the Center for Afro-American Studies, University of California, Los Angeles. Since 1981 it has been affiliated with the university’s James S. Coleman African Studies Center under the sponsorship of the National Historical Publications and Records Commission and the National Endowment for the Humanities. The project has also received generous supporting grants from the Ahmanson, Ford, Rockefeller, and UCLA foundations.

THE PAPERS The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers is a multivolume edition organized along primarily geographical lines into three distinct but related series. The Main Series, published in seven volumes, covers Garvey’s life and the historical evolution of the UNIA in North America. The African Series comprises three volumes devoted to the expansion of the Garvey movement in sub-Saharan Africa and among Africans residing in the European colonial metropoles during the interwar years. These volumes also include the responses of European imperial and colonial governments to the challenge posed by the African Garvey movement. The Caribbean Series covers the movement in the territories of the Caribbean basin, including the Central American littoral and South American mainland. This tripartite structure of the edition reveals important differences in the Garvey movement’s development in the United States, Africa, and the Caribbean. Although there were areas of overlap among the three regions, particularly in terms of the diverse ethnic origin of the leaders and followers resulting from interregional migration within the Americas and Africa, each region exhibited sufficiently distinctive patterns of development to justify separate but interrelated presentations. The first three volumes of the Caribbean Series comprise over 1,000 documents, spanning the years from 1910 to 1945. They chronicle the complex and varied responses to Garveyism on the part of Caribbean-based organizations as well as the actions taken by European colonial governments to xcix

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

defend their authority in response to the perceived threat of the Garvey phenomenon. The number of actual selected documents relating to each area appears in the following table; however, it is necessary to emphasize that many documents overlap, since they pertain to more than one particular area of interest:

DOCUMENTS BY COUNTRY The Bahamas 24 Barbados 60 Bermuda 16 Brazil 3 British Guiana 56 British Honduras 71 Costa Rica 39 Cuba 111 Dominica 63 Dominican Republic 78 Grenada 27

Guatemala 8 Haiti 20 Honduras 6 Leeward Islands 51 Panama and Canal Zone 167 Puerto Rico 14 St. Lucia 22 St. Vincent 35 Trinidad and Tobago 67 U.S. Virgin Islands 19 Other Countries 123

Following a general plan entitled “The Organization of a System of External Contributions to an Editing Project: A Summary of Research Findings,” which the project prepared in 1985 for the African Series, it was decided that the complexity and diversity of the Caribbean Series required the expertise of established scholars in the specialized fields covered by the documents. Although final responsibility for accuracy and editorial consistency resided with the project, many of the specialized annotations explicating Caribbean historical figures, events, and place-names were entrusted to scholars of Caribbean history in the Caribbean, United States, and Europe. The imperatives of establishing and maintaining clear editorial guidelines, achieving a steady flow of communication with contributors, and creating adequate editorial procedures for evaluating and vetting the resultant contributions were achieved with a great deal of effort on the part of both the project and its contributors. The documents were divided primarily into regional or territorial groups and sent out to an initial group of scholars whom the project recruited to undertake the necessary annotation work. Consultants were also asked to prepare translations of the foreign-language documents that they were annotating as well as to write brief contextual essays, which appear in Volume XI under the caption “Historical Commentaries,” and which provide overviews of the historical impact of Garveyism within their respective areas. Most contributors worked from primary sources, some of which were provided by project research, resulting in a wealth of new historical findings that are here published for the first time. c

HISTORY OF THE EDITION

In order to evaluate the quality of the annotations, external peer reviewers selected by the project were invited to read all contributing scholars’ annotations and essays; to identify and correct errors and omissions; to supplement annotations and source notes when necessary; and to write reports assessing the quality and comprehensiveness of the submissions. The identity of peer reviewers was kept anonymous.

CONTRIBUTING SCHOLARS AND SUBJECTS Rosanne Adderley Peter D. Ashdown Patrick L. Baker O. Nigel Bolland Bridget Brereton David Browne, Philippe Bourgois

The Bahamas British Honduras Dominica British Honduras Trinidad and Tobago Barbados Costa Rica and Panama United Fruit Co. Panama and the Canal Zone Barbados Brazil Costa Rica and Cuba Panama and the Canal Zone Grenada British Guiana Honduras The Bahamas Dominica Dominican Republic Dominican Republic Panama and the Canal Zone Cuba and Panama Costa Rica, Guatemala, Panama, and the Canal Zone Barbados U.S. Virgin Islands U.S. Virgin Islands St. Lucia Antigua Cuba

Marcelo Bucheli Carla Burnett Marcia Burrowes Kim D. Butler Aviva Chomsky Michael Conniff Edward L. Cox Juanita De Barros Dario A. Euraque Marion Bethel Francis Helen Francis-Seaman Humberto García-Muñiz Jorge L. Giovannetti-Torres Julia Greene Frank Guridy Ronald N. Harpelle

Alana Johnson Simon Jones-Hendrickson Gregory R. LaMotta Michael Louis Susan Lowes Marc McLeod ci

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Melanie Newton Ira P. Philip Brenda Gayle Plummer Lara Elizabeth Putnam Glen Richards Bonham C. Richardson Reinaldo L. Román D. Gail Saunders Cleve McD. Scott

Barbados Bermuda Haiti Costa Rica Leeward Islands Windward Islands Puerto Rico The Bahamas St. Vincent and the Grenadines Panama and the Canal Zone Haiti World War I Trinidad and Tobago British Guiana Trinidad and Tobago

Peter A. Szok Mimi Sheller Richard Smith Melisse Thomas-Bailey Nigel Westmaas Kevin Yelvington

EDITORIAL SELECTION, TRANSCRIPTION, AND ANNOTATION The Caribbean Series is comprised of letters, speeches, and writings of Caribbean Garveyites and their opponents, as well as official UNIA documents and speeches by Marcus Garvey that have a direct bearing on the Caribbean. It also includes minute papers of officials; official correspondence and memoranda; government investigative records; legal documents; newspaper articles; and facsimiles of original documents. In the case of Caribbean newspaper articles, several of which were reprinted in the UNIA’s Negro World, every effort was made to search systematically for the original newspaper sources. In some cases copies of the Caribbean newspapers have not survived or are impossible to locate. In keeping with its overall editorial principles, the policy of the project was to take the original newspaper sources, rather than the Negro World reprints, as the copy text wherever possible.

cii

EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES I. ARRANGEMENT OF DOCUMENTS Documents are presented in chronological order according to the dates of authorship of the original texts. Enclosures and attachments to documents, however, appear with their original covering documents. For purposes of identification, enclosures are set in italic type in the table of contents. The publication dates of news reports, speeches, and periodical articles are given on the place and date lines within square brackets; dates of original composition or delivery, however, if available, chronologically supersede the dates of publication and are printed within double square brackets on the document’s place and date lines. Investigative or intelligence reports that give both the dates of composition and the periods covered by the reports are arranged according to the dates of composition. Documents that lack dates and thus require editorial assignment of dates are placed in normal chronological sequence. When no day within a month appears on a document, the document is placed after the last document specifically dated within that month. Documents that carry only the date of a year are placed according to the same principle. Documents that cover substantial periods, such as diaries, journals, and accounts, appear according to the dates of their earliest entries. When two or more documents possess the same date, they are arranged with regard to affinity with the subject of the document that immediately precedes them or that which immediately follows them.

II. FORM OF PRESENTATION Each document is presented in the following manner: A. A caption introduces the document and is printed in a type size larger than the text. Letters between individuals are captioned with the names of the individuals and their titles, which are included only on first appearances. When the title but not the name of a document’s author is known, the title alone is given. The original titles of published materials are retained with ciii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

the documents; however, the headlines of some news reports are abridged or omitted as indicated in the descriptive source notes. B. The text of a document follows the caption. The copy text of letters or reports is taken from recipients’ copies whenever possible, but in the absence of a recipient’s copy, a file copy of the letter or report is used. If the file copy is not available, however, and a retained draft copy of the letter is found, the retained draft copy is used as the basic text. File copies are referred to as copies or carbon copies in descriptive source notes. C. An unnumbered descriptive source note follows the body of each text. The descriptive source note describes the physical character of the document by means of appropriate abbreviations, such as TLS (typed letter signed). A complete list of these abbreviations may be found in the Descriptive Symbols section on page cxiv. A repository symbol indicates the provenance of the original manuscript or, if it is rare, printed work. Printed sources are identified in the following manners: 1.

A contemporary pamphlet is identified by its full title, place and date of publication, and the location of the copy used.

2.

A contemporary article, essay, letter, or other kind of statement that appeared originally in a contemporary publication is preceded by the words “Printed in . . . ,” followed by the title, date, and, in the case of essays in magazines and journals, inclusive page numbers of the source of publication.

3.

A contemporary printed source reprinted at a later date, the original publication of which has not been found, is identified with the words “Reproduced from . . . ,” followed by the identification of the work from which the text has been reproduced in the volumes. Articles originally printed in Caribbean newspapers and reprinted in the Negro World, the originals of which have not been found, are identified in captions as coming from the Caribbean paper, with the Negro World source given in the descriptive source note.

Information on the special character or provenance of a document is also explained in the descriptive source note, as is any editorial intervention or elision regarding a document, such as “text abridged” or “headlines omitted.” D. Numbered textual annotations that elucidate the document follow the descriptive source note. E. The following principles of textual annotation apply: civ

EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES

1.

Individuals, organizations, and historical events are identified upon their first mention in the volumes, with additional information about them sometimes furnished upon their later appearance where such data provide maximum clarification. Pseudonyms are identified, wherever possible, by textual annotations.

2.

Elided material has in general been annotated, except in instances, such as diaries and some speeches, where it is clearly extraneous.

3.

Reasons for the assignment of dates to documents or the correction of document dates are explained in instances where important historical information is involved.

4.

Obscure allusions and literary or biblical references in the text are annotated whenever such references can be clarified or their source identified. Common or frequently cited biblical references are not annotated.

5.

Published and manuscript materials consulted during the preparation of textual annotations appear in parentheses at the end of each annotation, except when they are cited directly, in which case reference immediately follows the quotation. Research correspondence conducted by Garvey Papers project staff members is cited in annotations. Frequently used reference works are cited in abbreviated forms, a complete table of which may be found on pages cxv–cxvii.

III. TRANSCRIPTION OF TEXT Manuscripts and printed material have been transcribed from original texts and printed as documents according to the following principles and procedures: A. Manuscript Material 1.

The place and date of composition are placed at the head of the document, regardless of their location in the original. If the place or date of a manuscript (or both) does not appear in the original text, the information is editorially supplied and printed within square brackets, in roman type if certain, in italics if uncertain or conjectural. Likewise, if either the place or date is incomplete, the necessary additional information is editorially supplied within square brackets. Original superscript letters are brought down to the line of type, and terminal punctuation is deleted.

2.

In colonial government reports, investigative or intelligence reports, and other reports that were submitted on printed forms, the place and date are abstracted and placed at the head of each document, while the cv

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

name of the reporting agent or government official, when available, is placed at the end of the document on the signature line. 3.

The signature, which is set in capitals and small capitals, is placed at the right-hand margin on the line beneath the text or complimentary close, with titles, where they appear, set in uppercase and lowercase on the line below. Terminal punctuation is deleted.

4.

When a file copy of a document bearing no signature is used to establish the text but the signatory is known, the signature is printed in roman type within square brackets.

5.

The inside address, or address printed on letterhead or other official stationery, is printed immediately below the text if historically significant and not repetitive.

6.

Endorsements, dockets, and other markings appearing on official correspondence, when intelligible, are reproduced in small type following the address, with appropriate identification. In the case of other types of documents, such as private correspondence, endorsements and dockets are printed only when they are significant. Printed letterheads and other official stationery are not reproduced. They are sometimes briefly described in the descriptive source note or, if they contain lengthy or detailed information, in an annotation.

7.

Minutes, enclosures, and attachments are printed immediately following their covering documents. Whenever they are not printed, this fact is recorded and explained. Whenever a transmission letter originally accompanying an enclosure or attachment is not printed, the omission is noted and the transmission document identified and recorded in the descriptive source note.

8.

Proper names that are spelled erratically in the original text are regularized or corrected upon their first appearance in a document by printing the correct form in square brackets after the incorrect spelling. In words other than proper names, corrections of spelling irregularities are made within the word and printed within square brackets; however, typographical or spelling errors that contribute to the overall character of documents are retained. Accent marks missing in the original text have not been added.

9.

Capitalization is retained as in the original. Words underlined once in a manuscript are printed in italics. Words that are underlined twice or spelled out in large letters or full capitals are printed in small capitals.

10. Punctuation, grammar, and syntax are retained as found in the original texts. Punctuation corrections that are essential to the accurate reading of the text are provided within square brackets. If, however, a cvi

EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICES

punctuation mark appears in a document as a result of typographical error, it is corrected in square brackets or silently deleted. 11. All contractions and abbreviations in the text are retained. Abbreviations of titles or organizations used in document heads are identified in a list that appears on pages cxvii–cxviii. Persons represented in the text by initials only have their full names spelled out in square brackets after each initial on their first appearance, if we have been able to identify them. If we have not, this fact is noted in a textual annotation. 12. Superscript letters in the text are lowered and aligned on the line of print. 13. Omissions, mutilations, and illegible words or letters are rendered through the use of the following textual devices: a) Blank spaces in a manuscript are shown as [ ]. If the blank space is of significance or of substantial length, this fact is elaborated upon in a textual annotation. b) When a word or words in the original text must be omitted from the printed document because of mutilation, illegibility, or omission, the omission is shown by editorial comment, such as: [torn], [illegible], [remainder missing]. c) Missing items are restored in the printed document within square brackets. A question mark following the restoration indicates that it is uncertain or conjectural. 14. Additions and corrections made by the author in the original text are rendered as follows: a) Additions between the lines, or autograph insertions in a typewritten document, are brought onto the line of type and incorporated into the body of the text within diagonal lines // //. b) Marginal additions or corrections by the author are also incorporated into the printed document and identified by the words [in the margin] italicized in square brackets. Marginal notes made by someone other than the author are treated as endorsements and printed after the text of the document. c) Text deleted or altered in the original, as in a draft, is restored and indicated by canceled type at the place where the deletion or alteration occurs in the original text. If a lengthy deletion is illegible, this is indicated by the words [deletion illegible]. 15. When texts have been translated from other languages, capitalization and punctuation have generally been changed to reflect English usage. cvii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Foreign-language titles of organizations have been kept in their original language. A concentrated effort has been made to render the spirit as well as the letter of the original, with particular attention paid to tone, style, and level of language proficiency, since such matters can convey a number of historically relevant meanings. B. Printed Material Contemporary printed material is treated in the same manner as original texts and is transcribed according to the same editorial principles as manuscript material. When the same article, or versions of the same article, appear in both a Caribbean and a non-Caribbean newspaper or magazine, the copy text is taken from the Caribbean source, when available, with the non-Caribbean source, as well as any differences between the two versions, described in the descriptive source note. However, if the non-Caribbean version was published before the Caribbean, the non-Caribbean version is the copy text used. 1.

In the case of published letters, the place and date of composition are uniformly printed on the place and date line of the document, regardless of where they appear in the original, and placed within double square brackets. Elements that are editorially supplied are italicized.

2.

Newspaper headlines and subheads are printed in capital and small capital letters. Headlines are punctuated as they are in the original, but terminal punctuation is deleted, and they are reproduced in the printed document in as few lines as possible. If they are editorially abridged, this is indicated in the descriptive source note.

3.

Original small capitals are retained.

4.

Signatures accompanying published letters are printed in capitals and small capitals.

5.

Obvious typographical errors and errors of punctuation, such as the omission of a single parenthesis or quotation mark, are corrected and printed in roman type within square brackets. Typographical idiosyncrasies that reflect the page design of a magazine or newspaper article, such as the capitalization of the first word or words of an article, are silently regularized.

6.

In the case of a printed form with spaces to be filled in, spaces are indicated as in the original with the use of hairline rules. Handwritten or typewritten insertions are printed within diagonal lines // //.

cviii

TEXTUAL DEVICES [roman]

Editorial restoration of missing, mutilated, or illegible text. Correction of typographical errors in original manuscript or printed document. A question mark following a restoration or correction indicates that it is uncertain or conjectural. Also used to indicate known place and/or date of publication of a news report or periodical article, or known place and/or date of composition of a manuscript when the place and/or date is not given in the manuscript; or to identify unnamed individuals alluded to in text, or known signatory of a manuscript the text of which has been established on the basis of an unsigned file copy. When preceded by in the margin in italics, indicates marginalia brought into the line of type.

[italic]

Editorially assigned date and/or place of any document whose date and/or place of publication or composition is uncertain or conjectural. Editorial comment inserted in the text, such as [endorsement], [illegible], [remainder missing], [torn], [enclosure], [attachment], [in the margin].

[[roman]]

Known date and/or place of composition of a published letter, article, or news report, or delivery date of a speech, if publication date and/or place differs.

[[italic]]

Editorially assigned date and/or place of composition of a published letter, article, or news report, or delivery date of a speech, if publication date and/or place differs and date and/or place of composition or delivery is uncertain or conjectural.

//

Incorporation into the text of an addition or correction made above or below the line by author, or of autograph insertions made in typewritten original.

//

canceled

Textual matter that is canceled in the original.

[...]

Text editorially abridged.

[

Blank space in a document.

]

cix

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS REPOSITORY SYMBOLS The original locations of documents that appear in the text are described by symbols. The guide used for American repositories has been Symbols of American Libraries, 11th ed. (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1976). Foreign repositories and collections have been assigned symbols that conform to the institutions’ own usage. In some cases, however, it has been necessary to formulate acronyms. Acronyms have been created for private manuscript collections as well. REPOSITORIES AFRC

Federal Archives and Records Center, East Point, Georgia

AGCA

Archivo General de Centro América, Guatemala City, Guatemala

AHPC

Archivo Histórico Provincial de Camagüey RA Fondo Registro de Asociaciones

AHPSC

Archivo Histórico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba GP Fondo Gobierno Provincial

AHPVC

Archivo Histórico Provincial de Villa Clara RA Registro de Asociaciones

ANC

Archivo Nacional de Cuba RA Fondo Registro de Asociaciones

ANCR

Archivo Nacional de Costa Rica

AP

Atlanta Federal Penitentiary Records, AFRC

ATT

Hollis Burke Frissell Library, Tuskegee Institute, Tuskegee, Alabama

BA

Bermuda Archives

BAD

Belize Archives Department

BDA

Barbados Department of Archives GH Records of Government House

CZL-M

Canal Zone Library-Museum, Library of Congress

cxi

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

DAB/PRO Department of Archives, Nassau, Bahamas/Public Record Office DJ-FBI

Federal Bureau of Investigation, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.

DLC

Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

DNA

National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

IU

RG 28

Records of the Post Office Department [POD]

RG 29

Records of the Bureau of the Census

RG 36

Records of the U.S. Customs Service

RG 38

Records of the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations [OCNO]

RG 54

Records of the Bureau of Plant Industry, Soils, and Agricultural Engineering [BPISAE]

RG 55

Records of the Government of the Virgin Islands

RG 59

General Records of the Department of State

RG 60

General Records of the Department of Justice [DOJ]

RG 65

Records of the Federal Bureau of Investigation [FBI]

RG 84

Records of the Foreign Service Posts of the Department of State

RG 85

Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service 1891–1957

RG 163

Records of the Selective Service System (World War I)

RG 165

Records of the War Department General and Special Staffs [WDGS/WDSS]

RG 185

Records of the Panama Canal

RG 267

Records of the Supreme Court of the United States

University of Ibadan Library, Ibadan, Nigeria

cxii

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

JA

Jamaica Archives, Spanish Town, Jamaica

MBZ

Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken,`’S-Gravenhage, Netherlands

MU

University of Massachusetts Library, Amherst

NAG

National Archives of Guyana, Georgetown, Guyana GD Governor’s Despatches

NATT

National Archives Trinidad and Tobago, Port of Spain, Trinidad

NN-Sc

Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York Public Library, New York

NP

Notoria Publica No. 2

SKNNA

St. Kitts and Nevis National Archives, Basseterre, St. Kitts

SVGNA

St. Vincent and the Grenadines National Archives

TNA: PRO The National Archives of the UK: Public Records Office BT

Board of Trade

CAB

Cabinet Office

CO

Colonial Office

FO

Foreign Office

KV

Security Service

WO

War Office

TNF

Fisk University, Nashville, Tennessee

UFC

United Fruit Company

WNRC

Washington National Records Center, Suitland, Maryland RG 204

Records of the Pardon Attorney

MANUSCRIPT COLLECTION SYMBOLS AJG

Amy Jacques Garvey Papers, TNF

CP

Chancellor’s Papers, Oxford

CSO

Colonial Secretary’s Office, JA

HM

Herbert Macaulay Papers, IU

JEB

John E. Bruce Papers, NN-Sc

JRRC

J. R. Ralph Casimir Papers, NN-Sc

cxiii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

NAACP

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Papers, DLC

UCD

Universal Negro Improvement Association, Central Division Papers, NN-Sc

WEBDB

W. E. B. Du Bois Papers, MU

DESCRIPTIVE SYMBOLS AD

Autograph document

ADI

Autograph document initialed

ADS

Autograph document signed

AL

Autograph letter

ALI

Autograph letter initialed

ALS

Autograph letter signed

AN

Autograph note

ANI

Autograph note initialed

ANS

Autograph note signed

PD

Printed document

TD

Typed document

TDI

Typed document initialed

TDS

Typed document signed

TG

Telegram

TGS

Telegram signed

TL

Typed letter

TLI

Typed letter initialed

TLS

Typed letter signed

TN

Typed note

TNI

Typed note initialed

TNS

Typed note signed

TTG

Typed telegram

TTGS

Typed telegram signed

cxiv

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

ABBREVIATIONS OF PUBLISHED WORKS AM

Antigua Magnet

ANB

American National Biography

ATOR

African Times and Orient Review

BI

Belize Independent

BM

Black Man

BMHS

Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society

CD

Chicago Defender

Cl

Clarion, British Honduras

COL

Colonial Office List

CQ

Caribbean Quarterly

DA

Daily Argosy

DBH

Max Bissainthe. Dictionnaire de bibliographie Washington, D.C.: Scarecrow Press, 1951.

DC

Daily Chronicle, British Guiana

DCB

Bridget Brereton, Brinsley Samaroo, and Glenroy Taitt. Dictionary of Caribbean Biography, Volume One: Trinidad and Tobago. St. Augustine: Department of History/Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of the West Indies, 1998.

DC-D

Dominica Chronicle, Roseau, Dominica

DG

Daily Gleaner

DmG

Dominica Guardian

DNB

Dictionary of National Biography

DOCOL

Dominions Office and Colonial Office List

EB

Encyclopedia Britannica

HJ

Handbook of Jamaica

JCH

Journal of Caribbean History

JHSN

Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria

JILAS

Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies

JLAS

Journal of Latin American Studies

cxv

haitienne.

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

JSH

Journal of Social History

LIBB

Leeward Islands Blue Book 1889–1945. Antigua, [1890]–1948

LL

Labour Leader (Trinidad)

LLS

Supplement to the Labour Leader (Trinidad)

MGP

Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers

NW

Negro World

NWCB

Negro World Convention Bulletin

NYAN

New York Amsterdam News

NYT

New York Times

ODNB

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004)

OED

Oxford English Dictionary

P&O

Amy Jacques Garvey, ed. Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey. 2 vols. 1923, 1925. Reprint (2 vols. in 1). New York: Atheneum, 1992.

PS&H

Panama Star and Herald

PT

Plain Talk

RG

Record Group

SES

Social and Economic Studies

TrG

Trinidad Guardian

TrSG

Sunday Guardian (Sunday edition of TrG)

UM

Union Messenger

VSL

Voice of St. Lucia

WBD

Webster’s Bigraphical Dictionary

WI

West Indian

WIC

West Indian Crusader

WIP

Weekly Illustrated Paper

WWA

Who’s Who in America

WWCA

Who’s Who in Colored America

WWCR

Who’s Who of the Colored Race

WWJ

Who’s Who in Jamaica

cxvi

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

WWW

Who Was Who

WWWA

Who Was Who in America

WWWJ

Who’s Who and Why in Jamaica

OTHER SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS Included are abbreviations that are used generally throughout annotations of the text. Standard abbreviations, such as those for titles and scholastic degrees, are omitted. Abbreviations that are specific to a single annotation appear in parentheses after the initial citation and are used thereafter in the rest of the annotation. ABB

African Blood Brotherhood

ACL

African Communities League

ACLU

American Civil Liberties Union

AFL

American Federation of Labor

AOC

African Orthodox Church

APU

African Progress Union

ASAPS

Anti-Slavery and Aborigines’ Protection Society

ATLU

Antigua Trades and Labour Union

AWA

Antigua Workingmen’s Association

BPL

Barbados Progressive League

BSL

Black Star Line, Inc.

BWIR

British West Indies Regiment

CFLU

Colon Federal Labor Union

CL

Caribbean League

DBU

Dominica Brotherhood Union

DL

Democratic League

IWW

Industrial Workers of the World

JPL

Jamaica Progressive League

LP

Labour Party

LUA

Labour and Unemployed Association (Belize)

MIS

Mutual Improvement Society (St. Kitts) cxvii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

NAACP

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People

NPC

Negro Progress Convention

PAC

Pan-African Congress

PNP

People’s National Party

RGA

Representative Government Association

SPAO

Society of Peoples of African Origin

TUC

British Trade Union Congress

TWA

Trinidad Workingmen’s Association

UBA

Universal Benevolent Association

UFC

United Fruit Company, Bocas del Toro, Panama

UNIA

Universal Negro Improvement Association

UUU

Ulotrichian Universal Union

cxviii

CHRONOLOGY MARCH 1908–AUGUST 1920 1908 ca. March

Marcus Garvey is elected vice-president of the compositors’ branch of the recently formed Jamaica Typographical Union, a union of printers and compositors organized under the aegis of the Typographical Union of North America, affiliated with the American Federation of Labor.

December

A strike is called by the printers’ union to try to secure fair wages and an eight-hour day; the strike is quickly defeated and the union collapses.

1909 August–September

Garvey becomes involved in political activity in Jamaica; he supports Jacob Wareham’s election to the city council in Kingston and joins the National Club, Jamaica’s first nationalist political organization; speaks at political meetings on behalf of H. A. L. Simpson in the general election.

1910 January

In response to the beating of two Jamaican workers by a United Fruit Company supervisor in Costa Rica, an estimated two thousand Jamaican banana workers form the Artisans and Labourers’ Union.

May

Garvey issues a pamphlet, The Struggling Mass, in support of S. A. G. Cox, the leader of the National Club, in his struggle with the governor of Jamaica.

16 July

The Artisans and Labourers’ Union informs the United Fruit Company that it intends to take 1 August (‘Emancipation Day’ throughout the British West Indies) as a holiday from work. cxix

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1910 (cont.) 1 August

Organized and encouraged by the recently formed Artisans and Labourers’ Union, five thousand Jamaicans stage an Emancipation Day demonstration in Limón to show the strength of the union.

2 August

Demonstrating banana workers are locked out and dismissed from their jobs by the United Fruit Company; the Artisans and Labourers’ Union calls a strike, which involves approximately five hundred workers.

24 August

Representing the parish of St. Ann, Garvey is one of fifteen contestants in an all-island elocution competition held at Collegiate Hall in Kingston; he protests the judges’ decision.

ca. October

Garvey leaves Jamaica and travels to Central America.

16 November

Over seven hundred workers recruited by the United Fruit Company in St. Kitts and Nevis arrive at Limón aboard a dangerously overcrowded vessel and are sent to outlying farms, where they face extremely unhealthy conditions. The workers return to Limón and refuse to return to work; they also demand that the British vice consul at Limón seek redress from the company. For three weeks the firm stand of the St. Kitts workers continues to generate the strong support of the Jamaican community.

7 December

Joseph Nathan, the leader of the St. Kitts workers, is deported from Limón, signaling the end of the banana workers’ strike. Shortly after his expulsion and return to St. Kitts, Nathan helps to launch the labor movement in the Leeward Islands and assumes leadership of the Garvey movement in St. Kitts.

December

The leadership of the Artisans and Labourers’ Union collapses and is replaced by more militant members of the rank and file, but the new leaders are eventually deported from Limón.

1911 March

Garvey is associated in Limón, Costa Rica, with publication of a small newssheet, La Nación; writes letter critical of the editor of the West Indian newspaper, The Times/El Tiempo, setting off protracted controversy between the two papers. cxx

CHRONOLOGY

April

Garvey launches a subscription drive for a “Coronation Fund” to celebrate the coronation of King George V, to be held on 22 June.

10 June

Garvey resigns as head of the coronation committee organized by him and agrees to merge with the “official” coronation committee chaired by the Anglican archdeacon of Limón.

14 June

Just prior to his departure from Limón aboard the S.S. Cartago, Garvey is apprehended and escorted ashore, allegedly for unpaid debts to various creditors, including unpaid wages to the staff of La Nación.

June

Following the demise of the Artisans and Labourers’ Union, a wave of intense religious revivalism sweeps over Limón. The Times newspaper complains of the “vile practices which have stirred the town during the past month the like of which has never been known in the previous history of Port Limón” (13 June 1911).

August–September

Garvey visits British Honduras; gives elocution concert.

1912 ca. January

Garvey returns to Jamaica from Central America.

1913 May

Garvey organizes a series of island elocution contests in Jamaica.

ca. June

Garvey leaves Jamaica for England.

8 July

Garvey applies to the British Colonial Office for financial assistance to return to Jamaica.

October

An article by Garvey, “The British West Indies in the Mirror of Civilization: History Making by Colonial Negroes,” is published in the African Times and Orient Review.

ca. 1913

Garvey reports that he has visited Spain and France.

1914 7 June

After ten years of construction, the first vessel passes through the fifty-two mile Panama Canal waterway; in the course of the American-led construction, some 5,000 workers, most of them West Indian, perished.

cxxi

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1914 (cont.) 17 June

Garvey leaves England to return to Jamaica aboard the S.S. Trent.

June

An article by Garvey, “The Evolution of Latter-Day Slaves: Jamaica, A Country of Black and White,” is published in the Tourist: A Literary and Anti-Slavery Journal, published by the Anti-Slavery Society in England.

8 July

Garvey arrives in Jamaica.

20 July

The first meeting of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and African Communities League (ACL) is held, along with the election of officers, in Kingston, Jamaica.

ca. July–August

Garvey publishes a pamphlet, A Talk with Afro-West Indians: The Negro Race and Its Problems.

4 August

Great Britain declares war on Germany.

15 August

The Panama Canal is officially opened to traffic. The majority of West Indian workers choose to remain in Panama despite deteriorating working conditions and oppressive discriminatory policies.

28 August

The Colonial Office communicates the West Indian desire to send a military contingent overseas; the War Office immediately rejects the offer on the grounds that blacks are required for local defense purposes and to maintain order locally.

August

In Antigua, Robert and James Brown return to the island from New York; the brothers become engaged in organizing the Antiguan working class.

8 September

Garvey writes a letter appealing to Booker T. Washington, principal of the Tuskegee Institute, Alabama, for support.

14 December

British Army Council informs the Colonial Office that it does not consider West Indian troops suitable for service in Egypt or West Africa; offers to accept a West Indian contingent to serve as a peacekeeping force in captured territories in West Africa, causing public anger in the West Indies.

cxxii

CHRONOLOGY

1915 January

The West Indian, a newspaper, is established in St. George’s, Grenada, as the official voice of the West Indian reform movement in Grenada.

12 April

Garvey writes to Booker T. Washington informing him of an impending trip to America and requesting his assistance for the program of the UNIA in Jamaica.

17 April

King George V of England indicates his support for the idea of sending a West Indian regiment to the war front.

20 April

Upon receiving word from the Colonial Office of the king’s support for a West Indian regiment, Lewis Harcourt, Secretary of State for the Colonies, informs the king that insuperable difficulties, namely, the War Office’s instransigence, render West Indian participation impossible.

22 April

The king reiterates to the Colonial Office the political importance of accepting West Indians’ patriotic offers to serve; the War Office, determined to keep blacks away from the Western front, insists that West Indians would only be accepted without receiving any assurances as to where they would serve.

27 April

Booker T. Washington responds to Garvey welcoming his proposed visit to America.

27 May

Bonar Law replaces Harcourt as secretary of state for the colonies, but maintains Harcourt’s position that accepting black soldiers on the Western front would destabilize colonial rule at the end of the war.

May

The King’s decision to accept a military contingent from the West Indies is communicated to local governors.

May–September

Local governments, the Colonial Office, and military officials engage in protracted negotiations over the terms and conditions under which the West Indian contingent will be recruited, as well as the financial contributions of the individual colonies; public dissatisfaction mounts in the West Indies over the slow pace of negotiations.

30 August

The West Indian Contingent Committee is formed to raise money and look after the welfare of all West Indian soldiers overseas.

cxxiii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1915 (cont.) 26 October

The British West India Regiment (BWIR) is formed, and recruitment begins under the same terms and conditions as British recruits, marking a “victory” for West Indians; by the end of the war, the regiment comprises about 15,200 men enlisted into twelve battalions.

October

The First Battalion of the BWIR arrives in England for training at Seaford, Sussex. A group of soldiers, led by Henry Somerset from British Guiana and several others from Trinidad, strike to protest delays in their remuneration and poor quality and inadequate amounts of food. Leaders of the Seaford strike, along with several other “undesirables,” are repatriated to the West Indies; to emphasize their punishment, their uniforms are confiscated.

5 November

Somerset arrives for discharge in Georgetown, British Guiana. There is considerable interest in his grievance about the treatment of West Indian soldiers in England.

14 November

Booker T. Washington dies.

1916 “Professor” Arlington Newton of Barbados tours St. Kitts, Antigua, Dominica, and the Windward Islands; creates the Ulotrichian Universal Union (UUU). Two battalions of the BWIR are dispatched to Egypt. Battalions are also stationed in Italy, Palestine, France, West Africa, and Mesopotamia. In St. Kitts, Joseph Nathan and George Wilkes, recently returned from New York, and black building contractor Frederick Solomon form the St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union. The colonial government immediately passes antitrade union legislation, making the formation of trade unions a criminal offense, and forcing union organizers to restructure themselves as a friendly society, the Universal Benevolent Association (UBA), allies with Arlington Newton and the UUU. 6 March

Garvey leaves Jamaica for America aboard the S.S. Tallac.

24 March

Garvey arrives in New York. cxxiv

CHRONOLOGY

25 April

Garvey visits the Crisis office of W. E. B. Du Bois.

9 May

Garvey holds his first public lecture in America at St. Mark’s Church Hall in Harlem.

May

Newton and the Brown brothers establish an Antigua branch of the UUU, also known as the “Johannes Society” or “Johannes League,” catalyzing an upsurge of racial consciousness on the island, especially among the Antiguan laboring population. Police reports indicate membership is well over 1,000 people, including women and domestic servants.

ca. May–June

Garvey embarks on a speaking tour throughout the United States.

26 July

With the arrival of the Fourth Battalion in the Suez Canal Zone, a draft of 500 officers and men from the first three battalions of the BWIR are ordered to East Africa as part of the East African Expeditionary Force at Mombasa, British East Africa.

ca. July

Confidential police reports indicate secret meetings convened by Newton throughout Antigua; the Chief Inspector of Police recommends a ban on Newton from the Leeward Islands, under section 3 of the Presidential Martial Law Regulations.

ca. September

Newton is arrested and deported as persona non grata from Antigua. Antiguan Victor De Suze [Sauzey] forms the Colón Federal Labor Union (CFLU), in Colón, Panama.

October

About 6,000 “silver” workers in Panama strike to protest deteriorating conditions. Panamanian President Ramón Valdéz, under military threat by U.S. Canal Governor Chester Harding, puts down the strikes with prohibitions and arrests. Five days later, Harding agrees to investigate strikers’ complaints.

December

Panama “silver” workers win an 11 percent wage increase.

cxxv

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1916 (cont.) ca. December

Serious manpower shortages force the British War Office to employ large numbers of black and other colonial troops in Europe, beginning the eventual employment of approximately 193,500 laborers from China, India, South Africa, Egypt, the West Indies, Malta, Mauritius, the Seychelles, and Fiji along the Western front.

1917 The Representative Government Association (RGA) is formed in Grenada to agitate for the abolition of the Crown Colony government. 30 January

The UUU is registered as a friendly society in Barbados.

January

An article by Garvey, entitled “West Indies in the Mirror of Truth,” is published in Chicago in the Champion Magazine.

February

Following several days of demonstrations in Petrograd, followed by the mutiny of troops sent to quell the demonstrations, the Russian tsar (Nicholas II) abdicates and is replaced by a provisional government. The Antigua division of the UUU splits; disaffected leaders from fifteen branches leave and form a rival friendly society, the Antigua Progressive Union (APU).

2 April

The Antigua branch of the UUU is registered as the UUU Friendly Society, with Robert Brown as President and James Brown as Marshal. By the end of 1917, the society claims membership of 4,174 people.

April

The United States enters World War I.

May

Garvey returns to New York after his speaking tour. The first American branch of the UNIA is organized in Harlem with thirteen original members; after successive splits followed by reorganizations over the next eighteen months, the New York division henceforth serves as the international headquarters of the movement.

12 June

The inaugural meeting of the Liberty League of NegroAmericans in New York, spearheaded and organized by Hubert H. Harrison, is addressed by Garvey.

cxxvi

CHRONOLOGY

1–2 July

East St. Louis, Illinois, located on the east bank of the Mississippi River across from St. Louis, Missouri, is the scene of one of the worst race riots in U.S. history and the worst incidence of labor-related violence in twentieth-century American history. It results in an estimated one hundred deaths and leaves six thousand blacks homeless after their neighborhood was burned. The ferocity of the racially motivated violence causes the riot to gain national attention, and, due to the brutality of the attacks and the failure of the authorities to protect innocent lives, it contributes to the radicalization of the mood of the national black community.

4 July

The Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society demands that the postwar reconstruction of Africa recognize the interests and wishes of the native inhabitants; the resolution is forwarded to the representatives of the Allied and Neutral powers.

8 July

Garvey delivers a speech on “The Conspiracy of the East St. Louis Riots” at Lafayette Hall in Harlem. The text of the speech is published as a pamphlet.

28 July

In New York City, ten thousand black people march down Fifth Avenue in silent protest against the East St. Louis riots. The march is organized by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and various groups in Harlem. Women and children are dressed in white, and the men dressed in black.

July

Public debate intensifies in the West Indies regarding the denial of military commissions due to color prejudice, increasing apathy and resistance to military recruitment in the region.

September

Army Order Number 1/1918 institutes a 50 percent pay increase throughout the British Army, but excludes members of the BWIR.

2 November

The British cabinet issues the Balfour Declaration, supporting the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine.

6 November

The Bolshevik Revolution triumphs in Russia with the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks in Petrograd.

cxxvii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1917 (cont.) 25 November

Speaking before a meeting of the New York branch of the UNIA on the subject of “The Opportunities of the Young Negro,” Garvey announces that “he will leave for Boston and other points soon and will then go to Africa, where he will organize the work among the natives there.”

December

In British Guiana, Hubert Crichlow leads a campaign for a general wage increase.

1918 The Army Council concedes that commissions in the BWIR might go to “slightly coloured persons” at the discretion of the governors of the West Indian colonies. 5 January

British Prime Minister David Lloyd George outlines British war aims, endorsing “the general principle of national self-determination” as applicable to the conquered German colonies in Africa.

8 January

U.S. President Woodrow Wilson goes before Congress to lay out what he considers the basis of a just and lasting peace. The Fourteen Points, as the speech came to be called, consists of certain basic principles, such as freedom of the seas, open covenants, a variety of geographic arrangements carrying out the principle of self-determination, and, above all, establishment of a League of Nations to enforce the peace.

27 February

In Antigua, groups of cane cutters begin to organize strikes on at least four estates; planters appeal to the acting governor.

February

A second split occurs in the leadership of the UNIA in New York.

8-9 March

Following an outbreak of cane fires on a sugar estate near Antigua’s capital, St. Johns, police attempt to arrest the suspected arsonists, but a large crowd prevents the capture of the ringleaders and resists all subsequent attempts to arrest the men. The Antigua Defence Force fires directly into the crowd, killing two men and wounding fourteen rioters, including four women.

cxxviii

CHRONOLOGY

ca. 10–11 March

Canadian artillery troops stationed in St. Lucia land in Antigua from the British warship, H.M.S. Eileen, and remain until the full restoration of order.

24 March

The reorganized UNIA under Garvey’s leadership holds a debate in Harlem on the subject of the “SelfGovernment of Africa.”

April

West Indians in Panama organize the National Association of Loyal Negroes for the purpose of making representations to the Allied Powers on behalf of the natives of the African colonies; the group in Colón, Panama, seeks support of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society in England to win the establishment of independent native African states under international guarantees.

June

Facing severe manpower shortages, the Army Council decides that blacks can be enlisted into combatant and other units.

July

After a year of deteriorating health conditions, the most devastating effects of disease on black soldiers occur when the Spanish influenza pandemic paralyzes the BWIR in Egypt; more than 700 soldiers require isolation.

17 August

The Negro World, the official UNIA organ, begins publication in New York.

August

In British Honduras, protesters set a fire, extensively damaging the property of elites and the government.

ca. August

Censorship authorities in British Guiana intercept a circular letter from Dillon C. Govin of the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes, in Montreal, Canada, announcing the movement for an independent African state in areas of former German occupation. Governor Wilfred Collet of British Guiana also sends warnings of Govin’s activities to the Dominon governor in Canada and West Indian colonial governors.

18 October

After serving with the Cameroon Expeditionary Force, Capt. Joshua Cockburn, on leave from Elder Dempster’s Liverpool–West African line, visits New York on his way home to the Bahamas; he meets Garvey and informs him of great prospective wealth in West Africa.

cxxix

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1918 (cont.) 5 November

The counterespionage department of the British War Office (MI5) submits a request to the Military Intelligence Division (MID) of the United States Army for information on Garvey and the UNIA; it discloses that “Garvey corresponds with negro soldiers in the British Army, who are apparently engaged in extending the membership of this Society.”

9 November

The National Association of Loyal Negroes forwards a petition to Arthur J. Balfour, the secretary of state for the colonies, recommending “the handing over the reins of government of all [African] territories involved to the natives themselves to be safe-guarded by international guarantees.” A similar message is sent to British Prime Minister Lloyd George.

10 November

A mass meeting of the New York division of the UNIA and ACL is held at the Palace Casino, 135th Street and Madison Avenue, New York; a resolution is passed enumerating peace aims of the UNIA.

11 November

Germany and the Allied Forces sign an armistice agreement ending World War I.

15 November

An African American magazine in New York reports that Capt. Cockburn was commissioned by wealthy Africans to purchase schooners for trading purposes. In its December issue, the Crusader editorializes that Cockburn “brings a message of hope from Africa” and refers to Africa as the economic salvation of Negroes everywhere.

1 December

The UNIA elects delegates to the Paris Peace Conference, called to negotiate the treaties to end World War I. A public meeting of the National Association of Loyal Negroes is held in Panama City, Panama, and passes the UNIA/ACL resolution as adopted in New York; a public meeting of the recently formed Colón division of the UNIA/ACL is held in Panama.

4 December

U.S. President Woodrow Wilson sets sail for Europe as the head of the American delegation to the Paris Peace Conference. On arrival Wilson is treated as a triumphal

cxxx

CHRONOLOGY

hero: he receives a tumultuous welcome in Paris and is greeted by huge crowds cheering him in France, England, and Italy. Garvey is reported to have addressed a letter to President Wilson asking him to “name a day when he will make an official announcement for Negro emancipation.” The National Association of Loyal Negroes redrafts a petition detailing steps for African self-determination, the establishment of African states, and an international “Back to Africa” movement. 5 December

As a result of a sharp drop in wages and steep increase in food prices charged by the company, Jamaican laborers strike on the United Fruit Company’s banana plantations in Panama (Bocas del Toro and Almirante) and Costa Rica (Sixaola). The strike, which lasts two months, turns violent, and twenty-six workers are arrested and jailed by Costa Rican authorities.

6–9 December

Soldiers of the Ninth and Tenth battalions of the BWIR, while awaiting demobilization, mutiny at Taranto, Italy. The mutiny is in response to racist and degrading treatment by officers and is sparked when senior commander Lt. Col. R. B. Willis, commanding the Ninth Battalion, orders the troops to clean the latrines of the Italian labor corps. He is assaulted by soldiers who go on to attack other officers; one man is shot and killed in the ensuing uprising. The mutiny lasts for four days but is finally brought to an end by the arrival of a machine-gun company and a battalion of the Worcester Regiment. Sixty soldiers are tried for mutiny, forty-nine of whom are found guilty, with harsh sentences meted out, including one death sentence, later commuted to twenty years’ imprisonment.

8 December

Speaking before several hundred people at the Regent Theatre in Baltimore, Garvey is reported by the Baltimore Afro-American (13 December 1918) to have declared that “in addition to forming a league for political and social improvement of the Negro’s condition in this country, the aim is to establish in Africa a strong Negro Nation, which could command respect for the Negro, who resides in white countries.”

cxxxi

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1918 (cont.) 17 December

The Caribbean League is formed by noncommissioned officers of the BWIR at Cimino Camp, Taranto, Italy. Attended by fifty to sixty sergeants, the meeting sets forth the objectives of the league as being selfgovernment for the West Indies as well as closer union.

20 December

At a second meeting of the Caribbean League, members discuss a general strike for higher wages on their return to the West Indies. Kingston, Jamaica, is designated as the official headquarters of the league, with sub-offices in other West Indian territories.

1919 In British Guiana, the campaign for a general wage increase culminates in the formation and legal recognition of the British Guiana Labour Union. In St. Kitts, J. M. Sebastian, a teacher from Antigua, becomes president of the UBA. Sebastian is also the founding chairman of the St. Kitts branch of the UNIA. 9 January

In a speech in Brooklyn, Garvey announces: “Whether it is in America, in the West Indies, in Central America or South America or Africa, the news is coming to us every day of the readiness of the people to cooperate with us.”

12 January

The Paris peace Conference begins. One of its first acts is to draw up a constitution for a League of Nations.

13 January

In a letter intercepted by the U.S. Censor, Eliézer Cadet, a young Haitian recruit to the UNIA, writes to H. Dorsinville, the editor of L’Essor Quotidien of Portau-Prince, to say that “If our peace propositions are accepted, we shall assemble the great negro capitalists of the U.S. and establish a line of ships between the West Indies[,] America, and Africa to facilitate the exchange of raw materials for manufactured products.”

31 January

In an editorial letter published in the Negro World, Garvey announces: “If we are to rise as a great [people] to become a great national force, we must start business enterprises of our own; we must build ships and start trading with ourselves between America, the West Indies and Africa.”

cxxxii

CHRONOLOGY

19 February

The National Association of Universal Loyal Negroes forwards a petition of 4 December to Prime Minister Lloyd George; copies of the petition also circulate in the U.S. State Department.

19–21 February

The Pan-African Congress headed by Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois is held in Paris, France.

21 February

Garvey appeals to the U.S. Congress to reject ratification of the League of Nations. He states that “with the control of constituted government, we fall short in getting our constitutional rights. We, therefore, desire a wider expansion. That expansion can only be realized on the continent of Africa, our ancient fatherland. Today, hundreds of us are ready to go back as missionaries in the cause of freedom.”

February

The Negro World is banned in British Honduras by the acting governor; the governor of Trinidad orders seizure of the Negro World on grounds that it is seditious.

28 April

The Black Star Line is launched at a meeting at the Palace Casino in New York. Garvey announces that the proposed steamship line will operate between American ports and those of Africa, the West Indies, and Central and South America.

9 March

Eliézer Cadet delivers the UNIA’s “Peace Aims” to the president and secretary of the Paris Peace Conference, with the request that they be published.

28 March

Capt. Cockburn returns to New York after visiting the Bahamas; he works with Garvey to secure a suitable ship for West African trade.

2 May

1,200–1,500 longshoremen quit work in the Panama Canal Zone over a reduction in their workday from nine to eight hours without an increase in their hourly pay. Workers return after eleven days, when the governor promises raises.

ca. 3 May

West Indians awaiting repatriation in Winchester, England, are involved in disturbances after harassment by white U.S. servicemen stationed in the town.

cxxxiii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 (cont.) 11 May

Soldiers of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force erupt in rioting; thirty-two members of the Second West India Regiment are charged with mutiny, and the rest are urgently dispatched to Jamaica. BWIR battalions still in the Middle East are directed to Taranto for onward passage to the West Indies.

May

The British Guiana censor seizes copies of the Negro World. Work stoppages by stevedores, railway workers, and tramcar operators take place in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad. About 3,000 mainly middle- and upper-class women in Jamaica are given the right to vote in appreciation for their war services.

5–14 June

Race riots erupt in Great Britain in Liverpool, Newport, Cardiff, Barry, and London.

6 June

The Trinidad attorney general recommends that the British colonial secretary approve passage of legislation by West Indian colonies to suppress publications deemed to be seditious.

20 June

The executive council in British Guiana instructs the postmaster general to prohibit importation of the Negro World and other black American newspapers.

23 June

The BSL is incorporated in the state of Delaware.

Mid-1919

After one year of vigorous protest, BWIR soldiers receive the legal entitlements of Army Order Number 1/1918.

3 July

The secretary of state for the colonies telegraphs the British West Indies governors, warning them of the possibility of revolt among workers throughout the Caribbean.

5 July

Trinidadian F. E. M. Hercules, general secretary of the London-based Society of Peoples of African Origin (SPAO), arrives in Jamaica and addresses a group of strikers.

cxxxiv

CHRONOLOGY

7 July

Riots erupt in Kingston, Jamaica.

15 July

The S.S. Santille, carrying repatriated seamen, stops in Barbados; more than eighty men disembark and besiege the treasury building, demanding their military advances. Advances are granted, but the men are not allowed to re-board the ship continuing to Jamaica.

17 July

Trinidadians involved in return home.

18 July

A crowd led by ex-servicemen and seamen confront white sailors from the H.M.S. Constance in Kingston, Jamaica; an armed party from the Constance restores order and patrols the streets for the rest of the night, and are re-enforced the next morning with guards from the West Indian Regiment.

19 July

Ex-servicemen riot during peace celebrations held in Morant Bay and Savanna-la-Mar, Jamaica; later, a group of seamen send a petition to the governor focusing on violations of their “inalienable rights” as British subjects.

22 July

Black soldiers and civilians attack white British sailors from the H.M.S. Dartmouth in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, allegedly in response to reports printed in the Argos newspaper describing the actions of a white mob in Cardiff who had attacked a black man’s funeral, cut off the corpse’s head, and used it as a football.

the Cardiff riots in Britain

About 4,000 people, including ex-BWIR troops, riot in Belize, British Honduras; the uprising lasts for three days. Suppression of the Negro World is cited as a contributing factor. 24 July

The H.M.S. Constance, carrying an armed party of 100 men with machine guns, arrives off the coast of Belize to restore order.

26 July

Martial law is declared in British Honduras to protect the white population.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 (cont.) 27 July–3 August

In Chicago, ethnic tensions erupt in several days of sustained rioting, racial violence, and property destruction concentrated on the city’s South Side, the heart of the city’s black community. Most of the casualties and property damage are suffered by blacks: thirty-eight people are killed (twenty-three African Americans and fifteen whites), with 537 people injured, two-thirds of them African Americans. While the scale of the violence and destruction shocks the entire nation, the riot demonstrates the willingness of African Americans to fight to defend themselves against attack and in defense of their civil rights. The riot epitomizes the more than twenty-five race riots that take place that summer, which would cause it to become known as the “Red Summer” of 1919.

29 July

The U.S. gunboat Castine lands in British Honduras to help restore order in the region.

30 July

Influential white citizens in Trinidad, including the president of the Chamber of Commerce, write a “confidential and urgent” letter to the colonial secretary advising the suppression of the Argos, the arming of white civilians, the regular presence of white troops, and the prevention of an alliance between West Indians and East Indians.

July

The British colonial secretary instructs the governor of British Guiana to suppress publications “inciting to racial hatred.” White citizens in Trinidad protest against the militant local paper, the Argos, and impose economic sanctions against the paper by withdrawing advertising; the colonial government also considers deportation of the publication’s personnel.

ca. July

Upon returning to Trinidad, veterans of the BWIR organize the Returned Soldiers and Sailors Council and Organization and hold public meetings to propagandize their grievances. In response, Governor Sir John Chancellor appoints the Discharged Soldiers Central Authority to find jobs for unemployed soldiers and to administer a land settlement scheme.

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CHRONOLOGY

6 August

The acting governor of Jamaica orders the postmaster to open and detain all copies of the Negro World.

19 August

Legislation to ban the Negro World in the Windward Islands is advocated by the governor, G. B. HaddonSmith. The governor of Grenada recommends that the British secretary of state for the colonies grant special executive power to West Indian governors to exclude newspapers considered seditious, such as the Negro World.

20 August

Copies of the Negro World are confiscated by the authorities in Port Limón, Costa Rica.

1 September

Black canal workers in Panama organize a massive Labor Day parade and demonstration, exhibiting the rising power of West Indian labor.

10 September

The British colonial secretary authorizes West Indian governments to introduce legislation to suppress the Negro World and other publications considered seditious.

12 September

The governor of British Guiana introduces the first reading of the seditious publications bill. The Orca departs England carrying about 650 black exservicemen, including seventy-five military prisoners of the BWIR, mainly from the Taranto mutiny, and 200 seamen and other civilians; mutiny ensues as passengers attempt to free the prisoners on board.

15 September

Military prisoners aboard the Orca struggle against the military police and are confined to their cells in manacles; one prisoner is shot in the wrist.

23 September

The Orca arrives in Barbados, where the governor refuses to allow mutineers to disembark for holding in the colony’s prison.

27 September

The governor of the Canal Zone orders the exclusion of Marcus Garvey under provisions of the Executive Order of 6 February 1917.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1919 (cont.) September

At Belmont Road Military Hospital in Liverpool, England, around fifty West Indian servicemen recovering from lost limbs come under sustained attack by around 500 white South African soldiers who object to unsegregated hospital facilities. Other white soldiers intervene on behalf of the victims until the arrival of military police. A. L. Flint, the Chief of Office of the Panama Canal Division in Washington, D.C., recommends to the State Department that Garvey be denied a passport for passage to Panama.

1 October

St. Vincent issues an ordinance prohibiting the importation of the Negro World.

9 October

Following the arrival of the Orca in Kingston, Jamaica, a large crowd led by seamen demonstrates outside of the immigration office; violence ensues between demonstrators, police, and white sailors.

31 October

A crowd of 15,000 gathers at Madison Square Garden in New York to celebrate the launching of the S.S. Yarmouth, the first ship of the Black Star Line.

October

Costa Rica orders the post office to detain copies of the Negro World.

1 November

The UNIA appoints Capt. Cockburn commander of the S.S. Yarmouth.

14 November

St. Vincent authorities burn all existing copies of the Negro World.

15 November

Dockworkers and railway workers in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, members of the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association, strike to protest low wages and demand a wage increase and eight-hour workday.

23 November

The S.S. Yarmouth, renamed S.S. Frederick Douglass, leaves New York harbor for its maiden voyage to the West Indies and Central America.

November

Employers attempt to break the dockworkers’ strike in Trinidad by importing workers from Venezuela, Barbados, and rural Trinidad.

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CHRONOLOGY

1 December

Black workers protest against labor conditions and low wages in Trinidad, with the support of the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association and many ex-servicemen; authorities call out the Merchants and Planters contingent to patrol the streets; it is later joined by 350 men from the Royal Sussex Regiment and the arrival of British warships.

1–3 December

Protests by strikers in Port of Spain, Trinidad, start a chain reaction of uprisings across the island. White militias in Trinidad, such as the “Mounted Volunteers of Trinidad,” composed mostly of white businessmen, and the “Colonial Vigilantes,” composed mostly of members of the whites-only Union Club and resident Americans, are called out to guard banks, the treasury building, and the electric power plant. The dockworkers’ strike in Trinidad turns violent, closing businesses, halting traffic, and forcing the colonial government to encourage concessions. Within days, employers in Trinidad cede a 25 percent wage hike to Port-of-Spain stevedores. The Trinidadian governor requests an all-white military contingent to patrol the island in the aftermath.

ca. 4 December

Another warship, the H.M.S. Calcutta, complete with an admiral on board, arrives in Trinidad. Civil unrest spreads to rural Trinidad and Tobago, where police open fire on crowds and inflict several casualties.

10 December

The S.S. Yarmouth arrives in Kingston.

14 December

UNIA organizers Henrietta Vinton Davis and Cyril Henry visit Panama aboard the BSL steamer. Davis addresses UNIA meetings in various cities in Panama.

22 December

Henrietta Vinton Davis is prohibited from entering Costa Rica. St. Kitts-Nevis passes an ordinance against seditious publications.

1920 8–9 January

Samuel Augustus Duncan writes a letter to the colonial governors in the West Indies and to the secretary of state for the colonies that the UNIA is an antiwhite and antiBritish organization that seeks to foment disturbances in the British possessions.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

1920 (cont.) 24 February

A strike is called by 12,750 West Indian employees of the Panama Canal and the Panama Railroad Company (75 percent of the work force); Garvey cables his sympathy to the strikers and sends financial assistance.

25 February

Assistant U.S. Postmaster Thomas F. Murphy is notified that the importation of the Negro World into the Bahamas is prohibited.

26 February

Governor Harding dispatches armed soldiers to forcibly evict families of striking canal workers from their homes.

28 February

Governor Harding issues arrest warrants for twenty-four strike leaders, orders the deportation of William Stoute, the head of the striking workers, and urges Panamanian President Lefevre to increase militarization or face the calling in of American troops.

February

Antigua passes ordinances.

4 March

Panama strike leaders end their protest and send workers back to their jobs after funds run out and government and company officials refuse to back down. Seventeen strike leaders are arrested, and fourteen are deported. West Indians begin mass emigration out of Panama.

ca. February–March

The S.S. Yarmouth visits Cuba and Jamaica.

ca. 4–10 April

Henrietta Vinton Davis, Cyril Henry, and Captain Joshua Cockburn sail on the S.S. Yarmouth and make stops at Colón, Almirante, and Bocas del Toro, Panama.

9 April

Trinidad passes a seditious ordinance against publications from the United States “apparently having no other object than to excite racial hatred.” A month later Grenada passes a similar ordinance.

ca. 22 May

Henrietta Vinton Davis claims in a report in the Negro World that William Stoute, the leader of the striking workers in Panama, kept for himself the UNIA money given to him in March, instead of giving it to the strikers. Stoute and his supporters refute these charges.

cxl

seditious

publications

prohibition

CHRONOLOGY

May

Protests against the Seditious Publications Act are held in Grenada. Sub-agencies of the Black Star Line are contracted by Garvey to Luc Dorsinville & Co. of the Republic of Haiti; sub-agencies are opened in the towns of Jeremie, Gonaives, Port de Paix, and Cape Hatien, Haiti.

12 June

The Windward Islands approves a seditious publications ordinance.

13 June

The Talamanca, Panama, division of the UNIA is organized.

27 June

The BSL steamer Yarmouth arrives in Port au Prince, Haiti, from Havana, Cuba.

28 June

St. Lucia passes a seditious publications ordinance. Luc Dorsinville, agent of the BSL in Haiti, holds a public meeting at the Theatre Parisiana in Port au Prince to discuss and promote the BSL.

ca. June

Reverend George A. Weston arrives in Antigua for one week as a sailor aboard a Royal Mail Canadian steamer. He campaigns for the UNIA and BSL; helps establish a local branch of the UNIA; and launches a fundraising campaign to enable UNIA delegates from Antigua to attend the UNIA’s forthcoming First International Convention of Negro Peoples of the World in New York in August 1920.

28 July

John Sydney de Bourg travels to New York as part of the Trinidad delegation to the UNIA convention, departing from Grenada after being deported from Trinidad for his role in the labor protests there the previous year.

31 July

The BSL steamer Yarmouth leaves Port au Prince, Haiti, for Kingston, Jamaica.

July

The Negro Factories Corporation commences operation in Haiti.

cxli

Map of the Caribbean and Circum-Caribbean

HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES

HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES

The Bahamas The Bahamas consist of approximately seven hundred islands and islets located in an archipelago some fifty miles southeast of Florida. Black and colored Bahamians faced rampant discrimination in the 1920s, but, in contrast to the British West Indies proper, there was little unrest and no mass uprising in these islands until the Nassau Riot of 1942.1 There was, however, a growing race consciousness in this period that is evident in the number of Bahamians who became ardent admirers of Marcus Garvey and members of the UNIA. General histories of the region have neglected the impact of Garveyism on the Bahamas, and until recently it was not widely known among historians that a branch of the UNIA existed in Nassau, the capital, in the 1920s. Gail Saunders discusses the Garvey movement in an essay entitled “The Role of the Coloured Middle Class,” and she and Michael Craton mention the Garvey movement several times in their history, Islanders in the Stream. Still, a more detailed study of Garveyism in the Bahamas is needed.2 While the documents that follow make passing references to participants on the “out islands,” it would appear from the evidence uncovered so far that UNIA activity in the Bahamas was concentrated in Nassau on the main island of New Providence.3 With the continued emigration of Bahamians to the United States, especially to Florida, Bahamians probably first heard news of the UNIA from relatives and friends in Miami, where Garveyism influenced the Bahamian Methodist congregation.4 Support for the UNIA in the Bahamas grew among members of the Union Mercantile Association established in Nassau in 1920.5 The Union Mercantile Association, which maintained ties with the Elks Lodge (the offices of the two groups were located on Blue Hill Road), had similar concerns to the UNIA. It aimed to stop the disrespect shown to black passengers on white-operated ships by providing proper and comfortable transportation for passengers traveling between the Bahamas and Florida, regardless of creed or color. The Association also proposed to provide “adequate and regular transportation for tomatoes and other agricultural perishable products from Nassau to Florida.” The limited company, which aimed for capital of £8,000, was determined to manage its own business. The Association’s prospectus stated, “No person other than a person who is wholly or partly of African origin shall be eligible to be a Director or hold any office whatsoever in the company.”6 At one meeting, the lawyer Alfred F. Adderley praised the Association for its progress and proclaimed that members should not be ashamed to call “ourselves Africans.” He stated that the Association did not wish to stir up racial antagonism, but wished to make whites respect and “honour us.”7 Dr. C. H. Knight, a Jamaican physician who had migrated to Nassau, stated at a meeting of the Association on 8 July 1920 that his interest was sparked because four doctors in Jamaica had engaged in similar work. He said that he had taken out some shares and would take out more.8

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Garveyism attracted the interest of the black middle class in the Bahamas. Disproportionately located in Nassau, this class included well-respected members of the colored elite such as the lawyers Alfred F. Adderley and Thaddeus A. Toote, as well as Samuel C. McPherson, a tailor and member of the House of Assembly; Leon Young, a merchant and member of the House of Assembly; and Eugene Dupuch and Etienne Dupuch, the latter the editor of the Tribune who had experienced blatant discrimination while in the army. The colored elite in Nassau, painfully aware of the prejudice and rampant discrimination that existed in the Bahamas and also conscious of the power of the mercantile white elite that controlled the socioeconomic and political machinery, sought out information on the Garvey movement. There is evidence that Adderley received the Negro World, and Etienne Dupuch wrote about Garvey in his family newspaper, the Tribune. In 1928 this newspaper ran an advertisement urging persons to list their names to receive the Negro World from Charles C. Lightbourn, its local agent and distributor.9 This occurred after attempts to prevent the circulation of the Negro World in the Bahamas had failed. An act to “Prohibit the publication and importation of seditious newspapers, books and documents” was passed in 1919 but repealed five years later. The year before its repeal, several readers of the Negro World in Nassau and members of the local UNIA branch wrote to the postmaster general, requesting the ban be lifted for the sake of the “reading public.”10 However, despite their interest, the black middle class in the Bahamas played a limited role in the Garvey movement. With the arrival and settlement in Nassau of several colored and black professionals from the West Indies, including Dr. C. H. Knight and Walter E. S. Callender, a lawyer from British Guiana, the reputations of the colored elite grew, and the social distance between them and the black laboring class widened. Black professionals gradually became more conservative, even though blacks of all classes held them in awe. Additionally, the colored middle class in Nassau, like that in Kingston, Jamaica, rather than acting as a binding force for society, acted as a “divisive element more apt to perpetuate than to eliminate colour prejudice.”11 Moreover, while no evidence has come to light that colored and black professionals remained “aloof” from the UNIA because they feared victimization, they probably felt threatened by the tight control practiced by the ruling white mercantile elite. Police officers were sent to meetings and reported on all speeches. This police presence may have deterred some supporters from openly embracing Garvey.12 Given that many Bahamians migrated to New York and Florida in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, it is not surprising to find that there were strong links between the Nassau UNIA branch and UNIA branches in New York and Miami. Dr. Claudius R. Walker is an example of a Bahamian who migrated to New York and became influenced by Garvey. A black physician from Grant’s Town, New Providence, Walker trained in the southern United States and lived in New York in the early 1920s. Along with several cxlvi

HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES

other Bahamians of similar mind, such as H. A. Tynes, B. G. Johnson, and Theo Farquharson (from Inagua), he founded the Bahamas Rejuvenation League in New York on 21 January 1920. The League’s goals were to “interest the scattered people of the Bahamas in things Bahamian, to encourage the retention of British citizenship” among those abroad, and to assist them in education and also “industry.” The League awarded scholarships and planned to award trophies on an annual basis to pupils in the public schools for the best student and for the best essay.13 Other Bahamians who migrated to the United States joined the UNIA. In fact, most of the UNIA members in Miami were apparently Bahamians, especially those of the Bahamian Methodist congregation.14 Many of the Bahamians who migrated to the southern United States were exposed to a level of blatant discrimination they had not experienced before. One Methodist minister commented, “The colour question horrid and hateful enough in the Bahamas, is far worse in the Southern States.”15 Bahamians who settled in Miami and Key West were forced to establish churches of their own and were pushed into ghettos such as “Coloured Town” in Miami.16 Many who experienced the growing bigotry, intolerance, and violence fanned by the rebirth of the Ku Klux Klan after 1915 returned to the Bahamas with different attitudes toward color.17 In 1921 Rev. Richard Higgs, a Bahamian emigrant of twenty-three years in Florida, was violently assaulted by whites for advocating social equality in a sermon that he preached in “Coloured Town,” Miami.18 Forced to return to Nassau, Reverend Higgs preached at various Baptist churches, including St. John’s on Meeting Street and the Metropolitan Baptist Church in Grant’s Town. His account of being nearly beaten to death by white people aroused considerable feeling among “the coloured folk,” and Higgs strove to hold more meetings. Members of the police force who belonged to St. John’s Church were concerned about the acrimony this would cause between blacks and whites in the Bahamas.19 Tensions between blacks and whites became visible that year when the Methodist Church in Nassau withdrew its mission to Bahamians in Miami because they could not provide a black minister for the migrants. Revealing the influence of Marcus Garvey and the UNIA, Bailey, the Nassau Methodist minister, wrote: Really the whole affair has been most distressing, perhaps the most distressing feature of it is that it reveals the tendency of a strong section of the coloured people to throw off the friendship of the whites. This is the direct result of the UNIA of which you are sure to have heard. Its president, Marcus Garvey, visited both Miami and Key West recently.20 One Bahamian who played a central role in the Garvey movement in the United States was Frederick Augustus Toote. Born in Nassau in 1895, the son of Thaddeus Augustus “Sankey” Toote, a successful merchant and member of cxlvii

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

the Bahamian House of Assembly, Frederick Toote was educated at the Boys’ Central School in Nassau, the City College of New York, Oskaloosa College in Oskaloosa, Iowa, and Philadelphia Divinity School. By 1920 he was fully involved with Garveyism and energetically worked to increase the membership of the UNIA in Philadelphia. In 1920 it was estimated that there were ninetyfive hundred members of the Philadelphia UNIA.21 In 1921 Frederick Toote joined the Bahamas Rejuvenation League,22 and despite setbacks in 1924, he emerged as an influential UNIA leader shortly after Garvey’s imprisonment in February 1925. He reinvigorated the Philadelphia division, which had experienced a significant drop in membership, and was elected its first assistant president general in 1926.23 Back in the Bahamas, Garveyism seems to have persisted through the 1920s, with Marcus Garvey paying a visit to the islands on 19–20 November 1928. Unlike the Bermuda government, which banned Garvey’s visit because of fears it might adversely affect the local black population, the Bahamas government allowed Garvey to land, though his movements were strictly monitored. Three senior police officers and a large number of plainclothes officers attended the rally. Police reserve officers were ready in the barracks. During his trip, Garvey briefly met with L. W. Young and his family and went on a sightseeing tour that included Nassau and its suburbs (Grant’s Town), in addition to visiting Sandilands Village, Fox Hill. He attended a reception at Liberty Hall, Lewis Hall, and then attended an open-air meeting on the Southern Recreations Grounds, the usual venue for political and civic meetings. Garvey followed Captain Stephen Dillet on the program, and Garvey’s forceful and diplomatic speech lasted an hour and a half. While extolling the merits of the white man and condemning the Negro as a “lazy-good-for-nothing,” he declared that this same “lazy-good-for-nothing” was a man now “capable of managing his own affairs.” He called for a “Negro Empire.” However, he almost lost his audience when he referred to Captain Cockburn, a Bahamian and the captain of the ill-fated Black Star Line vessel the S.S. Yarmouth, as a “damn scamp.” Realizing he was on dangerous ground, Garvey changed the subject, declaring that there would be a new Black Star Line. He ended on a happy and humorous note, thanking the Bahamian government for its courtesy and condemning the government of Bermuda, where he was not allowed to land. He was cheered by the crowd, which then greeted the next speaker, Mr. L. W. Young, with utter disrespect. They started their car engines and hooted their horns, and many left. No one, except those on the platform, clapped. However, when Captain Dillet called for three cheers for Mr. Garvey, the crowd responded enthusiastically.24 More detailed research is needed into the study of Garveyism in the Bahamas between 1920 and 1928, the year of Marcus Garvey’s visit. While the UNIA existed from 1920, not much is known of its work. We also still do not fully understand why educated members of the black middle class, a source of potential leaders of the Garvey movement in the Bahamas, did not become cxlviii

HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES

more actively involved. Perhaps the government’s close scrutiny of the UNIA through the police force discouraged them. The impact of prohibition and the increasing prosperity in tourism and finance, along with Garvey’s legal troubles, may have also accounted for the lack of fervor among the colored elite. Admirers of Garvey they were, but neither they nor the black masses seriously challenged the status quo until the 1950s and 1960s. GAIL D. SAUNDERS 1. While the reasons for this lack of unrest in the Bahamas are still unclear, the absence of a major sugar economy, the subtropical Atlantic climate, and the proximity to the North American mainland all contributed to this exceptionalism. Perhaps the most important factor, however, was the proportionately larger white population of this northern Caribbean territory, which may have shaped racial politics in ways distinct from the other islands of the British West Indies. It is interesting to note that a Bahamian soldier, Sergeant Johnny Demeritte, who lost both legs in the war, was among fifty black veterans attacked by white soldiers when they complained about their exclusion from the concert room at the Belmont Road Military Hospital in Liverpool, England (Bailey to Burnet, 26 May 1921, Key West Methodist Missionary Society, London; D. Gail Saunders, “Social History of the Bahamas” [Ph.D. diss., University of Waterloo, 1985], pp. 282–283; Colin Hughes, Race and Politics in the Bahamas [New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1981], p. 14; Peter Fryer, Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain [London: Pluto Press, 1984], p. 297; D. Gail Saunders, Bahamian Society after Emancipation [Kingston: Ian Randle Press, 1994], pp. 104–123). 2. Gail Saunders, “The Role of the Coloured Middle Class in Nassau, Bahamas, 1890–1942,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 10, no. 4 (October 1987): 448–465; Michael Craton and Gail Saunders, Islanders in the Stream. A History of the Bahamian People, vol. 2 (Athens: Georgia University Press, 1998), pp. 100, 117, 168, 174, 221, 235, 256. Other relevant works include Colin Hughes, Race and Politics in the Bahamas; Hartley Cecil Saunders, The Other Bahamas (Nassau, Bahamas: Bodab Publishers, 1991); Howard Johnson, The Bahamas in Slavery and Servitude 1783–1933 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996); Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America (New York and London: Verso Press, 1998). 3. New Providence is the main island in the Bahamas. The other islands, known as either the “out islands” or the “family islands,” include Grand Bahama, the Abaco and Cays islands, the Biminis, Andros, Eleuthera, Cat Island, San Salvador, Great and Little Exuma, Long Island, Crooked Island, Acklins Island, Mayaguana, and the Inagua islands. 4. In 1921 Rev. Bailey reported that the Miami congregation (comprised almost entirely of Bahamians) was affected by propaganda of the UNIA and that Garvey had recently visited both Miami and Key West. 5. The history of black and colored middle-class associations in the Bahamas includes African “ethnic,” mutual aid, and friendly societies, as well as the growing importance of Masonic organizations from the late nineteenth century. From roughly the time of slave emancipation, mutual aid societies of various sorts played a significant role in the lives of the black and colored middle classes, especially in the city of Nassau. Such organizations served community functions such as sharing burial expenses or organizing social and religious events. They also became centers of political discussion about the various challenges faced by the colony’s non-white populations. The growth of Masonic organizations in part coincided with the decline of these non-Masonic mutual aide societies. For a discussion of the nineteenth-century origins of these societies see Howard Johnson, “Friendly Societies in the Bahamas,” Slavery and Abolition 12, no. 3 (December 1991). 6. Prospectus of the Union Mercantile Association, encl. Minute Paper, Colonial Secretary’s Files, 29 May 1920, no. 21, Bahamas Archives. 7. Barrett to Turner, Police Report, 4 August 1920, Bahamas Archives. 8. Minute Paper, Colonial Secretary’s Papers, 10 July 1920. 9. Tribune, 1 August 1928. 10. Confidential Minute Paper, Colonial Secretary’s Papers, 9 May 1923, Bahamas Archives. 11. Gail Saunders, “Role of the Coloured Middle Class”; Sydney Olivier, White Capital and Coloured Labour (London, 1910), pp. 38–39, cited in David Lowenthal, West Indian Societies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 72.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 12. Article by J. A. Craigen, NW, 2 April 1927. 13. Minute Paper, Colonial Secretary’s Files, 21 January 1921, no. 145, Bahamas Archives. 14. Bailey to Burnet, 26 May 1921, Key West Methodist Missionary Society, London; see also Philip Cash, Shirley Gordon, and Gail Saunders, Sources of Bahamian History (London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1991), p. 99. 15. Eardley to Andrews, Nassau, 16 March 1917, Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society Papers. 16. Ibid. 17. Interview with Audrey V. Isaacs North, 20 June 1984; see Gail Saunders, “Role of the Coloured Middle Class,” p. 455. 18. Confidential Minute Paper, Colonial Secretary’s Files, 13 July 1921, no. 13, Bahamas Archives. 19. Ibid. 20. Cash, Gordon, Saunders, Sources of Bahamian History, p. 99. 21. NW, 21 August 1920; Crusader 4 (March 1921): 10; MGP 2:300, 371 fn.9. 22. MGP 2:371, fn. 9. 23. ibid. 24. Tribune, 21 November 1928.

cl

HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES

Barbados Published research on the impact of Garveyism and the UNIA in Barbados has so far been limited.1 Several discussions have treated Garveyism as part of a popular protest movement that led to the 1937 social disturbances in Barbados and the wider Caribbean region.2 Yet, Garveyism in Barbados can also be located within a long tradition of protest; despite a reputation for passively accepting the prevailing inequalities and injustices of society, Barbadians have struggled for freedom and equality for centuries.3 The documents included in this volume offer several new avenues for research. In the late 1820s, almost a century before Garveyism, Samuel Jackman Prescod burst onto the Barbadian scene armed with a vision that equality for all Barbadians must replace the old ideology of “white over brown over black.” As a leader of free blacks during slavery, he used his newspaper, the Liberal, as well as public meetings, to espouse his ideas and to wage a nonviolent struggle against conditional freedom, inequality, and injustice. He argued that equality could only come through shared power and, in 1838, launched a prolonged campaign demanding universal adult suffrage or, at the very least, changes in the Barbadian elective franchise that would place it on par with the English franchise. Prescod had great mass appeal and, by the 1840s, with the formation of the Liberal Party, he commanded a large following that he regularly addressed in his editorials. Disgusted by the workings of the apprenticeship system, he informed his readers that it perpetrated a fraud on society, and he created a column in his newspaper that catalogued evidence to substantiate his allegations. Prescod’s work stretched beyond empowering solely Barbadian blacks. He was at the forefront of “The Colonial Union of Coloured People,” a movement which sought to unite and empower all Afro-Caribbean people in order to achieve full equality.4 The struggle for black liberty continued after Prescod’s death in 1871. In the Confederation Riots of 1876, the Barbadian laboring classes sought to end planter oligarchy through supporting a Colonial Office proposal to replace local white power with imperial power. Two arenas for working-class political activism and debate were created in 1919.5 Social and cultural organizations, such as the Social Physical Cultural Club and the Bank Hall Cultural Club, which also emerged in the early twentieth century, held heated debates on the major political issues of the day.6 Around 1917 the Universal Ulotrichian Society was formed by Arlington Newton, a Barbadian political activist who organized workers in St. Kitts before being expelled from Antigua for stirring up labor unrest during World War I. Newton continued his political activism after his deportation to Barbados. He was not known to have a large following among Barbadians but wrote petitions to the secretary of state for the colonies on behalf of the working classes. He advocated the formation of a West Indian federation and the liberalization of the franchise.7 One colonial governor arrogantly dismissed him as “a prophet with little honour.”8 cli

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

It was during this climate of popular political organization that the first UNIA branch in Barbados was established in 1919.9 The branch was largely made up of skilled artisans and veterans returning from World War I. It was based mainly in the urban districts of Bridgetown, at Reed Street and Westbury Road, and at Crab Hill and Half Moon Fort in the rural northern part of Saint Lucy. A second UNIA branch was formed at Indian Ground in Saint Peter. By 1920 the UNIA was holding meetings regularly in Bridgetown and throughout the rural districts, actively politicizing and mobilizing the black population. The UNIA’s stated objective placed much emphasis on black unity and a program of self-help for the black sector of the Barbadian population. This active method of political campaigning brought the organization into direct confrontation with the local white elite. The UNIA was accused of being hostile to white interests and bent on creating racial unrest on the island. Most of the surviving information on the Barbadian UNIA was originally recorded in the form of police reports. These documents, one should stress, have certain limitations that hamper the analysis of the researcher. Colonial governors, convinced that the UNIA was a seditious organization, sent police spies to the meetings to record the events. But the police in many instances only recorded what they considered to be libelous or seditious, hence, much data perhaps has been lost to posterity. Another source of information, the government house series of files, are private and confidential dispatches of the colonial administrators who were unsympathetic to the UNIA and determined to suppress it. Much of this information was an attempt to convince their superiors at the Colonial Office that the organization was made up largely of “agitators and rabble rousers.” On all occasions they viewed the UNIA as a destructive organization that set out to swindle its members of their hard-earned cash. Local newspapers, a further source of information, also reported the events of the UNIA in a negative way and considered the UNIA to be “a racist organization.” The Barbados Standard wrote of the many West Indians “who had their minds poisoned by the organization (UNIA) which preaches sedition and spreads Bolshevik teaching in these colonies.” It further commented that “the time is sure to come when we will also be forced to seize and handle roughly those who would set race against race and reduce these colonies to the same conditions that exist in Russia.”10 On another occasion the Barbados Standard advocated suppression of the UNIA and its leadership: An effort should be made to discover these hidden leaders, who are doing a great deal of mischief. It should not be hard to pierce the veil, as we understand that meetings to incite workmen to continue the labour unrest are held weekly in various localities in the city. Those who are thus stirring devil’s broth are, we may shrewdly guess, inspired by anything but altruism, and are as ready to rob and betray their dupes as to urge them on in a career of Bolshevikism.11 clii

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In 1921 the Barbados Advocate highlighted Garvey’s visit to Jamaica by reminding its readers that his marriage was recently annulled, the Black Star Line had only completed one trip, and that its three vessels had been laid up for a long time. The Advocate rejoiced that he had not made much of a mark in Jamaica.12 The documents included in this volume demonstrate the minuscule membership of the Barbados UNIA branches, which falsely suggests that Garveyism was a dead issue. An analysis of such numbers cannot effectively measure the impact of the Garvey movement on the island’s people. A statement by John Alleyne, a UNIA member, underscores this dilemma: “Wherever you go people is praising Garvey, yet they won’t come to his Hall (UNIA meeting place), they appears to be afraid of something or other.”13 Indeed, the people’s response to Garvey’s visit in October 1937 speaks to their commitment to the struggle. The role of local Garveyites outside of the Hall then must have been quite profound. Several documents in this volume highlight the impact of Garveyism on the local body politic. They reveal a vibrant organization in which both males and females played an active role. For instance, the part played by the female president of the Reed Street branch, Alexandrian Gibbs, in distributing the Negro World throughout the island and speaking at its public meetings clearly demonstrates that. While no active political party that contested office in the local legislature was ever formed under the banner of the UNIA, Garveyites made up the core of Charles Duncan O’Neale’s Democratic League and Workingman’s Association. Prominent political figures such as Israel Lovell and Ulric Grant, who were at the forefront of the agitation with Clement Payne on the eve of the 1937 disturbances, were active Garveyites. There were also active members of the Barbados Progressive League and, later, the Barbados Labour Party. When the Barbados Progressive League was formed in 1939, two of its most active workers were the Garveyites Herbert Seale and John Hinds. D. D. Garner, who was the representative for the rural eastern district of Saint Philip, first as a member of the West Indian National Congress Party and then the Barbados Labour Party, began his political electioneering in the Garveyite movement of the 1920s. It is clear that as the UNIA’s membership in Barbados was absorbed by political parties that emerged in the late-1930s and 1940s, many Garveyites proudly retained the ideology and philosophy of the movement within these new organizations. ALANA JOHNSON DAVID BROWNE 1. References to Barbados appear in work on the Caribbean. See, for example, Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey, the Caribbean, and the Struggle for Black Jamaican Nationhood,” in Caribbean Freedom: Economy and Society from Emancipation to the Present, ed. Hilary Beckles and Verene Shepherd (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 1993). See also David Browne, “Race and Class Relations in a Plantation Society: The Case of Barbados, 1918–1937” (M.Phil. diss., University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, 1992).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 2. See, for example, Susan Craig-James, “Smiles and Blood: The Ruling Class Response to the Workers’ Rebellion of 1937 in Trinidad and Tobago,” in Roy Thomas, ed., The Trinidad Labour Riots of 1937: Perspectives 50 Years Later (St. Augustine, Trinidad: UWI Press, 1987); Selwyn D. Ryan, Race and Nationalism in Trinidad and Tobago: A Study of Decolonisation in a Multiracial Society (Toronto, Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1972); O. Nigel Bolland, On the March: Labour Rebellions in the British Caribbean, 1934–39 (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 1995). 3. The history of black protest in Barbados includes an aborted island-wide slave rebellion of 1675 that took three years to plan. The following sources examine the struggles of Barbadians: Alana Johnson, “‘Enemies of All Rule, and Method, and System’: Samuel J. Prescod, Estate Workers and the First Labour Strikes in Post-Slavery Barbados” (paper presented at the conference of the Association of Caribbean Historians, Bridgetown, Barbados, 1996); Johnson, “The Abolition of Chattel Slavery in Barbados, 1833–1876” (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1994); H. Carter, “Food Riots and Labour Protest in Post-Slavery Barbados: An Analysis of the 1863 Riots,” (paper presented at the conference of the Association of Caribbean Historians, Bridgetown, 1996); Hilary Beckles, “Notes on the Decolonisation of West Indian Historiography: Towards the Uncovering of the Barbadian Revolutionary Tradition,” Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 8, no. 2 (May/June 1982): 13–23; George Belle, “The Abortive Revolution of 1876 in Barbados,” JCH 18 (1984): 1–34; David Browne, “The Rumblings of a Social Volcano: Precursors to the Disturbances in Barbados,” Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 21, no. 1 (1996): 9–24; Browne, “‘Facades of a Rebellion Aborted’: The Struggle for Black Empowerment in Barbados, 1937–1950” (Ph.D. diss., University of the West Indies, 2002); Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados: The Struggle against Slavery, 1627– 1838 (Bridgetown: Carib Research & Publications Inc., 1984); Beckles, A History of Barbados: From Amerindian Settlement to Nation-State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). An allusion to the Barbadian reputation for passivity can be found in C. R. M. O’Brien, Governor of Barbados, to Viscount Milner, 13 October 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/349/63855. The anthropologist Sydney Greenfield notoriously popularized a notion of Barbadians as passive, brainwashed “English rustics” in English Rustics in Black Skin: A Study of Modern Family Forms in a Pre-industrialized Society (New Haven, Conn.: College & University Press, 1966). See also O. Nigel Bolland’s chapter on the 1937 disturbances in On the March, where Bolland mentions that Barbadians have had “a reputation for being orderly and conservative” (pp. 111–127). 4. See Alana Johnson, “‘Enemies of All Rule, and Method, and System’”; Johnson, “Samuel Jackman Prescod: Unconditional Freedom,” in Hilary Beckles, ed., For Love of Country: The National Heroes of Barbados (Bridgetown, Barbados: National Cultural Foundation, 2001), p. 34– 42. 5. Barbados witnessed the beginnings of working-class political activism with the formation in 1919 of the Barbados Labour Union. That same year Clement Inniss established the Barbados Herald, a weekly newspaper, which provided the outlet for “biting, acerbic, working class views,” and the paper emerged as an organ for socialist propaganda. Hilary Beckles, A History of Barbados: From Amerindian Settlement to Nation-State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 154; quotation on p. 155. 6. Browne, “Race and Class Relations in a Plantation Society.” 7. Ibid. 8. Charles O’Brien to H. Long, 1 July 1919, TNA: PRO CO 28/293, secret dispatch. 9. The most easterly of the British West Indian colonies, Barbados had always boasted representative institutions. However, the franchise was restricted. The presence on the island of a branch of the UNIA meant that the views of the Barbados Labour Union and the Barbados Herald intertwined with Garvey’s rhetoric and enhanced a political ideology that championed workingclass goals and demands for political representation (Beckles, A History of Barbados, pp. 154–161). 10. Barbados Standard, 21 June 1920, pp. 4–5. 11. Ibid., 22 February 1919, p. 5. 12. Barbados Advocate, 11 May 1921, p. 3. 13. BDA, Reports of Certain Meetings, Secret, GH 4/37B, Raymond Hurley to Detective Inspector, Barbados, 14 May 1928.

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Bermuda Nellie Musson, in her book Mind the Onion Seed, argued that the entry of the UNIA into Bermuda marked the beginning of “Bermuda’s Black Renaissance,” a new era that brought greater political awareness to blacks, particularly to black women, and resulted in the opening of several black businesses, including the establishment of the Bermuda Recorder newspaper.1 While the significance of Garveyism has been so noted, scholars have been groping for information from official and unofficial sources that would further reveal the impact of the Garvey phenomenon in Bermuda, as well as Bermuda’s response to the emergence of Marcus Garvey and the UNIA. These documents therefore fill an enormous gap in the social history of twentieth-century Bermuda. What the documents in this volume show is that Bermuda’s predominantly black populace, being closer than any other overseas territory to the seat of Garveyism in New York, was caught up in the fervor for Garvey’s racial message that swept the Caribbean starting in 1919 and continuing through the 1920s and 1930s. At the same time, these documents give clear insights into the mindset of the white minority oligarchs who dominated Bermuda’s political, economic, social, and ecclesiastical affairs for fifty or more years. Their paranoia over anything that smacked of Garveyism resulted in heavy-handed official initiatives in Bermuda that sought, in collaboration with the Colonial Office in London, to suppress the spread of Garveyism in the region. From the nineteenth century Bermuda was pivotal to Britain’s management of her imperial and colonial affairs in North America and the Caribbean. Strategically located six hundred miles off the North Carolina coast, equidistant from Britain’s Canadian and West Indian possessions, Bermuda had excellent direct cable communications and was at the center of a network for the gathering and dissemination of intelligence in the region. The heightened racial feelings that were particularly intense amongst disgruntled members of the British West Indies Regiment (BWIR) and disaffected repatriated seamen, as well as the general state of economic unrest and political agitation that erupted throughout the region at the end of World War I, were reported back to London. When Britain’s Bermuda-based naval commander in chief sent a report to London on 1 September 1919 calling for the stationing of white troops in Jamaica, Bermuda, British Honduras, Trinidad, Barbados, and St. Lucia, the commissioners of the admiralty and the secretary of state for the colonies ordered an urgent review of the situation in the West Indies. The governor of Bermuda, Sir James Willcocks, could hardly allow Garveyism to gain a foothold in the island while he and the naval commander in chief were so strongly disposed toward suppressing it in their Caribbean backyard.2 Both were convinced from their own naval intelligence that Garvey’s Negro World newspaper, which Willcocks considered to be “violent and inflammatory” and “undoubtedly designed to excite and inflame race feelings,” was at the root of racial conflicts in the Caribbean.3 At the same time, however, clv

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Willcocks was averse to any attempt to suppress the newspaper by forcible means. He considered it impossible to prevent the Negro World from being introduced and circulated secretly in view of the constant communication between Bermuda and New York by ships containing a considerable percentage of colored hands amongst their crews. Unless there was the assurance of complete success, there was the risk of driving the paper into underground channels and thereby increasing its harmful influence. Willcocks considered it better to identify and track the agents through whom the Negro World was distributed and undermine them. By the early 1920s it was clear to Governor Willcocks and the dominant white Bermudian minority that a leading troublemaker on the island was Reverend Richard Tobitt, the Antigua-born pastor of an AME church in Saint George’s and principal of Saint George’s High School. A series of ominous events marked Tobitt out. Having organized Bermuda’s first trade union, the Bermuda Union of Teachers, in 1919, Tobitt was already identified as a “ringleader.” On 16 April 1920, at a mass meeting held in his governmentaided school, Tobitt organized a branch of the UNIA and became its president. On 24 July 1920 a riot with racial overtones broke out in Saint George’s.4 Three days after the riot Reverend Tobitt went to New York to attend the First International Convention of the Negro People of the World, where he was elected “Leader of the Eastern Province of the West Indies,” an area that included Bermuda. Governor Willcocks did not hesitate to report to the British secretary of state his consternation that Tobitt had “appended his signature to a document which contained many clauses antagonistic to existing order.” The governor seemed irked by the fact that, as he put it, “the office purported to have attached to it the dignity of the title of His Excellency.” Willcocks stated, “Upon learning of his open association with the UNIA and support of the dangerous principles embodied in their ‘Declaration of Independence’ I caused the Board of Education to be informed that in my opinion Tobitt was no longer a fit person to be entrusted with the education of children, and requested that all government assistance given to his school [be] discontinued forthwith, which was done.”5 It is doubtful that the governor would have been so swift in undermining Tobitt without some connivance on the part of the black leadership of Bermuda. Amongst this leadership were gullible elements duped by imperial and colonial propaganda into believing that Bermuda was different from the West Indies and that its people were a cut above West Indians, supposedly better dressed, better housed, and better educated. They believed that West Indian migrants like Tobitt were upsetting the equilibrium and equanimity of native blacks. In the sweep of history, however, it is Tobitt, alongside another Antiguan, Rev. E. B. Grant, and Trinidadian-born Dr. E. F. Gordon—later known as “Mazumbo”—and the American AME minister Charles Vinton Monk, who stand out as truly heroic figures in the struggle in Bermuda for racial equality and justice against enormous odds. clvi

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Not only did Tobitt lose his school principalship, he was also ousted as AME pastor. Tobitt’s position was complicated by the fact that the TwentySeventh Annual Conference of AME Churches in Bermuda was scheduled to open in St. George’s on 7 October 1920. The hierarchy of the church in Bermuda and the United States was decidedly against Garvey, who they believed was usurping their rightful role as leaders of black people everywhere. Minutes of the proceedings of the conference reveal that Reverend Tobitt was charged by the Presiding Elder of Bermuda, Rev. E. D. Robinson, with leaving his appointment to represent a secular organization in the United States without permission of the bishop of the district or the presiding elder. Tobitt tried to justify his action by making various allegations against the presiding elder, all of which were irrelevant. He finally acknowledged his guilt and begged to be forgiven, but overnight Reverend Tobitt obviously reassessed his position within the church. When the conference resumed on the morning of 9 October, Tobitt addressed Bishop Connor by stating “that since he (Tobitt) was connected with an organization (UNIA) which brought reflection and criticism on the church, he, being an AME preacher, and considering that the said organization (UNIA) was a worthy one which would afford him a larger scope and usefulness among his people, he desired to remove all responsibility from the church for his actions and restore her to public confidence; therefore, he begged that he be allowed to withdraw from the Conference.”6 Little time was lost by the AME church hierarchy in communicating to Governor Willcocks news of Tobitt’s withdrawal from the ministry of the AME church. The governor could not have wished for a better sanction of the proscriptions he and his advisers were leveling against Garveyites in Bermuda. He considered it sufficiently consequential to advise the Colonial Office in London that the government’s handling of the Tobitt matter had the support of all rightthinking persons in Bermuda. Relieved of his several church and education connections in Bermuda, Tobitt was now free to devote his energies to his duties as the regional leader of the UNIA. Armed with a passport issued by Governor Willcocks, he sailed from Bermuda in April 1921, visiting Barbados, the Windward and Leeward Islands, and British Guiana without incident. However, when his ship arrived in Trinidad from British Guiana on 4 June 1921, an official confronted Tobitt and informed him that the governor of Trinidad had prohibited his landing. Tobitt was outraged over what he considered tampering with his rights as a British subject. He strongly protested to Governor Willcocks “that an Official (Trinidadian) subordinate and inferior to you” should dishonor a passport “signed by so distinguished an Official as Your Excellency.” His two children had been born in Bermuda, he was neither a criminal nor a fugitive from justice, and as a loyal British subject he confidently looked to His Majesty’s representative for that protection, of which the Union Jack was an emblem. He requested that Willcocks forward to the secretary of state for the colonies, Winston Churchill, a petition he had drafted calling for an enquiry into his clvii

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treatment in Trinidad, and to grant him such redress as would enable him to travel without fear of molestation and humiliation. Tobitt then went on to New York to attend the August 1921 convention of the UNIA. During this convention, Tobitt was to lose his office as “Leader of Negroes of the Eastern Provinces of the West Indies.” Surveillance of Garvey by the imperial authorities in Bermuda nevertheless continued for the next seven years. On 15 November 1928 Garvey passed through Bermuda en route from England via Montreal to Jamaica on board the S.S. Canadian Forester. Deemed by the governor to be an undesirable passenger, he was not allowed to land. However, his wife, Amy Jacques Garvey, along with his secretary who had arrived from New York the previous week, held meetings and addressed audiences on the subject of racial equality. A detailed Negro World account of the visit shows Mrs. Garvey was under close surveillance by the authorities.7 The governor of Bermuda, Lieutenant-General Sir Louis Jean Bols, in his dispatch to the Colonial Office on 20 November 1928, reported that there were no demonstrations and only a small crowd composed mainly of West Indians collected to see Garvey upon his arrival. This official report is in contrast to other accounts that, as long as the ship was in port, local Garveyites could be seen at the dockside holding little red, black, and green flags and wearing similarly colored buttons. Moreover, contingents of Black Cross Nurses and uniformed UNIA marshals were photographed while in attendance and while Garveyite women served refreshments from picnic baskets.8 The Bermuda division of the UNIA functioned well into the 1930s. A delegation of Bermudian women and men attended a UNIA conference held in Canada in July 1931 and another one in Jamaica that same year. IRA P. PHILIP 1. The Recorder was to be a potent factor in the affairs of the black people of Bermuda from its first issue on 18 July 1925 until it folded on 2 July 1975, two weeks shy of its fiftieth anniversary (Nellie Musson, Mind the Onion Seed (Hamilton, Bermuda: Musson’s, 1979)). 2. While British naval authorities were preoccupied with racial disturbances in Belize and St. Lucia, events in Bermuda caused concern as well. A riot occurred in St. George’s (where three months earlier a branch of the UNIA had been formed) on Saturday, 24 July 1920, during which a black soldier of the Bermuda Militia Artillery was shot to death and two of his comrades as well as a white British soldier of the Royal Sussex Regiment were wounded. The 2 August 1920 issue of the Royal Gazette summarized the comments of the coroner thus: “It was a most unfortunate affair(;) so far as he knew there had never been such a riot in St. George’s in all its history.” The riot began in the town and culminated at the barracks with an attack on the guard by militiamen “with rifles and fixed bayonets.” On 6 August the governor submitted a report to the secretary of state for the colonies. It stated: “The occurrence was a purely military affair and was very briefly reported to the War Office by cable. The civilian population was not concerned. I have taken all military measures and hope to see the ringleaders very severely punished which they richly deserve. I anticipate no further trouble, especially as I am led to believe that the Corps itself will be glad to have its ranks purged of some very undesirable persons who have found their way into it” (BA, Governor’s Dispatches 1920, vol. 4). 3. James Willcocks, Governor General and Commander in Chief, Bermuda, to the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, 5 April 1920, TNA: PRO CO 318/354/02554. 4. Royal Gazette, 2 August 1920.

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HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES 5. James Willcocks, General, Governor, and Commander in Chief of Bermuda, to the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, 2 November 1920, TNA: PRO CO 318/356/02541. 6. Ibid. 7. Amy Jacques Garvey, ed., The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey (New York: Atheneum, reprint 1992). 8. Musson, Mind the Onion Seed, p. 136.

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Brazil Though Brazil is home to the largest population of the African diaspora, it had minimal direct connection to the Garvey movement. As the only Portuguesespeaking nation of the Americas, language was undoubtedly a barrier to communication. More significant was the fact that the few English-speaking West Indians who moved to Brazil typically settled in regions with small populations of African descent. Any contact they may have had with AfroBrazilian organizations, as yet undocumented, would have been limited. However, the most important factor in understanding Afro-Brazilians’ lack of involvement with the UNIA was their own trajectory of racial consciousness. Only after slavery ended in 1888 did Afro-Brazilians begin to forge a racially based sense of themselves as a people. In fact, the first national organization of Afro-Brazilians was not founded until 1931. Even so, the historical parallels between Afro-Brazilians and other diasporan peoples, based on a shared history of enslavement and discrimination, led them to articulate many of the same philosophies and strategies embodied in the UNIA. Africans first came to Brazil in the sixteenth century, primarily to work the sugar plantations in the northeastern provinces of Bahia and Pernambuco. These were the first major export sugar colonies in the Americas and, as such, set patterns of organization and social control replicated throughout the Caribbean. Unlike the Caribbean islands, however, Brazil was a vast country with an increasingly diversified economy. Following the sugar boom of the early colonial era, a gold rush (1690s–1730s) resulted in a greater demand for slaves from Africa and from struggling plantations in the northeast to the central province of Minas Gerais. In the nineteenth century, railroads opened the agricultural areas of São Paulo for the commercial exportation of coffee, creating Brazil’s major market for new slaves. Afro-Brazilians, therefore, were dispersed around the country in strikingly diverse slave societies. Institutions such as religious brotherhoods based on African region of origin, tense relationships between the African-born and Brazilian-born communities, and the lack of Jim Crow segregation laws, all mitigated against a shared identity based upon race. Nonetheless, the conditions of the post-abolition era were to move the Afro-Brazilian community closer to race consciousness and, eventually, to the types of ideologies evident in the UNIA. Afro-Brazilian activism after the abolition of slavery must be placed in the context of nineteenth-century developments. Though universal emancipation was declared on 13 May 1888, the vast majority of Afro-Brazilians were already free by that time. The traditional markets that sustained slave labor—such as sugar, tobacco, cacao, and mining—struggled in the nineteenth century against international competition, mechanization, and depletion of natural resources. In contrast, the coffee market was wildly successful, accounting for 21 percent of the gross national product in 1907, and 43 percent by 1939.1 A ban on transatlantic slave trading, enacted in 1815 but not enforced until 1850, forced clxi

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slave owners to devise alternative methods for sustaining the agricultural workforce. Their first option was to buy slaves from northeastern planters, but this was insufficient. With slavery now clearly in its last decades, an ensuing political debate pitted the concerns of traditional plantation owners against those of the new coffee barons, each determined to be compensated for the loss of their slaves. With their newfound political clout based upon their contributions to the national coffers, the coffee oligarchs won out. Immigration programs at both the national and state levels began to bring thousands of European contract laborers to replace the slaves on the coffee plantations.2 This immigration scheme was not merely a labor policy. It was part of the Brazilian elite’s obsession with reshaping the nation to a European ideal. Since the seventeenth century, concepts of environmental and biological determinism had convinced white Brazilians that a tropical climate and “primitive” black and brown peoples weighed them down. It was this ideology that led them to adopt “Order and Progress” as the new republic’s motto when it definitively cut its ties to the monarchy in 1889. By establishing order over both the land and the people, Brazil hoped to progress toward its goals of becoming a “European” nation. With at least 56 percent of the population of African descent, the mere existence of black people thus constituted an obstacle for the national goals. Therefore, the immigration policy was targeted at bringing Europeans to shift the demographic balance, with the eugenic effects threatening to overpower the stated economic goals of sustaining an agricultural labor force to keep pace with a booming coffee market.3 The restructuring of labor markets after slavery’s demise was critical in establishing the conditions from which the Garvey movement was to arise, and an ironic turn of events created a unique nexus between Brazil and the Garveyites. Brazil found itself in increasing competition for European immigrants with the United States, Argentina, and Chile, amongst others. Frustrated, the government attempted to lure new workers directly from the United States, placing advertisements in various local newspapers. These did not escape the notice of black readers, who seized upon the opportunity of relocating to a country they perceived as a racial democracy. African American visitors to Brazil in the early twentieth century had noted many people of color in prominent positions. One of the most influential people to advance this perception was Robert Abbott, publisher of the Chicago Defender and one of those who visited Brazil personally, with similar views expressed in the Crisis and the Negro World. Abbott’s Afro-Brazilian hosts had repeatedly tried to explain to him that influential people of partial African ancestry were labeled as white out of courtesy and that true opportunities for power were limited for people of color, particularly dark-skinned people. Nonetheless, the image persisted, and efforts were undertaken to organize black Americans to move to Brazil.

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In 1920 a group of black investors in Chicago organized the Brazilian American Colonization Syndicate. They publicized their project in some of the most visible organs of the black press, including the Crisis, the Baltimore AfroAmerican, and the Chicago Defender. The UNIA chapter in Springfield, Massachusetts, where interest in Latin America in general had already been expressed, took up a similar plan. Garveyite George Creese hoped to contact the blacks of the continent “to spread the doctrines of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League and enroll them under the banner of the Red, Black and Green.” Brazilian immigration policy prohibited the entry of blacks at that time. Yet the colonists were able to circumvent this obstacle with the help of a government official in British Guiana. The Brazilian American Colonization Society reported in May 1921 that a small number of families had settled in the northern Brazilian state of Pará.4 Both the U.S. and Brazilian governments took quick action to impede any further black colonization efforts. The FBI had an agent reporting on all activities of the BACS and the Springfield UNIA, which was passed on to Brazilian officials. The Brazilian government directed their consuls to refuse visas to all blacks, and one congressman declared he was willing to sever all diplomatic ties with the United States if they would not cooperate. He wrote, “When we consider the possibility, distant or remote, of the emigration of black Americans to Brazil, we must accept the possibility of the disruption of peace on this continent if it is promoted or condoned by Washington. No advantage we might gain from a strengthening of relations with the United States would balance the disaster that such (immigration) would mean for us.”5 Ultimately, the dream of a nucleus of black nationalism in Brazil was never realized in the form imagined by the UNIA and the BACS. Nonetheless, Garveyism was to spread to Brazil as it had throughout much of the Americas—through its seaports. Since colonial times, black men had been a fixture at the docks that served Brazil’s major coastal cities. Black sailors visiting Brazil shared copies of the Negro World and information about the Garvey movement, which was then carried by their Afro-Brazilian acquaintances into the larger black community. On 10 May 1924 H. Braithwaite reported in the Negro World that he had given a young Brazilian several copies of the newspaper and after seeing his enthusiasm told him how to obtain a subscription. Several years later, an American researcher in Bahia met an Afro-Brazilian who had saved a copy of the Negro World from 1930, which he said had been “given him by a Negro fireman on an English ship which occasionally puts in at Bahia.”6 Spanish translations of the Negro World made it fairly accessible to Portuguese readers. The most systematic influx of Garveyite ideas stemmed from this port contact. Mario Vasconcelos, a Bahian who spoke English, began sending Portuguese translations of Negro World articles to a black newspaper in the southeastern state of São Paulo. Although its capital city had a black minority of clxiii

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approximately 12 percent, they had an active network of social clubs and newsletters. One of these, the Clarim da Alvorada, had taken on an explicitly political mission along with an international perspective on black struggle. It had already been in contact with Robert Abbott, who sent copies of the Chicago Defender to Clarim as well as to another newspaper, Progresso. Vasconcelos had seen Clarim through its representative in Bahia and started sending translations which appeared as a regular column called “O Mundo Negro” beginning 7 December 1930. According to Clarim’s co-founder, José Correia Leite, the black activists of São Paulo especially liked Garvey’s ideology of African unity but were not convinced about repatriation to Africa.7 In response to the preferential treatment of European immigrants, segregationist policies, and a history of black sacrifice in both the construction and defense of the nation, Afro-Brazilians in São Paulo had made their citizenship and patriotism a central plank of their political platform. A third avenue for the introduction of Garveyism to Brazil was the construction of the Madeira-Marmoré Railroad, which was designed to provide seaport access to South American rubber producers, between 1878 and 1912. Of over twenty thousand workers from more than fifty countries who helped build the ill-fated railroad, West Indians were amongst the most numerous. Because they were mainly from Barbados, they were known in Brazil as “Barbadianos” or “Antilhanos,” although their numbers included workers from Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, Jamaica, Martinique, Trinidad, and Tobago.8 Conditions in the Amazonian jungle bore strong similarities to those faced by West Indians in the Panama Canal Zone—racial stratification of the labor force, high mortality, and disease. As the railroad and its workers pushed farther into the jungle, most of the West Indians stayed near the original base of Porto Velho, which was being settled and developed to assume its role as the major entrepôt of the railway. Barbadian women began arriving after 1912, and the West Indians were given materials to build a neighborhood that became known as “Bajan Hill” or “Barbados Town.” Unfortunately for the railroad’s North American owner, international rubber prices dropped just after construction was completed. Three years later with the opening of the Panama Canal, which provided cheaper and faster access to both oceans, rubber collection declined, and aspiring rubber workers returned to settle in Porto Velho. The West Indians occupied a somewhat privileged place in the burgeoning community. They were skilled and experienced workers, and as English-speakers they had an advantage with the British firm that had taken over the railroad. They had also created a niche in residential housing construction, which caused Porto Velho to take on a distinct style of Caribbean architecture.9 Despite their ability to gain a foothold in Porto Velho, West Indians maintained a distinct community and identity until government policies favoring Brazilian citizens led many to acculturate after the 1930s. A poem by Fred Banfield printed in the Negro World, 14 October 1922, demonstrates that, clxiv

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at least until that time, there was an awareness of and identification with the Garvey movement. There was access to the Negro World, and, as new workers arrived from the Caribbean during construction, fresh information about a movement that clearly reflected the perspectives of the many West Indians building new capital for white entrepreneurs in the Americas. Garveyism formally came to Brazil through the black North American colonization plans, with the distribution of the Negro World to Afro-Brazilians either directly or through translated articles republished in the black press, and via the settlement of West Indians in the Brazilian hinterland. Each of these were concentrated in different areas of the vast nation: in the far north, the coastal cities of the east, and the central jungle, respectively. As yet there is no documentation on direct communication between Garveyites in these regions. Nonetheless, the common interests of black people, with the increased awareness of and access to international communication that characterized the Garvey era, coalesced into a new black consciousness previously unseen in Brazil. The nation’s first national black advocacy organization, the Frente Negra Brasileira (Brazilian Black Front), was founded in São Paulo in 1931. Though it was neither affiliated with the UNIA, nor an explicit supporter, it bore many similarities to Garvey’s organizational vision. The Frente Negra had an official newspaper and provided job training, social services, literacy training, and athletic and cultural activities. It had an economic component in its mutual fund and credit union, conducted voter registration, and even had its own militia. The Frente built on the efforts of earlier black organizations in advocating black unity, although its president aimed at directing that unity toward integrationist goals. The Frente Negra also transposed some of Garvey’s ideas into a platform derived from their immediate political concerns, calling for a “Brazil for the Brazilians” that would include blacks.10 Though they were adapted to an Afro-Brazilian framework, the ideas of Marcus Garvey and the UNIA nonetheless had resonance in Brazil, and provided context against which Afro-Brazilians shaped their own political ideologies. KIM D. BUTLER 1. Sergio Buarque de Hollanda, ed., Historia Geral da Civilização Brasileira, tome III (Rio de Janeiro: DIFEL, 1977), p. 91; Boris Fausto, ed., O Brasil Republicano, 5 vols. (São Paulo: DIFEL, 1986). 2. On abolition in Brazil, see Richard Graham, Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil, 1850–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), pp. 160–186; Leslie Bethell, The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade: Britain, Brazil, and the Slave Trade Question, 1807–1869 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970); Emilia Viotti da Costa, The Brazilian Empire: Myths and Histories (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 125–132. 3. Kim D. Butler, Freedoms Given, Freedoms Won: Afro-Brazilians in Post-Abolition São Paulo and Salvador (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1998), pp. 16–46. 4. Teresa Meade and Gregory Alonso Pirio, “In Search of the Afro-American ‘Eldorado’: Attempts by North American Blacks to Enter Brazil in the 1920s,” Luso-Brazilian Review 25, no. 1 (1988): 92–96. 5. Fidelis Reis, Paiz a Organizar (Rio de Janeiro: Coelho Branco, 1931), p. 234. 6. Meade and Pirio, “In Search of the Afro-American ‘Eldorado’,” p. 99. The authors note that the same researcher also came across Bahians with copies of the Nigerian Daily Times and the

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS newsletter of the West African Student Union of London, the latter a recipient of some financial support from Garvey. These contacts, however, might also have been due to the close networks existing between Bahian blacks and the Benin-Nigerian coast. On this topic see, for example, J. Lorand Matory, “The English Professors of Brazil: On the Diasporic Roots of the Yorùbá Nation,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 41, no. 1 (1999): 72–103. 7. Butler, Freedoms Given, Freedoms Won, pp. 108–110. 8. Francisco Foot Hartman, Trem Fantasma (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1988), p. 249– 250. 9. Sydney M. Greenfield, “Barbadians in the Brazilian Amazon,” Luso-Brazilian Review 20, no. 1 (1988): 44–64. 10. Butler, Freedoms Given, Freedoms Won, pp. 88–128.

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British Guiana (Guyana) The UNIA emerged in British Guiana during a period of considerable political and social stress, when diverse social groups were expressing increasing dissatisfaction with the social, economic, and political status quo.1 These oppositional activities challenged the position of the colonial elites and provide part of the explanation for the latter’s hostility to the UNIA. High levels of unemployment, especially in the capital city of Georgetown, and a decline in the colony’s sugar industry meant that poverty was rife among the nonwhite masses. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, indentured sugar estate workers, artisans, and urban dock workers protested—at times violently—their poor working (and living) conditions. During the course of repeated strikes and labor unrest, urban workers in particular gradually articulated a coherent set of demands: higher wages, regular work, and shorter working hours. In 1905 and in the 1910s, they organized strikes and crafted petitions in repeated attempts to realize these goals. The increased cost of living due to World War I encouraged all classes of workers (laborers and non-laborers alike, as petitions by police and doctors show) to call for higher wages. One result was a series of strikes by dockworkers in 1917, 1919, and 1924, and the establishment of the British Guiana Labour Union in 1919, led by the dockworker Hubert Critchlow.2 Two of these strikes, in 1905 and 1924, precipitated widespread riots in Georgetown in which the urban poor attacked businesses and homes. Eliteproduced sources demonstrate the class- and race-based fears that filled the (largely white) ruling groups which believed themselves in danger from nonwhite crowds they saw as primitive, savage, and imbued with a violent hatred of whites. Such fears seemed even more intense during the 1924 riot, which threatened to spread beyond Georgetown itself and to lead to a de facto alliance of mostly Afro-Guianese urban crowds with East Indian plantation workers. The presence of several radical groups on the streets of Georgetown (notably the “Garveyites” and “Jordanites”) in the early 1920s contributed to elite unease. Both groups expressed a radical political message, one that advocated black unity and opposed white hegemony, and both were condemned by the local authorities for spreading “sedition and race hatred” during their “nightly orgies of hate at Georgetown street-corners.” The editors of the Daily Argosy newspaper believed that they provoked “race consciousness and anti-white feeling.”3 The increasing clout of the newly emergent nonwhite middle and professional classes also seemed to threaten the position of the traditional elites. The latter’s attacks upon some of these groups (for example, the reluctance of the colonial government to hire Afro-Guianese for the Government Medical Service) illuminated the extent of this resentment, despite their dependence upon this class for the diverse intermediary social roles its members performed. Perhaps one reason for this hostility lay in the willingness of some middle-class clxvii

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nonwhites to use their advanced education and social status to act as advocates for working people. This was particularly apparent during the 1905 riot when some government opposition members acted as spokesmen for the striking dockworkers; some ten years later, local politician and sometime mayor, Francis Dias, played a similar role, attempting to introduce legislation that would protect casual workers and establish a shorter workday. These non-British politicians presented a challenge to the political status quo. Some were affiliated with the People’s Association (founded in 1903), a loose affiliation of opposition politicians who supported an expanded franchise and a more diversified and less sugar-dependent economy.4 The People’s Association achieved a measure of political success. In the elections of 1906, 1911, and 1916, steadily increasing numbers of reform candidates were elected, many of whom belonged to the new non-British and nonwhite middle class. The election of 1916 was something of a watershed in this regard: only three “white” men were elected; the remaining ten were Portuguese, black, mixed race, and East Indian (to use contemporary categories). The governor of the day, Governor Cecil Clementi, perceived the new Combined Court as ideologically (and racially) opposed to the kinds of governments he was used to facing. These events provide the wider context within which the UNIA developed in British Guiana. Marcus Garvey’s arrival there was the symbolic moment in the existence and activity of the UNIA in the colony and an important and expectant moment for the residents of Georgetown. Eighteen years earlier, in April 1919, the first UNIA group was established when the colony was in the throes of social and economic crisis. The UNIA inserted itself at a critical juncture in the country’s history. Governmental censorship and repression was the order of the day, and the labor movement had just been formally established.5 Another dimension involved the return of black soldiers from the trenches of World War I. As in Trinidad and elsewhere in the Anglophone Caribbean, their individual and collective experience in Europe had instilled in many a new and intense race awareness. It was a period of convergence with several processes merging into one distinctive point in time. The UNIA’s activities in British Guiana are not well chronicled. John Williams, in a brief examination of Garveyism in Guyana, suggests that the “Garvey movement in Guyana began relatively late in comparison to other Caribbean territories.”6 In spite of this slow start and its comparatively small size, the British Guiana UNIA “did not escape the scrutiny and the strictures of the local colonial administration.”7 Like other researchers on the Garvey movement in British Guiana, Williams places the movement’s high point in the 1920s at seven UNIA groups, an official statistic from the headquarters of the UNIA. Tony Martin, in another study of Garvey’s influence in British Guiana, states that the UNIA “did other things that UNIA branches did around the world. It held spectacular public parades, ran a school, acted as a mutual benefit society, enrolled members in UNIA auxiliaries (Black Cross Nurses, African Legions, and others) and welcomed visiting high commissioners from the clxviii

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Harlem headquarters.”8 By 1926 UNIA lodges in Georgetown had decreased from four to two, and colonial intelligence sources estimated UNIA membership in the capital at two hundred persons.9 Following Garvey’s visit in 1937 and his death three years later, the British Guiana UNIA appears to have declined, at least insofar as the public record was concerned.10 The documents that follow add to our understanding of the rise, development, and demise of Garveyism in British Guiana between 1919 and 1940. Newspapers, as ever, provide the most important source in examining the role and work of the UNIA in the public sphere. But there are also minutes of the constitutional organs of state and governor’s dispatches. The documents, fragmentary as they are, suggest a number of emphases. They also confront one with an amalgam of issues related to the experience of the UNIA, as well as some omissions. It should be noted that the UNIA was not the first black consciousness grouping in the colony. British Guiana had a rich experience of black nationalist activity in the post-emancipation period, not discounting the great slave rebellions under slavery. From the moment of emancipation in the 1830s to the advent of a host of black organizations including the UNIA in the next century, organizations and individuals promoting the black cause emerged, flowered, and then subsided for various reasons. As these documents attest, the newspaper press was an important instrument and evidence of this activity, but not only from the standpoint of information. Blacks owned many newspapers in the British Caribbean after emancipation, when public access to political office and restrictions in the franchise decreased their options, and British Guiana was no different. A lively press was active in the nineteenth century, and this partly led to the emergence of early nationalist groups, including the shortlived British Guiana African Association of circa 1842.11 The trend persisted in the twentieth century, although it appears that the UNIA was the first among the black organizations to become institutional. The founding statement of the UNIA in British Guiana, as reported in the Daily Chronicle, is not only an item of considerable value as a public record of the organization itself, but speaks volumes of the place of the UNIA in space and time. The report was brief and to the point: “A meeting was held on Thursday night last at the Scottish Flower Lodge, Carmichael Street, for the inauguration of a branch of an American Society known as ‘The Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League of Georgetown.’ There was a fair attendance of clerks, mechanics and porters . . .”12 The caption of the report read simply “Position of the Negro in the Colony.” More than likely the “position” alluded to here comprised both racial and political discrimination, as well as the economic and social immiseration of the working people. Considering the working-class composition of its formative group, it is not surprising that the UNIA’s ties to labor would be solid and thereby attract the interest of the colony’s authorities and police special branch.

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Yet these documents, in their entirety, do suggest a relatively modest UNIA organizational career in British Guiana. At its maximum strength the UNIA was said to have attained a network of seven branches scattered geographically across the country, with an average membership of two hundred countrywide. This was a small number of branches compared to approximately thirty in neighboring Trinidad. Even so, the Garvey movement did make an impact on British Guiana. In the main, it performed roles consistent with its counterparts elsewhere in the hemisphere. The branches invoked a civic personality that witnessed their cooperating with churches like the Jordanites, celebrating and defending the state of Ethiopia when the Italians invaded in 1935, providing dinners for the poor (the poor of all races), as well as offering continued support for organized labor. That labor serves as backdrop to many of the documents suggests a keen relationship between Garvey’s UNIA and the trade union movement, particularly with Hubert Critchlow’s BGLU. The alliance they established at moments would form part of the UNIA and labor heritage in the colony and would extend into the 1930s. So close was the relationship that union leaders made a point of inviting the UNIA to its main official functions. For example, on the third anniversary of the BGLU in 1922, it was noted that “Dr. Tobit (sic) and other representatives of the United Negroes Improvement Association were in attendance.”13 Indeed, as in other territories in the Caribbean, the UNIA was blamed for contributing to labor unrest. When the economic fortunes of the colony declined further in 1922, the BGLU and the UNIA held “a mass meeting at the Parade Ground to protest the cuts and the payments of higher rents.”14 This cooperation continued, for the inspector general of police was quoted as saying after the Ruimveldt labor killings in 1924, “For the past five years Garvey’s disciples have been preaching in the colony . . . the germ of racial prejudice has undoubtedly taken root in the Negro and perhaps to a lesser degree the East Indian sections of the community.”15 The resulting unrest left twelve dead workers in its wake. It was evident that the activities of the UNIA made the authorities wary of the organization. Small as its organizational roots were, they were “required to report on the activities of its members.”16 The official report of the inspector general did more than address the UNIA’s alleged contribution to the unrest. It established a nexus between race and class. Moreover, while the irony of the words “racial prejudice” is noted, the inspector general’s statement unwittingly raises an important demographic dimension: a large population of migrants from India also existed in British Guiana. Brought over after emancipation to act as a cushion for the expected loss of labor on the part of the ex-slaves, the East Indian population had overtaken the black population numerically by 1911. By 1924, several years after Indian immigration had ceased, there were many people of Indian descent who were born in British Guiana (including Cheddi Jagan, the future president). They formed their own ethnic organizations and unions, parallel to the UNIA and BGLU. What were the clxx

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relations, if any, of the UNIA and the Indian community? The interethnic relations between Africans and migrants from India are not revealed in these documents. One issue that does stand out starkly, however, is the battle over the Seditious Publications Bill of 1919—directly introduced, from all accounts, to prohibit Garvey’s Negro World from circulating in the colony. British Guiana officers were worried about Garvey’s activity even before the first UNIA branch had been consecrated on Guyanese soil. In 1918 Governor Wilfred Collett was inquiring of a fellow governor about the likely existence of “certain Negroes” who might have been active on behalf of the UNIA. This documented anxiety led directly to the promulgation of the much debated and controversial Seditious Publications Bill. Prior to the circulation of the Negro World in the colony, there were other publications that created similar problems for the authorities. Indeed no less a personage than Winston Churchill, then colonial Under-Secretary, entered the picture. He issued instructions as early as 1910 that a strict watch was to be kept to ascertain “whether the paper was being introduced for circulation among Indian students or others.”17 The newspaper in question was not the Negro World but the Free Hindustan. It was among a set of Indian publications also targeted by the colonial authorities at an earlier date. Other militant Indian publications, including the newspapers Ghadar and Bande Mataram, were later “intercepted, read and destroyed” by the PostmasterGeneral.18 All these newspapers, like the Negro World at a slightly later stage, were found by the authorities to be of a “grossly offensive character.”19 The Seditious Publications Bill, directed mainly at the Negro World, was one of the most repressive pieces of legislation effected in the colony. The vigorous debate and opposition it stimulated coincided with the rise to public office of nonwhite middle-class politicians and legislators who were slowly overcoming structural, political, and social hindrances and seeking political representation in the highest organs of the colony. The rise of individual nonwhite politicians to public office had wide implications for colonial rule. Beginning in the nineteenth century many Africans and Portuguese, later joined by East Indians, worked themselves past the franchise restrictions and were elected to represent their people at various fora. But they were few in number, and the struggle to increase the number of nonwhite politicians holding public office continued in the twentieth century. It seemed to coalesce around the time the first UNIA branch was established. The Garveyites were not the only black organization that made its presence felt in the period under examination. By the time of Garvey’s visit in 1937, a few more Afrocentric groups had made their appearance in British Guiana. The Negro Progress Convention (NPC), established in 1922, was the most prominent beside the UNIA. Among the missives included in its founding statement was the following mantra typical of that type of black organization in the colonial Caribbean, “to safeguard the progress of the Negro clxxi

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Race and to adjust, arrange, decide and settle all acts, disputes, differences or misunderstanding, inter-racial or otherwise, which may threaten or tend to hamper or impede such progress.”20 Led in the main by middle-class blacks, NPC activity at certain junctures heightened awareness and black public opinion. In many ways its work paralleled that of the Garveyites. For example, it became famous for initiating the School of Home Economics, as well as other activities focused on youth and women. The NPC also sponsored students to attend the Tuskegee College in the United States. While its public profile and activity appeared more conservative than the UNIA, it was a larger organization, and at its height boasted forty branches.21 There did not appear to be much public cooperation between the two organizations. But the NPC was polite and forthcoming enough to acknowledge in its organ the Conventionist the importance of Garvey’s visit to British Guiana in 1937. Insofar as Garvey’s stopover to meet with his supporters in British Guiana is concerned, two related issues stand out. In the first place the visit was apparently significant enough to warrant diplomatic contact to pave the way for a visit befitting a head of state. The President-General of the UNIA had attempted previously to visit the colony in 1921. But it is clear from a diplomatic note included in this series that Garvey would have been detained had he set foot in the colony then.22 Sixteen years later, when he successfully landed in British Guiana, it was a changed situation. The government house was part of the beat for Garvey’s hectic tour, and Garvey himself appeared to go out of his way to placate the authorities on the intent of his visit. It became quite evident that discipline was a priority when he addressed his supporters. This was possibly on account of prior negotiations with the authorities through his hosts. Garvey even publicly chided the president of a local UNIA chapter who attempted to relate a domestic complaint to Garvey during the convention he came to attend in Georgetown. One newspaper gave a full account of Garvey’s verbal filibuster against the individual, one T. A. Wright, who was repeatedly asked to shut up and take his seat. This proved difficult, and at one point Garvey was quoted as exclaiming in frustration, “Look here, if you don’t stop that and let me talk to my people I shall go away immediately. I don’t want to hear all of that nonsense.”23 When Garvey was finally allowed to speak, he continued to berate Mr. Wright but also betrayed his concern of maintaining the discipline and diplomacy of the visit. Adopting a cautionary note he explained, “I have not come here to break law and order and therefore I want you to understand that I am not responsible for ignorant people who make trouble everywhere they go.”24 Later, there was measured criticism of Garvey’s clash with Wright in the letter columns of the newspaper. John Holder described Garvey’s behavior as “ignorant,” remarking that Garvey had “proved himself a failure in the eyes of the intelligent people of this country.”25 After Garvey’s visit it was not clear what UNIA’s fate in the colony would be. It must have certainly been supplied with a boost by the visitation, but it can be assumed that after Garvey’s death in 1940 the British Guiana UNIA clxxii

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quietly folded or redirected its resources and supporters to other black organizations. There is some speculative evidence of this. One organization that was certainly in ascendance by the 1940s was the League of Colored Peoples that owned its own newspaper and supported many of the causes pioneered by the UNIA. NIGEL WESTMAAS JUANITA DE BARROS 1. Present-day Guyana, a thriving sugar colony throughout most of the nineteenth century, became a British colony somewhat late. Like Trinidad, it possessed a Crown Colony form of government from the beginning, and the British government used it as a laboratory of sorts for implementing its policy of slave amelioration before approving final abolition. With a large number of immigrants from Asia and Africa arriving to work on the estates in the nineteenth century, the colony boasted a vibrant working class in the early twentieth century. As elsewhere in the region, however, workers were denied political representation. However, as the twentieth century wore on, signs of worker discontent became evident. Trade union activity provided the mechanism for the formation of budding political parties, the leaders of which clamored for constitutional change (Walter Rodney, A History of the Guyanese Working People, 1881–1905 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981]). 2. See Juanita De Barros, Order and Place in a Colonial City: Patterns of Struggle and Resistance in Georgetown, British Guiana, 1889–1924 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002). 3. Governor to the Secretary of State, confidential, 13 April 1924, TNA: PRO CO 111/652/ 20598; Governor C. H. Rodwell to Secretary of State Amery, confidential, 21 July 1926, GD, NAG; Daily Argosy, 2 April 1924 and 24 June 1924. 4. On these developments, see Francis Drakes, “The People’s Association, 1903–1921,” History Gazette 36 (September 1991): 2–4, and Rodney, A History of the Guyanese Working People . 5. In 1919 the British Guyana Labour Union, the first trade union in British Guiana, was formally launched. Better known by its acronym BGLU, it was led by Hubert Critchlow, who would develop good relations with the UNIA. 6. John Williams, “Garveyism, a Vehicle for Emancipation” (paper presented at the National Council of Black Studies 18th Annual and 2nd International Conference, Georgetown, 1–4 June 1994), p. 16. 7. Ibid. 8. Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey, the Great Emancipator: Notes on His Universal Negro Improvement Association in Guyana” (paper presented at the International Conference for the Genesis of a Nation II, Georgetown, 29–31 July 1988), p. 19. 9. Cited in Williams, “Garveyism, a Vehicle for Emancipation,” p. 21. 10. Ibid., pp. 14–21; Martin, “Marcus Garvey, the Great Emancipator,” pp. 16–19. 11. Nigel Westmaas, “The African-Guyanese Press in the 19th Century,” Emancipation 7 (1999– 2000): 4. 12. Daily Chronicle, 20 April 1919. 13. Ashton Chase, A History of Trade Unionism in Guyana 1900–1961 (Georgetown: New Guyana, 1964), p. 60. 14. Ibid, p. 63. 15. Silvius Wilson, “The Causes of the Ruimveldt Incident of 1924,” History Gazette 68 (May 1994): 8. 16. Ibid. 17. Cited in Tyran Ramnarine, “East Indian Political Representation in British Guiana during the Latter Part of Indenture, 1890–1917,” Guyana Historical Journal 2 (1990): 36. 18. Cited ibid. 19. Ibid., p. 36 20. Donna Smith, “The Negro Progress Convention,” Emancipation 2 (1994): 44. 21. Ibid, p. 45. 22. Wilfred Collett, Governor of British Guiana, to Winston S. Churchill, 7 June 1921.

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British Honduras (Belize) British Honduras, now the independent country of Belize, has generally been viewed as an anomalous society. It was a British colony among Central American republics until 1981, linked in limited but various ways with the Anglophone Caribbean. Its culturally and racially pluralistic population, in which a large minority of English-speaking Creole Belizeans of African descent were surrounded by the Spanish-speaking Mestizo and indigenous Indian peoples of Central America, was thought to be neither an integral part of Central America nor of the West Indies. However, the documents in this volume provide evidence that the people of British Honduras connected in many ways with people in the Caribbean islands and the neighboring republics, as well as in the United States, in the 1920s and 1930s. Garvey was one of the first people to understand and articulate the fact that, despite the formal political boundaries and restrictions that divided people and kept them apart, history, culture, and experience linked people of African descent throughout the world, particularly in the Americas. From his first travels in Central America in 1910, even before he founded the UNIA, Garvey focused on the several enclaves of people of African origin who lived along the Caribbean coast. Some of these enclaves stemmed from the “second step” or “second plantation system” of the African diaspora which occurred in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when thousands of West Indians migrated west in response to prolonged depression in the sugar islands and the new economic developments led by the United States in Central America.1 However, other enclaves, particularly those in Belize and Nicaragua, originated in the first plantation system, when European colonists used enslaved labor, both African and Amerindian, along the Caribbean coast.2 The British settlement in the Bay of Honduras, focused around the town of Belize, was established in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries when enslaved Africans, often purchased in Jamaica, were brought to cut and export logwood and mahogany.3 The seasonal activity of timber extraction was reflected in an unusual pattern of settlement, with most men working in temporary logging camps in the interior and returning to their families in the town around the Christmas season.4 Belize Town, which became Belize City in 1943, was largely a Creole settlement and the center of Creole cultural and political life,5 while most of the communities in the rest of the country consisted chiefly of Mestizo, Maya, and Garifuna people. This historical background explains why most of Garvey’s support was in the town of Belize, rather than in the districts. These documents show several connections between British Honduras and other places where there were large numbers of people of African descent. First, it is clear that Garvey’s ideas were already affecting Belizeans at the time of the riots in Belize Town in 1919. The influence of the Negro World, which had been circulating in Belize since 1918, and the experience of the volunteers clxxv

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in the British West Indies Regiment (BWIR) during the war,6 developed a growing race consciousness and anti-colonial feeling.7 Even if the disturbances were not essentially a “race riot,” as the commission appointed to inquire into them decided, there were certainly strong feelings between “blacks” and “whites” as these racial divisions correlated with distinctions of privilege, property, and power in the colony.8 There were attacks on Europeans and “white” Creoles, destruction and looting of some of the prominent stores, and many complaints about racial discrimination. Some of the people who were most involved in these events in 1919 were among Garvey’s chief supporters, including Herbert Hill Cain of the Belize Independent and Samuel A. Haynes, who had been a member of the BWIR. The commission concluded that Cain’s articles on “Race Riots in the U.K.” that appeared in his paper on 16 July contributed to the riots in Belize on 22 July, but anger about the colonial officials’ suppression of the Negro World the preceding February and about high prices in the stores also inflamed anti-white, anti-merchant, and anticolonial feelings. Certainly, one of the consequences of the riots was increasing support for Garveyite ideas and institutions.9 It should be noted that there were similar demonstrations in Jamaica in July and August 1919. The return of soldiers from the BWIR also played a major part in the development of racial feeling and serious unrest in Trinidad between July 1919 and January 1920.10 The documents in this volume refer to other connections made through the Belize Town branch of the UNIA, which was founded in March 1920, and by Garvey’s visits in 1921 and 1928. They show that although many people were actively involved, local leadership was not stable. Several people had strong influences, including Cain, William Campbell, and L. D. Kemp, but there were also disputes and struggles between factions, the causes of which are not always clear. The documents reveal something about the importance of the auxiliary organization, the Black Cross Nurses, which was founded in Belize by Vivian Seay in 1920, and of the success in establishing a Liberty Hall and then rebuilding it after the hurricane of 1931. The documents also provide some details concerning the litigation over the estate of Isaiah Morter, the wealthy landowner who hosted Garvey in 1921 and died in 1924. By the time of Garvey’s last visit to British Honduras, after his imprisonment in the United States and deportation to Jamaica, the colonial officials were so concerned about his influence that they were harassing him and attempting to persuade the United Fruit Company to refuse Garvey passsage on their vessels. The documents throw light on the inconsistencies in the colonial officials’ evaluations and actions regarding Garvey and Garveyism. Some officials saw him simply as a dangerous racial agitator, while others seemed to accept his professions of loyalty to the Empire. Others considered his influence, especially through organizations such as the Black Cross Nurses, to be helpful to the health and welfare of Belizeans. The documents also provide evidence of the connections between the followers of Garvey in Belize and in the United States. The most prominent clxxvi

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connection was through Samuel Haynes, who was one of the founders and the general secretary of the Belize division of the UNIA. Haynes left his country in 1921 to become a frequent contributor to the Negro World and head of the large Pittsburgh division of the UNIA. The Morter bequest provided other links between Belize and the United States, not least when Lionel Francis, a Trinidadian physician who led a rival faction of the UNIA in New York which succeeded in securing the balance left from Morter’s estate in 1939, settled in Belize Town, where he became a major political figure in the 1940s.11 In all these ways, the documents help provide evidence for the connections between what was occurring in British Honduras and other places in the 1920s and 1930s. However, there are at least three kinds of connections with which the documents do not help us. The documents do not shed any light on the powerful impact that Garveyism had on the early labor movement in Belize. Several of the early labor leaders and founders of the first labor organizations in Belize, in particular Antonio Soberanis Gomez and L. D. Kemp, were influenced by Garvey.12 Second, there was considerable migration within Central America in the 1930s and 1940s, and among the migrants were some followers of Garvey, including Soberanis, who lived in Panama from 1942 to 1948 before returning to Belize. It would be valuable to have more documentary evidence about the connections such people made between the many black communities in Central America. Third, the documents do not extend into the period of the 1960s and 1970s, when Belize, like many other parts of the Americas where people of African descent live, had an important Black Power movement that was influenced by Garvey’s ideas. The United Black Association for Development (UBAD), founded by Evan X. Hyde in late 1968, reaches back to Garveyite pan-African traditions and promotes a positive reevaluation of the African heritage.13 It would be interesting to have more documentary evidence concerning these connections and continuities between the UNIA of the past and the more recent Black Power organizations in Belize. These documents contribute to the historiography of Belize and the Caribbean by helping to provide evidence of some of the many connections between Belize and other places. They also help to show the growth of race consciousness in Belize, a development intimately linked to the rise of the labor movement in the 1930s, and to the first instances of anti-colonial politics, such as the “Natives First” campaign and the rise of a radical nationalist group (first called the British Honduras Independent Labour Party, then the People’s Republican Party, and finally the People’s Nationalist Committee), formed in 1940. All these groups, movements, and tendencies were influenced by Garvey and the UNIA, and all were precursors of modern politics in Belize, which began with the formation of the People’s Committee after the devaluation of the dollar on 31 December 1949.14 Among the problems Garveyism encountered in Belize, problems suggested but not directly addressed by these documents, are the questions of organization and political legacy. The local branch of the UNIA, having lost its clxxvii

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most talented member when Haynes emigrated to join Garvey in the United States, seems to have suffered from a lack of stable personnel and coherent organization. The most lasting element of the UNIA was probably the Black Cross Nurses, which Vivian Seay led from 1920 until her death in 1971. Yet such stability raises the second question of political legacy, because Seay and her nurses, as they became “respectable” and accepted by the colonial establishment (as a mark of such approval, she was appointed to the Belize Town Board in 1933, received an MBE in 1935, was the first woman in 1948 to be appointed a Justice of the Peace, and was awarded a Coronation Medal in 1953),15 became part of the conservative, Anglophile forces in the colony. A Belizean historian comments, The Black Cross Nurses . . . represented accommodation with the colonial administration, which effectively coopted (them) . . . and used them as welfare workers that addressed the symptoms of poverty rather than its causes. In part this reflected the limitations of the Garveyite movement itself, which concentrated on culture and race to the exclusion of class divisions in society, which sought accommodation with the colonial administration.16 Garveyism ignited a complex society of sophisticated race and class divisions in Belize, but its legacy was confusing for the Creole class in particular.17 On the whole, Garvey and his followers in Belize seem to have emphasized their desire to be considered loyal subjects of the Empire and, in the context of a society as culturally and racially heterogeneous as Belize, Garvey’s influence became socially divisive and tended to be politically conservative. Many Belizean Creoles, who were English-speaking and chiefly Protestant and urban, had relative advantages over most other Belizeans in terms of access to education, political participation, and employment opportunities, especially in the public works and police departments and the civil service. As Creoles developed their sense of particular cultural identity, they identified themselves with “the nation” and felt that they, and sometimes they alone, should inherit when the British left. Consequently, the conservative Anglican and Methodist Creoles became the chief opposition to the dominant political party, the People’s United Party (PUP), which, led by Catholic Creoles, was launched in 1950 as a nationalist party to unite all classes and ethnic groups in the struggle for democracy and independence. It is significant that some of the people most influenced by Garvey, like Lionel Francis and Vivian Seay, who became leaders of the pro-colonial Nationalist Party in 1951,18 and L. D. Kemp, the author of the column “Garvey Eye” in Cain’s Independent, were opponents of the PUP in the early 1950s.19 None of them seems to have sustained a radical anti-colonial stance once the PUP became the chief nationalist organization.

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The same may be said of developments in the late 1960s and 1970s with the Black Power group that inherited elements of Garveyism. Evan X. Hyde and his UBAD organization were part of a new ideological, anti-imperialist critical wave, along with Said Musa’s and Assad Shoman’s People’s Action Committee, from late 1968 into the 1970s. But Hyde, after toying with the opposition party of the day, the National Independence Party (which, far from advocating independence, sought to postpone it indefinitely, or at least so long as the PUP formed the government), gave up politics in favor of journalism. Musa and Shoman, on the other hand, joined PUP in 1974 and constituted its radical left wing. In 1996 Musa replaced George Price as the PUP leader, and in August 1998, when the PUP won almost 60 percent of the vote in general elections, he became Belize’s prime minister. In short, Garvey’s legacy in Belize remained limited because the social and cultural characteristics of the population restricted his appeal to the minority of African descent and reinforced the sectional orientation of the Anglophile Creole elite. Though Garvey and the UNIA in Belize “had ignited a spark of black consciousness which contributed significantly to the later rise of the nationalist movement,”20 the Garveyite orientation became marginalized by the success of this more populist and ethnically united nationalist movement, led and embodied by the PUP. O. NIGEL BOLLAND 1. Roy S. Bryce-Laporte, assisted by Trevor Purcell, “A Lesser-known Chapter of the African Diaspora: West Indians in Costa Rica, Central America,” in Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora, ed. Joseph E. Harris (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1982), pp. 219–239. 2. O. Nigel Bolland, “Colonization and Slavery in Central America” in Unfree Labour in the Development of the Atlantic World, ed. Paul E. Lovejoy and Nicholas Rogers (London: Frank Cass, 1994), pp. 11–25. 3. Bolland, “The Social Structure and Social Relations of the Settlement in the Bay of Honduras (Belize) in the 18th Century,” JCH 6 (1973): 1–42; Bolland, The Formation of a Colonial Society: Belize, from Conquest to Crown Colony (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977). 4. Bolland, Struggles for Freedom: Essays on Slavery, Colonialism and Culture in the Caribbean and Central America (Belize City: Angelus Press, 1997), chap. 3. 5. Bolland, “African Continuities and Creole Culture in Belize Town in the Nineteenth Century,” in Afro-Caribbean Villages in Historical Perspective, ed. Charles V. Carnegie (Kingston: African-Caribbean Institute of Jamaica, 1987), pp. 63–82. 6. W. F. Elkins, “A Source of Black Nationalism in the Caribbean: The Revolt of the British West Indies Regiment at Taranto, Italy,” Science and Society 35, no. 1 (spring 1970): 99–103; C. L. Joseph, “The British West Indies Regiment 1914–1918,” JCH 2 (1971): 94–124. 7. For evidence that anti-colonial and anti-white sentiment existed prior to 1919, see Peter David Ashdown, “The Labourer’s Riot of 1894,” Belizean Studies 7, no. 6 (November 1979): 8–20 and 8, no. 2 (March 1980): 22–28. 8. Ashdown, “The Background to the Ex-Servicemen’s Riot of 1919,” Belcast Journal of Belizean Affairs 2, no. 2 (December 1985): 1–5; Peter David Ashdown “Coup d’Etat: Riot of 1919,” Belcast Journal of Belizean Affairs 3, no. 1–2 (June 1986): 8–14. 9. Ashdown, “Marcus Garvey, the UNIA and the Black Cause in British Honduras 1914–1949,” JCH 15 (1981): 41–55. 10. Elkins, “Sources of Black Nationalism”; Ashdown, “Antonio Soberanis and the Disturbances in Belize 1934–1935,” Belizean Studies 6, no. 2 (March 1978), n. 13; O. Nigel Bolland, On the March: Labour Rebellions in the British Caribbean, 1934–39 (Kingston: Ian Randle, 1995; London: James Currey, 1995), pp. 27–33.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 11. Ashdown, Garveyism in Belize (Belize City: Society for the Promotion of Education and Research, 1990). 12. Bolland, “The Labour Movement and the Genesis of Modern Politics in Belize,” in Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence, ed. Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman (London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1988), pp. 258–284. 13. During the formation of UBAD Evan X. Hyde discussed with Robert Livingston, the acting general secretary of the UNIA in Belize, a plan to “infiltrate” the older organization in order to “radicalize it into a Black Power unit.” Hyde and Livingston apparently saw the UNIA as having lost the revolutionary zeal of its founder, even if they ultimately modeled the new organization’s constitution on that of the UNIA. Livingston became UBAD’s second vice president (Evan X. Hyde, The Crowd Called UBAD: The Story of a People’s Movement (Belize City, Modern Printers, 1970), pp. 8–13). 14. Bolland, “The Labour Movement and the Genesis of Modern Politics in Belize,” pp. 270– 277. 15. Eleanor Krohn Herrmann, Origins of Tomorrow: A History of Belizean Nursing Education (Belmopan: Ministry of Health, 1985), pp. 41–42. 16. Assad Shoman, Thirteen Chapters of a History of Belize (Belize City: Angelus Press, 1994), p. 184. 17. See Ashdown, “The Problem of Creole Historiography,” in Readings in Belizean History, 2nd ed., ed. Lita Hunter Krohn (Belize: Belizean Studies, St. John’s College, 1987), pp. 142–152. 18. C. H. Grant, The Making of Modern Belize: Politics, Society, and British Colonialism in Central America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), p. 148. 19. Kemp claimed there was “a conspiracy to get rid of black officials who were non-Catholic” in the General Workers Union after it was taken over by the PUP leaders in 1951, but the PUP leaders, who were predominantly Creole Catholics, denied this (see ibid., pp. 172–173). 20. Shoman, Thirteen Chapters, p. 183.

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Costa Rica Marcus Garvey’s ability to draw attention to the issues that concerned people of African descent and the UNIA’s rapid growth in the early twentieth century have absorbed the interest of a number of scholars over the years. In general, the historiography on Garveyism has framed his movement within the American context, and much of the literature overlooks Marcus Garvey’s appeal outside of the United States despite the fact that the UNIA was an international organization. Marcus Garvey and the UNIA had a significant impact on the politics and societies of the Caribbean region, and one of the places where his popularity was second to none was in Middle America, along the Atlantic coast between Belize and Panama.1 Marcus Garvey appealed to the people of the Western Caribbean region because he shared a common experience with them. Like the West Indian residents of places like Limón, Costa Rica, Garvey was also a Caribbean migrant. In fact, before arriving in the United States, he spent one year in Limón when, at the age of twenty-three, he traveled from Jamaica to Costa Rica in search of work and a better life. Instead, he found himself confronted by the challenges of social, political, and economic integration as a member of an ethnic minority in a Hispanic country.2 Garvey, like so many thousands of others, found work on the expanding banana plantations of the Western Caribbean. Although his employment in the industry and his stay in the region were short-lived, Marcus Garvey’s experiences in Limón formed an important chapter in his life as an activist and provided him with the knowledge base on which he later relied to expand the UNIA beyond the United States. From about 1850 to 1950, several hundred thousand British West Indian men and women made their way to the Atlantic coast of Middle America. While most went to Panama to work on the construction of the canal across the isthmus, thousands of others found themselves working on the banana plantations that developed throughout the region during the same period.3 In the province of Limón, on Costa Rica’s Atlantic coast, the construction of a railway between the Costa Rican highlands and the Atlantic port of Limón drew thousands of West Indian laborers. The Costa Rican government was eager to build a railway that would provide the highland coffee barons with a direct link to European markets. A multitude of fiscal, labor, and engineering problems plagued the construction project, and the Costa Rican government quickly lost control of the debtridden venture to a clever entrepreneur from the United States. Minor Cooper Keith arrived as a young man in Costa Rica in 1871 to oversee construction of the lowland segment of the railway. During periods when construction was halted for one reason or another, Keith used West Indian workers to help him in his experiments with growing bananas for export. He used the completed railway links to Limón to bring the fruit to port and began shipping bananas to the United States. Eventually, in exchange for completion of the railway from clxxxi

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San José to Limón, Keith negotiated a contract with the government that gave him a ninety-nine year lease to eight hundred thousand acres of land, a complete tax exemption on banana exports, and ownership of the railway itself. Thus, the foundations for the United Fruit Company (UFC) were laid. The land and transportation facilities that Keith obtained in the SotoKeith contract complemented the export market for bananas that he developed. He used his position in Limón to extend his control over land in the region and began producing bananas on a massive scale. By the time the link between Limón and the highlands was complete, Keith’s Tropical Trading and Transport Company was already taking full advantage of the railroad and was producing millions of bananas for export. The growth of the banana industry in Costa Rica was exceptional. In 1880 Costa Rica recorded the export of a mere three hundred and sixty bunches of bananas. Within a decade, when the railroad was completed, Keith’s company exported over one million stems of bananas with a total value of $410,000 annually. By the time that Marcus Garvey arrived in Limón, the company was exporting about ten million stems a year. Costa Rica had become the world’s most important exporter of bananas, and West Indians had become the largest ethnic minority in the country. The rapid expansion of Keith’s empire produced financial difficulties, and in 1899 the Tropical Trading Company merged with the Boston Fruit Company to form the UFC. As the industry developed, it attracted more and more labor from the Caribbean region. Although most were Jamaicans, West Indians from every island and all walks of life could be found throughout the region. Between 1880 and 1927 the population of the province of Limón grew from a few thousand to over thirtytwo thousand people, 58 percent of whom were of African descent. Although some stayed, many more were like Garvey in that they went through Limón. One estimate is that close to forty-three thousand Jamaicans alone made their way to Costa Rica to work on the banana plantations between 1891 and 1911. People arrived from around the world to participate in the windfall that resulted from the popularity of bananas in North America and Europe. Speculators, merchants, artisans, and professionals were attracted by the opportunities offered in Limón. Many were Europeans who invested in Limón’s agricultural industry and related enterprises. During the nineteenth century, they became members of the Costa Rican elite. The West Indians who arrived in Limón worked on railway construction and as laborers on the plantations; in both cases conditions were deplorable. The death toll on the railway was so high that there is a popular saying in Costa Rica that there is one West Indian buried under every tie. Scholars estimate that at least five thousand deaths occurred during the laying of the first forty kilometers of track from Limón to the interior. Although the misery endured by the workers has not been documented fully, by all accounts life was not easy in the lowland jungles of Costa Rica. Not only did workers risk their lives, but they were also forced to do it by a system akin to debt peonage. The UFC was notorious for extending credit to workers clxxxii

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in order to hold them to the job. A reliable workforce was a prerequisite in the banana industry, and the UFC was not opposed to using coercive means to achieve stability. The result was that even if the migrant laborers survived, they were often unable to afford return passage home. While many drifted up or down the coast, many others stayed in Limón, where a vibrant West Indian community developed.4 When Marcus Garvey arrived in Limón in 1910 to work as a timekeeper with the UFC, he encountered an expatriate West Indian community that was in a constant state of flux. People came and went as opportunities arose, and the entire community existed as an extension of the fruit company. As a result, the community was divided between those who were successful and stable and those who were not. The UFC offered a degree of security to people who were cooperative, but it was able to use its vast resources to eliminate anyone who caused trouble.5 Garvey did not live in Limón for long, but he did not go unnoticed. During his stay he launched his career as an agitator and challenged the selfstyled elite of the local West Indian community. Shortly after his arrival in 1910, Garvey became editor of a local paper called the Nation.6 Throughout his stay, Garvey used the paper to attack what he saw as injustices committed against West Indians and to criticize the community’s acquiescent leadership. Local reaction to the Nation began with the suggestion that he follow the lead of the established hierarchy. At first his critics underrated Garvey, whom they treated as a young man with a great deal to learn about Limón. Their reactions evolved into veiled threats and attempts to ridicule him as a young upstart. By the end of his stay, Garvey was being condemned for his actions, as community leaders made efforts to silence the Nation. Consequently, he left Limón a hostile man who had been defeated in one of his first bids to become a respected voice of dissent among people of African descent. Although Marcus Garvey went on to enjoy considerable success in the United States, his stay in Costa Rica taught him a great deal about the world beyond Jamaica. In Limón he witnessed the particular set of social relations that resulted from the labor exploitation practiced by one of the first modern multinational corporations. He may have seen deplorable living conditions and the harsh treatment of people of African descent by their overlords in Jamaica, but in Limón Garvey was introduced to the harsh realities of segregation in a non-British colonial context. The UFC was vigilant in its efforts to erect and maintain divisions in its labor force. Workers were generally segregated on the job and in the camps. The clearest divisions were drawn between Hispanics and West Indians; however, the company also helped sustain inter-island rivalries. In this way, strikes could be more easily contained by limiting them to one farm or group of workers. Therefore, in Limón, Garvey encountered a different system of race relations for the first time in his life. The knowledge he gained while in Costa Rica served Garvey well when his message of unity and salvation returned to the region in the form of the UNIA. As a consequence of his direct clxxxiii

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experience of plantation society, Garvey was afforded insights into the concerns of oppressed workers; he later obtained massive support from the West Indians who lived and worked in the banana enclaves of Middle America. In fact, the founding and development of the UNIA in the United States was facilitated by its rapid expansion throughout the Western Caribbean. UNIA visits to the Canal Zone and banana plantations in 1919 were fabulously successful. Part of the reason for the reception received by Garvey’s representatives was that the banana industry had been in decline since 1913. Living conditions had deteriorated as a result of wartime shortages, and some West Indians had returned from World War I embittered by the treatment they had received as members of the West India Regiment. The dismal situation on the plantations, combined with a disillusionment with the British Empire, set the stage for the arrival of the UNIA in 1919. The documents in this collection illustrate clearly that support for the UNIA was higher in Limón than in many other places.7 Garvey knew with whom he was dealing and what their lives were like. The measure of his appeal is demonstrated by the fact that he was estimated to have raised as much as $50,000 in just a few days. The plantation workers’ reception of Garvey is important from an organizational standpoint, but their financial commitment is astonishing, given the fact that a few thousand men who earned, on average, less than a dollar a day were willing to invest months worth of wages in UNIA ventures. In order to appreciate the context of the rise and decline of the UNIA in Costa Rica, it is important to understand the major interests at play in the region. In Costa Rica, the organization was forced to contend with efforts by the UFC and the governments of Costa Rica, the United States, and Great Britain to suppress its activities. The three governments were wary of the political implications of the organization of people of African descent in their own jurisdictions and were willing to cooperate with one another in an effort to contain the UNIA’s influence. For this reason, governments and their representatives in the Caribbean and Central America exchanged information and intelligence on the organization. Some of the documents in this collection illustrate how and what kind of information was shared. For its part, the UNIA was accustomed to dealing with governments and within the rule of law because Garvey styled himself as a future head of state. However, in Costa Rica, as elsewhere along the Caribbean coast of Central America, the UNIA also had to contend with a corporate presence that was, in some ways, more significant than that of any government. The most formidable challenge to the organization of the UNIA in the region was the UFC because it dominated every aspect of life in the plantation region and enjoyed enormous influence with the governments of the region. To a large degree, the UNIA was obliged to factor the interests of the UFC into its plans for Costa Rica and the region because the organization was dependent on the wages its members earned on the plantations. At the same clxxxiv

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time, rank and file members of the UNIA in Costa Rica made a direct connection between the inequality and discrimination Marcus Garvey spoke of and the daily oppression of life in a banana enclave. Moreover, the UNIA’s organizational strength and criteria, based as it was on the ideology of African racial heritage, which was the one thing West Indians had in common, threatened the UFC’s labor strategy of dividing workers along ethnic lines. Yet, while the segregated and oppressive world created by the UFC was anathema to the UNIA, it was still necessary for Garvey’s organization to maintain a working relationship with the corporation. For this reason, the history of the UNIA, as revealed in the documents that follow, is one of both radicalism and accommodation in Limón.8 The best and most controversial example of the UNIA’s and Marcus Garvey’s pragmatism was his visit to Limón in 1921. Although Garvey was essentially run out of town by the company and the local West Indian elite in 1911, he returned a decade later in triumph. A few days before his arrival the UFC discovered a conflict between the company’s shipping schedule and Marcus Garvey’s planned visit. Bananas and banana boats do not wait. Therefore, the fruit company negotiated a deal with the UNIA that saw Garvey delay his campaign in Limón by a few days. Since Garvey was already on his way to Costa Rica, the UFC arranged for him to take an all expense paid trip to San José, where he met the company’s general manager and the country’s president. In exchange, the UFC arranged for a “special pay day” for its workers and free transportation to hear Garvey speak. The company then provided Garvey with a boat to get him to his next engagement in Bocas del Toro, another UFC town, and also facilitated his efforts to attract a paying crowd while he was there. Both parties benefited from the arrangement. The company was able to ship its fruit, and the UNIA collected huge sums of money for its enterprises.9 The willingness of local leaders to compromise translated into success because even as the organization’s enterprises failed and Garvey’s legal problems mounted, support for the organization remained significant in Limón long after the UNIA had disappeared elsewhere. The UNIA’s resilience in Limón was not only the result of the high level of discrimination that existed in the region, but also because the organization could rise above divisions within the local West Indian community. This is not to say that the contradictions inherent in an organization with such a broad base of support existed without conflict. In fact, the source of the UNIA’s strength was also the cause of its decline. During the 1920s and 1930s, the Limón division of the UNIA was the object of a power struggle that was reflective of class interests within the community. By the time Garvey was released from jail in 1927, two factions of the UNIA existed in Limón, and each vied for the support of community members. A self-styled community elite, who favored accommodation with the UFC and the Costa Rican authorities, was pitted against a group that felt betrayed by the company and under attack from the government. clxxxv

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The feeling of betrayal stemmed from the rapid decline of the banana industry in the region and the company’s use of the West Indian community as a bargaining chip in contract negotiations with the Costa Rican government. A new banana contract was signed in 1934 which gave the UFC access to desperately needed disease-free land on the Pacific coast in exchange for a commitment not to use “coloured labour” on the new plantations. The signing of the contract accelerated the decline of banana production on the Caribbean coast, and the UFC moved its operations to the Pacific coast, taking with it railways, bridges, and equipment. Many people in the West Indian community lost their livelihoods. Moreover, the Costa Rican presence increased in the region, and the people of the West Indian community faced heightened levels of discrimination in all aspects of their daily lives. As might be expected given the transient nature of West Indian labor during this period, the loss of employment opportunities and increased scrutiny on the part of the Costa Rican government translated into a rapid decline in the population of people of African descent in Limón. As the community contracted, so did its commitment to the UNIA. The faltering of the UNIA in Costa Rica was revealed in 1939 when the Limón division held its twentieth-anniversary celebration which passed almost without notice in the local English-language newspaper. The once powerful UNIA was a spent force in Limón, and a number of other organizations emerged to call for unity among people of African descent in Costa Rica. These organizations reflected new community concerns and interests that did not include schemes such as African colonization. The concern of the groups was not, as in the case of the UNIA, to found a homeland elsewhere for people of African descent but rather to make a home in Costa Rica for the next generation of Afro–Costa Ricans. As this generation came of age in the 1930s and 1940s, they formed organizations that were national in orientation and based among the descendants of West Indian laborers. The Centro Cultural AfroCostarricense, the Centro Progresista Costarricense, and the Asociación Nacional para el Progreso de los Costarricenses de Color were among the organizations that attempted to unite the new generation. They all sought to obtain a better deal for the community in the face of mounting restrictions against foreign workers and people of African descent in Costa Rica. Unlike the UNIA, the groups attempted to embrace Costa Rica. These Afro-Hispanic organizations were shortlived because of the difficulties they faced in trying to unite people who were making a conscious effort to distance themselves from their common West Indian heritage. For the children of West Indian immigrants, social mobility in Costa Rica depended on the ability to adopt the social and cultural trappings of Hispanic society. Those who desired education, wealth, and prestige were required to conform to Hispanic ideals, which meant denying, as much as possible, their African and West Indian ancestry. clxxxvi

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In contrast, Garveyism in Limón was a philosophy that appealed to people of African descent as an expatriate and separate community. Therefore, Garvey and the UNIA offered something for everybody in Limón. There were promises of economic strength and of political freedom, and adherents were imbued with a pride in their heritage as people of the African diaspora. The message proved utopian, but it was heard in Limón longer than most other places because of the paucity of alternatives. In the 1930s, when members of the West Indian community saw an opportunity to exchange their African pride for a Costa Rican identity, the UNIA slipped below the surface but did not disappear. Today, Limón continues to boast one of the few remaining divisions of the UNIA. An effort is also being made to rebuild the Liberty Hall so that it can once again serve as a meeting place where people in Limón can learn about their heritage. RONALD N. HARPELLE 1. See Aviva Chomsky, West Indian Workers and the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 1870– 1940 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996); Ronald N. Harpelle, The West Indians of Costa Rica: Race, Class, and the Integration of an Ethnic Minority (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press and Ian Randle Publishers, 2001); Lara Elizabeth Putnam, The Company They Kept: Migrants and the Politics of Gender in Caribbean Costa Rica, 1870–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002). 2. For the most extensive discussion of racial ideologies in Costa Rica as a whole, and in Limón in particular, in the early twentieth century, see Lara Elizabeth Putnam, “Ideología racial, práctica social y estado liberal,” Revista de Historia (Costa Rica) 39 (1999): 139–186. 3. It should also be noted that on the completion of the construction of the Panama Canal in 1914 many of the black West Indians who had been working in Panama moved to Costa Rica and found employment in the banana industry. They maintained contact with other West Indians elsewhere in Central America and in the Caribbean. Garvey’s venture was particularly attractive to them inasmuch as it enhanced their racial pride, strengthened their social networks, and facilitated their ability to communicate with and move to other countries along the Atlantic coast (Aviva Chomsky, Michael L. Coniff, and Thomas J. Davis, Africans in the Americas: A History of the Black Diaspora [New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994], pp. 225–241). 4. A crucial source on the evolution of the West Indian community in Costa Rica from the 1920s through the 1940s is still Charles Koch, “Jamaican Blacks and their Descendants in Costa Rica,” Social and Economic Studies 26, no. 3 (1977): 339–361. 5. For details of labor conflicts in Limón during the years of Garvey’s employment there see Carlos Hernández, “Los inmigrantes de Saint Kitts: 1910, un capítulo en la historia de los conflictos bananeros costarricenses,” Revista de Historia (Costa Rica) 23 (1991): 191–242; Elisavinda Escheverri-Gent, “Forgotten Workers: British West Indians and the Early Days of the Banana Industry in Costa Rica and Honduras,” JLAS 24, no. 2 (May 1992): 275–308; Aviva Chomsky, “Afro-Jamaican Traditions and Labor Organizing on United Fruit Company Plantations in Costa Rica, 1910,” JSH 28, no. 4 (1995): 837–855. 6. Limón and other ports along the Caribbean coast of Central America were important transportation hubs. With two or more banana boats appearing in port each week, residents of Limón had regular access to newspapers from the United States, the West Indies, and Europe. Limón was also home to a series of English language newspapers between 1900 and the 1950s, and the Nation was only one of many newspapers published in the community. Coverage of local and international UNIA activities can be found in the Limón press. 7. Most of the documents from the UFC were obtained by Philippe Bourgois in Bocas del Toro, Panama, while conducting research on Ethnicity at Work: Divided Labor on a Central American Banana Plantation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989). The company denies the existence of the documents, which are on UFC stationary (Philippe Bourgois, “One Hundred Years of United Fruit Company Letters,” in Banana Wars: Power, Production, and History in the

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Americas, ed. Steve Striffler and Mark Moberg [Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003], pp. 103–144). 8. By late 1919 concern was increasing about the threat posed by West Indians to the stability of UFC operations in the region. During World War I the price of consumer items sharply increased, while wages and levels of employment decreased, and at times the UFC experienced considerable labor unrest on its plantations. The arrival in Panama of approximately 1,200 demobilized members of the BWIR added to the tension. (The Ninth Battalion of the regiment, which had been at the forefront of the mutiny at Taranto, Italy, in December 1918, had a significant number of recruits in Panama.) Ironically, the UFC itself added to the growing tension by actively recruiting several BWIR soldiers for work in Bocas del Toro and Limón so as to create an even greater labor surplus and thus keep wages down. By late 1919 former members of the regiment had demonstrated and rioted all over the Caribbean and there was talk of a “race war” among West Indians in Costa Rica and Panama (Harpelle, “Radicalism, Accommodation and Decline: Garveyism in a United Fruit Company Enclave,” JILAS 6, no. 1 [July 2000]; A. E. Horner, From the Islands of the Sea: Glimpses of a West Indian Battalion in France [Nassau: Guardian, 1919], p. 6; Frank Cundall, Jamaica’s Part in the Great War [London: West India Committee, 1925], p. 25). 9. For a full account of the event, see Harpelle, The West Indians of Costa Rica, pp. 57–63.

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Cuba As this collection of documents demonstrates, Garveyism flourished in Cuba. By the mid-1920s at least fifty branches of the UNIA existed on the island— more than in any other country except for the United States.1 Some of these branches claimed hundreds of active members, not to mention the participation of “friends” and curious onlookers in UNIA meetings and special events. Some branches continued to function at least until the 1950s. Garvey’s tour of the island in March 1921 has been the principal focus of existing studies of the UNIA in Cuba.2 The Cuban documents in the current collection, many of which date from the latter half of 1921, capture the excitement generated by Garvey’s presence. His visit, along with those of international organizers Henrietta Vinton Davis and John Sydney de Bourg that same year, served as a catalyst for the rapid spread of Garveyism on the island. The fact that Garvey was able to meet with both the president and president-elect of the republic demonstrates the attention and respect commanded by the UNIA. In the early 1920s Garveyism in Cuba, as with the movement throughout the world, was near its height. Indeed, later in the decade one Garveyite from the Banes division would fondly reflect back upon the “old 1920 spirit.”3 The documents in this volume reflect and reinforce the recent scholarship that explores the experiences of Afro-Caribbean immigrants in Cuba in the early twentieth century.4 Between 1912 and 1929, roughly 300,000 AfroCaribbean laborers—primarily Haitians, Jamaicans, and Barbadians—migrated to Cuba. Some of the immigrants arrived to cut cane under prior contract with employers such as the United Fruit Company and the Cuban American Sugar Company. Others booked their own passage to Cuba in search of work, finding it most often in the cane fields at the eastern end of the island. Steady expansion of the sugar industry propelled by U.S. capital had begun soon after independence from Spain in 1898. With the onset of World War I, the demand for labor in Cuba skyrocketed, as the price of sugar on the international market climbed, while European beet fields lay fallow. However, the heady days of the “dance of the millions” came to an abrupt halt with the 1920–1921 economic crisis in Cuba. Afro-Caribbean labor migration into Cuba would continue during the 1920s, though not at the same high levels. The Great Depression in the 1930s effectively ended the demand for foreign labor on the island and resulted in the voluntary exodus and forced repatriation of numerous AfroCaribbean immigrants. In the meantime, many West Indians had settled in Cuba and formed their own organizations, including numerous branches of the UNIA. British West Indian immigrants were the heart and soul of Cuban Garveyism. Four out of five UNIA branches were located in the eastern provinces of Camagüey and Oriente, many of them in smaller sugar mill towns, where the vast majority of Afro-Caribbean immigrants lived and worked. UNIA clxxxix

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divisions could also be found in the western half of the island, especially in larger towns and cities. As the British minister in Havana asserts in one report, approximately four hundred British West Indians—of a local population of less than one thousand—belonged to the UNIA in the capital city. British West Indians in Cuba used the UNIA as a vehicle to mobilize in defense of their own interests and to meet many other needs. During the acute economic crisis of 1920–1921, as many Afro-Caribbean laborers approached the brink of starvation, the UNIA played a critical role in alleviating their suffering. Throughout the 1920s Garveyite leaders continued to struggle on behalf of immigrants’ rights by protesting the quarantining of black immigrants upon arrival in Santiago de Cuba, their mistreatment by rural guards and policemen, and the lack of diplomatic support provided by British officials. The UNIA also met the sociocultural needs of British West Indians in Cuba. As elsewhere, Garvey’s followers in Cuba readily fused his practical message of material success with spiritual and religious meaning. Most British West Indian immigrants in Cuba retained their Protestant religious affiliation, and the singing of Protestant hymns often filled UNIA meetings. With close ties to other mutual aid societies and Masonic lodges formed by British West Indians, the UNIA also functioned as a benevolent society and promoted the cultural self-improvement of its members. It sponsored cricket teams, organized carnivals with Maypole games, celebrated Emancipation Day on 1 August, and displayed the Union Jack in local Liberty Halls. Two Jamaican settlers interviewed in eastern Cuba in the 1980s recalled that dances and other UNIAsponsored events were the most popular social activities held within West Indian communities.5 The appeal of Garvey’s program was not confined to the British West Indian population. While linguistic, religious, and other cultural factors that distinguished Cubans from British West Indians certainly served as a significant barrier to Cuban participation in the UNIA, the association nevertheless attracted Spanish-speaking Cuban blacks, some of whom even came to play leadership roles. The documents in this volume allude to a greater involvement by Afro-Cubans in UNIA activities than has generally been recognized. Weekly meetings often included a speech or two in Spanish and the subsequent translation of orations originally given in English. Heeding the advice of Garveyites residing in Cuba, the Negro World published a Spanish section sporadically throughout the 1920s. A Spanish-language version of the UNIAACL’s Constitution and Book of Laws was published in Guantánamo.6 Two Spanish-speaking Garveyites, Eduardo V. Morales and Richard H. Bachelor, were appointed as commissioners to Cuba in the first half of the 1920s. At times Garvey’s program of racial self-determination was presented in a form intended to appeal to Afro-Cubans’ strong sense of Cuban nationalism. In more than one document contained herein, Garveyites—British West Indians as well as Cubans—refer to the Afro-Cuban patriot Antonio Maceo as a source of pride for all blacks. The Black Star Line even renamed its third vessel the S.S. cxc

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Antonio Maceo. As it endeavored to spark the race consciousness of black Cubans, the UNIA organized a march on Agramonte Park in Camagüey, which was off-limits to blacks and had previously been the site of racial violence.7 The integration of Afro-Cubans into the UNIA was most visible in the urban centers of Havana and Santiago de Cuba. UNIA Chapter 71 in Santiago, known as the “Spanish-speaking Division,” consisted almost entirely of native Cubans and remained active throughout the 1920s. Members of this branch actively promoted the visit by Henrietta Vinton Davis to eastern Cuba in 1927.8 In Havana, while the UNIA’s membership was mostly British West Indian, certain Afro-Cubans joined and came to hold leadership positions in the association. For instance, in 1928 three Cubans served on the governing board of the Havana division, including Rogelio Galindo as president.9 Scattered evidence suggests that Cubans participated in UNIA divisions in smaller, rural towns as well. The Afro-Cuban woman María “Reyita” de los Reyes Bueno recalled that she and about fifty other Cubans joined the movement in the eastern town of Cueto in the early 1920s.10 Although her claim cannot be confirmed, a close reading of the historical record reveals frequent references to the presence of Cubans during UNIA meetings at branches throughout the countryside. The formation of a division in Rio Cauto at the end of the 1920s demonstrates that Garveyites occasionally met success with cross-national organizing. Out of eighteen participants at the founding meeting, there were eleven Cubans and seven British West Indians.11 Therefore, despite the limited number of organizational records available to historians, the documents reproduced in this series force us to reevaluate the impact that Garveyism had on racial identity and politics in Cuba.12 The participation of immigrants from the French-speaking Caribbean in UNIA activities was much less remarkable. Differences in cultural practices, language, and literacy levels which distinguished British West Indians from Haitians certainly hindered efforts to attract the latter to the UNIA cause.13 The occasional reference to Haitians attending UNIA meetings demonstrates that Garvey’s ideas did find resonance among some immigrants from Haiti, even if they never formed a strong presence within the Cuban UNIA. Leonce Hypolite, for instance, regularly spoke in French (as well as in English and in Spanish) before the Florida division. Compared to the Haitian immigrant presence, few French West Indians resided in Cuba. One of them, Filogenes Maillard, contributed to the Negro World from Havana Province in 1919. A careful reading of these papers thus reveals an otherwise hidden, if still quite limited, Haitian and French West Indian presence in Cuban Garveyism. The UNIA in Cuba enjoyed a more positive reception by the host government than elsewhere in the Caribbean. Two documents in this collection detail the police harassment of members of the UNIA branch in Florida in the early 1920s, but these seem to be exceptional. In general, Garveyites were welcomed on the island during most of the 1920s. Garvey himself recounted that during his trip to Cuba “the officials of the cxci

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communities, as well as the populace, received me with open arms.”14 Richard H. Bachelor, delegate to the 1924 UNIA convention in New York, stated that “the Cuban government had be(e)n very helpful to the divisions in Cuba.” Convention participants unanimously supported his motion to send a note of thanks to Cuban president Alfredo Zayas.15 The early acceptance of the UNIA in Cuba eventually succumbed to shifting domestic political currents by the late 1920s. The repressive regime of Gerardo Machado prohibited Garvey from visiting the island, halted distribution of the Negro World, and closed some of the association’s branches. Cuban government suppression of the UNIA in the province of Santa Clara in 1929 suggests that it was preoccupied with the participation of Cuban blacks and mulattoes in the UNIA. Only after UNIA leaders played down the racial focus of their organization did Cuban authorities allow their newspaper to circulate and permit them to gather once again. Still, UNIA leaders never encountered the same degree of government hostility in Cuba as in most other countries where the association functioned. A more subtle, yet in many ways a more difficult, obstacle to overcome in reaching out to the Afro-Cuban population was what has been called the “Cuban myth of racial equality.” This myth asserted that Cuban slaves had been freed by the white leaders of Cuba’s independence struggle and that Cubans of all races—blacks as well as whites—had united to throw off the yoke of Spanish colonialism. Further denying that discrimination based on race existed in republican Cuba, the myth of racial equality worked against the development of a collective black consciousness on the island. Even as it may have provided a discursive space in which Cubans of African descent could challenge their subordinate position in society, the myth only served to further marginalize Afro-Caribbean immigrants in Cuba and to discourage Cuban blacks from participating in the UNIA.16 Attempts to organize black Cubans on the basis of race inevitably faced accusations of being racist themselves. Some UNIA leaders in Cuba were forced to strike the word “Negro” from the organization’s title in order to acquire permission to exist as a legal entity. The strong nationalist feelings of many Afro-Cubans proved a formidable barrier to UNIA organizing efforts. Many Cuban blacks no doubt concurred with Miguel Angel Céspedes, president of the “elitist” Club Atenas, who told Garvey “that fortunately Cubans belonging to the colored race, enjoyed the same privileges as Cubans of the white race, and . . . they cannot conceive of having a motherland other than Cuba. . . .” In the end, the myth of racial equality, more than state opposition, thwarted the further spread of the UNIA in Cuba. How did the British and U.S. governments respond to Garveyism in Cuba? The Bureau of Investigation’s efforts to crush Garvey and the UNIA in the United States have been well documented, and U.S. officials carried this policy to Cuba. As early as 1919 U.S. representatives in Havana placed UNIA leaders under surveillance and requested that the Cuban government share political intelligence about the association’s activities. The relationship between cxcii

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Garveyites and British officials was less clear-cut. UNIA efforts to pressure British diplomats into providing more effective representation of West Indian immigrants in Cuba met with some success. Officials in London and the West Indian colonies, however, objected outright to proposals that would recognize the influence of the UNIA in Cuba. The relationship between Garveyism and organized labor in Cuba remains unclear. The leaders of the UNIA generally did not interact with the main Cuban labor organizations, including the Confederación Nacional Obrera de Cuba and the Partido Comunista de Cuba, both of which were founded in 1925. Ultimately, the UNIA’s efforts to mobilize blacks along racial lines regardless of their social class ran counter to the Communists’ efforts to forge a workers’ alliance, which transcended racial and national differences.17 Yet the very nature of Cuban Garveyism, which attracted immigrant laborers, meant that the association would address working-class issues, such as the miserable conditions awaiting Afro-Caribbean laborers at the quarantine station in Santiago de Cuba. In addition, overlapping leadership existed between the UNIA and at least one labor union in Cuba. Two individuals, Eligio Dilú and Félix Machado, served as UNIA leaders in Santiago and helped to found the Unión de Obreros Antillanos, an organization which struggled for the rights of Afro-Caribbean immigrants. The principal founder of the Unión de Obreros Antillanos, the West Indian immigrant Henry Shackleton, also worked closely with local Garveyites to assist destitute immigrants during the economic crisis of 1920–1921. These documents are rich with information regarding the gender composition of the UNIA. Women as well as men occupied visible positions in the UNIA in Cuba. In some branches female Garveyites maintained separate ladies’ divisions; in others, men and women jointly ruled on the same executive boards. The prominent role played by women in the Cuban UNIA is not surprising. Women formed the most stable parts of British West Indian immigrant communities, since many men were often traveling in search of work on sugar plantations and elsewhere. The accepted image within Cuban historiography of Afro-Caribbean immigration as almost exclusively male is thus called into question by these papers.18 These documents also further attest to the widespread mobility of British West Indian migrants. Examples abound of individual Garveyites who frequently relocated. After serving as chairman of the UNIA in Colón, Panama, Samuel Percival Radway moved to Cuba, where he helped to organize UNIA branches in a number of eastern towns, before beginning his travels anew. Richard H. Bachelor, one of the leaders of the Guantánamo branch, delegate to the 1924 convention, and commissioner to Cuba in the mid-1920s, apparently moved to the United States and became president of Division No. 139 in Cincinnati, Ohio. In addition, the Negro World frequently published letters written by West Indian Garveyites residing in the United States who had previously lived in Cuba. The UNIA and its newspaper linked dispersed cxciii

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communities of British West Indians, not only within Cuba but also throughout the African diaspora. Another point of particular interest revealed by the compiled documents is the persistence of Garveyism in Cuba into the 1930s and beyond. A number of forces combined to weaken the power of the Cuban UNIA in the late 1920s and early 1930s, including economic depression, government repression, internal bickering, and the repatriation of Afro-Caribbean immigrants. The UNIA managed to survive, even if its popularity and power had been greatly reduced, and the documents show that UNIA leaders attempted to reorganize the association’s branches, especially in Camagüey, in the mid-1940s. The divisions in Marianao (Havana) and Banes were still functioning with legal recognition on the eve of the Cuban Revolution in 1959.19 One of the Havana leaders, Leonard Bryan, recalled that Garveyites in the capital continued to be active as late as 1964.20 The large number of active divisions in Cuba meant that news from the island regularly appeared in the pages of the UNIA newspaper, the Negro World. Only a selective sample can possibly be reproduced in this collection. Researchers seeking to explore further the history of Garveyism in Cuba would do well to consult the Negro World as well as the following documents. MARC C. MCLEOD 1. “Divisions of the UNIA, 1925–1927,” Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York Public Library, Universal Negro Improvement Association, Records of the Central Division (New York), 1918–1959, microfilm reel #1, series a.16, box 2. 2. Pedro Pablo Rodríguez, “Marcus Garvey en Cuba,” Anales del Caribe 7–8 (1987–1988): 279– 301; Tomás Fernández Robaina, “Marcus Garvey in Cuba: Urrutia, Cubans, and Black Nationalism,” in Between Race and Empire: African-Americans and Cubans before the Cuban Revolution, ed. Lisa Brock and Digna Castañeda Fuertes (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), pp. 120-128; Bernardo García Dominguez, “Garvey and Cuba,” in Garvey: His Work and Impact, ed. Rupert Lewis and Patrick Bryan (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1991), pp. 299– 305; Rupert Lewis, Marcus Garvey: Anti-Colonial Champion (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1988), pp. 99–113. 3. NW, 23 July 1927. 4. Jorge L. Giovannetti, “Black British Subjects in Cuba: Race, Ethnicity, Nation, and Identity in the Migratory Experience, 1898–1938” (Ph.D. diss., University of North London, 2001); Marc C. McLeod, “Undesirable Aliens: Haitian and British West Indian Immigrant Workers in Cuba, 1898 to 1940” (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at Austin, 2000); Sandra Estévez Rivero, “El movimiento garveyista en Santiago de Cuba (1920–1935),” Del Caribe (Cuba) 41 (2003): 71–75; Aviva Chomsky, “‘Barbados or Canada?’ Race, Immigration, and Nation in Early-TwentiethCentury Cuba,” Hispanic American Historical Review 80, no. 3 (August 2000): 415–462; Barry Carr, “Identity, Class, and Nation: Black Immigrant Workers, Cuban Communism, and the Sugar Insurgency, 1925–1934,” Hispanic American Historical Review 78, no. 1 (February 1998): 83–116; McLeod, “Undesirable Aliens: Race, Ethnicity, and Nationalism in the Comparison of Haitian and British West Indian Immigrant Workers in Cuba, 1912–1939,” Journal of Social History 31, no. 3 (1998): 599-623; McLeod, “Garveyism in Cuba, 1920–1940,” JCH 30 (1996): 132–168. Earlier studies, which focus on the broader economic and political context of Afro-Caribbean immigration to Cuba but tend to afford little historical agency to the immigrants themselves, include: Juan Pérez de la Riva, “Cuba y la migración antillana, 1900–1931,” in La república neocolonial. Anuario de estudios cubanos, vol. 2, ed. Pérez de la Riva et al. (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1979), pp. 1–75; Rolando Alvarez Estévez, Azúcar e inmigración, 1900–1940 (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1988); Jorge L. Giovannetti, “The Elusive Organization of ‘Identity’: Race, Religion, and Empire among Caribbean Migrants in Cuba,” Small Axe 19 (February 2006): 1–27.

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HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES 5. Franklin W. Knight, “Jamaican Migrants and the Cuban Sugar Industry, 1900–1934,” in Between Slavery and Free Labor: The Spanish-Speaking Caribbean in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Frank Moya Pons, and Stanley L. Engerman (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), pp. 106–107. 6. “Constitución y libro de leyes de la Asociación Universal de Negros y la Liga de Comunidad Africana,” (Guantánamo, n.d.), in UNIA, Records of the Central Division, reel #1, series a.2, box 1. 7. Frank A. Guridy, “Racial Knowledge in Cuba: The Production of a Social Fact, 1912–1944” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 2002). 8. Capítulo Cubano No. 71, Divisón del habla Española, “Circular a los miembros activos y pasivos, simpatizadores y al Pueblo Cubano,” Santiago de Cuba, 14 March 1927, and Cayetano Monier and Félix Machado to Gobernador de la Provincia, Santiago de Cuba, 17 March 1927, Archivo Histórico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba, Fondo Gobierno Provincial, leg. 2452, exp. 9. 9. NW, 14 July 1928, 27 October 1928, and 2 November 1928. 10. Daisy Rubiera Castillo, Reyita, sencillamente (Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1997), pp. 22–26. 11. “Acta de Constitución, Sucursal de la Asociación Universal para el Adelanto de la Raza Negra Número 282,” Central Rio Cauto, 4 March 1929, Archivo Histórico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba, Fondo Gobierno Provincial, leg. 2453, exp. 1. 12. The need for such a reevaluation is borne out by Frank A. Guridy’s research on the Cuban government’s suppression of the UNIA in the province of Santa Clara in 1929. Drawing on the Archivo Histórico Provincial de Villa Clara documents reproduced in this series, Guridy highlights the Cuban state’s preoccupation with the participation of Cuban blacks and mulattoes in the UNIA (Guridy, “Racial Knowledge in Cuba”). 13. Haitians began working in the cane fields of Cuba and the Dominican Republic early in the twentieth century, often under conditions that were hardly much better than slavery. The U.S. occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934 spurred Haitian labor migration during this time. U.S. troops and officials violently crushed anti-occupation forces, resurrected the colonial system of corvée (forced) labor for public works projects, treated Haitians with racist scorn and disdain, instituted policies which exacerbated land shortages in the countryside, and welcomed labor recruiters from large Cuban sugar companies (Lélio Laville, La traite des Nègres au XXe siècle ou les dessous de l’emigration haïtienne à Cuba [Port-au-Prince: Imp. Nouvelle, 1933]; Suzy Castor, La ocupación norteamericana de Haití y sus consecuencias [1915–1934] [Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1971]; Kethly Millet, Les paysans haïtiens et l’occupation americaine d’Haiti [1915–1930] [Quebec: Collectif Paroles, 1978]; Hans Schmidt, The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915– 1934 [New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1995]). 14. “Speech by Marcus Garvey” (New York, 20 July 1921) in MGP 3:533. 15. “Convention Report,” (New York, 11 August 1924) in MGP 5:714. 16. On the myth of racial equality in Cuba, see Aline Helg, Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886–1912 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), esp. pp. 16–17, 105–106. On the ability of subordinate groups to appropriate such myths to their own advantage, see Alejandro de la Fuente, “Myths of Racial Democracy: Cuba, 1900–1912,” Latin American Research Review 34 (1999): 39–73; de la Fuente, A Nation For All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001). See also Alejandra Marina Bronfman, “Reforming Race in Cuba, 1902–1940” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2000). 17. Carr, “Identity, Class, and Nation,” p. 85. 18. Pérez de la Riva, “Cuba y la migración antillana, 1900–1931”; Alvarez Estévez, Azúcar e inmigración, 1900–1940 . 19. H. A. Caines, Presidente, and José Sanchez Valdes, Secretario, “Acta Número Seis de 1957,” Buena Vista, Marianao, 12 November 1957, Archivo Nacional de Cuba, Havana, Cuba, Fondo Registro de Asociaciones, leg. 306; “Asociación Universal del Adelanto de la Raza Negra, Banes, 1960-1961,” Archivo Histórico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba, Fondo Gobierno Provincial, leg. 2452, no.2. 20. Lewis, Marcus Garvey, p. 103. Prior to settling in Havana, Bryan had previously lived in eastern Cuba (NW, 9 May 1925 and 24 May 1930).

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Dominica Discovered by the Spanish, Dominica was settled by the French from the neighboring islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe. They attempted to bring the island under various degrees of French control, but Dominica was eventually ceded to Britain in 1763. Approximately thirty miles equidistant between the two French island-departments, Martinique and Guadeloupe, Dominica is considered the most rugged island in the Caribbean. Abundant rainfall, hurricanes, and mountainous topography militate against large-scale mechanized agriculture. Unlike those Caribbean islands where most of the land was occupied by large sugar cane plantations, Dominica thus had an abundance of vacant land. Although the island became part of a group of Caribbean territories governed by the British under the title of “The Southern Caribee Islands,” the slave population continued to speak a French patois and to follow Roman Catholicism. Following emancipation in the 183os, its newly freed citizens were able to abandon plantation labor, cultivate their own smallholdings, and form a series of scattered “independent” peasant villages. Former slaves soon became a largely self-sufficient mass of Dominicans with a way of life that has become a customary resource and strength, enabling them to survive with a strong and distinctive cultural identity into the present.1 By the middle of the nineteenth century, Dominica also exhibited a social order with two competing high societies: the mainly French mulatto families and the white attorneys.2 Mulattoes had been an important part of Dominican society from its colonization, with many of the early French settlers coming as freed slaves from the neighboring French territories. They owned businesses, estates, and slaves, and were members of the local militia. In fact, these mulattoes played key roles in all sectors of society except government. Following emancipation, they began to seek political influence. The result was a long, drawn-out battle that eventually resulted in Britain imposing Crown Colony rule on the island in 1898. Cecil E. A. Rawle, a prominent Dominican-born colored lawyer, was one of the major players to give voice to the opposition to Crown Colony rule during this period. Rawle was one of the founders of the Representative Government Association, formed in March 1919 to contest the undemocratic way Dominica was being run. The recommendations of this association were presented to the legislature, which voted unanimously to reintroduce the elective principle into the local governing Council. The chair, however, directed the official members to vote formally against the resolution, and the resolution was lost.3 Major E. F. L. Wood, sent from London to the West Indies to inquire into their political demands in 1922, received a petition from Dominicans with some two thousand signatures requesting a system of elected representation. He responded cautiously, having noted that some 70 percent of the population was illiterate and geographically isolated, but he did recommend cxcvii

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a semi-representative legislature. Rawle was one of four elective members who replaced nominees in the Council in September 1924. He continued to play a strong role in promoting representative government throughout the period between the two wars. Were it not for Ralph Casimir, Cecil Rawle’s clerk,4 there would be little historical evidence linking this period of political ferment and change in Dominica with Marcus Garvey and the UNIA. Ralph Casimir’s papers show there was a clear, albeit fleeting, connection between Dominica and Garveyism. In 1921 Casimir was instrumental in creating a branch of the UNIA on the island. He vigorously promoted the Black Star Line, succeeded in recruiting numerous small investors for it, and managed the details of Garvey’s visit to Dominica in October 1937. Casimir’s papers reveal the personal commitment of one man to Marcus Garvey and the UNIA more than the establishment of a strong grassroots movement. In fact, the UNIA as an organization lasted only two years in Dominica, despite Casimir’s lifelong personal commitment to Garveyism. However, for all Casimir’s correspondence over the years to Garvey, the BSL, and the UNIA, when Garvey decided to visit Dominica in 1937, he wrote to a Mr. Cruickshank, who appears nowhere else in Casimir’s papers, nor in the Dominica newspapers or reports of the time. Cruickshank advised Garvey to contact Casimir; and Casimir responded in characteristic fashion by pouring his energies into making the visit a success. Several factors account for the nature and the course of the UNIA in Dominica. First, there were the personal characteristics and social position of its local champion. Although born of humble parents in the village of St. Joseph on the west coast of Dominica, he was an educated person, a lover of ideas, and a lover of the books that enshrined them. One of his strongest convictions throughout his life was his sense of belonging to the African race. His conviction was likely rooted in part in his class and racial experience in Dominica, especially in light of the clear distinctions between a mulatto elite and the rest of the colored and black population in Dominica. The former identified with the colonizers, shared political and economic interests with white Dominicans, and framed their aspirations in the context of European values and ideas. Casimir did not belong to this group, so it was futile for him to identify with Europeans. As a young man, Casimir’s literacy also gave him access to the ideas expressed in the Negro World, which immediately resonated with him. He vigorously channeled the skills that his education had given him into promoting the UNIA cause and the Black Star Line. Secondly, the rise of the UNIA in Dominica occurred in the context of inadequate steamship services to the island. After World War I, Dominicans depended on steamships to receive food and other commodities, to export produce to other Caribbean islands and to the metropole, and to travel not only to other territories but also from one end of the island to the other. Dominican newspapers between 1919 and 1922 indicate a high level of concern about the drop in the number and frequency of steamships calling at the island cxcviii

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following the war. In 1919 the island suffered several months of acute food shortages when an expected steamship failed to arrive. The news that a boat had called at the island was greeted with enormous relief. This basic need, coupled with the racist attitudes experienced and reported by colored travelers on the existing boats, made the idea of Black Star Line ships calling regularly at Dominica very attractive, and initially Casimir focused primarily on shipping as a key dimension of racial improvement. This may be noted from correspondence in early 1920, in which he is granted permission to sell the stock of the Inter-Colonial Steamship and Trading Company and the Black Star Line. In both cases he solicited fellow Dominicans to purchase shares, collected their money, and provided them with certificates of shares. The UNIA appealed to what Casimir described as the “poor class of Negro,” people from his social background. Many had small trades—shoemakers, seamstresses, owners of small shops and the like, and peasant cultivators. They were apparently attracted to the movement by its promise to provide them with their “own” shipping. The mulatto elite would have been much less convinced of the investment potential offered by the BSL. When it became clear to UNIA members in Dominica that shipping was unlikely to materialize, interest in the UNIA movement seemed to fade quickly. A third contextual factor contributing to the initial enthusiastic response to the UNIA in Dominica among the ranks of the petit bourgeoisie and peasant cultivators was the tightened grip of colonial legislation of the period. Because considerable hardship followed World War I, the administration considered it necessary to maintain the wartime control imposed on the island to conserve depleted resources and prevent social upheavals. As a result, it regulated almost everything. Ordinances throughout 1919 and 1920 fixed the price of most commodities. Ordinance No. 6 of 1919 regulated the emigration of children. Ordinance No. 2 of 1920 declared “legislation with regard to the printing, publication and importation of seditious newspapers, books and documents to be within the competency of the Legislature of the Colony.” Ordinance No. 13 of 1920 legislated the expulsion of undesirable persons.5 Postal orders to any one person, within a period of two weeks, were to be limited to the value of two pounds.6 Section 3 of Ordinance 10 of 1920 prohibited the exportation of flour, including bread, biscuits, and arrowroot; sugar; ground provisions including peas, beans, and farina; mangoes; avocado; pears; plantains; bananas; tolema (tous les mois); onions; charcoal; and syrup, except by special license.7 Many Dominicans objected to these economic controls, particularly the regulation of services on commodities that they were providing. The mulatto elite directed political opposition into a movement for representative government. Even though the petit bourgeoisie and peasant cultivators were not part of this movement, the legislation of the day may have had some influence on fomenting their interest in the UNIA as a potential resource and its criticism of the heavy hand of government.

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Finally, the themes of social improvement and mutual self-help promoted by Garvey and the UNIA are likely to have resonated with the strong sense of social justice of the Dominican peasantry. However, in Dominica the effects of social inequity had been tempered by the topography of the island. Emancipation had led to the movement of the majority of the ex-slave population becoming a socially stable peasantry with considerable freedom and economic independence. Although inequity definitely persisted, it was not life threatening, certainly not in the way that it occurs in the context of wage labor subsistence. Periodically in Dominica’s history various populist movements have arisen and peaked briefly, but having allowed people to vent their sense of injustice around a particular issue, they have died down, as people quickly returned to their traditional way of doing things. The UNIA movement seems to have followed this pattern, attracting a large membership in Roseau and the more accessible villages throughout the island and then dying out in 1923. PATRICK L. BAKER HELEN FRANCIS-SEAMAN 1. For a general history of the peasantry in Dominica, see Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Peasants and Capital: Dominica in the World Economy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988). The authors are particularly indebted to Dr. Lennox Honychurch, Mr. J. F. Rupert Casimir, and Ms. Magdalene Robin for their valuable assistance with our research in Dominica and to Mount Allison University for research funds provided by a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council internal grant. 2. Lennox Honychurch, The Dominica Story: A History of the Island (London: Macmillan Education, 1995), p. 127. 3. Dominica Chronicle, 26 November 1921, p. 7. 4. The relevant entry in Robert Myers, comp., World Bibliographic Series: Dominica (Denver: Clio Press, 1987), contains the following description of Casimir: “Solicitor’s clerk, bookseller, bookbinder, poet and elected member of Roseau Town Council, encouraged the reading and writing of poetry of Dominica and produced the only anthologies of poetry by native Dominicans.” 5. TNA: PRO CO 73/23, Dominica Authenticated Ordinances, 1901–1924. 6. TNA: PRO CO 75/14, Dominica Official Gazette 43, no. 15 (12 April 1920): 84. 7. TNA: PRO CO 74/41, Dominica Minutes of the Executive Council, 1920–1924.

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Dominican Republic From the 1800s until the 1920s, the Dominican Republic provided the primary labor market for West Indians, most of whom came from the Leeward and Windward islands.1 The documents in this volume shed light on the relationship between Garveyism and the English-speaking immigrants who were drawn to the Dominican Republic by the availability of employment with the U.S. corporation–controlled sugar industry.2 The development of the sugar industry in the eastern province of San Pedro de Macorís attracted migrant laborers principally from the nearby islands of St. Kitts, Nevis, and Anguilla (from which in some years about 90 percent of the male population would travel to the Dominican Republic for seasonal work), as well as from the Turks and Caicos Islands, Dominica, British Guiana, Barbados, and the Virgin Islands.3 Known as cocolos, these migrant laborers replaced Dominican laborers, who refused to work for the low wages offered, and Puerto Rican migrants, who had proved unreliable.4 During the military occupation of the Dominican Republic by the United States (1916–1924) and the sugar boom caused by World War I, increasing numbers of Haitian and cocolo workers entered the country. Cocolos formed communities in the new wards of Moño Corto and Miramar in San Pedro de Macorís, and in the mill yards (bateyes) and cane fields (colonias) of the seven sugar companies on the periphery of the city.5 On the other hand, Haitians settled in the cane fields, having little contact with cocolos in the city or in the mill yards. The UNIA in the Dominican Republic was anchored within the endogamous community life of the cocolos in various parts of the country, particularly in San Pedro de Macorís. A different language, religion, and a certain sense of superiority that resulted from their privileged status as British subjects, as well as racial prejudice and labor hostility, combined to make the cocolo community inward looking. This community, divided between the sugar-dominated city of San Pedro de Macorís and the sugar estates, largely kept to itself and became socially isolated from the larger society. Cocolos established their own churches, schools, mutual aid societies, and social clubs. The sociologist José del Castillo has characterized the cocolo ethos as “a community held together around the family, of austere life and conscious religious practice, of disciplined working and saving habits, and of strong associational spirit.”6 The sugar companies valued the cocolos for their work ethic, skills, and English-language proficiency, while the larger Dominican society decried them. The mulatto elite initially attacked the cocolos for their blackness and alleged biological inferiority, the merchants for their frugality and remittances, and the laborers for depressing wages and their compliancy. However, in the mid-1920s, the negative social perception of the cocolos changed as they began to be known as negros blancos.7 The documents in this volume reveal that the cocolo communities organized divisions of the UNIA during the late 1910s and early 1920s, the cci

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most important of which were Division No. 26 in San Pedro de Macorís, Division No. 112 in the capital Santo Domingo, and Division No. 315 in the port of Sánchez. The African Methodist Episcopal Church (AMEC) was key to the creation of Division No. 26.8 St. Kitts–born Wilfred E. Rowland, who was to become the division’s president, first encountered the UNIA through a church service.9 Reports in the Negro World of the UNIA’s activities exemplified the religious traits of the meetings by their references to the reading of the Scriptures, prayers, and hymns from the Universal Negro Ritual, a liturgy prepared by Rev. Dr. George A. McGuire, chaplain-general of the UNIA. “From Greenland’s Icy Mountains” and “Onward, Christian Soldiers,” popular missionary evangelical hymns contained in the liturgy, were sung at the UNIA meetings.10 Furthermore, the chaplain John R. Phypher of the AMEC is recorded as one of the religious participants in the UNIA meetings.11 With its close links to the AMEC, the UNIA was drawn into the longstanding conflict existing between nonconformist churches and the Church of England, represented in the Dominican Republic by the American Anglican Church. This confrontation resulted in the deportation of several officials of the UNIA division, including Rev. Dixon E. Phillips of the AMEC, presumably at the instigation of the British vice-consul, Rev. A. H. Beer of the American Anglican Church. It is ironic that the struggle by the cocolos of San Pedro de Macorís for British consular representation—a struggle which started in 1895 and succeeded in 1910—should have ended with that official appointee actively working against them and in connivance with the sugar companies. The documents in these volumes indicate that the racial discourse of the UNIA in San Pedro de Macorís coincided more with the U.S. military government’s than with that of the Dominicans themselves. In contrast to the rigid white-black color line maintained by both the U.S. military government and the UNIA, Dominican racial discourse was that of a mulatto society in which the lowest social strata were the darkest and the highest the fairest. The Dominican Republic aspired, as expressed by a British representative, “to improve the race by attracting white immigrants and Spanish West Indians and by restricting the immigration of natives of the European colonies in the West Indies.”12 By failing to grasp that the color spectrum of Dominican society went from black to mulatto to white (and included numerous shades in between), the UNIA was restricted in its outreach.13 At the same time, the UNIA was affected by accusations of bolshevism from the U.S. authorities. It was alleged that the UNIA and the African Blood Brotherhood (ABB) were one and the same organization inciting not only race hatred but also class conflict. Mounting an impressive campaign against the collusion of white ministers, local U.S. military officials, and higher military authorities in Santo Domingo, UNIA’s John Sydney De Bourg refuted these accusations by writing to important dignitaries such as President Warren Harding and Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill in London, as well as by meeting with the administrators of U.S.-owned Central Consuelo. De Bourg ccii

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forced an accommodation in which the UNIA in San Pedro de Macorís could operate for several years without any apparent municipal, provincial, or governmental interference, at least until the advent of the dictatorial regime of Rafael L. Trujillo (1930–61). De Bourg, former secretary of the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association, had been elected at the 1920 convention of the UNIA in New York as “Leader of the Negroes of the West Indies, Western Province, South and Central America.” The documents do highlight the participation of women in Division No. 26. Although some women were present on the board of the organization, they were apparently held in the subordinate position stipulated in the constitution of the UNIA. Wilfred E. Rowland has contrasted the difficulties faced by one woman presiding at a UNIA meeting to his own election as president of Division No. 26: They elected me (Rowland) as president. I didn’t want to be president. The reason why they elected me was [because] I went all the way from Santa Fe to the meeting one night. And unfortunately it was a woman who was ruling the meeting. She was presiding over the meeting. And the members, some of the members in the hall, they took advantage of the woman because she wasn’t ready to control the meeting. She lost control of the meeting. I was sitting at the back of the hall and I [took] two steps and then I was on the platform. And I gave them a harangue on that, on the principles of the institution. I wasn’t looking for no office. A month or so after was the time for elections. And they told me, “We are going to elect you.” “Elect me? Oh, man, I don’t want no damn election.” And they elected me. And for eight years I was reelected eight years straight until I told them, “Well, I don’t want to continue anymore.” But my love for the organization—Yes! A great organization.14 Rowland presided for eight years, with Bernard Scott and Elijah Highliger, both from the French part of St. Marten, serving as officers. During the 1920s and part of the 1930s, Division No. 26 continued meeting in its hall popularly known as the “Black Star Line.” No Dominicans joined the organization, but many attended their meetings and festivals. According to Rowland, there were two barriers to the participation of Dominicans. First, there was language, as all activities were held in English. Second, the slogan “Back to Africa” further alienated Dominicans. “You know what the Dominicans said about that,” Rowland observed, “those who were sympathetic? They said, ‘Well, we don’t need that because it’s “Back to Africa,” and we don’t need that. We have a government, we have a country, we have— we looked as if we didn’t have a country. We didn’t have any country indeed!’”15 Among those who attended the UNIA meetings were Juan Niemen and Mauricio Báez.16 Niemen, a cocolo of Guadeloupian descent, sympathized cciii

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with the movement and said that around two or three hundred people went to the meetings. Niemen, a journalist and labor activist, was very close to Mauricio Báez, the leading national labor and socialist leader of the 1940s, whose base was in San Pedro de Macorís. Báez, a black born in Palenque in the province of San Cristóbal, commanded great respect among the cocolo laborers.17 The presence of Niemen and Báez at UNIA meetings perhaps suggests that the UNIA and labor organizations in the Dominican Republic had some shared interests. Dissatisfaction among the cocolo population was evident in protests (including strikes) that took place in a number of sugar companies— Central Consuelo (1919) and Ingenio Angelina (1920)—and led to the deportation of several workers.18 Furthermore, the documents in these volumes reveal that members of the UNIA division in Sánchez, in the province of Samaná, also belonged to a trade union, Unión Obrera de Sánchez. It is also known that several cocolos held leadership positions in the different union guilds and participated actively in the strikes of the 1940s. However, there is no evidence of a direct link between the UNIA and labor organizations in San Pedro de Macorís or elsewhere in the Dominican Republic. In the middle of the 1920s, new UNIA divisions were formed in southwestern Barahona and southeastern La Romana provinces, where two new huge U.S.-owned sugar factories had been built, resulting from the U.S. military government policy of promoting the sugar industry. No documentation has been found on their activities. Rowland recalled that “La Romana had a few members, but it didn’t grow . . . it wasn’t strong, never was strong.”19 In 1930 dictator Rafael L. Trujillo took power in the Dominican Republic. The world economic depression and pressure from Dominican worker organizations compelled Trujillo to legislate that 70 percent of the labor force of any enterprise had to consist of Dominican citizens.20 Simultaneously, deportations started with those unable to pay the increasing taxes to enter and stay. Exceptions to the law, mainly cocolos and Puerto Ricans, were approved. Yet, with the lines of communication and transport closing slowly but surely, the immigration of cocolo workers ended in the 1940s. The economic depression hit the sugar industry hard, forcing a large number of cocolos to seek greener pastures on as well as off the island. Many returned to their island homes or traveled farther to the United States. Others moved from one U.S. company to another, as did Wilfred Rowland when he relocated to the Grenada Company banana town in Manzanillo, Dominican Republic, in the mid-1930s.21 During this disruptive period, the UNIA divisions started to fade. Rowland himself appears to have lost interest. “After I left Macorís,” he said in an interview, “I didn’t have any more connections with the society as such. No more at all. I went back there, working in the Grenada Company, to look up the hall, and to ask who and who were running it.”22 The “Black Star Line” hall did remain in use; in 1935, for example, it was the venue for meetings held by delegates of Father Divine’s Peace Mission Movement, a cciv

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Harlem-based communal, interracial, and interdenominational social and religious movement that supported anti-Fascist causes and civil rights issues.23 Government repression also furthered the decline of the UNIA. Trujillo’s nationalist ideology, characterized by the pro-Hispanic, Catholic, and antiblack sentiments that produced the massacre of Haitians in 1937, peaked in this period.24 However, the dictator’s policy toward the cocolos differed, taking a surprising assimilationist line. Due to the pressure from the sugar companies and Great Britain, the main buyer of Dominican sugar, the Dominican government granted citizenship to—and even forced it on—the cocolos and their descendants. The anti-Garveyite British vice-consul, Rev. A. H. Beer, noted: “This is an entirely new line of thinking on the part of the Dominican. Hitherto he has adopted a policy of exclusion—save to the Caucasian race. . . . This is certainly news to me.”25 UNIA Division 26, which had prevailed earlier against opposition from the British vice-consul, the U.S. military, and local officials during the period of U.S. military occupation of the Dominican Republic, ultimately succumbed to the combination of economic and social forces and to a political environment that reached new heights of hostility in the 1930s. HUMBERTO GARCÍA-MUÑIZ JORGE L. GIOVANNETTI-TORRES 1. M. J. Proudfoot, Population Movements in the Caribbean (Port of Spain, Trinidad: Caribbean Commission, 1950), p. 92, cited in Patrick E. Bryan, “The Question of Labor in the Sugar Industry of the Dominican Republic in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries,” in Between Slavery and Free Labor: The Spanish-Speaking Caribbean in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Frank Moya Pons, and Stanley L. Engerman (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), p. 240. 2. West Indian migration to the Dominican Republic reached its height following 1879, when a decree provided concessions to all those entering the country under contract to a rural firm. It peaked during the U.S. occupation years (1916–24) but was in decline by the late 1920s, as the Curacao oil industry provided an alternative source of employment and as the Depression took hold. The dictator, Rafael Trujillo, officially curtailed immigration by decree in 1932, although after that date individual plantations could still petition for permission to allow migrants under their jurisdiction. It should be noted that voluntary British Caribbean migration to the Dominican Republic during this period also included many persons who found employment outside of the sugar industry. A large number pursued more skilled and better paid occupations, working, for instance, as artisans, lightermen, boatmen, traders, fishermen, and moneylenders. Some migrants found employment in the cacao industry, which was a more labor intensive crop than sugar, and there is evidence that these cacao workers considered themselves to be of a higher social rank than those in the sugar industry. Furthermore, although the first migrants came of their own accord as free laborers, after 1879 the majority of British Caribbean migrants to the Dominican Republic came as contract laborers. One result was that contract migrants comprised some 10 percent of the population in the northern coastal township of Puerto Plata (Bryan, “The Question of Labor,” pp. 238–246). For Garveyism in the Dominican Republic, see Humberto García Muñiz and Jorge L. Giovannetti, “El Garveyismo en la República Dominicana: Migración cocola, intervención y represión militar, y los discursos raciales y nacionales,” Caribbean Studies 31, no. 1 (January–June 2003), special issue: Garveyism in the Hispanic Caribbean, ed. Jorge L. Giovannetti and Reinaldo L. Román. Studies on immigration and the Dominican sugar industry include Julio César Mota Acosta, Los cocolos en Santo Domingo (Santo Domingo: Editorial La Gaviota, 1977); Wilfredo Lozano, ed., La cuestión haitiana en Santo Domingo: migración internacional, desarrollo y relaciones inter-estatales entre Haití y República Dominicana (Santo Domingo: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Soci-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS ales, Programa República Dominicana; Coral Gables, Fla.: Centro Norte-Sur, Universidad de Miami, 1993); Suzy Castor, Migrations et relaciones internationales: el caso haïtiano-dominicaino (Mexico City: Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos, 1983); Orlando Inoa, Azúcar, árabes, cocolos y haitianos (Santo Domingo: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, 1999). Key works on the sociology of contemporary Dominican sugar plantations and ethnicity include Frank Moya Pons et al., El batey: estudio socioeconómico de los bateyes del consejo estatal del azúcar (Santo Domingo: Fondo para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales, 1986); Martin F. Murphy, Dominican Sugar Plantations: Production and Foreign Labor Integration (New York: Praeger, 1991); Samuel Martínez, Peripheral Migrants: Haitians and Dominican Republic Sugar Plantations (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1995); and José Israel Cuello H., Contratación de mano de obra haitiana destinada a la industria azucarera dominicana, 1952–1986 (Santo Domingo: Editora Taller, 1997). For a general study of the sugar industry in the Spanish Caribbean see César J. Ayala, American Sugar Kingdom: The Plantation Economy of the Spanish Caribbean, 1898–1934 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999). 3. Bryan, “The Question of Labor,” pp. 240–241. 4. It was only after some time that the Dominican laborers moved out of the sugar industry because of the low wages, and Dominicans initially protested the loss of their jobs to West Indians and Haitian. Wages, which actually increased from 1870 to 1884, only began to decline in real terms when sugar prices crashed, causing Dominican workers to strike in 1884 rather than simply look for employment elsewhere (Bryan, “The Question of Labor,” pp. 235–255). Dominicans also rioted upon the arrival of Anguilla laborers in 1915, although this event may well have been engineered by nativist elites. José del Castillo has argued that it was not merely the wage issue alone, but also the demand on the part of Dominican peasants to be paid on a piecework basis, that caused their withdrawal from the industry (del Castillo, La inmigración de braceros azucareros en la República Dominicana, 1900–1930 [Santo Domingo: Centro Dominicano de Investigaciones Antropológicas, 1978]. See also del Castillo, “The Formation of the Dominican Sugar Industry: From Competition to Monopoly, from National Semiproletariat to Foreign Proletariat,” in Fraginals, Pons, and Engerman, eds., Between Slavery and Free Labor, pp. 215–235). 5. Bruce Calder, The Impact of Intervention: The Dominican Republic during the U.S. Occupation of 1916–1924 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984). 6. del Castillo, “Las emigraciones y su aporte a la cultura dominicana finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX,” Revista Eme Eme 8, no. 45 (November–December 1970): 33, our translation; Humberto García Muñiz and Jorge L. Giovannetti, “Garveyismo y racismo en el Caribe: el caso de la población cocola en la República Dominicana,” Caribbean Studies 31, no. 1 (January–June 2003), special issue: Garveyism in the Hispanic Caribbean, ed. Jorge L. Giovannetti and Reinaldo L. Román. 7. Michiel Baud has argued that anti-immigration sentiment was not purely nativist or racist but was aimed in part at the United States, since the sugar firms were largely American-owned and were the agents actually foisting the immigrants upon these host countries (Baud, “‘Constitutionally White’: The Forging of a National Identity in the Dominican Republic,” in Ethnicity in the Caribbean: Essays in Honor of Harry Hoetink, ed. Gert Oostindie [London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1996]). The most nuanced treatment of the issue of prejudice against West Indian immigration to the Dominican Republic is Bryan, “The Question of Labor.” 8. After Garvey’s departure for the United States in 1916, Rev. S. M. Jones of the AMEC presided over meetings of the organization in Jamaica (Rupert Lewis, Marcus Garvey: AntiColonial Champion [London: Karia Press, 1987]). 9. Interview with Wilfred E. Rowland, by Humberto García Muñiz, Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, 12 May 1991. 10. The Universal Negro Ritual: Containing Forms, Prayers, and Offices for the Use in the Universal Negro Improvement Association, Together With a Collection of Hymns Authorized by the High Executive Council, Compiled by His Grace, the Rev. George Alexander McGuire, Chaplain General; Approved by His Excellency Marcus Garvey, President General and Provisional President of Africa, Rev. George Alexander McGuire, comp. (1921), pp. 11–12, 49, 98–99; Karl Prüter, The Strange Partnership of George Alexander McGuire and Marcus Garvey (Highlandville, Missouri: St. Willibrord Press, 1986). For reports on the meetings see NW, 12 February 1921, p. 10; NW, 1 January 1922; and NW, 16 December 1922, p. 10. These reports are similar to those of the UNIA in the divisions in Cuba where there was also a strong link between Garveyism and religion.

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HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES 11. “The Santo Domingo City Division Stages a Splendid Concert,” NW, 16 December 1922, p. 10. 12. Bryan, “The Question of Labor,” p. 243. 13. On Dominican racial discourse, see Silvio Torres Saillant, “Creoleness or Blackness?: A Dominican Dilemma,” Plantation Society in the Americas 5, no. 1 (Spring 1998): 29–40, special issue: “Who/What is Creole?” ed. James Arnold; Baud, “‘Constitutionally White’”; Carlos Esteban Deive, Identidad y racismo en la República Dominicana (Santo Domingo: Ayuntamiento del Distrito Nacional, Junta Municipal de Cultura: Editora Universitaria—UASD, 1999); Franklin J. Franco, Sobre racismo y antihaitianismo y otros ensayos (Santo Domingo: [s.n.], Impr. Librería Vidal, 1997). More contemporary accounts of Dominican racial ideology include Carlos Andújar Persinal, La presencia negra en Santo Domingo: un enfoque ethnohistórico (Santo Domingo: [s.n.], Impresora Búho, 1997); Ernesto Sagás, Race and Politics in the Dominican Republic (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000); and David Howard, Coloring the Nation: Race and Ethnicity in the Dominican Republic (Oxford: Signal Books; Boulder: Rienner Publishers, 2001). Richard Turits discusses the stated official preference for white immigration and argues against the grain that racial discourse was actually an alibi for political and economic motives in his Foundations of Despotism: Peasants, the Trujillo Regime, and Modernity in Dominican History (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2003). 14. Interview with Wilfred E. Rowland, 12 May 1991. 15. When asked about Haitian members, Rowland replied: “But no Haitians in this country went into the society. None at all. Haitians didn’t live in the batey of the estates. They lived in the country, in the colonias. And they might drift into the batey here and there, but they never lived amongst the English-speaking people in quantity. You might have found a Haitian here or there, but not enough to make history.” Interview with Wilfred E. Rowland, 12 May 1991. 16. Interview with Juan Niemen by Humberto García Muñiz, San Pedro de Macorís, Dominican Republic, 5 December 1997. 17. Roberto Cassá, Movimiento obrero y lucha socialista en la República Dominicana: desde los orígenes hasta 1960 (Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1990), pp. 389–463. 18. Orlando Inoa, “Los cocolos y las primeras huelgas azucareras,” Hoy: Revista Cultural Isla Abierta, Año 17, no. 722 (19 April 1998): 22–23. 19. Interview with Wilfred E. Rowland, 12 May 1991. 20. Cassá, Movimiento obrero y lucha socialista en la República Dominicana, p. 203. Studies of Dominican nationalism and the Trujillo regime include Robert D. Crassweller, Trujillo: The Life and Times of a Caribbean Dictator (New York: Macmillan, 1996); Eric Roorda, The Dictator Next Door: The Good Neighbor Policy and the Trujillo Regime in the Dominican Republic, 1930–1945 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998); and Turits, Foundations of Despotism. 21. Apéndice 1, “Personas que laboraron en la Grenada Co., 1939–1966,” in Fernando Lara Viñas, Reminiscencias de un bananero (Santo Domingo: Amigo del Hogar, 1995), p. 103. 22. Interview with Wilfred E. Rowland, 12 May 1991. 23. Angela Peña, “Marcus Garvey, el gran defensor de los negros, es admirado apasionadamente por los ‘cocolos,’” El Siglo, 20 October 1990, p. 12. 24. Roberto Cassá, “El racismo en la clase dominante dominicana,” Ciencia 3, no. 1 (January– March 1978): 61–85; Meindert Fennema and Troetje Loewenthal, La Construcción de raza y nación en la República Dominicana (Santo Domingo: Editora Universitaria, 1987). Key texts on the 1937 Haitian massacre include: Lauren Derby, “Haitians, Magic, and Money: Raza and Society in the Haitian-Dominican Borderlands, 1900 to 1937,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 3 (July 1994): 488–526; Turits, “A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed: The 1937 Haitian Massacre in the Dominica Republic,” Hispanic American Historical Review 82, no. 3 (August 2000): 589–635; Juan Manuel García, La matanza de los haitianos: genocidio de Trujillo, 1937 (Santo Domingo: Editora Alfa y Omega, 1983); José Israel Cuello H., ed., Documentos del conflicto domínico-haitiano de 1937 (Santo Domingo: Editora Taller, 1985). 25. A. H. Beer to W. A. Elders, Chargé d’Affaires, British Legation, D.R., 4 December 1934, quoted in García Muñiz and Giovannetti, “Garveyismo y racismo en el Caribe.”

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Grenada Although slavery was abolished in Grenada in the 1830s, the goals of the emancipationists to facilitate a smooth transition from slavery had for some time remained largely elusive. Unwilling or unable to negotiate the treacherous terrain necessitated by the changing social situation, planters embarked on aggressive and expensive schemes to bring to the colonies workers from India, Madeira, Malta, and Africa. These plans proved largely unsuccessful. Many of the Indians in the Windwards, for example, drifted south to Trinidad after their indentures expired. By the end of the nineteenth century, influenced in part by the declining price of sugar on the world market and the earlier misguided policy of labor recruitment to the 1880s, wage levels on the island had remained largely static for about fifty years. Overall, despite the emergence by 1890 of a sizeable peasant proprietary on the island that found in cocoa and nutmeg cultivation a means of improving their economic well-being and enhancing their quality of life, working-class conditions were only moderately altered.1 The economic gains that Grenada’s emerging middle class of African ancestry made by the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were not matched in the political realm. In fact, the political structure in 1900 remained remarkably inelastic and overall constituted a retrograde step from the status quo in the eighteenth century. From 1766, when representative institutions were first established in this new British colony, the island enjoyed a legislative council and a House of Assembly that consisted of twenty-one elected members. In 1856 an executive council made up of members of both branches of the legislature came into being. After 1859, however, this body was allowed to expire, and the legislative council resumed executive functions.2 The island’s constitution was remodeled in 1875, and a single legislative assembly of eight elected and nine nominated members was established. An executive committee was also established, consisting of three nominated and two elected members of the assembly. At its first meeting this assembly passed a bill providing for its own extinction and leaving it up to the British government to establish such a form of government as it saw fit. By 1919 the legislative council consisted of six official members who held office by virtue of their positions and seven unofficial members nominated by the governor and approved by the king in council. Also in existence was an executive council consisting of the governor and three official and three unofficial members.3 Such developments reflected the patterns found in other British Caribbean colonies from the mid-nineteenth century on. In virtually every colony popular representation in the decision-making process was effectively stifled. By either abolishing the entire assembly or reconstituting it, government always had at its disposal a majority of votes on which it could rely to effect its goals. Uppermost in the minds of policymakers and whites on the islands was the fear that by 1850 the growing number of black voters would return to office an overwhelming number of black and brown candidates who ccix

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would eventually take over the legislature. The feeling was that the interests of whites could be best protected by abolishing the assembly.4 Blacks in the British Caribbean were not prepared to sit by indefinitely without political representation. They found troubling and deeply unsettling their inability to participate in decision making that affected their lives and property. Further, European partition of Africa in the final quarter of the nineteenth century had awakened the sleeping giants of black consciousness and black nationalism.5 The enhanced interest in Africa and things African had also energized blacks throughout the Caribbean to assert their determination to fashion a people and chart their own destiny. Migration, the various panAfrican congresses held in the early twentieth century, and the experiences of soldiers returning from the Caribbean after overseas service during World War I had powerful influences in shaping the experiences, aspirations, and agenda of Grenada’s blacks. By 1919 the situation seemed ripe for the brand of panAfricanism that Marcus Garvey and his UNIA espoused. Grenada was the only country among the Windward Islands to have had a long tradition of popularly elected parochial boards. Although the qualifications for voting and election to these bodies remained somewhat limited, they nonetheless permitted some modicum of participation in the political process for the island’s growing middle class.6 However, precisely because of the realization that such participation on the local level did not qualify them for service on the islandwide level, members of the various district boards invariably clashed with the administration over policy issues. Further, they launched spirited assaults against the political status quo. In this they were greatly aided by the activities of T. Albert Marryshow and W. Galway Donovan who used their newspapers to publicize their grievances and galvanize public support for what were quickly becoming popular issues for a large number of Grenadians. Even a cursory reading of the Grenada People in the late 1880s shows that Donovan had already earned a reputation as a staunch critic of government policies and an avid champion of the rights of ordinary Grenadians.7 Because of their journalistic profession, both Donovan and Marryshow have left behind a considerable amount of writing that permits us to obtain a clearer sense of their political positions on a number of important issues. Both were ardent supporters of constitutional reform, meaning the restoration of the island’s assembly and the granting of suffrage to locals. They had scant regard for the system that permitted the governor to appoint to the legislature individuals representing certain segments of the island’s population and social structure. Marryshow especially sought to out-British the British in political matters. How else can one interpret his remarks that the people of the West Indies were British to the core?8 The natural extension of this reasoning, however, was that he expected Grenadians and West Indians to enjoy the same rights as Englishmen and to participate in similar political institutions. This

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basic philosophy undergirded his campaigns in his quest for civil rights for West Indians as a whole. The period before World War I had witnessed the local emergence of the Grenada Workingmen’s Association and later the Grenada Representative Government Association. The avowed goal of these bodies was to seek constitutional advance for Grenadians.9 Depressed economic conditions after the war and the stories of unsavory racial experiences overseas by returned soldiers provided the ideal stimulus for garnering additional local support for the cause of constitutional reform.10 In addition, Garvey’s movement gave the associations an important catalyst for their actions. Whether or not Garvey’s Negro World was threatening to law and order and would possibly have led to racial strife is a moot point. For our purposes, the most important issue was the government’s overreaction and mishandling of the local situation. By banning the importation of the Negro World, authorities hand-delivered to Marryshow, Donovan, and the leadership of the Grenada Representative Government Association an excellently prepackaged local issue around which to bolster their case for constitutional advance. Arguing that their very liberties were threatened by the actions of a despotic and aloof group of individuals who were insensitive to local needs and aspirations, they were able to whip up considerable local and international support for their cause. Marryshow, for example, traveled extensively throughout the Caribbean and to England in quest of his goals. Everywhere he went he encountered enthusiastic support. A gifted speaker with a thunderous voice, he undoubtedly swayed many with his skillful oratory. This is not to dismiss, however, the impact of the UNIA and the Negro World on Grenadian political thought. Hardly anyone who listened to Garvey or read his articles could be the same afterwards. Although Marryshow initially had misgivings about Garvey’s proposals, he came away from a meeting with him duly impressed. Thereafter, he openly praised Garvey’s plans that, he agreed, were directly relevant to the issues of racial pride, racial solidarity, and political autonomy. He had found in Garvey a soul mate of sorts, an individual whose utterances paralleled his own goals for West Indians. For Marryshow, self-government, federation, and ultimate independence for West Indians mirrored Garvey’s slogans and goals for the upliftment of Africans everywhere. EDWARD L. COX 1. On economic and social conditions in Grenada at the end of the century, see George Brizan, Grenada, Island of Conflict: From Amerindians to People’s Revolution, 1498–1979 (London: Zed Books, 1984). 2. Patrick Emmanuel, Crown Colony Politics in Grenada, 1917–1951 (Cave Hill, Barbados: University of the West Indies, 1978), pp. 21–35. 3. TNA: PRO CO 321/309, Memorandum on Political Representation in the Windward Islands. 4. Gad J. Heuman, “The Killing Time”: The Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1994). Of all the British Caribbean colonies, only the Barbados assembly remained intact during the nineteenth century.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 5. See, for example, Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America (New York and London: Verso Press, 1998), pp. 9–100. 6. Of the total male population of 30,398 on the island in 1920, only 1,601 were registered electors. A mere 399 voted to fill 35 spaces on the district boards in the last elections (Memorandum on Political Representation in the Windward Islands, TNA: PRO CO 321/309). 7. The Grenada People first appeared in 1883. Because of financial difficulties, it had a checkered experience, folding and later being incorporated in the Federalist and Grenada People. 8. This reference can be found in the West Indian, 1 October 1920. 9. Despite its title, the Grenada Workingmen’s Association hardly had a large working-class following. Although a trade unionist, Marryshow himself did little to champion working-class causes as such. 10. For information on the negative experiences of World War I, see C. L. Joseph, “The British West Indies Regiment, 1914–1918,” JCH 2 (1971): 94–124.

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Guatemala Historians have long overlooked the significance of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the West Indian communities that supported the organization in Central America. Garveyism enjoyed its greatest appeal in the region among the West Indian sojourners who migrated to the Atlantic lowlands in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in search of employment in the expanding agricultural export industry. Although West Indians hailed from different islands and were divided by a series of complex class and social barriers, they shared a collective experience that united them in their struggles against multinational corporations and racism in Central America. The history of the UNIA in Guatemala, although limited in time and space, reveals a chain of communities that moved the boundary between the English-speaking Caribbean to the very doorstep of Hispanic Central America. Guatemala is located at the center of the Mayan world in the Americas. The existence of a large Mayan population during the Spanish colonial period meant that few enslaved Africans were imported to work the fields and mines of the region. Some African slaves were brought to Guatemala, but their numbers were small in comparison to the Europeans and Mayans. As a consequence, Africans and their descendants in Guatemala were a small minority throughout the colonial period. After independence from Spain in 1821, when slavery was abolished throughout Central America, they were easily absorbed into the general populace. The disappearance of the freed slaves into the collective was facilitated by Guatemala’s post-contact history of assimilation. In Guatemala, as in the rest of Latin America, the European conquest resulted in the creation of a new social group that was neither European nor Amerindian. Everywhere in Latin America native communities sought to protect their resources and identities, and the Spanish colonial system created its own barriers to the social and political integration of non-Europeans. Although people of mixed descent in Latin America were called Mestizo, they were known as Ladinos in Guatemala. However, Mestizos and Ladinos were not strictly people of mixed European and Indian descent. Rather, the terms were a catchall in the colonial period for everyone who was excluded from Amerindian or European societies and described almost everyone who was not an Amerindian after independence. The definition of Ladino was so inclusive in Guatemala that people from almost any ethnic background could become a part of the group. As a consequence, most people of African descent adopted a Ladino identity after independence. The only exception to the post-independence process of assimilation was in the Atlantic coast region of the country. This area was sparsely inhabited and beyond the effective control of Guatemala City.1 The region was home to a small number of isolated communities of Black Caribs, or Garifuna as they are now more appropriately called.2 The Garifuna are a people of mixed African and Amerindian descent who, because of their geographical and cultural ccxiii

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isolation, did not succumb to the assimilative pressures of the Guatemalan state. Despite their African heritage, the Garifuna are considered an Amerindian group. As such, the Garifuna had an identity, a traditional land base, and a historic presence that helped them resist assimilation into the mainstream. At the end of the nineteenth century, the only other people who were of African descent in Guatemala were a small number of West Indians from neighboring Belize who fished or farmed along the Atlantic coast.3 Their numbers were almost insignificant until the arrival of hundreds of other West Indian men and women at the beginning of the twentieth century. These were the people from across the Caribbean who sought opportunities in the agricultural development of the Caribbean coastal plain and the deep valleys thrusting westward into the mountains of Guatemala. The wave of West Indian migration that swept along the Caribbean coast of Central America changed the character of Guatemala’s Atlantic region. Guatemala’s Caribbean coast offered an ideal location for the establishment of a banana enclave because it was located close to the U.S. markets, enjoyed a favorable climate, and was surrounded by three important rivers. The fruit companies established banana plantations and built a network of light railways on the coast and inland along the river valleys. The United Fruit Company, incorporated in 1899, came to dominate the industry in the first decade of the twentieth century, but several small banana companies preceded it in Guatemala in the 1880s and 1890s.4 Like all the other banana enclaves along the Atlantic coast of Central America, banana production in Guatemala attracted West Indian workers and their families to the plantations where wages were considered good and employment opportunities were available year round.5 However, it is impossible to quantify the West Indian diaspora in Guatemala because government authorities poorly monitored the flow of people in and out of the country via the Atlantic coast. Individuals could walk or take a boat from Belize or Honduras without dealing with immigration officials, and the United Fruit Company often shifted workers from plantation to plantation along the Central American coast with little regard for the formalities of immigration laws in the region.6 Although it is difficult to assess the number of people of African descent who were in Guatemala when the UNIA was active, it is possible to identify the organization’s most significant centers of activity. Puerto Barrios became the country’s most important port and the commercial and political hub of Guatemala’s Atlantic coast. Most of the West Indians in Guatemala lived in or near Puerto Barrios, and it became the center for UNIA activities in the country. Although most of the information available on the UNIA in Guatemala concerns Puerto Barrios, there were other significant locations in the country. Near the border with Belize on the Atlantic coast and across Amatique Bay from Puerto Barrios lay Livingston, a Garifuna community. Unlike Puerto ccxiv

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Barrios, Livingston did not see the development of extensive banana plantations in its immediate vicinity. The Boston Tropical Fruit Company, one of the two predecessors of the United Fruit Company, maintained a warehouse and small steamer at Livingston at the turn of the century, but the plantations near the town were more readily connected to Puerto Barrios than to Livingston itself. As a result, many young men and women from the community were attracted to the bustling port across the bay where they encountered West Indian workers and their organizations. The Garifuna of the region also had ties to Garifuna communities in Belize, a country in which the UNIA enjoyed considerable success. While contacts with West Indians provided the opening for the UNIA in Livingston, its popularity was rooted in the political tensions between highland Guatemalans and coastal dwellers. Southwest of Puerto Barrios was the Motagua region which bordered on Honduras. Inland along the Motagua River Valley were Morales and Los Amates that, like many other communities in the region, were adjacent to large United Fruit Company plantations. Unlike in the coastal communities, the labor force in Morales and Los Amates tended to be drawn from the Hispanic highlands, and fewer West Indians arrived in the area. Therefore, the UNIA in the Motagua region relied on the organization in Puerto Barrios for direction. This was also true of the small population of people of African descent who lived in the country’s capital, Guatemala City. In short, the UNIA in Guatemala was strongly centered in Puerto Barrios, but also met the needs of people living elsewhere. Support for Marcus Garvey and the UNIA was conditioned by the social, geographical, and political circumstances of the Atlantic coast of Guatemala. The people who migrated to Guatemala in the first decades of the twentieth century were West Indians who, like Marcus Garvey himself, soon became disillusioned with what they experienced in banana enclaves. Arriving in Guatemala as subjects of the British Crown, West Indians brought with them expectations of support and fair treatment on the part of British authorities.7 They were generally literate, politically active, and prepared to confront the injustices they saw around them. However, British officials tended to view West Indians as a burden and were quick to dismiss them as troublemakers and a nuisance. Consular officials throughout Central America often complained about the frequency with which West Indians sought British intervention in their disputes with government or company officials.8 The arrival of the UNIA in Guatemala coincided with heightened tensions between Britain and its colonial subjects. British rule was being questioned throughout the empire, and the Caribbean was no exception. One of the most significant issues of the day was the treatment of West Indians in World War I. West Indians who had enlisted to help defend the empire found themselves treated as second-class soldiers relegated to noncombat roles in Africa. After the war former members of the regiment scattered throughout the Caribbean region, and many became key people in the UNIA. ccxv

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To complicate matters, while Guatemala was still a society of occupation in which the Indian majority found themselves marginalized and dominated by Hispanics, the political process was undergoing significant change. A new generation of nationalist politicians was on the rise, and they represented a challenge to the late nineteenth-century idea of economic development through foreign investment. As a result, the United Fruit Company and its foreign workforce, which were products of the development model in question, were placed at the center of political debate in the country. As did its counterparts throughout Central America, the Guatemalan government gradually came to identify “Africanization” of the country as a serious problem. West Indians were supposed to be guest workers that were tolerated because of their supposed biological suitability for work in the tropics. Once the industry was established and nationalist sentiment aroused, the Guatemalan government began to use legislative means to keep West Indian communities of the Atlantic region in check. In 1914 the first of a series of restrictive decrees was passed to curtail the immigration of people of African descent.9 As hostility toward the foreign labor force increased, pressure against people of Asian, African, and Middle Eastern descent grew. By 1926 the Guatemalan government decreed that 75 percent of the workforce for all companies had to be Guatemalan nationals.10 The 1926 decree forced companies like United Fruit to hire more Guatemalan citizens, but the desire of the government was also to keep people of African descent from coming to the country and to push many of those who were already there out of the workforce. The place of the UNIA in the lives of the West Indian sojourners who ventured to Guatemala is not well documented. However, a great deal of documentation on hostility toward people of African descent in Guatemala exists in various archives. The Public Records Office in London contains many reports on the ill treatment of British West Indian subjects throughout Central America. Altercations with people of African descent, including lynchings, were common in the banana enclave in Guatemala.11 The banana plantations were a world unto themselves in a region where political corruption was rife. Local officials would take the law into their own hands, and often sided with their compatriots in disputes involving West Indians. The result was that the West Indian community banded together. As they did so, they found that the UNIA provided them with an important forum. The documents that follow reveal a vibrant organization enthused with the message of solidarity that Marcus Garvey brought to the people of the African diaspora. The role of the UNIA in the lives of people of African descent in Guatemala is as important as it was in any other community. For the people of African descent who made their homes on the Atlantic coast of Central America, the UNIA was the most important community organization in their history, and the plantations of Guatemala were a vital link to the world of West Indians of Central America. The UNIA provided these people who lived in an ccxvi

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isolated region with a window to the world and direct access to the main currents of black nationalism. The enthusiasm shown by West Indians of Guatemala for Marcus Garvey and the UNIA is a testament to their struggles for change. RONALD N. HARPELLE 1. Both the British and the Spanish laid claim to the region during the Spanish colonial period, but both empires were focused on what were considered to be more lucrative ventures in the region. 2. See Nancie L. Gonzalez, Sojourners of the Caribbean: Ethnogenesis and Ethnohistory of the Garifuna (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988) for a full discussion on the history and culture of the Garifuna. 3. David McCreery, Development and State in Reforma Guatemala, 1871–1885 (Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies, 1983), pp. 57–60. 4. Paul J. Dosal, Doing Business with the Dictators: A Political History of United Fruit in Guatemala (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1993), p. 32. 5. By 1920 48 percent of the total lands owned by the UFC were located in Guatemala, making this country particularly important when it came to social unrest in the banana plantations (United Fruit Company, Annual Report to the Stockholders, 1920). Initially, the UFC tried to stop meetings of the UNIA by appealing to the president of Guatemala. However, the company was unable to get the government to support its position. In May 1920 railroad workers and stevedores in Puerto Barrios, who were members of a UNIA-established union, went on strike for higher wages. They demanded an increase from $1.50 to $3.00 a day. The strike took place while a rebellion was occurring in the highlands, and the UFC could not count on the support of the Guatemalan government in its struggle with the workers. Therefore, after two weeks, the company accepted the demands of the workers (Dosal, Doing Business with the Dictators, p. 128). 6. Guatemala was a transit point along the Central American coast. Some people sought employment, while others merely passed through the country. For example, in 1916 consular officials in Guatemala grew concerned about constant requests from British West Indians for passports. The report described men as “adventurers without any papers” who were on their way to the United States or seeking work in Mexico. See British government records such as FO 371 2643 63461 for details. 7. West Indians also came face to face with a racism that was different from that of the British colonial world. In Guatemala, as elsewhere on banana plantations of Central America, the managers were mainly from the southern United States who brought with them their attitudes toward people of African descent. The result was a consistently high level of friction between management and their West Indian laborers. 8. See, for example, FO 371 2643 96497 or FO 371 16 911, 2360. 9. The first decree in 1914 imposed a fee of $50 on a person of Asian or African descent who arrived in Guatemala. The fee had risen to $200 in 1924. DNA, RG 59, 1910–1929, microfilm, roll 29, 814.55 and roll 13, 814.11/17. 10. Refer to DNA, RG 59, 1910–1929, microfilm, roll 20, 814.504/5–9. 11. See, for example, Paul Dosal’s account of the murder of Mr. Esson, a Jamaican, in Doing Business with the Dictators, p. 119; or The Foreign Relations of the United States, vol. 75 [1909], pp. 348–358, for details on the murder of William Wright, an American citizen; or the British Foreign Office, Florida, 371 2643 139765, for a candid report from the British Legation in Guatemala on the migration and settlement of British West Indians in the region.

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Haiti As the first “black republic” in the world, Haiti occupies a special place in the development of black nationalist thought. Many Caribbean and African American radicals in the nineteenth century hailed it as the first example of black liberation and as a test case for black self-rule.1 In Jamaica, where many Haitian political exiles lived, discussions of Haitian politics may have had some influence on the radical milieu in which Marcus Garvey grew up.2 Although the imperial powers were keen to isolate Haiti and quarantine any ideas of black separatism, the longstanding ties between Haiti and Jamaica must be seen as the context for the emergence of a pan-African and anti-imperialist worldview in the Caribbean.3 However, the complexities of Haiti’s internal politics were such that the UNIA’s reception was mixed, and its appeal quite fragmented. The year 1919 marked the expansion of UNIA activity in the Caribbean and in particular the growing dissemination of the Negro World. Colonial authorities, warned by U.S. consuls that the Negro World intended to create unrest among black populations, banned the newspaper in Belize, Jamaica, the Windward Islands, and Trinidad. The independent republic of Costa Rica, at the urging of U.S. consuls and officials of the United Fruit Company, also suppressed the publication.4 Haiti, under U.S. military occupation from 1915 to 1934, was particularly sensitive to the spread of black nationalist thought. The loss of Haitian sovereignty, the imposition of racial segregation by a foreign power, and other humiliations of foreign control created centers of resistance and interest in political alternatives to acquiescence. Thus, the UNIA found an interested audience in Haiti, although it was composed of black urban Haitians and not the rural peasants who were engaged in a six-year insurrection against the U.S. military.5 Haiti’s small English-speaking community, many of Jamaican origin, played a key role in the dissemination of the UNIA’s message in Haiti. Jamaicans began arriving in Haiti in the years following the Morant Bay uprising in 1865, but especially in the late nineteenth century during a brief but relatively prosperous period for the black republic. They came principally as workers and small tradesmen, although a handful rose to positions of prominence. Ideology played a role in the migration, with some Jamaicans preferring life in an independent black state to life in a depressed colonial economy. This migration tapered off in the early twentieth century as the growth of plantations in Central America and Cuba, and work on the Isthmian canal, commanded a greater share of the regional labor pool.6 Haitian Protestantism, with its British and American roots and Ethiopian associations, fostered ideas that proved compatible with Garveyism.7 In 1924 Alonzo P. Holly, son of the Anglican bishop and black emigrationist James Theodore Holly, addressed a UNIA rally in New York City. Several other Haitians attended this event, at which Bishop George McGuire was present. ccxix

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Holly, introduced by Marcus Garvey, presented the assembly with a Haitian flag. His sister, Theodora Holly, spent a brief period as an editorial writer at the Negro World in 1925. Other foreign-born Protestants were also active. The UNIA leader and the St. Vincent–born clergyman S. E. Churchstone Lord served as an AME missionary in Haiti for seven years.8 The president of Haiti, Sudre Dartiguenave, sent a representative to the founding meeting of the Haitian branch of the UNIA. The discord that developed at the meeting reflects several conflicts occurring among Haitians. One of these involved the role that the resident Jamaican community could play in Haitian resistance to the U.S. occupation. The Jamaicans were bicultural but still considered outsiders. Most were working-class rather than members of the educated elite. Endorsement of Garveyism by highly placed Haitians might have increased Jamaican influence and privileged the English language, possibilities that many Haitians considered undesirable. These considerations also affected the reception given African Americans in Haiti.9 At the time the ruling elite was preponderantly mulatto and aware of Garvey’s subsequent negative perception of mulatto bourgeoisies. Correspondingly, a historic conflict that joined class and color made many black Haitians resent the political claims of the traditional aristocracy.10 To some, Garveyism offered the prospect of simultaneously divesting Haiti of both the Americans and the exploitative white elite. The Haitian government and opposition politicians alike might have also hoped to appropriate the UNIA for their own respective purposes. These tensions within Haitian society were no doubt at play at the meeting and contributed to its apparent failure. While certain Haitians were reaching out to the UNIA, others looked to the NAACP as the model of what a reformist approach could achieve. The antagonism felt between Garveyites and proponents of the NAACP in the United States existed between the two groups in Haiti as well. Some Haitian activists, notably Chrysostome Rosemond, cultivated relations with both sides in the North American dispute. The U.S. occupation authorities placed under surveillance Haitians who appeared to be Garveyites. They also kept a close watch over those affiliated with the Union Patriotique, a national liberation organization established with the assistance of the NAACP and the seat of activity for elite opponents of the occupation.11 The revival of interest in the UNIA resulted from Luc Dorsinville’s establishment of a Black Star Line agency in Haiti. Dorsinville claimed misinformation was sent to the Black Star Line headquarters in New York, and such misinformation could have derived from any of the sources described above or from other shipping companies active in Haiti. Additionally, certain U.S. officials perceived the Royal Bank of Canada as a potential financial and commercial rival in Haiti. Some even suspected Canadian business interests of abetting the spread of Garveyism in North America and the Caribbean. Further speculation was fueled by the fact that the current captain of the S.S. Yarmouth of the BSL was a white Canadian.12 ccxx

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Given the competing agendas and the strict surveillance undertaken by the U.S. Naval Intelligence, the Marine Corps, and the gendarmerie of Haiti (and perhaps by powerful private interests as well), it is a testimony to the strength of UNIA beliefs that ideas associated with it survived in Haiti into the mid-1920s. While the UNIA itself never became an important organization there, extant fragmentary membership lists indicate that it survived for some undetermined amount of time as a small group.13 Its philosophy fed nationalist thought already being developed in Haiti. This nationalism had a number of sources, which include the historic opposition of so-called Liberals and Nationalists in nineteenth-century Haiti; the peasant war against the U.S. Marines during the first six years of the occupation; the effort to analyze and legitimate vodun undertaken by Alonzo P. Holly and carried on by other Haitians; the rise of a nationalist literature during the 1920s in reaction to the loss of political freedom; and the institution of ethnology as a respected social science in Haiti by Jean Price Mars and Jacques Roumain.14 There were also contributing external factors to the growth of Haitian nationalism. On the political front, pan-Africanism challenged imperialism in formulating a reformist program. The development by 1920 of large urban communities of westernized blacks in North America and West Africa as a result of trade and industrialization facilitated the dissemination of black nationalist thought. (The U.S. occupation itself contributed to the growth of Port-auPrince and the centralization of administration in Haiti.)15 The decade of the 1920s has been widely celebrated as marking a change in western perception of blacks. To the extent that the First World War discredited the universalist cultural claims of imperialism, space was opened for the appreciation of jazz and other black cultural forms of expression, the African roots of cubism, and the literary and artistic creations of Africans and people of African descent. The era witnessed the formalization of negritude.16 The impact of the UNIA in Haiti cannot be assessed simply through the conventional analysis of membership statistics. Instead, its influence is part of a complex and broad range of political and cultural phenomena. The UNIA faced insurmountable structural barriers. It was an urban organization in an overwhelmingly rural country, the bulk of whose population did not speak any of the western lingua francas. It faced the implacable hostility of an occupying colonial power, the United States. Its doctrine of global organization on the basis of race subverted the nation-state model pursued by Haitian leaders.17 Its criticism of black exploitation of blacks, as in Liberia (and, ironically, as expressed by a Haitian official of the UNIA, Elie Garcia), did not sit well with affluent Haitians. The UNIA nevertheless helped to provide a vocabulary of revolt against foreign rule and served as an organizing tool in the early years of anti-American protest in the cities. BRENDA GAYLE PLUMMER 1. James O. Jackson, “The Origins of Pan-African Nationalism: Afro-American and Haytian Relations, 1800–1863” (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1976); Fordham Monroe, “Nine-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS teenth Century Black Thought in the United States: Some Influences of the Santo Domingo Revolution,” Journal of Black Studies 6, no. 2 (December 1975): 15–26; Howard Bell, ed., Black Separatism and the Caribbean, 1860, by James Theodore Holly and J. Dennis Harris (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1970); David P. Geggus, ed., The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2001). 2. Mimi Sheller, Democracy after Slavery: Black Publics and Peasant Radicalism in Haiti and Jamaica (London and Oxford: Macmillan, 2000), pp. 77–86, 227–240. 3. Ibid., pp. 71–77; Geggus, The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World. 4. W. F. Elkins, “Unrest among the Negroes: A British Document of 1919,” Science and Society 32 (Winter 1968): 66–79. 5. Hans Schmidt, The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1971); Brenda Gayle Plummer, Haiti and the United States: The Psychological Moment (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992); David Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race, Colour, and National Independence in Haiti (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 142–164. For a well-known contemporary account conveying the racism of U.S. attitudes in Haiti, see John Houston Craige, Black Bagdad: The Arabian Nights Adventure of a Marine Captain in Haiti (New York: Minton, Balch & Co., 1933). 6. General Report on the Republic of Hayti for the Year 1906, TNA: PRO FO 371/266; David M. Dean, “James Theodore Holly, 1829–1911, Black Nationalist and Bishop” (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, Austin, 1972), p. 147; S. Comhaire-Sylvain and J. Comhaire-Sylvain, “Urban Stratification in Haiti,” Social and Economic Studies 8 (1959): 183; J. Catts Pressoir, Le protestantisme en Haïti (Port-au-Prince: 1945), pp. 218–220. 7. African American emigration projects, which began under the government of Jean-Pierre Boyer and continued into the 1860s, also brought English-speaking Protestants to Haiti. See Loring Dewey, Correspondence relative to the Emigration to Hayti of the Free People of Colour in the United States (New York: Day, 1824); James T. Holly, “A Vindication of the Capacity of the Negro Race for Self-Government and Civilized Progress,” in Bell, ed., Black Separatism and the Caribbean, 1860; James Redpath, ed., A Guide to Hayti (1861; reprint, Westport, Conn.: Negro Universities Press, 1970). On the general history of Haitian Protestantism, see Pressoir, Le protestantisme haïtien; and Leslie Griffiths, A History of Methodism in Haiti (Port-au-Prince : Impr. de la Société biblique et des livres religieux d’Haïti, 1945). 8. NW, 26 July 1924; Ken Post, Arise Ye Starvelings: The Jamaica Labour Rebellion of 1938 and its Aftermath (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1978), p. 161. 9. Arthur Holly to James Weldon Johnson, 10 December 1920; Chrysostome Rosemond to James Weldon Johnson, 22 November 1920, both in James Weldon Johnson Collection, Yale University. 10. Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier. 11. John Russell, “Daily Diary Report” (12 July 1920), in DNA, RG 59, 838.00/1651; Rosemond to Johnson, 22 November 1920; Brenda Gayle Plummer, “The Afro-American Response to the Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934,” Phylon 43 (June 1982): 125–143. 12. “British Foreign and State Papers, Hayti and San Domingo, Hayti,” TNA: PRO FO 371/ 4481/1920. For differing firsthand accounts of some of the difficulties faced by the BSL, see Captain Hugh Mulzac, A Star to Steer By (New York: International Publishers, 1963) and Marcus Garvey, “Why the Black Star Line Failed,” both excerpted in John Hendrik Clarke, ed., Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), pp. 127–138, 139–149. 13. Universal Negro Improvement Association Archives, Records of the Central Division, New York, 1918–1959, Early Records Series, Box 1. 14. See Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, on the relation of nationalist thought in Haiti to some of these subsequent developments. 15. Michel-Rolph Troullot, Haiti: State against Nation: The Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1990). 16. On the close ties between Haiti, the Harlem renaissance, and the resistance to the U.S. occupation, see J. Michael Dash, Haiti and the United States: National Stereotypes and the Literary Imagination, 2nd edition (Basingstoke and London: Macmillan, 1997), pp. 45–72. 17. Garvey himself applauded the Haitian Revolution and made positive comments about plans for a Haitian University in the 1930s (Marcus Garvey, “The World as It Is,” BM, October 1935).

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Honduras It is unfortunate that the following documents on UNIA activity in Honduras between 1921 and 1922 do not shed light on issues critical to Honduran historiography. The documents reveal little about ethnic tensions between black West Indian communities and the Garifuna, the largest Honduran black community living then and now on the country’s Caribbean north coast.1 They also do not illuminate issues central to labor history and the role of foreign banana companies on the north coast.2 This is particularly unfortunate because since the 1980s Honduran scholars such as Mario Posas, Victor Meza, Mario Argueta, and Marvin Barahona have addressed the glaring absence of workingclass history, especially on the working peoples of the north coast, in Honduran historiography.3 Despite this new historiography of the 1980s and early 1990s, major issues have remained unresolved and important questions have yet to be addressed, including the significance of UNIA chapters established in Tela, El Porvenir, La Ceiba, and Trujillo. In Mario Argueta’s view, the following questions merit research: To what extent did the black West Indian workers incorporate themselves into the national culture and labor unions? Did they identify more with the corporation that contracted them and transferred them to Honduras, or with their class? Did they transcend the barriers of race, language, and customs of Hondurans? Did they become Hondurans in a cultural sense? How many remained and how many returned to their places of origin or even migrated to a third country?4 Important answers to these and other questions were first offered by Elisavinda Echeverri-Gent.5 Her most important contribution lies in her analysis of the role of race and ethnicity in the early history of the banana workers of the Honduran north coast. Her analysis and research on the presence of West Indian and other immigrant workers on banana plantations supersedes existing evaluations of the portrait evidenced in the quotes cited above but sadly gains little from the documents collected on Garveyism in Honduras. Preceding Echeverri-Gent, two other scholars briefly explored the issue of race and ethnicity in the early history of the banana plantation workers. In key ways they established the basis for Echeverri-Gent’s wider-ranging reflections. Antonio Murga Frassinetti, in a 1981 essay, discusses internal and external migrations to the north coast to build the banana railroads and work on the plantations.6 Like Echeverri-Gent, Murga Frassinetti lacks systematic data on workers employed on the banana plantations, but he does acknowledge the presence of West Indian labor as significant. He recognizes that the external deployment of West Indian workers to the north coast, especially by United Fruit, complicated greatly classic processes of working-class formation. He insightfully argues, for example, that “from the perspective of this proletariat’s composition, the classic ccxxiii

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domestic migration was combined with racial and national contradictions.” We can “hypothesize,” Murga Frassinetti states, that “ethnic-cultural” factors served as obstacles to “class unity.”7 While Murga Frassinetti leaves the issue at the level of a hypothesis, Mario Posas, the country’s most prominent labor historian, is much more conclusive about the situation. In Posas’s view the black West Indian presence on the banana plantations contributed to the “strengthening of ethnic stereotypes and the creation of racist sentiments in wide sectors of the population, including among the local workers.”8 “[I]mperialist banana capital,” he writes, “promoted the ‘black problem’ to increase its level of accumulation and to provoke internal divisions within its employees. We should underline the ability of imperialist banana capital to convert a problem with an economic basis into a racial issue.”9 Posas is implicitly confirming Murga Frassinetti’s hypothesis. The “ethnic-cultural factors” did indeed fracture class unity. Posas, however, does not draw out the implications of his answer. We are left to surmise that ethnicity represented only one of several “instruments” used by the banana companies to confront the working-class unity produced by structural determinations of the plantation complex. In this scenario “ethnicity is not at work” in the sense that it is an “ideological . . . means of structuring power relations” across class lines.10 In Posas’s view ethnicity is mostly an ideological pawn that complicates class conflict, struggle, and formation. Elisavinda Echeverri-Gent challenges these views. She acknowledges Posas’s short explorations of the race issue but emphasizes their superficiality, primarily attributed to the lack of available documentation, a problem that persists today.11 Whatever the reason, Posas’s work is devoid of a “systematic” and “in-depth” analysis of race and ethnicity in the process of class formation on the banana plantations.12 According to Echeverri-Gent, “absence of cooperation between these workers went beyond a divide and rule strategy devised by the fruit companies.”13 Indeed, “blatant racism on the part of the native workers and a well founded distrust towards them on the part of the blacks was equally, if not more, important in preventing any type of collective action.”14 Echeverri-Gent recovered the drama of the 1920s race and immigration debates and tried to make them central to the more general labor history of the period. In her view, West Indian laborers, recruited largely by United Fruit, “were the largest and most stable group” of proletarianized workers on the north coast during this time.15 Also, “these were rural workers, yet their relation to capital and their experience and organization in the work place was more akin to industrial labourers.”16 In these years West Indian ethnic identity became the basis for “collective action” against banana company exploitation.17 If this were the case, the UNIA documentation for Honduras suggests that Garveyism played an insignificant role in West Indian labor militancy on the Honduran north coast in this period, paralleling the case in Costa Rica.18

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In many ways Echeverri-Gent’s most critical claim, perhaps the cornerstone of her challenging new views, turns on the extent to which West Indians actually made up the “largest and most stable group” of workers between the 1890s and the early 1920s. Unfortunately, the only statistical evidence offered to support this claim involves a 1931 British estimate of about ten thousand West Indian workers on the north coast for 1929.19 This evidence is for the period after Honduran and Salvadoran laborers achieved predominance as workers on the banana plantations, an issue little understood and mostly ignored by virtually all commentators. Does this mean that between the 1890s and early 1920s the West Indian population was even higher, suggesting ethnicity was still the foundation of collective action during the period? Echeverri-Gent’s evidence for West Indian– led strikes in Honduras during this period is also very vague. Her dissertation offers only one example of a strike movement in 1919 led by “a British office employee” of the Cuyamel Fruit Company, an early competitor of United Fruit.20 Interestingly, the company in question was not the primary recruiter of West Indian labor to Honduras or anywhere else in the Caribbean. According to Echeverri-Gent, “the UF Co. was the most concerned with the issue of West Indian labour. The other companies mostly hired those who drifted away from the UF Co. farms.”21 Thus, we would have expected to find more evidence for West Indian collective action on United Fruit plantations, as was the case in Costa Rica, and as Echeverri-Gent so well documents. This issue also introduces another problem. In Honduras United Fruit only began building railroads and banana plantations in the mid- to late 1910s, because the corporation only secured its important concessions in 1912. The first banana company to build railroads on the Honduran north coast was the Cuyamel Fruit Company. Between 1908 and 1911 Cuyamel Fruit was built in northwestern Cortés, probably by Honduran and Salvadoran labor.22 United Fruit railroads in Honduras outdistanced those of Cuyamel Fruit after 1914, and its other competitor, Standard Fruit, was surpassed after 1918.23 Thus, it appears difficult to substantiate the claim that United Fruit imported so many West Indian laborers to Honduras that they constituted the majority of banana plantation workers before 1920. In fact, the available historiography, as well as our own research in U.S. consular reports from the north coast, offers almost no evidence of coordinated worker collective action against the companies before 1916.24 A 1916 strike movement led by mestizo workers against Cuyamel Fruit is recorded as the first of its kind on the Honduran north coast.25 Moreover, a review of the existing historiography and U.S. consular reports identifies fifteen strike movements on the north coast between 1916 and 1925. None of this evidence demonstrates West Indian ethnic-based leadership, nor UNIA-connected labor militancy.26 In some cases, as in the Cuyamel strike of 1916, black workers were used as strikebreakers. However, this does not ccxxv

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emerge as a pattern. Laborers from the country’s interior broke a strike on the La Ceiba wharf in 1920, home of Standard Fruit. In 1922 labor leaders at the first Central American Congress of Labor in Tegucigalpa, the Honduran capital, condemned imported black labor. The country’s first labor federations continued to racialize struggles against the banana companies in the late 1920s. Honduran Garveyism, however, did not seem intent on involving itself in the labor struggles of the period. One scholar, addressing the ethnic and racial tensions within the Honduran labor movement, found little evidence of a distinct black agenda. Echeverri-Gent’s own evidence supports these findings. She suggests that the lack of evidence for West Indian–led strikes and other forms of collective action in the British Archives, a primary source for her study, originated with the empire’s officials on the north coast. For example, “the British Consuls on the coast of Honduras appear to have been less diligent at reporting workers’ protests in the area [when compared to the Costa Rican case].”27 U.S. consular officials, who might have been more apprehensive about strikes than their British counterparts, also reported little strike activity prior to 1920. Nonetheless, Echeverri-Gent concludes, “it is difficult to believe that the earliest strikes on the banana plantations took place without the cooperation from the West Indians. By virtue of their considerable numbers in the plantations, they were a factor that could not be ignored. In 1916 they still made up the majority of the banana plantation workforce.”28 Given the evidence, the tentativeness of this conclusion is not only warranted but also difficult to sustain at all. Unfortunately, the UNIA documents do not help us clarify this critical problem in Honduran labor historiography or answer the broader question of blackness as a source of collective action. In Honduras the history of black ethnicities and the African diaspora before the 1980s remains only superficially engaged, often in testimonies by black protagonists in important events.29 Most of this literature lacks archival sources and access to current debates beyond Honduras. Most academic work on black identities in Honduras remains in the hands of anthropologists and literary critics whose focus is the contemporary situation.30 Historical work on the Garifuna has been done by Nancie González and William V. Davidson, but their work often has little systematic archival grounding and rarely engages broad historiographical trends.31 Thus, we cannot conclusively argue against an activist role for Garveyism in Honduras in the early 1920s, but neither the historical record, the historiography, nor the UNIA documents in this collection suggests a different conclusion. DARIO A. EURAQUE 1. Dario A. Euraque, “Blackness and Labor on the Honduran North Coast: The Historiography,” unpublished paper. 2. Euraque, “La Creación de la Moneda Nacional y el Enclave Bananero en la Costa Caribeña de Honduras: ¿En Busca de una Identidad Étnico-Racial?” YAXKIN, Revista del Instituto Hondureño de Antropología e Historia 14, nos. 1–2 (October 1996): 138–150; Euraque, “The Arab-Jewish Economic Presence in San Pedro Sula, the Industrial Capital of Honduras: Formative Years, 1880s–

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HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES 1930s,” Immigrants and Minorities 16, nos. 1–2 (March–July 1997): 94–124; Euraque, “The Banana Enclave, Nationalism and Mestizaje in Honduras, 1910s–1930s,” in At the Margins of the Nation-State: Identity and Struggle in the Making of the Laboring Peoples of Central America and the Hispanic Caribbean, 1860–1960, ed. Aviva Chomsky and Aldo Lauria (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998), pp. 151–168. 3. See, for instance, Mario Posas, Lucha ideológica y organización sindical en Honduras (1954– 65) (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Universitaria, 1980) and Las centrales de trabajadores en Honduras (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Guaymuras, 1987); Víctor Meza, ed., Antología del movimiento obrero Hondureño (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Universitaria, 1981); Marvin A. Barahona, El silencio quedó atrás: Testimonios de la huelga bananera de 1954 (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Guaymuras, 1994); and Mario Argueta, La gran huelga bananera (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Universitaria, 1995). 4. Mario Argueta, Historia de los sin historia (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Universitaria, 1992), p. 66. Elsewhere in Central America, particularly in Costa Rica, these issues have secured new and insightful scrutiny. See Aviva Chomsky, West Indian Workers and the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 1870–1940 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996). A now classic study is Phillipe I. Bourgois, Ethnicity at Work: Divided Labor on a Central American Banana Plantation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989). 5. Elisavinda Echeverri-Gent, “Labor, Class and Political Representation: A Comparative Analysis of Honduras and Costa Rica,” 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1988). This work covers about one hundred years, between the 1870s and the 1970s. Parts of the dissertation have been presented in scholarly conferences and published as articles. See Echeverri-Gent, “Forgotten Workers: British West Indians and the Early Days of the Banana Industry in Costa Rica and Honduras,” Journal of Latin American Studies Vol. 24, no. 2 (May 1992): 275–308. 6. Antonio Murga Frassinetti, “Economía primario exportadora y formación del proletariado: El caso centroamericano (1850–1920),” Economía Política 19 (September 1980–June 1981): 59–60, 76 n. 26. 7. Ibid. 8. Posas, “El surgimiento de la clase obrera Hondureña,” Anuario de Estudios Centroamericanos 9 (1983): 30. 9. Ibid., p. 32. 10. Bourgois, Ethnicity at Work, preface. 11. Echeverri-Gent, “Labor, Class, and Political Representation,” p. 13 n. 2. 12. Echeverri-Gent, “Forgotten Workers,” p. 276 n. 3. 13. Echeverri-Gent, “Labor, Class and Political Representation,” p. 41. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid., pp. 8, 43, 68. 16. Echeverri-Gent, “Forgotten Workers,” p. 276. 17. Echeverri-Gent, “Labor, Class and Political Representation,” p. 8. 18. Chomsky, West Indian Workers and the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 1870–1940, pp. 202–205. 19. Echeverri-Gent, “Labor, Class and Political Representation,” p. 59; Echeverri-Gent, “Forgotten Workers,” p. 283. 20. Echverri-Gent, “Labor, Class and Political Representation,” p. 91. However, in her 1992 article, Echverri-Gent confuses this strike with a 1916 movement when black strikebreakers were used (Echeverri-Gent, “Forgotten Workers,” p. 305). 21. Echeverri-Gent, “Forgotten Workers,” p. 299 n. 86. 22. A U.S consular report of 1918 reported that the Cuyamel Fruit Company was importing fifteen hundred Salvadoran laborers. “Paraphrase of a Message received from the U.S.S. Schurzs at Puerto Cortes,” Office of Naval Operations to Department of State (1/8/1918), USNA, RG 59, 815.00/1752. 23. Euraque, “Merchants and Industrialists in Northern Honduras: The Making of National Bourgeoisie in Peripheral Capitalism, 1870s–1972,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1990), p. 145. 24. A review of U.S. consular reports from the north coast between 1910 and 1917 found no evidence of strike movements at all. U.S. Archives, RG 59. 25. Posas, Luchas del movimiento obrero Hondureño (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universitaria Centroamericana, 1981), pp. 71–72. Posas cited newspaper accounts that reported the use of black strikebreakers.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 26. This point is implicitly supported in Thomas O’Brien’s chapter on Honduras in The Revolutionary Mission: American Enterprise in Latin America, 1900–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 80–106. 27. Echeverri-Gent, “Labor, Class snd Political Representation,” p. 100. 28. Echeverri-Gent, “Forgotten Workers,” p. 305. 29. Victor V. Lopez Garcia, La bahia de Puerto del Sol y la masacre de los garifuna de San Juan (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Guaymuras, 1994), and Santos centeno garcia, historia del movimiento negro Hondureno (Teguciglpa: Editorial Guaymuras, 1997). 30. Linda Craft, “Ethnicity, Oral Tradition, and the Processed Word: Construction of a National Identity in Honduras” (paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association conference, Washington, 28–30 September 1995); Sarah England, “Negotiating Race and Place in the Garifuna Diaspora: Identity Formation and Transnational Grassroots Politics in New York City and Honduras,” Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 6, no. 1 (1999). 31. Nancie L. González, Sojourners of the Caribbean: Ethnogenesis and Ethnohistory of the Garífuna (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988).

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Leeward Islands The Leeward Islands grouping of the northeastern Caribbean—consisting of the islands of Anguilla, Antigua, Barbuda, Montserrat, Nevis, St. Barthelemy, St. Kitts, and St. Martin—are not only in close physical proximity, but also have a long history of close political association.1 The documents included in the Caribbean series focus on the two main islands of the Leeward Islands, Antigua and St. Kitts. Some of the main sources used are police reports from the Leeward Islands Police Force for 1919 and 1920, indicating the close police surveillance of the activities of Garvey’s followers and their associates. The police openly attended and kept detailed written records of the public meetings convened by organizations that were associated with Garvey. The leaders of these organizations strongly suspected that the police also employed informers to infiltrate the membership.2 (It is, indeed, ironic and fortuitous that we are today indebted to this intrusive and disruptive police surveillance for much of our intimate knowledge of the leaders, membership, and operations of the organizations associated with Garvey.) These reports provide a close-up picture of the members of the local UNIA branches that brought Garvey’s message of African redemption, racial pride, and self-sufficiency to the disenfranchised black artisan and working class. Garveyism and Pan-African consciousness in general in the Leeward Islands found a receptive audience in the newly emerging black lower middle class of artisans, small and medium-sized businessmen, and petty traders, as well as a few small landed proprietors who had successfully established themselves in the islands of Antigua, Nevis, and Montserrat. It also drew support from the upper echelons of the small, black, urban working class, which included primarily port and sugar factory workers. The leadership of the local UNIA branches and affiliated organizations was drawn from the progressive members of a black literate elite whose social and educational backgrounds were very similar to Garvey’s. They included schoolteachers and newspaper publishers; master craftsmen, tradesmen, and businessmen; working-class leaders; and returning migrants who already had obtained leadership experience in the UNIA in America and elsewhere in the Caribbean. The high rate of participation by migrants and returning migrants in the top leadership of the Garvey movement of the Leeward Islands, and in affiliated organizations, highlights the very mobile character of the population of these island societies. J. M. Sebastian, the founding president of the St. Kitts chapter of the UNIA established in 1920, was an Antiguan, while Harold Wilson, the founding president of the UNIA chapter in Antigua established in 1923, was a Barbadian. International travel was a transforming experience in the lives of most of the native-born leaders. W. J. E. Butler, who succeeded Sebastian as president of the UNIA chapter in St. Kitts, was a returning migrant from the Dominican Republic. Joseph Nathan, George Wilkes, and Robert and James

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Brown, the guiding figures in the two main pro-Garvey organizations in St. Kitts and Antigua, were returning migrants from the United States. The Garvey movement also extended a welcoming arm to women, and the UNIA is possibly the only contemporary social organization in the Leeward Islands that was open to both men and women, with women having equal rights of membership and access to leadership roles. The documents thus record the involvement of a Mrs. Williams of Sandy Point, St. Kitts, a returning migrant from the United States, who addressed a meeting of the Universal Benevolent Association (UBA) on 13 July 1920. They also record the participation of Mrs. Rhoda Richards, lady president and member of the founding executive of the St. Kitts UNIA chapter. The documents reveal the existence of a small number of race- and classconscious activists who traversed the island chain of the eastern Caribbean bearing the message of Pan-African unity, racial pride, workers’ rights, and anticolonialism. Individuals such as “Doctor” Arlington Newton had begun making lecture tours throughout the islands before the end of World War I, playing a key role in the establishment of the two radical organizations in Antigua and St. Kitts, the UUU and the UBA. Samuel Augustus Duncan, founder of the West Indian Protective Society of America in 1916, was in regular communication with the leaders of the UBA in his native St. Kitts and, as the documents show, addressed a public meeting of the UBA during his visit in 1919. Perhaps the most remarkable and neglected of these early, peripatetic, West Indian activists was John Sydney de Bourg, a Grenadian who had resided for a considerable period in Trinidad. There he became a leader of the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association opposing the moderate leadership of Alfred Richards, who had focused on a peaceful campaign for constitutional reform, in favor of militant agitation. De Bourg regularly traveled the eastern Caribbean on lecture tours and maintained close communications with the radical leaders of the British Leeward and Windward Islands until migrating to the United States in July 1920, originally to attend Garvey’s First International Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World. Thereafter, de Bourg remained in the United States, becoming an officer of the UNIA parent organization. Personalities such as John Sydney de Bourg, Arlington Newton, Augustus Duncan, J. Matthew Sebastian, Harold Wilson, George Weston, Joseph Nathan, George Wilkes, and Robert and James Brown seldom gain mention in the general histories of the region. The publication of these documents will help to remove the veil of ignorance and silence that shrouds the activities of most of these early leaders in the eastern Caribbean and bring to light their anti-colonial agitation and Pan-African ideas during the interwar years. Their ideological beliefs and principles were clearly and openly enunciated to both their working-class followers and the British colonial authorities. Demonstrating his uncompromising opposition to white colonial rule and to the continued economic domination by the white plantocracy, Joseph Nathan declared at a public meeting held by the UBA in September 1917: ccxxx

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It is not today since we have been suffering under the oppression of the whites. The black people must reign . . . and the black people are going to reign in St. Kitts.3 The Leeward Islands documents commence in 1919, but to understand fully the response of the British colonial officials and the officers of the colonial police force to the Garvey movement it is essential to provide a detailed background outlining the political developments in the Leeward Islands during World War I. The onset of war in 1914 had initially disrupted the sugar trade and brought serious economic dislocation to the Leeward Islands. However, as the wartime price for sugar increased, the profitability of the Leeward Islands sugar industry rebounded.4 In November 1916, in St. Kitts, three radical labor leaders, Frederick Solomon, Joseph Nathan, and George Wilkes, along with two progressive individuals from the colored middle class, W. A. H. Seaton and A. St. Clair Podd, founded the St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union. The colonial administration responded immediately with the passage of the Trade and Labour Unions (Prohibition) Ordinance which made the formation of a trades or labor union a criminal offence punishable by six months imprisonment or a fine of £50.5 Frederick Solomon, Joseph Nathan, and George Wilkes persisted and established the UBA as a friendly society in 1917. In May 1916 the independently wealthy Antiguan brothers, Robert and James Brown, founded the UUU after a visit by “Professor” Arlington Newton, who was deported and prohibited from returning to the Leeward Islands. The UUU was subsequently registered under the Friendly Society Act of 1880, and continued with its aim of organizing the labor force by combining, in the words of the Leeward Islands governor, “useful work as a friendly society with underground instruction of the labourer as to his rights and downtrodden condition.”6 The years 1916 to 1921 were critical times for the Leeward Islands colony, and it was largely the political agitation of these race-conscious leaders that made it so. Following the prohibition of trade unions in St. Kitts, the Leeward Islands acting governor requested a British warship after a brawl broke out during the traditional Christmas masquerades.7 The governor explained to the secretary of state for the colonies that he had found, in St. Kitts, the “white and colored population, with a few exceptions, in a great state of alarm” because someone had posted a placard threatening the magistrates and police. A subinspector of police reported to the governor that he had observed “a spirit of lawlessness and an amount of racial feeling which he had never before seen.”8 Violent disturbances broke out in Antigua in March 1918 in the form of a racially hostile and bloody labor conflict. The month opened with attempts to organize an island-wide general strike in opposition to efforts by the sugar estates to impose a new method of wage payment that threatened to reduce the workers’ recently increased weekly pay. The feared wage reductions were further exacerbated by severe drought conditions that had led to a dramatic shortfall in the amount of cane to be cut. There were strikes on several large rural ccxxxi

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estates, and, in the urban areas, supporters of the UUU, such as George Weston and John Furlong, visited estates surrounding the capital town, St. Johns, urging workers to join the strike and encouraging cane fires.9 The labor unrest in Antigua culminated in a labor riot in St. Johns, in which two rioters were killed and fourteen persons wounded by the colonial defense force. Armed troops from the Canadian Artillery stationed in St. Lucia were dispatched to restore peace to the island.10 The public and underground agitation undertaken by the UBA and the UUU compelled an increase in wages from an average daily rate for male workers of 10d. to 1/– in 1915 to a rate of 1/– to 1/8d. by 1917.11 Despite the rebounding of sugar prices after the outbreak of World War I, however, no wage increases were conceded by the sugar estate proprietors or the sugar factories until after the formation of the two labor organizations in Antigua and St. Kitts. The colonial administrator of St. Kitts, Major J. A. Burdon, indirectly acknowledged the role of these radical labor organizations in securing these wage increases. He requested that the acting governor in Antigua suppress the section of the Leeward Islands Blue Books for 1916 relating to wages because “the St. Kitts agitators cannot fail to be fortified by a reference to their achievements in a government publication.”12 A general wage increase of 25 percent was conceded at the commencement of the 1917 sugar crop in St. Kitts partly at the urging of the acting governor. He had been previously warned by the chief inspector of police in St. Kitts that laborers expected a wage increase and strikes were likely if there were no concessions by the planters. However, the wage concessions failed to deter an outbreak of cane burning and brief strikes by sugar workers seeking to further improve their wages and living standards through militant action.13 Despite the introduction of repressive legislation and continuous police surveillance, both radical organizations continued in their efforts to mobilize the black working class in Antigua and St. Kitts. In 1917 the UBA successfully organized several industrial strikes, including a sugar factory workers’ strike in August, a port workers’ strike in September, and a strike on two rural sugar estates in October. After a period of industrial peace, a new wave of labor unrest inspired by the activities of the UBA broke out in 1920. There were strikes on three sugar estates and one at a privately owned printery accompanied by a short-lived attempt to establish a printers’ union. Telephone cables were deliberately cut in several areas, indicating possible plans for organized island-wide protest, but the presence of a British warship in the harbor ensured the maintenance of public order. The security provided by a British naval presence permitted the sugar estate owners and the colonial authorities to deal harshly with this outbreak of social unrest. Four of the striking sugar workers were prosecuted under the Masters and Servants Act of 1849 and jailed for one month.14 The successful mobilization of the Antiguan working class under the leadership of the UUU, however, received a severe setback when a split occurred in the organization in 1917. Under the leadership of one of its foundccxxxii

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ers who was a Garveyite, C. O. Sheppard, a breakaway faction supported primarily by rural estate workers who were members or supporters of the UUU established a rival body, the Antigua Progressive Union Benefit Society. The rival organization adopted a less adversarial approach and agreed by negotiation with the Planters Association to the introduction of the new method of payment by the ton for cut cane for the start of the 1918 sugar crop.15 The islandwide general strike had been promoted by the UUU and won greatest support from the urban port workers, its main followers; workers on sugar estates close to the capital town, St. Johns, as well as workers on several rural estates. The labor agitation undertaken by these race-conscious labor leaders had thrown the Leeward Islands colony into deep and prolonged political turmoil, alarming the local colonial authorities and ultimately the British imperial government. The acting governor of the Leeward Islands, in a confidential dispatch to the secretary of state for the colonies, blamed the public speeches made by these leaders for “the awakening of the resentment of the Negro against the white man which is the most dangerous feature of recent history in St. Kitts and Antigua.”16 The radical labor organizations established in the main islands of the Leeward Islands during these years commanded wide support from the laboring population. The UUU had recruited 4,174 members by 1917 (2,000 of whom were fully paid up).17 With a recorded labor force of 12,253 workers, according to the Leeward Islands 1911 census, the UUU had enrolled over one-third of the Antiguan labor force.18 Similarly, in St. Kitts the UBA claimed at its first public meeting in May 1917 to have signed up over 2,000 members. However, in August, it officially reported 1,500 members to the registrar of friendly societies.19 With a recorded labor force of 13,806 in 1911, falling dramatically to 7,908 by 1921, the UBA exercised significant influence over a considerable portion of the St. Kitts labor force.20 There can be little doubt that these Pan-African labor leaders had been able to build up substantial labor movements and posed a significant challenge to the British colonial authorities. It was in this political atmosphere that Augustus Duncan, John Sydney de Bourg, and “Professor” Arlington Newton visited and lectured in the Leeward Islands in 1919 and 1920. The prevailing socioeconomic conditions made the black working class receptive to the message of racial and class solidarity. The state of social dependence of the black working class, which assumed an extreme form on the island of St. Kitts, was buttressed by the land monopoly exercised by the sugar estate proprietors. Almost all of the rural villages in St. Kitts were built on estate land, and access to land was conditional upon regular employment on the sugar estate.21 The racial intolerance of the white estate proprietors in St. Kitts, and of white employers and government officials in general, lay behind the absolute social deference and obeisance that they demanded from the black working-class population.22 White racial attitudes in St. Kitts largely explain the overt racial and class hatred expressed by workingclass leaders such as Anthony Harris, the boatman who led the port workers on that island, and George Wilkes.23 ccxxxiii

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Racial tensions, while present, were far more muted in Antigua than in St. Kitts. The chief inspector of police in Antigua did accuse the leaders of the UUU of regularly reading details of Negro lynchings in the United States from American newspapers. He claimed that the Brown brothers had privately declared that “if the black people [in Antigua] hold together, they will have their own Governor, a black man, and that the black man will own all the estates.”24 Such statements were apparently not made in public. The Antiguan labor leaders generally displayed a higher level of public restraint as compared to their counterparts in St. Kitts. This could perhaps be explained by the greater levels of social interdependence and class collaboration imposed on both the Antiguan planter class and the laboring population due to regular and extended periods of drought lasting, at times, as long as two to three years.25 The organizational split in the UUU in 1917 was engineered by leaders of the rural sugar workers, many of whom were willing to pursue a much less confrontational strategy in their relationship with the sugar planters. Drought conditions in 1918 did provide the occasion for the worker unrest and labor riot that occurred during the year. However, the exceptional levels of militancy displayed by the rioting workers reflected their deep-seated anger and discontent with the sugar planters and the sugar factory owners. The employers, at a time when the Leeward Islands sugar industry was making super profits, had abandoned the customary social cooperation during times of drought and violated the norms of “moral economy” by imposing a payment system that threatened to reduce worker income. The widespread race consciousness and Pan-African solidarity witnessed in the Leeward Islands during the first two decades of the twentieth century preceded, but fed into, the formal establishment of UNIA chapters on the individual islands. The labor leaders who emerged during the labor unrest of the period 1916 to 1920 were often the main agents in spreading the influence and message of Garvey and the UNIA among their followers. J. M. Sebastian, president of the UBA and editor and publisher of the working-class newspaper, the Union Messenger, founded the St. Kitts chapter of the UNIA in 1920.26 In Antigua, C. O. Sheppard, an early leader of the UUU, regularly circulated the Negro World among the members of the Antigua Progressive Union Benefit Society that he founded in 1917.27 Following the appointment of the Barbadian Percival Burrows as first assistant secretary of the UNIA at its annual convention of August 1923, there was a new drive to establish UNIA divisions in the Caribbean. A new UNIA chapter was established in Antigua in 1923, and the recently arrived Harold Wilson from Barbados became its first president.28 The political failure of the early working-class organizations and the inability of the UNIA chapters established in the Leeward Islands to attract a considerable following, despite the prevailing socioeconomic conditions, can be explained by one dominant historical factor: mass emigration. Large-scale emigration by the black laboring population of the Leeward Islands to U.S. dollar employment opportunities on the American-owned plantations in the Dominiccxxxiv

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can Republic, Puerto Rico, and, to a lesser extent, Cuba, devastated the embryonic, race-conscious, working-class movements which had begun to establish roots in the islands. Potential recruits for this emerging movement, the young and discontented workers, were the ones who were also most likely to emigrate.29 The high level of emigration had a devastating impact on the island populations. The census figures showed a decline in the Antiguan population from 31,394 inhabitants in 1911 to 28,864 in 1921. The decline in St. Kitts was even sharper, falling from 26,283 in 1911 to 22,415 by 1921.30 The loss of potential recruits was compounded by the departure of several of the leading figures of this movement. John Sydney de Bourg and, apparently, “Professor” Arlington Newton, emigrated permanently in 1920. C. O. Sheppard of Antigua migrated to the United States after 1925, and George Wilkes of St. Kitts returned there also in the late 1920s. The islands’ collective loss proved a gain for the UNIA. It is striking how many individuals from these small islands who had migrated during this or an earlier period held offices at the highest levels within the UNIA. These include S. Augustus Duncan from St. Kitts, who was elected third vice president of the UNIA in 1917 and who, in the following year, tried to seize the presidency from Marcus Garvey. Prominent Antiguans include Bishop George Alexander McGuire, the first chaplain-general of the UNIA and, later, the first bishop of the African Orthodox Church that was associated with the UNIA; Rev. Richard Hilton Tobitt, who was elected to the UNIA executive in 1920, holding the position of the Leader of the Negroes of the West Indies, Eastern Province; Rev. George Auesby Weston, who was successively the president of the Pittsburgh division of the UNIA and the district arbitrator for western Pennsylvania, the president of the Cleveland division, the vice president of the New York division, and then was elected the president-general of the breakaway UNIA, Inc.; C. O. Sheppard who, although not holding a leading position in the UNIA, became a bishop in the African Orthodox Church; and Charles Lionel James, who was the president-general of the UNIA from 1928 to 1937. These are only the most prominent individuals. Other migrants from these islands would have performed at various official levels within the extensive UNIA organization. Although several of these individuals, notably Augustus Duncan, Bishop McGuire, and Rev. George Weston, had significant differences with Garvey and left or were expelled from the UNIA, most of them retained a lifelong commitment to the cause of African redemption and the other Pan-African ideals and objectives of the UNIA. Bishop McGuire, who was removed from the position of chaplain-general in 1921, temporarily resigned and joined the African Blood Brotherhood of the Nevisian-born Cyril Briggs. He, however, returned to the UNIA after Garvey’s imprisonment in 1925 and was instrumental in drafting a 1926 petition to W. W. Husbands, U.S. Commissioner for Immigration, calling for Garvey’s release from prison.31 After George Weston’s expulsion from the UNIA in 1926 for rebellion against Marcus Garccxxxv

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vey’s leadership, he organized the Pioneer Negroes of the World and was ordained a deacon in the African Orthodox Church. After his return to Antigua in 1953, Weston organized the African Orthodox Evangelical Mission.32 Despite a notable decrease in the levels of working-class militancy as the 1920s unfolded, due mainly to increased migration, there was heightened internal vigilance on the part of the colonial authorities. This was largely accounted for by the consciousness-raising effects of the Negro World and other Garveyite publications and the propaganda impact of the sale of shares in the Black Star Line. The early years of the 1920s witnessed the almost total immersion of the leaders of the UUU and the UBA, along with other leaders such as C. O. Sheppard, in promoting the ideas and objectives of the UNIA. They were also marked by popular manifestations of mass enthusiasm about the BSL. The failure of the BSL shipping company and Garvey’s legal problems in the United States undermined these developments, and the years 1923 to 1932 saw a marked decline in both working-class militancy and race consciousness as the Leeward Islands entered a period of relative political quiescence. The social and personal divisions between the self-taught, secular, politically militant, selfmade men, such as the Brown brothers, Joseph Nathan, and George Wilkes, who had founded the proto–trade union organizations, and the more highly educated, spiritually oriented, and politically moderate professionals, such as J. M. Sebastian and Harold Wilson, who had founded the local UNIA chapters, became more sharply accentuated. Several of the early trade union leaders, such as the Brown brothers, retired from public life, and others, such as George Wilkes, emigrated. Joseph Nathan began a virtually one-man campaign on behalf of workers’ rights. Meanwhile, the lower middle-class professionals such as Harold Wilson and J. M. Sebastian of St. Kitts became increasingly engaged in a search for social respectability. Most of their energies were directed toward the publication of their respective newspapers, the Union Messenger and the Antigua Magnet, and the management of their printeries. By 1927 Sebastian was helping to revive the St. Kitts Taxpayers Association, a middle-class organization formed in 1922 to oppose an attempt by the colonial government to introduce an income tax. Harold Wilson directed his attention increasingly to philanthropic activities including the presidency of the Antigua Agricultural Association, Ltd., an organization dedicated to the assistance of peasant farmers, and active involvement in various local lodges. These developments were further compounded by a growing tendency within the Garveyite movement of the Leeward Islands to divorce the categories of race and class and focus on the distinct social concerns of each category within the different branches of the broader movement. In St. Kitts, the replacement of labor leader J. M. Sebastian by the Garveyite organizer W. J. E. Butler as president of the local UNIA chapter led to a specialization in functions between the UBA, which now focused mainly on its trade union role, and the Butler-led UNIA chapter, which became increasingly a race-conscious social club divorced from its working-class roots. As the St. Kitts documents ccxxxvi

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show, there were less common activities and fewer common mentions of the members of these distinct bodies in the same official document. Harold Wilson, the president of the UNIA chapter in Antigua, despite his philanthropic aim of improving living conditions for the workers, actively discouraged the growth of working-class consciousness and sought instead to promote better working conditions and living standards through social cooperation between the black working class, the colored middle class, and the predominantly white urban employers. Relatively little is known about the Antiguan UNIA chapter under Wilson’s leadership, and its social influence appears to have been limited. Removed from their working-class base, the UNIA chapters in the Leeward Islands rapidly became the province of a socially isolated assortment of race-conscious and literate individuals from the black lower middle class.33 Indeed, in St. Kitts, Butler’s brass orchestra soon became the only channel through which contact was maintained between the local UNIA chapter and the black working-class population.34 The brutal suppression of the labor disturbances in Antigua in 1918 imposed a period of quiescence on the Antiguan labor movement as the Brown brothers slowly withdrew from radical politics and focussed increasingly on their commercial activities. Harold Wilson subsequently became president of the UUU and continued in this role until 1933, when he established the Antigua Workingmen’s Association (AWA).35 When the new wave of labor unrest was ushered in with the depressed economic conditions of the 1930s, the old Garveyite leaders were largely displaced by a new group of colored middle-class individuals. Harold Wilson was ousted from his position in the AWA by a more militant faction in 1937, and the leadership of the Antiguan labor movement was subsequently assumed by a colored middle class jeweler, Reginald Stevens. In St. Kitts the Workers League was established under colored middle-class leadership in 1932, and J. M. Sebastian and Joseph Nathan both deferred to the new middle-class champion of labor in St. Kitts, Thomas Manchester, whose colored family were small estate owners. Marcus Garvey’s visit to Antigua and St. Kitts in 1937 came on the heels of heated electoral campaigns in which the new colored labor leaders, Reginald Stevens and Manchester, were elected to the newly reconstituted legislative councils of the Leeward Islands as representatives of labor. Garvey’s message and his very presence, although both significant and inspirational, were largely overshadowed by the dramatic political changes then reshaping the islands. The open opposition to expressions of racial and, in many instances, class consciousness by these new middle-class labor leaders, such as Manchester, Stevens, and Randolph Lockhart, helped to transform the nascent trade union movement into a “responsible” and “disciplined” social force organized along British lines. With the newly formed trade unions harnessed and, to a great extent, subordinated to the nationalist cause of self-government by their middle-class leaders, the earlier ideal of Pan-African solidarity disappeared from the ranks of the labor movement. ccxxxvii

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The first two decades of the twentieth century, with their deepening of racial consciousness and working-class militancy, witnessed the most significant political challenge faced by British imperial rule in the sub-region since the abolition of slavery. These conditions largely explain the paranoiac response of the British imperial government and local colonial authorities to the activities and ideas of Marcus Garvey, the UNIA, and Garvey’s associates in the Leeward Islands. These documents thus open a window to a past era in the eastern Caribbean, taking us back to a now largely forgotten time when it must have seemed that the long history of British colonial rule and economic and racial domination by a white planter class was finally about to end—not through peaceful negotiations between the British imperial government and middleclass representatives but by popular action. The ideas and events described in these documents so far have been largely ignored in the written history of the region and are only now beginning to receive the attention that they deserve. Similarly, the personalities who emerge in these pages are entitled to a far more prominent place in the history of the region and of the Pan-African movement in general. The publication of these papers is a small tribute to and a long delayed remembrance of the important pioneering roles that they have played in the cause of both African redemption and Caribbean liberation. GLEN RICHARDS 1. The British Leeward Islands group adopted a federal constitution in 1705. Primarily for defensive reasons, however, the islands remained separate colonies with their own gubernatorial administrations. In 1871 the islands were united into a single federal colony (which included Dominica until 1940) by the passage of the Leeward Islands Act in the British Parliament. This administrative arrangement was finally terminated in 1956, and the islands once more became separate colonies in preparation for individual entry into the failed British West Indies Federation of 1958–1962 (See C. Kelsick, “The Constitutional History of the Leewards,” CQ 6 [1960]: 177–209). 2. Excluded from a private meeting between “Professor” Arlington Newton and the members of the Antiguan Ulotrichian Universal Union (UUU) held on 30 June 1920, the police still had details of the meeting from a “confidential source” (see “Notes of Meetings of the Antigua Local Ulotrichian Society,” ca. 3 July 1920, TNA: PRO CO 318/355/6964). 3. Quoted in J. A. Burdon to Thomas Alexander Vans Best, 7 September 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/356/108212. 4. C. Y. Shepherd, “Report on the St. Kitts-Nevis Sugar Industry,” appendix 2, factory data, 1912–1934, p. 77. 5. Trade and Labour Unions (Prohibition) Ordinance, no. 9 of 1916, TNA: PRO CO 240/26. 6. Best to Long, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/358/108353. 7. A British warship was unavailable, but the French warship, Jeanne d’Arc, was invited to the island and remained until the New Year’s masquerades were over (Best to Long, 11 January 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/354). 8. Best to Long, 11 January 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/354. 9. On Friday, 8 March 1918, John Furlong, accompanied by George Weston, Joseph Collins (alias “Willie Dean”) and Sonny Price, visited several sugar estates bordering on St. Johns. Their purpose was to enforce a general strike called by the UUU following the attempt by the sugar factory and the sugar planters to impose a new method of payment for cane cutting. The attempt by the police to arrest George Weston and Joseph Collins at the Point, a working-class district of St. Johns adjacent to the port, led to extensive rioting in the city. Furlong was apparently arrested during the disorder but escaped the police car and returned to join the riot, where he was shot and killed by the police. Local legend has it that Furlong was waving a red bandana above his head like a red flag at the time of his shooting (Proceedings in the Court Martial, Rex v. George Western and Joseph Collins, Sworn Testimony of Edwin Ernest Thomas, Corporal of the Leeward Islands Police

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HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES Force, 9 March 1918; Sworn Testimony of Colonel Edward Bell, Chief of Police, 11 March 1918, enc. Best to Long, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/358/108353). Weston was later identified as leading a crowd of workers who tried to prevent police from extinguishing fires on an estate a mere one hundred yards from Government House in St. Johns (Bell to Acting Colonial Secretary, 21 March 1918, enc. Best to Long, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/358/108353; Rex v. George Western [sic] and Joseph Collins, enc, Best to Long, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/ 358/108353; see also letter from R. Hodge, “An Antiguan,” printed in NW, 19 March 1921). 10. See Paget Henry, Peripheral Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Antigua (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, Inc., 1985), p. 82; Glen Richards, “Friendly Societies and Labour Organisation in the Leeward Islands, 1912–1919” in Before and After 1865: Education, Politics and Regionalism in the Caribbean, ed. B. Moore and S. Wilmot (Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publications, 1998), pp. 146–148. The quantity of stones removed from the streets after the riot were calculated by the chief of police to weigh between two and three tons (Bell to Acting Colonial Secretary, 21 March 1918, enc. Best to Long, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/358/108353). 11. “Average Daily Wage Rates,” LIBB, 1915–1917, X3. 12. In St. Kitts, agricultural wages increased by 17–28 percent during the 1916 crop and by a further 14–33 percent at the start of the 1917 crop. Extract from a report on the LIBB, 1916–1917, by Major J. A. Burdon, administrator of St. Kitts, enc. Best to Long, 30 October 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/356. 13. Best to Long, 10 January, 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/354/108160. 14. Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants: The Growth of the Labour Movement in St. Christopher-Nevis, 1896–1956” (Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1989), pp. 220–229. 15. Best to Long, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/358/108353. 16. Ibid. 17. Caroline Carmody, “First among Equals: Antiguan Patterns of Local-level Leadership” (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1978). In June 1918 C. O. Sheppard of the Antigua Progressive Union Friendly Society claimed a membership of 3,000. It is not clear how many were members at the time of the split or had become members after (Testimony of C. O. Sheppard to the Commission of Inquiry on Wages, quoted in Memorandum by Chief Justice Fred Maxwell, 28 August 1918, enc., Best to Long, 25 September 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/360/108353). 18. The proportion of the Antiguan labor force enrolled in the UUU was probably higher because the total number of workers declined considerably after 1911 due to large-scale emigration. The 1921 census gave the size of the Antigua labor force as 10,797 (Leeward Islands Census, 1911 and 1921). 19. Daily Bulletin, 9 June 1917; Best to Long, 24 August 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/356. 20. Leeward Islands Census, 1911 and 1921. 21. Contrary to claims made by Augustus Duncan, the Masters and Servants Act did not stipulate that estate workers who lived on an estate were contracted to that estate. The system of land tenure and customary practice in St. Kitts dictated that. In 1920 the sugar estates in St. Kitts occupied 78 percent of the total land area. With all of the remainder described as either uncultivable or prohibited from cultivation in order to protect the watershed, the land monopoly of the estate proprietors on that island was complete. Estate proprietors were able to use access to land as a means for compelling laborers to work on their estates (Richards, “Masters and Servants,” pp. 74–77; Katherine Burdon, A Handbook of St. Kitts-Nevis (London: West India Committee, 1920), pp. 141– 144). 22. The racial attitudes and fears of white employers and colonial officials in St. Kitts were seldom concealed. Captain Archibald Roger, the acting administrator and part owner of the 2,372acre Wingfield estate, the largest in the island, wrote to the acting governor: “We must remember that the Black has no love for the White man, and if the time comes when he gets the upper hand, God, help the white community” (Roger to Best, 15 November 1916, enc. Best to Long, 10 January 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/354/108160). Roger’s expression of his racial views is not unique in the colonial records of St. Kitts. In 1896, after a violent and island-wide labor disturbance, James Burns, in a personal letter to Sydney Olivier, then an undersecretary in the Colonial Office, expressing his gratitude for the chance arrival of a British warship and its role in putting down the disturbances, remarked: “I have a full knowledge of the nigger and I know that full of rum and excited by plunder, the quasi-civilisation of the last fifty years falls from him and leaves him a greater savage than his African ancestors” (Burns to Olivier, 24 February 1896, enc., John Fleming to Joseph Chamberlain, 28 February 1896, TNA: PRO CO 152/202/116065).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 23. A sample of Harris’s public statements can be found in these volumes; see Sergeant Henry James Geen to Major W. E. Wilders, 25 May 1920, SKNNA, 736/143. 24. Bell to Acting Colonial Secretary (n.d.), enc. Best to Long, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/353/108353. 25. The regular incidence of drought in Antigua played a decisive part in the agreement by the Antiguan planters in 1833 to forego the apprenticeship system and move directly into “full freedom.” The Antiguan planter assembly, in making its case to bypass apprenticeship, argued that: “a large portion of the population, whether bond or free, could not hope for the means of subsistence except by some laborious occupation in one of these frequent periods of long drought especially to which we are almost annually subject” (Antigua Assembly, 2 November 1833, quoted in F. R. Augier and S. G. Gordon, Sources of West Indian History (London: Longmans Group Ltd., 1962), pp. 146–147). 26. See J. Matthew Sebastian, St. Kitts, to J. R. Ralph Casimir, 16 October 1920, JRRC. 27. Carmody, “First among Equals,” pp. 162–163. 28. It is not clear whether Percival Burrows encouraged his countryman, Harold Wilson, to resettle in Antigua. 29. Among the young emigrants of this time period was seventeen-year-old Charles Lionel James (President General of the UNIA from 1928 to 1937) who left Antigua for New York in 1922. An ardent supporter of the UNIA, he met Marcus Garvey on 19 April 1922, soon after his arrival. He informed Garvey of the strong support that the UNIA and the BSL enjoyed in Antigua and learned of the many personal contacts that Garvey had cultivated in his home island. Charles James joined the New York division of the UNIA and was soon elected first vice president. In 1927 he was transferred to Newark, New Jersey, and served as president of the Newark division for the year. He also served contemporaneously as a commissioner for the states of Arkansas, Kansas, and Ohio. In 1929 he was transferred to Gary, Indiana, to serve as president of the Gary division. James held various positions in the UNIA interrupted only by his service in World War II. James observed that: “My involvement in the UNIA engulfed my whole life” (see Jeannette Smith Irwin, Marcus Garvey’s Footsoldiers of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press Inc., 1989), pp. 64–72). 30. The total population of Nevis declined from 13,087 to 11,569 over the same period (Bonham Richardson, Caribbean Migrants: Environment and Human Survival on St. Kitts and Nevis (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983), pp. 93–132). 31. McGuire’s signature headed the petition that he had organized along with Amy Jacques Garvey (MGP 6: 383–392). 32. MGP 3: 692–693, n. 3. 33. The close correspondence between the three pro-Garvey labor leaders and newspaper proprietors Harold Wilson, J. M. Sebastian, and J. Ralph Casimir could suggest close inter-island cooperation and planning. It could also be strong evidence of their growing social isolation. The despondency and pessimism that Harold Wilson refers to in his 1930 letter to Casimir was probably as much a personal statement as a reflection of the general outlook in Antigua (see Wilson to Casimir, Editor, Tribune, 11 July 1930, JRRC). 34. The marginalization of the working-class elements in local branches of the UNIA is not unique to the Leeward Islands. Judith Stein points to a similar process in the UNIA chapter in New Orleans orchestrated by Marcus Garvey himself. The working-class leaders of the chapter were replaced in 1921 and 1922 by middle-class organizers who were dispatched by UNIA headquarters in New York in an attempt “to woo the more substantial members of the black community” (Judith Stein, The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986], pp. 180–183). 35. West India Royal Commission, 1938–1939, Memorandum of Evidence by Harold T. Wilson, 31 December 1938, TNA: PRO CO 950/483.

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Panama and the Canal Zone Garveyism in Panama arose out of the country’s tradition of international transit, which since the mid-nineteenth century had attracted repeated influxes of West Indian immigration. Panama’s fate was sealed in 1513 when Vasco Núñez de Balboa caught a glimpse of the Pacific Ocean, initiating the flow of people and commerce across the narrow isthmus. More than three centuries later, and after a war with its southern neighbor, the United States stripped Mexico of its northern territories, and soon U.S. settlers began to develop the gold fields of California. In response to the rising demand for transportation to the West Coast, New York interests secured a concession from the Colombian government to construct a railway across Panama. The Panama Railroad Company undertook this project between 1850 and 1855, connecting Panama City to the newly created port of Colón.1 Given the shortage of labor on the isthmus, the company recruited heavily in the British Caribbean, whose colonial governments generally favored emigration from the islands. In the 1830s slavery had ended in the region, and its sugar economy had long fallen into decline, leaving a growing population with few economic opportunities. The West Indians, who were also considered to be resistant to tropical disease, thus became a source of exploitable labor. Some five thousand West Indians, mostly from Jamaica, eventually arrived to work in Panama, beginning what George Westerman identified as “one of the most salient features” of isthmian history: the “impact of successive waves of Caribbean immigrants.”2 Hundreds of West Indians died during the railroad construction, and while others left Panama after its completion, some remained on the isthmus to establish permanent communities. “This early trickle of workers,” noted Elizabeth McLean Petras, “. . . served to prime the massive flow subsequently imported by the French and U.S. canal builders.”3 The second large-scale entry of West Indians occurred in the 1880s during France’s unsuccessful attempt to build a sea-level canal. Some fifty thousand people arrived from the Caribbean, while others came from Europe, Asia, and even Africa. Approximately twenty thousand perished during this disastrous undertaking, headed by Ferdinand de Lesseps and his Compagnie Universelle du Canal. In 1888 the French company declared itself bankrupt, and thousands of abandoned West Indians were stranded on the isthmus, only to return home later with the assistance of the British government.4 Others of what Marco Gandásegui described as a “floating proletariat” migrated along the Central American coast to work in the growing banana industry.5 In Panama, the United Fruit Company had established plantations in Bocas del Toro and had, for some time, been recruiting labor from the Caribbean. Still others remained in Colón and Panama City where they rejuvenated the West Indian presence in those communities. There they created social clubs, businesses, schools, and churches, and shielded themselves from the racism of the construction project.6 These organizations would become the incubators for Garveyism in Panama, ccxli

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and although Caribbean immigrants were not the only people of African descent on the isthmus, the movement would be almost exclusively West Indian in nature. This reality was, in part, due to Garvey’s Jamaican origins but was probably more attributable to the country’s racial dynamics. As Frank Tannenbaum noted in his Ten Keys to Latin America, colonial Afro-Panamanians often “assimilated into the Spanish tradition” and tended to “look down on the thousands of Negroes brought over from the British West Indies.”7 Moreover, intellectuals and political leaders would subsequently promote this divisive sentiment, insisting that Panama was a mestizo and Hispanic nation.8 Blackness, as Víctor Franceschi later emphasized in an article on Panamanian literature, ironically came to be seen as something alien to the country.9 After the French failure, the interoceanic venture lay in limbo for over a decade despite the creation of the Compagnie Nouvelle du Canal in 1894. “A canal,” as David McCullough wrote, “was beyond the capacity of any purely private enterprise,” and thus the company’s primary objective was to sell its concession to the United States.10 Colombia’s refusal to ratify the Hay-Herrán Treaty (1903), however, prevented this transfer and increased the Panamanians’ traditional distrust of Bogota. The isthmus, which had rebelled on several previous occasions, had just suffered the destructive War of a Thousand Days (1899–1902). Now its residents feared the loss of the maritime project, its transfer to Nicaragua, and the reduction of their own society to an economic backwater. Longstanding animosities came to a head in November 1903, when with the encouragement of both U.S. and French interests, Panama declared its independence.11 The United States immediately recognized the new country, and shortly after, its government signed an agreement with the North Americans, granting them, in perpetuity, a ten-mile–wide corridor across the isthmus. U.S. authorities would exercise control over the Canal Zone, where they directed the construction of the waterway between 1904 and 1914. From the beginning, the West Indies provided the majority of the project’s labor. Canal representatives actively sought workers in the Caribbean, particularly in Guadalupe, Martinique, and especially Barbados. Luis Navas estimates that 30 to 40 percent of the adult males in Barbados ventured to Panama during this period.12 Thousands of others immigrated from Jamaica, although the island’s government did not authorize the recruiters’ activities, given the earlier negative experience with the French. Despite this obstacle, Jamaicans and others arrived in great numbers, constituting what Michael Conniff calls a “demographic tidal wave, the largest yet in Caribbean history.”13 By the end of 1905, fourteen thousand West Indians were employed on the canal, typically in the most dangerous and difficult activities. As the pace of construction increased, the number rose to twenty thousand and remained at that level until the project’s conclusion.14 Turnover in the U.S. Zone was moreover considerable, and Conniff estimates that between one hundred and fifty thousand to two hundred thousand West Indians ultimately came to the isthmus. Of these, forty to fifty thousand remained after the waterway’s completion.15 ccxlii

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This influx into a country whose inhabitants had numbered just over three hundred thousand before independence provoked anxiety among both U.S. and Panamanian leaders and fostered a complex system to maintain control.16 North American officials dealt with the issue, in part, by creating a police force which utilized secret informants, violence, arrests, and expulsions. Frequently U.S. officers received assistance from their Panamanian counterparts, who as Conniff emphasizes, “adopted a rather predatory attitude toward West Indians.”17 More importantly, the Canal Commission discouraged labor organization through the segregation of workers into the so-called gold and silver rolls. The gold roll was composed primarily of white U.S. citizens, although prior to 1909 the system remained quite fluid. Hundreds of skilled Europeans and black Caribbeans won gold roll status before Canal administrator Colonel George Goethals issued more stringent guidelines limiting the gold system to American citizens and “a few Panamanians.” Even after 1909, Goethals conceded that other “white employees (i.e., not native to the tropics)” could be employed in the absence of white Americans, and a few African Americans remained on the gold roll. The silver roll was composed largely of West Indians, with smaller but significant numbers of Panamanians, Spaniards, Greeks, Italians, and African Americans. This diverse mixture of nationalities produced a great deal of tension and conflict within the silver system. The rolls, which indicated pay scales, also affected housing, commissaries, education, and other public facilities in the Canal Zone. The area took on the appearance of a southern, segregated community.19 Institutionalized racism, as Lancelot Lewis once wrote, was intended to demoralize the West Indians, branding them with a “stamp of inferiority.”20 Such methods of dividing and weakening workers were initially successful. Gandásegui’s study has demonstrated the relative infrequency of strikes during the construction era; however, termination of the canal project marked a new phase in Panama.21 The completion of the interoceanic waterway in 1914 provoked a sharp economic downturn, further heightened by the onset of World War I. While thousands lost their jobs in the Canal Zone, the wages and benefits of those who remained declined significantly. Meanwhile the Canal Company expelled all non-employees from the North American sector. Many displaced West Indians looked for work on the banana plantations; however, the disruption of international commerce had also negatively affected this industry. U.S. officials encouraged West Indians to go back to their island homes, but many of those who accepted the offers of free transport returned after encountering the even bleaker circumstances in the Caribbean. Conniff notes that the poverty was such that “immigrants kept arriving even after the canal was finished.”22 The results were high levels of unemployment in Panama, poor living conditions, and increased discrimination. “The despised Negro,” wrote one observer, “buffeted on tremendous waves of oppression, finds himself dragging from one country to another.”23 These conditions helped spur on a new tendency for organization and eventually the foundation of the UNIA in Panama. ccxliii

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Two other factors proved instrumental in fostering these developments. First, there was the return of a few thousand veterans who had served in the British West Indies Regiment during World War I. When they landed in Colón, the port from which they had originated, the soldiers were clearly proud of their role in the allied victory. Nevertheless, they were also angry about the discrimination they had faced in the British military and the broader hypocrisy of the war effort and its supposed aims. “Did you not volunteer to go to Europe to fight for democracy?” wrote a bitter UNIA supporter in a newspaper column in 1920. “What have you acquired . . . but intensified oppression?”24 While the global conflict and its contradictions served to create greater dissension, a second galvanizing factor was the rise of the Wobblies. In the two decades after Panama’s separation from Colombia, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) or Wobblies became a force in U.S. labor. The objective of this socialist organization was to unite all workers into “One Big Union,” irrespective of race, skills, and gender. Although the Wobblies were a short-lived force and never established a real presence in Panama, they did encourage white unions to reconsider their strategies and experiment with the inclusion of black laborers in their ranks. The West Indians themselves proved receptive to these tendencies, especially after two spontaneous and moderately successful strikes in 1916 and 1919. The campaign to expand union membership began in March 1919 when representatives of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) arrived to recruit West Indians. Under the auspices of the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees and Railway Shop Laborers, these leaders promised to improve the West Indians’ wages, boosting them to the level paid to AfricanAmericans in the Zone.25 Of course, there were clear limits to this newfound cooperation. The AFL and the United Brotherhood rejected the overtures of Colón Federal Labor Union (CFLU) to join forces in mobilizing the Caribbean population. Formed in 1916, the CFLU was one of the first successful efforts by West Indians to organize independently. Later the group attempted to merge with the UNIA in Panama before a Canal Zone spy helped to thwart this plan. While mismanagement and manipulation assured the decline of the CFLU, the United Brotherhood proved successful in enlisting the West Indians. By July 1919 the AFL-affiliated union had enrolled 80 percent of the silver employees and had collected approximately $30,000 from these same men. The group’s interest in Panama, however, proved only temporary, arising from the AFL plan to counterbalance the Wobblies. When the IWW fell into disarray during the Red Scare, the United Brotherhood turned its back on the West Indians. A massive walkout by silver workers in February 1920 was unsuccessful, partly due to the isolation of Canal Zone leaders and the refusal of United Brother’s headquarters in Detroit to provide assistance. Most importantly, the Detroit-based international failed to return any funds collected from the West Indian workers. As a result, the local chief William Stoute had inadequate resources, and the movement collapsed within two weeks. Stoute and other ccxliv

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leaders were subsequently deported. These failures ended labor organization among silver employees for over two decades, but they also provided an opening for the UNIA.26 The UNIA, which had established itself in Panama in 1918, grew in the years following the disastrous strike, forming part of what Conniff calls an emerging “West Indian subculture.”27 The organization, which has yet to receive proper academic study, was clearly a popular group through the 1920s before its apparent decline in the next decade. Tony Martin has noted that after the United States and Cuba, Panama had the most UNIA chapters and divisions in the entire region.28 Moreover, as these documents indicate, the memory of Garvey did not fade easily. As late as 1949 a tenacious Canal Zone leader worked to save the UNIA “from trampling under the feet of men.”29 Marcus Garvey’s experience in the country had begun some four decades earlier, when he arrived in 1911 after a brief stay in Costa Rica. In Puerto Limón, Garvey witnessed the hardships faced by West Indians in Central America and left following a dispute with the United Fruit Company.30 Garvey crossed the border into Bocas del Toro, the primary banana-producing area of Panama. Little is known about his stay in this region, but he appears to have moved on quickly to Colón. There Garvey worked several months for La Prensa, a Panama City– based newspaper published in Spanish and English.31 Following a brief stay in the capital, Garvey departed the isthmus. The leader of the UNIA, however, returned in 1921 and 1927 in an effort to promote his organization. The following papers are of particular interest to scholars of Garvey as they demonstrate the diffusion of key elements of his thinking, particularly his call for solidarity among African people. More importantly, the documents offer insights into the UNIA’s history in Panama and the varied experiences of West Indians in the country. The material concerning the Canal Zone is most prominent, which is unsurprising given the size of the construction labor force and the U.S. efforts to control its behavior. Many of the records reveal the apprehensions felt by North American officials and the extreme measures they implemented to ensure social order, including the expulsion of strikers from the Canal Zone in 1920. Also apparent in this volume are sources that relate to the terminal cities where large West Indian populations had established themselves outside the U.S. sector. Speeches, essays, and letters reveal the strategies of these communities, their rivalries, strengths, and weaknesses, and the prominent role played by women. Indeed various writers demonstrate the contributions of the so-called “daughters of Ham.”32 In addition, the collection offers insights into the mind-set of Panama’s leaders, their ambivalent and sometimes hostile attitude toward the UNIA. Finally, the hinterland of Bocas del Toro and other plantation areas are also represented in this work. Although the papers that deal with the banana companies are often specific to Panama, these same businesses operated in other parts of the region and, therefore, the material is frequently relevant to events elsewhere in Central America. The West

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Indians of Panama clearly saw this broader picture or what one of them described as the “world wide movement of the Negro.”33 If the documents can be divided on the basis of their geographic coverage, they can also be categorized according to their type. There are numerous telegrams and notes of government and corporate officials, as well as a number of reports by paid informants. Many of these contain the correspondence of West Indian leaders whose mail was subject to U.S. inspection. The compilation also includes articles and letters to newspaper editors. The two periodicals cited are the Workman and the Panama Star and Herald, both English-language publications with large West Indian readerships. The Star and Herald, one of the most valuable resources for the study of Panama, was widely popular among English-speakers on the isthmus in general. The Workman, which was owned and edited by H. N. Walrond, was more exclusively oriented toward the West Indian community. With its strong pro-British and pro-labor tendencies, the Workman became the chief forum for the UNIA in Panama. Historians have generally overlooked the role of Marcus Garvey in Panama as well as in other parts of the Caribbean. On the isthmus, the UNIA has received almost no scholarly attention, while most of the literature on Garveyism has concentrated on its expansion in the United States. As Gerardo Maloney once noted in a publication on West Indian struggles, this population’s plight in Panama has been largely ignored, forming part of a “history almost never told.”34 The publication of these documents is an important contribution both in terms of understanding Panama and its development in the twentieth century as well as the growth of the UNIA outside the United States. PETER A. SZOK RONALD N. HARPELLE 1. For one of the most complete descriptions of the construction of the railroad, see Joseph L. Schott, Rails across Panama: The Story of the Building of the Panama Railroad, 1849–1855 (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1967). 2. Michael L. Conniff, Panama and the United States, 2nd. ed. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2001), p. 26; George W. Westerman, Los inmigrantes antillanos en Panamá (Panama City: G. W. Westerman, 1980), p. 14. 3. Elizabeth McLean Petras, Jamaican Labor Migration: White Capital and Black Labor, 1850– 1930 (Boulder: Westview, 1988), p. 81. 4. Conniff, Panama and the United States, pp. 49, 51–52. 5. Marco A. Gandásegui, Alejandro Saavedra, Andrés Achong, and Iván Quintero, Las luchas obreras en Panamá (1850–1978) (Panam Citya: CELA, 1980), p. 8. 6. Conniff, Panama and the United States, p. 52. 7. Frank Tannenbaum, Ten Keys to Latin America (New York: Vintage Books, 1966), pp. 50–51. 8. For a discussion of this tendency among Panamanian leaders and intellectuals, see Peter A. Szok, “La última gaviota,” Liberalism and Nostalgia in Early Twentieth-Century Panamá (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 2001). 9. Víctor M. Franceschi, “El hombre blanco en la poesía negra: y los negros de Panamá,” Revista Lotería 44 (July 1959): 134–139. 10. David McCullough, The Path Between the Seas: The Creation of the Panama Canal (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1977), p. 240. 11. For a fuller discussion of the U.S. role in promoting the rebellion, see Walter LaFeber, The Panama Canal: The Crisis in Historical Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 23–26.

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HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES 12. Luis Navas, El movimiento obrero en Panamá, 1880–1914 (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universitaria Centroamericana, 1979), p. 118. For a full account of the recruitment of West Indians for the project see Velma Newton, The Silver Men: West Indian Labor Migration to Panama, 1850– 1914 (Kingston, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1984). The most comprehensive study of the West Indians in Panama is Michael Conniff, Black Labor on a White Canal: Panama, 1904–1981 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985). Olive Senior, “The Colon People,” Jamaica Journal 11–12 (1978): 62–71, 87–103, also offers a good introduction to West Indian migration to Panama. See also Bonham C. Richardson, Panama Money in Barbados, 1900–1920 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1985). 13. Conniff, Black Labor on White Canal, p. 29. 14. John Major, Prize Possession: The United States and the Panama Canal, 1903–1979 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 82. 15. Conniff, Black Labor on White Canal, pp. 29, 46. 16. Omar Jaén Suárez, La población del Istmo de Panamá del siglo XVI al siglo XX: estudio sobre la población y los modos de organización de las economías, las sociedades y los espacios geográficos, 2nd. ed. (Panama: n.p., 1979), p. 22. 17. Conniff, Black Labor on White Canal, p. 37. 18. Ibid., p. 37. 19. For discussion of the gold and silver rolls and the conflict they produced, as well as other ways of maintaining order, see Julie Greene, “Spaniards on the Silver Roll: Labor Troubles and Liminality in the Panama Canal Zone, 1904–1914,” International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (Fall 2004): 78–98, as well as Conniff, Black Labor on White Canal, pp. 31–40. 20. Lancelot S. Lewis, The West Indian in Panama: Black Labor in Panama, 1850–1914 (Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1980), p. 56. 21. Gandásegui, Las luchas obreras en Panamá, pp. 34–38. 22. Conniff, Black Labor on White Canal, p. 49. For a description of these declining conditions see ibid., pp. 46–52. 23. “Article by War Office Club,” Workman, 20 August 1921. 24. George N. Caterson to Workman, 8 February 1920. 25. John Major, Prize Possession, p. 90. 26. See Conniff, Black Labor on White Canal, p. 53–61, for a full account of these events. Conniff mentions that as the strike was being organized in 1920, Garvey sent $500.00. 27. Ibid., p. 66. 28. Tony Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976), pp. 369– 373. 29. F. A. Clarke, Canal Zone, to Charles L. James, UNIA of Ill., 12 December 1949, AJG. 30. See R. Harpelle, “Racism and Nationalism in the Creation of Costa Rica’s Pacific Coast Banana Enclave,” The Americas (January 2000). 31. See Rupert Lewis, Marcus Garvey: Anti-Colonial Champion (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1988), p. 45. La Prensa–The Press was published from 1908 to 1917. According to Oliver Marshall, the newspaper was published only in Spanish between 1911 and 1916. Therefore, Garvey may have worked as a printer rather than a journalist (Oliver Marshall, The English-Language Press in Latin America [London: Institute of Latin American Studies, 1996]). 32. Ellen Joshua to Workman, 29 November 1919. 33. Ibid. 34. Gerardo Maloney, El Canal de Panamá y los trabajadores antillanos. Panamá 1920: cronología de una lucha (Panama City: Formato 16, 1989), p. 9.

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Puerto Rico The social life and political engagements of immigrants and Puerto Ricans of African ancestry remain understudied. The Garvey movement is a case in point.1 Scholars are scarcely aware of the existence of UNIA branches in San Juan and Ponce in the 1920s, nor have the Afro–Puerto Rican organizations that succeeded the UNIA in the 1930s received adequate attention. Few know of the immediate obstacles that Puerto Rico’s Garveyites confronted, or of the scandal that made their efforts visible in the press in the summer of 1922. The documents presented in these papers offer a preview of an unwritten history. Beyond illuminating the development of black-identified organizations, they contribute to a historically minded understanding of the intricacies of race relations in early twentieth-century Puerto Rico, its politics of representation, and the debates regarding its cultural progress, to say nothing of its music and dance. The Puerto Rican documents included in these volumes also offer a counterpoint to those included from the Dominican Republic and Cuba, where the UNIA prospered among West Indian workers and, as is increasingly clear, also among native sons and daughters.2 The documents from Puerto Rico show that, while the UNIA failed to attract a mass following, Garvey’s message did not fall on deaf ears. Immigrants and a cadre of Puerto Ricans of color, some of whom belonged to an artisans’ casino called “Hijos de Borinquen,” joined the UNIA and demanded full citizenship rights.3 Rather than confirming the thesis that black and mulatto Puerto Ricans opted for working-class solidarity above racial identification, the collection suggests that labor and racial activism were intimately connected on organizational and ideological levels. If the UNIA did not lead multitudes, it is because Puerto Rican Garveyites found it difficult to break free of a confining racial discourse that served the interests of the island’s leading political actors. In this vision, Puerto Ricans appeared as light-skinned, Hispanicized peasants or jíbaros. Recognition of distinct black political agendas or the continued influence of African-derived ways threatened nationalists, labor organizers, and even advocates of annexation. Garveyites spoke out amid a din that favored the status quo.4 Most of the selections included here were first published in newspapers as letters to the editor, commentaries, and feature stories. Some of the items relate news of Garvey and UNIA activities abroad, usually reprinted from U.S. sources. The majority, however, have to do with San Juan’s Division 45, its organizational struggles, and notably, with an internecine dispute between top officials that threatened the division’s survival. Although Garveyites penned many of these documents, none were drawn from the association’s files, or from the personal papers of the protagonists; if such materials exist, they are unknown at present. One Prince Oskazuma, a stage performer and sometime Garveyite from Ohio, wrote to NAACP attorney Walter White charging Garvey with embezzlement. According to Oskazuma’s self-serving account, Garvey ccxlix

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pocketed dues paid by a group of Puerto Ricans whom Oskazuma had attempted to organize into a UNIA division in Ponce in 1921. When a charter failed to arrive from New York, Oskazuma had to flee what he called a mob of angry “P. Rickannians.”5 The immediate cause for friction among San Juan’s UNIA leaders was a performance that took place on 11 August 1922 during a gala that the Union Club held to honor the crew of the U.S.S. Birmingham. Controversy erupted following a number that the program described as “the native negro dance the Bomba, typical of the negro life of the country, the ancestor of the hoedown and the descendant of the Obi dance of the Congo.”6 An illustration on the program’s cover that depicted an African “cannibal” further inflamed critics’ tempers. Though officially a private recreational club, the Union Club was a high-profile institution. Its members included colonial officials, influential expatriates from the United States, businessmen, and Republicans who favored the annexation of Puerto Rico to the United States. Because of this, the proautonomy Union Party reacted quickly, using the occasion to denounce their political rivals and the colonial state as racists. According to Unionists, Republicans had failed to defend their own predominantly “colored” followers, choosing instead to kowtow to Americans. Garveyites entered the overheated partisan polemic on 15 August 1922, when Conrado Rosario, secretary general of UNIA Division 45, wrote to the Unionist daily La Democracia to applaud its censure of the bomba performance. In his letter, Rosario also revealed that an effort was underway to re-organize the San Juan chapter. Writing in another daily, the division’s president, Jaime A. Bishop, took umbrage at his subaltern’s statements. Attempting to steer clear of the partisan dispute, Bishop declared Rosario without authority to represent the UNIA’s position. The acrid exchange between the two continued, revealing a good deal about the limits of the dominant discourses of blackness. The documents make it clear that prior to the clash between Rosario and Bishop, there were several attempts to establish the UNIA in the capital. Bishop was the fourth in a succession of presidents. His predecessor in office, Alfredo Prince, had dissolved the group and returned its charter certificate to New York in July 1922. According to Prince’s letter to La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico, organizing efforts had been fruitless owing partly to the “extremely insignificant” number of “natives” who embraced Garvey’s cause. Others disagreed with this assessment, however. Also in July 1922 Antonio Beltrán Rentas wrote in the Negro World that although black Puerto Ricans mistakenly believed that racial prejudice was “a dead thing,” there were encouraging signs among “young progressives,” as well as among professionals and workers.7 Beltrán Rentas also reported on the success of John Sydney de Bourg’s visit, which boosted Garveyites’ lagging morale. Finally, the selection includes a few documents from Puerto Rican supporters and critics of the UNIA who were not directly involved with the organization.

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As news of the scandal at the Union Club lost its place in the papers, items related to UNIA activities appeared less frequently. Nonetheless, it is clear that Puerto Rican Garveyites and their sympathizers persevered. Only additional scholarly labor can fill the gaps that separate the days of the bomba from the establishment of the significantly named “League to Promote the Progress of Blacks in Puerto Rico” in 1939 and subsequent efforts to articulate new notions of blackness.8 REINALDO L. ROMÁN 1. There are no published accounts of Garveyism in Puerto Rico. There are a few monographs dealing with Afro–Puerto Rican political and social history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Recent works addressing these topics include: Juan A. Giusti Cordero, “Labor, Ecology and History in a Caribbean Sugar Plantation Region: Piñones (Loíza), Puerto Rico, 1770–1950” (Ph.D. diss., State University of New York, Binghamton, 1995); Arlene Torres, “Blackness, Ethnicity and Cultural Transformations in Southern Puerto Rico” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign, 1995); Isar P. Godreau, “Missing the Mix: San Antón and the Racial Dynamics of ‘Nationalism’ in Puerto Rico” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Santa Cruz, 1999); Kelvin Santiago-Valles, “Subject Peoples” and Colonial Discourses: Economic Transformation and Social Disorder in Puerto Rico, 1898–1947 (Albany: SUNY Press, 1994); Jay Kinsbruner, Not of Pure Blood: The Free People of Color and Racial Prejudice in Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1996); Lillian Guerra, Popular Expression and National Identity in Puerto Rico: The Struggle for Self, Community and Nation (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998); and Eileen Suárez Findlay, Imposing Decency: The Politics of Sexuality and Race in Puerto Rico, 1870– 1920 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999). For additional references, see Juan José Baldrich et al., “Selected Bibliography on Racial Relations, Racism and Negritude among Puerto Ricans,” CENTRO: Journal of the Center for Puerto Rican Studies 13 (2001): 235–238. 2. Marc C. McLeod, “Garveyism in Cuba, 1920–1940” Journal of Caribbean Studies 30 (1996): 132–168. See also the following articles in Caribbean Studies 31, no. 1, special issue: Garveyism in the Hispanic Caribbean, ed. by Jorge L. Giovannetti and Reinaldo L. Román (January–June 2003): Frank Guridy, “‘Enemies of the White Race’: The Machadista State and the UNIA in Cuba”; Humberto García Muñiz and Jorge L. Giovannetti, “El Garveyismo en la República Dominicana: Migración cocola, intervención y represión militar, y los discursos raciales y nacionales”; and Marc C. McLeod, “‘Sin dejar de ser cubanos’: Cuban Blacks and the Challenges of Garveyism in Cuba.” 3. “Artículos de Incorporación, Casino Hijos de Borinquen,” Archivo General de Puerto Rico, Fondo Departamento de Estado, Serie Corporaciones sin fines de lucro, caja 17A, Exp. 237. For a discussion of artisans’ casinos and the early labor movement, see Angel G. Quintero Rivera, “Socialista y tabaquero: La proletarización de los artesanos” Sin Nombre 8 (1978): 111–117, and Patricios y plebeyos: Burgueses, hacendados, artesanos y obreros: Las relaciones de clase en el Puerto Rico del cambio de siglo (Río Piedras, P.R.: Ediciones Huracán, 1988). 4. For a discussion of the Puerto Rican “articulation” of race and its impact on Afro–Puerto Ricans’ identifications, see Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America (New York and London: Verso Press, 1998), and Reinaldo L. Román, “Scandalous Race: Garveyism, the Bomba, and the Discourses of Blackness in 1920s Puerto Rico” Caribbean Studies 31, no. 1 (January–June 2003). 5. See Oskazuma to White, 23 January 1923, and “Prince Oskazuma Says Garvey’s Fake Movement Nearly Caused Him to be Mobbed in Ponce, Puerto Rico,” Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, NAACP Papers, Group 1, Series C, Box 304. Prince Oskazuma was born in Ohio on 5 March 1865. In 1913, while claiming permanent residence in Cleveland, he traveled from Havana to New York. In 1922, by then 57 and widowed, Oskazuma left Barbados for the United States, where he still claimed residence in Cleveland. This must have been shortly after his departure from Ponce, Puerto Rico. 6. La Democracia (San Juan), 12 and 14 August 1922. 7. NW, 22 July 1922. 8. “Artículos de Incorporación, Liga para promover el progreso de los negros en Puerto Rico,” Archivo General de Puerto Rico, Fondo Departamento de Estado, Serie Corporaciones sin fines de lucro, caja 58A, expediente 1015.

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St. Lucia When Marcus Garvey landed at Castries port on 17 October 1937 he received a hero’s welcome. It was his first visit to St. Lucia and part of a West Indian tour. A three-man delegation from the local branch of the UNIA met Garvey on disembarkation from the Lady Nelson. It escorted him through the large crowd to the packed hall of Clarke’s Theater, where the St. Lucia Victoria Amateur Dramatic Club had organized a concert in his honor. Following this, Garvey delivered his address. It was evident that Garvey’s presence in St. Lucia stirred up great national interest. It was not only the members of the UNIA who turned out to listen to his address. There was a “large gathering [which] was unstinting in its applause” as Marcus Garvey spoke with emphasis and conviction as he delivered his address that evening.1 His challenge to his audience to “search yourselves and find out what you are best suited for; then apply yourself diligently, . . . and you will rise—you must rise” was a “tall order,” but it was one that “sounded not only feasible but urgent.”2 Yet, in analyzing the extent to which Garvey’s ideas had taken root in St. Lucia and indeed in other Caribbean islands, one needs to note that Garvey was not without his detractors. The West Indian Crusader, a newspaper published locally, reflected some of the anti-Garvey sentiments. It downplayed the importance of Garvey’s ideas, claiming that these were the “product of an undisciplined mind struggling with undigested facts and theories.”3 As such, he was by no means “a profound thinker,” although he was “an eloquent if not a polished speaker” with “a rough and ready humor that appealed to the crowd.”4 This portrayal of Garvey enabled the paper to dismiss the importance of the large number of persons who came to see and hear him as of little consequence. They did so out of mere curiosity: “a temporary flutter due largely to curiosity of many persons to see one so well known by reputation but little known in the flesh.”5 While this comment was not intended to be complimentary to Mr. Garvey, it showed in a curious way that by 1937 even those who opposed Garvey and his philosophy had to acknowledge his enormous appeal and popularity among the West Indian masses. In terms of St. Lucia, the huge crowd that surrounded Garvey as he traveled his short journey from the wharf to Clarke’s cinema left no doubt that his ideas had touched a receptive chord among ordinary workingmen and -women in the island. He appealed to racial pride not in abstract terms but in the form of individual action and responsibility. He presented himself, in a self-deprecating manner, as an example: “I have told you that I am ugly—you see that I am black—you see that my neck is short—hence if I can rise, you too, can rise.”6 When, therefore, he exhorted his audience to bestir themselves since, as he believed, “a man must use his talents if he wants to get on,”7 his words provided encouragement and hope in a society where daily life was a routine of hard work and poverty. ccliii

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Moreover, he endorsed a vision of society that accorded black men and women their dignity in whatever occupation they pursued, paid them just rewards for their labors, and dismantled the class barriers that denied so many the opportunities to use their “talents” to the fullest. With the grip of the economic depression of the 1930s creating even greater hardships for the poorer classes, the hope and perseverance that his message embodied, and the challenge to each person to strive to do better, must have been a source of inspiration to his many followers. It is not that Garvey’s message was new to St. Lucia. Nearly two decades earlier the authorities in St. Lucia claimed that they had traced recent disturbances in the island to “an organization of agitators . . . connected with the Universal Negro Improvement Association.”8 According to that report the UNIA held secret meetings, collected contributions from “the laboring classes,” and through its propaganda “made the natives markedly truculent towards the authorities.”9 Further research into the background of Ryan and Pitcairn and other early pioneers of the UNIA in St. Lucia is needed. However, it is clear that those who first espoused Garvey’s ideas in St. Lucia faced considerable resistance and even threats to their livelihoods. Many people lost their jobs as a result of their association with the UNIA, and it is little wonder that the organization’s meetings had to be held secretly. This opposition to the UNIA was in part due to the negative attitude toward Garvey among the local authorities. They claimed that the local contribution collected by the UNIA ostensibly to support his Black Star Line was “also in aid of revolutionary efforts.”10 Moreover, as far as they were concerned, as long as that “misnamed and misguided Negro Improvement Association” continued to operate in the United States, there would also be discontent among the “natives” and racial antagonism in St. Lucia.11 The anti-UNIA stance may also have been inevitable given the official tendency to deny that economic hardships and social deprivation created the many sources of grievance and discontent among the poor and underprivileged in the society. The St. Lucian authorities ascribed social unrest to certain peculiar traits in the black population that played into the hands of agitators in the UNIA. To one official, it was the danger of these “agitators” setting fire to the “inflammable element of an excitable race.”12 Indeed, he had already seen a noticeable change for the worse in the “usually respectful demeanor of the St. Lucia negro.”13 How one was able to reconcile these contradictory stereotypes of the black population remains an unfathomable logic in colonial racial profiling. The many obstacles that confronted the UNIA in St. Lucia highlighted some of the main issues that continued to frustrate the struggle by working people to secure peaceful social change. One of these was the deep-seated racial tension that lay beneath the veneer of stability. Indeed, the authorities quickly cast protests or other actions seeking better conditions of living as racial antagonisms. When the junior ranks of the police and other workers staged a ccliv

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strike to secure better wages and improve other conditions, the newly arrived police chief quickly ascribed this to “racial antipathy on the part of negro agitators against the white and colored inhabitants of St. Lucia.”14 As he saw it, this attitude affected the peace of the colonies and the contentment of its people, and he advocated counter propaganda to expose the fallacy of Garvey’s doctrines that gave rise to the problems. In grafting racial motives onto the attempts of impoverished persons to secure and maintain their modest livelihood, the ruling elite kept alive the mutual suspicions that had been such a dominant feature under slavery and carried them into the post-emancipation era. The authorities’ mistrust and fear of the black population led them to request the presence of “His Majesty’s Ships” within easy call and the stationing of a military garrison on the island as a way to ensure “there will be no trouble.”15 Thus, the formula for maintaining social order focused not on ameliorating the economic and social hardships of the black population but on ensuring that there was no “trouble.” The implication of this behavior was an ideological clash with the UNIA’s goal of economic empowerment and dignity of the blacks. No progress was possible without addressing the entrenched structures of class privilege and economic disparities that benefited only a minority. But in the world of the oligarchy that governed this colonial territory, attempts to bring about changes in the status quo became synonymous with sedition. St. Lucia followed Grenada, St. Vincent, and Trinidad in passing its Seditious Publications Bill in June 1920 in part to suppress “Seditious Publications” and suspend newspapers containing seditious matter.16 In other words, they outlawed the Negro World as a first precaution. And so it was that the authorities also lost no time in denouncing the UNIA as a seditious group.17 No government would be expected to allow a seditious organization to work in its midst with impunity. Therefore, the local authorities not only clothed themselves with legitimacy to harass the leadership and members of the UNIA, but undoubtedly instilled apprehension and misgivings that could discourage others from associating with the group. One early result of this policy was the internal dissension triggered within the UNIA itself. The first local chapter, which opened with great ceremony in November 1920, could not withstand the discord. It seems to have crumbled after a few months under intense vilification of its leadership, particularly of the president, W. O. Norville. One criticism was that these first leaders failed to grasp the true meaning of the objectives of the UNIA and “consequently led along wrong lines.”18 Another was an allegation of maladministration of the local branch. Added to this, the apparent zealousness of the leaders became a liability. The “mad expressions of wild enthusiasts” hampered their own cause “and produced an element of disturbance in the community just as unnecessary, as it is undesirable, in St. Lucia.”19 When one recalls that the leadership consisted of the same individuals blamed by the authorities for instigating a strike in the

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previous year, it provides a sufficient basis to implicate the political directorate in the demise of the first, more radical, UNIA chapter. But these early setbacks could hardly provide comfort to the anti-Garvey forces in St. Lucia. A newly reconstituted UNIA unveiled its charter a few months later despite some lingering factional strife. Job E. James, the new president, reassured everyone that “the UNIA was not organized to make people seditious,” but “to lift Negroes socially, spiritually and intellectually.”20 A few weeks later, a high-ranking UNIA official visited St. Lucia to help strengthen this message. The Reverend Richard Hilton Tobitt, leader of the Eastern West Indian province of the UNIA and ACL, was on hand to explain the aims and principles of the movement and “[remove] the wrong impression” which the unguarded remarks of some members had given.21 It was evident, therefore, that Garveyites had made a tactical decision to allay the fears and suspicions that the authorities harbored against the movement. They adopted a more conciliatory approach that sought to downplay any tension between the UNIA and the authorities. For example, the new president expressed the gratitude of his members to the late Queen Victoria “for freeing Negroes in the West Indies” and to Abraham Lincoln for bestowing the “same blessing on Negroes of the American Republic.”22 Another officer explained that the UNIA was not there to carry on material war or encourage “disrespect” for one’s country, but to carry “a constitutional fight for the advancement and protection of Negroes.”23 The distancing from the more militant earlier group was complete, and the UNIA continued to function. It is difficult to assess whether such strategy was successful in eliminating conflicts with the governing powers in the following years. One notes that neither Garvey’s visit nor his public pronouncement stirred any reaction or opposition from the authorities in St. Lucia, but whether this was from indifference or tacit acceptance remains unclear. Indeed, if strictly followed, the imposition of peaceful coexistence with the local authorities could pose a serious dilemma for the UNIA. The movement’s main aim was to uplift the black working class socially, spiritually, and intellectually. It could hardly achieve this lofty ideal by a policy of appeasement in the interest of a small elite. It was, after all, this elite that kept in place the many institutions and structures that gave its members and friends a relatively comfortable life while keeping the majority of black people in poverty. In all this, one fact stood out. The flames that Marcus Garvey had kindled on this small island would not be diminished, let alone extinguished. The first leaders embraced their cause with a zeal and militancy that roused workingmen and women into action and shook the local establishment. It did not matter that the founders of the local chapter were short-lived or that their replacements seemed more bent on appeasing the local authorities. Garvey’s simple message that black men and women had the capacity to live in dignity served as a propelling force to all whose lives of labor had brought neither cclvi

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reward nor dignity, for it contained the philosophy that they had the power to liberate themselves. It was a message that quickly became more important than the messenger, one impossible to silence among the discontented black population. Indeed, when Randolph Felix, St. Lucia’s delegate to the International Convention of the UNIA in New York in 1920, disclosed the problems he encountered in order to attend that convention, one gets a sense of the depth of commitment of St. Lucian followers of the movement. Although Felix had tried to book a ship three months in advance, he wasn’t sold the ticket. Undeterred, he took a three-month journey between St. Lucia and New York. His statement to the meeting is also worth noting. “The movement started by Mr. Garvey has brought the West Indies around, and today it has reached the hearts of the people of St. Lucia.”24 Felix’s perception was correct on both points. The UNIA was indeed helping to forge and maintain closer ties among the Caribbean working populations. For example, Ephraim Désir, of the St. Lucia branch, wrote to Ralph Casimir of the Dominica UNIA, requesting a copy of its bylaws to assist the St. Lucians in drafting their own. This was not an isolated contact as Désir also told his Dominican colleague that Garvey’s “New Year Greetings” received “rapturous applause” when read at a St. Lucia meeting.25 At the same time, while it would take several years before Marcus Garvey landed on St. Lucian soil, Garveyism was already firmly planted. It had generated a spirit of hope with the awareness that it was possible to create a better society. Not only would the movement kindle a new social consciousness among the working poor, but it would also serve as the main inspiration for the beginnings of the labor movement in St. Lucia. MICHAEL LOUIS 1. “Marcus Garvey’s Call For Action—Every Man Has To His Burden,” Voice of Saint Lucia, 19 October 1937, provides details of this speech. The Voice of Saint Lucia, 16 October 1937, provides information on the preparations for Garvey’s arrival at St. Lucia. 2. Voice of Saint Lucia, 19 October 1937. 3. Editorial in the West Indian Crusader, 17 November 1937. 4. Editorial in the Supplement to the West Indian Crusader, 27 November 1937. 5. Ibid. 6. Voice of Saint Lucia, 19 October 1937. 7. Ibid. 8. Report on St. Lucia [May 1920], TNA: PRO CAB 24/107/CP 1406, Report No. 19, File 15/ D/155. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. Wilfred Bennett Davidson-Houston, Administrator, St. Lucia, to G. B. Haddon-Smith, Grenada, 23 February 1920, TNA: PRO CO 321/310/02512. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. “Report on Legislative Council Meeting,” St. Lucia Gazette, 28 June 1920. 17. Despite claims of the cherished “British traditions of liberty of speech and thought,” the bill was clearly repressive. It mainly attempted to suppress or curtail local UNIA activities which the

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS authorities blamed for the strike by the police and coal carriers in February 1920. Under section 3, which listed seditious acts, the meetings of the UNIA, described by the chief of police as “secret meetings at which sedition is preached,” could easily fall foul of the law. Under section 5, which empowered the authorities to “prohibit the importation of publications,” the intent was undoubtedly to ban the Negro World, in which “Marcus Garvey, the negro agitator of New York, . . . systematically preache[d] race hatred” (Robert Deane to Wilfred Bennett Davidson-Houston, 21 February 1920, TNA: PRO CO 321/310/02512). It should be noted that this piece of repressive legislation was neither the first nor only example of the attitude of local officialdom in St. Lucia to the exercise of “liberty of speech and thought.” The editor of the Palladium newspaper was imprisoned in the 1840s for unflattering comments about a government official, while the lieutenant governor shut down the highly critical Sentinel in the 1850s. 18. Ibid., 18 May 1921. 19. Ibid., 16 March 1921. 20. Ibid., 18 May 1921. 21. Ibid., 15 June 1921. 22. Ibid., 18 May 1921. 23. “Address by Dr. E. Duncan, Chairman of the Advisory Board,” Voice of Saint Lucia, 18 May 1921. The Advisory Board came into being apparently to reorganize the UNIA along more acceptable lines to the local establishment. 24. MGP 2:536–537. I am grateful to Dr. Charles Carnegie, Bates College, Maine, for pointing out this reference. 25. Letter from Ephraim J. Désir, St. Lucia UNIA, to Ralph Casimir, Dominica UNIA, 1 February 1921. J. R. Ralph Casimir Papers.

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St. Vincent and the Grenadines The burgeoning of the Garvey movement in the seven years or so after 1918 has been ascribed to the radicalism that emerged during World War I, the desire by blacks for exuberant and resilient leadership, and blacks’ attraction to Garvey’s ideas.1 There is no doubt that these factors also brought the movement to St. Vincent and the Grenadines. The St. Vincent chapter of the UNIA and ACL was led by Ratford Edwin McMillan Jack, a black schoolteacher who organized it in early 1919.2 He faced constant harassment and intimidation from the local colonial authorities for his antigovernment attitude and deep commitment to protecting the interest of the working class. By September 1919 the UNIA and ACL in St. Vincent had four hundred and seventy-five men and women in six branches. The village of Stubbs, located seven miles from the capital of Kingstown on the windward coast of St. Vincent, was the stronghold of the organization with two hundred and seventy-five members. As a result of its large membership, Stubbs became the center of activities of the UNIA. The police occasionally investigated the villagers of this area in order to scare away members. There were plans to register the local chapter through a company with a shared capital of £2,000 on 18 October 1919. By mid-October 1919 the capital raised stood at £320.3 The significant contribution to the local fundraising effort reflects a high level of commitment to the movement by its followers, who were basically low-income earners. It also speaks to the level of mobilization effected by Jack. The organization was formed at a time when a high level of discontent existed in the island. Indeed, a volcano in St. Vincent was ready to erupt in 1919, and it was not La Soufrière. Black laborers were demanding better wages, planters were against increased taxation,4 and middle-class blacks were agitating for representative government through the Representative Government Association.5 Recently demobilized soldiers of the British West Indies Regiment also posed a problem; they were vocal about nonpayment of gratuities and the deplorable local conditions, among other issues.6 Local colonial authorities were so conscious of the brewing discontent that they asked the imperial government for a Lewis machine gun in June 1919 because they believed that the meager fifty policemen would be insufficient to suppress any local civil disturbance.7 In St. Vincent the colonial authorities were more concerned with the threat of the movement’s organ, the Negro World, than with the movement. The earliest concerns about the Negro World appeared in early May 1919 when the administrator informed the chief of police that M. Byron-Cox, a solicitor, was circulating the paper in Kingstown. The chief of police, instructed to gather intelligence on the contents of the paper and its distribution, reported on 27 May 1919 that copies of the paper were unavailable but a new shipment was on the way.8 Importation of the Negro World was banned and anyone “knowingly” in possession of a copy was guilty of an offense.9 On the afternoon cclix

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of 14 November 1919, seized copies of the Negro World were burned.10 This was a symbolic act representing the success of the local colonial government in hindering consciousness raising among blacks. It was also a warning to wouldbe members of the UNIA and ACL that the government was serious in its prohibition of the paper. Jack was forced to rely on letters for updates on the work of the UNIA and ACL after the Negro World was banned.11 Local laborers were attracted to Garvey’s ideas as they presented a ray of hope in a period of severe economic hardship and political disenfranchisement. Moreover, the laborers of Stubbs were attracted because they lived in a multiracial region of St. Vincent where they were the most disadvantaged. The agreement by the governor to raise wages was a stopgap measure to stem the brewing unrest. By later claiming that his decision applied only to government laborers, he hoped to lay the blame for low wages squarely on the shoulders of the planters. Jack was clearly the initiator of labor protest, not a mere supporter. The laborers petitioned the governor, demanding that the colonial government refrain from taking action against Jack for his dealings with the banned paper. They asked the government to accept Jack as their spokesman “at all times” because they were “confident in his education.”12 A deputation of laborers from Stubbs met with the governor on 11 October at the Government Office in Kingstown. They discussed the issues raised in the 9 October petition, namely wages and the prohibition of the Negro World.13 In mid-October policemen were dispatched from Kingstown to Stubbs “to make enquiries with regard to the signatures” on the petition.14 Jack’s departure from St. Vincent after July 1920 marked the start of the decline of the movement. Even if Garveyism were still alive, it was so insignificant that it did not earn a glance from the elite or colonial authorities.15 This was so because black assertiveness did not develop into a significant issue in the multi-island colony until the Italo-Ethiopian war in 1935. In the immediate aftermath of this conflict in 1937 Marcus Garvey visited St. Vincent twice within a week and lectured to a largely middle-class audience. By this time there were no signs of existence of a UNIA or ACL branch in St. Vincent and the Grenadines. Very little work has been done on the Garvey movement in the Windward Islands. In the few existing studies the material on St. Vincent and the Grenadines has been restricted to a paragraph or so and a few ad hoc references. The only work of any length is a paper that examines the activities of the movement in St. Vincent through the work of its local leader. It concludes that the UNIA and ACL in St. Vincent initiated labor protests and that the local chapter acted more as a labor union, particularly in 1919.16 The publication of the documents in this volume is a significant contribution to the historiography of St. Vincent and the Grenadines. While they primarily relate to the Garvey movement, they can be used to study various aspects of the history of a country on which little historical writing has been done. Among the issues covered in

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the documents are race relations, government and politics, industrial relations, child labor, education, the law, and popular protest. These documents show that there is room for further research on the Garvey movement in the smaller Caribbean territories and that the objectives of the movement were basically the same around the globe. However, the leadership in St. Vincent used a popular platform of improved wages and labor relations to attract membership. The documents for 1937 suggest that Garvey was no longer considered a threat by the colonial authorities. Furthermore, it was thought that working-class blacks would listen to Garvey’s appeal to respect law and order in the aftermath of riots and disturbances. Readers should be aware that these documents are largely official or public documents. They were created to discredit the movement or to react to pressure from the government against the movement. Most of the documents are for the year 1919, when the movement was established in St. Vincent. At this time the colonial government was strategizing to outlaw the Negro World. Jack’s departure for New York and his subsequent posting to Cuba resulted in the collapse of the local chapter, hence the absence of documents for 1921– 1936. The documents for 1937 deal with Garvey’s stopover visits to the island. CLEVE MCD. SCOTT 1. Tony Martin, The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond (Dover, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing, 1983), p. 60. 2. Haddon-Smith to Milner, 7 October 1919, TNA: PRO CO 321/306/45527/19. 3. Weekly Illustrated Paper, 18 October 1919. 4. St. Vincent was the prototypical plantation colony. At the end of the nineteenth century, a few planters owned more than three quarters of all the arable land, on which they grew mostly arrowroot and sugar. The depression in the sugar industry left them cash starved and resulted in their decision to let large portions of their estates remain fallow. Such action, however, carried with it severe social consequences because laborers were unable to find employment and at the same time estate owners refused to permit them to purchase land. Belatedly, the government passed legislation authorizing the purchase of many estates which were subsequently subdivided and sold to peasants (The Times [St. Vincent], 12 June 1919 and 2 October 1919; Bonham C. Richardson, Economy and Environment in the Caribbean: Barbados and the Windwards in the Late 1800s [Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997], pp. 211–236; Edward L. Cox, Rekindling the Ancestral Flame: King Ja Ja of Opobo in Barbados and St. Vincent, 1888–91 [Bridgetown: Barbados Museum and Historical Society, 1998]). 5. St. Vincent and the Grenadines were governed by the system of pure Crown Colony government from 1878 to 1924. (The term “pure” Crown Colony government was coined to describe instances where the legislative council did not contain elected members and was made up exclusively of nominated members and officials. The St. Vincent legislative council and the House of Assembly had abrogated themselves and created a single-chamber Legislative Assembly in 1867. Then, in 1875, the Assembly abolished itself and asked the Crown to institute pure Crown Colony government, which it did in January 1878.) No elections were held during this period. The governor-in-chief of the Windward Islands (Dominica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, as well as Grenada and the Grenadines), based at Grenada, appointed all members of the legislative council. Of the 386 persons who were qualified to vote in the 1874 elections, the last before the introduction of pure Crown Colony government, 182 persons qualified according to property and 186 according to income. For that election the franchise was given to males who had a freehold valued at £10 or a leasehold of £20, or who paid income tax on an annual income of £50 and more. High qualifications for candidates were set to ensure that many coloreds and blacks did not enter the Legislative Assembly. After World War I there were increased demands in the British West Indies for an end to the system of Crown Colony government and for the return of representative government. In St. Vincent

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS and the Grenadines, the RGA, a largely middle-class colored organization, led the struggle for internal self-government (“An Act to Alter and Amend the Political Constitution of the Island of St. Vincent and Its Dependencies,” no. 398, 5 August 1875, Laws of St. Vincent, vol. 1, 1784–1878; Cleve McD. Scott, “Protests in St. Vincent against the Colonial Office’s Windward Islands Confederation/Union Proposals of 1884” [Cave Hill, Barbados: History Forum, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, 1997], pp. 3–11; Kenneth John, “St. Vincent: A Political Kaleidoscope,” in The Aftermath of Sovereignty: West Indian Perspectives, ed. David Lowenthal and Lambros Comitas [Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1973], pp. 83–84; Hume Wrong, Government of the West Indies [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923], pp. 71, 136–144; St. Vincent Blue Book, 1875; R. M. Anderson, ed., St. Vincent Handbook, 5th ed. [Kingstown, St. Vincent: 1938], p. iv). 6. See, for example: Haddon-Smith to Milner, 22 July 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/348/44234. 7. Haddon-Smith to Milner, 30 June 1919, TNA: PRO CO 537/957/45527. 8. Popham Lobb to Chief of Police, 27 May 1919, SVGNA, 91002 62/9. 9. Extraordinary Government Gazette, 1 October 1919. 10. Weekly Illustrated Paper, 29 November 1919. 11. Ibid., 18 October 1919. 12. Huggins to Haddon-Smith, 9 October 1919, SVGNA, 91002 62/9. 13. Weekly Illustrated Paper, 18 October 1919. 14. Chief of Police to Popham Lobb, 13 November 1919, SVGNA, 91002 36/3. 15. Tony Martin has cited UNIA records suggesting that a branch still existed in St. Vincent at Stubbs around 1926 (Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976], p. 372). 16. Cleve McD. Scott, “‘The True and New Negroes of St. Vincent’: The UNIA and African Communities League and Labour in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, 1919–1925” (paper presented to the History Forum, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, Barbados, 1999).

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Trinidad and Tobago In the years between the world wars, Garveyism was an extremely important influence on the working-class political organization and ideological development in Trinidad, the larger island in the twin-island colony of Trinidad and Tobago.1 Tony Martin has shown that by the early 1920s Trinidad had the “most thoroughly organised UNIA stronghold in the British West Indies.”2 By 1923 at least thirty UNIA branches (only Cuba had more branches) were spread all over the island, in small rural villages (Balandra, Carapichaima, Gasparillo, Matura), and in communities that were mainly Indian (Couva, Chaguanas, Caroni). The impact of Garveyism on the colony is all the more impressive when we consider that Trinidad—unlike Jamaica or Barbados, for instance—did not possess a large majority of African-descended persons in its population. On the contrary, Trinidad’s population in the early twentieth century was extremely diverse, with perhaps half of it comprising persons of African descent. This is partly because at the time of emancipation in the 1830s Trinidad’s slave population was small, and many of the newly freed slaves moved away from the plantations, preferring life as independent cultivators or artisans and urban laborers rather than as paid employees on the sugar estates. Contract labor was imported, some from Africa (the “liberated Africans” from captured slavers), from Madeira, or from China, but above all from India. Between 1845 and 1917 significant numbers of indentured (contract) laborers arrived from India, and most of them opted to stay even though they were entitled to repatriation after a period of years. As a result, Indians and their locally born descendants soon formed a large element of the population: about a quarter by 1870 and a third by 1911. Moreover, there were many persons of mixed ancestry, including those descended from Venezuelan immigrants. In the early twentieth century, therefore, persons who would have identified themselves as “black,” of African descent, might have composed about half of the total population of Trinidad, estimated at 365,913 in the 1921 census and at 412,783 in that of 1931. In contrast, nearly everyone living in Tobago, part of the twin-island colony since 1899, was of African descent. The Tobago population was small, only about 25,000 at this time.3 In the early years of the twentieth century, Trinidad’s small but powerful white elite continued to dominate political life and controlled much of the island’s economic resources. French Creoles, most descended from French immigrants, owned cocoa estates and were commission agents; Britishdescended whites owned or managed sugar estates and were also involved in commerce. The fledgling oil industry, soon to become the colony’s major revenue earner, was owned by British, Canadian, and American interests, but offered opportunities for local whites as supervisors. However, alongside this white elite the island also had a lively middle stratum, mostly comprised of mixed-race (“colored”) and black persons, who cclxiii

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were generally fairly well educated and either held white-collar, salaried positions as teachers, civil servants and clerks, druggists, journalists, and so on, or ran small businesses as skilled artisans or shopkeepers. This middle stratum was typically urban, although, with the cocoa industry booming up to 1920, many persons of African descent (as well as others) owned small- or mediumsized cocoa estates or worked as supervisors on larger properties outside of the towns. The masses, still mainly rural, comprised people of African, Indian, and mixed ethnicity. They worked on the sugar and cocoa estates, or were independent cultivators on a small scale, or (very typically) combined wage labor with own-account, part-time farming, forming a sort of peasantproletariat. An urban proletariat had developed in the towns and was mainly of African descent, working as general laborers, artisans, domestics, and dockworkers. In the southern part of the island, the oil industry employed a small but growing number of local workers as well as many immigrants from the smaller neighboring islands. As Garvey’s movement spread rapidly in Trinidad after the end of World War I, it was, predictably enough, mainly among the mixed-race and black middle stratum that the ideas of Marcus Garvey resonated. Members of this stratum had shown an interest in race consciousness and Pan-Africanism since the late nineteenth century at least. In the 1870s and 1880s, John Jacob Thomas was the center of a small but impressive coterie of teachers and journalists who sought to “vindicate the race” and defend the “sons of Africa” from the virulent racism of the European world. From this milieu emerged Henry Sylvester Williams, the lawyer who founded the Pan-African Association (PAA) and organized the first Pan-African Conference in London in 1900. Many Trinidadians joined the local branches of the PAA, which Sylvester Williams established on a visit home in 1901.4 However, Garveyism also had a major influence on working-class organization in Trinidad during the 1920s, mainly because the leadership of the UNIA branches overlapped, to a significant extent, with that of the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association (TWA), the most important labor group of the period. As in several other British West Indian colonies, there was considerable popular unrest after World War I, caused by inflation while wages remained low, unemployment and retrenchment, socialist and Garveyite ideas, and the frustrations of returning servicemen who had fought for (and been mistreated by) the British armed forces. In late 1919, for instance, a dockworkers’ strike in Trinidad escalated into general disturbances.5 Out of this unrest and despite considerable repression, the TWA, which had been founded in 1897, came into its own as the premier labor organization in Trinidad of the interwar years. Many Trinidadians were introduced to organized political life through the TWA and its successor, the Trinidad Labour Party (TLP), in the 1920s and 1930s.

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It is perhaps not surprising that Governor Sir John Chancellor told the secretary of state in November 1920 that Garvey’s writings and articles from the Negro World were frequently quoted by speakers at TWA meetings, as the TWA was led largely by committed Garveyites. For instance, James Braithwaite, the TWA secretary in 1919 and 1920, was at one time also the president of the Port-of-Spain branch of the UNIA, and John Sydney de Bourg, a key TWA leader since 1906, became a major figure in the New York UNIA until he fell out with Garvey. Along with Bruce McConney (or McConnie), Braithwaite and de Bourg would sign the UNIA Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World in 1920. All three were clearly Garveyites as much as they were labor leaders associated with the TWA. The most important link between the UNIA and the TWA was William Howard Bishop, the Guyanese-born secretary of the TWA for most of the 1920s, the editor of the TWA’s paper, the Labour Leader, and the person who, with A. A. Cipriani, ran the organization until his death in 1930. Bishop was a committed Garveyite. He consistently used the Labour Leader to publicize Garvey’s ideas and actions (and conversely its articles were sometimes reproduced in the Negro World). In the 1920s the TWA regularly met at Liberty Hall, the Port-of-Spain meeting place of the “headquarters” Trinidad branch of the UNIA, and Marcus Garvey developed close ties with Arthur Cipriani, the charismatic white president of the TWA from 1923. There is no doubt that the close association between the UNIA and the TWA enhanced the effectiveness and prestige of each organization, for the TWA had a membership that was predominantly African and leaders such as Bishop who saw working-class progress in Trinidad as synonymous with “the advancement of the race.” In the mid-1920s Cipriani and the TWA also benefited from middle-class agitation for constitutional reform, which aimed at the introduction of some elected members into the colony’s wholly nominated legislative council. By 1924 the Colonial Office was ready to allow seven electives with a conservative franchise scheme that gave the vote to about 6 percent of the colony’s population when the first elections were held in 1925. Cipriani was returned for the Port-of-Spain seat and was able to use his legislative council membership, as well as his control of the city council, to agitate for the goals of the TWA. Within a decade, however, the harsh pressures of the world depression, which had caused greater unemployment and pauperization among the African and Indian masses, provoked popular impatience with Cipriani’s cautious constitutionalism. New leaders emerged, including T. U. B. (“Buzz”) Butler, a former oil worker originally from Grenada, who led the proletariat in islandwide protests in June and July 1937. Although Cipriani, who was in Britain attending the coronation of George VI when the disturbances began, was critical of Butler and the protests, the events of June and July 1937 galvanized the colony’s trade union movement and, along with the profound effects of World War II, ushered in a new era in the history of Trinidad and Tobago.6 cclxv

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The documents presented in this volume are invaluable in capturing the breadth and depth of the Garveyite movement in Trinidad. They fully corroborate Tony Martin’s assessment of the importance of the UNIA in this colony in the interwar years. The movement had a broad impact, penetrating remote rural settlements, where UNIA members must have been mainly peasants with little formal education, as well as the towns, where it attracted middle-class and working-class support (some of the featured documents, by UNIA members, were clearly written by people who were barely literate).7 The movement also collaborated with people who were not of African descent, notably Cipriani, a fact of much significance given that Trinidad was a very ethnically diverse society.8 The influence of Garveyism in the colony was so great that the local authorities soon won the reputation of being the most repressively anti-UNIA government in the British West Indies, with the possible exception of Bermuda. As early as February 1919 the colony’s government was concerned with the influence of Garvey’s Negro World, beginning a campaign (illegal at first) to suppress the newspaper’s circulation that culminated in the well-known Seditious Publications Ordinance (no. 10 of 1920). However, Garvey’s ideas found another route to the local population via the Argos, a newspaper owned by a Chinese-Trinidadian but edited by black radicals such as Charles A. Petioni, later a leader in the New York UNIA. The UNIA’s strength in Trinidad, its close ties with the TWA, and the influence of the white oligarchy, combined to ensure that the colonial government would pursue a markedly anti-Garvey policy. Believing that Garvey’s ideas helped to cause unrest in 1919 and 1920, a view shared by the U.S. Consul in Port-of-Spain, the authorities either deported or jailed mainly Garveyite leaders of the TWA (many of whom had emigrated to Trinidad from other colonies) for inciting riots. James Braithwaite, a Barbadian by birth, was jailed and later deported. Other deportees included John Sydney de Bourg and Bruce McConney. The authorities also denied entry in early 1921 to Rev. R. H. Tobitt, a senior UNIA leader who was on a visit to Caribbean branches and for whom the TWA had organized a special welcome. They panicked when Garvey projected a tour in 1922 and, alone among British West Indian governments except Bermuda, insisted on denying Garvey entry. The authorities then refused to lift the ban on the Negro World at a time (1922–1923) when other colonial governments did so and, when another Garvey visit was under discussion in 1928, they decided again to refuse him entry, even drafting a law specifically for this purpose—it empowered the governor to prevent the entry of anyone (British subject or not) convicted of a crime for which a jail sentence had been imposed. Despite this repression, numerous UNIA branches spread across Trinidad, often doubling as friendly and burial societies for their mainly working-class or peasant members. Many UNIA auxiliary groups also flourished in Trinidad, including the Black Cross Nurses, the Universal African cclxvi

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Legions, and the choirs. The headquarters branch, the Lily of the Nile division, was of course especially active. Many Trinidadians were active in the wider affairs of UNIA. In addition to de Bourg, Percival L. Burrows was the UNIA commissioner for District 5 of the Foreign Fields and became secretary-general of the UNIA. Hucheshwar Mudgal, Indian-born but an immigrant to Trinidad, went to the United States and became editor of the Negro World after Garvey was deported to Jamaica. Trinidadian women, from both the middle and the working classes, participated actively in the life of the UNIA branches; the involvement of women in the movement, at all levels, is well known. The Black Cross Nurses and the all-female section of the Universal African Motor Corps paramilitary group were their special preserve, but several women held executive positions in the branches. Edith Devonish of the Port-of-Spain branch, for instance, represented Trinidad and Tobago at the International Convention of the UNIA in Kingston in 1929. Female TWA leaders, like their male counterparts, were often also Garveyites, such as Albertha Husbands, head of the TWA domestics’ section and executive member of the Lily of the Nile branch. Isabella Lawrence, who had served with the Black Cross Nurses in Harlem, helped to revive the Lily of the Nile division in 1936–1937 and played an important role in organizing Garvey’s visit to Trinidad in 1937. In general, Rhoda Reddock concludes, UNIA was a key vehicle for political mobilization for black Trinidadian women of the middle and working classes in the inter-war years.9 The absence of any documents on Tobago in this series reflects the apparent failure of the UNIA organization on that island, despite the fact that its small population was almost entirely of African descent. Tobago in the early years of the twentieth century was a peasant society; nearly everyone lived by small-scale farming, livestock rearing, and fishing, as well as by earning wages sporadically (if at all) on the cocoa and coconut estates. Branches of the TWA were organized in Tobago by 1930, and it is possible that Garveyite ideas were spread through them. Ordinary Tobagonians had a strong “peasant” rather than “proletarian” consciousness in this period, and generally resisted efforts at collective organization outside the village and the church. Tobago had a tiny educated middle class, too small and isolated to be able to confront racism and colonialism in the way its Trinidadian counterpart had begun to do since the 1870s. While there certainly must have been race-conscious individuals living in Tobago in the 1920s and 1930s and while Tobagonians who emigrated no doubt participated in the Garvey movement in their new locations, it does not seem that formal branches of the UNIA existed in the small island in the interwar years.10 Having been unable to visit Trinidad in 1922 and 1928, Marcus Garvey was finally permitted to enter the colony in October 1937. By then, of course, Garvey’s movement was only a shadow of what it had once been. Garvey arrived in the wake of the important labor protests of June and July 1937. cclxvii

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Wishing to avoid giving Garvey “martyr” status, the governor (Sir Murchison Fletcher) permitted Garvey’s entry on this occasion but set stringent conditions: no public meetings in the open air, no references to the recent disturbances, no utterances which might cause “disaffection.” Garvey’s visit to Trinidad occurred as his popularity in the colony was diminished by his strong criticisms of Haile Selassie in his paper Black Man in 1936–1937; the exiled emperor was very much a hero among AfricanTrinidadians in 1937. His popularity also suffered because of allegations that Garvey, who was Cipriani’s friend and ally, had criticized the Trinidad strikers at a meeting with the Colonial Office in London. The People, the main prolabor paper in Trinidad in 1937, was lukewarm at best about the Garvey visit. Nevertheless, Garvey did receive a warm welcome when he finally arrived, spending two days in the colony and addressing indoor meetings of UNIA and TLP supporters.11 In sum, the documents in this series give a sense of the importance of the Garvey movement in Trinidad in the 1920s and 1930s. Working closely with the leaders of the TWA and TLP, the UNIA branches mobilized hundreds of Trinidadians, mainly but not exclusively of African descent, in organized political life and progressive ideological struggle. They included highly educated persons of the middle class and barely literate peasants and rural laborers. Though by the time of Garvey’s visit in 1937, his movement was something of a spent force, its influence on political and ideological development in Trinidad was profound and lasting, and, as Kevin Yelvington puts it, “Garveyism proceeded without Garvey” in the years that followed.12 BRIDGET BRERETON MELISSE THOMAS-BAILEY 1. Situated off the northern coast of Venezuela, Trinidad became a British colony in 1802. Partly because of the supposed difficulties of introducing workable representative institutions in this multiracial, multi-ethnic colony, the British instituted a system of pure Crown Colony government that permitted direct rule from Britain. By the end of the nineteenth century, popular discontent with the status quo had found expression in the formation of the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association (TWA) (1897), highly publicized water riots (1903), and a series of strikes in 1919 that “taught Trinidadians the methods of collective political and industrial action” (Bridget Brereton, A History of Modern Trinidad, 1783–1962 [Kingston: Heinemann, 1981], p. 160). The return to the colony of soldiers who had fought overseas in the British West Indies Regiment (BWIR) exacerbated social and racial unrest. 2. Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad, 1912–1947,” in The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond (Dover, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1983), p. 76. 3. For population figures, see Michael Anthony, Historical Dictionary of Trinidad and Tobago (Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1997), pp. 445–446, 565. 4. Bridget Brereton, “J. J. Thomas, an Estimate,” JCH 9 (1977): 22–42; Faith Smith, “A Man Who Knows His Roots: J. J. Thomas and Current Discourses of Black Nationalism,” Small Axe 5 (March 1999): 1–13; Bridget Brereton, “The Development of an Identity: The Negro Middle Class of Trinidad in the Later Nineteenth Century,” in Social Groups and Institutions in the History of the Caribbean (Mayagüez, Puerto Rico: Association of Caribbean Historians, 1975), pp. 50–65; J. R. Hooker, Henry Sylvester Williams: Imperial Pan-Africanist (London: Rex Collins, 1975); Owen Mathurin, Henry Sylvester Williams and the Origins of the Pan-African Movement, 1896–1911 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976).

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HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES 5. See Brinsley Samaroo, “The Trinidad Workingmen’s Association and the Origins of Popular Protest in a Crown Colony,” SES 21, no. 2 (1972): 205–222; Tony Martin, “Revolutionary Upheaval in Trinidad, 1919: Views from British and American Sources,” Journal of Negro History 58, no. 3 (July 1973): 313–316; W. F. Elkins, “Black Power in the British West Indies: The Trinidad Longshoremen’s Strike of 1919,” Science and Society 33, no. 1 (Winter 1969): 71–75; Samaroo, “The Trinidad Disturbance of 1917–20: Precursor to 1937,” in The Trinidad Labour Riots of 1937: Perspectives 50 Years Later, ed. R. Thomas (St. Augustine, Trinidad: Extra-Mural Studies Unit, University of the West Indies, 1987), pp. 21–56. 6. For this and the preceding two paragraphs, see (in addition to the references in note 4) Bridget Brereton, A History of Modern Trinidad, 1783–1962 (London: Heinemann, 1981), pp. 157– 176; and Kelvin Singh, Race and Class Struggles in a Colonial State: Trinidad 1917–1945 (Kingston: The Press, University of the West Indies, 1994), chs. 2–6. 7. The organization quickly spread and by 1923 there were thirty UNIA branches throughout the island. The regional UNIA headquarters, called “Lily of the Nile,” was located in the suburb of St. James, Port-of-Spain. 8. The account of the Garvey movement in Trinidad that follows is based mainly on the excellent article by Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad,” pp. 63–95. See also W. F. Elkins, “Marcus Garvey, the Negro World and the British West Indies 1919–1920,” in Garvey: Africa, Europe, the Americas, ed. Rupert Lewis and Maureen Warner-Lewis (Kingston: University of the West Indies, Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1986), pp. 36–51; Brereton, A History of Modern Trinidad, pp. 157–176; Singh, Race and Class Struggles in a Colonial State, pp. 14–40, 151– 53. 9. Rhoda Reddock, Women, Labour and Politics in Trinidad and Tobago: A History (Kingston: Ian Randle, 1994), pp. 104–111. 10. See S. Craig-James, “Smiles and Blood: The Ruling Class Response to the Workers’ Rebellion of 1937 in Trinidad & Tobago,” in The Trinidad Labour Riots of 1937, ed. R. Thomas, pp. 83– 87. Tony Martin writes that he met an old Garveyite living in Tobago who had joined the UNIA in Cuba in 1920 (Martin, “Marcus Garvey and the West Indies,” in The Pan-African Connection, p. 62), but the list of UNIA branches in his major study Race First mentions no branch in Tobago, and this study has no index entry for Tobago (Martin, Race First [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976], pp. 361–373). 11. Arriving in Trinidad on 20 October 1937, Garvey left that evening for British Guiana. He then returned to Trinidad on 25 October, touring the south of the island and addressing a meeting at San Fernando. On the following day, he was given a civic reception at the Port-of-Spain town hall. He also gave a farewell address at the local Liberty Hall before departing that evening. While plans were taking shape for these visits, Garvey had fallen further into disfavor with his supporters in Trinidad and Tobago. Garvey’s alleged criticism did not sit well with his predominantly workingclass and trade-union base of support (Sunday Guardian [Trinidad], 29 August 1937, and People, 4 September 1937). During his visit, Garvey spoke in Port-of-Spain and San Fernando, Trinidad’s major towns, and visited other parts of the island. But The People commented on his visit that “Garvey appears to have little sympathy for the poor” (The People, 13 November 1937). Garvey later disavowed the critical comments while in St. Lucia as he continued his tour (VSL, 2 November 1937). For more on Garvey’s visit to Trinidad, see Kevin A. Yelvington, “The War in Ethiopia and Trinidad 1935–1936,” in The Colonial Caribbean in Transition: Essays on Postemancipation Social and Cultural History, ed. Bridget Brereton and Kevin A. Yelvington (Kingston: The Press, University of the West Indies, 1999), pp. 222–225. 12. For the 1937 visit, see Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad,” pp. 74–77; and Kevin A. Yelvington, “The War in Ethiopia and Trinidad 1935–1936,” pp. 222–225.

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U.S. Virgin Islands The documents in this volume speak to the inclusion of U.S. Virgin Islanders in the general struggle of black people against racism and colonialism. They also reveal that Garveyism, which arrived in the Virgin Islands just after sovereignty had passed from Denmark to the United States, resonated well among a people soon disappointed with American rule. The U.S. Virgin Islands (formerly known as the Danish West Indies and dominated by the three islands of St. John, St. Thomas, and St. Croix) were purchased in 1917, for use as a naval base. They were of strategic importance to the Panama Canal and the U.S. Department of the Navy administered the islands from 1917 to 1931. Navy officers filled the most important posts in the executive branch of government, with admirals and captains serving as governor. Most Virgin Islanders initially welcomed American rule as a way to escape the shortcomings of the Danish regime. Beginning in the mid-eighteenthcentury, the Danes had fashioned the islands into a sugar and trading colony quite similar to the British, French, and Dutch possessions that existed in the eastern Caribbean. Few Danes actually settled in their colony, and English became the common language of the planters and merchants that arrived there from various European countries. Like the other eastern Caribbean islands, production and profit depended on the labor of enslaved Africans. Slavery lasted until 1848, when a slave rebellion on St. Croix forced the Danes to conform to a growing international ethic that favored abolition. However, economic stagnation and political oppression stifled the promise of emancipation. After experiencing constant growth in the eighteenth century, the islands’ economy entered a long era of decline. The best indicator of this deterioration was the declining population, which fell from 43,000 to 26,000 in the hundred years before the arrival of the Americans. Facing economic misfortune, the ruling class hung on to its social position by erecting political barriers that kept the black majority in conditions of servitude. Yet, United States Navy rule disappointed Virgin Islanders, who had believed that American rhetoric about democracy augured political reform in the colony. Black Virgin Islanders, in particular, had hoped that the transfer to the United States would bring political and economic improvements, but President Woodrow Wilson’s decision to let the navy govern the new colony only strengthened the power of the islands’ mostly white planter and merchant elite. Most Virgin Islanders were not even granted U.S. citizenship; this status was bestowed only on those residents who were Danish citizens, but Danish West Indians were labeled subjects of the king and were without rights to participate in Danish political affairs. Besides giving ordinary Virgin Islanders the legal freedom to travel to the United States, U.S. citizenship would have strengthened their quest for greater political rights.

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Once it became apparent that navy rule meant the continuation of the more repressive aspects of the Danish colonial system, the demands for increased political rights became synonymous with the struggle against the navy. In 1927, the U.S. Congress partially acquiesced to the pleas of Virgin Islanders by granting them citizenship. Then, in 1931, President Herbert Hoover transferred control of the colony to the Department of the Interior. Finally, in 1936, Congress completed the task demanded by Virgin Islanders by approving a local constitution based on universal adult suffrage.1 By blatantly espousing notions of white superiority, more so than the Danes, the navy government validated the Garveyite call for black solidarity to counter white aggression. Throughout the 1920s, black Virgin Islanders demanded the removal of the navy’s presence, and it did not take much to persuade them that their fight against the navy placed them alongside similar struggles in the rest of the Caribbean, the United States, and Africa. As evidenced by the Negro World articles in the documents, the UNIA leadership welcomed the critics of navy rule into the campaign for black liberation. However, despite the appeal of Garveyite ideas, the UNIA established only a limited formal presence in the Virgin Islands. The documents tell of only one chapter: the St. Thomas Division No. 84. By its own admission, this chapter remained “small in numbers.” Another document hints at the possibility of the founding of an African Communities League (ACL) branch on Saint Croix. No generally recognized Virgin Islands political leader openly embraced Garveyism. The spread of Garveyism may have been limited by Virgin Islanders’ acceptance of their status as a U.S. colony. Discontent with the navy never became general disagreement with U.S. rule. Indeed, the other issue of the 1920s that united black Virgin Islanders was the desire for U.S. citizenship. The transfer treaty granted U.S. citizenship to Danish citizens living in the islands, but since most natives were subjects, not citizens, of Denmark, they simply became subjects of the United States. Oppressed by a political system that severely limited suffrage, black Virgin Islanders needed U.S. citizenship to press the U.S. Congress to enact political reforms. The exigencies of this situation warranted stressing loyalty to the United States over identifying too strongly with black nationalism. The Negro World articles, beyond criticizing American imperialism and racism, were a call for the U.S. government to do its part in resolving the problems of the islands. Mostly written by Casper Holstein, the Crucian-born political activist resident in New York City, they reflect the general belief of Virgin Islanders that the United States had a moral duty to help, but not to leave, the Virgin Islands. To be sure, Virgin Islanders often did not counterpose loyalty to the United States to sympathy for Garveyite ideas. For many, joining the United States meant becoming part of the nation of black Americans. Even while their home was still a Danish colony, Virgin Islanders were aware of the racial bond they shared with black people in the United States. To cite one eloquent cclxxii

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example, D. Hamilton Jackson, the leader of the Saint Croix Labor Union, encouraged participants in the 1916 sugar strike by reminding them that “if the Danish government won’t help, the 10 million negroes in America will.”2 After coming under United States rule, Virgin Islanders saw their demands for U.S. citizenship as part of the general struggle for racial equality on the U.S. mainland. The disdain with which navy officials treated the islands’ black leadership must have encouraged the spread of Garveyism in the Virgin Islands. All the documents in this collection date from the 1920s, and this writer is unaware of any other documents that tell of the activities of formal UNIA or ACL chapters. St. Thomas Division No. 84 probably stopped functioning in the 1930s when the white civilian administrators appointed by the U.S. secretary of the interior had considerable success in establishing good working relationships with black Virgin Islanders. However, the cessation of the publication of the Negro World in 1933 leaves open the possibility that Garveyism continued to have a presence in the Virgin Islands but without a sympathetic newspaper to publicize its activities. While the formal adherents to Garveyism were few in number, the documents in this collection counter the view by historians that Virgin Islanders saw themselves as separate from the rest of the black Caribbean. In general, the historiography of the Virgin Islands has not explored the connections to neighboring islands. This sense of separateness has been especially pronounced in the writing of political history. Perhaps the evidence of the existence of Garveyism in the Virgin Islands can help historians place these small islands within the larger history of the Caribbean. GREGORY R. LAMOTTA 1. See Isaac Dookhan, “The Search for Identity: The Political Aspirations and Frustrations of Virgin Islanders under the United States Naval Administration, 1917–1927,” JCH 12 (May 1979): 1–34, and “The American Civil Liberties Union in the U.S. Virgin Islands,” Revista/Review Interamericana 12, no. 3 (fall 1982): 424–456; Gordon K. Lewis, The Virgin Islands: A Caribbean Lilliput (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1972), pp. 40–110; William W. Boyer, America’s Virgin Islands: A History of Human Rights and Wrongs (Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press, 1983), pp. 61–183; Dookhan, A History of the Virgin Islands of the United States (Kingston: Canoe Press, 1994), pp. 243–283. 2. The Bulletin [Saint Croix], 26 January 1916, cited in Gregory R. LaMotta, “Working People and the Transfer of the Danish West Indies to the United States, 1916–1917,” JCH 23, no. 2 (1989): 188.

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World War I The documents in this volume provide a unique insight into the impact of the Great War on nationalist and pan-African sentiment in the Anglophone Caribbean and its diaspora in the United States, Central America, and Cuba. They present a detailed picture of Garvey’s attempts to place African selfdetermination on a par with other claims for sovereignty in the postwar order. The demand for African nationhood was partly a response to Woodrow Wilson’s “Fourteen Points.” In mapping out United States policy for a future peace settlement in 1918, Wilson had asserted the rights of subject peoples within the empires of the combatant powers: Britain, France, Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Russia. The 1917 Balfour Declaration in favor of a Jewish homeland and the continuing campaign for home rule in India and Ireland were also important in this regard. But most significantly, the collection reveals how Garvey’s understanding of the experiences and expectations of black war veterans transformed the symbol of sacrifice for freedom, democracy, and civilization—the rallying cry of empire—into the watchwords of worldwide African liberation and self-government. The documents also capture the mood of discontent that developed among those who did not participate directly in the war effort. A temporary boom in the plantation economy, resulting from the wartime demands of Europe and the United States, did not percolate into the black peasantry and working class. Rather, the black masses were disproportionately affected by wartime inflation—fueled by speculation and shortages—compounding existing economic exploitation and political disenfranchisement. By the end of the war, strikes and disturbances had broken out in Jamaica, British Guiana, Trinidad, St. Lucia, and Antigua as workers demanded pay increases to match inflation that topped 145 percent for some essential commodities.1 When war broke out, there was enthusiastic but not universal support for the empire among all classes, races, and colors. The UNIA, founded on the eve of the war, issued a statement of loyalty “sincerely pray[ing] for the success of British Arms on the battlefields of Europe and Africa, and at Sea, in crushing the ‘common Foe,’ the enemy of peace and further civilization.”2 Amid reports of atrocities in Belgium, Garvey viewed British rule as preferable to German occupation. Indeed, when the West Indian contingents began to be assembled in 1915, the threat of a return to slavery in the event of a German victory was regularly mooted at recruitment rallies to encourage volunteers. As the documents show, Garvey and his supporters later used, to great effect, the Allied claim that the war had been fought for “the sacred principle of democracy.”3 At first, the British military rejected offers of West Indian contingents for the front. Despite the impressive record of the West Indies Regiments, who had served in numerous colonial and imperial campaigns since the American War of Independence, black soldiers were regarded as lacking the necessary self-control cclxxv

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and intelligence to cope with the demands of modern warfare. Considering the deployment of black soldiers, members of the Army Council, its executive body, declared “coolness, courage and initiative are at premium [in the frontline]—qualities of which the ordinary coloured labourer is deficient.”4 The Colonial Office believed that West Indian volunteers should be retained for local defense and the colonies’ main effort should come in the shape of supplies and monetary contributions. However, white West Indian volunteers seeking commissions in the British army were not discouraged and units formed from the white elite were favorably received. One hundred and thirty men of Bermuda Volunteer Rifle Corps were incorporated into the First Lincolnshire Regiment from June 1915. Later that year, Trinidad dispatched the merchant and public contingents, totaling around four hundred white men, to England. This situation mirrored the everyday reality of West Indian life, in which the exclusion of nonwhites from positions of power and prestige was institutionalized. This bias had been illustrated by the exclusion of black candidates from the Jamaican Civil Service examinations in 1911.5 Nevertheless, black and brown West Indians were eager to match declarations of loyalty and material support with military sacrifice. In the words of one Barbadian, “We have put up sugar and money . . . but that won’t win our battles. It’s lives we desire to give . . . and it is only fair to give these colonies the opportunity of showing the true spirit of patriotism that they have always evinced in the past.”6 Nonwhite supporters of the war insisted that they too should be able to prove themselves on the battlefield, generally regarded as the supreme test of manhood. The arrival in Europe of Indian troops, portrayed within British imperial and military ideology as “martial races,”7 spurred the advocates of West Indian recruitment. But it was local press reports detailing French deployment of West and North African troops on the western front that really caught the imagination of potential black volunteers. France, Germany’s superior in manpower since the Franco-Prussian war, deployed around 170,000 West African troops alone, with little hesitation. Black West Indians began to make their way to the metropole to volunteer. Some paid their own passages, costing between £17 and £25, a considerable outlay. Others stowed away, only to face ridicule and punishment on their arrival. In May 1915, at a court in West Ham, London, nine black men from Barbados, who vowed they “had come to fight,” were charged with stowing away on the S.S. Danube. Dismissing the case, the magistrate still mocked the men, suggesting they had stowed away in “a dark corner” in order to join the “Black Guards.” Three Jamaicans, tried by the court for the same offense in 1917, were rewarded with seven days imprisonment for their attempt to support the war effort.8 Military law classified black British subjects as aliens, limited to a ratio of 1:50 in any army unit, and refused admission to ranks above noncommissioned officer. Black volunteers were routinely rejected at recruitment offices, although there were notable exceptions, including the footballer Walter Tull, born in England of a Barbadian father and English cclxxvi

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mother. Tull was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Middlesex Regiment and died during the second battle of the Somme in April 1918.9 Despite the lack of metropolitan encouragement, contingents were formed through local initiatives in the West Indies. The British were forced into a more pragmatic approach, especially after King George V suggested it would be politically expedient to do so. The creation of the British West Indies Regiment was formally announced in the London Gazette on 26 October 1915. By this stage, the first of the West Indian contingents had arrived in the metropole and had made their way to Seaford on the south coast for training. By the spring of 1916, sufficient men had arrived to enable the dispatch of two battalions to Egypt. At the end of the war, the BWIR numbered twelve battalions and more than fifteen thousand men from the West Indies, Honduras, the Bahamas, and Bermuda had passed through its ranks. Although BWIR battalions were frequently deployed within range of the German guns, British commanders insisted that black troops could not actively engage with a white opponent. As late as May 1918, the British War Cabinet refused to incorporate black U.S. troops into British formations for frontline training. The black divisions were instead absorbed into the French command structure.10 Given the pressing need for personnel, racism alone—usually expressed in terms that derided West Indian military potential—could not explain the exclusion of most BWIR battalions from frontline action. The image of white masculine prowess, characterized by heroic endeavor, stoicism, and self-control, had been shattered by the epidemic of psychiatric disorders, usually termed “shell shock” or “neurasthenia,” that afflicted the British army, particularly from the start of the Somme offensive in July 1916. No less a concern was the poor physique of many recruits, who were regarded as symptomatic of the racial degeneration said to be afflicting the British “race” as a result of urbanization, immorality, and immigration. The underlying fear was that black soldiers might outperform their white counterparts, causing repercussions for the hierarchy of empire.11 The first two battalions and members of the Fifth (reserve) Battalion eventually saw frontline action in the campaign against the Turks in Palestine and Jordan, where they received much official praise. A small detachment of the regiment also served alongside the Second West India Regiment in the East African campaign. However, the remaining battalions were deployed as labor battalions on the western front and later at the port of Taranto in Italy. Their duties included road building and railway construction, digging trenches, unloading ships and trains, and carrying ammunition to the frontline batteries. One hundred Honduran members of the regiment served with the Inland Water Transport Section of the Royal Engineers in Mesopotamia. Particularly in Italy, the men were forced to undertake more menial duties, such as cleaning latrines, for white soldiers.

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Discrimination permeated all aspects of military life. Even BWIR battalions which had served in the front line were routinely excluded from social facilities, such as camp cinemas and estaminets (soldiers’ cafés). Men requiring medical services were usually sent to “native” hospitals reserved for South African, Chinese, Egyptian, and Indian labor contingents, where treatment and accommodation were inferior to those given to German prisoners of war. Deaths from disease were disproportionately high as a result. From its inception, the BWIR was classed as a British infantry regiment, entitled to the same pay and conditions as other British troops. However, commanders and officials tended to regard the BWIR as a “native” unit, like the older West India Regiment, issuing lower pay and allowances as a result. Army Order 1/1918 awarded a 50 percent pay increase to all British regiments, effective from September 1917. The BWIR was excluded from these provisions and it was not until mid-1919, after vigorous protest, that the matter was redressed. Decades after the war, veterans were still claiming that they had not received their full entitlement. Aggrieved by the conditions under which they were forced to work and encouraged by concessions made by the British military to Italian and Maltese civilian labor, the men of the BWIR struck. In early December 1918, nearly a month after hostilities had ceased, Lieutenant Colonel R. B. Willis, commander of the Ninth Battalion, a notoriously brutal officer, was attacked when he ordered his men to clean latrines used by the Italian Labor Corps. A number of men, surrounded his tent and slashed it with their bayonets. They eventually dispersed, but the following day, 7 December 1918, the Ninth and Tenth battalions refused to work and were disarmed. The unrest spread and one man was killed by a sergeant, later convicted for “negligently discharging his rifle.”12 The mutiny was swiftly brought to an end and harsh sentences were meted out to the forty-nine men found guilty of mutiny. Private Sanches, apparently the leader of the mutiny, received a death sentence, commuted to twenty years imprisonment.13 The Ninth Battalion was dispersed in an effort to separate the ringleaders.14 White labor battalions replaced the BWIR and Italian laborers took over sanitary duties.15 Some of the Taranto mutineers were involved in a further mutiny when they were transported back to the West Indies on the Orca in September 1919. Among the ship’s passengers were 650 BWIR veterans, together with black seamen and civilians, repatriated after the series of racial attacks that took place in London, Cardiff, and other British cities during 1919.16 These men had assisted the empire, in the army, navy, and munitions industries. For their sacrifices they were rewarded with abuse and violence on the streets of the metropole before, in many cases, being forcibly shipped back to the Caribbean, where many vented their anger in postwar disturbances and agitation. The Orca mutiny broke out when the Taranto mutineers were placed in irons and BWIR veterans and seamen attempted to free them. The white military escort proved

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ineffective and had to seek the support of black military police to suppress the mutiny.17 In the wake of the events at Taranto, members of the BWIR formed a short-lived organization, the Caribbean League, marking a milestone in the development of Anglophone Caribbean nationalism. The chief aim of the league, “the Promotion of all matters conducive to the General Welfare of the islands constituting the British West Indies and the British Territories adjacent thereto,”18 did not, at first, unsettle the military authorities, who were given a report of the inaugural meeting by an informer. However, the resolution of a subsequent gathering “that the black man should have freedom to govern himself in the West Indies and that force must be used, and if necessary bloodshed, to attain that object”19 sent shock waves throughout the region, as the documents in this series show. Some members of the colonial regime, however, maintained a self-satisfied belief that the virtues of empire, especially compared to the treatment of black people in the United States, would ultimately serve as a bulwark against nationalist and revolutionary sentiment. The league was composed primarily of sergeants (significantly, all the mutineers were enlisted soldiers), who debated whether literature and propaganda should be disseminated among the ranks “as they might not understand the objects and get excited.”20 On the first day of the mutiny, 180 sergeants of the BWIR chose to present a petition demanding the extension of a pay increase granted by Army Order No. 1 to the BWIR.21 Eschewing direct action at this stage, the noncommissioned officers of the BWIR nevertheless took advantage of the growing mood of discontent among the other ranks. The league manifested a strong Jamaican orientation. Sergeants Brown, Collman, and Jones—all Jamaicans—took the key posts in the organization. This clearly had the potential to lead to dissatisfaction and dissent from men of the smaller and less populous territories and may even have motivated the chief informer, Sergeant Pouchet, who had argued against the establishment of the league’s headquarters in Jamaica.22 But despite its short life and internal contradictions, the Caribbean League assisted the formation of a distinct racial consciousness from the harsh experiences of war. In a poem written at the time of the mutiny, Sergeant H. B. Montieth, a former Jamaican teacher, encapsulated the mood: Lads of the West, with duty done, soon shall we parted be To different land, perhaps no more each other’s face to see, But still as comrades of the war our efforts we’ll unite To sweep injustice from our land, its social wrongs to right. Then go on conquering—lift your lives above each trivial thing To which the meaner breeds of earth so desperately cling; And Heaven grant you strength to fight the battle for your race, To fight and conquer, making earth for man a happier place.23

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Failing to learn the lessons of the Taranto mutiny, the British military continued to discriminate against the BWIR. Even the battle-hardened veterans of the First and Second battalions, arriving in Taranto in April 1919, were not spared segregation, menial duties, and racial insult under the regime of the South African commandant, Carey-Bernard. Instituting what Captain Andrew Cipriani described as a “reign of terror,” Carey-Bernard insisted: The men were only niggers and . . . were better fed and treated than any nigger had a right to expect . . . he would order them to do whatever work he pleased, and if they objected he would force them to do it.24 The appalling treatment black soldiers experienced when they volunteered to defend the empire, and the failure to deliver postwar justice for Africans worldwide, fueled support for the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Garvey could urge his supporters to join the struggle for African liberation under the Red, Black, and Green, in the knowledge that many in his audience were deeply disillusioned by the sacrifices they had made under the Union Jack. Whereas the colonial and metropolitan governments dismissed the sacrifices of the black veterans, Garvey called upon them to anticipate future sacrifice, declaring that “the negroes claim Africa and will shed blood for their claim.”25 BWIR veterans went on to play key roles in the UNIA. Samuel Haynes became general secretary of the British Honduras branch of UNIA before traveling to the United States at Garvey’s request, eventually becoming the national representative in the mid-1930s. Arnold Ford, a Barbadian, was appointed director of music at Liberty Hall and wrote the Universal Ethiopian Anthem.26 Many veterans migrated from their homelands after the war through economic necessity. Government-sponsored passages to Cuba were taken up by more than four thousand veterans in Jamaica alone. But, rather than diluting nationalist and Garveyite sentiment, this dispersal instead served to internationalize and strengthen the cause of pan-Africanism. RICHARD SMITH 1. Richard Hart, “Origins and Development of the Working Class in the English-speaking Caribbean Area, 1897–1937,” in Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence, ed. Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman (London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1988), pp. 50–55. See also Glenford D. Howe, Race, War, and Nationalism: A Social History of West Indians in the First World War (Kingston: Ian Randle and James Currey, 2002). 2. Marcus Garvey, Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League, to Rt. Hon. Lewis Harcourt, MP, Secretary of State for the Colonies, 16 September 1914, TNA: PRO CO 137/705 (MGP 1:77–78). 3. The Workman [Panama City], 2 April 1921. 4. Memorandum from Military Members of the Army Council to Commander in Chief, British Armies in France, 6 February 1917, TNA: PRO WO 32/5094. 5. Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America (London: Verso, 1998), pp. 38–41. 6. West India Committee Circular 421 (17 November 1914).

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HISTORICAL COMMENTARIES 7. See David Omissi, The Sepoy and the Raj: The Indian Army, 1860–1940 (London: Macmillan, 1994), pp. 12–24. 8. Stratford Express, 19 May 1915, p. 3, and 12 May 1917, p. 3. Blackguard was a contemporary term for scoundrel or villain. 9. Phil Vasili, “Walter Daniel Tull, 1888–1918: Soldier, Footballer, Black,” Race and Class 38, no. 2 (1996): 51–69. 10. Arthur E. Barbeau and Florette Henri, The Unknown Soldiers: African American Troops in World War 1 (rev. ed.; New York: Da Capo Press, 1996), p. 139. 11. For a detailed discussion of the racial implications of “shell shock” see Richard Smith, Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004). 12. War Diary, Taranto Base Commandant, 6–8 December 1918, TNA: PRO WO 95/4255; War Diary 7, British West Indies Regiment, Italy Lines of Communication, 9 January 1919, TNA: PRO WO 95/4262; Sir Etienne Dupuch, A Salute to Friend and Foe (Nassau: Tribune, 1982), p. 78; Howe, Race, War and Nationalism, pp. 164–171. 13. Register of Field General Courts Martial and Military Courts, 11 January 1919 to 26 February 1919, TNA: PRO WO 213/27. 14. Secret Telegram Base Commandant, Taranto, to War Office, 9 December 1918, TNA: PRO WO 33/951/619; Secret Telegram from Base Commandant, Taranto, to War Office, 10 December 1918, TNA: PRO WO 33/951/620; Secret Telegram Base Commandant, Taranto, to War Office, 10 December 1918, TNA: PRO WO 33/951/621; Secret Telegram from Inspector General of Communications, Italy, to War Office, 11 December 1918, TNA: PRO WO 33/951/625; Secret Telegram from GOC, Italy, to War Office, 13 December 1918, TNA: PRO WO 33/951/630; Secret Telegram from War Office to GHQ, Italy, 15 December 1918, TNA: PRO WO 33/951/ 631. 15. Secret Telegram from GHQ, Italy, to War Office, 19 December 1918, TNA: PRO WO 33/ 951/635; War Diary, Deputy Assistant Director of Labour, Taranto, 23 December 1918, TNA: PRO WO 95/4256. 16. See Peter Fryer, Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain (London: Pluto, 1984), pp. 297–316. 17. Governor of Barbados to Milner, Secretary of State for the Colonies, 25 September 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/349/59579; [H. W.] Hemsley to GOC, Jamaica, [nd], TNA: PRO CO 318/ 349/59579; Hemsley to GOC, Jamaica, 29 September 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/349/59579; Major H. W. Hemsley, Memoranda on Voyage of SS Orca, 29 September 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/349/59579. 18. Notes of meeting held at Cimino Camp, Italy, 17 December 1918, TNA: PRO CO 318/ 350/2590. 19. Major Maxwell Smith to Major-General Thullier, GOC, Taranto, 27 December 1918, TNA: PRO CO 318/350/2590. 20. Major Maxwell Smith (8 BWIR) to GOC, Taranto, 3 January 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/ 350/2590. 21. Petition of M. Murphy (3 BWIR) and 179 other sergeants of the BWIR based in Italy, 6 December 1918, TNA: PRO CO 28/294/56561. 22. Notes of meeting held at Cimino Camp, Italy, 17 December 1918, TNA: PRO CO 318/ 350/2590; Major Maxwell Smith (8 BWIR) to GOC, Taranto, 3 January 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/350/2590. 23. Jamaica Times, 28 June 1919, p. 8. 24. A. A. Cipriani, Twenty-five Years After: The British West Indies Regiment in the Great War 1914–1918 (Port-of-Spain: Trinidad Publishing, 1940), p. 62. 25. Braithwaite Wallis, British Legation, Panama, to Austin Chamberlain, Foreign Secretary, 4 November 1925, TNA: PRO CO 554/66/57659. 26. James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia, pp. 55–69.

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MAY 1910

Report of a Pamphlet by Marcus Garvey [Jamaica, 28 May 1910]

“THE STRUGGLING MASS” Mr. Marcus Garvey has issued a pamphlet1, in which he upholds the policy of Mr. Cox2 and deals severely with the Press which he declares is now the enemy of the people. Printed in the Jamaica Times Supplement, 28 May 1910. 1. This pamphlet has not been found. Garvey may not have been its sole author. W. A. Domingo (1889–1968), who was a fellow member of the National Club, later recalled the appearance of “a pamphlet which, in a sense, we both wrote in Kingston and he [Garvey] published” (TNF, AJG, W. A. Domingo to Amy Jacques Garvey, 15 January 1961). 2. Solomon Alexander Gilbert Cox (1871–1922), more popularly known as “Sandy” Cox or “The People’s Sandy,” was the founder and moving spirit of the National Club. He entered the Jamaica government service at an early age and worked as a legal clerk in the Judicial Department for twenty years before studying law at the Middle Temple in London. He was called to the bar in July 1908 and returned to Jamaica to become deputy clerk of the Court for the Parish of St. James. Cox left the post in January 1909 amid charges by the governor that he was absent from duty without leave. Cox instituted proceedings against the governor for libel, but lost. On 3 March 1909 the National Club launched a concerted political campaign against the governor, and in December Cox submitted a statement to the secretary of state for the colonies seeking the removal of Governor Olivier from Jamaica. Before this action, Cox had won election to the legislative council as the member for the parish of St. Thomas, only to find himself suspended from the council six months later, in May 1910, for publishing the proceedings of a select committee appointed to examine charges that Cox had made against certain prison officials. However, at the January 1911 general election, Cox was again returned as the member for St. Thomas. A court petition challenged the legality of his election on technicalities regarding the residency requirement and income, and Cox was unseated by a court decision in June 1911. Denied its principal voice in the legislature, the National Club soon floundered for lack of support. In October 1911 Cox went to Panama and Costa Rica to raise funds to revive his antigovernment newspaper in Jamaica, The Daily News (“The People’s Paper”), which had discontinued publication in June 1911. Instead of returning to Jamaica, he migrated to the United States in November 1911, where he practiced as an attorney in Boston. Despite his residence abroad, Cox continued to write frequent letters to the Jamaican press on political subjects, though it appears that he disavowed politics completely after he became a Christian Scientist in 1913. Upon his death, the Gleaner noted that “Cox swayed remarkable influence over large sections of the masses of the country” (DG, 13 December 1922; HJ, 1923).

Essay by Niger in Our Own1 [Kingston, Jamaica, 1 August 1910]

REFLECTIONS FOR THE 1ST OF AUGUST Slavery is a very ancient institution. Man is by nature a lazy animal. He has to face the great law of nature that by the sweat of man’s brow must man eat bred. How to avoid work and yet be fed was the problem for lazy nations to solve. He could only solve it by getting other animals to work for him and the strong 3

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did not stop short at the lower creation but used their strength to make slaves of their fellow men. Captives, conquered people, criminals were made burden bearers of their more fortunate fellows. The slave-market was founded and here persons could buy and sell men, women and children as mere goods and chattels. The ancient Greeks and Romans were great slave-holding nations.2 It was slavery with the consequent indolence and debauchery of the slave masters that undermined the Roman peoples and led to their downfall. The world owes much to the slaves of Rome. They were the educated classes and the modern world is indebted to them for much of its art, science and literature. When the Republic3 became degenerate in its later days the slaves also degenerated and were treated very brutally. But Roman slavery was nothing to be compared with the slavery of the West Indies and America for oppression and cruelty perhaps due to the fact that the slavemaster and the slave were of different races of mankind. Slavery has been associated with the negro but it must be remembered that white men too have been enslaved at several periods of the world’s history. Slavery flourished in England in the early times of her history. The Celt was enslaved by the Anglo-Saxon and the Anglo-Saxon in turn by the Norman. Hence the black man need not be ashamed of the fact that their ancestors were in many cases slaves. Slavery is the oppression of the weak by the strong and arises from a physical and not a moral superiority. The people to be ashamed of slavery are the slave-owners. He is guilty of indolence, moral turpitude and low morality. They used their strength to oppress the innocent and amassed wealth at the expense of other men, free of charge. To get rid of this iniquity in the West Indies meant years of toil and struggle by those white men who loved the black man, or rather who hated oppression in any kind or form. It will be well to recall the names of some of these friends of the Negroes. First of all we must remember that great man William Wilberforce4 who for forty years struggled to get Parliament to abolish the African slave trade. He lived just long enough to see the good work accomplished. The African slave-trade was abolished in 1807. The trade was gone but slavery still remained. This too had to go. Buxton,5 Clarkson6 and a few others in England led the attack. They met with almost insuperable opposition but at length succeeded. The youth Queen Victoria7 just after her accession signed the Bill declaring all slaves in British Dominions free.8 The planters of the West Indies got twenty millions sterling as compensation for their human chattels. In America slavery lasted till 1865 when that good and noble-hearted man Abraham Lincoln9 proclaimed their freedom10 after a bloody civil war that cost over two million lives. In Haiti the slaves led by that great negro Toussaint L’Ouverture11 themselves threw off the oppressor’s yoke. Later Spain followed the example of England and the blacks of Cuba became free.12

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AUGUST 1910

The slaves from being chattels now became free men and acquired the privileges of citizenship. In Jamaica their progress has been phenomenal. Many of them acquired their own free holdings, built churches and schools and belied the prophecies of their detractors. Black men have presided over the House of Assembly, sat in our Legislative Council, are among our foremost doctors, lawyers and preachers. We must remember that freedom was not a gift; it was a right. No favour was shown the black men when he was made free. Freedom was simply the undoing of a grievous wrong. Slavery has been overthrown, but in its place has come another evil which is trying to block his progress. That evil is racial prejudice. It is true race prejudice is not as acute as it is in the United States but yet it is here. Take the various Boards in our Island outside the Parochial Boards which are elective or take the list of Justices of the Peace and see how few black men are on them. And yet there are black men of first-class education, character and intelligence in our midst. The Civil service examination13 did a good thing when it gave the black boy a chance, but now that chance is gone with the present system of nomination. It is only in the professions where the black man has to depend on his own merits that he may hope to get a fair chance to get on. This should not be. Colour is, after all, skin deep. No man is responsible for the kind of pigment the Creator has put under his skin. A man who hates another man because of his colour insults God and exhibits gross ignorance. The highly educated and well-bred white man cannot understand colour prejudice. It is foreign to him. He lives in a higher atmosphere. This race prejudice is going to give trouble in the future. The time does not seem so far distant when the black and yellow races of Africa and Asia are going to challenge the assumed superiority of the white race. The universal brotherhood of man preached by some seems a dream which will never be realised. All who believe in it should do their utmost [to] combat and discountenance distinctions based on mere grounds of race. NIGER Printed in Our Own 1, no. 3 (1 August 1910). 1. Our Own was a bimonthly that appeared from July 1910 to July 1911. The title was influenced by the Irish Sinn Fein movement (in Gaelic Sinn Fein means “our own”). The journal was the official organ of the National Club, Jamaica’s first nationalist political organization. Founded on 3 March 1909, it was created to expose and redress the abuses of Crown Colony government in Jamaica, focusing on “coolie” immigration, the judicial system, education, and the autocratic methods of the governor, Sir Sydney Olivier. It proposed to develop a “more liberal policy” for Jamaica by contesting the seats of members in the Legislative Council who in the general election of 1911 did not pledge to support the policy of the National Club. By this means it hoped to control a political majority in the council. The National Club’s manifesto declared that only native-born Jamaicans could be members and that each member must pledge himself to Jamaican self-government (MGP 1:21). 2. The economies of Greek and Roman societies came to be based on slavery. In the case of ancient Greece, the real upsurge in slaveholding came in the sixth century BC, when political

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS reforms and measures in the city-states limited or abolished debt bondage. As a result, the rich used slave labor on their lands. From the fifth century BC onward slavery was an established institution. Slaves worked in every kind of profession, though household slaves made up the majority of the slave population. Slaves were important in mining, agriculture, and architecture in ancient Greek civilization. Slaves in silver mines, in particular, were an important factor for the Athenian economy. New areas of trade and new markets also led to an increase of slavery. In the early Roman republic slaves were not large in number. After the reconstruction of the Roman economy following the Second Punic War, the spread of the agricultural villa system and its accompanying social change led to an increase in slaves. During the Roman empire mass enslavement increased especially as a result of conquests. However, some Roman slaves were able to achieve freedom and move up in society (Balbina Babler, “Slavery,” in Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece, ed. Nigel Wilson [New York: Routledge, 2006], pp. 664–665; Karl Christ, The Romans: An Introduction to Their History and Civilisation [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984], pp. 43–44, 79–81; Lionel Casson, Everyday Life in Ancient Rome [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998], pp. 57–64; Sarah B. Pomeroy, Stanley M. Burstein, Walter Donlan, and Jennifer Tolbert Roberts, ed., Ancient Greece: A Political, Social, and Cultural History [New York: Oxford University Press, 1999], pp. 31, 98). 3. Many milestones could be said to mark the end of the era; besides the beginning of the civil war in 49 BC, various power struggles overwhelmed the republic and resulted in war. Augustus, who is considered the first emperor, took full power in 31 BC (Harriet I. Flower, ed., The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004], pp. 1– 11, 17; Klaus Bringmann, The History of the Roman Republic, trans. W. J. Smyth [Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007], pp. 322–325; Michael Avi Yonah and Israel Shatzman, Illustrated Encylopaedia of the Classical World [New York: Harper & Row, 1975], pp. 394–398; “Roman Republic,” in A Dictionary of World History [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000], www.oxfordreference.com, 20 February 2009; The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed., vol. 26 [Chicago: Encyclopædia Britannica, 2003], p. 928). 4. William Wilberforce (1759–1833), politician and abolitionist, attended Cambridge University and was elected Member of Parliament in 1780 at the age of twenty-one. Benefiting from his friendship with William Pitt the younger, who became prime minister in 1783, Wilberforce emerged as a parliamentary leader. In 1787 he began to campaign heavily against slavery. He remained at the forefront of the antislavery movement and cofounded the Anti-Slavery Society in 1823. Ill-health limited his activities in the 1820s, and he died just days after the bill abolishing slavery passed in the House of Commons (WBD; ODNB). 5. Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton (1786–1845), the son of an East Anglian squire and a Quaker mother, was a philanthropist involved in a number of charities, including prison reform, in the 1810s. After he was elected as a Member of Parliament for Weymouth in 1818, a position he retained until 1837, he was asked by William Wilberforce to take a leadership role in the antislavery movement. Buxton was thereafter a founding member and vice president of the Anti-Slavery Society formed in 1823, and a leading campaigner in Parliament for the abolition of slavery (WBD; ODNB). 6. Thomas Clarkson (1760–1846), English abolitionist, became a leading antislavery campaigner after winning a Cambridge University essay contest on the subject in 1785. Publication of Clarkson’s work, Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, Particularly the African (1786), led to the organizing of a committee for effecting the abolition of the slave trade in 1787. Despite personal risks, Clarkson traveled throughout Britain to collect research for the committee and to build a national movement. Ill-health and Clarkson’s association with the French Revolution temporarily forced his retirement, but by 1804 Clarkson was again actively campaigning for the slave trade to be abolished. With William Wilberforce, Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, and others, he founded the Anti-Slavery Society in 1823 (WBD; ODNB). 7. Queen Victoria (1819–1901) acceded to the throne of the United Kingdom in June 1837 and reigned until her death in 1901 (ODNB). 8. The British Parliament passed the Abolition Act in the summer of 1833, and it became effective on 1 August 1834. The act included £20 million in compensation to planters for the loss of their labor force. To speed up its enactment, the act declared that a colony would not receive compensation until its legislature had produced legislation consistent with the framework of the imperial bill and which incorporated rules and regulations acceptable to the Crown (William A. Green, British Slave Emancipation: The Sugar Colonies and the Great Experiment 1830–1865 [Oxford: Clar-

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AUGUST 1910 endon Press, 1976], pp. 99–127; Nadine C. Atkinson, The Caribbean History Pocket Encyclopedia [Kingston: Arawak Publications, 2003], pp. 1–2). 9. Abraham Lincoln (1809–1865), the sixteenth president of the United States, won reelection to the presidency in 1864; his term was cut short when he was assassinated on 14 April 1865 (ANB, WWWA). 10. Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on 1 January 1863 (The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed., vol. 4 [Chicago: Encyclopædia Britannica, 2003], p. 467). 11. Pierre Dominique Toussaint L’Ouverture (1743?–1803) was born near Cap-Français, Haiti, of African slave parents. In 1791 he joined the slave insurgents in a successful rebellion that resulted in their freedom in 1793. French Republicans made him commander in chief of Haiti at their convention in 1794. Garvey’s speeches frequently mentioned L’Ouverture (Francis J. Osborne, “The Haitian Revolution and Jamaica,” Jamaica Historical Society Bulletin 5 [December 1967]: 227–241; WBD). 12. Abolition was presented to the Spanish Parliament in 1812, but the measure was defeated. In 1817 a treaty was signed between Spain and Great Britain to end the slave trade as of 1820, but the provisions were largely ignored. African laborers freed under the treaty were called emancipados and put under control of the colonial government until they were granted full liberty. The Moret Law of 1870 declared that children of slaves born after 17 September 1868, slaves over the age of sixty, and the emancipados were free. In 1878, the end of the Ten Years’ War freed all the slaves that fought in the conflict for Cuban independence from Spain. Two years later on 13 February 1880, a system of patronato was set in place for gradual emancipation over eight years. Finally, that system and all forced labor were ended ahead of schedule with a final decree on 7 October 1886 (Luis Martinez-Fernandez et al., eds., Encyclopedia of Cuba: People, History, Culture, vol. 1 [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2003], pp. 55–57). 13. Open competitive examination for civil service posts in Jamaica was introduced in October 1885. Before this, the governor filled vacancies in the public service department on the recommendation of the department’s head. Some of the public as well as certain civil servants opposed the new system, and in response, changes were made allowing specific exemptions from the examinations. However, in 1905 these amendments were disallowed and open competition returned. Competitive examinations were discontinued again in 1911, and the system of appointments by the governor was reinstated (HJ, 1887; HJ, 1912; MGP 1:33).

Vox Populi to the Daily Gleaner [[Kingston, August 25, 1910]]

PRIZE CONTEST LAST WEDNESDAY’S ELOCUTION COMPETITION1 DISAGREEMENT WITH JUDGES2 Sir,— I am aware that in all competitions the decision of the judge or judges is final. This[,] however, does not debar the public of the privilege of expressing their opinion, and when that opinion is general and almost, if not altogether in opposition to such decision, I think publicity should be given to it so that if the judges have any qualms of conscience as to the honesty and conscientiousness of their decision they might know that the public is not unconscious of the deception. If, on the other hand, they have no such qualms of conscience then they would know the public is not satisfied as regards their ability to judge.

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An instance of this occurred last night when the elocution contest came off at the Collegiate Hall.3 Undoubtedly the great majority, if not all, of those who were present were dissatisfied with the judges’ decision as to the three contestants who came highest, and on all sides this dissatisfaction was freely and frankly expressed, and it was thought that the only way t[he] judges’ decision could be correct or be satisfactory would be if there has been recently a thorough revision of and many changes in the rules and art of elocution, which changes are not generally known in Jamaica, indeed known only to the gentlemen who were the judges last night. But this could hardly be possible. There were many among the audience last night who would be sure to have known of such changes. There was very little difference of opinion as regards the decision in assigning the first place to the gentleman to whom it was assigned; there was very much difference of opinion as regards the assigning of the second prize. But as regards the assignment of the third prize there was absolutely no difference of opinion, except so far as the decision of the judges differed from and clashed with the opinion of the entire audience. And this difference was manifest, for on the announcement of the name of the gentleman to whom the third prize was “given” the entire audience was dumbfounded for a time, and then those who could not restrain themselves shouted “unfair,” “unsatisfactory.” Indeed, Mr. Editor, I have never heard as much dissatisfaction expressed at the decision of judges on any other occasion after a contest.4 It seems to me that the reason was that the judges were three men of the same vocation and so trained in the same groove and manner of thinking, and to boot two of the prize winners are being trained for the profession that these gentlemen follow! It would be interesting to know on what principle the judges decided. VOX POPULI Printed in DG, 29 August 1910. 1. An all-island elocution contest and musical entertainment was staged at the Collegiate Hall in Kingston on the evening of Wednesday, 24 August 1910. There were fifteen competitors, one for each of the different parishes of the island. Marcus Garvey represented the parish of St. Ann. According to the Gleaner, “Several of the competitors have gained distinction in the art of elocution, so the contest will be very keen” (DG, 22 August 1910). 2. The judges in the elocution contest were Hector Josephs, William Morrison, and L. V. D. Samuel (DG, 26 August 1910). 3. Collegiate Hall, situated in Church Street, in Kingston, was connected with the Scotch Church (Kirk), the main church of the Presbytery of the Church of Scotland in Jamaica. The name “Collegiate Hall” was derived from the building that previously housed the Collegiate School. Started by Rev. John Radcliffe of the Church of Scotland in 1853, five years after his arrival in Jamaica, the Collegiate School would become over the next half century, under the renowned headship of William Morrison (d. 1902), “the most prominent and influential secondary high school for boys in Kingston, and indeed Jamaica” (“The Collegiate School, Kingston, Jamaica,” http://collegiatejamaica.synhasite.com). The Handbook of Jamaica, 1891–1892 states: “The premises formerly known and occupied as the Collegiate School have been repaired—indeed it might be said replaced by a building which contains two halls, the upper and the lower. The lower is for the Sunday School, while the upper is for Congregational Meetings, for Literary Meetings, and for such Public Meetings as will be sanctioned by the Committee of the Church. The building, which has cost about £1,000 is now known as The Collegiate” (Frank Cundall, The Handbook of Jamaica

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MARCH 1911 for 1891–1892: Comprising historical, statistical and general information concerning the island compiled from official and other reliable records [London; Kingston: Govt. Print. Establishment, 1891], pp. 400–401). 4. In an extended editorial entitled “The Contest,” the Gleaner declared after the event: The elocution contest, which took place at the Collegiate Hall on Wednesday night, is regarded as a success by everyone except by the candidates who did not win a prize. Some of these gentlemen claim that this is also the opinion of their friends . . . we stick to our belief that the contest was considered a success by all except the disappointed contestants; on the other hand it must be admitted that the depth of sincerity with which these disappointed ones regard the contest as a dismal failure, would, if transmutable into horse power, be sufficient to drag the Collegiate Hall to the ground. This is natural. It was not to be expected that fifteen elocutionists, each one an elocutionist of a very high standard indeed, could leave the Hall on Wednesday night all satisfied and happy. There were only three prizes. Consequently the merits of twelve men must have been most shamefully overlooked. There was one gentleman who prefaced his recitation by saying that “it was not his intention to make any preamble, but his poem was written by Cowper on the subject of his Mother’s Picture.” After this preamble he went on with his poem and came somewhere last; but that of course cannot prevent him from thinking that, if eloquence had its due in this unappreciative world, he would have been first. There was another gentleman who said nothing at all about a preamble: he was thinking principally of pounds. He set himself resolutely out to win the third prize, wisely thinking that £2 in the pocket was worth more than £5 in prospect. He has been since heard to declare with bitterness that the judges most unjustly refused to take his financial position into consideration, and now he says that he will never recite again— much to the delight of his friends. There was another gentleman who first recited the death scene of Mary Queen of Scots, and then immediately went on to tell us that “Life was not an empty dream.” But the audience, not wishing for too much of a good thing, insisted on interrupting the youth moralizer, and so the effect of the “Psalm of Life” was rather lost. Still in spite of these little differences of opinion and other things, the contest was, as we have said, a success (DG, 26 August 1910). Garvey participated a month later in another major elocution contest. “The gentlemen who are to recite on this occasion,” the Gleaner announced in its issue of 27 September 1910, “are all in excellent form and several of them have already established records in elocution.” Among the participants, the report listed “Mr. Marcus Garvey, ‘The Execution of Montrose.’ An elocutionist of great promise who represented St. Ann at the island contest” (DG, 27 September 1910).

Article in the Limón Times1 [Port Limón,2 Costa Rica, March 16th 1911]

A DISGRACEFUL MEETING DARKNES[S] STILL PREVAILS It is a truism that now-a-day there are hundreds of religious sects scat[t]ered all over the world, and even in little Limon where we have no less than 6 or eight psuedo [pseudo] gospel pounders. They all in their own way and creed serve their God. These have a form of godliness but not according to knowledge; but the worse of these are a lot of people called Cabo Miel3 or Revivalists.4

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MARCH 1911 for 1891–1892: Comprising historical, statistical and general information concerning the island compiled from official and other reliable records [London; Kingston: Govt. Print. Establishment, 1891], pp. 400–401). 4. In an extended editorial entitled “The Contest,” the Gleaner declared after the event: The elocution contest, which took place at the Collegiate Hall on Wednesday night, is regarded as a success by everyone except by the candidates who did not win a prize. Some of these gentlemen claim that this is also the opinion of their friends . . . we stick to our belief that the contest was considered a success by all except the disappointed contestants; on the other hand it must be admitted that the depth of sincerity with which these disappointed ones regard the contest as a dismal failure, would, if transmutable into horse power, be sufficient to drag the Collegiate Hall to the ground. This is natural. It was not to be expected that fifteen elocutionists, each one an elocutionist of a very high standard indeed, could leave the Hall on Wednesday night all satisfied and happy. There were only three prizes. Consequently the merits of twelve men must have been most shamefully overlooked. There was one gentleman who prefaced his recitation by saying that “it was not his intention to make any preamble, but his poem was written by Cowper on the subject of his Mother’s Picture.” After this preamble he went on with his poem and came somewhere last; but that of course cannot prevent him from thinking that, if eloquence had its due in this unappreciative world, he would have been first. There was another gentleman who said nothing at all about a preamble: he was thinking principally of pounds. He set himself resolutely out to win the third prize, wisely thinking that £2 in the pocket was worth more than £5 in prospect. He has been since heard to declare with bitterness that the judges most unjustly refused to take his financial position into consideration, and now he says that he will never recite again— much to the delight of his friends. There was another gentleman who first recited the death scene of Mary Queen of Scots, and then immediately went on to tell us that “Life was not an empty dream.” But the audience, not wishing for too much of a good thing, insisted on interrupting the youth moralizer, and so the effect of the “Psalm of Life” was rather lost. Still in spite of these little differences of opinion and other things, the contest was, as we have said, a success (DG, 26 August 1910). Garvey participated a month later in another major elocution contest. “The gentlemen who are to recite on this occasion,” the Gleaner announced in its issue of 27 September 1910, “are all in excellent form and several of them have already established records in elocution.” Among the participants, the report listed “Mr. Marcus Garvey, ‘The Execution of Montrose.’ An elocutionist of great promise who represented St. Ann at the island contest” (DG, 27 September 1910).

Article in the Limón Times1 [Port Limón,2 Costa Rica, March 16th 1911]

A DISGRACEFUL MEETING DARKNES[S] STILL PREVAILS It is a truism that now-a-day there are hundreds of religious sects scat[t]ered all over the world, and even in little Limon where we have no less than 6 or eight psuedo [pseudo] gospel pounders. They all in their own way and creed serve their God. These have a form of godliness but not according to knowledge; but the worse of these are a lot of people called Cabo Miel3 or Revivalists.4

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These dark people [as the Prophet Isaiah says: darkness covers the earth and gross darkness the people]5 are in the habit of assembling in available open yards and there indulgence in singing tunes with words to them that is enough to make an angel swear were it possible. On Tuesday night last one of these monster meetings was held in an open yard between sixth street and avenue four. About 250 to 300 people of the unwashed kind, headed by a “mial man”6 called [Z]acheus assembled and in a sort of enknown [unknown] tongue commenced yelling at the top of their voice, after indulging in this till they became tired a few of the more “strong winded” ones standing up, went off in a sort of a tance [trance] and for a considerable time kept up a loud groaning. This [then] they claim to be seized by a holy spirit and while in this state they are said to be possessed of healing powers. And through the powers of these spirits acting in them they are able to heal any of their sick members. The scene and noise was so disgraceful that the landlord at great risk of his life went into the crowd and blew out a large torch light they used. Himself and another respectable friend he had with him were the recipients of a shower of abuse. So dark and benighted was this man called Zacheus, that hails from Cieneguita,7 that he went down on his belly on the earth and called upon his unknow[n] spirits to avenge the landlord for disturbing him. When they left the yard they stood on the street and there fired the rest of their volleys. Printed in the Limón Times, 16 March 1911. Italic characters romanized. 1. The Times was one of several English or bilingual newspapers published in Limón during the first half of the twentieth century. When Marcus Garvey arrived in Costa Rica for his sojourn in 1910 and 1911, he began publication of the Nation, a small newspaper that was in direct competition with the Times. 2. Although Limón exists as an isolated community in the frontier region between the British West Indies and Hispanic America, it was an important port on the Atlantic coast, and the main port through which the United Fruit Company (UFC) exported bananas from Costa Rica. A steady stream of ships entered its harbor, and it had much greater contact with the wider world than towns in the interior of the country. Newspapers like Jamaica’s Gleaner and the Jamaica Times arrived in Limón on a regular basis and circulated among the larger West Indian community. 3. Literally, “Myal Mission,” in reference to the myal religion of Jamaica. 4. Between 1911 and 1912 the editors of the Times continuously denounced the popularity of “mial meetings,” “ghost healing,” and “obeahism” among working-class Afro-Caribbean immigrants in Limón, and called on Costa Rican officials to intervene and deport the leaders of such groups (Ronald N. Harpelle, “Ethnicity, Religion and Repression: The Denial of African Heritage in Costa Rica,” Canadian Journal of History 29 [1994]: 95–112; Aviva Chomsky, “Afro-Jamaican Traditions and Labor Organizing on United Fruit Company Plantations in Costa Rica, 1910,” JSH 28, no. 4 [1995]: 837–855). Afro-Jamaican non-orthodox Christian groups, or Revivalist churches, had flourished in the second half of the nineteenth century. The resultant worship traditions, including myal, balm yards, pocomania, “spirit” churches, “Jump-up,” and Bedwardism, had faithful practitioners in Jamaica, Panama, Costa Rica, and beyond in these years. All focused on collective worship by small groups and had explicit Christian content; most also included healing and spirit possession (Diane J. Austin-Broos, Jamaica Genesis: Religion and the Politics of Moral Orders [Kingston: Ian Randle, 1997]). Obeah, also Afro-Jamaican in origin, was in contrast a system of supernatural exertion (sometimes labeled “black magic” or “witchcraft”) in which ritual specialists, usually contracted on a one-to-one basis, attempted to control specific events and individual destinies. 5. A biblical reference (Isaiah 60:2). Square brackets in original. 6. Although the origin of the word still remains unknown, the term myal was widely used in Jamaica from the eighteenth century onward to refer to what appeared to be sorcery or wizardry as

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MARCH 1911 well as religious intoxication. The word itself was variously applied, viz., myal dance, myal man, myal woman, myal-song, myal weed, and was the root of myalism, the profession or practice of myal religion (Monica Schuler, “Afro-American Slave Culture,” Historical Reflections 6, no. 1 [1979]: 121–137; Mervin C. Alleyne, Roots of Jamaican Culture [London: Pluto Press, 1988]; Margarite Fernández Olmos and Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert, Creole Religions of the Caribbean: An Introduction from Vodou and Santeria to Obeah and Espiritismo [New York: New York University Press, 2003]; Frederic G. Cassidy and R. B. Le Page, Dictionary of Jamaican English [London: Cambridge University Press, 1967]). 7. Cieneguita was a settlement just south of Port Limón. Located on swampy land along the shore, it was where some of the poorest immigrants settled (including a sizable number of former indentured laborers from the Indian subcontinent).

Costa Rica

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Marcus Garvey to the Limón Times [[Port Limón, Costa Rica, March 16, 1911]] Dear Sir, I noticed a news item in your journal of to[-]day’s date under the caption “Darkness Still Prevails,” and I would like to know what is meant by the writer when he says that “even in little Limon where we have no less than six or eight psuedo [pseudo] gospel pounders.” I have counted the different religious sects in this town and I find that there is exactly six recognized religions with the exception of the “Mial Preacher” and the notorious demons “Millennial Dawnists”1 who have discarded the Old Testament and are expounding the doctrine of an ambitious American Grafter by the name of Russell,2 who, unlike the Bedward of Jamaica,3 possesses sufficient intelligence as [not] to cause serious tro[uble] among the people who hap[pen] to come in contact with his [dis]gusting di[s]ciples who have [read?] through his seven volumes of [morbid?] rub[b]ish on “The Divine [Plan] of the Ages.” 4 To refer to six [or] eight psuedo [pseudo] gospel pounders [in] Limon is to throw an unw[arranta]ble insult in the face of [the] Holy Catholic church which has given a form and creed to the other recognized religions which we have to accept kno[w]ing the influence they hold in christendom.5 The Church of God is as visible to-day as when the Divine Reformer laid its foundation, and I can’t but raise my voice against any attempt to belittle this glorious institution. I am af[r]aid the writer has made an awful blunder or a bold attempt which [h]e could not have carried out in other countries without becoming an object of rediculy [ridicule] by press and people who recognize the claims of christianity on the civilization of our day. The pseudo-gospel pounders are very easily distinguished and there [a]re not as many as six in Limón. Thanking you for space, Yours truly MARCUS M. GARVEY [Editorial Comment: As we are not responsible for the views of correspondents we publish the above communication, and will in our next issue comment on it.—Ed. “Times.”] Printed in the Limón Times, 17 March 1911. 1. “Millennial Dawnists” was one of the names (others being “Russellites” and “Millenists”) by which outsiders and opponents referred to the followers of Charles Taze Russell (E. L. Eaton, The Millennial Dawn Heresy [New York: Methodist Book Concern, 1911]; I. M. Haldemann, A Great Counterfeit, or, The False and Blasphemous Religion Called Russellism and Millennial Dawnism [New York: Charles C. Cook, 1915]; George W. Ridout, The Deadly Fallacy of Russellism or Millennial Dawnism [Louisville, Ky.: Pentecostal Publishing Co., 1920–1929]; H. L. Zachman, A Widely Circulated Counterfeit of Christianity, or “Millennial Dawnism” [Canton, Ohio: H. L. Zachman, 1927]). The source of the name derived from the title of Russell’s religious writings, which were collected in a series of books under the title Millennial Dawn (6 vols., 1886–1904).

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MARCH 1911 2. Charles Taze Russell (1852–1916), known as Pastor Russell, the leader of the religious movement, Millennial Dawnism, began publication of the Watchtower and Herald of Christ’s Presence in 1879, and in 1881 he founded Zion’s Watchtower Bible and Tract Society, which would become a massive publishing enterprise. His followers, who were responsible for distributing these tracts, were known as International Bible Students. After his death in October 1916, Russell’s successor and the second president of the society, Joseph Franklin Rutherford (1869–1942), adopted “Jehovah’s Witnesses” as the official name for the movement (Albert V. Vandenberg, “Charles Taze Russell: Pittsburgh Prophet, 1879–1909,” Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine 69, no. 1 [January 1986]: 3–20; Edward H. Abrahams, “The Pain of the Millennium: Charles Taze Russell and the Jehovah’s Witnesses 1879–1916,” in New and Intense Movements, ed. Martin E. Marty [Munich: K. G. Saur, 1993], pp. 41–55; David Horowitz, Pastor Charles Taze Russell: An Early American Christian Zionist [New York: Philosophical Library, 1986]). The editors of the Times had been openly supportive of the local Millennial Dawnist Bible Students Association in Port Limón (see, for instance, Times [Limón], 16 November 1910). 3. Alexander Bedward (ca. 1859–1930) was an Afro-Jamaican revivalist and prophet of the Jamaica Native Baptist Free Church, a religious movement that became known as Bedwardism. Probably born on the Mona Estate, St. Andrew, Jamaica, Bedward spent two years as a laborer in Colón from 1883 until August 1885. Having returned to Jamaica after experiencing visions, he was baptized in January 1886 by Robert Ruderford, a Baptist. On 19 April 1889 Bedward was selected as one of twelve male elders by Harrison E. Shakespeare Woods (also known as “Shakespeare”) at the inaugural meeting of the Jamaica Native Baptist Free Church on Papine Pasture in August Town, St. Andrew, Jamaica. At this same meeting, Woods prophesied that one of the elders would become his successor. Bedward appeared to fulfill this calling in December 1891 when he led two hundred people to the Mona River in August Town and declared that its waters possessed special healing properties. As preacher, healer, and baptizer, Bedward subsequently amassed a considerable following and was able to build a church in Union Camp, August Town, in 1894. From this base in August Town, the Jamaica Native Baptist Free Church spread throughout Jamaica, as well as to Port Limón, Costa Rica, where Bedward sent a missionary. Closely watched by the authorities, Bedward was eventually interned in the Kingston insane asylum, where he remained until his death on 8 November 1930. Bedwardites remained an active and visible Afro-Christian sect in Jamaica through the 1920s (Roscoe M. Pierson, “Alexander Bedward and the Jamaica Native Baptist Free Church,” Lexington Theological Quarterly 4, no. 3 [July 1969]: 65–76; A. A. Brooks, History of Bedwardism or The Jamaica Native Baptist Free Church, 2nd ed. [Kingston: The Gleaner Co., 1917]). 4. Russell’s six-volume Studies in the Scriptures (or “Millennial Dawn” series) expressed the basic theology of the Watchtower Society. The first volume in the series, The Divine Plan of the Ages: And the Corroborative Testimony of the Great Pyramid in Egypt, God’s Stone Witness and Prophet, was first published in 1886 and reprinted in 1917. The volume purports to give an outline of the Divine Plan as revealed in the Bible, relating to man’s redemption and restitution (Charles Taze Russell, Studies in the Scriptures, vol. 1 [1886; reprint., Fort Worth, Tex.: Studies in the Scriptures, ca. 1970]). 5. Pastor Russell attacked the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church as “creeds . . . riveted upon the minds of millions, shackling them to horrible errors, and blinding them to the Divine character of Wisdom, Justice, Love, Power” (Russell, Foreword, The Plan of the Ages [Brooklyn: International Bible Students Association, 1917]).

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Marcus Garvey to the Limón Times, 16 March 1911 (Source: Limón Times, 17 March 1911)

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MARCH 1911

“Dawnist” to the Limón Times [[Port Limón, Costa Rica, March 17, 1911]]

NEUTRAL CAMP Dear Sir Permit me just a little space to say a few words to Mr. Marcus Garvey re his “attempt” to criticize the teach[in]gs of M. Dawn by Mr. Russell. It is [useless] to say anything in defense of this teaching as difference in colors must remain so until the blind shall be made to see. We may inform this gentleman that in his haste to defend that which he guesses to be right he has made matters a little difficult for others who are keeping still. He states in his letter t[ha]t the Church of God is still visible on earth. Would he be bold enough to tell us which is the true Church? Will this gentleman who is gritty enough to charge Millennial Dawn with error point us to one which quoting vol. he at last has invented? If he does not answer these two questions we shall mark him “Hors de combat.”1 Thanking you for space, Yrs Truly DAWNIST Printed in the Limón Times, 19 March 1911. 1. Out of fight, disabled from fighting (OED).

Editorial in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, March 18th 1911]

DARKNESS HATETH LIGHT We have been the recipients of a somewhat curious production over the signature of Marcus M. Garvey, purporting to be a defense of various “sects” in Limon. We believe that the attack originated in the fertile brain of our correspondent and exemplifies the truth of the adage “that fools rush in where angels fear to tread.” We still ma[i]ntain our assertion as to the existence of six or eight religious bodies in Limon, each serving its God in its own way, and we believe that there is a greater depth of thought in that one phrase than our correspondent brain is able to grasp. We know that abuse is always the resort of a weak cause, and as this gentleman happens to be included in the number of those over whom “Darkness prevails” hence his ire, and as a natural outcome, the weak and puerile attack upon a man of Pastor Russell’s world wide reputation.

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It is a well known fact that men of high scholastic attainments have hitherto been shy of attacking the writings of this modern Paul. It has therefore fallen to the lot of this great “Champion of Christendom” to win renown in this encounter. But before this was entered upon the assailant should have made sure of having trustworthy weapons, for to attack those whom he dubs “Mil[l]ennial Dawnists demons” is to make true Sir Walter Scott’s famous lines in Rhoderick Dhu[:] “Now gallant Saxon hold thine own. No maidens arms are round thee thrown That grasp of death thy form might feel, Through bars of brass and triple steel.”1 The unfounded statement that the Dawnists have discarded the old Testament only proves the gross ignorance of the writer in connection with the six volumes (and not seven) known as “The Divine Plan of the Ages.” To this ambi[ti]ous Sir Lancelot with lance in rest defying [defending?] Christendom, we say “hats off” at the mention of the name of this servant of the Lord—Pastor Russell, the man who has thrown light on darkness and made the lives of many bright with an immortal hope. But let us pause a moment to reflect that our dear correspondent has used words, the meaning of which is to himself an unsolved riddle. As to his allusion in re “people who come in contact with his disgusting disciples” permit us to remark that: The darkness hateth the light and wherever the one appeals the other must disappear. Notice a large stone that has been placed on a patch of grass, after remaining there for some time, on its removal—on the letting in of light and air, we see innumerable insects scurrying in every direction. They have been accustomed to darkness and the letting in of the light is an innovation distinctly objectionable[.] Even so with our Dawnist friends, they carry light, and darkness and the foul things bred in darkness must fly before them. It might not be amiss to ask for an explanation as to the “Divine Reformer,” our correspondent might have been a little clearer on this subject, as it is, a general mistiness beclouds his letter, and one is left groping after the unseen at every step. He has not attempted to deny the existence of several hundreds of religious sects. Are we to understand that they are all recognized, while the scripture assures us that the church is the Temple of the living God, peculiarly his workmanship. I Cor. 3: 16–17.2 Is God then building many churches? We pause for a reply. The liberty of the press is a well recognized fact in every civilized country in the world, and we claim no less a liberty here in our endeavour to stamp out all that is akin to barbarism and blasphemy. The glorious institution referred to by this champion (?) has tried for years to lift the morel [moral] standard of the people with little effect apparently or the recurrence of such scandalous orgies, 16

APRIL 1911

fit for the Dark Ages when men worshipped demons would not be permitted to outrage society. Printed in the Limón Times, 18 March 1911. 1. These lines are taken from Sir Walter Scott’s The Lady of the Lake (1810) in which Roderick Dhu is one of the leading characters. 2. “Know ye not that ye are the temple of God, and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you? If any man defile the temple of God, him shall God destroy, for the temple of God is holy, which temple are ye?”

Editorial in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, March 30th 1911]

FORCEING HIMSELF Mr. Garvey is seeking prominence but he will not get it through the “Times.” He must be first humble before he can be exalted. Humility will cause him to learn and ap[p]reciate what is pure. How can this man digest what he cannot masticate. How can he feel comfortable when he cannot grasp or enjoy what he is not accustomed to. Put a sow into the King’s palace and the result would be: lack of appreciation, she would prefer her mire instead of the former which is too good and clean for her. We thought of treating this pseudo “Defender of the Faith” with contempt, such as suit persons of his class, but we would like him to know of his condition, hence the former. THE REPORTER: “TIMES” Printed in the Limón Times, 30 March 1911. Some italic characters romanized.

Editorial in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, April 5th 1911]

A GENTLEMAN’S REPLY TO SCURRILITY The main design of my taking pen in hand is to refute the silly author of an abominable production yclept1 “rebuffs and rebounds” to which we call our readers attention in “El Nation,”2 April 4th. This half sheet scribbler shows his ill-humour and ignorance in the very title of his so-called editorial. Smarting under the lash of a well-merited chastisement brought on by his unsufferable 17

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

conceit and bombastic utterances, he has descended to low scurilities which would do honour to a Shoreditch virago3 or a Bellingsgate wench[.]4 We are not surprised at the filthiness of [G]arvey’s utterances, but would warn him that his combativeness will yet involve him in serious disputes, let me advise that the arms with which the ill-disposition of the world are to be combated and the qualities by which it is to be reconciled to us, and we reconciled to it are moderation, gentleness, a little indulgence to others and a great distrust of ourselves. Nothing can be so unworthy a well composed soul as to pass away life in bickerings, snarling, and scoffing with every one about as. Dimly and afar off Moziah may yet see the great fault in his character—the devouring egotism which makes him look upon all things as revolving round ONE GREAT BIG I. Really we must all bow the knee in obeisance to this great luminary who has condescended to honour literary circles in our humble little republic, poet (?) journalist (?) wit (?) politician (?) What a combination of talents! This reminds us of a man not unlike garvey, [w]ho stated in all seriousness that the doctor advised his parents against giving him too much education—why? He was afflicted with an undue amount of brains—too clever—and this would surely produce madness. marcus has it gone thus far? The authorship of the “letters of Junias,” once ascribed to Edmund Burke,5 the great statesman, has never been fully proved—the great preponderance of evidence now points to marcus moziah garvey, shall we also ascribe the poems of Chatterton6 to this paragon? What a storm in a tea pot Moziah[?] Were I Moziah as I am VAN TULL7 I would start life by getting even with the man who inflicted such a handle on me. Were I in garvey’s place I would have named my editorial “groats worth of wit Bought with a million of Repentance,” for Yet once more We teach him—late he learns humility, Perforce like those whom Gideon schooled with briars.8 This creature’s attack upon those he dubs Dawnists is of the most senseless kind, prithee forbear friend moziah, or We shall like David of old take but one pebble from the brook Truth and slay this modern Goliath of Gath, defying the servants of the living God. Out upon thee man! Can’st not write something better than filthy utterances? or do better than string together a lot of words dexterously extracted from your unbridged lexicon? We will say by way of changing the programme some that your gross impertinence has (not preceded) but exceeded your physical charms. It might not be superfluous to [enquire] of this gentleman (?) of versatile genius (?) why he ever condescended to flit from the land of springs9 where he was such acquisition? Surely the proprietor (?) journalist (?) and politician (?) has left a Void in journalistic and other circles, and his paper of which he was proprietor 10 in imagination must be sending up midnight howls anent his absence. So the master had to seek the aid of his Boy to strike a job in poor despised Costa Rica! Well done garvey, 18

APRIL 1911

thou art a jewel—if a black one; “consistency thou art a jewel.” There are many senses in which one can be known to and in commercial and journalistic circles across the seas. What construction shall we place upon this? With regard to “refugee”—we have only to quote from the Bard of Avon—the immortal Shakespeare “O Father Abraham these creatures are whose own hard deeds teaches them to suspect the deeds of others.”11 Don Quixote tilting at a wind mill is not in it with friend garvey—dost take Van Tull for the wind mill, and thou the crazy Knight—tilting at same— with his imaginary grievance? Tut man, brush the cob webs from thy drowsy befogged brain and get some light in it. T[HE] REPORTER: “TIMES” Printed in the Limón Times, 5 April 1911. 1. An archaic term meaning called, named, or styled. 2. The Nation/La Nación was published in Limón in 1910 and 1911. Although no copies of the paper have been preserved, it appears to have been typical of the bilingual newspapers published in Limón at the time. Salomón Aguilera, originally of Cundinamarca, Colombia, was Garvey’s business partner in ownership of the Nation. In 1910 Aguilera, an active lawyer in Port Limón, defended several West Indians who were accused of fomenting the strike against the UFC (Aviva Chomsky, West Indian Workers and the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 1870–1940 [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996]). 3. Shoreditch is a region immediately to the north of the London city boundary. It became part of urban London in the eighteenth century and by the 1860s was home to one hundred thousand largely working-class residents, although these residents lost ground over time to warehouses, workshops, and office complexes. London was many miles from crucial supplies of materials such as iron and coal that powered nineteenth-century industrialism. Small masters in working-class East End suburbs like Shoreditch and Bethnal Green took advantage of their proximity to the metropolitan market and to a large pool of unemployed labor, developing sweatshops that produced cheap clothing and furniture. As Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary defines a “virago” as “a loud-voiced, illtempered, scolding woman; shrew,” it is safe to assume the author intended to cast aspersions on Garvey’s class, character, and perhaps even manhood (Aldon D. Bell, London in the Age of Dickens [Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967], pp. 48–49; Gavin Weightman and Steve Humphries, The Making of Modern London, 1815–1914 [London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1983], pp. 85–86). 4. Billingsgate fish market was located in London on the left bank of the Thames, just below London Bridge. Charles Dickens wrote in 1884 that it was named after a fifth-century BC king of the Britons named Belin, who built the first watergate at the site. As with the Shoreditch insult, the author intended to belittle Garvey’s status and character (Charles Dickens, Dickens’s Dictionary of London, 1884 (Sixth Year) [London: Macmillan and Company, 1884]). 5. The “Letters of Junius” were a series of anonymous missives between 1766 and 1770 attacking the British government, the prime minister, and eventually the king himself. Edmund Burke (1729– 1797) was an Irish-born British Whig politician and noted political philosopher, often referred to as “the father of English conservatism.” His first major political treatise, Thoughts on the Cause of Present Discontents, was written about the same events and published in 1770, leading many to believe he was “Junius.” In fact, his friend Philip Frances, an Indian colonial official and later a member of the Bengal Council, was later proven to be the author (Stanley Ayling, Edmund Burke, His Life and Opinions [London: Cassell, 1988], pp. 39, 106). 6. Thomas Chatterton (1752–1770) became a legend following his death as a symbol of some of the Romantic movement’s most powerful preoccupations—suicide (which he committed at age seventeen), the cult of youth, and the idea of “neglected genius.” He claimed that some of his poems were actually the work of a fifteenth-century monk named Thomas Rowley, discovered among documents in the medieval church of St. Mary Redcliffe in Bristol, where Chatterton grew up. Debate about the true authorship of these poems continued for years, and the author appears to be referencing this controversy. Scholars eventually proved that authorship of the Rowley poems

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS did, in fact, belong to Chatterton (Linda Kelly, The Marvellous Boy: The Life and Myth of Thomas Chatterton [London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1971], pp. xvii–xviii). 7. James Henry Van Tull, Times reporter, was a resident of Port Limón (ANCR, Sección Jurídica, Limón Juzgado del Crimen, 409). 8. Alfred, Lord Tennyson, “Buonaparte” (1833). 9. A popular reference to Jamaica at the time, the phrase was probably derived from Charles Rampini, Letters from Jamaica, the Land of Streams and Woods (Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas, 1873); see also Jamaica: “The Land of Streams and Woods” (Kingston: Jamaica Tourist Association Guide Book, 1911). 10. A reference to Garvey’s Watchman, a short-lived newspaper published in Jamaica by Garvey ca. 1910–1911. No copies of the newspaper have ever been found. 11. A paraphrased quote from Charles Lamb’s and Mary Lamb’s adaptation for children of William Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice: “O Father Abraham, what suspicious people these Christians are! Their own hard dealings teach them to suspect the thoughts of others” (Tales from Shakespeare Designed for the Use of Young Persons [Philadelphia: Bradford and Inskeep, 1813], p. 178).

“Enid” to the Limón Times [[Limón, April 5th, 19[1]1]]

JOURNALISM IN LIMON Dear Sir,— I have before me “The Nation” of the 4th of April—Unhappy “The Nation” with such a—for its Editor. The Immortal Byron in his “English Bards, and Scotch Reviewers” has made the name of an obnoxious character called Fitzgerald famous—by lashing him soundly with that mightier weapon than the sword. He asked, how much longer then ears were to be polluted with this (Fitzgerald’s) filthy couplets— screamed forth in every tavern.1 Mr. Editor in sober prose, I the undersigned am now enquiring—How much longer must the ears of a respectable community be offended by the scurrilities of a vile penny-a-liner, calling himself a journalist—forsooth. Is filthy abuse argument, or obnoxious personalities journalism? The writer of the thing—called by courtesy, an editorial—would be ostracized in a place, where English morals and gentlemanly deportment, under the most trying circumstances, marks the man of erudition. Who made this man the “Champion of Christendom?” Echo answers who? Methinks the one claiming, or assuming this honour, ought to be “sans peur et sans reproche[”]2 a Sir Galahad among men. Was it with a crow’s-quill that Garvey did’st write the filthy jumble, he calls an editorial? Verily it were enough to make this bird of ebon dye blush through his sable plumage, at the base use made of his feather. Neither could it have been the honest goose-quill—better far be an honest goose than a braying ass.3 20

APRIL 1911

“The weapons of our warfare are not carnal”4 else would we make this crayed “Defender of the Faith[”] bite the dust, even though cased in triple steel. What a senseless vaunting of Self—“a Daniel come to judgment—oh wise young judge how do I honour thee?”5 a prince of journalists? proprietor? of what? Garvey only knows[.] Costa Rica should have been forewarned concerning the honour to be conferred on her, by the visit of this glorious comet, which like Halley’s dazzles the beholder—with awe. True genius is modest (all great men have been celebrated for their modesty)[.] It is not boastful, obnoxious, arrogant, self-asserting. This gentleman (?) begins his tirade with a quotation from the “Immortal Bard of Avon[,”] Will. Shakespeare—the quotation is taken from the play of “Othello,” and came from the lips of the most arrant rogue, whoever trod the earth, the despicable Iago—how appropos—“one touch of nature[.]”6 Can one rob that from us which we have already lost, or never possessed? In the empty swelling words of this scribbler, he claims so many professions, very significant, that it seems strange, and reminds one of the various aliases assumed by the rogues of Detective stories. That one of his vast ability, and varied talents should have condescended to “fly” from the “land of his birth”—various successes, to vegetate among us poor ignorant, [un]lettered creatures, looks well, peculiar. It is said that it takes three generations to make a gentleman, hence every excuse must be made for this aspirer after notoriety we may therefore wink at the obscenity of his language in a public newspaper, the “fall[”?] has affected him along that line, therefore he mistakes o[b]scenity for wit, “What can ennoble sots, or slaves, or cowards, Alas! not all the blood of all the Howards.”7 We wonder why the writer of “Rebuffs and Rebounds” does not turn his attention to Murray’s Grammar,8 it would be far more profitable than writing the absurd trash, with which he is filling The Nation, all except the borrowed thoughts on Progress etc. What a blessing that the proprietor of this long-suffering periodical does not understand English thoroughly. Who would not rather earn the most beggarly salary, than acquire by fraud, a million—the latter is such a risky business, subject to such awful inconveniences, such as arrests, etc. “Oh! wa’d some power the giftée give us To see ourselves as others see us[,]”9 there would be less pride,

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Garvey’s namesake Marcus Junius Brutus, wielded the assassin’s dagger, under the plea of patriotism, but friend; the slanderer wields a worse weapon, the poison of asps is under his tongue— “Slander that worst of poisons ever found, An easy entrance to ignoble minds[.]”10 Man has tamed the fiercest among the brute creation, but the tongue can no man tame, it is the greatest shrew in the world, restless, fickle, versatile, assuming protean shapes, and chameleon hues, full of deadly poison, worse poison-bag than the most hurtful serpent, fangs of a moral venom, for which no human skill can supply an antidote. Oh, how false is he who builds his pleasure on another’s pain, or shame. Let the writer of Rebuffs and Rebounds “learn decency,[”?] and above all back to the village school farm, and the tamarind-birch of the village school master ere he dares rush into print, and murder the “King’s English.” Dost know the meaning of the word morbid? Let us hear your definition Moziah—but ere you look it up in [“]Webster’s unabridged[.]” One more remark ere I close “A king can make a belted knight A Marquis, Duke, and all that But an honest man’s above his might A man’s a man for all that[.]”11 Be ever honest then friend, in thought and in deed. When next Gar[v]ey mounts his Pegasus,12 let him be sure that he has good reins, and that there will be no danger of his again coming in such sudden contact with Mother Earth. Thanking you Mr. Editor for space in your valuable columns, I am, ENID Printed in the Limón Times, 8 April 1911. 1. Lord Byron (1788–1824), English Bards and Scotch Reviewers (1809) (The Works [1898–1904]: Hours of Idleness and Other Early Poems, p. 297): Still must I hear?—shall hoarse Fitzgerald bawl His creaking couplets in a tavern hall, And I not sing, lest, haply, Scotch reviews Should dub me scribbler, and denounce my muse? Prepare for rhyme—I’ll publish, right or wrong: Fools are my theme, let satire be my song. 2. “Without fear and without reproach.” 3. This paragraph alludes to Byron’s English Bards and Scotch Reviewers, in which the goose quill is named “nature’s noblest gift.” 4. A biblical reference (Cor. 2:10–4). 5. William Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice (1596–1598), act 4, scene 1. 6. “One touch of nature makes the whole world kin” (Not Othello, but Shakespeare, Troilus and Cressida [1602], act 3, scene 3).

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APRIL 1911 7. Alexander Pope, An Essay on Man (1733–1734). 8. Lindley Murray, English Grammar: Adapted to the Different Classes of Learners (Boston: David Carlisle, for Thomas and Andrews, 1802). 9. Robert Burns, “To a Louse” (1786). 10. From Satire IX by the Roman poet Juvenal, as translated by the English poet Stephen Harvey (1655–1707), and first printed in The satires of Decimus Junius Juvenalis translated into English verse by Mr. Dryden and several other eminent hands . . . (London, 1693). 11. Robert Burns, “For A’ That and A’ That” (1790). 12. The winged horse Pegasus sprang, as Greek myth has it, from Medusa’s blood when Perseus killed the Gorgon monster. Pegasus belonged for a time to Bellerophon, a “bold and beautiful young man,” and Poseidon’s son. The two lived together happily until Bellerophon’s successes with Pegasus’s help led him to think “thoughts too great for man.” The young man tried to ride Pegasus up to Olympus, believing he could then take his place there with the immortals, but his trusty steed was wiser. Throwing his rider, Pegasus was rewarded for his actions with shelter in the heavenly stalls of Olympus, and the poets reported that when Zeus wanted to use his thunderbolt, Pegasus brought the thunder and lightning to him (Edith Hamilton, Mythology [Boston: Little, Brown, 1942], pp. 185, 190).

“Gallo del Monte” to the Limón Times [[Siquirres,1 Costa Rica, April 9, 1911]]

OVERWHELMING CASTIGATION Dear Sir:— Under the caption of “Journalism in Limon,” which appeared in your issue of the 8th, your readers were treated to splendid literature and a fine display of common-sense knowledge; while Señor Marcus Aurelius2 Garvey came in for a sound castigation. It is to be hoped that this salutary whipping has cured him of his infamy. ENID has extended his arm. Every stroke of his pen has dashed Garvey into atoms. Marcus Aurelius has been weighed in the balances and found wanting. The electric light of superior intelligence has been turned on his rash and assinine statements, exposing them as morbid rubbish. Who shall bemoan this derelict? And now Moribund Garvey, If thou say’st that [E]nid is not your master I tell thee Marcus, thou hast lied! The searchlights from our battleships have been turned on you. You are now seen at your best and real self: yea, in very bad condition, a pitiable and unenviable rubbish-heap; incapable of sending out anything but a howling stink. Stop pervading our pure journalistic atmosphere with the obnoxious effluvia emanating from your only treasure,—a diseased mind.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

You have tempted the mountain cock to crow, so, Cuidado,3 Garvey! Yours in counsel, GALLO DEL MONTE Printed in the Limón Times, 12 April 1911. 1. Siquirres is a junction town thirty-five miles west of Port Limón and roughly sixty miles from San José. It was the administrative center of the canton of Siquirres, a banana- and cocoa-growing region which was home to some 2,000 inhabitants in 1911, roughly two-thirds of them AfroCaribbean. By the 1920s the region had approximately 6,500 inhabitants, half of whom were AfroCaribbean (Decreto No. 11, 18 September 1911, creating the Canton of Siquirres in the Government of Costa Rica, Colección de Leyes y Decretos, 1911). 2. Marcus Aurelius, Roman emperor from 161 to 180 AD and philosopher best known for his meditations on Stoic philosophy, has symbolized for many generations in the West the Golden Age of the Roman empire (EB). 3. Spanish for “beware.”

“A Nation” to the Limón Times [[Limón, April 14, 1911]]

A GOOD SUGGESTION Sir,— Permit me the privilege of expressing myself re the item of “Coronation Fund”1 which appears in the columns of “The Nation.” In the first instance it appears so very strange that while we have among us, His Britannic Majesty’s Vice Consul, other Scotchmen, Englishmen, and even Canadians who have been privileged to enjoy the true feelings of loyalty, in that, they have been reared in the immediate vicinity of royalty and its surroundings, therefore in a position to speak of loyalty to King and Crown, we find Mr. Garvey of “The Nation” who has only lived in the faith of the existence of a royal personage coming forward in promulgating a scheme for celebrating an occasion which others who claim a prior right to do, seem to have elected to pass by. I find that in his 43rd issue he has authorised a programme for the day, without even calling a public meeting of the interested Britishers as he calls us, to decide such matters as to whether we shall march from the Vice-Consul’s office to the Anglican Church or from the “Sea Wall[”] as he designates, why so, is left to be heard. Has the Lion taken up his abode in the cool vicinity around the Sea Wall? If so, I hope Dr. Steggall’s residence2 will be his haunt. Again he mentions the co-operation of such bodies as the Limon Literary Association,3 and the Friendly Societies 4 whereas up to this he has not got their consent to act, I therefore feel it might be well that he render unto Caesar those things that be Caesar’s by insisting that the Vice-Consul must act and along with him the Englishmen, Scotchmen, and Irishmen of the community, then the Colonials will be asked by them to co-operate, and I am sure there would be a hearty response; when it is seen that the people who ought to lead here have taken 24

APRIL 1911

their proper positions, but to think that the British Colony of Costa Rica should be led by “La Nacion” or its Editor, would be so undignifying that “the least said the sooner mended.”5 Of course I would like the Editor of “The Nation” to understand that I am not taking him to task for his ambition nor zeal in his loyal devotedness to Crown and Empire, but to the contrary must admire him for endeavouring to rouse the Englishmen and their Consul to their sense of obligation and trying to teach them that they ought to effuse in the minds of the inhabitants of every country in which they live, that grandeur and dignity which is claimed for Old England. If they are ashamed of [Her] then ask a Frenchman or German or some one who has appreciated patriotism to be Treasurer to the funds and take charge of the chair, but in the meantime, I feel that our Vice-Consul or pro Consul, whoever he may be, ought to interest himself as did Mr. Wood6 at the last Coronation.7 Let him call and preside at every public meeting and receive all subscriptions, which “The Nation” will acknowledge through its columns then our Coronation festivities will be worthy of us. Otherwise: I shall be sad. Thanking you for space.—I am, etc., A NATION. Printed in the Limón Times, 19 April 1911. 1. The coronation fund referred to would have been organized to mark the coronation of George V (1865–1936) of Great Britain and Ireland, 1910–1936, which took place at Westminster Abbey on 22 June 1911 (ODNB). 2. Dr. Septimus Steggall ran the UFC Hospital in Port Limón, which was located on a promontory at one end of the sea wall. 3. The Limón Friendly and Literary Association was founded in 1910 with the reverends of the local Anglican and Wesleyan churches as its presiding officers (Times [Limón], 12 November 1910). 4. Friendly societies and fraternal lodges abounded in Limón in this era, and incorporated a wide range of working-class Afro-Caribbeans. 5. The quote is from the Dutch proverb: “The less said the sooner mended.” 6. F. M. H. Wood had been British vice-consul in Port Limón a decade earlier. 7. A reference to the coronation of Edward VII (1841–1910) which took place on 9 August 1902. Edward VII acceded to the throne of Great Britain and Ireland on the death of his mother, Queen Victoria, on 22 January 1901. He died on 6 May 1910 and was succeeded by George V (ODNB).

Item in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, April 23rd 1911]

THE MAN ABOUT TOWN WHAT THE LIMON FOLKS ARE SAYING That instead of Coronation Day in Limon being one of Nation-al rejoicing indications point to a Nation-al calamity. Printed in the Limón Times, 23 April 1911.

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Item in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, April 27th 1911]

SIQUIRRES NOTES MUERTO Y SEPULTADO1 News reached Siquirres that Marcus Aurelius Garvey is dead and buried. Poor fellow! He was killed from the stench of his own rubbish-heap turned back on him by Enid. His remains were mercifully laid to rest by the Mountain Cock. R.I.P. Printed in the Limón Times, 27 April 1911. 1. Spanish for “dead and buried.”

Henry Hylton1 to the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, May 9th 1911]

STILL IN THE JUNGLE Dear Sir,— Cosmopolite2 did not deviate into sense yesterday when he wrote in the “Nation” threatening and insulting the “Inquisitive Teacher” at Siquirres. It cannot be anything but very strange news to the Siquirres folk when no one has ever confronted the Teacher for meddling in what does not concern him. Rather, it is this misguided Cosmopolite who now meddles in journalism and starts off with a false datum. He threatens his “Inquisitive Teacher” to make him sorry should he persist in troubling what does not concern him. That’s good and right, should this Teacher enter into what doesn’t concern him; but it is only fair that Cosmopolite state anything into which this supposed Inquisitive Teacher meddled derogatory to his character and repute. Then Cosmopolite would attack the ability of the Siquirres Teacher. I firmly declare that the rising fog of this aspirant preva[il]s upon this day. Had he not just sprung out from some stygian cave of cronic [chronic] ignorance he would have known the Teacher better[.] He would call the Siquirres Teacher “Dawnist” as though it is a disgrace to be a Dawnist. Just here, he has put his foot into his mouth as I shall prove in a subsequent letter. Where then is the hypothesis upon which this man rears his pseudonym of “Cosmopolite”? Does he show even the tiniest part of the astral ray of intel[l]igence in this great Cosmos? I warrant he has purloined the name, and if he would do penance to clear his purjured [perjured] soul, let him relegate 26

MAY 1911

himself to the Chaos whence he sprung and to the proper sphere where he will find in amoebic and protozoic simplicity his true companion. Let Cosmopolite know that the Siquirres Te[ac]her is in no pr[ec]arious position regarding the tenability or untenability of his position as he remains master of the Siquirres School and from his personal efficiency and attainment is eligible to teach in Jamaica. Let him know too that that teacher does not deem him a man worthy of his steel for him to enter into controversial correspondence with. For he fences not with a nameless [word illegible]. Let him know in addition, that his pseudonym but makes him a jack-daw in borrowed feathers; that his memory is bad[;] and that he ought to have remembered his real name,—Asimus Absurdus. Hoping that you will oblige in giving this lodgment in your very important, independent and impartial journal. For the “Inquisitive Teacher,”—I am, etc. HENRY HYLTON Printed in the Limón Times, 9 May 1911. 1. Henry Hylton (b. 1877), a teacher in Costa Rica, was born in St. James, Jamaica, and educated at Mico Teachers’ College, Kingston. In 1901 he travelled to Port Limón, Costa Rica, where he became a Baptist deacon, preacher, and teacher (“Jamaica Produces Brains: An Illustrated Who’s Who,” Jamaica Times, 6 August 1910). 2. It is possible that “Cosmopolite” was a pseudonym used by Marcus Garvey. Further evidence of this is contained in “Siquirres Declarations,” Times [Limón], 18 May 1911, where the author identifies “Cosmopolite” as a former employee of the Northern Railroad Company (a wholly owned subsidiary of the UFC) in Siquirres who had just been fired and forced to leave that town. Garvey was employed as a timekeeper by the UFC in 1911.

Item in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, May 9th 1911]

CURRENT NEWS The Editor of the “Nation” was apprehended and carried to the cuartel1 on Sunday last but was afterwards released. We are informed that the rough handling he received was in connection with the report of the recent fire in Limon and which was printed by him in the form of a bulletin and circulated in town.2 Printed in the Limón Times, 9 May 1911. 1. Military barracks and administrative headquarters. 2. The fire in question destroyed an entire block of buildings in downtown Limón. El Tiempo, the Spanish-language counterpart of the Times, carried a similar article titled “Mal Hecho” (a phrase meaning “badly done” that was used to criticize improper actions). This began:

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS A local newspaper published a bulletin giving news of the fire, in which, it seems, the firemen are accused of being thieves. As a result of this some of the firemen went over to that press and jailed the newspaper’s editor by physical force. Badly done; the admirable [fire] corps should rest easy in the knowledge that the population in general has given them just recognition; if one imbecile or malicious person dissents from the general opinion and proffers insulting comments, he should be sued before the courts of law so that they may judge him; anything rather than sully the reputation of the corps with condemnable actions (El Tiempo, 9 May 1911, translated). As no copies of Garvey’s Nation newspaper have survived, it is impossible to know what exactly he wrote about the fire brigade’s performance. The editors of El Tiempo themselves criticized Limón’s policemen and military recruits for having been drunk and useless at the time of the fire, and accused some of looting as well. It seems that one point of contention was the fire brigade’s composition of white property owners. Several days after the fire, the Times published a letter from Samuel Babb, a Barbadian artisan and long-time resident of Port Limón, advising the brigade’s captain “that in my opinion you could have done better if you had a body of colored men, who are of a stronger constitution and [are] more equipped in handling fire implements . . . If you are wishful of extinguishing fires in Limon you must endeavour to get a [respectable] set of colored men. I believe you will find them equa[l] to any white man you can produce.” The editors responded on the same page, saying, “We will admit some of the men [of the brigade] were awkward and [were] not up to the mark and had to be put out of commission but when we take into account their utter infancy they claim success in their achievement. We are alive to the fact that many willing hands that have been accustomed to handling fires went to their help with the hope of saving their property as well as their friends,” but, “[w]e cannot understand Mr. Babb’s logic when he says that if a body of colored men were on the staff they would have done better” (ANCR, Limón Alcaldía Única, 444 and 2881; Times [Limón], 11 May 1911). This exchange suggests that the fire brigade directed its efforts toward attempting to protect the property of fellow wealthy businessmen, while Afro-Caribbean men, who were excluded from the brigade but were more experienced in fighting fires in the port, assisted Afro-Caribbean residents of the affected blocks (El Tiempo, 7 May 1911).

Item in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, May 10th 1911]

COMMUNICATED Your contemporary the “Nation” in the report of the fire states that our worthy “doctor was compelled to force the hose from the control of one Mr. Laws, a useless unit”[;] we are in a position to authoritatively contradict the above. Mr. Laws was at the time busily engaged in packing his belongings at his residence and the Dutchman who the Doctor put out of commission was as like Mr. Laws as that gentleman is to the Editor: verily Fools rush in where Angels fear to tread. B. G. Printed in the Limón Times, 10 May 1911.

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MAY 1911

Henry Hylton to the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, May 13th 1911]

WHO IS HE ANYHOW? Dear Sir,— A copy of the “Nation” arrived at Siquirres, panting with ignorance, in a commonplace, abusive letter on Teacher Hylton. The big mouth bull frog is as conspicuous for its croaking as for its lack of brain. The braying ass is proverbial for its stillness; but even these at times flash some rays of merit. Asinus Absurdus alone is he, who stands confirmed in full stupidity. Those who know Teacher Hylton best, know that he has passed his examinations as a full-fledged Jamaica Teacher and never had to man a third class school. He was Jamaica Government first Fourth Year’s Pupil Teacher and although entitled to teach, refused to be settled with anything short of a trained teacher. Those who know the Mico College,1 know that no one was allowed to take Latin, French and Higher Mathematics until he had passed his First Year’s Examination in the first class, and could not continue these Extras if he failed to maintain his class in the Second Year. Hylton took these Extras during his second and third years and passed. The men who taught him are yet alive and of the Class Masters, only one is dead. More than 2,000 persons in Costa Rica know these things directly and there is no telling of the number who gathered the information otherwise. Cosmopolite’s statement then, must be either from inbred ignorance or malicious intent. Why, this man seems to have a mania for lying! I think I know him, and I think he ought to know that he is known by the people to possess a thick lying lip. If he is not an abomination, let him put his name. The term “slums of Jamaica” is exotic and can only be the product of an erratic mind such as “Cosmopolite’s.” The rubbish heap he has in lieu of mind is incompatible with decency. He must have been dragged up in a kraal.2 Teacher Hylton is neither ashamed nor [afraid?] of notes he sends to any News Journal in Costa Rica; neither is he an objectionable quantity at Siquirres, as his deportment is regular; neither does the Government employ him for twenty-four hours in the day. Good teachers the world over are contributors to newspapers. During my term in the Mico, we ran the “Miconian[.]”3 In Jamaica one teacher was recently editor of a splendid journal, “The Jamaica Tribune,”4 one is now subeditor of the “Jamaica Times,”5 and another who is now Barrister edited a paper while yet a teacher and is now editor of one. “Cosmopolite” would have had some droppings of sense, and some parings of truth had he learned at his feet. And now is “Cosmopolite” identified with the stygian cave of somnolence [into?] which he [still?] [hides?] incapac[illegible] of sense, [bereft?] of 29

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[manliness?] and obsessed by the d[evil?] of f[alsehood?][.] H[.] Hylton needs no advertisement to the Jamaica public: neither at home nor abroad. For the i[ll]ucidation of this benighted demon, be it sufficient to declare that my life sketch was acceptably published, unsolicited in the “Jamaica Times” of September [1]909 and is being kept as [a] souvenir all over Jamaica and by many here at Costa Rica. A few copies are treasured in the United States, and away in Afric’s sunny land, that sketch finds an honoured lodgment. Then again in the August number of that same Journal, my life-sketch and portrait reappeared in all prominence amongst the “Brainy Sons of Jamaica,” and many who had fa[il]ed to secure a copy on the first publication, took advantage of the opportunity. The subeditor of the “J T” was two years my College contemporary. The political and educational opinions asserted in the sketch were brought for deliberation in the Legislative Council as important topics. Edify “Cosmpolite” to give out so clear a testimony. What honours has he for his escutcheon? Now you will see that Asinus Absurdus doth make himself Asinus [pro fundus?] [words illegible] “Cosmopolite” yet belies his name; and if he would take an Etymological Dictionary and look up the meaning of “cosmopolite,” he would prove that he yet lives in the [unenviable?] kingdom of the Chaotic Ignorance and [word illegible] the bat, forever hold down his head for shame. Now that I have again spoken, let Asinus turn on the electric light of wisdom so that the scales of blindness may fall from his eyes, that he come out of his chrysalis into the proper metamorphosis [of?] [intelligence] h[igh?] p[l?]ane and drink from the fountain of Knowledge. So, Mr. Editor, until this foolhardy coward disclose his real name and show up his big ears, I shall write no more in this strain, but leave him to bray in his assinine confidence. Thanking you for insertion, — I am, etc., HENRY HYLTON Printed in the Limón Times, 13 May 1911. 1. Located in Kingston, Jamaica, Mico Teachers’ College was the largest college in the West Indies in 1919. It was founded in 1836 by the eminent British abolitionist Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton (1786–1845), using funds that were originally bequeathed in 1670 by Lady Jane Mico for the redemption of white Christian slaves held captive along the Barbary Coast in the Mediterranean. With the abolition of slavery in 1834, Buxton, recognizing the urgent need for the education of freed slaves in the Caribbean, prepared and submitted a scheme to the Master in Chancery requesting that the funds of the Mico Charity be diverted to the purpose of educating the newly emancipated slaves. The approval of the court was granted in July 1835 and the school opened the following year, at which time the changed purpose of the Mico Charity was proclaimed. The Lady Mico Trust provided schools for religious instruction under a nondenominational system, and by 1836 a network of schools, which included normal schools for indigenous teachers, had been established. In continous existence since it was established in 1836, Mico College has the distinction of being the oldest teacher-training institution in the Western Hemisphere as well as the sole surviving normal school from the post-emancipation period in the Caribbean (“A Short History of the Mico College,” www.micocollege.org/history.htm, 20 April 2005; Carl Campbell, “Denominationalism and the Mico Charity Schools in Jamaica, 1835–1842,” Caribbean Studies 10, no. 4 [1971]: 151– 171; Patricia T. Rooke, “Papists and Proselytizers: Non-Denominational Education in British Caribbean after Emancipation,” History of Education 23, no. 3 [1994]: 257–273). 2. A kraal is a type of native village, consisting of huts and a central space for cattle, found in South and Central Africa. The term is also used more loosely to refer to a poor hut or hovel (OED). 3. “Miconian” referred to the Mico College student newspaper.

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MAY 1911 4. The Jamaica Tribune and Daily Advertiser was first published in Kingston, Jamaica, from December 1864 through November 1865. Publication of a Jamaica Tribune newspaper was resumed briefly from June to November 1884 and restarted again in October 1908, ceasing publication eventually in April 1909. The newspaper took as a matter of special interest the welfare of teachers in Jamaica (British Library Integrated Catalogue, http://catalogue.bl.uk, 20 April 2005). 5. The Jamaica Times, a weekly newspaper and magazine published from 1898 until 1963, had the largest circulation of any West Indian weekly; it was undoubtedly the leading weekly newspaper in the Caribbean for many years. Established by W. R. Durie, an English journalist who served as managing editor and permanent director of the company that published it, Jamaica Times, Ltd., the newspaper was edited by Thomas Henry MacDermot (“Tom Redcam”). The Jamaica Times was published with the strong support of the Jamaica Union of Teachers, for which it served as its official voice, with the Jamaica Times, Ltd., being the chief commercial supplier of books and materials for teachers and schools in Jamaica over many years.

Item in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, May 14th 1911]

THE MAN ABOUT TOWN WHAT THE LIMON FOLKS ARE SAYING That the heavy rain prevented a day’s publication of our contemporary the “Nation.” A subscription list is going the rounds for long boots and seal skin cloaks for the staff. Salt without flavour. Printed in the Limón Times, 14 May 1911.

Editorial in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, May 18th 1911]

SIQUIRRES DECLARATIONS Your Sentinel would declare:— That the “Nation” has advertised for 5,000 subscribers and would have got even more, but many St. James’ people1 are giving the “Nation” six months’ probation to purge itself of dead works. That at present the “Nation” has made itself the city’s dirt box, and if it would redeem itself let it dump “Cosmopolite” and his muck into the city’s dirt-cart. That if the head of the “Nation” harbors “Cosmopolite” and his muck, the muck rake will be turned on to him and used with all the power and principle invested in the law of sanitation.

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That intelligent people do not think it degrading to call the Siquirres Teacher, “Mountain Boy,” as purity, grandeur, greatness, inspiration and aspiration a[r]e associations of the mountain. That the mountain has produced great men and that Switzerland, the noble Patria of William Tell2 and Arnold Winkelreid3 is the most mo[u]ntainous country of Europe, possessing a noble people and the purest civilized government on earth.4 Would Cosmopolite be clean, let him stick to the mountains and lift up his eyes to the hills for help! But who is this Cosmopolite anyhow? Let him dare write his true name if he knows his father, and you will discover from his visage that he hails from the backwoods of Jamaica5 with the porcine lineaments of hi[s] kraal companions. Digging yam hills is no disgrace to the best Jamaica Teachers who find in it a most pleasant and profitable passtime. Those teachers who had hitherto kept aloof from the soil have been forced to it by the wiser Government, only to confess their liking to this noble occupation. That the basic and proudest industry of any country, is the tilling of the soil; and the yam is the most popular food of the West Indies. The absence or scarcity of this product heralds hard time. That the true teacher does not teach for money or for the applause of men. This is the prompting of a low motive. His work is divine, bearing fruit for Eternity alone which can estimate the worth. Hence he works and sacrifices, and in patience abides his eternal appreciation and reward. While “Cosmopolite” remained at Siquirres the center was infected with a howling stink which led the people to think it was from a pole cat. Why, the place was threatened with miasma; but since the Railroad Company turned on the electric fan and blew away the pestilence the sanitation of Siquirres has been greatly improved. This was the marked man at Siquirres, this was the obnoxious and objectionable quantity. Proof? As he was matter in the wrong place, he was swept out. Then you say in short Mr. Correspondent, he was dirt. Most certainly so! Hygienically so! By the help of the powerful incandescent electric lamp of penetrative wisdom, the Siquirres Teacher has scanned the Stygian Cave,6 dispelled its tenebris and found “Cosmopolite” an animal of the order Asinorum Inferiorum, one that must call his grandfather “Pa.” and whose genital appendages outweigh his brains. Printed in the Limón Times, 18 May 1911. 1. It was common in Limón to refer to immigrants from a particular part of Jamaica by the name of their parish of origin. The parish of St. James is located along Jamaica’s northwest coast and includes the port of Montego Bay. This region maintained close commercial ties with Central America in the late nineteenth century. For instance, ground provisions grown in St. James and neighboring Hanover were carried by small traders to the markets of Colón on the isthmus of Panama during the French canal-building attempt (1881–1888). The unusually close ties between St. James, Colón, and Port Limón meant that a disproportionate number of immigrants from St. James came to reside in turn-of-the-century Limón (Lara Putnam, The Company They Kept: Migrants and the Politics of Gender in Caribbean Costa Rica, 1870–1960 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002], pp. 51–52). 2. William (Wilhelm) Tell was a legendary Swiss patriot, credited with a number of actions and immortalized in drama by such artists as Schiller and Rossini (Dieter Fahrni, An Outline History of

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MAY 1911 Switzerland: From the Origins to the Present Day [Zurich: Pro Helvetia, 2003], p. 23; “Tell, William,” The Columbia Encyclopedia, 5th ed. [New York: Columbia University Press, 1993], p. 2709). 3. According to legend, Arnold von Winkelreid’s actions at the battle of Sempach on 9 July 1386 resulted in the defeat of the Austrians under Duke Leopold III. Winkelreid is supposed to have saved the battle for the Swiss by throwing himself at the Austrians, gathering all the spears within reach into his body. While his actions made him a martyr, he had breached the enemy’s ranks, allowing his compatriots to rush to victory. The truth of this legend has been the subject of much debate (“Winkelreid, Arnold von,” The Columbia Encyclopedia, p. 2985). 4. The question of governmental purity is, of course, relative, but it seems likely that the author was referring to the direct nature of the Swiss democratic system. The Swiss federal state was established in 1848 following an uprising against the previous Treaty of Union government. This governmental system had served above all to protect the privileges of ruling families and had circumscribed economic and social progress—conditions that had become especially onerous in the depressed economic climate of the 1840s. The new constitution guaranteed a range of civic liberties and enacted far-reaching provisions to ensure that cantonal sovereignty was maintained, thereby preventing a recurrence of minority rule. By 1874 additional revisions were deemed necessary, and a revised constitution was enacted with provisions that remain, for the most part, valid today. Chief among these is the principle of direct democracy by referendum. Each proposed law can be submitted to a popular vote, provided a petition with sufficient signatures is presented (Fahrni, An Outline History of Switzerland, pp. 63–75). 5. Garvey was born in St. Ann’s Bay, the main town of the parish of St. Ann, situated on the northern shore of Jamaica. St. Ann was often referred to as “the garden parish” of Jamaica because of its naturally scenic beauty. St. Ann’s Bay was commercially prosperous in the late nineteenth century because it was one of the main ports for the transhipment of bananas to America. 6. The term “Stygian” refers to the river Styx or to the underworld of Greek and Roman myth. It can also mean dark, gloomy, infernal, or hellish (EB).

Editorial in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, May 20th 1911]

A NATIONAL1 DISASTER, R.I.P. At noon yesterday the Alcalde2 at the instance of a gentleman here embargoed one of [the] wheels of the printing press of the “Nation”[;] from what we can learn the wheel in question, without which the press is absolutely useless,—got broken, the proprietors of the “Nation” could not get the necessary casting made by the Railway Company and approached a gentleman here to have work done in his name, in order to help the staff the gentleman consented and the casting was made and delivered to the “Nation” and the newspaper which had been suspended for some time began to sling mud at respectable citizens in the belief that it was “Journalism,” the gentleman made repeated application for settlement of the account C1033 only to meet promises which have never been fulfilled and from all appearances the promises would have been continued until the day of judgment. Pressure was brought to bear on the responsible party yesterday and an action threatened for the recovery of the amount due on the casting; and in order to meet the demand he was compelled in turn to apply the screw to the owner of the Machine by placing an Embargo on the Wheel in question, the result is that the “Nation” has now retired into private life and for 33

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a time, at least, the public morals will not be nauseated with the publications for which that paper has become famous under its present management. Printed in the Limón Times, 20 May 1911. 1. Word capitalized as in original. 2. The office of the “alcalde,” or mayor, was the legal forum for all civil lawsuits in Limón. 3. 103 colones. The Costa Rican colón was worth roughly $0.40 in 1911.

Article in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, 14th June 1911] 1 CORONATION COMMITTEE At a meeting held on Saturday evening last, presided over by the Venerable Archdeacon Robinson, it was unanimously agreed that the two Committees2 formerly operating on behalf of the Coronation Festivities be amalgamated for the purpose of making the occasion a successful one. Mr. Marcus M. Garvey, former President of the above Committee then resigned his position when a Committee of 14 was nominated with Mr. P. Noel as President, G. McGregor,3 Hon. President, while the Treasurer and Secretary, Messrs. M. L. Cox and Jno. H. Ivey,4 were unanimously re-elected. The former programme was also amended and will appear in the next issue. The Secretary was requested to communicate to all the Friendly Societies, acquainting them of the new conditions and ask their cooperation. Committee will meet on Wednesday and Saturday evenings of this week at the State Office of the Mosaic Templars of America5 in front of Plaza de Toro. Printed in the Limón Times, 14 June 1911. 1. The same notice was reprinted several times over the following days in the Times. 2. Several weeks after Garvey had begun organizing his own coronation committee in April 1911, the Times editors announced that “at a meeting of many of the returned soldiers of the West India Regiment of Jamaica residing here it was proposed to have a procession on Coronation Day among themselves, dressed in white and wearing Baden Powell hats and leggings. They intend having a few practices on the Plaza de Toro. This procession will be quite distinct from other celebrations” (Times [Limón], 29 April 1911). This group came to be called the Military Display Committee, and by June had joined with Mosaic Templars in planning “Monster Coronation Celebrations” (Times [Limón], 6 June 1911). 3. C. G. McGregor was the British vice-consul in Port Limón. 4. John H. Ivey, secretary of the coronation committee under both Garvey and his successors, was head of the Mosaic Templars of America chapter in Port Limón (Times [Limón], 2 June 1911). 5. The Mosaic Templars of America was an Afro-American fraternal society founded in Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1882. The Mosaic Templars provided death, burial, and loan benefits to their members, and by the 1920s included chapters totaling tens of thousands of members worldwide. Local advertisements for the association read: “Join the people’s fraternity. No discrimination because of your color, no privileges debarred. A Templar in Costa Rica is welcomed in the U.S. or elsewhere. A Policy by a member here is paid equally as in the U.S. We aim at the protection of our

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JUNE 1911 race and people as members of one family. If you deem yourself worthy of the NAME and CLAIM, then be a member of our order” (A. E. Bush, History of the Mosaic Templars of America: Its Founders and Officials [Little Rock, Ark.: Central Printing Co., 1924]; John William Graves, Mosaic Templars Leader John E. Bush and the Origins of Segregation in Arkansas [Little Rock, Ark.: The Society, 1998]).

Article in the Limón Times [Port Limón, Costa Rica, 19th June 1911]

AND THE CAT CAME BACK Quite a sensational occurrence took place on the pier prior to the departure of the s.s. “Cartago,”1 on Wednesday evening, a policeman, lawyer and several gentlemen were seen to board the ship and consult with the Purser who referred them to the Captain. The representative of the law then presented a paper from the Judge asking permission to take from the steamer a passenger who was suffering from a “Bad memory.” The necessary permission was promptly given by the skipper and Mr. Marcus M. Garvey, jr., ex-Editor of the “Nation” was escorted ashore, bag and baggage from the 1st class saloon, a ticket for which he was the owner of. The gentleman it appears had made up his mind to be present at the Coronation festivities [i]n our Island home, entirely overlooking the trifling fact that the money used in purchasing a first class ticket, to say nothing of the presumably heavy pocket book on his person, belonged to his creditors to whom he neglected to send his P.P.C. card. The claims against the man as far as we can gather are as follows: proprietor of the “Nation’s” press for hire of his printing outfit, ¢230; compositors (3), [L?]egantrie, ¢61.35; McCreath, ¢82 and Joscelyn, ¢60; making a total of ¢435.35. The three latter assisted the ex-Editor in the upkeep of the paper, labouring night and day in setting type, etc., several merchants have also bills against the man for merchandise taken on credit. Garvey it will be remembered opened a subscription list for the coming celebrations of the 22[n]d inst., and collected quite a decent sum from the citizens, both British and foreign, these amounts we suppose have been handed over to the Coronation Committee. In a previous issue of this paper we referred to the matter of the collection of funds for this purpose and predicted that it would end in a huge “Fiasco” for which we were roughly handled in the columns of the “Nation,” our remarks at the time were not intended to throw cold water on the proposal but to call attention to the fact that the initial proceedings for so important an event lacked stability and proper representations.

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Since writing the above we learn that although he was closely watch[ed] by policemen on the dock Garvey evaded them and left on the “Cartago” Friday night. Printed in the Limón Times, 19 June 1911. 1. The S.S. Cartago was a UFC steamer which traveled back and forth between New Orleans and Colón, with stops along the way at Puerto Barrios, Limón, and Bocas del Toro.

Article in the Clarion1 [Belize, British Honduras, August 24, 1911]

THE CONCERT AT S. MARY’S A Concert and Elocutionary Entertainment is announced to take place on Saturday night next at 8 o’clock, at S. Mary’s Hall, the proceeds of which are to be devoted to charity. The function is under the patronage of several of the gentry of the town and it promises to be well attended. The items to be put on are full of interest and have been entrusted to some of the best amateur talent in Belize. The principal feature will be the recitations delivered by Mr. Marcus Garvey, Jr. This gentleman is the champion elocutionist of the West Indies and has appeared before many critical audiences. He purposes delivering Chatham’s famous oration,2 “The execution of Montrose,”3 and “Mary Queen of Scots’ farewell to France.”4 On the occasion of the Island Elocution Contest in Jamaica he represented one of the fifteen parishes of that island and thrilled the audience of some 3,000 people with his masterly rendering of the first named of the above mentioned pieces. Those who desire to spend an interesting and profitable evening cannot do better than secure tickets at once. Special reserved seats are to be retained for patrons and front seat tickets may be had at 50 cents and other seats at 25 cents. Printed in Cl, 24 August 1911. 1. The Daily Clarion was the only daily newspaper in British Honduras. It was founded by the Woods family in 1897 and edited by Philip Woods, whose son, Stanley Eric, was a partner in Dragten Woods & Company. The newspaper reported court proceedings involving the law firm, and Philip Woods was one of Dragten’s sponsors in the 1936 general election (C. H. Grant, The Making of Modern Belize: Politics, Society, and British Colonialism in Central America [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976], pp. 86, 90). 2. “Chatham on the American Revolution” (J. C. Zachos, The New American Speaker: A Collection of Oratorical and Dramatical Pieces, Soliloquies and Dialogues [New York: Collins & Brothers, 1851], pp. 77–78). William Pitt, 1st earl of Chatham (1708–1778), is described as the world’s greatest statesman (Caleb Carr, “William Pitt the Elder and the Avoidance of the American Revolution,” in What Ifs? of American History: Eminent Historians Imagine What Might Have Been, ed. Robert Cowley [New York: Berkley Books, 2004], p. 17). 3. A reference to William Edmondstoune Aytoun’s poem, “The Execution of Montrose” (William Edmondstoune Aytoun, Poems of William Edmondstoune Aytoun [London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press, 1921], pp. 15–26).

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AUGUST 1911 4. A number of poems were written about the queen’s departure in 1561, including “Mary Stuart’s Farewell to France” by Pierre Jean de Béranger, “Mary Queen of Scots’ Farewell to France” by Walter Towers, and “Mary Queen of Scots’ Farewell” by William Preston Johnston (Pierre Jean de Béranger, Béranger: Two Hundred of his Lyrical Poems, Done into English Verse [New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1857], pp. 94–96; Walter Towers, Poems, Songs, and Ballads [Glasgow: A. Bryson & Co., 1885], pp.92–93; Thomas M’Caleb, The Louisiana Book: Selections from the Literature of the State [New Orleans: R. F. Straughan, 1894], pp. 502–503).

Item in the Clarion [Belize, British Honduras, August 31, 1911] On Saturday night last, as announced in my previous issue, Mr. Marcus Garvey staged his entertainment at St. Mary’s Hall[.] Unfortunately the audience was exceedingly poor and in addition to this several of the performers down on the programme failed to put in an appearance. Mr. Garvey, however, did his part and convinced those present that he was a masterly elocutionist. On Tuesday night last Mr. Garvey appeared at the Amuse U Theatre and delivered three of his selections before a large audience, being loudly applauded at the close of each. I understand that Mr. Garvey will shortly be leaving Belize to fill an engagement in the United States. Printed in Cl, 31 August 1911.

Marcus Garvey to the Editor of the Clarion [Belize, British Honduras, September 14, 1911]1

A STRANGER’S IMPRESSION Dear Sir, I have been a visitor to your hospitable country, spending three weeks among a people who have so impressed me, that my parting from them makes me feel as though a two-fold cord is parted at my heart, that of leaving a people who have been kind and courteous on the one hand, and that of separating myself from a country that I could have well called my home. I have visited many sunny climes where the mixed races seem to live in concord and love, but never in my experience have I been so impressed with the true spirit of welcome during my stay with the people of Belize. All men belong to the one brotherhood of man; but in some countries where the apparent realization of civilization would seem to be more manifest, you find prejudice and incivility so glaring as to lead one to believe and feel that 37

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he lives and moves among creatures of semblance in outward form, but objects of variance and contempt in the companionship of life. I am glad, having realized that though a people may be oppressed and neglected by the earthly power that rules, that they can be humane without fault. Then let the people of Belize be as industrious, persevering and wide awake as they are kind, and within the next twenty years the world’s attention will be turned to the progress and prospectiveness of British Honduras. I mean no harm in the above-mentioned words, on the contrary, I mean to encourage the grit and manhood which seems to be springing with the rising generation—the boys and girls who are to make the men and women of the near future. I believe that the great drawback of the past in the industrial life of the people of the colony has been caused through the partiality of education as supplied by the Government. I always thought it the duty of the state to educate the people, but in coming hither I have found out that there are Governments who tax education rather than taxing themselves for the good of the people and the benefit of the state. When England saw that she needed a nation of men workers, useful and law abiding citizens she started educating the people, irrespective of class or condition; and I am surprised to discover in this twentieth century a British Colony that places a tax on the education of the people (attending would be public schools) other than the revenue of general taxation. Such a system I think should be completely “wiped out.” It was Edmund Burke2 who said that the press of England was the fourth greatest power in the realm3. In his day it might have been but to-day the press is the ruling institution of the world and the second greatest power in the particular state, so I can well imagine the part that the press of Belize has played in bringing about conditions as they would appear to the natives to-day, considering the presence of that changing form of administration as is generally, carried out in Crown Colonies4 to the detriment of colonists, by experimenting and disinterested clerks or sporting army veterans who may happen to desire five or six years change in the tropics—the beautiful and so inticing tropics of the Western h[e]misphere. It must have been an uphill work for the press to see to the establishment of the few advantages (wrested no doubt from the administration of some reluctant Governor) which the people of Honduras live under to-day. If the press . . . of Belize has always been for the people, then its mission is not yet accomplished. I think that the press should at all times be the medium for championing public opinion, as affecting the progress of the colony, and as it would appear, there is a lot to be done and said about things for the good of the people and country. Let, then, the men of the day take up their pen and write down the wrongs that exist, and also write for the good that should have been, write out of the convictions of the heart, and I am sure that when the world shall have seen in print those ideas and opinions, they shall have been about the multitude of wrongs which needed resistance. I can’t say that I admire the system of Government as appertains here—I mean Crown Government. I have no confidence in the administrative ability of crown 38

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administration now-a-days. We never get the right thing; there is always some substitu[t]e for what we really want, sometime, it may be in the mal-administration of a hot headed governor, who believes that he knows every vein in the make up of God’s creation, at another time it may be the oversight of the “home office” in passing some unholy injunction which becomes the damnation of the statu[t]e of a struggling country, and so on we may go, living under this Crown Government, suffering from the want of liberty, suffering from the want of the right and proper thing. The moment a people become educated, the time then is opportune that they take a hand, rather, be given a hand, for no man can better serve or supply the necessary than he who feels and knows. The best ruler of the family is the head of the household and it is only a worthless imbecile who will sit satisfied allowing a stranger to step in and guide the destiny of his family. If the people of British Honduras have been thought imbeciles or weaklings in the past by the officers of the home Government, then I think it time that the men of the present generation who are educated and fully equipped in the science of legislation, (as it would appear to me) step forward and demand a larger modicum in the administration of their own affairs, for the long years of Crown Government has not gone further than anarchy would have done, in that to the present there is no proper educational system in the country which should be the basic institution of British liberty, for is it not the privilege of the “British heart of oak”5 who defends and adorns the great British Empire, as well as the privilege of the rabble who run about the streets and lanes of the cities and hamlets of England, but who, through the instructions supplied by the state, are sensitive to the call of loyalty and devotion to Empire and are even willing to join in the universal wish of us Britishers in hoping to see the everlasting triumph of the British Empire? Thus through education “England arms every man to do his duty.”6 That there is no proper and responsible Government educational system in the colony is a disgrace and should be a burning shame to the administrative ability of the savage, much more a twentieth century British administration. But I can see that the natives of Honduras are not to be trampled underfoot educationally, for they have done their best despite the discouragement of the Government in disseminating useful knowledge. I must here ask the Government for the public library, which is to be found in every English city, and which cannot be located in the city of Belize and which I am perfectly sure is not at Stann Creek7 or St. George’s Cay?8 Is it that those books are at Government House or are they still packed away in the corners of the Colonial Office, at Downing Street? A country without a written history has still its pride to maintain, but a country without a library, in this civilized age, is a country without shame, and thus the condemnation of the people of British Honduras is on the shoulders of the Government and the Government has no other excuse than Negligence!! It is because I like Belize and the people that I have chosen to write about the things which have made an unfavourable impression on me. Being a colo39

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nist of experience I am able to discern a wonderful lot of the trickery inherent in strangers who happen to come to the colonies either as officials or private citizens, and it is of these persons that I would like to warn the people of Belize; but owing to the limited space which can be allotted for any one communication in an important weekly journal as yours, and having taken up a long space already, I have to wave the many remarks which I should have made on this particular subject; but my advice to you colonists is to be more careful of yourselves. You should encourage a patriotic feeling, and remember that one’s native land should be his “primal boast[.]” I always feel proud when I hear a man boast of the glories or advantages of his country, for being a patriot myself, I immediately realize the feelings which prompt such a one. To boast of your country is to be able to point to some national achievements thus the question arises, “can the natives of British Honduras boast of anything of their own?” I hardly believe if we were to take away the constructions of foreigners and strangers that there would be anything worth boasting of belonging to you natives, and it is on this carelessness of self that I would like to stir you to the fact that, whilst strangers and foreigners find it convenient and well to make money they will use you and yours. In that use you may benefit a little; but surely the time will come when you will not be required and all that was once yours is then taken away and by these strangers and foreigners. For instance, the lands that you once called your own is possessed to-day by strangers who I don’t believe care a “rope” more about you natives and your progress than they concern themselves about the people in Mars. I think if British Honduranians would settle down to do something constructive of their own it would be very good. Even with small beginnings you can climb to greatness. If you should, say, start yourselves with a local co-operative society for the general improvement of the colony you would be doing some good, which I believe would blossom in the near future. I am compelled to curtail all that I should like to say; but before closing I must express my disapproval of your sanitary system. I have not travelled very far into the greater world, but from what I have seen in the large and small cities which I have visited, I cannot recollect seeing anything near on to your abominable sanitary methods of open Canals running through the city which receive the dirt and waste of the entire population. I think this a most dangerous outlay and the one that is responsible for two-thirds of your deaths. I see that these Canals have side entrances which, at times, let out the bad water into the streets and yards, caused through the high water rising in the said Canals. Some times the filthy and diseased stuff which are thrown into the Canals are left on the streets and in the yards after the tide falls or the rain abates, this is a great agency of disease and cannot be conducive to any good. The underground sewerage system is used by the most modern cities as well as obscure villages and it would do well if the authorities would abolish this dangerous Canal outlay and install modern sanitary methods. I think that your death rate is exceedingly high for the population, and a little attention paid to 40

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the insanitary swamps to the West end, such as dumping up the stagnant holes and building a higher sea wall in that direction so as to prevent the inflow of water from the sea, this I know would be beneficial to the citizens. I should expect to find a beautiful park in Belize, but I am disappointed in that as in many other things. If you had a park the Volunteer Band or some other, could supply music for two or three evenings in the week for the entertainment of the recreative spirits of those who are not content to confine themselves at home all through the year. I hope the time is not far distant when this necessity will be added to the posses[s]ions of the city. With a “Citizen’s Association” or some public organization of the sort a lot of good could be a[c]hieved as the organization could comprise all the influential men of the city whose interests are identified with the people and who could draft schemes for the general improvement of the place, and submit same to the inactive powers that be. Finally I must return thanks to my many friends and acquaintances who have been so kind to me during my sojourn here[.] “Friend after friend departs. Who hath not lost a friend? There is no union here of hearts That finds not here an end.”9 Then farewell my friends farewell. MARCUS M. GARVEY, JNR. Printed in the Cl, 14 September 1911. 1. This article also appeared in the Belize Independent, 5 May 1920, along with an editorial note that read: “The following contribution by Mr. Marcus Garvey to our contemporary nearly nine years ago, will be read with interest by our readers most of whom do not seem to remember the gentleman when he visited the Colony on an elocutionary tour. We regret to say that most of the defects of the city recorded by the visitor are still prevalent and it shows how tardy are the wheels of our administration.” The Belize Independent, published between 1914 and 1946, was a local weekly newspaper edited by a black radical, Hubert Hill Cain. L. D. Kemp wrote a column in it entitled “Garvey Eye.” Copies of the Belize Independent from 1914 to 1930 appear to be lost. No complete copies survived the 1931 hurricane and there are only isolated extracts in Colonial Office documentation and in the Negro World. 2. Edmund Burke (1729–1797), politician and author, was well known for his speeches in Parliament. In the early 1780s, he sought reform of the East India Company and advocated Indians being provided with a share in its future prosperity. Burke also played a prominent role in the unsuccessful impeachment trial of Warren Hastings, former governor-general of India. During his career, Burke was also an outspoken critic of the British government in the American Revolution. He was later a harsh critic of the French Revolution. Burke was the editor of the Annual Register; his publications include A Vindication of Natural Society (1756); Observations on a Late State of the Nation (1769); Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents (1770); A Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol (1777); Reflections on the Revolution in America (1777); Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790); Letter to a Member of the National Assembly (1791); Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs (1791); Letters on a Regicide Peace (1796–1797); and, in collaboration with William Burke, An Account of the European Settlements in America (1757) (Edmund Burke: Selected Writings and Speeches, ed. by Peter J. Stanlis [Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 1997]; F. P. Lock, Edmund Burke [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998]; Ian Crowe, ed., An Imaginative Whig: Reassessing the Life and

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Thought of Edmund Burke [Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2005]; Seamus Deane, ed., Foreign Affections: Essays on Edmund Burke [Cork: Cork University Press, 2005]; DNB). 3. It is believed the term “fourth estate” in reference to the press was first used in 1828 by Thomas Macualay. More than a decade later, Thomas Carlyle attributed the phrase to Edmund Burke. In a similar vein, William Hazlitt also used the term “fourth estate” in 1821–1822 to refer to William Cobbett (Thomas Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero-Worship and the Heroic in History [London: Chapman and Hall, 1840], p. 152; John Bartlett, Familiar Quotations, 16th ed., ed. by Justin Kaplan [Boston: Little, Brown, 1992], pp. 390, 411, 424, 463; Slavko Splichal, Principles of Publicity and Press Freedom [Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2002], p. 44; Richard A. Schwarzlose, “Fourth Estate,” in The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 7 [Chicago: World Book, 2007], p. 438). 4. A Crown Colony was a type of colony within the larger British empire governed and administered by a governor directly appointed by the British Crown and later by the Colonial Office in England. The term “Crown Colony” was primarily used, until the mid-nineteenth century, to refer to those colonies acquired through wars, such as Trinidad and British Guiana; it was used more broadly afterward to apply to any colony other than the British Raj in India and the colonies of white settlement, such as Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, which later became British Dominions. As of 1918, there were three types of Crown Colonies, each having slightly different degrees of autonomy. The first type of Crown Colonies had representative councils, such as Bermuda, Jamaica, Ceylon, and Fiji, and contained one or two legislative chambers, consisting of a mixture of Crown-appointed and locally elected members. A second type of Crown Colonies, such as those in British Honduras, Sierra Leone, and Grenada, had nominated councils and consisted entirely of Crown-appointed members, though with some representatives from the local population appointed by the Crown. The third type of Crown Colony, smallest in number, such as Gibraltar, Saint Helena, and Basutoland, had the least amount of political autonomy and were ruled directly by the colonial governor. The designation “Crown Colony” continued to be applied up until 1981, when the British Nationality Act of 1981 took effect, reclassifying the few remaining British colonies as “British-Dependent Territories,” which, after 2002, became known as “British Overseas Territories” (Sir Charles W. Dilke, The British Empire [London: Chatto & Windus, 1899]; Sir William R. Anson, The Crown, vol. 2,The Law and Custom of the Constitution [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908]; David Duncan Wallace, The Government of England: National, Local, and Imperial [New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1917]; Edward Jenks, The Government of the British Empire [Boston: Little, Brown, 1918]; James Olson et al., eds., Historical Dictionary of the British Empire [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Publishing, 1996]; Andrew Porter, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire: The Nineteenth Century, Volume III [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998]). 5. The song “Heart of Oak” written by David Garrick was popular during the eighteenth century in Britain. It was written during the Seven Years’ War and it was performed in the play Harlequin’s Invasion, or a Christmas Gambol (London, 1759). The famous line of the song read “Hearts of oak are our ships, Hearts of oak are our men.” Throughout much of British history, oaks were associated with royalty. By 1790, for Edmund Burke the oak tree symbolized a Britain rightly dominated by its aristocracy and gentry as the oaks grew on their estates. By the early nineteenth century the oak was more rooted in popular conceptions about Britain’s military history and national character. It came to be associated with the loyalty and patriotism of other classes as well (Tim Fulford, “Britannia’s Heart of Oak: Thomson, Garrick and the Language of Eighteenth-Century Patriotism,” in James Thomson: Essays for the Tercentenary, ed. Richard Terry [Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000], pp. 191-215; William Cullen Bryant, ed., A New Library of Poetry and Song [New York: Fords, Howard and Hulbert, 1895], p. 631; William Pencak, Matthew Davis, and Simon P. Newman, Riot and Revelry in Early America [University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002], pp. 143–146; Sylvie Nail, Forest Policies and Social Change in England [Dordrecht: Springer, 2008], pp. 25–34). 6. Horatio Nelson was reported to have said “England expects every man will do his duty” at the Battle of Trafalgar in 1805. William Blake used similar phrasing when he wrote “England expects that every man should do his duty, in Arts, as well as in Arms, or in the Senate” (Bartlett, Familiar Quotations, 16th ed., p. 360; Angela Partington, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of Quotations, 4th ed. [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992], p. 491; David V. Erdman, ed., The Poetry and Prose of William Blake [Garden City: Doubleday, 1965], p. 539). 7. Stann Creek Town, now called Dangriga, is the chief town in the Stann Creek district and the second largest town in Belize. It is the principal town of the Garifuna, who constitute about 6 percent of the population (O. Nigel Bolland, “Society and Politics in Belize,” in Society and Politics in

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MAY 1912 the Caribbean, ed. Colin Clarke [Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1991], p. 86; D. A. G. Waddell, British Honduras: A Historical and Contemporary Survey [London: Oxford University Press, 1961], p. 65). 8. St. George’s Cay (or Caye), just east of Belize City, was the principal residence of British settlers in the Bay of Honduras in the eighteenth century, until it was replaced by Belize Town. Members of the elite continued to favor it for holidays. 9. This is the beginning of a poem by James Montgomery, which has a variety of titles, including “Friends” and “Parted Friends” (James Montgomery, Poetical Works of James Montgomery , vol. 2 [Boston: Phillips, Sampson and Company, 1859], p. 347; William Cullen Bryant, ed., A New Library of Poetry and Song [New York: Fords, Howard and Hulbert, 1895], p. 114).

Umbilla to the Jamaica Times [[Kingston, Jamaica, 19 May 1912]]

LOOKING INTO THE FUTURE NEW FIELDS SOUGHT Sir,— Through the effort of Wm. Wilberforce, the perseverance, and paternal guidance of the British Government, the coloured and black man in the British West Indies emerged from that condition in which the ancients always placed the conquered, “Slavery,” to that of a self-dependent and enterprising people. Their effort is displayed in every direction, intellectual, physical and moral. The former is in an assured and permanent state, the latter in a very transitory manner. In the present existence in the West Indies and the countries bordering the Carribbean Sea, “Fate” has I think favoured the idea of the right to a future coloured nation sister of the British Empire. The effort of the black man is to be seen in monuments and records, from the days of the Spanish dominion until to-day: the hills, the glades and the sea; have been the recipient for three centuries of his labours. At present the avenues of enterprise in the West Indies, his present home, and also in Central and South America, the field of his labour, his former opportunities are diminishing, although he has toiled and died for it, but “as the thick cloudy mist rolls by propelled by the rising sun we see that day is near.” Failure will not be for lack of ability or accompli[sh]ment; but through social disadvantage and the combined weight of a united competition, a very natural outcome wherever three persons are concerned be they friends or enemies. As to prejudice isolated cases may occur, but the result is distinctly a matter of inclination, due to that natural yet unseen effort that causes a tree to list where the wind blows. Presentiment will at times assail the blackman’s mind; and like Napoleon, who while meditating is represented as expressing himself thus: J’ai servi, commande, vaincu quarant annees; Du monde, entre mes mains, j’ai vu le, destinees; 43

MAY 1912 the Caribbean, ed. Colin Clarke [Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1991], p. 86; D. A. G. Waddell, British Honduras: A Historical and Contemporary Survey [London: Oxford University Press, 1961], p. 65). 8. St. George’s Cay (or Caye), just east of Belize City, was the principal residence of British settlers in the Bay of Honduras in the eighteenth century, until it was replaced by Belize Town. Members of the elite continued to favor it for holidays. 9. This is the beginning of a poem by James Montgomery, which has a variety of titles, including “Friends” and “Parted Friends” (James Montgomery, Poetical Works of James Montgomery , vol. 2 [Boston: Phillips, Sampson and Company, 1859], p. 347; William Cullen Bryant, ed., A New Library of Poetry and Song [New York: Fords, Howard and Hulbert, 1895], p. 114).

Umbilla to the Jamaica Times [[Kingston, Jamaica, 19 May 1912]]

LOOKING INTO THE FUTURE NEW FIELDS SOUGHT Sir,— Through the effort of Wm. Wilberforce, the perseverance, and paternal guidance of the British Government, the coloured and black man in the British West Indies emerged from that condition in which the ancients always placed the conquered, “Slavery,” to that of a self-dependent and enterprising people. Their effort is displayed in every direction, intellectual, physical and moral. The former is in an assured and permanent state, the latter in a very transitory manner. In the present existence in the West Indies and the countries bordering the Carribbean Sea, “Fate” has I think favoured the idea of the right to a future coloured nation sister of the British Empire. The effort of the black man is to be seen in monuments and records, from the days of the Spanish dominion until to-day: the hills, the glades and the sea; have been the recipient for three centuries of his labours. At present the avenues of enterprise in the West Indies, his present home, and also in Central and South America, the field of his labour, his former opportunities are diminishing, although he has toiled and died for it, but “as the thick cloudy mist rolls by propelled by the rising sun we see that day is near.” Failure will not be for lack of ability or accompli[sh]ment; but through social disadvantage and the combined weight of a united competition, a very natural outcome wherever three persons are concerned be they friends or enemies. As to prejudice isolated cases may occur, but the result is distinctly a matter of inclination, due to that natural yet unseen effort that causes a tree to list where the wind blows. Presentiment will at times assail the blackman’s mind; and like Napoleon, who while meditating is represented as expressing himself thus: J’ai servi, commande, vaincu quarant annees; Du monde, entre mes mains, j’ai vu le, destinees; 43

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Et j’ai toujours connu qu en chaque evenement Le destin des etats dependait d’un moment. The result will be an immediate and active propaganda for the diffusion of superior training and knowledge to his sons and daughters, taking care that a genteel brotherly love be cultivated in the home so that a later date from that home may emanate the proper sister, wife and mother of the coming generation, able to cherish, nurse and train their children, developing them into men and women; their motto being “United we stand; divided we fall.” Such cooperative thought will confine their mind and bind them in all their efforts along the lines of education, religion, industry and business, accomplished for and by themselves. Then calmly surveying his surroundings, he will note that his defeat was not a rout, and re-organizing his force! some will be sent in quest of new fields; strengthened with energy and reinforced by experience. But where? That is the question. Yours etc., UMBILLA Printed in the Jamaica Times, 15 June 1912.

Umbilla to the Jamaica Times [[Kingston, Jamaica, 20 June 1912]]

THE BLACKMAN’S PAST AND FUTURE HIS DEBT AND HIS PURPOSES LOOKING TO THE MOTHERLAND Sir,— “Recognised and compensated,” will both these condition[s] be occupied by the blackman in the world forty years hence? Particularly in countries under British dominion[?] Recognition of a race must come through their voluntary effort under the three essential equipments of man, viz—improved moral, physical and mental condition. The savage rudiment of morality is simplicity itself and therefore more respected than the ethics of our progressive civilisation. Life near nature, nature so rugged and imposing; so majestic and grand. The pyramids of Egypt, Thebes the great city with her fallen statues, obelisks and porticos, the present impartial account of modern travellers, convey to the mind the great physical and mental achievements of men in those days. The black runner before an Egyptian chariot, Hannibal’s legions across the Alps1; a fe[u]dal castle, the battle axe, mace, spear and armour, seen in the British Museum[,] are a silent display of the physical force of those who have passed on. Today is not that vigorous force called strength but the quick force of penetration, mental 44

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ability, that irresistable current that takes the place that physical development once commanded[?] The brain in the blackman has arrived at a state of development, that has undoubtedly placed the conclusions of many writers in the shade. He is now desirous of making his contribution to the benefit of history. In every branch of progressive development his efforts are portrayed. Will he be recognised and allowed his place in this our present temple of light, to stand and say, may I be allowed to speak; will you all hear and for the harmonious human standards that emblem, Peace; will you all justify my cause. This problem is of great moment, therefore it is right and necessary for the intelligent negro in every country in the world, to be a possessor of the records of the year[s] 1861 to 1865. Such a book should be in every negro home along with his Bible, that he may read of those apostles of human right, Henry Clay,2 Daniel Webster,3 Sumner,4 Wendell Philips,5 Lloyd Garrison,6 and others. Ancient history does not record such epics as those of the British cruiser chasing the slave-traders on the African coast, exposed as they were to the malignant fever by which thousands have passed away? Nor that mother, sister, father, son, and brother, had contended on the bloody field of battle for the Emancipation of the blackman. Sacrifice of such magnitude should never be overlooked or forgotten by him, but should be used as a means to allay any misunderstanding that will surely occur [as the] black man’s intellectual progress advances. The young blackman in Africa and elsewhere, is so assiduous after knowledge and training that in two score years, instead of the nude African, in the mines and cotton fields of South Africa and Uganda, or the semi-nude negro in the cane fields of Demerara, we will see a [sober clad] black man. The present condition of the intelligent black youth in the West Indies is such, that he is actually unable to live under his present financial condition. He will have to solve the problem. “But where will he solve it[?]” In Africa? Not in an official capacity or as an employer or labourer, but as an independent pioneer, an adventurer who is determined to wrest from nature comfort, wealth, happiness. That determined few will gradually increase in number and as [in] Australia, Canada and New Zealand[,] so will West Africa reverberate to the incessant stroke of the axe, hammer and saw; her rivers will be controlled and her forests will yield, to the young impulse of the regenerated blackman. The African native has gradually yielded to the effect and method of the christian doctrine expounded to him by his black brother from the West Indies. Jamaica[,] I think[,] is destined to carry the bond of fellowship light and unity to the Motherland. The first black Missionary was sent from her shores, and many follow7. Her soldiers have gone to Africa and conquered.8 Now has arrived the moment for her physical and industrial energy to be displayed! Jamaica of all the West Indies would be justly proud of her sons, and laurelled would she be if through

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her effort she could place a black adopted daughter into the group that forms the sister nations of the British Empire.—But how? Yours, etc., UMBILLA Printed in the Jamaica Times, 31 August 1912. 1. Hannibal (247–183 BC) was the Carthaginian general who engineered a brilliant attack against the Romans by crossing the Alps into Italy (WBD). 2. Henry Clay (1777–1852), lawyer and legislator, repeatedly tried to persuade Kentucky to accept his stance in favor of the abolition of slavery. He was involved with the Missouri Compromise of 1820, when Missouri applied for admission as a slave state. Although Clay owned slaves, he wanted to bring about gradual emancipation through compensation. He also supported returning blacks to Africa after they obtained their freedom. He was a founding member of the American Colonization Society in 1816 and its president from 1836 to 1852. Clay was the principal author of the resolutions known as the Compromise of 1850, which sought to avoid civil war by compromising on several issues, including the slave trade in the District of Columbia and fugitive slaves (NYT, 30 June 1852; Robert Vincent Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union [New York: W. W. Norton, 1991]; ANB; WWWA). 3. Daniel Webster (1782–1852), lawyer, statesman, and orator, published in the early 1820s a criticism of concessions to slavery in the form of the Missouri Compromise. In the 1840s he opposed Texas’s annexation because he feared damage to sectional harmony. Webster also opposed the extension of slavery, but believed in the right of Southern states to regulate their own institutions. He ended up supporting the Compromise of 1850, arguing that preservation of the union was more important than the abolition of slavery (NYT, 25 October 1852; Robert Vincent Remini, Daniel Webster: The Man and His Time [New York: W. W. Norton, 1997]; ANB; WWWA). 4. Charles Sumner (1811–1874), lawyer, politician, orator, and reformer, attacked the spread of slavery in the Southwest on moral grounds. After the cession of Mexican territory in 1848, Sumner along with other groups created the new Free Soil Party. Sumner attacked all, including former friends, who approved of slave power. He sought to repeal the bills of the Compromise of 1850 because he saw them as victories for the slaveholders. After delivering a famous antislavery Senate speech in May 1856, he was beaten unconscious with a cane by Preston Brooks, a South Carolina congressman. During the Civil War, Sumner helped to convince Lincoln to allow blacks to join the Union armies. The Reconstruction plan after the Civil War was heavily influenced by Sumner’s philosophy. Sumner also proposed legislation to prohibit discrimination in schools, juries, transportation, and public accommodations, but it was blocked by conservatives (NYT, 12 March 1874; David Herbert Donald, Charles Sumner [New York: Da Capo Press, 1996]; ANB; WWWA). 5. Wendell Phillips (1811–1884), orator and abolitionist, was a close associate of William Lloyd Garrison. Phillips and Garrison insisted on women’s rights and revolutionary agitation for abolition, but most abolitionists rejected these beliefs. Phillips was involved in the American Antislavery Society and Boston’s Vigilance Committee, where he worked to protect fugitive slaves from being recaptured. Phillips argued that the United States Constitution was a proslavery document and in two pamphlets in 1840, he argued that abolitionists should withdraw support from the political system because it involved Americans in the crime of slavery. He also suggested that abolitionists work for a breakup of the federal Union. When the Civil War began, however, he declared secession to be treason. Contrary to other abolitionists, Phillips criticized Abraham Lincoln for not pursuing a forthright war of slave liberation. He demanded war aims that would not only free the slaves but give them their former masters’ lands, full civil rights, free public education, and full manhood suffrage. The abolitionists were divided over Phillips’s vision of a radically reconstructed South. Unlike other abolitionists who retired after the ratification of the thirteenth amendment in 1865, Phillips kept working for black equality until the passing of the fifteenth amendment. Aside from this issue, Phillips also advocated for the rights of other people. He supported the eight-hour day and workers’ cooperatives and was active in the movements for prohibition, penal reform, abolition of capital punishment, and female suffrage (NYT, 3 February 1884; James Brewer Stewart, Wendell Phillips, Liberty’s Hero [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986]; ANB; WWWA). 6. William Lloyd Garrison (1805–1879), editor and abolitionist, advocated immediate emancipation as a religious imperative because, as he argued, slavery was an abomination in God’s sight. Emancipation was the centerpiece of his publication, the Liberator, which began in January 1831. In early 1832 Garrison helped found the New England Antislavery Society and wrote Thoughts on

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JUNE 1912 African Colonization. He also wrote the Declaration of Sentiments for the American Antislavery Society, which began in 1833. After the Civil War began, Garrison insisted on emancipation, the recruitment of black soldiers with pay equal to whites, and an amendment outlawing slavery. While Phillips advocated for political equality as well, Garrison argued that freedmen had to prove worthy to earn the privilege of voting. After the passing of the thirteenth amendment, Garrison ended the Liberator and resigned from the American Antislavery Society (NYT, 25 May 1879; Henry Mayer, All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery [New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998]; ANB; WWWA). 7. Immediately after emancipation, a number of freed Jamaicans expressed a strong desire to return to Africa to assist in spreading the Gospel. In his biography of the British Baptist missionary Alfred Saker (1814–1880), Edward Bean Underhill observed, “Amongst the earliest results in Jamaica of the great Act of Emancipation, was the earnest desire of the members of the freed Africans to convey the gospel to the land of their fathers” (Alfred Saker, Missionary to Africa: A Biography [London: Baptist Missionary Society, 1884], p. 18). In 1838 Jamaican Baptists proposed the establishment of a mission to West Africa, and in 1840 their representative Rev. William Knibb (1803–1845) called upon British Baptists to establish “a Christian Mission to Africa” (Gleaner, 11 May 1908). In 1842, as a consequence of the enthusiasm sparked by the Jamaican Baptist interest in Africa, the Jamaica Baptist Missionary Society was formed as the agency to undertake the Christian evangelization of Africa. On 1 December 1843 a band of forty-two Jamaicans, including children, sailed from Falmouth, Jamaica, for the Baptist mission station on the island of Fernando Po off the Cameroon coast. Some traveled as missionaries, others as settlers. The first black Baptist missionaries, Joseph Merrick (1808–1849) and Alexander McCloud Fuller (d. 1847), as well as the latter’s son, Joseph Jackson Fuller (1825–1908), who had been born a slave in Jamaica, led the group. It is important to recognize that Baptist missionary work in Africa was begun at the solicitation of Jamaican Baptists. Their pioneering efforts paved the way for later missionaries. There is a voluminous literature on the broader Jamaican and West Indian missionary outreach to Africa in the nineteenth century, reflecting the continuing scholarly interest in the history of Christianity in Africa and the flow of transnational religious influences across the Atlantic world in the age of empire (Paul R. Dekar, “Jamaican and British Baptists in West Africa, 1841–1888,” paper presented to the Baptist World Alliance Heritage and Identity Commission, July 2001, http://www.bwa-baptistheritage.org/dek.htm; Jamaica Gleaner, 3 June and 7 October 2003; Waibinte E. Wariboko, “I Really Cannot Make Africa My Home: West Indian Missionaries as ‘Outsiders’ in the Church Missionary Society Civilizing Mission to Southern Nigeria, 1898–1925,” Journal of African History 45 [2004]: 221–236; Ade Adefuye, “John Gershion and Joshua Ricketts: Jamaica Contribution to the Socio-Development of the Colony Province,” in Studies in Yoruba History and Culture: Essays in Honour of Professor S. O. Biobaku, ed. G. O. Olusanya [Ibadan: University Press Limited, 1983], pp. 135–152; Waibinte E. Wariboko, “West Indian Church in West Africa: The Pongas Mission among the Susus and Its Portrayal of Blackness, 1851–1935,” in Missions, States, and European Expansion in Africa, ed. Chima J. Korieh and Raphael Chijioke Njoku [New York: Routledge, 2007], pp. 167–185; Robert Glennie, Joseph Jackson Fuller: An African Christian Missionary [London: Carey Press, 1930]; Nemata Amelia Blyden, West Indians in West Africa, 1808–1880: The African Diaspora in Reverse [Rochester, N.Y.: University of Rochester Press, 2000]; Horace O. Russell, The Missionary Outreach of the West Indian Church: Jamaican Baptist Missions to West Africa in the Nineteenth Century [New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2000]; Catherine Hall, Civilising Subjects: Colony and Metropole in the English Imagination, 1830–1867 [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002]; Waibinte E. Wariboko, Ruined By “Race”: Afro-Caribbean Missionaries and the Evangelization of Southern Nigeria, 1895–1925 [Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 2006]). 8. Although recruited in the Caribbean, the West India Regiment (WIR) formed an integral part of the regular British army. It operated as a valued contingent of British forces garrisoning British West African possessions throughout the nineteenth century, providing detachments for service for over a hundred years. The WIR first saw action in West Africa when, in 1819, the Second Battalion was sent to Sierra Leone to quell a rebellion of “settlers” (freed slaves). It was later called upon in 1898, when, after Britain’s declaration of a Protectorate over Sierra Leone in 1896, the indigenous people, made up mainly of Temme and Mende, rebelled against the British attempt to collect a “Hut Tax” imposed on native dwellings. Between 1891 and 1894 detachments of the WIR also assisted the Royal Navy in putting down rebellions of native chiefs in the Gambia. However, the WIR was put to its greatest use in the Gold Coast (Ghana), where it fought against the Ashanti, the strongest state in West Africa. Its Second Battalion fought in the Second Ashanti War, 1873–1874, the most famous of the wars, under Colonel (later Field Marshal Viscount) Sir Garnet J. Wolseley

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS (1833–1913); in the Ashanti Expedition, 1895–1896; and in the Ashanti War of 1900, which involved both the First and Second Battalions. At the end of the nineteenth century, the military duties previously shouldered by the WIR in West Africa were taken over by the raising and amalgamation of various African forces under the name “West African Frontier Force.” In the words of one historian, “The West India Regiments came to the West Coast [of Africa] at a time when the British government was grappling with the problems of evolving a defence machinery for West Africa. They discharged their duties creditably and filled a vital gap in the defence and expansion of this part of the British empire” (S. C. Ukpabi, “West Indian Troops and the Defence of British West Africa in the Nineteenth Century,” African Studies Review 17, no. 1 [April 1974]: 149–150; see also Arthur Abraham, “Bai Bureh, The British, and the Hut Tax War,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 7, no. 1 [1974]: 99-106; David Killingray, “Colonial Warfare in West Africa, 1870–1914,” in Imperialism and War: Essays on Colonial Wars in Asia and Africa, ed. Jaap de Moor and H. L. Wesseling [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1989], pp. 154, 161, 163; Sir Henry Brackenbury, The Ashanti War [Edinburgh: W. Blackwood and Sons, 1874], pp. 84, 147, 151, 192, 250, 281; G. A. Henty, By Sheer Pluck: A Tale of the Ashanti War [London: Blackie, 1884], pp. 210, 213–15, 221; A. B. Ellis, History of the First West India Regiment [London: Chapman, 1885]; James E. Caulfield, One Hundred Years’ History of the 2nd Batt. West India Regiment from date of raising 1795 to 1898 [London: Forster Groom & Co., 1899]; Paul Mmegha Mbaeyi, British Military and Naval Forces in West African History, 1807–1874 [New York: NOK Publishers, 1978]; Harold E. Raugh Jr., The Victorians at War 1815–1914: An Encyclopedia of British Military History [Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2004]; Major Michael Hartland, A Concise and Illustrated Military History of Barbados 1627–2007 [Bridgetown, Barbados: Miller Publishing, 2007], pp. 32–43; Humphrey Metzgen and John Graham, Caribbean Wars Untold: A Salute to the British West Indies [Mona, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 2007]). Soldiers from the Third Battalion of the WIR, raised in 1897 but disbanded in 1904, were recruited and took part in the South African War (also known as the Second Boer War), 1899–1902. During World War I, troops of the WIR that had been serving in Cameroun (Cameroon) in West Africa until January 1916 were transferred to the East African Campaign to fight in the brutal, drawn-out battle against German colonial forces, led by the ever resourceful Lieutenant-Colonel Paul Emil von Lettow-Vorbeck, who fought for the duration of World War I and surrendered only after hostilities had ended (William Boyd, An Ice-Cream War [New York: Morrow, 1983]; Anne Samson, Britain, South Africa and the East Africa Campaign, 1914–1918: The Union Comes of Age [London: Tauris, 2006]; Edward Paice, Tip and Run: The Untold Tragedy of the Great War in Africa [London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007]).

Article in the Daily Gleaner [Kingston, September 26, 1912]

CONCERT Tonight there will be a concert and debate at the Catch-My-Pal Society Hall, 26 North street (corner Chancery Lane) at 7 o’clock. The subject for debate will be “Could the Liquor Traffic be abolished without reasons, detriment to trade (or Commerce?)” Messrs. H. A. Clarke and T. S. Phillips will lead for the affirmative, and Messrs. A. F. Thelwell and M. Garvey for the negative. Several well-known ladies and gentlemen will contribute to the programme. A collection will be taken up in aid of the Society. All are cordially invited to attend. Printed in DG, 26 September 1912.

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Article in the Daily Gleaner [Kingston, May 28, 1913]

ELOCUTION CONTESTS “Fairplay” writes congratulating Mr. Marcus Garvey on getting up the island elocution contests, and expressing dissatisfaction at the awards made at the recent Port Antonio contest. Printed in DG, 28 May 1913.

Article in the Jamaica Times [Kingston, October 18, 1913]

MAINLY ABOUT PERSONS [. . .] Mr. Marcus Garvey of this island now in London, is taking a three years’ course at Birkbeck College [a]nd is contributing articles to several English publications. One of these is “The Star.” In the Oct. issues he began a series of articles on “Conditions in the British West Indies.” Mr. Garvey is connected with the “African Times and Oriental Review.” Printed in the Jamaica Times, 18 October 1913.

Marcus Garvey in the African Times and Orient Review1 [London, October 1913]

THE BRITISH WEST INDIES IN THE MIRROR OF CIVILIZATION HISTORY MAKING BY COLONIAL NEGROES In these days when democracy is spreading itself over the British Empire, and the peoples under the rule of the Union Jack are freeing themselves from hereditary lordship, and an unjust bureaucracy, it should not be amiss to recount the condition of affairs in the British West Indies, and particularly in the historic island of Jamaica, one of the oldest colonial possessions of the Crown.

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Article in the Daily Gleaner [Kingston, May 28, 1913]

ELOCUTION CONTESTS “Fairplay” writes congratulating Mr. Marcus Garvey on getting up the island elocution contests, and expressing dissatisfaction at the awards made at the recent Port Antonio contest. Printed in DG, 28 May 1913.

Article in the Jamaica Times [Kingston, October 18, 1913]

MAINLY ABOUT PERSONS [. . .] Mr. Marcus Garvey of this island now in London, is taking a three years’ course at Birkbeck College [a]nd is contributing articles to several English publications. One of these is “The Star.” In the Oct. issues he began a series of articles on “Conditions in the British West Indies.” Mr. Garvey is connected with the “African Times and Oriental Review.” Printed in the Jamaica Times, 18 October 1913.

Marcus Garvey in the African Times and Orient Review1 [London, October 1913]

THE BRITISH WEST INDIES IN THE MIRROR OF CIVILIZATION HISTORY MAKING BY COLONIAL NEGROES In these days when democracy is spreading itself over the British Empire, and the peoples under the rule of the Union Jack are freeing themselves from hereditary lordship, and an unjust bureaucracy, it should not be amiss to recount the condition of affairs in the British West Indies, and particularly in the historic island of Jamaica, one of the oldest colonial possessions of the Crown.

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It is right that the peoples of the vast Empire to which these colonies belong should be correctly informed on things affecting the welfare of these islands, being a comparatively neglected, if not unkn0wn, region of the Atlantic Archipeligo. The history of the British possession of these islands is very interesting, as it reveals the many conflicts between the various powers that have been struggling for occupancy and supremacy in the Carrib[b]ean waters for three hundred years. These islands were discovered by Christopher Columbus,2 in the latter part of the fourteenth century, and the major portion of them were handed over to the Spanish throne. England and France laid claim to certain of these colonies, and the former, with her justifiable (?) means of warfare, succeeded in driving the Spaniards from their tropical “Gold Mines” with much regret on the part of the ejected, who had extinguished the Aborigines, an action quite in keeping with the European custom of depopulating new lands of their aboriginal tribes. The British West Indies Colonies to-day, comprise Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbadoes, British Guiana, Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, Dominica, Antigua and Montserrat, St. Kitts, and Nevis, the Virgin Islands and one or two others, scattered over the groups known as the Greater and Lesser Antilles, with a population of over three million souls.3 When the Spaniards took possession of these islands they introduced cotton and sugar growing. To supply the labour that was necessary to make these industries solid and profitable, they started the slave traffic with Africa, from which place they recruited thousands of Negro slaves whom they took from their congenial homes by force. The sugar industry developed wonderfully with Negro labour, and the great output of sugar, as exported to Europe, brought incomputable wealth to the landed proprietors, which they used in gambling and feasting; and for the exploration and further development of the veritable “gold mines” of the Western Hemispheres. Piratical and buccaneering parties used to frequent the waters of the Carib[b]ean, where they held up on the high sea merchant vessels laden with their rich cargoes bound for Europe and the West Indies. Filibustering was carried on in a daring fashion on land, where a buccaneering invader would hold up one of these islands and force the wealthy landlords to capitulate on conditions suitable to filibustering requirements. During the sixteenth century England drove the Spaniards from the wealthiest of these islands and established herself in possession. To the Plantations, as they were called, a large proportion of her criminal class was deported, as also a few gentlemen. The new occupiers took over the paying sugar industry, and, with their superior knowledge of agriculture, gave a new impetus to it. These new owners found it necessary to replenish their labourers with new arrivals to foster the industry, hence an agreement was entered into with John Hawkins,4 of infamous memory, who clandestinely obtained a charter from his

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sovereign to convey Negroes from Africa to the West Indies, thereby giving new life to the merciless traffic in human souls. Jamaica was the most flourishing of the British West Indian Islands, and the ancient capital, Port Royal, which has been submerged by earthquake,5 was said to be the richest spot on the face of the globe. The chief products of this colony were sugar and rum, but its assets were largely added to by its being the headquarters of European pirates and buccaneers who took their treasures thither, where they gambled and feasted in great luxury. It is amusing to note that many of the pirates who traversed the West Indies had also been deprived of their ears as the result of unsuccessful piratical encounters. Some of the early Governors of these islands, such as Sir Henry Morgan, were known as subtle rogues, and were themselves at some time or another, pirates and buccaneers. Among the many piratical and buccaneering heroes or rogues, whichever you wish to call them, may be mentioned Teach, otherwise known as Blackbeard, Morgan, Hawkins, Rogers, Drake, Raleigh, Preston, Shirley, Jackson and Somers. Such terror did these villains strike in the heart of the people of these islands, that up to the present day their names are held as auguries of fear among the people. It is common to hear a black or coloured mother, in trying to frighten her child, count “One, two, three, four,” and then shout, “Preston, ah, com!” at which the intimation the child runs away in terror. Owing to the limit of space I shall confine myself to a few facts relating to the island of Jamaica, but I may say that the condition in the various islands are the same, and what is true of one is true of the whole. Jamaica became a colony of England in 1665 [1655], under Oliver Cromwell,6 and has since remained under her control. The country has passed through many forms of local government; at one time it was self-governing; then it became a Crown Colony. For the last twenty years, it has enjoyed a semi-representative government,7 with little power of control, the balance of power resting in the hands of the red-tapists, who pull the strings of colonial conservatism from Downing Street, with a reckless disregard of the interests and wishes of the people. When the English took possession of this island they exploited it agriculturally for all it was worth, which was a great lot. As I have already mentioned they imported Negro slaves from Africa who tilled the soil under the severest torture, and who are the real producers of the wealth that the country has contributed to the coffers of Europe, and the pockets of English adventurers who, in the early days, were men of foul and inhuman characters. The slaves were inhumanly treated, being beaten, tortured and scourged for the slightest offence. One of the primitive methods of chastisement was to “dance the treadmill,” an instrument that clipped off the toes when not danced to proper motion. In self-defence, and revenge of such treatment, the slaves revolted on several occasions, but with little or no success, as being without arms, they were powerless in the face of the organised military forces of the ruling class. In 1851 [1831] the Negro slaves in one of the North Western parishes 51

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

of the island revolted, but were subdued with the loss to the planting proprietors of over three-quarters of a million sterling.8 They again revolted in 1865 in the East, under the leadership of the Hon. George William Gordon,9 a member of the Legislative Council, and Paul Bogle.10 They sounded the call of unmolested liberty, but owing to the suppression of telegraphic communication, they were handicapped and suppressed, otherwise Jamaica would be as free to-day as Hayti, which threw off the French yoke under the leadership of the famous Negro General, Toussaint L’Ouverture. The Gordon party11 killed fifteen of the native despots and a savage plutocrat by the name of Baron von Ketelhodt12 who had great control over the Governor, Edward John Eyre.13 The victorious party hanged Gordon, Paul Bogle and several hundred negroes, for which crime Governor Eyre was recalled to England and indicted for murder, but escaped by the “skin of his teeth.”14 In 183415 a law was passed by the Imperial Parliament declaring all slaves within the British Empire free for ever, with the promise that such slaves should undergo an apprenticeship for a few years. On the 1st August, 1838, the Negro slaves of the West Indies became free. Twenty millions sterling was paid to the planters by the Imperial Government for the emancipation of the people whom they had taken from their sunny homes in Africa. The slaves got nothing; they were liberated without money, proper clothing, food or shelter. But with the characteristic fortitude of the African, they shouldered their burdens and set themselves to work, receiving scanty remuneration for their services. By their industry and thrift they have been able to provide themselves with small holdings which they are improving, greatly to their credit. Since the abolition of slavery, the Negroes have improved themselves wonderfully, and when the Government twenty or thirty years ago, threw open the doors of the Civil Service to competitive examination, the Negro youths swept the board, and captured every available office, leaving their white competitors far behind. This system went on for a few years, but as the white youths were found to be intellectually inferior to the black, the whites persuaded the Government to abolish the competitive system,16 and fill vacancies by nomination, and by this means kept out the black youths. The service has long since been recruited from an inferior class of sychophantic weaklings whose brains are exhausted by dissipation and vice before they reach the age of thirty-five. The population of Jamaica, according to the last census,17 was 831,383, and is divided as follows:—White, 15,605; Black, 630,181; Coloured, 163,201; East Indian, 17,380; Chinese, 2,111 and 2,905 whose colour is not stated. Thus it can be seen that more than two-thirds of the population of Jamaica (as also of the other West Indian Islands), are descendants of the old African Slaves. The question naturally arises, How comes this hybrid or coloured element? This hybrid population is accountable for by the immoral advantage taken of the Negro women by the whites, who have always been in power and who practice polygamy with black women as an unwritten right. The old slave-owners raped their female slaves, married or unmarried, and compelled them into polygamy 52

OCTOBER 1913

much against their will, thus producing the “coloured” element. The latter day whites, much to their regret, have not the opportunity of compelling black girls to become their mistresses, but they use other means of bewitching these unprotected women whom they keep as concubines; thus perpetuating the evil of which their fathers were guilty. The educated black gentleman, naturally, becomes disgusted with this state of affairs; and in seeking a wife he generally marries a white woman. These are the contributing causes to the negroid or hybrid population of the West Indies. Unlike the whites in the United States the negroes do not lynch white men when they rape and take advantage of black girls; they leave them to the hand of retributive justice. There have been several movements to federate the British West Indian Islands, but owing to parochial feelings nothing definite has been achieved. Ere long this change is sure to come about because the people of these islands are all one. They live under the same conditions, are of the same race and mind, and have the same feelings and sentiments regarding the things of the world. As one who knows the people well, I make no apology for prophesying that there will soon be a turning point in the history of the West Indies; and that the people who inhabit that portion of the Western Hemisphere will be the instruments of uniting a scattered race who, before the close of many centuries, will found an Empire on which the sun shall shine as ceaselessly as it shines on the Empire of the North to-day. This may be regarded as a dream, but I would point my critical friends to history and its lessons. Would Caesar have believed that the country he was invading in 55 B.C. would be the seat of the greatest Empire of the World? Had it been suggested to him would he not have laughed at it as a huge joke? Yet it has come true. England is the seat of the greatest Empire of the World, and its king is above the rest of monarchs in power and dominion. Laugh then you may, at what I have been bold enough to prophecy, but as surely as there is an evolution in the natural growth of man and nations, so surely will there be a change in the history of these subjected regions. Printed in the African Times and Orient Review 2 (mid-October 1913). 1. The African Times and Orient Review was edited and published in London by Dusé Mohamed (later known as Dusé Mohamed Ali) (1866–1945). Ali, who was born in Alexandria, Egypt, was the son of a Sudanese mother and, reputedly, an Egyptian army officer. He was brought to England at a young age by a French officer friend of his father, and established a stage career as a touring Shakespearean actor, performing in North America and the English provinces. By 1902 he had abandoned the stage for a financially uncertain career in journalism, acquiring a reputation as a fearless critic of European imperialism and a champion of the Muslim faith. He was associated with the Fabian weekly, New Age, at that time edited by Alfred Richard Orage (1873–1934), but the two parted company when it was revealed that Ali’s widely acclaimed nationalist account of Egyptian history, In the Land of the Pharaohs (1911), was plagiarized from other works. Despite this scandal, the book was well received by black scholars of the time in West Africa and the United States, and on its strength Ali was elected a corresponding member of the New York–based Negro Society for Historical Research, founded by Arthur Schomburg and John E. Bruce. Ali developed a personal and professional relationship with Bruce, sharing with him an interest in the commercial as well as political advancement of the black race. Ali also helped with the arrangements for the Universal Races Congress held in London in 1911 and met a number of prominent West African merchants and professional men, including Joseph E. Casely Hayford and J. Eldred Taylor.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Although an initial newspaper venture with Taylor fell through, Ali was able, with the assistance of Taylor and other West Africans, to launch the African Times and Orient Review in July 1912 as a trade magazine serving West Africa. Ali used the African Times and Orient Review to promote his own business ventures in the region and to support the political cause of Africans and colonial peoples in their confrontation with European imperialism. He intended the African Times and Orient Review to fill the need “for a Pan-Oriental Pan-African journal at the seat of the British Empire which would lay the aims, desires, and intentions of the Black, Brown and Yellow races—within and without the Empire—at the throne of Caesar” (ATOR 1 [July 1912]: iii). At the same time, the African Times and Orient Review’s editorial policy took care to express its essential loyalty and a professed belief in racial harmony. The African Times and Orient Review appeared as a monthly from July 1912 to December 1913, and as a weekly from 24 March to 18 August 1914. Publication was suspended because of World War I for over two years, when the journal was banned in India and the British African colonies, but it was resumed on a monthly basis from January 1917 until October 1918. After another suspension of publication, the journal reappeared under the title Africa and Orient Review from January to December 1920. In June 1928 a final single issue was published in New York under the title Africa. The African Times and Orient Review earned Ali considerable renown among the colonial and black American intelligentsia but did little to advance his own business aspirations. Moreover, his attacks on colonial policy and his espousal of Turkish and Indian nationalism—together with his support of “Ethiopianism”—branded him a political subversive in British official circles. The official British attitude toward the publication was summarized by the recollections of two British colonial officials in November 1917. One noted that “in the old days the magazine was considered to be of doubtful loyalty, owing to Dusé Mohamed’s pan-Ethiopian programme”; the other commented that “Dusé Mohammed, the editor of the African Times and Orient Review, is a rather doubtful character whose paper, before the war, was suspect, being inclined to the Ethiopian movement and believed to be in touch with undesirable elements in India and Egypt” (“African Times and Orient Review, and Dusé Mohamed Ali,” TNA: PRO CO 554/35/55259). The African Times and Orient Review’s “pan-Ethiopian”—i.e., Pan-African—character was reflected in the magazine’s agents: Rev. Attoh Ahuma, West Africa; John E. Bruce, United States; H. C. Solomon, Panama Canal Zone; and F. Z. S. Peregrino, Cape Town, South Africa. The African Times and Orient Review was represented in Jamaica, its only West Indian base, by the Jamaica Times. From 1911 to 1919 Ali was active in several organizations with an Islamic or pro-Turkish stance. He was also active in the League of Justice of the Afro-Asian Nations and the African Progress Union, an association of West Indian and African exiles founded in London in 1918. Technically a Turkish national, he came under increasing suspicion when the Ottoman Empire entered World War I on the German side. He became involved in wartime charities directed toward the relief of war-wounded Indian Muslim soldiers and volunteered to join the British army. Skeptical British officials rejected this offer, as well as his bids to tour West Africa in 1914 and 1917 to raise a war loan among the African populace—and to pursue his own business schemes at the same time. Even before the African Times and Orient Review collapsed in December 1920, Ali’s attention had turned to business ventures. Characteristically, these combined racial advancement with selfinterest. To further the interests of his Africa and Orient Trade Exchange, he paid his first visit to West Africa in July 1920. He spent several months in Lagos, Ibadan, and the Gold Coast in an unsuccessful attempt to interest local entrepreneurs in banking and produce-buying ventures, though at Ibadan he was sympathetically received by J. Akinpelu Obisesan. Around this time he also sought unsuccessfully to persuade President C. D. B. King of Liberia to accept an international loan from a black American consortium rather than from European or white American sources. None of these schemes materialized, and at the end of 1920 Ali became a director of the Londonbased Inter-Colonial Corporation. On behalf of this company he traveled to the United States in mid-1921 to arrange a cocoa-purchasing deal. Ali claimed that his Gold Coast partners cheated him and left him penniless in New York. He survived by giving public lectures, and when another business venture, the American African Oriental Trading Company, collapsed, he turned in desperation to his pan-Africanist contacts and through John E. Bruce met up again with Garvey. Having first become acquainted with Garvey in London in 1912, Ali had employed him for a few months as a messenger at the African Times and Orient Review office, before dismissing him because of alleged laziness and poor character. Subsequent relations between the two remained cool for a decade. A letter from Ali attacking Garvey’s character is reported to have been read at a UNIA meeting in New York in 1917. In July 1919 Garvey wrote to Ali asking him to book Lon-

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OCTOBER 1913 don’s Royal Albert Hall and several provincial venues for a proposed tour of England in order to promote the UNIA, but Ali ignored the request. Despite their earlier ill will, a rapprochement was of advantage to both men. By 1922 Ali was a regular contributor to the Negro World, as well as head of its Africa section. He was also named UNIA foreign secretary in a petition to the League of Nations that year. Garvey, meanwhile, benefited from Ali’s connections in Africa and the Middle East and from his association with pan-Islamic circles, his business networks, and his reputation as a journalist, as well as his subscription lists for the African Times and Orient Review. Ali had drifted away from the UNIA by 1924, but his attitude toward Garvey did not seem negative. His portrayal of Garvey (as “Napoleon Hatbry”) in his autobiographical novel Ere Roosevelt Came was sympathetic (in marked contrast to his treatment of W. E. B. Du Bois), and his obituary notice for Garvey—printed in the Comet—was generous. Ali remained in the United States for several years after leaving the UNIA, maintaining his interest in pan-Africanism and trade with West Africa. After his American African Oriental Trading Company collapsed, he formed another short-lived company, the America-Asia Association, which combined a commercial consulting service with cultural functions. Ali held office in the Native African Union of America in the late 1920s and became involved in promoting the grandiose business plans of the Gold Coast businessman Winifred Tete-Ansa. Ali then returned to West Africa as an agent for a New York cocoa buyer. Denied entry to the Gold Coast, he and his wife turned up virtually penniless in Lagos in August 1931; there they were also prevented from disembarking. In desperation he wrote a note from the ship to Herbert Macaulay, then Nigeria’s leading nationalist politician, seeking his help. Ali had met Macaulay in England in 1920 and had also written to him in 1928 promoting Tete-Ansá’s business schemes. Macaulay persuaded Dr. C. C. Adenyi-Jones, a close friend and political ally, and Dr. J. C. Vaughan (1833– 1937), a popular medical practitioner, to provide bonds to enable Ali and his wife to come ashore. Predictably, Ali’s business plans collapsed, but his friends found him work in journalism, and after initially being employed as a columnist on the Nigerian Daily Times, Ali became managing editor of the Nigerian Daily Telegraph in February 1932. Finally, with the financial support of his friends and admirers in Lagos, he was able to acquire his own newspaper, the Comet. The paper, initially a weekly, was moderately successful financially, building up a circulation of three to four thousand. By 1936 it had acquired its own printing press. Because of Ali’s technical and literary accomplishments, the Comet was regarded as the best-produced newspaper in Lagos at the time. Nnamdi Azikiwe, then a rising politician and newspaper proprietor, obtained a controlling share of the Comet in February 1945 and full ownership following Ali’s death on 26 June of that year (Ali to Bruce, 12 September 1919, enclosing Garvey’s letter to Ali, 18 July 1919, NN-Sc, JEB; TNA: PRO CO 554/35/55250; TNA: PRO FO 371/3728/316; Cable from Wright, London, to secretary of state, Washington, D.C., 6 April 1921, DNA, RG 59, 811.108G191/3; Agent 800 [James W. Jones] to G. F. Ruch, Department of Justice, Washington, D.C., 14 October 1921 and 3 March 1922, DJFBI, 10537; General Correspondence 1931, IU, HM, box III, file 10; Ian Duffield, “Dusé Mohamed Ali and the Development of Pan-Africanism, 1866–1945” [Ph.D. diss., University of Edinburgh, 1971]; Comet, February–October 1934; Dusé Mohamed Ali, “Leaves from an Active Life,” Comet, 12 June 1937–5 March 1938; Ian Duffield, “Dusé Mohamed Ali: An Example of the Economic Dimension of Pan-Africanism,” JHSN 4, no. 4 [1969]: 571–600; Robert A. Hill, “The First England Years and After, 1912–1916,” in Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa, ed. John Henrik Clarke [New York: Random House, 1974], pp. 38–76; Claude McKay, Harlem: Negro Metropolis [New York: E. P. Dutton, 1940], p. 147). 2. Columbus made his four voyages from 1492 until 1502, and not in the latter part of the fourteenth century as Garvey stated. 3. According to the World Almanac and Whittaker’s Almanacs of 1913, the population of the British West Indies was 1,890,000. 4. Sir John Hawkins (1532–1595) was responsible for one of Britain’s triumphs and one of the more sordid episodes in its trading past. Hawkins was a brilliant seaman and developed the British naval fleet that overcame the Spanish Armada in 1588. He also introduced slave trading to the British Isles. The Spanish accused Hawkins of piracy in the late 1560s, and given the origins of his slaving business, the accusations do not seem far out of line. In 1562 he captured a fleet of Portuguese ships off the coast of Sierra Leone that were carrying slaves. Taking the ships on to the West Indies, Hawkins was impressed with the profits he made despite the horrible conditions that killed approximately half the slaves on board. Even Queen Elizabeth I, having heard of Hawkins’ experiences, was impressed, and she entered the monarchy into the business of slave trading by giving Hawkins use of one of her ships. Spain’s aforementioned accusations and subsequent actions deprived

55

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Hawkins of many of his ships and men for a period, but through agreements with Spain that bordered on treason the crafty sailor was able to regain both. Although his later triumph over the Spanish Armada demonstrated that Hawkins’s Spanish agreements were made for the sake of efficacy rather than from treasonous intent, his reputation has long been overshadowed by both these charges and his status as a slaver. As a result, his cousin and protégé, Sir Francis Drake, has since gained larger stature in the annals of British naval history (Harry Kelsey, Sir John Hawkins: Queen Elizabeth’s Slave Trader [New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003], pp. xiii-xiv, 14–18, 272). 5. On 7 June 1692 the town of Port Royal, built on a long spit of sand opposite the present capital city of Kingston, was totally destroyed by an earthquake. The entire town was enveloped by the sea, and an estimated two-thirds of the population of Port Royal was drowned (Clinton Vane de Brosse Black, Port Royal: A History and Guide [Kingston: Bolivar Press, 1970]). 6. While he was lord protector, Cromwell sent an expeditionary force to the Spanish West Indies in 1655, which resulted in Britain’s first colonial holdings in the Caribbean. Jamaica was seized in May 1655, not 1665 as Garvey claimed (S. A. G. Taylor, The Western Design: An Account of Cromwell’s Expedition to the Caribbean [Kingston: Institute of Jamaica and the Jamaica Historical Society, 1966]). 7. In 1883 a petition was sent from the inhabitants of Jamaica for a change in the constitution of the colony, which after 1865 had been administered as a Crown Colony. By an order in council of 19 May 1884, a “moderate step in advance” was granted: nine members of the previously entirely appointive legislative council were to be elected by the people. Then in 1895 the elected members were increased to fourteen (one for each parish) and the nominated members were increased to ten (and four kept in abeyance). In 1899 the governor added the four nominated members held in reserve in order to pass the Tariff Bill. They were later withdrawn but reinstated in 1900 (Graham Knox, “British Colonial Policy and the Problems of Establishing a Free Society in Jamaica, 1838– 1865,” Caribbean Studies 2 [1963]: 3–13). 8. On 27–28 December 1831 slaves burned the buildings of the Kensington estate in the parish of St. James, signaling the beginning of the revolt led by Sam Sharpe, who had been a member of Rev. Thomas Burchell’s congregation in Montego Bay. Sharpe thought that Jamaican slave owners might prevent the widely anticipated emancipation of slaves. He came to believe that emancipation had already been granted by the English Crown but was being denied to the slaves. Working through black Baptist leaders, Sharpe planned a work strike for the day after the Christmas holidays, to continue until slave owners gave the promise of pay for work. However, the subsequent burning of Kensington and other neighboring estates destroyed his nonviolent plan. In the harsh repression that followed, Sam Sharpe and his associates were hanged for inciting rebellion. The final death toll included a dozen whites, while more than four hundred blacks were killed during the military suppression of the revolt and another hundred were executed following court-martials. Approximately sixty properties in western Jamaica were destroyed by fires set by the slaves. In all, 626 slaves were tried for participating in the revolt (Mary Reckard, “The Jamaica Slave Rebellion of 1831,” in Black Society in the New World, ed. by Richard Frucht [New York: Random House, 1971], pp. 50–66; Richard Hart, Slaves Who Abolished Slavery, vol. 2, Blacks in Rebellion [Mona, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1982]). 9. Although important for his role as the chief spokesman of the political opposition to Governor Edward John Eyre in the House of Assembly, George William Gordon (ca. 1820–1865) was not a leader in the rebellion. Gordon was a planter, successful businessman, and a former justice of the peace for St. Thomas (“George William Gordon and 1865,” Gleaner, 19 February 1913; Ansell Hart, The Life of George William Gordon [Kingston: Institute of Jamaica, 1973]). 10. Paul Bogle, a native Baptist preacher and a small property owner in the village of Stony Gut in St. Thomas, was the chief leader of the rebellion. On 23 October 1865 he was captured, tried, and convicted by court-martial, and hanged (“The Part that was played by the celebrated Paul Bogle in the Rebellion which occurred in the Parish of St. Thomas Nearly Fifty years ago,” DG, 7 April 1913; Francis J. Osborne, “Morant Bay, 1865,” Jamaica Historical Society Bulletin 4 [December 1966]: 151–158). 11. The reference to the “Gordon” party was in error. On 11 October 1865 Paul Bogle and about four hundred supporters marched on the courthouse in Morant Bay. The building was set afire and some eighteen people were killed as they fled from the flames (Report of the Jamaica Royal Commission, 1866 [London, 1866]). 12. Baron Maximilan Augustus von Ketelhodt was custo (the principal justice of the peace) of St. Thomas-in-the-East, 1862–1865. A German who had married a Jamaican widow at Aix-la-Chapelle, he came to Jamaica to manage her estates. He became a naturalized English subject and a promi-

56

OCTOBER 1913 nent public figure in Jamaica (“The Parish of St. Thomas on the Eve of the Morant Bay Rebellion,” Jamaica Historical Society Bulletin 4 [September 1966]: 135–143; H. P. Jacobs, Sixty Years of Change, 1806–1866: Progress and Reaction in Kingston and the Countryside [Kingston: Institute of Jamaica, 1923], pp. 76–78, 93–95). 13. Edward John Eyre (1815–1901), explorer and colonial governor, was born in England and immigrated to Australia in 1832, where he became a successful sheep farmer. He was appointed magistrate and protector of aborigines’ affairs and was later made lieutenant governor of New Zealand. He held this office until 1853, when he was appointed governor of St. Vincent (1854–1860) and the Leeward Islands (1860–1861). In 1862 Eyre was appointed temporary lieutenant governor of Jamaica. After Sir Charles Darling resigned as governor in 1864, Eyre was promoted to that position. When the Morant Bay Rebellion occurred in October 1865, Eyre declared martial law. His actions and those of the British troops were quite controversial. He was recalled in 1866, and a royal commission of inquiry was established. On 9 April 1866 the commission reported that although Eyre had acted with commendable promptness in stopping the riots, his unnecessary rigor resulted in many improperly conducted court-martials. Eyre retired to England, though the controversy regarding his actions in Jamaica raged for many years (ODNB). 14. It is not known how many rioters were killed or wounded on 11 October by the parish militia, but in the subsequent violent military suppression of the rebellion, at least 85 people were killed by the troops, either by shooting or hanging without trial, 354 were executed by sentence of courtmartial, and about 600 men and women were flogged brutally. It was estimated that the troops destroyed nearly one thousand cottages, houses, and other buildings. In June 1868 criminal proceedings were begun in England against Eyre under the Colonial Governors Act, but the grand jury threw out the bill of mandamus brought by the Jamaica Committee (B. A. Knox, “The British Government and the Governor Eyre Controversy, 1865–1875,” Historical Journal 19 [1976]: 877– 900). 15. Though the Slavery Abolition Act became law on 28 August 1833, its provisions allowed the slave owners one year’s grace period by specifying that the law would not go into effect until 1 August 1834. 16. Open competitive examination for civil service posts in Jamaica was introduced in October 1885. Before this, the governor filled vacancies in the public service department on the recommendation of the department’s head. Some of the public as well as certain civil servants opposed the new system, and in response, changes were made allowing specific exemptions from the examinations. However, in 1905 these amendments were disallowed and open competition returned. Competitive examinations were again discontinued in 1911, and the system of appointments by the governor was reinstated (HJ, 1887, 1912). 17. These figures were taken from the 1911 census.

Article in the Jamaica Times [Kingston, January 17, 1914]

JAMAICAN ABROAD Mr. Marcus Garvey of this island was last month spending his holidays on the Continent. He was then in Paris and was proceeding to Madrid. He still contributes to “The African Times” and other London papers. He forwards for the people of Jamaica his best wishes that they should live in peace and goodwill and make the welfare of their country their highest ideal, also that differences between colour and class be broken down and human rights take the place of racial discrimination. Printed in the Jamaica Times, 17 January 1914.

57

OCTOBER 1913 nent public figure in Jamaica (“The Parish of St. Thomas on the Eve of the Morant Bay Rebellion,” Jamaica Historical Society Bulletin 4 [September 1966]: 135–143; H. P. Jacobs, Sixty Years of Change, 1806–1866: Progress and Reaction in Kingston and the Countryside [Kingston: Institute of Jamaica, 1923], pp. 76–78, 93–95). 13. Edward John Eyre (1815–1901), explorer and colonial governor, was born in England and immigrated to Australia in 1832, where he became a successful sheep farmer. He was appointed magistrate and protector of aborigines’ affairs and was later made lieutenant governor of New Zealand. He held this office until 1853, when he was appointed governor of St. Vincent (1854–1860) and the Leeward Islands (1860–1861). In 1862 Eyre was appointed temporary lieutenant governor of Jamaica. After Sir Charles Darling resigned as governor in 1864, Eyre was promoted to that position. When the Morant Bay Rebellion occurred in October 1865, Eyre declared martial law. His actions and those of the British troops were quite controversial. He was recalled in 1866, and a royal commission of inquiry was established. On 9 April 1866 the commission reported that although Eyre had acted with commendable promptness in stopping the riots, his unnecessary rigor resulted in many improperly conducted court-martials. Eyre retired to England, though the controversy regarding his actions in Jamaica raged for many years (ODNB). 14. It is not known how many rioters were killed or wounded on 11 October by the parish militia, but in the subsequent violent military suppression of the rebellion, at least 85 people were killed by the troops, either by shooting or hanging without trial, 354 were executed by sentence of courtmartial, and about 600 men and women were flogged brutally. It was estimated that the troops destroyed nearly one thousand cottages, houses, and other buildings. In June 1868 criminal proceedings were begun in England against Eyre under the Colonial Governors Act, but the grand jury threw out the bill of mandamus brought by the Jamaica Committee (B. A. Knox, “The British Government and the Governor Eyre Controversy, 1865–1875,” Historical Journal 19 [1976]: 877– 900). 15. Though the Slavery Abolition Act became law on 28 August 1833, its provisions allowed the slave owners one year’s grace period by specifying that the law would not go into effect until 1 August 1834. 16. Open competitive examination for civil service posts in Jamaica was introduced in October 1885. Before this, the governor filled vacancies in the public service department on the recommendation of the department’s head. Some of the public as well as certain civil servants opposed the new system, and in response, changes were made allowing specific exemptions from the examinations. However, in 1905 these amendments were disallowed and open competition returned. Competitive examinations were again discontinued in 1911, and the system of appointments by the governor was reinstated (HJ, 1887, 1912). 17. These figures were taken from the 1911 census.

Article in the Jamaica Times [Kingston, January 17, 1914]

JAMAICAN ABROAD Mr. Marcus Garvey of this island was last month spending his holidays on the Continent. He was then in Paris and was proceeding to Madrid. He still contributes to “The African Times” and other London papers. He forwards for the people of Jamaica his best wishes that they should live in peace and goodwill and make the welfare of their country their highest ideal, also that differences between colour and class be broken down and human rights take the place of racial discrimination. Printed in the Jamaica Times, 17 January 1914.

57

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Article in the Jamaica Times [Kingston, February 7, 1914]

JAMAICANS ABROAD Further letters from Mr. Marcus Garvey of this island now abroad tell of his having paid flying visits to Spain, and France, Manchester, Liverpool, Leeds, and Newcastle-on-Tyne. He was then staying at Hotel Cecil, Glasgow, intending to go on to Edinburgh and then back to London to College there. Printed in the Jamaica Times, 7 February 1914.

Marcus Garvey in the Tourist [London, June 1914]

THE EVOLUTION OF LATTER-DAY SLAVES JAMAICA, A COUNTRY OF BLACK AND WHITE Among the little groups of islands scattered in the Caribbean Sea, to the southeast of North America, is the historic and much-talked-of island of Jamaica, known as the “Pearl of the Antilles,” one of the oldest colonial possessions of England. It was discovered by the redoubtable and adventurous Christopher Columbus in 1494; and, in common with other West Indian discoveries, was handed over to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, who were the patrons of the discoverer’s wanderings. The island remained under Spanish rule for a little more than a century and a half, during which time the aboriginal tribes were completely extinguished. In 1656 [1655], during the Commonwealth of Oliver Cromwell, the island was annexed, and became a colony of England. Since that time it has remained loyal to the Crown. Sugar, rum and allspice were the chief products of the little island, and at the time when Admiral Rodney1 defeated the Spaniards and hoisted the English ensign thereon, a brisk and profitable trade had already been established with Europe, and daring adventurers were waxing rich with the bountiful returns of the island exports. English, Scotch and Irish adventurers were not slow to grasp the great possibilities of exploiting the country, and immediately England took possession a great flow of emigration from the British Isles commenced. Independent gentlemen went out and established themselves as planters, and a goodly number of troublesome English citizens were also shipped away to the country by the Government. 58

JUNE 1914

When the new “land lords” arrived they found that the country was very productive, and could yield enormous wealth out of sugar and rum. They therefore set themselves to the practical management of the estates and plantations that were inaugurated by the late Spaniards[.] The labour force of the country was not equal to the demands of the new planters, so that, to increase the insufficient number of slaves who were already in service, and who were imported by the Spaniards, the English masters turned their attention to Africa, whence they knew they could recruit fresh supplies of negro slaves. At this time Sir John Hawkins appeared. He negotiated with the reigning sovereign and obtained a Charter which empowered him to take negro slaves from Africa to supply the demand in the West Indies; hence a new start was given to the already established custom of using African negro slaves for developing productive wastes. Thousands of slaves were landed in Jamaica through the agency of Sir John Hawkins, and they were quickly portioned out to different masters, and scattered all over the country. Husbands, wives and children were, in the majority of cases, separated from each other, never to meet again, owing to the fact that the estates on which they served were owned by different masters, and were non-communicative and far apart. There was no doctrine of brotherhood in those days; the slave was but the chattel of his master, and as such he had to work and exist. The slave had no rights to be observed, and he was, therefore, treated as a beast of burden. The task-master’s whip was used as the lash of correction, and it echoed minutely day by day—in chastisement and tyranny. The majority of the imported slaves succumbed to the different abuses to which they were subjected. Only a comparative few were able to withstand for any length of time the harsh treatment meted out to them. The dancing on the tread-mill, an instrument that clips off the toes when not danced to proper motion, was one of the many observances that kept the negro slave in strict subservience. Very few of them would have courage enough to face the terrors of this death-dealing machine. For fully a hundred years the slaves were kept as mere labouring animals, and nothing was done to raise them to the higher plane of manhood. But at last the missionaries entered the field in the personal characters of men like Knibb2 and Knox and with the true spirit of godliness they taught and preached to the enslaved masses, who were anxiously yearning for some hope of salvation. The doctrines of the missionaries took deep root in the hearts of the suffering people, and they began to realise that they were human like their masters, and claimed affinity with the common God. The planters did not favour the teachings of the missionaries, and they often opposed their interference with the slaves; but the Christian teachers were determined to liberate the unfortunate creatures both in body and soul.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Broad-minded men in England began to interest themselves in the conditions of the slaves, and they formed themselves into a league to protect and help them. In 1831 the negro slaves in the western parishes of the island revolted, and did great damage to the properties of their masters. The uprising was crushed by the militia, and a large number of the slaves were executed and maimed. The revolt and its consequences tended to inspire the friends of the slaves to more determined action, and their cause was represented to the British nation in Parliament, thus opening their eyes to the iniquities being carried on under their protection and government. A great cry was raised against slavery and its horrors, in which a partial section of the Press, headed by THE TOURIST, took the matter up[.] The outcry reached the ears and hearts of all the noble-minded Englishmen. Buxton, Clarkson, Wilberforce, Birchell, Knox, and dozens of other zealots, fought the negro’s battle, and on August 1st. 1838, the slaves of Jamaica were declared free. It is just seventy-six years since the Jamaican negro emerged from his shackles, and within this period of time he has accomplished wonders. The negro who could not decipher his own name in the dark days has become the grandfather of a race of men who are now proclaiming to the world that there is “something” of capacity and action about them. In Jamaica, the descendants of the old slaves are to be found in all departments of social, intellectual, administrative, commercial and industrial activity. They have become heads of Government departments, Privy Councils, Attorneys-General, King’s Counsel, Companions of Knighthood and controllers of finance. The population of the country at the present time is 831,383, and is divided as follows:—White, 15,605; black, 630,181; coloured, 163,201; East Indian, 17,380; Chinese, 2,111, and 2,905 whose colour is not stated. The presence of the East Indian coolies in the island is accounted for by the fact that they were imported from India by the present-day planters—with subsidised assistance from the local Government to take the place of cheap labourers, no longer plentiful in Jamaica.3 The negro, having evolved into a state of enlightenment, claims all the concessions and privileges under the constitution of his country, and practically refuses to do manual work except when properly paid. The standard of wages offered to labourers on the estates and plantations varies from 9d. to 1s. 6d. per day, and for these amounts no Jamaican labourer would move an inch. Hence the importation of indentured coolies who earn the above-mentioned pay. For the past twenty years the bulk of native labourers have been emigrating to Central America,4 where they have found employment in laying-out farms and constructing railroads, and subsequently digging and assisting in carrying through the work of the Panama Canal.5 60

JUNE 1914

The white inhabitants live quite peacefully with their black and coloured fellow citizens; and all men within the State have equal rights. The laws are framed by the local Legislative Council, of which white, coloured and black men are members, elected by popular suffrage.6 There is no friction of colour, and the day is yet to come for anyone to hear anything disparaging said about the difference of race among the people. The churches, which are the living voices of the classes as well as the masses, are governed by men of all colour, and they preach the one doctrine of brotherhood and love to their mixed congregations. Unlike the American negro, the Jamaican lives in an atmosphere of equality and comradeship, hence the outrages that are characteristic of America are quite unheard of in the island. White Americans, both Northerners and Southerners, have come to realise that all negroes are not pugnacious and vicious, for when they go over to Jamaica to spend their winter holidays they befriend and associate with the black natives just the same as they do with people of their own race. Verily, there has been a marked change in the slave of a century ago, and all those who visit the famous tropical pleasure and health resort can testify to the benign influence of English justice, liberality and philanthropy. Such pleasing results as those presented by the Jamaican negro of to-day cannot fail to satisfy English hearts that it was good that slavery should have been abolished, and peace and equality set up in its place. The Jamaica of the present time is partly forgetful of the past, and although the 1st of August of each year is observed as “Emancipation Day,” very few of the younger generation seem to connect the date with the horrors of the past. “It’s a holiday, and we must get merry,” is the only thought that is given to that historic day when their forefathers’ shackles fell off and liberty was proclaimed. Printed in the Tourist 19 (June 1914): 61–63. Reproduced from the DG, 13 July 1914. 1. George Bridges Rodney (1718–1792) was a naval commander in the Caribbean (1761–1782) who extended the British holdings by capturing the islands of St. Lucia, Grenada, and St. Vincent, as well as the Dutch settlements in the West Indies (WBD). 2. Rev. William Knibb (d. 1845), a Baptist missionary, arrived in Jamaica in 1824, where he worked to improve conditions among slaves. However, hostility over the slave rebellion in 1831 led slaveholders to accuse Knibb of inciting the rebellion, and they subsequently destroyed his chapel and mission. He returned to England to lecture for the immediate abolition of slavery. 3. It is estimated that during the period 1845–1917, a total of 38,681 East Indians arrived in Jamaica; of this number, 11,959 chose to return to India (K. O. Lawrence, Immigration into the West Indies in the Nineteenth Century [Mona, Jamaica: Caribbean Universities Press, 1977]; George Roberts, The Population of Jamaica, reprint [Millwood, N.Y.: KTO, 1979]). 4. In 1911–1912, as many as 10,829 Jamaicans migrated to Central America, mainly to Costa Rica and Panama, and approximately 60,000 resided or were employed in Central America at that time. As an example of the high rate of Central American emigration in 1911, it was reported that “of the 1,421 persons [who] left Jamaica during the month of January for proclaimed places under the Emigrants Protection Law . . . 621 went to Colón (Panama), 415 to Costa Rica, 70 to Guatemala, 182 to Cuba, and the balance to Hayti, etc.” (Daily News, 3 March 1911). In 1927 the Costa Rican census recorded that 19,136 Jamaicans were living in that country (Michael D. Olier, “The

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Negro in Costa Rica” [Ph.D. diss., University of Oregon, 1967]; Roy S. Bryce-Laporte, “West Indian Labor in Central America: Limon, Costa Rica, 1870–1948,” paper presented at the symposium on the Political Economy of the Black World, Center for Afro-American Studies, UCLA, 1978). 5. The Panama Canal was built largely with West Indian labor. American contractors campaigned to attract West Indian labor in 1904 and by 1907 had brought twenty thousand laborers, mainly from Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados, and Martinique. These laborers were subject to discrimination by many Panamanians, white Americans, and the local police. Wages were paid on an unequal basis for similar or identical work. In 1904 there was a general strike of colored workers on the Panama Railroad, which gave the impetus to an attempt to unionize West Indian labor. However, national and language barriers hindered unionization efforts, while employer and police opposition also impeded union growth. With the canal’s completion in 1914, many West Indians elected to remain in Panama in their own separate communities (L. L. Lewis, “The West Indian in Panama; Black Labor in 1850–1914” [Ph.D. diss., Tulane University, 1975]; Olive Senior, “The Colon People,” Jamaica Journal 11 [March 1978]: 62–71, part 2, [September 1978]: 87–103). 6. Garvey’s assertion concerning the nature of the colonial electoral system in Jamaica was not reflected in the number of registered voters or in the number of votes cast at legislative council elections between 1896 and 1920. The following table of election returns shows a different picture: Year

Registered Voters

Population

% Population Registered

Votes Cast

1896

38,376

694,865

5.5

11,544

1901

16,256

755,730

2.1

2,310

1906

8,607

820,437

1.0

1,628

1911

27,257

831,383

3.2

6,643

1920

42,267

853,123

4.9

3,858

(Source: Blue Book of the Government of Jamaica, 1896–1920; HJ, 1896–1920) The restricted nature of colonial suffrage, which remained more or less constant until 1944 when universal adult suffrage was introduced after the labor disturbances of 1938, was due entirely to the property qualification requirements of electors (Robert A. Hill, “Marcus Garvey and the Racial Economy of the Crown Colony State: A Study in Colonial Political Protest” [M.Sc. thesis, University of the West Indies, Mona, 1974], appendix 1).

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JULY 1914

Article in the Daily Gleaner [[Kingston, 11 July 1914]]

Notice of Marcus Garvey’s return to Jamaica (Source: DG, 11 July 1914)

W. G. Hinchcliffe1 to the Gleaner [[72 Tower Street, Kingston, July 13, 1914]] FOR CIVIC HONOURS2 [. . .] P.S.—Mr. Editor, why did you give space to the latter part of Mr. Marcus Garvey’s letter which appeared on the tenth page of your issue of to-day’s?3 Under the caption: “What freedom has done for the Natives of this Island.” As a black man like Mr. Garvey, and a struggling Jamaica[n] like himself too, I am of the opinion that he could not in his sane moments have written to the English papers some of what he has written. W. G. H.

63

JULY 1914

Article in the Daily Gleaner [[Kingston, 11 July 1914]]

Notice of Marcus Garvey’s return to Jamaica (Source: DG, 11 July 1914)

W. G. Hinchcliffe1 to the Gleaner [[72 Tower Street, Kingston, July 13, 1914]] FOR CIVIC HONOURS2 [. . .] P.S.—Mr. Editor, why did you give space to the latter part of Mr. Marcus Garvey’s letter which appeared on the tenth page of your issue of to-day’s?3 Under the caption: “What freedom has done for the Natives of this Island.” As a black man like Mr. Garvey, and a struggling Jamaica[n] like himself too, I am of the opinion that he could not in his sane moments have written to the English papers some of what he has written. W. G. H.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Printed in the DG, 14 July 1914. 1. Walter George Hinchcliffe (d. 1925), one of the most prolific letter writers in Jamaica, frequently commented in the press on a wide range of social and religious matters, including annual messages on the “Anniversary of Emancipation.” In a special feature in 1910, the Jamaica Times described Hinchcliffe as “our worthy, fellow citizen . . . [who] uses the leisure of a strenuous life as a Master Artisan in committing to verse and prose thoughts that are always marked by a high ideal and deeply religious sense” (Jamaica Times, 6 August 1910). Hinchcliffe was a builder and contractor by trade. In 1909 he announced that he had “30 years experience in the Building Trades both at home and abroad” (DG, 1 December 1909). The Jamaica Times of 28 December 1907 praised Hinchcliffe’s accomplishment as an artisan. “In the account of Dr. Edward’s Sanatorium the writer, quite unintentionally we are sure, omitted to mention the Builder of the Sanatorium,” it noted. In correcting the oversight, the paper went on: It gives us great pleasure to rectify this omission, and to name that honest and worthy citizen, Mr. W. G. HINCHCLIFFE, 20 Sutton Street, Kingston. His work at the Sanatorium does him great credit. For his plans the competing plans were set aside, and having thus shown that he had the brains to design the building, Mr. HINCHCLIFFE did not hesitate to prove how sound his ideas of labour are by himself handling the carpenter’s and mason tools when there was immediate call for this. The Sanatarium is a tribute to his ability, industry, and sound sense. In 1899 Hinchcliffe helped to found the Artisans’ Union (otherwise termed the Carpenters’, Bricklayers’, and Painters’ Union), of which he was secretary. In 1910 he organized the Jamaica Trades and Labour Union (an affiliate of the American Federation of Labor, No. 12575), one of two labor organizations in Jamaica in the 1920s, the other being the Jamaica Federation of Labour headed by A. Bain Alves. In an appeal published in 1916, Hinchcliffe announced that his situation had become dire due to the war situation. Thus, he wanted “the public to know that I have been following the Building Trades for over 36 years, both at home and abroad, but since the war they have deserted me, and I am forced to beg for any sort of work at 30s [shillings] per week, until the war is over” (DG, 3 November 1916). Hinchcliffe took an active role in recruitment for the war effort. Along with Bain Alves, he served as organizer and master of ceremonies of the trade and labor demonstration at the Peace Day celebrations in July 1919. Announcing his passing in its issue of 19 October 1925, the Gleaner stated: “The deceased was an able contributor to this journal and also to some of the American magazines . . . He possessed in a remarkable degree the gift of versatility, and wielded a vigorous pen. He will be missed for his contributions which were greatly appreciated by those who followed the trend of his diction.” Referred to as “our urban bard of the ‘masses’” (DG, 21 May 1891), Hinchcliffe was the author of numerous verse exercises, among them Lines from E. C. Hinchcliffe’s Miscellany (1884), Memoriam of Murdina M. A. Morales (1902), An Artisan’s Tribute in Blessed Memory of Edward VII (1910), and The Power of United Efforts (1919), written to celebrate the arrival of the first ship of the Black Star Line in Jamaica. Despite his initial criticism, Hinchcliffe assisted Garvey and the nascent UNIA with the launch, in August 1915, of “the scheme for establishing of an Industrial Farm and Institute on the lines of the Tuskegee Institute” in Jamaica (DG, 23 August 1915). Later that year, Hinchcliffe defended Garvey against his chief critic at the time, writing that “it would be a lamentable blow to the black people of Jamaica were it ever to be found out that probity, sincerity and honesty of purpose do not make up the platform on which Mr. Garvey is now standing” (DG, 1 October 1915). Although Hinchcliffe spoke at the celebration of the first anniversary of the UNIA in August 1915, he split with Garvey in December of that year for reasons that remain unclear (DG, 15 September 1884, 28 July and 9 November 1898, 7 March 1900, 17 November 1909, 7 January, 9 July, and 20 August 1910, 13 December 1919; James Carnegie, Some Aspects of Jamaica’s Politics: 1918-1938 [Kingston: Institute of Jamaica, Cultural Heritage Series, vol. 4, 1973], pp. 98, 101, 113–14, 118; Richard Smith, Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004], pp. 34, 56, 73, 142; MGP 1:148–49, 170–71). 2. The body of Hinchcliffe’s letter dealt with the announced candidacy of Rev. T. A. Glasspole in the general election for the legislative council. 3. A reference to Garvey’s article in the Tourist, reprinted as “The Progress Made by the People of Jamaica—What Freedom Had Done for the Natives of This Island,” DG, 13 July 1914.

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Marcus Garvey to the Gleaner [[34 Charles St., July 15, 1914]] Sir:— My attention was called to [the] post[s]cript of Mr. Hinchcliffe’s in a letter which he wrote to your paper yesterday, in which he asked you why you gave space to a certain portion of an article which I contributed to an English paper last month whilst in England. I suppose you satisfied yourself in publishing the article in question but as for Mr. Hinchcliffe’s inference that I could not have been sane when I wrote the article I can assure him that I have never been off my head for even once. According to his inference he would suggest that he knows me to be insane at times. On the whole I am not surprised at anything certain people in Jamaica say or do: one can be so easily vilified and outraged here. I have written many articles for the English Press, and I did so because I was paid for them. I did not write for the “Joke of the thing,” neither did I sell my conscience. In my writings I was always careful to stand by the people. The majority of people abroad really think that we have some savages here, as they are not well acquainted with little places like Jamaica, and so much of the dark picture has gone abroad that I did not realize that I was doing wrongly to write favourably of the Jamaican Negro. I suppose I would have pleased Mr. Hinchcliffe highly if I had gone about telling the English world about the darkest side of Jamaican Negro life. I do not think it conducive to the interest of a people to characterize them always from the lowest standard, when there are other standards of comparison that would do good in adding to the status of a people generally thought little of. Being a Negro myself, and knowing the ignominious place he occupies in the outer world, I could not have written in the strain which seems to displease Mr. Hinchcliffe. But I am not cognisant that I have said anything unworthy or un[t]rue, so I am not inclined to waste time in profitless controversy. Mr. Hinchcliffe has a lot of time to spend in writing, being an author, poet, etc., I have very little time to spend away from the great problem that confronts me in the word “Afric.”1 Some day my brother-friend might know that he is not the only one striving to do something to help the fallen African race to which we are both connected . . . and I feel sure that he can well realize that all people engaged with particular ideals do not always “travel” the same way. I hardly think that I have displeased anyone else other than Mr. Hinchcliffe so I am not going to weep severely this time; I only beg of my brother to pardon me for disturbing his noble spirits, and to think or write no more of MARCUS GARVEY Printed in the DG, 17 July 1914. Original headline has been omitted.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 1. A possible retort to the assertion made by Hinchcliffe in his letter, “I feel that the Afric’s blood is coursing through my veins ready to help . . .”

Pamphlet by Marcus Garvey [Kingston, Jamaica, ca. July–August 19141]

A TALK WITH AFRO-WEST INDIANS THE NEGRO RACE AND ITS PROBLEMS BY MARCUS GARVEY, JNR. PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT AND CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION AND AFRICAN COMMUNITIES LEAGUE Dear Friend and Brother: I am moved to address you through the great spirit of love and the kindred affection that I have for the race Afric; and I am asking you to be good, loyal and racial enough as to take this address in the spirit of goodwill, and lend yourself to the world-wide movement of doing something to promote the intellectual, social, commercial, industrial, and national interest of the downtrodden race of which you are a member. For the last ten years I have given my time to the study of the condition of the Negro, here, there, and everywhere, and I have come to realize that he is still the object of degradation and pity the world over, in the sense that he has no status socially, nationally, or commercially (with a modicum of exception in the United States of America) hence the entire world is prone to look down on him as an inferior and degraded being, although the people as a whole have done no worse than others to deserve the ignominious snub. The retrograde state of the Negro is characterized as accidental and circumstantial; and the onus of his condition is attributable to the callous indifference and insincerity of those Negroes who have failed to do their duty by the race in promoting a civilized imperialism that would meet with the approval of established ideals. Representative and educated negroes have made the mistake of drawing and keeping themselves away from the race, thinking that it is degrading and ignominious to identify themselves with the masses of the people who are still ignorant and backward; but who are crying out for true and conscientious leadership, so that they might advance into a higher state of enlightenment whence they could claim the appreciation and honest comradeship of the more advanced races who are to-day ignoring us simply because we are so lethargic and serfish. The prejudices of the educated and positioned Negro towards his own people has [in the margin: have] done much to create a marked indifference to the race among those of other races who would have been glad and willing to help the Negro to a brighter destiny. Yet these very Negro “gentlemen” who 66

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have been shunning their own people do not receive better treatment from the hands of the other races when they happen to meet away from their own sphere of influence[.] They are snubbed and laughed at just the same as the most menial of the race, and only because they are Negroes, belonging to the careless and characterless race that has been sleeping for so many centuries. In the majority of cases the “aristocratic” Negroes who have refused to ident[i]fy themselves with the race are thought less of, and they are secretly “talked” and “gamed” at, by individuals of the progressive races who are true to themselves, and who do not believe that environments or position removes one from the tie of blood relationship in race. In America, Europe, Africa, and Australia the Negro is identified by his colour and his hair, so it is useless for any pompous man of colour to think because his skin is a little paler than that of his brother that he is not also a Negro. Once the African blood courses through the veins you are belong to “the company of Negroes,” and there is no getting away from it. God places us in the world as men, so whether we are of an identical species or not, as far as accidental details are concerned, does not matter, what matters is, that we are all human, and according to the philosophy of human relationship, all of us have one destiny, hence there should be no estrangement between the people who form the groups of mortals scattered in the different parts of the world. It is true, that by accident and unfavourable circumstances, the Negro last [in the margin: lost] hold of the glorious civilization that he once dispensed, and in process of time reverted into savagery, and subsequently became a slave, and even to those whom he once enslaved, yet it does not follow that the Negro must always remain backward. There is no chance for the Negro to-day in securing a comfortable place with the PROGRESSIVES of mankind, as far as racial exclusiveness protects the achievements of the particular race; but there is a great chance for the Negro to do something for himself on the same standard of established customs among the ADVANCED; and the ADVANCED are eagerly waiting to stretch out the hand of compliment to the Negro as soon as he shall have done the THING to merit recognition. The Negro is ignored to-day simply because he has kept himself backward; but if he were to try to raise himself to a higher state in the civilized cosmos, all the other races would be glad to meet him on the plane of equality and comradeship. It is indeed unfair to demand equality when one of himself has done nothing to establish the right to equality. But how can the Negro ever hope to rise when the very men who should have been our props and leaders draw themselves away and try to create an impossible and foolish atmosphere of their own, which is untenable and never recognised. The appeal I now make is: “For God’s sake, you men and women who have been keeping yourselves away from the people of your own African race, cease the ignorance; unite your hands and hearts with the people Afric, and let 67

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us reach out to the highest idealism that there is in living, thereby demonstrating to others, not of our race, that we are ambitious, virtuous, noble, and proud of the classification of race. “Sons and daughters of Africa, I say to you arise, take on the toga of race pride, and throw off the brand of ignominy which has kept you back for so many centuries. Dash asunder the petty prejudices within your own fold; set at defiance the scornful designation of “nigger” uttered even by yourselves, and be a Negro in the light of the Pharaohs of Egypt, Simons of Cyrene,2 Hannibals of Carthage, L’O[u]ve[r]tures and Dessalines3 of Hayti, Blydens, Barclays4 and Johnsons5 of Liberia, Lewises of Sierra Leone,6 and Douglas[s]’s7 and Du Bois’s 8 of America, who have made, and are making history for the race, though depreciated and in many cases unwritten. To study the history of the Negro is to go back into a primitive civilization that teems with the brightest and best in art and the sciences. You who do not know anything of your ancestry will do well to read the works of Blyden, one of our historians and chroniclers, who have done so much to retri[e]ve the lost prestige of the race, and to undo the selfishness of alien historians and their history which has said so little and painted us so unfairly. Dr. Blyden is such an interesting character to study that I take pleasure in reproducing the following passages from his “Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race”:9 There was, for a long time, in the christian world considerable difference of opinion as to the portion of the earth and the precise region to which the term Ethiopia must be understood as applying. It is pretty well established now, however, that by Ethiopia is meant the continent of Africa, and by Ethiopians, the great race who inhabit that continent. The etymology of the word points to the most prominent physical characteristics of this people. To any one who has travelled in Africa, especially in the portion north of the equator, extending from the West Coast to Abyssinia, Nubia and Egypt, and embracing what is known as the Nigritian and Soudanic countries there cannot be the slightest doubt as to the country and people to whom the terms Ethiopia and Ethiopian, as used in the Bible and the classical writers were applied. One of the latest and most accurate authorities says: “The country which the Greeks and the Romans described as Ethiopia and the Hebrews as Cush, lay to the South of Egypt, and embraced, in the most extended sense, the modern Nubia, Senaar, Kordofan, etc., and in its more defin[i]te sense, the kingdom of Meroe, [f]rom the junction of the Blue and White branches of the Nile to the border of Egypt.[”] Heredotus the father of history, speaks of two divisions of Ethiopians who did not differ at all from each other in appearance except in their language and hair; “for the Eastern Ethiopians,” he says, “are straight haired, but those of Libya [(]or Africa) have hair more curly than that of any other people.” “As far as we know,” says Mr. Gladstone,10 “Homer recognized the African Coast by placing the Lotophagi upon it, and the Ethiopians inland, from the east, all the 68

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way to the extreme w[e]st.” There has been an unbroken line of communication between the West Coast of Africa, through the Soudan, and through the so called Great Desert and Asia, from the time when portions of the descendants of Ham, in remote ages, began their migrations westward, and first saw the Atlantic Ocean. Africa is no vast island, separated by an immense ocean from other portions of the globe, and cut off through the ages from the men who have made and influenced the destiny of mankind. She has been closely connected, both as source and nourisher, with some of the most potent influences which have affected for good the history of the world. The people of Asia and the people of Africa have been in constant intercourse. No violent social or political disruption has ever broken through this communication. No chasm caused by war has suspended intercourse. On the contrary, the greatest religious reforms the world has ever seen—Jewish[,] Christian, Mohammedan—originating in Asia, have obtained consolidation in Africa. And as in the days of Abraham and Moses, of Herodotus and Homer, so to-day, there is a constantly accessible highway from Asia to the heart of the Soudan. Africans are continually going to and fro between the Atlantic Ocean and the Red Sea. I have met in Liberia and along its eastern frontier, Mohammedan Negroes, born in Mecca, the Holy City of Arabia, who thought they were telling of nothing extraordinary when they were detailing the incidents of their journeyings and of those of their friends from the banks of the Niger,—from the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone and Liberia—across the continent of Egypt, Arabia and Jerusalem. I saw in Ca[iro] and Jerusalem, some years ago, West Africans who had come on business, or on religious pilgrimage, from their distant homes in Senegambia. Africans were not unknown, therefore, to the writers of the Bible. Their peculiarities of complexion and hair were as well known to the Ancient Greeks and Hebrews, as they are to the American people to-day. And when they spoke of the Ethiopians, they meant the ancestors of the black-skinned and woollyhaired people who, for two hundred and fifty years[,] have been known as labourers on the plantations of the South (America). It is to these people, and to their country, that the Psalmist refers, when he says, “Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God.” The word in the original which has been translated “soon” is now understood to refer not so much to the time as to the “manner” of the action. Ethiopia shall “suddenly” stretch out her hands unto God, is the most recent rendering. But even if we take the phraseology as it has been generally understood, it will not by any one acquainted with the facts, be held to have been altogether unfulfilled. There is not a tribe on the continent of Africa, in spite of the fetishes and greegees which many of them are supposed to worship—there is not one who does not recognize the Supreme Being, though imperfectly understanding His character—and who does perfectly understand his character? They believe that the heaven and the earth, the sun, moon, and stars, which they behold, were created by an Almighty personal Agent, who is also their own Maker and Sovereign, and they render to him such worship as 69

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their untutored intellec[t]s can conceive.11 . . . And if the belief in a common creator and Father of mankind is illustrated in the bearing we maintain towards our neighbour, if our faith is seen in our works, if we prove that we love God, whom we have not seen, by loving our neighbour whom we have seen, by respecting his rights, even though he may not belong to our clan, tribe, or race, then I must say, and it will not be generally disputed that more proofs are furnished among the natives of interior Africa of their belief in the common Fatherhood of a personal God by their hospitable and considerate treatment of foreigners and strangers than are to be seen in many civilized christian community. Mungo Park12 “a hundred years ago” put on record in poetry and prose— and he wished it never to be forgotten—that he was the object of the most kindly and sympathetic treatment in the wilds of Africa, among a people he had never seen before and whom he never could requite. The long sojourn of Livingstone13 in that land in contentment and happiness, without money to pay his way, is another proof of the excellent qualities of the people, and of their practical belief in a universal Father. And, in all history, where is there anything more touching than the ever memorable conveyance, by “faithful ha[n]ds” of the remains of the missionary-traveller from the land of strangers over thousands of miles, to the country of the deceased, to be [d]eposited with deserved honour in the “Great Temple of Silence.” And this peculiarity of Africans is not a thing known only in modern times. The Ancients recognised these qualities, and loved to descant upon them. They seemed to regard the fear and love of God as the peculiar gift of the darker races. In the version of the Chaldean Genesis, as given by George Smith,14 the following passage occurs[:] [“]The word of the Lord will never fail in the mouth of the dark races whom he has made.” Homer and Herodotus have written immortal eulogies of the race. Homer speaks of them as the “blameless Ethiopians” and tells us that it was the Ethiopians alone among mortals whom the Gods selected as a people fit to be lifted to the social level of the Olympian divinities. Every year, the poet says, the whole Celestial Circle left the summits of Olympus and betook themselves for their holidays to Ethiopia, where, in the enjoyment of Ethiopian hospitality, they sojourned twelve days. The sire of gods and all the ethereal train On the warm limits of the farthest main Now mix with mortals, nor disdain to grace The feasts of Ethiopia’s bla[m]eless race; Twelve days the Powers ind[u]lge the genial rite, Returning with the twelfth revolving night. [“]Luscian represents a sceptic, or freet[h]inker of his day, as saying, in his irreverence towards the gods, that on certain o[c]casions they do not hear t[h]e prayers of mortals in Europe because they are away across the ocean, per-

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haps among the Ethiopi[a]ns, with whom they dine frequently on their own invitation. It shows the estimate in which the Ancients held the Africans, that they selected them as the only fit associates for their gods. And in modern times, in all the countries of their exile, they have [n]ot ceased to commend themselves to those who have held rule over them. The testimonies are numerous and striking to the fidelity of the Africans. The newspapers of the land are constantly bearing testimony to his unswerving faithfulness, notwithstanding the indignities heaped upon him.15 But there is another quality in the Ethiopian or African, closely con[n]ected with the preceding, which proves that he has stretched out his hands unto God. If service rendered to humanity is service rendered to God, then the Negro [an]d his country have [b]een, during the ages, in spite of untoward influences, tending upward to the Divine. Take the country,—It has been called the cradle of civilization, and so it is. The germs of all the sciences and of the two great religions now professed by the most enlightened races were fostered in Africa. Science, in its latest wonders, has nothing to show equal to some of the wonderful things even now to be seen in Africa. In Africa stands that marvellous architectural pile—the great Pyramid—which has been the admiration and despair of the world for a hundred generations. Scientific men of the present day, mathematicians, astronomers and divines, regard it as a sort of key to the universe—a symbol of the profoundest truths of science, of religion, and of all the past and future history of man. Though apparently closely secluded from all the rest of the world, Africa still lies at the gateway of all the loftiest and noblest traditions of the human race—of India, of Greece, of Rome. She intermingles with all the Divine administrations, and is connected, in one way or another with some of the most famous names and events in the annals of time[.] The great progenitor of the Hebrew race and the founder of their religion, sought refuge in Africa from the ravages of famine. We read in Gen. XII, 10, “And there was a famine in the land; and Abram went down into Egypt to sojourn there, for the famine was grevious in the land.” Jacob and his sons were subsequently saved from extinction in the same way[.] In Africa, the Hebrew people from three score and ten souls multiplied into millions. In Africa Moses, the greatest lawgiver the world has ever seen, was Greece and Rome, to gaze upon its wonders and gather inspiration from its arts and sciences. Later on a greater than Moses and than all the prophets and born and educated. To this land also resorted the ancient philosophers of philosophers, when in infancy, was preserved from death in Africa. “Arise,” was the message conveyed by the Angel to Joseph, “Arise, and take the young child and his mot[h]er and flee into Egypt, and be thou there until I bring thee word; for Herod will seek the young child to destroy him.[”] When in his final hours, the Saviour of mankind struggled up the heights of Calvary, under the weight of the cross, accused by Asia and condemned by Europe, Africa furnished the man to relieve him of his burden[.] “And as they led him away they laid hold upon one Simon a Cyre71

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nian, coming out of the country, and on him they laid the cross that he might bear it after Jesus.16 And all through those times, and times anterior to those, whether in sacred or profane matters Africa is never out of view as a helper . . .” The glories of the past should tend to inspire us with courage to create a worthy future. The Negro to-day is handicapped by circumstances; but no one is keeping him back. He is keeping back himself, and because of this, the other races refuse to notice or raise him. Let the Negro start out seriously to help himself and ere the fall of many more decades you will see him a “new man,” once more fit for the association of the “gods” and the true companionship of those whose respect he lost. I am pleading, yea, I am begging, all men and women within the reach of the [b]lood Afric to wake up to the responsibility of race pride and do something to help in promoting a higher state of appreciation within the race. Locally, we are suffering from a marked shade prejudice, among ourselves, which is foolish and distructable. The established truism reigns the world over,—that all people with the African blood in their veins are Negroes. The coloured man who refuses to acknowledge himself a Negro has only to step into the outer world of Europe, Australia, or America, and even South Africa, to find his level and “place” whence he will find it even more advantageous, from a moral point of view, to be a “black nigger.” It is so disgusting to hear some foolish people talk sometimes about their s[u]perior[i]ty in shade of colour. The Caucasian is privileged to talk about his colour for there is a standard in his breeding, and all of us have to respect him for his prowess and his might and his mastery, over established ideals. The Negro can attain a like position by self-industry and co-operation, and there is no one more willing to help him to attain that position than the genuine MAN of Europe, the lord of our civilization[,] to-day. The MAN of Europe is longing to see the Negro do something for himself, hence I am imploring one and all to join hands with those millions across the seas, and particularly those in the Fatherland Africa, America, Brazil, and the West Indies, and speed up the brighter destiny of race in the civilized idealism17 of the day. Let us from henceforth recognize one and all of the race as brothers and sisters of one fold. Let us move together for the one common good, so that those who have been our friends and protectors in the past might see the good that there is in us. N.B.—Mr. Marcus Garvey, Jnr., President and Travelling Commissioner of the Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League, will be pleased to communicate or speak with any one d[e]siring to help in the world-wide moveme[n]t for the advancement of the Negro. Mr. Garvey will be leaving Jamaica shortly on a lecturing tour through the West Indies, North, South and Central America, in connection with the movement; but all communications received during his absence will be

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dealt with by the officers in charge of the local division, 121, Orange Street and 34, Charles Street, Kingston, Jamaica. SOME OF OUR OBJECTS To Establish a Universal Confraternity among the Race, To Promote the Spirit of Race Pride and Love. To Reclaim th[e] Fallen of the Race. To Administer to, and help the Needy. To Assist in Civilizing the Backward tribes of Africa. To Strengthen the Imperialism of Bas[u]toland, Liberia, etc. To Establish [C]ommissionaries in the Principal Countries of the World, for the Protection of all Negroes, Irrespective of Nationality. To Promote a Conscientious Christian Worship among the Native Tribes of Africa. To Establish Universities, Colleges and Secondary Schools for the Further Education and Culture of our Boys and Girls. Etc., Etc., Etc. Donations, bequests or any voluntary help thankf[u]lly received and acknowledge[d] so as to help in carrying out the objects of the League. All Negroes are invited to membership which is [n]on-restrictive, free, a[n]d open to adults and children of the race. Communications should be addressed to the General Secretary The Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League, 121, Orange Street and 34, Charles Street, Kingston, Jamaica, W.I. OUR MOTTO: ONE GOD, ONE AIM, ONE DESTINY LOOK OUT —FOR— THE APPEARANCE OF THE NEGRO WORLD THE OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE AFRICAN COMMUNITIES LEAGUE, EDITED BY MARCUS GARVEY DLC, BTW. Printed and published by the African Communities League, n.d.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 1. It has not been possible to establish the exact date in 1914 of the pamphlet’s publication. 2. Simon of Cyrene helped Jesus bear the cross (Luke 23:26); Cyrene was an ancient city situated in modern-day Libya (WBD). 3. Jacques Dessalines (ca. 1760–1806) was a former slave who served as Toussaint L’Ouverture’s first lieutenant in the slave uprising of St. Domingo. Dessalines carried through the Haitian War of Independence and was proclaimed the emperor of Haiti on 8 October 1804, but he was later shot and killed during an insurrection led by Henri Christophe (WBD). 4. Arthur Barclay (1854–1938), a Barbadian immigrant to Liberia, was president of Liberia from 1904 to 1912 (Mark R. Lipschutz and R. Kent Rasmussen, Dictionary of African Historical Biography [Chicago: Aldine Publishing, 1978]). 5. This may have been a reference to Elijah Johnson, an early Liberian pioneer, or to his son, Hilary R. W. Johnson, the first native-born president of Liberia (1884–1892) (Tom W. Shick, Behold the Promised Land: A History of Afro-American Settler Society in Nineteenth-Century Liberia [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977]). 6. Sir Samuel Lewis (1843–1903), a barrister and member of the Sierra Leone legislative council for more than twenty-nine years, was also a leading figure in the Krio community at the height of its influence. Lewis was instrumental in the establishment of the Freetown Municipal Council and in 1895 became Freetown’s first mayor. In 1896 he was knighted—the first African to be so honored. A friend of Edward Wilmot Blyden, Lewis wrote the preface in 1886 for Blyden’s Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race (Dictionary of African Biography, vol. 2 [Algonac, Mich.: Reference Publications, 1977]). 7. Frederick Douglass (ca. 1817–1895) was born a slave in Tuckahoe, Md. He escaped from slavery in 1838 and settled in New Bedford, Mass. He became active in antislavery circles and in 1845 published his autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. A lecturer and editor of the North Star, Douglass served in various government positions, including minister to Haiti (1889–1891) (John Blassingame, ed., The Frederick Douglass Papers, vol. 1 [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979]; WBD). 8. William Edward Burghardt Du Bois (1868–1963) was an editor, historian, sociologist, novelist, civil rights leader, socialist, and pan-Africanist. Born in Great Barrington, Mass., Du Bois studied at Fisk University in Nashville, Harvard University (B.A. 1890, M.A. 1891, Ph.D. 1895), and the University of Berlin. He began teaching at Atlanta University in 1897. His experience in the South caused him to reject the accommodationist methods of Booker T. Washington and to advocate public protest against racial violence and discrimination. He put forward the idea of a “talented tenth,” or the development of race leadership through an intellectual elite, and made aggressive demands for black integration into American political and economic life. Du Bois was cofounder of the Niagara movement and the NAACP in 1910, and was editor of the Crisis, the NAACP’s publication, for some twenty-four years. He organized the Pan-African Congress in Paris in 1919 and helped coordinate subsequent congresses in 1921, 1923, and 1927. Du Bois moved increasingly to the left in his political thinking, embracing a Marxist analysis of black labor and eventually advocating a “nation within a nation,” a form of black economic separatism or cooperation. In the 1940s he became increasingly involved in work on behalf of world peace. He was dismissed from the NAACP in 1948 and became the vice-chair of the Council on African Affairs, which monitored political events in Africa and supported African liberation movements. He was a delegate to the World Congress for Peace in Paris in 1949 and supported the abolition of atomic weapons. During the 1950s Du Bois was subjected to increasing governmental restrictions. In 1961 he officially joined the American Communist Party, then moved to Ghana, which had gained independence in 1957. He became a Ghanaian citizen and died there. Personal and political antagonism between Garvey and Du Bois was formidable and longstanding. The ideological differences between the two men are often interpreted as a split along the lines of integration/separatism and elite/working class (although the latter dichotomy is somewhat obscured by Garvey’s pro-capitalist outlook and Du Bois’s Marxism); however, both in their lifetimes supported the ideas of economic nationalism, pan-Africanism, and the preservation of a black cultural heritage (NW, 18 February 1928; W. E. B. Du Bois, “Marcus Garvey,” Crisis 21, no. 2 [December 1920]: 58–60; “A Symposium on Garvey,” Messenger 4 [December 1922]: 551; W. E. B. Du Bois, “Back to Africa,” Century 105 [February 1923]: 539–548; BM 1 [November 1934]: 9–10; Elliott Rudwick, W. E. B. Du Bois: Voice of the Black Protest Movement [1960; reprint., Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982]; W. E. B. Du Bois, The Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois [New York: International Publishers, 1968]; Herbert Aptheker, ed., The Correspondence of W. E. B. Du Bois, 3 vols. [Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1973–1978]; Bernard K. Johnpoll and Harvey

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OCTOBER 1914 Klehr, Biographical Dictionary of the American Left [New York: Greenwood Press, 1986], pp. 117– 121; MGP 1:6). 9. Edward Wilmot Blyden, Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race (London: W. B. Whittingham, 1887; 2nd ed., 1888), pp. 130–149. The passage which Garvey quoted was from the chapter titled “Ethiopia Stretching Out Her Hands unto God: or, Africa’s Service to the World (Discourse Delivered before the American Colonization Society, May 1880).” Blyden’s book, a collection of speeches, articles, and reviews, did much to establish his scholarly reputation. The essays dealt with the influence of Christianity and Islam on Africans, the achievements of the black race, and the role of blacks in Africa’s past and future. Blyden articulated the thesis that Islam, with its lack of color distinctions, had beneficial effects for blacks, whereas he attacked the treatment of blacks within Christianity, especially Protestantism. Another major theme of Blyden’s book concerned his belief that blacks could never be free except in Africa, and he urged Western blacks to emigrate. 10. William Ewart Gladstone (1809–1898) served as the Liberal prime minister of England (1868–1874, 1880–1885, 1886, 1892–1894) (WBD). 11. The remainder of the paragraph in the Blyden original was omitted. 12. Mungo Park (1771–1806), the Scottish explorer of Africa, was the author of Travels in the Interior of Africa (London, 1799) (WBD). 13. David Livingstone (1813–1873), Scottish missionary and explorer, organized many African expeditions, discovering Lake Ngami (1849), the Zambezi River (1851), and Victoria Falls (1855). After he became lost on a trip to find the source of the Nile River, he was rescued by Henry M. Stanley in 1871 (WBD). 14. George Smith (1840–1876) was an English antiquarian who deciphered the Chaldean account of the flood from the cuneiform tablets discovered during Sir Austin H. Layard’s excavations of ancient Nineveh (WBD). 15. Paragraph ending in Blyden original. 16. Paragarph ending in Blyden original. 17. The phrase “civilized idealism” expressed Garvey’s concept wherein each race existed on the basis of its own separate civilization. Garvey spelled this out while addressing the eighth UNIA convention in Toronto, Canada, in August 1938: . . . each group must find a sphere from which to operate[,] a sphere that is specifically different from the other group, so that th[e] group may be able to maintain itself in the future as it has maintained itself in the past. Each group must find its place in the world of humanity and must arrange to so effectively maintain itself, irrespective of what the other groups of humanity may say and may do. Unfortunately, the Negro within recent years of the history of man . . . has completely lost his idealism in this respect. The idealism of maintaining and securing himself always as a separate and distinct unity of general humanity (Marcus Garvey, “The Purpose of Man’s Creation: The Negro’s Fullest Part,” BM 3 [November 1938]: 15).

Sir William Henry Manning,1 Governor, Jamaica, to Lewis Harcourt,2 Secretary of State, Colonial Office Kings House Jamaica 9th October 1914 Sir, At the request of the Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League, I have the honour to transmit to you herewith, a letter [in the margin: 16.9.14/In duplicate] which has been addressed to you by the President of the Association conveying an expression of 75

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the loyalty and devotion of the Members of His Majesty the King and to the British Empire. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Most obedient, humble Servant, W. H. MANNING Governor TNA: PRO CO 137/705. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Jamaica No. 435.” 1. Brigadier-General Sir William Henry Manning (1863–1932) succeeded Sir Sydney Olivier as governor of Jamaica in January 1913 (HJ, 1933–1934). 2. Viscount Lewis Vernon Harcourt (1863–1922) was secretary of state for the colonies from November 1910 until May 1915 (ODNB).

Enclosure: Marcus Garvey to Lewis Harcourt, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Kingston, Jamaica, W.I. September 16th 1914 Dear Sir, I have the honour to foward //forward// you, through His Excellency the Governor, the following resolution, passed by our Association at a general meeting, held in the Collegiate Hall, Kingston, on Tuesday evening the 15th Sept, 1914., which I beg that you accept as the genuine feeling of our members. Our love for, and devotion to, His majesty and the Empire, stands unrivalled and from the depths of our hearts we pray for the comming //crowning// victory of the British Soldiers now at war. I, therefore, beg that you convey the feelings of this resolution to His Gracious Majesty and people. “That we the members of the Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League, assembled in general meeting at Kingston, Jamaica, being mindful of the great protecting and civilizing influence of the English nation and people, of whom we are subjects, and their justice to all men, and especially to their Negro Subjects scattered all over the world, hereby beg to express our loyalty and devotion to His Majesty the King, and Empire and our sympathy with those of the people who are in any way grieved and in difficulty in this time of Natio[n]al trouble. We sincerely pray for the success of British Armies //arms// on the battle fields of Europe and Africa, and at Sea, in crushing the ‘Common Foe,’ the enemy of peace and further civilization. We rejoice in British Victories and the suppression of foreign

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foes. Thrice we shall hail: ‘God save the King!’ ‘Long live the King and Empire.[’”] I am, Sir, Your Obedient Servant, MARCUS GARVEY President— The Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League TNA: PRO CO 137/705. TLS, recipient’s copy. Corrections in Garvey’s hand. Marked “Jamaica No. 435.”

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Report in the Christian Science Monitor [[Boston, 27 October 1914]]

Report of Jamaican UNIA resolution at the start of World War I (Source: Christian Science Monitor, 27 October 1914)

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Article in the Gleaner [Jamaica, 25 October 1915]

MEETING HELD MEMBERS OF CONTINGENT VISIT NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION ADDRESS IS GIVEN THE PRESIDENT SPEAKS OF GERMAN RULE OVER THE AFRICAN NATIVES A meeting of the Universal Negro Improvement Association was held in the Collegiate Hall on Thursday night at which a party of the Jamaica Contingent attended. The meeting was a patriotic one, and the President delivered a speech dealing with “German Colonial Policy,” “Atrocities in Togoland,” and gave advice on the conduct of members of his people during their stay in Europe. The following resolution was moved by Mr. W. G. Hinchcliffe, who occupied the chair, and seconded by Mr. Robert Cross: “Be it resolved: That this association deem it expedient and proper, founded on true feelings of gratitude, to place on record its deep sorrow at the demise of such a whole-hearted, liberal-minded friend, a public benefactor, and a patriot of the highest type in the person of Fred L. Myers, J.P., of Kingston, a merchant esteemed by all classes throughout the land of his birth for his distinguished probity and unique demeanour; and that a copy of this resolution be transmitted to his esteemed relatives, who have been bereaved of him.” The resolution was unanimously carried. In the course of his speech on the subject of the meeting, the President said that they had met for the purpose of giving expression to the strong feeling of disgust they felt against German tyranny, at the same time to record their undying loyalty to their King and Empire. At the outbreak of hostilities they were the only society in the West Indies that sent a loyal message home to England to His Gracious Majesty the King. That message was well received by His Majesty and the English people, and Lord Northcliffe caused it to be printed in his papers. That day was the anniversary of the battle of Trafalgar; when Nelson defeated the combined foes of England and gave a decisive turn to the politics of Europe. England claimed freedom to be every man’s right. This war was a war with the ambitious people of Germany–an ambition which aimed at making a German the lord and master of the rest of the peoples of the world. Whilst the other nations of Europe were thinking of an improved civilization, the Germans were planning a war against the races. Mr. Garvey expressed the opinion that Germany’s aspirations were in their nature opposed to the enlightenment of the Negro. Especially was it so on the continent of Africa. Hence it was plainly the duty of all interested in the 79

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progress of the Negro to do all within their power to oppose the curse of German militarism. Should Germany ever get back into Togoland or any part of South or West or East Africa, out of which she has been forced, then it would be farewell to all hope for the improvement of the people of those countries. The German policy among Africans was to keep them down and use them as beasts of burden, and the press, Parliament, and political literature of Germany did their best to uphold that cursed system. Mr. Garvey dealt at great length with German rule in the Dark Continent, comparing it with that of Great Britain. He urged members of the Contingent to endeavour not to depart from the principles of gentlemen when they reached Europe. On the motion of a member of the Contingent, a vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Garvey. Printed in DG, 25 October 1915.

Article in the Gleaner [[St. Ann’s Bay, 30 October 1915]]

AIMS OF A NEW ORGANISATION PRESIDENT OF NEGRO IMPROVEMENT SOCIETY AT ST. ANN’S BAY THE WORK HE IS DOING SAYS HE HAS SACRIFICED TIME & PERSONAL AMBITION TO SERVE PEOPLE A fine lecture was given in the Baptist schoolroom here last night by Mr. Marcus Garvey, President of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Owing to the fact that the evening was a bit rainy the gathering was not large. Rev. J. T. Dillon presided and in his opening remarks extended a hearty welcome to Mr. Garvey who was no stranger to this town as he had grown up here. Associated with Mr. Garvey were Mr. J. R. Murdock, treasurer, Miss Amy Ashwood, general secretary ladies division, and Mr. Ashwood. The last named rendered a recitation and the chairman then called on Mr. Garvey to deliver his address. The lecturer expressed the pleasure it gave him to be once more in his native town to see many of those with whom he had gone to the same day and Sabbath Schools. He had done much travelling since he left here, having visited America, Europe and a part of the West Indies. He had come here as President of the Universal Negro Improvement Society and he had brought a mandate from the people of Kingston. He was glad to say that in that city the consensus of public opinion was in his favour. One of his fellow-townsm[e]n had tried to raise the feeling of the public against him, but that did not hamper his move80

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ments, on the contrary, it helped him. And instead of looking upon that man as an enemy he would be willing to help him whenever and wherever he could. The society was started on 1st August 1914 and he had had to give up gratuitously a whole year in connection with its working. He had given various entertainments so as to raise funds for the society and he felt quite grateful to all the ladies and gentlemen who had made donations toward it. Last Christmas he was able to provide food for 200 persons. He also felt greatly indebted to the Daily Gleaner for the courtesy extended to him. It was his intention to establish a formal institution in every parish of the island where our youths could be trained to become useful citizens. The war, however, had prevented operations for the time being, but he had great hopes for the REALIZATION OF HIS VISION He was not afraid of criticism. Some of his critics have declared that he wanted to found institutions in order that he might be the head and dictator thereof; but he had neither the ability nor the education for that; all that he wanted was to see our people’s conditions improved. It was a great pity that broad-minded men seem to be a rarity in Jamaica. He would exhort all present to lend their assistance to help the people; he was prepared to die for his people. What he really wanted to do was to produce a country of good men. In England a man from the lowest class might rise to fill the highest position if he has the ability; here it was not so. It was a curious thing also that the English people were more willing to help him in seeing after the improvement of our coloured population here than were the coloured natives themselves. He might have stood before them in a different position. He might have been perhaps a barrister-at-law, but he was too wedded to the idea of seeing the negro improve to turn his attention to anything else. To meet this end, he had sacrificed time, money, personal ambition and everything else. He had studied men so much that it would require an extraordinary Jamaican to “play the game” with him. When anyone wanted to criticize, the best way to get rid of him was to find out what the critic had done. He meant to carry on his work, and though it was not likely that everything would be accomplished during his lifetime, he would be satisfied to know that he had started the ball a-rolling. The chairman thought that the lecture was an admirable one and threw the meeting open to any who desired to make any remarks. Mr. H. GordonTennant thereupon delivered an address which was followed by short addresses by Miss Ashwood and Mr. Murdock. After the collection had been taken up and two or three gentlemen promised donations, the meeting was brought to a close by the singing of the National Anthem. The following donations were received:—Hon. J. H. Levy, 10s; A. N. Dixon, Esq., £4; Dr. A. deC. Rob, £1. 1s; Lieut. H. G. Tennant, 10s; Mr. J. M.

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N. Grant (teacher) 4s; Mr. Theo Kerr, 5s; Mrs. J. E. Stephenson 5s; Mr. J. F. Laughter, 2s; Mr. P. B. Phillips, 10/6—£7 7s.6d. Printed in DG, 2 November 1915.

UNIA announcement (Source: DG, 25 November 1915)

Article in the Daily Gleaner [[Montego Bay, January 18, 1916]]

NEGRO IMPROVEMENT SOCIETY Mr. Marcus Garvey, President of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, addressed a meeting here to-night in the First Baptist Church explainin[g] 82

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N. Grant (teacher) 4s; Mr. Theo Kerr, 5s; Mrs. J. E. Stephenson 5s; Mr. J. F. Laughter, 2s; Mr. P. B. Phillips, 10/6—£7 7s.6d. Printed in DG, 2 November 1915.

UNIA announcement (Source: DG, 25 November 1915)

Article in the Daily Gleaner [[Montego Bay, January 18, 1916]]

NEGRO IMPROVEMENT SOCIETY Mr. Marcus Garvey, President of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, addressed a meeting here to-night in the First Baptist Church explainin[g] 82

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the aims and objects of his Association. In the absence of the Rev. Webster who was kept away by business the Rev. J. W. Graham, M.A., presided. The Rev. gentleman introduced Mr. Garvey to the house. Mr. Graham said that he had known Mr. Garvey for over six years, first meeting him as a rival in the newspaper world of Costa Rica. It was a pleasure for him to preside. Mr. Garvey gave explanation of the intention of his association. The flag of England, he went on to say, afforded them liberty, and they should esteem it an honour to die for it. His association existed for assisting the many agencies at work in drawing the people closer together and bringing about a more common appreciation of each other. They did not want any division in Jamaica. They were all mortals the children of one Heavenly Father. Mr. Garvey’s speech was listened to with great interest, and he was heartily cheered. Printed in DG, 21 January 1916.

Article in the New York News1 [[New York, April 5, 1916]]

MR. MARCUS GARVEY NOW ON VISIT TO UNITED STATES Among the persons now visiting America is Mr. Marcus Garvey, president of the Universal Negro Improvement Association of Jamaica, who is a journalist and was so attached to the African Times and Orient Review, in London. Mr. Garvey’s mission is to lecture and raise funds to help his association to establish an industrial farm and institute in Jamaica to help the coloured people of that island. The association was founded in 1914, immediately after Mr. Garvey’s return from a study of some of the principal countries of Europe, and has gained the support of the most prominent people. Among his patrons are His Excellency, the Governor, Sir William H. Manning, the late Dr. Washington,2 Sir John Pringle,3 Hon. F. E. Reed,4 B.A.[,] acting Director of Education. The association, since it[s] formation, has done useful service in the city of Kingston, and has become a part of its programme to feed and treat the poor of the city at Christmas and Emancipation Day, 1st of August each year. This visitor will travel through the principal States and will lecture before any audience. He can be written to in care of “The Jamaica Club,” 38 Lenox Avenue, New York City, or to his own address, 53 West 140th Street. Reproduced from DG, 9 May 1916.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 1. The New York News began publication in 1913 and was edited and published by George Wesley Harris (1884–1948), formerly editor of the New York Amsterdam News from 1910 to 1913. An associate of Booker T. Washington and a leader in Harlem Republican politics, Harris served on the New York Board of Aldermen from 1920 until 1924 (NYT, 28 March 1948; WWCA). 2. Booker Taliaferro Washington (1856–1915) became unquestionably the most powerful black man of his era in America after his famous Atlanta address in 1895. In 1872 he enrolled at Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute where he became the leading scholar in his class, graduating with honors. He taught at various schools, including Hampton, before becoming principal of Tuskegee Institute in Alabama in 1881. Concentrating on the need for industrial education, Tuskegee Institute became the foremost black college in the country under Washington. To maintain his power and influence, he also built a political machine to administer federal and state patronage to his followers and to silence some of his opponents. Washington’s espousal of the philosophy of improvement attracted white philanthropists and industrialists from the North, and allowed him to attain an unprecedented level of influence with blacks as well as white elite groups. Eventually, however, this attitude led to the alienation of a growing section of the northern intelligentsia, both black and white, culminating in the formation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909. Washington reached the pinnacle of his power in the first few years of the century; by the time of his death in 1915, however, his influence was in decline (Louis R. Harlan and Raymond W. Smock, eds., The Booker T. Washington Papers [Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972–1989]; Louis R. Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Making of a Black Leader, 1856– 1901 [New York: Oxford University Press, 1973]; WBD). 3. Sir John Pringle (1848–1923) was the largest landowner in Jamaica. He was a member of the privy and legislative councils, custos of the parish of St. Mary, chairman of the St. Mary Parochial Board, and a justice of the peace of St. Mary. He also served as vice president of the board of management of the Jamaica Agricultural Society, chairman of the board of directors of the Jamaica Mutual Life Assurance Society, as well as a member of various fraternal and religious organizations (HJ, 1924). 4. Francis Ernest Reed (1852–1932), director of education, came to Jamaica in 1892 as inspector of schools, and in 1896 was appointed examiner in the education office. In 1911 he was made assistant director of education and in 1916 he became its director, a position he held until his retirement in November 1919. From 1916 to 1919 and from 1925 to 1929, Reed was a nominated member of the legislative council (HJ, 1933–1934).

Robert Josias Morgan et al., to the Jamaica Times [[Philadelphia, U.S.A. September 19th, 1916]] Dear Sir,— We the undersigned Jamaicans, residents of the United States for several years beg permission to call to your attention and the public of Jamaica a matter affecting the welfare of Jamaicans at home and abroad. Under the caption of Journalist and President of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, Jamaica, W.I., one Marcus Garvey, Jr., is giving an extended series of lectures in this Country, pertaining to the social and economic conditions of Jamaica. We, having attended his lectures, found them to be pernicious, misleading, and derogatory to the prestige of the Government and the people. Among the many assertions of the speaker are the following:— 84

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1. Governmental misrule, causing economic depression, poverty and misery with their detrimental consequences. 2. The falsity and hypocrisy of the existing social condition between the white and black races—to wit: Absorption by inter-marriage of the intellecturally superior and advanced blacks with whites, with the view of estranging and nullifying their usefulness to their race. Result—Acquiescence, arrogance, and unapproachableness, on the part of these blacks who inter-marry. The white wife tires. There is an ultimate separation. Wife returns home to her native land. Husband in Jamaica contributes to her support abroad. 3. The Governmental and Commerical interests connive to keep the scale of wage so low that the labouring classes are unable to meet the necessary demands to sustain their needs and wants. The girls of Jamaica are resorting to vice and immorality through lack of industrial opportunities and poor economic conditions. Praedial larcency is rampant and the jails are filled[.] Education is restricted and limited to the children of the poorer classes causing intellectual deficiency to the masses. 4. He drew a deplorable picture of the prejudice of the Englishman in Jamaica against the blacks, portraying hypocrisy and deceit of his attitude towards the blacks, and stated his preference for the prejudice of the American to that of the Englishman. Mr. Editor, the above are only a few of the damaging statements being disseminated by the aforesaid Marcus Garvey, Jr., among the American public. Further details would be a repetition of the demoralising utterances of the speaker. The bad effects of these lectures on the minds of the American public are deplorable and are causing great indignation among Jamaicans here, who feel greatly humiliated. Thanking you for space and hoping through this medium Jamaicans will be enlightened on the seriousness of this matter. We are, FATHER RAPHAEL1 O.C.G.2 Priest-Apostolic [T]he Greek Orthodox Catholic Church DR. URIAH SMITH ERNEST P. DUNCAN ERNEST K. JONES H. S. BOULIN 85

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PHILLIP HEMMINGS JOSEPH VASSAL HENRY H. HARPER S. C. BOX ALDRED CAMPBELL HUBERT BARCLAY JOHN MOORE VICTOR MONROE HENRY BOOTH and many others Printed in the Jamaica Times, 7 October 1916. Original headlines have been omitted. 1. “Father Raphael” was the Greek Orthodox ecclesiastical name of the Jamaican-born Robert Josias Morgan. He grew up in Chapelton, where he was brought up in the Anglican Church. After receiving an elementary education, he left Jamaica and traveled to Colón, Panama, and from there he reportedly traveled to British Honduras, the United States, Germany, and England. He left England and traveled to Sierra Leone, West Africa, where he was enrolled in the Church Missionary Society grammar school and afterward at Fourah Bay College, Freetown. After being appointed a missionary teacher and lay reader in Liberia, where he spent a number of years, he left for England and then for America, where he became successively an AME minister and a candidate for Holy Orders in the Protestant Episcopal Church. Before his ordination, however, he returned to England to attend St. Aiden’s Theological College at Birkenhead, and, it was reported, at King’s College, University of London. He was eventually ordained to the Protestant Episcopal ministry in 1895 and served for a time as honorary curate at St. Matthew’s Church in Wilmington, Delaware, where he also worked as a public schoolteacher, and in Charleston, West Virginia. He gradually developed serious doubts about the teachings of the Anglican communion, however, and after three years of service, he was deposed on 6 November 1908 by the Bishop of Asheville. After an extended visit to Palestine and the Middle East sometime in 1912–1913, he was baptized into the Greek Orthodox Catholic Church in Constantinople and was ordained. The Holy See of Constantinople commissioned him as priest-apostolic to America and the West Indies, with headquarters at Philadelphia (ATOR [February–March 1913]: 163; Jamaica Times, 26 April 1913, 23 August 1913; Paul G. Manolis, “Raphael (Robert) Morgan: The First Black Orthodox Priest in America,” Theologia 52 [1981]: 464–480; Episcopal Diocese of Delaware, Journal [1986]: 26; Joy Lumsden, “Father Raphael,” www.joyousjam.com, 7 May 2009; Joy Lumsden, “Robert Josias Morgan,” jamaicanhistorymonth2007.moonfruit.com, 7 May 2009; Matthew Namee, “Father Raphael Morgan: The First Orthodox Priest of African Descent in America,” St. Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly 53, no. 4 [2009]: 447–460; George F. Bragg, History of the Afro-American Group of the Episcopal Church [Baltimore: Church Advocate Press, 1922]; Monroe N. Work, ed., Negro Year Book: An Encyclopedia of the Negro, 1921–22 [Tuskegee Institute, Ala.: Negro Year Book Publishing, 1922]: p. 213; Paul Manolis, The History of the Greek Church of America: In Acts and Documents [Berkeley: Ambelos Press, 2003]; WWCR). 2. Order of the Cross of Golgotha, a religious fraternity founded by Father Raphael.

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Article in the Daily Gleaner [Jamaica, 14 November 1916]

MR. MARCUS GARVEY’S REPLY Mr. Marcus Garvey [J]nr., “Founder and President of the Negro Improvement Association of Jamaica,” writing from New York to the Editor of this journal, replies to the letter from Philadelphia, written by Father Raphael, the priest of the Greek Orthodox Church and thirteen other Jamaicans, which appeared in the Gleaner of the 4th October. In that letter, the signatories complained of the harm Mr. Garvey was doing Jamaica and its people by his lectures. Mr. Garvey said that the letter[,] which is a concoction and a gross fabrication, was written by his enemies in Jamaica and sent to Philadelphia to be transmitted to the Gleaner, for the purpose of prejudicing him in the eyes of the Government and those who have always wished him well in his efforts in Jamaica, as well as with the intention of interfering with his success in America. He tells of a threat by a physician practising here to use his influence to “make things warm” for him (Mr. Garvey) in Philadelphia, and his reply to same; and after swear[i]ng allegiance to his “half-fed[,] poorly clothed, barefooted, semi-illiterate[,] morally depraved and poor[l]y housed brothers and sisters,” for whom he is out as a reformer, concludes:—“My influence among my own people in Jamaica would have been better understood if the country and Empire were not undergoing the handicap of this great war, and my love for and loyalty to the people prevented me from speaking in Jamaica on any other subject save the war which should be uppermost amon[g] those who can read the [‘]Clock of Fate.[’] But I shall speak one day when war is no more.” Printed in DG, 14 November 1916.

Marcus Garvey in Champion Magazine (Chicago) [Chicago, January 1917]

WEST INDIES IN THE MIRROR OF TRUTH BY MARCUS GARVEY, JR. I have been in America eight months.1 My mission to this country is to lecture and raise funds to help my organization—the Universal Negro Improvement Association of Jamaica—to establish an industrial and educational institute, to assist in educating the Negro youth of that island. I am also engaged in the study of Negro life in this country. 87

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Article in the Daily Gleaner [Jamaica, 14 November 1916]

MR. MARCUS GARVEY’S REPLY Mr. Marcus Garvey [J]nr., “Founder and President of the Negro Improvement Association of Jamaica,” writing from New York to the Editor of this journal, replies to the letter from Philadelphia, written by Father Raphael, the priest of the Greek Orthodox Church and thirteen other Jamaicans, which appeared in the Gleaner of the 4th October. In that letter, the signatories complained of the harm Mr. Garvey was doing Jamaica and its people by his lectures. Mr. Garvey said that the letter[,] which is a concoction and a gross fabrication, was written by his enemies in Jamaica and sent to Philadelphia to be transmitted to the Gleaner, for the purpose of prejudicing him in the eyes of the Government and those who have always wished him well in his efforts in Jamaica, as well as with the intention of interfering with his success in America. He tells of a threat by a physician practising here to use his influence to “make things warm” for him (Mr. Garvey) in Philadelphia, and his reply to same; and after swear[i]ng allegiance to his “half-fed[,] poorly clothed, barefooted, semi-illiterate[,] morally depraved and poor[l]y housed brothers and sisters,” for whom he is out as a reformer, concludes:—“My influence among my own people in Jamaica would have been better understood if the country and Empire were not undergoing the handicap of this great war, and my love for and loyalty to the people prevented me from speaking in Jamaica on any other subject save the war which should be uppermost amon[g] those who can read the [‘]Clock of Fate.[’] But I shall speak one day when war is no more.” Printed in DG, 14 November 1916.

Marcus Garvey in Champion Magazine (Chicago) [Chicago, January 1917]

WEST INDIES IN THE MIRROR OF TRUTH BY MARCUS GARVEY, JR. I have been in America eight months.1 My mission to this country is to lecture and raise funds to help my organization—the Universal Negro Improvement Association of Jamaica—to establish an industrial and educational institute, to assist in educating the Negro youth of that island. I am also engaged in the study of Negro life in this country. 87

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I must say, at the outset, that the American Negro ought to compliment himself, as well as the early prejudice of the South, for the racial progress made in fifty years, and for the discriminating attitude that had led the race up to the high mark of consciousness preserving it from extinction. I feel that the Negro who has come in touch with western civilization is characteristically the same, and but for the environment, there would have been no marked difference between those of the scattered race in the western hemisphere. The honest prejudice of the South was sufficiently evident to give the Negro of America the real start—the start with a race consciousness, which I am convinced is responsible for the state of development already reached by the race. A Fred Douglass or a Booker Washington never would have been heard of in American national life if it were not for the consciousness of the race in having its own leaders. In contrast, the West Indies has produced no Fred Douglass, or Booker Washington, after seventy-eight years of emancipation, simply because the Negro people of that section started out without a race consciousness. I have traveled a good deal through many countries, and from my observations and study, I unhesitatingly and unreservedly say that the American Negro is the peer of all Negroes, the most progressive and the foremost unit in the expansive chain of scattered Ethiopia. Industrially, financially, educationally and socially, the Negroes of both hemispheres have to defer to the American brother, the fellow who has revolutionized history in race development inasmuch as to be able within fifty years to produce men and women out of the immediate bond of slavery, the latchets of whose shoes many a “favored son and daughter” has been unable to loose. As I travel through the various cities I have been observing with pleasure the active part played by Negro men and women in the commercial and industrial life of the nation. In the cities I have already visited, which include New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Baltimore, Washington and Chicago, I have seen commercial enterprises owned and managed by Negro people. I have seen Negro banks in Washington and Chicago, stores, cafes, restaurants, theaters and real estate agencies that fill my heart with joy to realize, in positive truth, and not by sentiment, that at one center of Negrodom, at least, the people of the race have sufficient pride to do things for themselves. The acme of American Negro enterprise is not yet reached. You have still a far way to go. You want more stores, more banks, and bigger enterprises. I hope that your powerful Negro press and the conscientious element among your leaders will continue to inspire you to achieve; I have detected, during my short stay, that even among you there are leaders who are false, who are mere self-seekers, but on the other hand, I am pleased to find good men and, too, those whose fight for the uplift of the race is one of life and death. I have met some personalities who are not prominently in the limelight for whom I have a strong regard as towards their sincerity in the cause of race uplift, and I think 88

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more of their people as real disciples working for the good of our race than many of the men whose names have become nationally and internationally known. In New York, I met John E. Bruce,2 a man for whom I have the strongest regard inasmuch as I have seen in him a true Negro, a man who does not talk simply because he is in a position for which he must say or do something, but who feels honored to be a member. I can also place in this category Dr. R. R. Wright, Jr.,3 Dr. Parks,4 vice-president of the Baptist Union, and Dr. Triley of the M.E. church of Philadelphia, the Rev. J. C. Anderson5 of Quinn Chapel [AME Church] and Mrs. Ida Wells-Barnett6 of Chicago. With men and women of this type, who are conscientious workers, and not mere life service dignitaries, I can quite understand that the time is at hand when the stranger, such as I am, will discover the American Negro firmly and strongly set on the pinnacle of fame. The West Indian Negro who has had seventy-eight years of emancipation has nothing to compare with your progress. Educationally, he has, in the exception, made a step forward, but generally he is stagnant. I have discovered a lot of “vain bluff” as propagated by the irresponsible type of West Indian Negro who has become resident of this country—bluff to the effect that conditions are better in the West Indies than they are in America. Now let me assure you, honestly and truthfully, that they are nothing of the kind. The West Indies in reality could have been the ideal home of the Negro, but the sleeping West Indian has ignored his chance ever since his emancipation, and today he is at the tail end of all that is worth while in the West Indies. The educated men are immigrating to the United States, Canada and Europe; the laboring element are to be found by the thousands in Central and South America. These people are leaving their homes simply because they haven’t pride and courage enough to stay at home and combat the forces that make them exiles. If we had the spirit of self-consciousness and reliance, such as you have in America, we would have been ahead of you, and today the standard of Negro development in the West would have been higher. We haven’t the pluck in the West Indies to agitate for or demand a square deal and the blame can be attributed to no other source than indolence and lack of pride among themselves. Let not the American negro be misled; he occupies the best position among all Negroes up to the present time, and my advice to him is to keep up his constitutional fight for equity and justice. The Negroes of the West Indies have been sleeping for seventy-eight years and are still under the spell of Rip Van Winkle. These people want a terrific sensation to awaken them to their racial consciousness. We are throwing away good business opportunities in the beautiful islands of the West. We have no banks of our own, no big stores and commercial undertakings, we depend on others as dealers, while we remain consumers. The file is there open and ready for anyone who has the training and ability to become a pioneer. If enterprising Negro Americans would get hold of some of the wealthy Negroes of the West Indies and teach them how to trade and to do things in the interest of 89

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their people, a great good would be accomplished for the advancement of the race. The Negro masses in the West Indies want enterprises that will help them to dress as well as the Negroes in the North of the United States; to help them to live in good homes and to provide them with furniture on the installment plan; to insure them in sickness and death and to prevent a pauper’s grave. Printed in the Champion Magazine (“A Monthly Survey of Negro Achievement”) 1 (January 1917): 167–168. Published in Chicago. 1. Evaluating Garvey’s career in America, William H. Ferris recalled: “Then in December 1916, when I was associate editor of the Champion Magazine of Chicago, he [Garvey] came into the office with an article which we published. He was interested in raising funds for a Tuskegee Institute to be established in Jamaica, BWI, and emphasized the economic development of the Negro” (Philadelphia Tribune, 27 June 1940). 2. John Edward Bruce (1856–1924), New York–based intellectual, journalist, and Garveyite, was a key figure in linking individuals in Africa, the West Indies, and the United States in pan-African causes, as well as one of the best-known writers and editors to work on the Negro World. Popularly known by his pen name, Bruce Grit, he was a prolific writer and journalist who was called “the prince of Afro-American correspondents.” Despite spending the first four years of his life as a slave and having little formal education, he began a journalistic career in Washington, D.C. His columns—critical of the theory and practice of white supremacy and eager to forward neglected historical evidence of black achievements—were carried first in the African American press, then in Britain, the West Indies, and West and South Africa. Bruce served as American correspondent for the South African Ilanga lase Natal. Because of such ties and the wide distribution of his syndicated column, he was well known to many leading Africans, particularly in West Africa. He corresponded with several African intellectuals, politicians, and businesspeople, and often hosted African visitors to the United States. His close acquaintances and admirers included Mojola Agbebi, Edward Wilmot Blyden, Dusé Mohamed Ali, John L. Dube, Solomon Plaatje, Joseph E. Casely Hayford, James E. K. Aggrey, and Moses Da Rocha, as well as the American intellectuals Carter G. Woodson and Arthur Schomburg. Bruce was also active in the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church and the black Masons, serving as editor of the Masonic Quarterly Review. He worked as the American representative and correspondent of the African Times and Orient Review and in 1911 he cofounded with Arthur Schomburg the Negro Society for Historical Research, the forerunner of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History. During his long career as a crusading journalist, Bruce moved increasingly toward support for black nationalism at home and abroad. Bruce later wrote the following account of his early meeting with Garvey: When Mr. Garvey first came to this country from his island home in Jamaica, B.W.I., I was one among the first American Negroes, on whom he called . . . I promised him such aid in the furtherance of his plans as I could give him, morally and substantially. We parted the best of friends. I had given him a list of the names of our leading men in New York and other cities, who, I felt, would encourage and assist him. Some of them were Clergymen; some professional men; and some of them private citizens. He called on some of these, and among them, Prof. Du Bois, who did not think well of his plan, but he kept on (NN-Sc, JEB, B5-14). It was not until October 1919, after listening to a street-corner speech by Garvey on the aims of the UNIA, that Bruce was actually converted to Garvey’s cause. He began writing a regular column for the Negro World in May 1920 and continued his work as a contributing editor for the Negro World until his hospitalization in the winter of 1923. For his loyalty, the UNIA knighted Bruce in 1921 as the “Duke of Uganda.” In addition to his political, historical, and literary activities, Bruce worked for forty years as a messenger in the federal customs house of Westchester, N.Y. He wrote poetry and drama and was often invited to speak on nationalist topics and aspects of African American and African history. He

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JANUARY 1917 also maintained a lively interest in pan-African business commerce, serving as a consultant to those attempting to build such enterprises. Marcus Garvey delivered the eulogy for Bruce’s 1924 Liberty Hall funeral, which was attended by some 5,000 mourners (NN-Sc, JEB; DNA, RG 59, 800-L-2, 22 April 1921; William Glenn Cornell, “The Life and Thought of John Edward Bruce” [M.A. thesis, University of North Carolina, 1970]; Ralph L. Crowder, “John Edward Bruce and the Value of Knowing the Past: Politician, Journalist, and Self-Trained Historian of the African Diaspora, 1856– 1924,” [Ph.D. diss., University of Kansas, 1994], pp. 292–336; NYT, 11 August 1924; George Shepperson, “Notes on Negro American Influences on the Emergence of African Nationalism,” JAH 1, no. 2 [1960]: 309; Arthur Schomburg, “The Negro Digs Up His Past,” in The New Negro: An Interpretation, ed. Alain Locke [New York: Albert and Charles Boni, 1925], p. 236; Peter Gilbert, comp. and ed., The Selected Writings of John Edward Bruce [New York: Arno Press, 1971]; Randall K. Burkett, Black Redemption: Churchmen Speak for the Garvey Movement [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978], pp. 149–156; Hollis R. Lynch, ed., Selected Letters of Edward Wilmot Blyden [Millwood, N.Y.: KTO Press, 1978], p. 443; Alfred A. Moss Jr., The American Negro Academy: Voice of the Talented Tenth [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981]; Brian Willan, Sol Plaatje: South African Nationalist, 1876–1932 [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984], p. 264; MGP 1:200 n. 2, 8:190 n. 1; WWCA). 3. Rev. Richard Robert Wright Jr. (1878–1967), sociologist, businessman, and AME clergyman, received his Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania in 1911 for a study of economic conditions in black Philadelphia. The son of a prominent black college president and later a Garveyite, Wright held a research fellowship in sociology at the University of Pennsylvania and was also at various times engaged in work for the U.S. Bureau of Labor, the Carnegie Institution, and other agencies and organizations. Wright became the business manager of the AME Church Book Concern in 1909–1912 and again in 1916–1920; the editor of the Christian Recorder (1909–1936); the founder, with his father, of the Citizens and Southern Building and Loan Association in 1921; and president of the Citizens and Southern Bank and Trust Company. He also served as a member of the committee to draft a new charter for the city of Philadelphia in 1917–1919 and was secretary of the Colored Protective Association of Philadelphia in 1918. He was elected a bishop of the AME church in 1936 and assigned to South Africa from 1936 until 1940. Wright was also the author of many books, among them Eighty Seven Years behind the Black Curtain: An Autobiography (Philadelphia: Rare Book Co., 1965) and Centennial Encyclopedia of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (Philadelphia: AME Book Concern, 1916), as well as the editor of Encyclopedia of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (Philadelphia: AME, 1944) (DNA, RG 65, files OG 3057, 308372, 329359, and 359099; WWA, vol. 30). 4. Rev. William G. Parks, D.D. (d. 1922), was a vice president of the National Baptist Convention (Inc.) and its denominational representative on the Federal Council of Churches. He was the pastor of Union Baptist Church, Philadelphia’s largest black church, since 1908 (NW, 23 December 1922). 5. Rev. J. C. Anderson, an AME minister, studied at Hamline University in St. Paul, Minn. and the University of Chicago. He was also a graduate of Taylor University (Upland, Ind.) and later the McCormick Theological Seminary in Chicago. Anderson entered the itinerant ministry in Marshalltown, Iowa, in 1889 and headed congregations in St. Paul, Chicago, and Louisville. Known as an excellent fundraiser and administrator, he also served as a delegate to the AME general conferences of 1912 and 1916 (Encyclopedia of the African Methodist Church, pp. 24–25). 6. Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862–1931) was a militant journalist and antilynching crusader as well as an outstanding black civic and political leader in Chicago. She founded the Negro Fellowship League in 1910 and organized the Alpha Suffrage Club, the first such group for black women. During the course of his visit to Chicago in 1916, Garvey was the dinner guest of Wells-Barnett and her husband, Ferdinand L. Barnett, an outstanding black lawyer. In her posthumously published autobiography, Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 197o), she described this meeting in the following terms: . . . Mr. Garvey was travelling from place to place to arouse the interest of other West Indians who were living in the United States to assist him in establishing an industrial school in Jamaica. He visited my husband’s law office, and Mr. Barnett brought him home to dinner. In the course of his conversation he said that ninety thousand of the people of the island of Jamaica were colored, and only fifteen thousand of them were white; yet the fifteen thousand white people possessed all the land, ruled the island, and kept the

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Negroes in subjection. I asked him what those ninety thousand Negroes were thinking about to be dominated in this way, and he said it was because they had no educational facilities outside of grammar-school work. He wanted to return to his native home to see if he could not help to change the situation there (ibid., p. 380) (DNA, RG 65, files BS 202600-14, OG 3057, 123754, 336880, 344219; WWCR).

Amy Ashwood1 to Marcus Garvey Colon P.O. [Panama] 3-6-17 Dear Marcus:— I have written you dozens of letters to your New York Address and I thought you would have replied by this as you sent me four P.C. two weeks ago, on your way to New York. I saw your friend Duhaney. I went to the Royal Mail wharf to receive a basket of fruits and he saw me and called to me. He said, he saw you in New York and you should have given him a letter for me, but, you did not turn up. If you should send a letter for me by bearer, I am situated at 120 D. Street at the corner of eight St. opposite the p[u]mping station, name of the house, Julia Margarita. Mr. Duhaney says you are looking fine. I received a letter from my Dad last week; he is in Florida, but he advised me not to answer as he was leaving for New York. Anyway I can see from his letter that he is not in a position to help me just now. I haven’t his address or I would send you same to look him up and help him for me. I can never be able to tell you of all my troubles, I have been burnt out twice since my father’s absence and for one to be burnt out and to be penniless is hell. Death in such a case is the only welcome guest. Now Marcus, if you really mean to help me over to [New York], you have got to do it now. I have told you the amt. to fix my mouth. I cannot leave Colon like this. I have lost over 15 teeth, they are extracted now and only waiting on the money to put them in. I have told you the amt. it will take, not less than $200. U.S.A. to move me here. Don’t worry to send articles that I sent for. I can do without them now, but send for me, a coat suit, like this suit; it must be a coat suit, and hat like this; my travelling collars are black or navy blue. If the suit is of navy blue, then the hat must be the same, but you had better make it black. One pair of boots to match, I want something nice high heels. I like the latest color in now. It is called bronze (bronze). Send the corset with it and a pair of stockings. You understand me. One black suit, I like silk—stiff silk, a black hat like this with a white feather behind. One pair of high heel boots, bronze. One corset, straps over shoulder and a pair of stockings and corset. I have sent you my measurement already. It will take me $200 and things I have sent for to land me in New York. If you agree let me know by return mail, as I want to know what I am about, as I must be in New York not later than August.

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NEWS Edna is in Jamaica again. Jim Mc.Gregor is in the states, also C. Meade2 and Evans, nearly all the baptist boys are over there. They flew from conscription. I know you can afford to send that money for me by return mail and let me book my passage now even for July, but if you are sending it by return mail, you must write as you are my Uncle and if I produce that letter I can get my ticket that is if I have a letter to show you are my uncle and that you will meet me in the States, but you must write as if you are married. My mouth can be fixed in a week. I am only waiting on the money from you. What a nice time we are going to have when we meet eh! Marcus. We shall never cease talking of months we spent apart, I have so much news for you. You will be surprised. Arrange for me right away and send money by return mail and I shall be with you in July. I will travel on Royal Mail. I don’t like the other boats. Don’t fail to answer now and let me know all. We are all well. I am coming to you now Marcus. Embrace opportunity and send money and accept love and kisses from your dear AMY If you send parcel, let bearer borrow the Royal Mail Office telephone and get me at 247 Corporation [C]olon, or Miss Ashwood’s residence so that I may know to send for parcel or letter. Amy. That’s my phone Marcus. Reprinted from Marcus Garvey v. Amy Garvey, No. 24028 (Sup. Ct. N.Y. 1920), Exhibit A. TL, Transcript. 1. Amy Ashwood (1897–1969) was born in Port Antonio, parish of Portland, Jamaica, the third child of Michael and Maudraine Ashwood. Her father was economically secure and owned a bakery in Port Antonio; subsequently he immigrated to Panama with his family, including his two sons, Michael and Claudius. He ran a food-catering service and restaurant in Panama City for several years, but he moved his business to Santa Marta, Colombia, shortly after completion of the construction of the Panama Canal in 1914. When she was about eleven years old, Amy Ashwood returned to Jamaica with her mother and enrolled as a boarding student at the Westwood High School for Girls at Stewart Town, Trelawny. She remained in Jamaica after leaving Westwood High School, and in July 1914, at a debate sponsored by the East Queen Street Baptist Literary and Debating Society, of which she was an active member, she met Marcus Garvey for the first time. As one of the founding members of the UNIA, she played a principal role in helping to organize its fund-raising activities and its women’s auxiliary. Sometime late in 1915, she became secretly engaged to Garvey, but her parents strongly disapproved and prevailed upon her to return to Panama in early 1916. Eventually she rejoined Garvey in New York on 3 September 1918; she played an important organizing role in the burgeoning American UNIA as Garvey’s chief aide, and she was made a director of the Black Star Line on 20 September 1919. They were finally married on 25 December 1919 in an elaborate wedding ceremony held in the UNIA’s Liberty Hall. Within a few months, on 6 March 1920, Garvey separated from her and sought an annulment of the marriage. He withdrew his suit as a result of the adverse publicity that his wife’s disclosures in the case attracted. From the time of their separation in 1920, however, Amy Ashwood Garvey developed an expansive career as a social worker, journalist, publicist, lecturer, political activist, playwright, theatrical producer, educator, restauranteur, and world traveler. Garvey succeeded in obtaining a divorce in Missouri on 5 July 1922, and later that same month he married his secretary, Amy Jacques (1896– 1973). But legal entanglements continued for several years as a result of suits that Amy Ashwood brought against him for financial support and bigamy. At the time of Garvey’s death in 1940 and subsequently, there arose some dispute over the question of which of Garvey’s two wives should be

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS recognized as his legal widow. Amy Ashwood died in Kingston on 3 May 1969, leaving several drafts of her unpublished memoir of Garvey and the UNIA, as well as other unpublished manuscripts on the history of Liberia and on the subject of African women in history (Lionel M. Yard, “The First Amy Tells All,” unpublished manuscript; Amy Ashwood, “Garvey, Portrait of a Liberator,” unpublished manuscript). 2. C. A. Meade was elected assistant secretary of the Progressive Negro Association in Jamaica in July 1916 (Daily Chronicle, 8 August 1916).

Amy Ashwood to Marcus Garvey Colon [Panama], 10, 6, 17 Dearest Marcus: Yours safely to hand and contents carefully noted. I was much surprised at your long silence. Why it is that you keep my letters so long to answer. I know there is a direct boat every week from New York. Now let me explain my story to you. The girl Rittie left us and has gone so bad that the governor sent a police for mother to compel her to take the girl home, but since she, my mother is not in good health I must take her home. I had to get a lawyer to go to court with me, explaining all about my Dad being away and everything, and that I will be leaving here for America soon[.] I had to go to the Royal Mail office and investigate[.] I can get a passage through to New York with a stay off at Kingston[.] I can get a ship leaving here on the 23rd of August and get the other ship passing through on the [6th?] of September from Kingston. I shall be in Mandeville the most of the time, but send me your sister’s address so that I may stay with her the few days I may have to spend in the city. I am fretting out my heart. I cannot get passage alone, so I have arranged with a friend, Muse Marahan, to travel with me, she has f[ri]ends in U.S.A. but are not corresponding with them now, so you will have to promise to meet her with me, of course she is responsible for herself, that’s just to facilitate me she will stay over to see her relatives, she is fat and just a shade lighter than I am. We are travelling as cousin’s and you are our uncle. Should you meet my Dad do not mention anything to him about Rittie until I see him, as I know how much he will fret. Now promise me that. She is being kept in jail, now awaiting my departure. I have to feed her and it cost me the least 50 cents per day to feed her in there, so I had to sign a paper to the effect that according to my arrangements I will sail from here on the 23rd of August, and I don’t want to lose that ship or it means trouble for me. My passage must be booked at least a month ahead of time as there are hundreds of people from here that are flocking to go away and have to be turned back weekly for the next ship. There are, I understand lots of people booked already for that month. So try and remit me Amt. to book passage, etc.

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I don’t think it’s dear for my mo[u]th, you see Marcus, I have extracted 15 teeth and I lost five previous to that and its 20 teeth in all. It really isn’t dear. It will be done just as good as over there. This Dr. is an American and English graduate. I could never pass through Jamaica like this. In fact, I can scarcely talk now without them. And you must write a nice letter as we are related to the effect that you will meet us in New York, or that you will send your wife to meet us. That letter must be showed up at the ticket office before we can get passage. I want you [to] send next month a pair of high top bronze boots for me and my travelling dress. I want a coat suit—black silk and a hat to match, but the hat must be a toque. Ask for a toque, a small hat but my head is very large. I won't worry you for anything after that. My measurement is Bust Waist

36 26

Hips Length of skirt

42 33

After this I am through. I would never be able to tell you of the 1/ 100th part of my worries until we meet. Everything must be as I have told you. Lots of news, but I am sick at heart. Ah! Marcus, I wonder if I shall ever be happy. I wonder if after so many years of worries and sorrows I shall ever be happy[,] I shall ever find peace. One year now since my father has not given me a cent. Poor fellow, he met it, but as soon as I get a line from him again, I shall inform you. I know he will gladly pay back after a while even a portion of this expense I am causing you. With love and kisses. Yours in love, AMY Reprinted from Marcus Garvey v. Amy Garvey, No. 24028 (Sup. Ct. N.Y. 1920), Exhibit B. TL, Transcript.

Travers Buxton,1 Secretary, Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society,2 to Walter Hines Page,3 U.S. Ambassador to Britain Denison House, Vauxhall Bridge Road, London, S.W.1 9th July 1917 Sir, I have the honour to enclose by the direction of the Committee of this Society a copy of Resolutions passed at a Conference held in Westminster4 under the auspices of this Society on the 4th inst., I am to ask that you will be 95

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good enough to call the attention of your Government to them. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) TRAVERS BUXTON DNA, RG 59, 763.72119/784. TL. On Anti-slavery and Aborigines Protection Society letterhead. 1. Travers Buxton (1864–1945) was a lifelong crusader against slavery and colonial misrule. In 1898 he became full-time secretary of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society and initiated a campaign to expose King Leopold II’s maladministration and the concomitant atrocities in the Congo Free State. Buxton’s agitation received international attention, and in 1908, following Leopold’s death, the Leopoldian system was ended. In 1909 Buxton became secretary of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society (ASAPS) as well as editor of its journal, the Anti-Slavery Reporter and Aborigines’ Friend. Over the next three decades, Buxton worked for the ASAPS as well as other reform causes (William Roger Louis and Jean Stengers, eds., E. D. Morel’s History of the Congo Reform Movement [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968]; WWW). 2. The ASAPS was formed in 1909, the result of the amalgamation of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society and the Aborigines Protection Society. Founded in 1839, the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society was dominated by the Buxton family and had a distinguished history reaching back to the abolitionist campaign of William Wilberforce. Its largely aristocratic membership was led from 1899 by Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton (1837–1915), the grandson of the Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton (1786–1845) who had cofounded the Anti-Slavery Society in 1823. Travers Buxton held the post of honorary secretary. The Aborigines Protection Society was founded in 1837 as a product of the early Victorian reform movement. From 1889 Henry Richard Fox Bourne (1837– 1909), the descendant of a famous Whig family, headed the society. Bourne grew up in Jamaica. After a lengthy career in England as a journalist, he devoted himself to the representation and protection of indigenous peoples in the colonial territories of the world. Shortly after Bourne’s death in January 1909, the membership of the two societies agreed to amalgamate. Both organizations, however, retained their own executives (Roderick Ellis Mitcham, “The Geographies of Global Humanitarianism: The Anti-Slavery Society and Aborigines Protection Society, 1884–1933” [Ph.D. diss., University of London, 2002]; Brian Willan, “The Anti-Slavery and Aborigines’ Protection Society and the South African Natives’ Land Act,” Journal of African History 20, no. 1 [1979]: 83– 102; Charles Swaisland, “The Aborigines Protection Society, 1837–1909,” Slavery & Abolition 21, no. 2 [2000]: 265–280; A. F. Madden, “Changing Attitudes and Widening Responsibilities, 1895– 1914,” in The Cambridge History of the British Empire, vol. 3, The Empire-Commonwealth, 1870– 1919, ed. E. A. Bienaris, James Butler, and C. E. Carrington [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967], pp. 351–353; H. R. Fox Bourne, The Claims of Uncivilised Races [London: Aborigines Protection Society, 1900]; ODNB). 3. Walter Hines Page (1855–1918), journalist, publisher, and U.S. ambassador to Britain from 1913 to 1918, was a fervent advocate of British interests and supporter of U.S. entry into World War I. Page’s editorial positions included stints at the Forum, Atlantic Monthly, and World’s Work, and in 1900 he joined forces with Frank N. Doubleday to found the publishing firm of Doubleday, Page and Company. A native of North Carolina, Page’s writings called for a new South that could forget the Civil War, broaden its vision, and reform agriculture rather than rushing into industrialization. A moderate progressive, his literary and current affairs journal, World’s Work, advocated bringing the South into the mainstream of American life. He was an early supporter of the Hampton Institute and published writings by Booker T. Washington while editor of the Atlantic Monthly. Doubleday, Page and Company was the publisher of several of Washington’s books, including Up From Slavery (Louis R. Harlan et al., Booker T. Washington Papers, vol. 4, 1895–1898 [Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975]; ANB). 4. The conference was held to discuss the reconstruction in Africa and the interests of native races in the aftermath of World War I (Times [London], 13 July 1914).

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Enclosure: Resolution by the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society [Westminster, ca. 4 July 1917] “That in any reconstruction of Africa which may result from this War, the interests of the native inhabitants and also their wishes, in as far as those wishes can be clearly ascertained, should be recognized as among the principal factors upon which the decision of their destiny should be based.” “That copies of this resolution be sent to the representatives of the Allied and Neutral Powers, and to the Russian delegates who are shortly to visit this country.”1 DNA, RG 59, 763.72119/784. TD. 1. In the summer of 1917 a delegation of Russian socialists working with socialists from neutral countries attempted to convene a conference of world socialism at Stockholm in order to reunite international socialists and develop a program for a general peace. Leaders in the Russian government at the time believed peace could best be restored through this means and placed their weight behind the idea of a general peace rather than attempting separate negotiations with the Germans. The roadblock to such a conference, however, was the attitudes of Allied socialists, many of whom were prowar and some of whom, like the British Labour leader Arthur Henderson, were members of war cabinets. In hopes of gaining Allied socialist support, the Russian delegation traveled to Britain, France, and Italy in July and August, meeting with socialist and labor delegations and garnering significant support. Ultimately, however, their plans foundered when the British government refused to grant passports to conference attendees. This show of opposition weakened the resolve of many of those who initially supported the Russians’ efforts, and the Stockholm conference was never held. The delegation’s failure to convene the conference left them without a peace program and therefore highly vulnerable to the Bolsheviks, who were gaining in power in Russia at the time. Rex A. Wade has argued that the conference failure contributed to and symbolized the failure of Russian moderates in 1917 (“Argonauts of Peace: The Soviet Delegation to Western Europe in the Summer of 1917,” Slavic Review 26 [September 1967]: 453–467).

John H. Pilgrim, Secretary, National Association of Loyal Negroes, to the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society [[Cristobal, Canal Zone 8 April 1918]]

LETTER FROM NEGROES’ ASSOCIATION, PANAMA The following appeal, addressed to the Society, has been received from the National Association of Loyal Negroes, Panama Republic. SIR,— I am instructed by the National Association of Loyal Negroes to approach the officers and members of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society 97

APRIL 1918

Enclosure: Resolution by the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society [Westminster, ca. 4 July 1917] “That in any reconstruction of Africa which may result from this War, the interests of the native inhabitants and also their wishes, in as far as those wishes can be clearly ascertained, should be recognized as among the principal factors upon which the decision of their destiny should be based.” “That copies of this resolution be sent to the representatives of the Allied and Neutral Powers, and to the Russian delegates who are shortly to visit this country.”1 DNA, RG 59, 763.72119/784. TD. 1. In the summer of 1917 a delegation of Russian socialists working with socialists from neutral countries attempted to convene a conference of world socialism at Stockholm in order to reunite international socialists and develop a program for a general peace. Leaders in the Russian government at the time believed peace could best be restored through this means and placed their weight behind the idea of a general peace rather than attempting separate negotiations with the Germans. The roadblock to such a conference, however, was the attitudes of Allied socialists, many of whom were prowar and some of whom, like the British Labour leader Arthur Henderson, were members of war cabinets. In hopes of gaining Allied socialist support, the Russian delegation traveled to Britain, France, and Italy in July and August, meeting with socialist and labor delegations and garnering significant support. Ultimately, however, their plans foundered when the British government refused to grant passports to conference attendees. This show of opposition weakened the resolve of many of those who initially supported the Russians’ efforts, and the Stockholm conference was never held. The delegation’s failure to convene the conference left them without a peace program and therefore highly vulnerable to the Bolsheviks, who were gaining in power in Russia at the time. Rex A. Wade has argued that the conference failure contributed to and symbolized the failure of Russian moderates in 1917 (“Argonauts of Peace: The Soviet Delegation to Western Europe in the Summer of 1917,” Slavic Review 26 [September 1967]: 453–467).

John H. Pilgrim, Secretary, National Association of Loyal Negroes, to the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society [[Cristobal, Canal Zone 8 April 1918]]

LETTER FROM NEGROES’ ASSOCIATION, PANAMA The following appeal, addressed to the Society, has been received from the National Association of Loyal Negroes, Panama Republic. SIR,— I am instructed by the National Association of Loyal Negroes to approach the officers and members of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society 97

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

on the subject of the final disposition of the African Colonies wrested from Germany during the course of the war. I am to explain for the information of your Society that the Association I have the honour to represent was recently formed on the Isthmus of Panama among British West Indian Negroes for the purpose of making representations to the Entente Powers,1 on behalf of the natives, in connexion with the aforesaid colonies. I give below a summary of the facts which we intend to urge as a basis of our claims:— (a) Germany does not now have, nor ever did have any legal title to any possession in Africa. (b) Germany did not acquire said colonies by right of conquest, nor by cession from the natives. (c) The treaty of cession of said colonies to Germany by the signatory powers has been invalidated on account of the war. (d) On the principle of national self-determination as interpreted by the statesmen of the Entente Powers in their recent Peace programme.2 (e) On the assumption that Africa is the natural sphere of the Negro as ordained by the Great Creator of the Universe. (f) Aboriginal rights, and (g) By right of conquest. I wish to say that it is our intention to lay especial stress on sections (f) and (g) because we feel by doing so we should have the sympathy and moral support of every statesman of the Entente Powers, as it is undeniably true that the natives, or rather aborigines of Africa played the most prominent part in the African theatre of the war which resulted in the capture of the said colonies. It was not possible for white troops to withstand the rigours and hardships of an African campaign, so that native forces had to be trained to cope with the situation. . . . On this score I would like to bring to your attention the utterances of Premier Lloyd George3 in his recent peace programme as outlined in the House of Commons on December 20, 1917.4 The Premier specifically stated that “primary regard will be given to the wishes and sentiments of the natives,”5 which I have interpreted to mean the natives of the Colonies in dispute. If this interpretation is correct, it would be entirely satisfactory, provided that it is obtained by means of a plebiscite. In so far as the National Association of Loyal Negroes is concerned, it is our desire to co-operate with the natives, being of the same kith and kin, in regard to the sovereignty to be determined. It is also our desire to seek the aid of your Society on behalf of the natives, as I have no doubt that it is the aim of your Society to assist and protect the aborigines of Africa. Again, it is the opinion of our Association that establishment of

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independent native States under international guarantees would meet the approval of the whole Negro race, and incidentally the natives of said colonies. I shall be glad to hear from you on the subject, especially to know whether your Society is in sympathy with the national aspirations of the natives in regard to these colonies. With best regards, JOHN H. PILGRIM Secretary A reply has been sent, informing the Association of the policy of the Society upon this question and of the Conferences recently held, and steps have been taken for the circulation of the substance of the letter in neutral countries. Printed in the Anti-Slavery Reporter and Aborigines’ Friend 8 [July 1918]: 45–46. 1. The Triple Entente was one of two multistate treaty groupings that set the stage for World War I. Three treaties—the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1891/1894, the Entente Cordiale between Britain and France of 1904, and the 1907 Anglo-Russian Convention—effectively bound together the fortunes of France, Russia, and Britain in the Triple Entente. While these treaties were meant merely to improve relations among member states, they served in effect as a threat to another major European alliance, the Triple Alliance. The Triple Alliance had been formed by the signing of a Dual Alliance between Austria-Hungary and Germany in 1879 and the subsequent addition of Italy in 1882. In fact, the threat of Britain joining the Triple Alliance in 1891 was the catalyst that first drew France and Russia together. The presence of these two treaty groupings—one of which unintentionally circled a nervous Germany—heightened insecurity in the international system. With Archduke Franz Ferdinand’s assassination in Sarajevo in 1914, these alliances quickly propelled the countries into war (Patricia A. Weitsman, Dangerous Alliances: Proponents of Peace, Weapons of War [Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2004], pp. 65, 99–101). 2. On 5 January 1918 British Prime Minister David Lloyd George delivered a major address to delegates of trades unions at Central Hall, Westminster, outlining British war aims. Upholding the principle of national self-determination as applicable to the conquered German colonies in Africa, the British prime minister maintained that they “are held at the disposals of a conference whose decision must have primary regard to the wishes and interests of the native inhabitants of such colonies.” Further, he stated: The general principle of national self-determination is, therefore, as applicable in their cases as in those of occupied European Territories . . . the governing consideration . . . in all these cases must be that the inhabitants should be placed under the control of an administration acceptable to themselves, one of whose main purposes will be to prevent the exploitation for the benefit of European capitalists or governments (Times [London], 7 January 1918). The principle of national self-determination was proclaimed by Wilson in his wartime address to the U.S. Congress on 8 January 1918. In a subsequent speech on 11 February 1918, Wilson declared, “National aspirations must be respected; peoples may now be dominated and governed only by their own consent. ‘Self-determination’ is not a mere phrase. It is an imperative principle of action, which states-men will henceforth ignore at their peril.” Wilson’s speech also contained an admonition directed at America’s European allies in the Great War: “Peoples and provinces must not be bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels or pawns in a game, now forever discredited, of the balance of power,” and that “every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the population concerned, and not as a part of any mere adjustment or compromise of claims amongst rival states” (Woodrow Wilson, Selfdetermination and the Rights of Small Nations [Dublin: Candle Press, 1918]; James Brown Scott, ed., Official Statements of War Aims and Peace Proposals, December 1916 to November 1918 [Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1921]; Arthur S. Link, ed., The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, vol. 46 [Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984], pp. 322–323; for an extended discussion, see Thomas J. Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS New World Order [New York: Oxford University Press, 1992], and “Wilsonian Concepts and International Realities at the End of the War,” in The Treaty of Versailles: A Reassessment after 75 Years, ed. by Manfred F. Boemeke, Gerald D. Feldman, and Elisabeth Glaser [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press and the German Historical Institute, 1998], pp. 111–129). 3. David Lloyd George (1863–1945), leader of the Liberal party in Britain and prime minister from 1916 to 1922, was the dominant political figure in Britain during the final two years of World War I; he was also the last Liberal prime minister of Britain (The Age of Lloyd George [London: Allen & Unwin, 1971]; Consensus and Disunity: The Lloyd George Coalition Government, 1918–1922 [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979]; ODNB). 4. Lloyd George stated that the most important condition of peace following the Great War was security. He described security as consisting of three conditions: destruction of Prussian military power; peace conditions framed upon “so equitable a basis that no one would wish to disturb them”; and democratization of the German government (Times [London], 21 December 1917). 5. Lloyd George stated in his speech of 20 December 1917 that when the future trusteeship of former German colonies was considered, “you must take into account the sentiments of the people themselves.” It is important to note, however, that he was talking about German colonies only— and he went on to suggest merely that in contrast to German rule, the colonies might “rather trust their destinies to other and juster and—may I confidently say?—gentler hands than those which have had the government of them up to the present time?” (Times [London], 21 December 1917). While Lloyd George gave lip service to Wilsonian ideals of self-determination, the prime minister’s actual role in the peace negotiations was described by the historian Chris Wrigley as a blend of opportunism and idealism. Above all, Lloyd George did not want Britain left behind in gaining any spoils of war (Lloyd George [Oxford: Blackwell, 1992], p. 96).

Dusé Mohammed Ali, Editor, African Times and Orient Review, to Dillon C. Govin,1 Secretary, Association of Universal Loyal Negroes “African Times & Orient Review,” 158 Fleet Street, London, E.C.4, Eng. 27 June, 1918 Dear Sir, It would appear that although your “Back to Africa scheme” is a very good one you lack information about Africa as regards the conditions prevailing there. As England holds the key to the situation as it stands at present I think your activities should be confined to this country. I shall be pleased to help you in any way I can, but you will have to bear the necessary expenses. Yours faithfully, (SDG.) DUSE MOHAMMED ALI TNA: PRO CO 323/800. TLS, copy. 1. Very little biographical information is available about Dillon C. Govin. In addition to what is contained in the documents regarding Govin’s role in promoting the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes, it is reported that “Dillon C. Govin, Secretary-Treasurer of the Montreal ULNA, wrote Marcus Garvey, asking permission for the ULNA to become an affiliate of the UNIA. This was granted, and ULNA became the Montreal Division of the UNIA” (Leo W. Bertley, “Montreal,

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AUGUST 1918 the Ever Loyal UNIA Division,” Some Missing Pages: The Black Community in the History of Quebec and Canada, Unit 6: Life between the Wars, www.qesn.meq.gouv.qc.ca/mpages/unit6/ u6p122.htm, 19 April 2005).

Wilfred Collet,1 Governor, British Guiana, to Duke of Devonshire,2 Governor General, Canada GOVERNMENT HOUSE

August 1918 My Lord Duke, I have the honour to transmit herewith a copy of a circular letter from one Dillon C. Govin of 1199 St. James St., Montreal, P.2., relative to a “Society” having for its object the establishment of an independent African Colony in German East Africa or German South West Africa governed by Negroes. 2. Copies of this letter, which were addressed to the following three negro inhabitants in the Colony, have been intercepted by the local censorship authorities:— Rev. Dingwall, Moravian Church, Queenstown, Georgetown, Demerara, British Guiana. Lawyer [John A.] Ab[b]ensetts, New Amsterdam, Berbice, British Guiana, Rev. Frank, New Amsterdam, Berbice, British Guiana, 3. The harmful effect that would be created in the event of such a letter being allowed to circulate is obvious, and I therefore shall be extremely obliged if Your Grace will cause inquiries to be made concerning Govin and the “Society” he makes reference to. 4. I am warning the Governors of Trinidad, Barbados, Jamaica and the Windward and Leeward Islands of the existence of this circular letter. Doubt-

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less, copies have been sent to those places. I have the honour to be, My Lord Duke, Your Grace’s most obedient, humble Servant, (Sgd) WILFRED COLLET Governor TNA: PRO CO 323/800. TLS. Marked “Confidential” and “No. 4691.” 1. Sir Wilfred Collet (1856–1929) served as governor of British Guiana from 1917 to 1923, with short periods of absence from the country. He had been appointed colonial secretary of British Honduras in 1905 and had served as administrating governor on several occasions between 1905 and 1913, and as governor from 1913 until 1917 (Official Gazette [Extraordinary] [4 April 1923], p. 170; David P. Henige, Colonial Governors from the Fifteenth Century to the Present [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970]; COL; WWW). 2. Victor Christian William Cavendish (1868–1938), the ninth duke of Devonshire, was governor general and commander in chief of Canada at the time of this document’s writing. Before his posting to Canada in June 1916, Devonshire served as a Member of Parliament from West Derbyshire and in the House of Lords upon his uncle’s death and his accession to the title. He served in Britain’s wartime coalition as civil lord of the Admiralty. Returning to Britain in 1921, Devonshire served in the cabinet from 1922 to 1924 as secretary of state for the colonies. While in this position, he was noted for his surprising declaration of 1923, which stated that the interests of African natives must be paramount over those of immigrant settlers in Britain’s Kenya colony (ODNB).

Enclosure: Circular Letter from Dillon C. Govin, Secretary, Association of Universal Loyal Negroes1 1199 St. James St., Montreal P.2. Canada [July 22, 1918] Dear Sir, This I hope will prove to be no fruitless encroachment upon your valuable time and attention. If so, I sincerely apologize. Under the present circumstances, I am forced in conjunction with a few members of a local Society to take the initiative which should more properly be taken by one better situated. The matter which I am bringing to your attention, and consideration is one which we substantially believe is agitating the minds of Negroes all over the world. There is no doubt that changes of great importance will ensue as a direct result of the present war. With victory or the ultimate advantage resting in the hands of the Allies, we are led to expect a greater measure of world democracy—the freedom of all nationalities to work out their respective destinies. Belgians, Serbians, Roumanians, Montenegrins, Greeks, Poles, Jews, and the people of Ireland, all are promised independence and freedom of National development after the war. We cannot fail to notice however that in the face of 102

AUGUST 1918

such pledges to such peoples, despite the loyalty of our race, despite the readiness to render any service asked or even expected of us, above all—despite our active participation in the present bloody struggle, not a word has been made relative to our status both now and following this great struggle. Dear Sir, the time is fitting that we too should rise to claim the dignity of a nation, and to do so without much noise or hysteria. In many countries where our race have lived for centuries and have reared their children with an idea to the same equality of opportunities and rights of citizenship as accorded all other citizens native and foreign born, such countries are openly declared as “white men’s” countries, and to all intents and purposes the white man is determined to be the ruler therein. Clearly such a policy must retard or stullify the development of our integrity and highest possible powers and as a means of avoiding an ever increasing racial friction and clashes, we must find a means of outlet for employement of and scope for the development of our young manhood and womanhood. No nation can deny our inalienable rights to a domain in Africa. Are we, though weak, to stand idly and speechless, to see another partition of Africa, our fatherland? Are we to witness a repetition of Congo atrocities, separate Native restrictions and exploitations at the hands of white nations? Are we to be crowded off the face of the earth and be subject to the will of white men all over the world? Never if truth and justice is still supreme. We should not fear though weak at present the ultimate triumph of our cause even as the allies expect to defeat German autocracy. In accordance with our right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, we should colonize, develop and maintain a large African State. Still further as a reward for the loyalty and service of our race in the past, and as a mark of gratitude or fitness for the service our manhood is now rendering on the European battlefields a large independent African Colony should be given us. That steps be taken to petition the Allied Council on behalf of millions of Negroes all over the world with signatures appended, to establish and make either the so-called German East Africa, or German S.W. Africa an independent African Colony governed by Negroes is the object of this letter. As a representative member of the race, will you cooperate? Please send your opinion and suggestions as early as possible. If for any private reason you would not care to be actively associated that is to be nominated if so chosen as one of the prime movers in organizing the World Negro Council and presenting the petition, we expect that at least you will sign the petition when forwarded to you. I remain, etc., (Sgd) DILLON C. GOVIN TNA: PRO CO 323/800. TLS, copy. 1. This letter was also printed in ATOR [September 1918]: 29, where it was dated “July 22, 1918.”

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Duke of Devonshire, Governor General, Canada, to Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana Government House, OTTAWA

19th September, 1918 Sir, With reference to Your Excellency’s despatch dated August, 1918, respecting the establishment of an independent African Colony in German East Africa or German South West Africa governed by Negroes, I have the honour to inform you that, in accordance with your request, the necessary steps are being taken to have the correspondence of Mr. G. C. Govin kept under supervision. I enclose, herewith, copy of a recently intercepted letter mailed by Mr. Govin, from which it would appear that the headquarters of this Society are established in Ancon in Panama Canal Zone. This matter has been brought to the attention of the Chief Postal Censor at London. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient humble servant, (SD.) DEVONSHIRE TNA: PRO CO 323/800. TLS.

Enclosure: Dillon C. Govin, Secretary, Association of Universal Loyal Negroes, Montreal Branch, to J. B. Yearwood,1 Association of Universal Loyal Negroes Montreal Branch, A. of U.L.N. 1109 St. James St., Montreal, August 2nd, 1918 Dear Sir, Your communication dated July 6th received, and shall fully discuss same when our Association convenes. I will now take up yours of June 1st, which was discussed at our meeting on July 21st. (Proceeding with a report of this meeting we have unanimously approved of the word “Ethiopia” as our official name[)].

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SEPTEMBER 1918

A letter from Mr. Duse Mohammed Ali, editor of the “African Times,” dated June 27th was taken up for discussion. Mr. Ali pointed out the fact that conditions in Africa rendered England the main country in which the situation lies; expressing his loyalty to the cause he is willing to help provided the necessary expenses is forthcoming. As it will doubtless appear to ou[r] judgment the crisis is drawing and every moment counts. To facilitate matters we have in our communication of July 30th authorised Mr. Duse Mohammed Ali to follow any plan of action he deemed best compatible with the situation in Great Britain or to follow our plan of action as near as possible, the general Association to bear necessary expenses. Respecting your concluding paragraph of your latest communication advising me of an enclosed plan of action we have not received same but trust you have since forwarded it. As a means of fostering the interest of our wellwishers and members I will be glad if you can furnish me with a statement of the financial and numerical strength of Head-quarters, also how many branches of the Association has been organized to date. Re drafting of memorial as Canada does not boast of any able Negro lawyers, I have turned my attention to the U.S.A. I have taken up the matter with Mr. Henry by associate in Boston who I believe will give the matter his ardent attention, I trust in my next communication to give you the necessary information. Awaiting an early reply, Yours faithfully, (SG.) DILLON C. GOVIN Secretary TNA: PRO CO 323/800. TLS, copy. 1. Born in Barbados, James Benjamin Yearwood worked as a laborer on the Panama Canal and later became a labor organizer and teacher in Panama. In 1915 Yearwood turned his part-time teaching career into a full-time pursuit by opening a school in Panama City and calling a meeting of the city’s teachers to devise ways to furnish free school supplies to the city’s poor. During World War I, Yearwood organized the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes among blacks in Panama and Costa Rica, serving as secretary in 1918. This group pledged its loyalty to England provided the British government took steps to improve conditions among black British subjects in Central America. Yearwood later encouraged local chapters of the association to join with the Garvey movement. In 1920 Yearwood was a delegate from Panama to the UNIA convention, representing his own organization, and was elected UNIA assistant secretary-general. He continued his association with the Garvey movement through Garvey’s trial, remaining with the parent body despite the numerous resignations that shook the UNIA hierarchy in 1923 and 1924. Poor health and financial problems forced him to relinquish his post in 1925. He was awarded his bachelor of science degree from New York University in October 1928 (“Back to Africa Movement,” TNA: PRO FO 371/ 3705; NW, 1 November 1919, 5 March 1921; Theodore Vincent, Black Power and the Garvey Movement [Berkeley, Calif.: Ramparts Press, 1971], pp. 97, 119).

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Robert Johnstone,1 Acting Colonial Secretary, Jamaica, to the Censor,2 Jamaica Colonial Secretary’s Office, Jamaica, //15// October 1918 Sir, I am directed by the Governor to transmit for your information and for necessary action the accompanying copy of a letter from the Governor of British Guiana relative to a communication which has been addressed to certain persons in that Colony on the subject of the e[s]tablishment of an independent Colony in Africa to be governed by negroes. 2. I am to request that any letters of the description referred to by the Governor of British Guiana that may be intercepted may be submitted for inspection by His Excellency. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, ROBT. JOHNSTONE Acting Colonial Secretary [Handwritten minutes:] Hon Col Secty I fear it will be impossible to obtain the [desired] information without a complete censorship of all mails—Island and foreign—. This will entail considerable expense and unavoidable delays[.] I submit that the importance of the matter badly warrants this delay and expenditure and ask further consideration and instruction[.] [J. C. Ford?] Censor 24/10 Submitted. H.[L.?] 26/X I do not think the job need be as large, in the first instance at any rate, as feared by [Mr] Ford. The censorship might be confined to letters (1) from Montreal and (2) addressed to persons other than those known not to be negroes. [initials illegible] 28/10 JA, CSO Records, 1B/5/52. TLS. Marked “Confidential.” Extraneous initials elided. 1. Robert Johnstone (1861–1944), assistant colonial secretary of Jamaica, served as acting colonial secretary while Lt. Col. H. Bryan was on military service during World War I. Educated at Bath and Edinburgh, Johnstone joined the Jamaica Civil Service in 1878 and was appointed assistant colonial secretary in 1906. He was a member of the legislative and privy councils, and also served as acting governor at various times between 1917 and 1919 (HJ, 1918; WWW). 2. Richard Nosworthy (1860–1946) entered the Jamaican civil service in 1880. He served as censor in Jamaica from 1915 until 1919, as well as assistant colonial secretary in 1918 and acting colo-

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OCTOBER 1918 nial secretary in 1921. He was also appointed acting administrator of Dominica in 1922. In 1918 J. C. Ford and Ellis Wolfe served as deputy censor and press censor at the time. It would appear from the endorsements that this letter was addressed to Ford, who was perhaps serving as censor while Nosworthy was assistant colonial secretary (HJ, 1918; DOCOL; WWW).

Enclosure: Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana, to Leslie Probyn,1 Governor, Jamaica GOVERNMENT HOUSE, Georgetown, Demerara,2 August, 1918

Sir, I have the honour to enclose, for Your Excellency’s information, the attached copy of a circular letter 3 from one Dillon C. Govin of 1199 St. James Street, Montreal, P.2., relative to a “Society” having for its object the establishment of an independent African Colony in German East Africa or German South West Africa governed by Negroes. 2. Copies of the letter which were addressed to certain negroes in British Guiana have been intercepted by the local Censorship authorities.4 The harmful effect that would be created in the event of such a letter being allowed to circulate is obvious, and I therefore take the opportunity of advising Your Excellency in order that a watch might be kept for copies of the letter that doubtless have been sent to negro inhabitants of the Colony under your Government. 3. I have reported the matter to the Governor-General of Canada and asked His Grace to cause enquiries to be made concerning Govin and the “Society” he refers to. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s obedient servan[t,] WILFRED COLLET Governor [Handwritten minutes:] The Censor should note for action. 2. [I?] should like to see any letter which is intercepted. [illegible] [9.1o?] I see this minute above. Send a copy of this letter and enclosure to the censor for his information and the necessary action and instruct him as in para 2 of this minute.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS [A]ck and thank Gov British Guiana and say that the necessary action has been taken. [initials illegible] 9 [x] 18 So proceed [initials illegible] [9?]/[10?] JA, CSO Records, 1B/5/52. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “No. 4691” and “Confidential.” Extraneous initials elided. 1. Sir Leslie Probyn, previously governor of Barbados, succeeded Sir William Henry Manning as governor of Jamaica on 11 June 1918. Robert Johnstone served as acting governor of Jamaica for the month preceding Probyn’s arrival (HJ, 1921). 2. Demerara was the smallest of three counties that made up British Guiana. The other two were Essequibo and Berbice. 3. For a copy of this letter, see enclosure to Wilfred Collet to Duke of Devonshire, August 1918 (TNA: PRO CO 323/800). 4. “Local Censorship authorities” possibly refers to the governor, the executive council, and the Court of Policy of British Guiana.

Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana, to Claude Mallet,1 British Consul, Panama GOVERNMENT HOUSE

October, 1918 Sir, I have the honour to transmit herewith, for such action as Your Excellency may deem appropriate, copies of correspondence which has passed between the Governor General of Canada and myself relative to a Society having for its o[b]ject the establishment of an independent African Colony in German East Africa or German South West Africa governed by Negroes. 2. You will observe from Govin’s letter of the 2nd August to one J. B. Yearwood that it would appear that the headquarters of this Society are established in Ancon, Panama Canal Zone. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s obedient Servant, (Sgd) WILFRED COLLET Governor TNA: PRO CO 323/800. TL. Marked “Confidential” and “No. 4691.” 1. Sir Claude Coventry Mallet (1860–1941) was minister plenipotentiary of Panama from 1914 until 1919. His foreign service career spanned various Latin American countries and included posts as vice-consul of Panama in 1884, vice-consul of Colón in 1885, and consul of Colón in 1888. He was chargé d’affaires of Lima in 1894, Quito from 1894 to 1895, and Bogotá from 1902 until 1903, before becoming minister reserve of Panama and Costa Rica in 1908 (WWW).

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NOVEMBER 1918

U.S. Postal Censorship Report NEW ORLEANS, LA. INDEX NO.

24651 [FROM] [Marcus Gar]vey, President & Interna[tional O]rganizer; [Univers]al Negro Improvement Association, [Cresc]ent Bldg. 36–38 West 135th St., [New] York, N.Y.

[DATE OF] Nov. 1st/18

LETTER

[ROUT]E

DATE

ONI1

11/8

TO

D. B. L[ewis,] Coroz[al,] British Honduras.

NO. OF OBJECTS ENCLOSED

LANGUAGE OF

13

LETTER

DISPOSITION UNLESS COPIES DISPATCHED

4

C.C.C.2

11/8

0

M.I.D3

11/8

2

DATE OF

English

COMMENT

Nov. 7/18

SUBJECT

Info to 3rd & 8th ND-Suspend

NO. OF EXAMINER

1117

TABLE NO. 1

NO. OF COMMENT TYPED BY WRITER

Withdraw one blank for Wash.

1107

APPROVED BY D.A.C.9

W.T.B4 P.O.6 E.A.C.7

Nov. 7/18

11/8

3

C.P.I.5

11/9

0

Pr.68

G. H. T.

FS–11/12/18 APPROVED BY A.C.10

R. L. W.

COMMENT NEGRO PROPAGANDA Writer encloses twelve copies of an appeal to the racial instinct of the negroes, (calculated to incite hatred for the white race) by urging them to do like “The Irish, the Jews, the East Indians and all other oppressed peoples who are getting together to demand from their oppressors Liberty, Justice, Equality, and we now call [u]pon the four hundred millions of Negro people of the world to do likewise.” Also informs Addressee that he sent to him 50 copies of the “NEGRO WORLD” and will send him 50 copies per week and wants addressee to do everything to help the movement at Addressee’s end, so that they will have a very strong branch in BRITISH HONDURAS in a short time. [Handwritten endorsement:] Withdraw

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS [Stamped endorsement:] CAPT. HAYES M.I. 4–41 DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/2. Printed form with manuscript additions. This report was originally an enclosure to a letter from Capt. Edward B. Hitchcock, Postal Censorship Committee, to Brig. Gen. Marlborough Churchill, Director, Military Intelligence Division, War Department, 15 November 1918, DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/3. MGP 1:293–297. 1. The Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI) was concerned with the movements of naval forces worldwide, the destruction or attempted destruction of shipping, and inventions of nautical interest. It monitored enemy agents’ activities, a task facilitated by the Navy Mobilization Bureau, which assumed responsibility for the updating and circulation of the suspects’ list that also formed the basis of all postal censorship activities (U.S. Office of Naval Intelligence, Cable Censorship Guide [Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1933]). 2. The chief cable censor (CCC) was a naval officer appointed by the Office of Naval Intelligence to serve on the Postal Censorship Committee, which also included representatives from the Military Intelligence Division (MID) of the War Department’s General Staff, the War Trade Board, and the Post Office Department. The Postal Censorship Committee functioned as the executive arm of the Censorship Board, which was established on 12 October 1917 to censor all communications between the United States and foreign countries in order to prevent the transmission of enemy propaganda and to gain information useful to the United States in the prosecution of the war. The Censorship Board operated stations in New York, Cristobal (Panama), San Francisco, San Antonio, Honolulu, San Juan, New Orleans, Seattle, and Manila. In addition, operational ties were maintained with American allies in Europe, the Caribbean, and Asia. The Censorship Board provided each postal censorship committee with lists of suspects prepared by the staffs of various intelligence departments and printed a consolidated version as the Postal Censorship Book. By the end of the war, this list contained the names and addresses of more than 250,000 subjects. The Censorship Board was discontinued on 21 June 1919. Cable censors were stationed in Washington, D.C., and New York, as well as at the major coastal bases in the United States and throughout the Caribbean. Their main objective was to prevent false or demoralizing statements through the censorship of references to military and naval operations (Cable Censorship Digest, 1933 [Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1933]; Cable Censorship Guide). 3. The MID of the War Department’s General Staff, which replaced the Military Intelligence Branch (MIB), was created on 26 August 1918 as part of the War Department’s reorganization of the General Staff into four equal divisions, spurred by the recall from France, on 4 March 1918, of Major-General Peyton C. March to become the new military chief of staff. Potential duplication of effort between intelligence agencies of the government was adjusted at weekly liaison conferences held at the Department of Justice and attended by the director of the MID and representatives of various departments. The director of the MID also maintained close liaison with British and French military intelligence. Military intelligence activities were divided into the Positive Branch and the Negative Branch. These two branches were further subdivided into sections and subsections, on the model of British military intelligence. The Positive Branch dealt with all matters pertaining to foreign countries and the military situation throughout the world, whereas the Negative Branch was concerned with uncovering or suppressing enemy activities in the United States. At the time of the Armistice, MID had in its service 282 officers, 29 noncommissioned officers, and 948 civilian employees (for details of the structure and specific functions of the various organizational components of military intelligence, see Col. Bruce W. Bidwell, “History of the Military Intelligence Division Department of the Army General Staff,” unpublished manuscript, 1959–1961, Carlisle Barracks, Pa., United States Army Military History Institute, regraded as unclassified on 20 July 1979; Raymond Franklin Murray, “History of the Military Intelligence Division, Central Department,” 2 July 1919, DNA, RG 165, 10560-152). 4. The War Trade Board (WTB) was created by executive order on 12 October 1917 under the Trading with the Enemy Act, to censor all correspondence that dealt with trade, banking, insurance, and commerce, as well as communications dealing with the shipping of war-related goods. 5. The Committee on Public Information (CPI), created by executive order on 14 April 1917, was composed of the secretaries of state, navy, and war. As a member of the Censorship Board, the committee was responsible for administering the program of voluntary censorship of the press, since most incoming cables were directed to large newspapers and news associations. The chair of

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NOVEMBER 1918 the committee was George Creel (1876–1953) (George Creel, How We Advertised America . . . [New York: Harper and Brothers, 1920]; James R. Mock and Cedric Larson, Words That Won the War: The Story of the Committee on Public Information, 1917–1919 [Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1939]). 6. The Post Office (PO) was responsible for the administration of each censorship station. Its local representative acted as chairman of the station’s censorship committee (DNA, RG 28, 9.21– 154, 12 July 1928, and B–588). 7. The exchange assistant censor (EAC or EX AC) dealt with the mail after it was seen by the heads of the censorship station’s divisions. 8. The area of the censorship committees’s press branch which handled incoming material from British Honduras. 9. The deputy assistant censor (DAC) had responsibility for supervising examiners during the first examination of the mail. The DAC also coordinated previous censorship comments on various subjects and received daily reports from examiners (DNA, RG 28, 9.21–154). 10. The assistant censor (AC) routed letters to the committee’s appropriate division. There were six assistant censors, each in charge of separate branches—trade, social, uncommon language, registered letters, press, and special. After the mail was first checked against the censorship committee’s suspects list and after the examiner read the letter, it was forwarded to the assistant censor for disposition to the appropriate division (ibid.).

Petition from John H. Pilgrim et al., National Association of Loyal Negroes, to Arthur J. Balfour,1 Secretary of State, Foreign Office COLON, REPUBLIC OF PANAMA November 9, 1918 Sir,— WE, the undersigned, officers of the National Association of Loyal Negroes, acting for and in behalf of the National Association of Loyal Negroes, very respectfully beg to submit the following petition to His Majesty’s Government, through the London Foreign Office, in connection with the final disposition of the African Colonies wrested from Germany during the present conflict. 1. That your petitioners are British subjects by reason of birth and parentage, having been born in the British West India Islands, but now temporarily domiciled in the Republic of Panama, Central America. 2. That the National Association of Loyal Negroes is an organization composed primarily of British Negroes of African descent, formed for the purpose of giving expression to the views and sentiments of its members on all questions affecting the racial interests of Negroes. 3. That your petitioners have at all times manifested their unswerving loyalty and devotion to His Majesty’s Government; and your Petitioners take great pride in recalling the gallant part the Negro has played in this war

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on the far-flung battlefields of Europe, Asia and Africa, to make the world safe for democracy. 4. That your petitioners are apprised of the fact that the disposition of the African Colonies taken from Germany during the war, and especially the territories now designated as German East Africa, German South-West Africa, the Cameroons and Togoland, will come up for discussion at the Peace Conference after the cessation of hostilities; and your petitioners feel bound to say that this matter is one affecting their racial interests, and, consequently, comes within their sphere of activities. 5. That your petitioners have laid special stress upon the utterances of Premier LLOYD-GEORGE and President WILSON,2 speaking in behalf of the Entente Powers in respect to the said Colonies, and in particular the statement that at the Peace Conference the wishes and sentiments of the natives of said Colonies would be taken into consideration as the deciding factor.3 6. That your petitioners have also laid great stress on the fact that the abovementioned Colonies were taken from Germany during the course of the war by the natives themselves, in alliance with the Entente Powers, white troops having been found unsuitable to stand the rigours and hardships of the African campaign. 7. That your petitioners feel it encumbent upon them to make known to His Majesty’s Government their wishes and sentiments as Negroes, and, therefore, natives of Africa, being of the same common stock as the native born Africans. In advancing this theory your petitioners have disregarded the territorial delimitations on the continent of Africa and tribal distinctions which might be prejudicial to their interests; and your petitioners urge that their definition of the term “native” be accepted on the principle that Africa is the aboriginal home of the Negro race and all persons of Negro blood are natives of Africa in the strictest application of the term. 8. That your petitioners would respectfully bring to the attention of His Majesty’s Government their unanimous approval of the principle of selfdetermination as enunciated by all the spokesmen of the Entente Powers, and would recommend that this principle be adhered to in the final disposition of the said African Colonies. Your petitioners would interpret this to mean the handing over the reins of government of all the territories involved to the natives themselves to be safe-guarded by international guarantees. 9. That your petitioners would view with the greatest pleasure and gratitude the endorsement by His Majesty’s Government of their wishes and sentiments in regard to the determination of the sovereignty of said Colo-

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nies; and your petitioners have every assurance that His Majesty’s Government will redeem its pledge when the final settlement is to be made. Your petitioners therefore humbly pray that you will bring their petition to the attention of His Majesty’s Government, and your petitioners will ever pray. Very respectfully, JOHN H. PILGRIM President W. P. MOSELEY Vice-President C. K. BANFIELD Acting Secy-Treas. Committee of Management: JAS. L. STUART C. K. BANFIELD CLARENCE BLACK W. A. PINDAR E. MCCARTHY J. A. GRAHAM N. JONES DLC, NAACP. TDS. 1. Arthur James Balfour (1848–1930), first earl of Balfour, served as Conservative Unionist prime minister of Britain from 1902 until 1905. Before his prime ministerial service, Balfour’s government positions included chief secretary for Ireland from 1887 to 1891, during which he became known as “Bloody Balfour” for his opposition to Irish home rule, and first lord of the Treasury and leader of the House of Commons. Balfour lost his seat in the House of Commons in 1906 as Liberals took control in an electoral landslide, but by February of the same year a safe seat was found for him in the City of London. He served as a member of Prime Minister Asquith’s war council and as first lord of the Admiralty from 1915 to 1916. Balfour played a leading role in the resolution of the cabinet crisis that ended with the formation of Prime Minister David Lloyd George’s governing coalition in December 1916. Lloyd George placed Balfour in charge of the Foreign Office, and as foreign secretary he made the famous statement known as the Balfour Declaration. This declaration stated that the British government favored “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people,” on the understanding that there would be no disadvantage to “the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.” Following his term as foreign secretary, he was knighted in March 1922 and granted an earldom in May 1922 (ODNB). 2. President Woodrow Wilson (1856–1924), twenty-eighth president of the United States (1913– 1921), led America into World War I and is best remembered as the leading advocate and architect of the League of Nations, for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1919 (ANB). 3. The statement was a rough paraphrase as well as collation of excerpts taken from various speeches, the most important being the fifth point in President Woodrow Wilson’s famous “Fourteen Points” speech, viz.:

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined (Arthur S. Link, ed., The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, vol. 41 [Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983], p. 537).

Claude Mallet, British Consul, Panama, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office Panama, November 22nd. 1918 Sir, I have the honour to confirm my telegram No. 127 of the 18th instant, as follows:— I have been requested by the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes in Panama to transmit the following telegram for their account to Mr. Lloyd George. Begins: Negroes throughout the Republic of Panama send congratulations on victory and in return for services rendered by negroes throughout the world in fighting for freedom of all nations beg that their heritage wrested from Germany in Africa may become the negro national home of self-government. The senders of this telegram are a small body of British West Indian negroes on the Isthmus of Panama who have formed themselves into an Association with the object of founding an independent African State which negroes throughout the world may regard as their national home, and the plan is to obtain the territory for that purpose with the help of His Majesty’s Government. The Association has existed for a very short time and has no financial resources whatever; and the idea does not seem to have entered their heads as yet as to where the money is to come from to convey them to Africa and provide settlements, etc., if they attained their ambitions. My long experience of coloured West Indians has convinced me that unity amongst them is impossible. They no sooner form a society than they start to destroy its usefulness by petty jealousies and quarrels and distrust. To encourage them to have an independent national existence while this condition lasts would be to provide one more chaotic State in the world. I have the honour to be, with the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedient, humble Servant, C. MALLET TNA: PRO FO 569. TLS. Marked “No. 125.”

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U.S. Postal Censorship Report NEW YORK, N.Y. INDEX NO.

119642 FROM

TO

Amy Ashwood Universal Negro Improvement Assn., 36–38 West 135th St., New York City. DATE OF LETTER 11/20/18 Copied by MEL

COMMENTATOR NO. LANGUAGE

11/26/18

27–375

English

The Democratic Club c/o Mr. E. Headly Ancon P.O., Canal Zone. NO. OF ENCLOSURES ___

Sus[pect]. MID-ONI D.A.C. MW

BRANCH

ORIGINAL TO

11/26/18 HRJ (MW)

DATE A .C .

COMMENT ACTIVITIES OF THE NEGROES Writer, who is General Secretary of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, says that the negro question is no longer a local one, but of the Negroes of the World, joining hands and fighting for one common cause. Writer says that the negroes know that they cannot attain Democracy unless they win it for themselves, and that some of their members are willing to give up their lives so that the others may be free. GEG DIVISION

DATE

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[Stamped endorsements:] LIEUT. WINTERBOTHAM CAPT. HAYES M.I. 4–41 COPY OF THIS ABSTRACT HAS BEEN SENT TO LIEUT. COL. NICHOLAS BIDDLE M.1. 4.

DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/4. Printed form with typewritten insertions. This report was originally an enclosure to a letter from Col. John M. Dunn, Acting Director, Military

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Intelligence Division, to Emmett J. Scott, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, 30 November 1918, DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/11 2-2. MGP 1:300–302. 1. Exchange assistant censor.

Claude Mallet, British Consul, Panama, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office British Legation, Panama, December 4th. 1918 Sir, With reference to my despatch No 125 in this series of November 22nd, I have the honour to transmit to you herein, copy of a confidential letter, undated, with accompanying enclosures, received from the Governor of British Guiana, concerning the “Association of Universal Loyal Negroes” in Panama. Since my despatch No 125 was written I have gleaned the following facts which may be of interest in the event of the organisation spreading and taking root in the West Indies. The idea of the establishment of an independent African Colony in the territory conquered from Germany appears to have originated in the United States. The headquarters of the organisation is at Crescent Hall, 135th Street, New York, and the leader is said to be a Mr Garvey who recently addressed a letter to President Wilson on the subject and asking him to “name a day when he will make an official announcement for negro emancipation.” There are two of their organisations on the Isthmus, viz: “Association of Universal Loyal Negroes,” in Panama with about 350 members enrolled; and at Colon the “Universal Negro Improvement Association and Communities League” with a membership of about two hundred. They have adopted as their national anthem “From Greenland’s Icy Mountains,”1 which is sung lustily at all meetings. On December 1st, both organisations held public meetings at their respective headquarters in the two cities. The meeting in Panama City was largely attended and resolutions, copy enclosed, as passed at a mass meeting held in the Palace Casino, New York, on November 10th, 1918, were read and adopted by the Association. The Association is appealing locally for contributions to a fund of 3500 to be sent to Duse Mohammed Ali of the “African Times and Orient Review,” 158, Fleet Street, London, E.C.4., who has offered to help the “Back to Africa Scheme” if the necessary expenses are paid. Up to the present time twenty-four dollars have been received in cash, and a further sum of $23.30 obtained from a general collection, making a total of $47.30 in hand for Panama. 116

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The President of the Association in this city is the well known public agitator Thomas Kydd, self-styled “the People’s Man” from the Island of St Vincent. He is about 70 years old and, at certain periods, gives evidence of not being mentally responsible for his actions. Lately he has found it more profitable to suspend his trade as a tailor and live upon his gullible coloured compatriots. Kydd is known to the Foreign Office from correspondence concerning (inter alia) a lawsuit in which he was involved for having improperly disposed of a pair of trousers entrusted to his handicraft; and more recently was an active associate of the “Colon Enterprise Employment Agency” which defrauded several hundred West Indians by receiving money under vain promises which were not fulfilled, as reported in my despatch No. 18 Treaty of November 26th. last. I have the honour to be, with the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, C. MALLET TNA: PRO CO 323/800/2170. TL, copy. Marked “Confidential” and “No. 132.” 1. The hymn “From Greenland’s Icy Mountains” was composed by Richard Heber in 1819. It was adopted by the UNIA in 1918. The first stanza is, “From Greenland’s icy mountains, / From India’s coral strand, / Where Afric’s sunny fountains / Roll down their golden sand; / From many an ancient river, / From many a palmy plain, / They call us to deliver / Their land from error’s chain” (MGP 1:278).

Enclosure: Resolutions by the UNIA and African Communities League [New York, November 10, 1918] Copy of the Resolutions passed by a Negro meeting at the Palace Casino in New York City on November 10, 1918, and adopted at a meeting on December 1st. by the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes in Panama. Be it resolved, That we, the Universal Negro Association and African Communities’ League of the World, representing the interests of new spirited Negroes of America, Africa and the West Indies assembled in universal mass convention in the Palace Casino, New York, on Sunday November 10, 1918 hereby beg to submit the following peace aims to the allied democracies of Europe and America, and to the people of democratic tendencies of the world. And be it further resolved, That we believe that it will only be through a minor recognition of the Negroes rights and the rights of all weaker peoples at the peace conference that future wars will be obviated. And we further pray, That the peace conference to assemble will take cognizance of these our aims:

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(1) That the principle of self-determination be applied to Africa and all European controlled colonies in which people of Africa descent predominate. (2) That all economic barriers that hamper the industrial development of Africa be removed. (3) That Negroes enjoy the right to travel and reside in any part of the world, even as Europeans now enjoy these right[s]. (4) That Negroes be permitted the same educational facilities now given to Europeans. (5) That Europeans who interfere with or violate African tribal customs be deported and denied re[-]entry to the continent. (6) That the segregation and proscriptive ordinance against Negroes in any part of the world be repealed and that they (Negroes) be given complete political, industrial and social equality in countries where Negroes and people of any other race live side by side. (7) That the reservation land acts aimed against the natives of South Africa be revoked, and the land restored to its proscriptive owners. (8) That Negroes be given proportional representation in any scheme of world government. (9) That the captured German colonies in Africa be turned over to the natives, with educated Western and Eastern Negroes as their leaders. TNA: PRO CO 323/800/2170. TD.

U.S. Postal Censorship Report NEW YORK, N.Y. INDEX NO.

Dec. 11 1918

123553 FROM

TO

Cadet1

Eliezer Haitian Consul’s Office2 31–33 Broadway New York City DATE OF LETTER Dec. 2 1918. Copied by MEH

118

Mr. Marcel Herard3 Inst. St. Louis de Gonzague4 Port au Prince Haiti NO. OF ENCLOSURES 65

DECEMBER 1918

COMMENTATOR NO. LANGUAGE

60–632

French

BRANCH ORIGINAL TO

Social MID ONI

DATE D.A.C.

Dec. 11 1918 A.C. HRJ

COMMENT NEGRO AGI[TA]TION Writer, who is a negro, is aiding a movement to better the condition of the negro race and free them from the tyranny of the white people. He says—“I now belong to the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Committies League—the object of this league is to work for the formation of the African Empire. The 10th of last month we held a mass meeting in the Palace Casino, there were 5 or 6 thousand people present. We voted and cabled to the capitals of the entire world the peace propositions of the blacks of the whole world. Yesterday evening Dec. 1st we held the largest meeting since Booker Washington’s time. We elected two delegates and an interpreter and secretary to sen[d] to the next peace conference at Versailles to represent the interests of the black race. I was elected as interpreter & secretary. I expect that in a week or two I shall leave for France with the delegates. How, my dear [M]arcel, I am studying the administration and the history of the black race. Where I am ready I think that I shall be sent to Afric[a] to contribute to the administration of the German colonies which are to be returned to the blacks.—(English) so doing, not only will the cause of our race in Africa, but also all over the world—The next world war will be a war of races. The yellow race is mobilizing his forces, therefore we neg[ro]es of the world must organize ourselves, for we will be the balance of power in the world. Where will go our forces, where will the victory. We are not going to fight and die for the white man Liberty any more, but for the good and welfare of the negro race.” A. W. S. DATE

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS [Typewritten reference] Subject Index 1-6-A 1-8-A-1 [Handwritten endorsement:] T de CR/FLH 47 [Stamped endorsements:] LIEUT. WINTERBOTHAM CAPT. HAYES M.I. 4–41 COPY OF THIS ABSTRACT HAS BEEN SENT TO LIEUT. COL. NICHOLAS BIDDLE M.1. 4.

DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/18. Printed form with typewritten additions. This report was originally an enclosure to a letter from Col. John M. Dunn to Emmett J. Scott, 2 January 1919, DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/19 2-1. MGP 1:319–320. 1. Eliézer Cadet (b. 1897) was born at Port-de-Paix, Haiti, the son of Mesinor Pierre Cadet, a prosperous produce dealer and dyewood merchant of St. Louis du Nord. In April 1911 Cadet was enrolled at the elite school l’Institution St.-Louis de Gonzague, in Port-au-Prince. After graduating in July 1916, he traveled to America in 1917 to pursue a course of studies in mechanics. He was employed for a time at Nitro, W. Va. It was through a chance reading of the Negro World on one of his frequent weekend visits to Brooklyn, then the center of the Haitian immigrant community, that Cadet learned about the UNIA. After the newspaper published a letter from him contending that blacks in the United States had been deliberately deceived about the alleged benefits deriving from America’s occupation of Haiti, Cadet became a regular visitor, along with a group of other interested Haitians, at UNIA meetings in Harlem. Cadet was selected to “represent negroes” as part of a three-person UNIA peace mission to the Paris Peace Conference in December 1918. Initially appointed as interpreter, Cadet became a oneman delegation when the two appointed delegates, Asa Philip Randolph and Ida B. Wells-Barnett, were unable to secure passports for travel to France (MGP 1:305–308). Cadet supported himself in Paris by working as an auto-mechanic with M. Jacquelin, with whom he subsequently entered into a business relationship to establish a fruit cannery in Haiti on land that Cadet proposed to secure. The Haitian concern was intended to be a subsidiary of Jacquelin Cadet & Company and was given the name Société des Plantations de Val Paraiso, Port-de-Paix, but the plan ended in failure. Cadet returned to Haiti in December 1919, after stopping briefly in New York in order to meet with Garvey. Cadet later became a vodun high priest of the cult of Damballah (the serpent god) and established himself as one of Haiti’s most renowned exponents of psychic and mystical phenomena (interview with editor, July 1979; Legba Eliézer Cadet to editor, 11 March and 28 May 1979; World War I Draft Registration Cards, 1917-1918 [database online], Provo, Utah: www.ancestry.com, 29 May 2007; Gerson Alexis, “Billet à Eliézer Cadet,” Le Nouvelliste, 12 July 1979; l’Institution St.Louis de Gonzague, Delmas, Haiti, annual registers). 2. Charles Moravia (1876–1938) was the consul general of Haiti in New York, 1916–1919. 3. Marcel Herard (b. 1900) was born at Petite Rivière de l’Artibonite, Haiti. After attending primary school there, he enrolled at l’Institution St.-Louis de Gonzague in Port-au-Prince, where he met and became a close friend of Eliézer Cadet. In May 1919 Herard graduated with distinction, and from 1921 until 1929 he studied medicine in France at the Faculty of Medicine of Paris, specializing in otolaryngology and ophthalmology. He presented his doctoral thesis in 1929, whereupon he returned to Haiti. He practiced medicine in Haiti from 1930 until 1962, when he left to serve in Guinea at the time of that country’s independence from France. In 1964 he was appointed chief of service in ophthalmology and otolaryngology at Ballay Hospital in Conakry, Guinea. He returned to live in Haiti in 1967 (interview with editor, July 1979; curriculum vitae of Dr. Marcel Herard). 4. L’Institution St.-Louis de Gonzague was founded in Haiti in September 1890 by the Frères de l’Instruction Chrétienne, a Roman Catholic religious order from Plöermel, France (Georges Corvington, Port-au-Prince au cours des ans: La Métropole haïtienne du XIXe siècle, 1888–1915, 2nd rev. ed., vol. 4 [Port-au-Prince: Imp. Henri Deschamps, 1994], p. 53). 5. The enclosures were neither identified in the report itself nor retained.

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U.S. Postal Censorship Report NEW YORK, N.Y. INDEX NO.

Dec. 11 1918

123546 FROM

TO

Hambla,1 % [G?]. Cox, 100 Wyckoff St., Brooklyn, N.Y. DATE OF LETTER

Mr. Winifred D. Perkins, % Gov’t [P]rinting Works, Mt. Hope, Canal Zone, Rep. Panama NO. OF ENCLOSURES ___

Nov. 26 1918.

Copied by GS COMMENTATOR NO. LANGUAGE

Eng.

58–634

BRANCH ORIGINAL TO

social MID-ONI

DATE D.A.C.

Dec. 11 1918 A.C. HRJ—

COMMENT NEGRO EXPRESSES REVOLUTIONARY AND ANTI-BRITISH VIEWS Writer states:—“—some damned pest of an official more nosey than anything else has been seizing my mail for the longest time. I was for some months General Secretary of the Universal Negro Improvement Association & African Communities League—a body of Negroes—African, American and West Indian, organized to form an African Empire on Our continent, Africa, and Great Britain & all the forces of Hell combined won’t be able to snuff out the indomitable desire to do this thing—to Hell with England a hundred times, with her damned white man’s burden which is hogging up the earth—We intend to kick their hind quarters out of Africa if we use up 7 million negroes in the bloody attempt—England’s land stealing & other dishonest propensities has made her the Caanan of the races/ nobody loves England not even U.S.A., France hates her like hell. Germany [s]trafed her until U.S. shielded her & took her navy out of the British Museum. Imagine her ruling the waves & yet not being able to hold her own in the North Sea, her own adjacent waters. Big bluff & Braggadocio are always exposed in the long run & altho the “strafing” was completed in one instance, Japan may teach her how to commit hari-kari which i[n] this hated tongue which I am forced to speak & write means [“]suicide” The world will hear of us later & I want you to use these circulars and organize a branch among race-loving negroes—keep these plans away from those fullblooded Englishmen-Anglicized niggers—Get the young radical, revolutioninclined negro to fill out the form—Send us the detached coupon & names & address—Send them to me. I love the U.S.A. only I hate how they treat us in the Southern States—I won’t leave this country yet because my plans are not mature—I want to lead a band of insurgents some part of this world & I won’t go where I want to do this thing before I am ready—But supposing Liberia could back me, were she 121

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strong enough I go this very moment & spill all the English blood procurable.—If we could buy 4 old submarines & organize 500 thousand men I would give the world a Republic of West India in about 8 months & an eternal negro holiday to boot. If our good & christian President, Woodrow Wilson remembers his utterances England will either yield or bahg [balk?] & I know the next time the U.S. meets her, she get her tail cut & her wings clipped again—if England ‘monkeys’ at the peace table she may get kicked out of there America & no one else won this war & what we say goes not what England covets”— Circulars spoken of are not enclosed in letter— DIVISION

DATE

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THIS SLIP ALWAYS TO ACCOMPANY LETTER

[Typewritten endorsement:] Copy sent to Intelligence Officer, Canal Zone. Jan. 4, 1919 [Handwritten endorsement:] Copy sent to Justice Officer, Canal Zone. T de CR/FLH 47 [Stamped endorsement:] LIEUT. WINTERBOTHAM COPY OF THIS ABSTRACT HAS BEEN SENT TO LIEUT. COL. NICHOLAS BIDDLE M.1.4.

Delivered to D of J Jan. 8, 1918 [1919]. G C V [George C. Van Dusen] DNA, RG 165, 10218-277/1 304–50X. Printed form with typewritten additions. This report was originally an attachment to a letter from Col. John M. Dunn to Capt. John B. Trevor, 11 January 1919, DNA, RG 165, 10218-277/4 273X(50). MGP 1:341–344. 1. James Hamble Perkins.

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Augustus Duncan,1 Executive Secretary, West Indian Protective Society, to the St. Vincent Times 2 [[New York, ca. January 2, 1919]]

WEST INDIANS WARNED The following warning to West Indians recently published in several New York papers, will be read with interest:— TO WEST INDIANS: The West Indian Protective Society, charged with the duty of looking after your interests in the United States, takes this opportunity to warn you against wasting your time and money on wild cat schemes, particularly on these two fantastic projects: The bringing together of the 400,000,000 dark skinned peoples of the earth, and the sending of delegates to the Peace Conference to represent the Negro race. The one is impracticable and undesirable, and only a madman would seriously propose it. The other is impossible of accomplishment, for the reason that the delegates to the Peace Conference will attend as representatives of nations, and also co-belligerents will be entitled to delegates at the Peace Conference, but not so with the West Indian or the American Negro, unless he happens to be appointed a delegate by King George or President Wilson. The gentl[e]man who talks so glibly about accomplishing these impossible things, is one of those who has a gigantic grudge against honest toil and who relies upon the collection at staged mass meetings to eke out a livelihood. The things which should engage the attention of every West Indian at this critical period, are to see to it that the West Indian come in for their full share of democracy so much talked about and for which so many West Indians fought in Palestine and elsewhere.3 To see that we get in the West Indies a government of West Indians, by West Indians and for West Indians[.] That the necessary measures are taken to exploit and develop the industrial, agricultural, and educational interests of the West Indians. That a minimum wage of a dollar per day be guaranteed for working men and women; that the eight-hour day system be extended to the West Indies, and that every man and woman, [t]wenty one years and over be granted universal suffrage. These are a few of the things that should engage the attention of West Indians at this time until they have been [a]ccomplished. It is nonsense to engage in Utopian schemes for the salvation of the Hindoos and the Africans who are better equipped than are the West Indians to look after their own interests. (Signed) The West Indian Protective Soc. American, Inc., 178 West 135 Street, New York, By AUGUSTUS DUNCAN, Executive Sec 123

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Printed in the St. Vincent Times, 2 January 1919. 1. Samuel Augustus Duncan (b. 1880) was born in St. Kitts and lived in Bermuda for a time before immigrating to the United States in May 1900 and becoming a naturalized U.S. citizen in May 1908. Duncan associated with Garvey when he first came to the United States, but he soon became Garvey’s critic and political rival. He was the editor of the People’s Advocate and Harlem Pilot-Gazette. In October 1916 he founded the West Indian Protective Society of America, a Harlem-based group that aided with the settlement of West Indian immigrants in the United States. During World War I, members volunteered to form a separate West Indian–American military regiment under joint U.S.–British command. Duncan became one of the first members of the UNIA when Garvey reorganized the association in New York in 1917 and 1918. He served as third vice president in November 1917, when Isaac Allen was president and Garvey was the “internal organizer.” Duncan soon challenged Garvey for the leadership of the fledgling organization and briefly seized control of the group when he was elected president of the UNIA in early 1918; Garvey then resigned in protest. Duncan’s UNIA faction (his new executives included other dissident members of the UNIA such as John E. Bruce, chairman of the UNIA advisory board; Irena Moorman-Blackstone, president of both the New York UNIA ladies division and the Harlem branch of the Women’s National Fraternal Business Association; Charles C. Seifert, second vice president of the UNIA; and Isaac Samuel Bright, treasurer of the UNIA) and a Garvey-led counter-group held competing meetings. Interest in Duncan’s leadership quickly waned, however, whereupon he returned to his work with the West Indian Protective Society of America, which came to be known by a series of names closely resembling the UNIA, such as “Universal Improvement and Cooperative Association” and “Universal Negro Protective and Cooperative Association.” During this time, Duncan was also reported to have been involved in promoting a Negro bank, “The Pioneer Development Corporation.” In 1919 Duncan visited his homeland, St. Kitts, as part of a sustained effort to extend the influence of the West Indian Protective Society. On 8 January 1920 he wrote to the secretary of state for the colonies warning against Garvey and the UNIA, which he described as a “rabidly anti-white and anti-British” organization whose “avowed policy is to stir up trouble between the White and Colored races particularly within the limits of the British Empire” (MGP 2:188–190). He also wrote to British colonial officials in various Caribbean and African territories, charging Garvey with subversive intent. Garvey publicly lambasted Duncan for writing these letters and named Duncan in a 1924 editorial condemning black leaders and intellectuals for actions taken against him in order to undermine his organization. Hubert H. Harrison, at the time the associate contributing editor of the Negro World, asserted that Duncan had “two old scores to pay off” against Garvey. Duncan was, according to Harrison, “a dirty s. of—b,” who “had written secretly to the State Dept. and set them on the trail just as he had previously done to the governors of the various British West Indian islands, resulting in the outlawing of the Negro World in those islands” (Jeffrey B. Perry, ed., A Hubert H. Harrison Reader [Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 2001], p. 189). A letter written on 25 February 1920 by R. C. Lindsay of the British Embassy in Washington, D.C., to Leslie Probyn, the governor of Jamaica, stated that a representative of the British consul general had attended some meetings of Duncan’s society “without . . . being very much impressed by the value of the organization.” Lindsay added that “the members themselves appear to be quite harmless,” but he warned that “their Executive Secretary, Mr. Augustus Duncan, . . . appears to be something of an agitator” (TNA: PRO FO 115/2619) (Tony Martin, The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond [Dover, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing, 1983], p. 67; MGP 1:224, 233; MGP 2:li, 188–190, 226–228, 265; MGP 5:726). 2. The Times began publication ca. 1899 at Kingstown, the capital of St. Vincent and the Grenadines. The founder and first editor was Joseph Burns Bonadie (1874–1922). Bonadie was very active in protests against the proposed formation of a constitutional union of St. Vincent and the Grenadines and Grenada in 1905. He also established the St. Vincent Agricultural Credit and Loan Bank in 1908 and was a founding member of the Representative Government Association (RGA) formed in 1919. The Times was sometimes very critical of the colonial government (Times [St. Vincent], 9 July 1938; Rupert John, Pioneers in Nation-Building in a Caribbean Mini-State [New York: United Nations Institute for Training and Research, 1979], pp. 101–106; Howard S. Pactor, Colonial British Caribbean Newspapers: A Bibliography and Directory [New York: Greenwood Press, 1990], p. 104). 3. West Indian troops participated in the Egyptian, Palestinian, and Mesopotamian campaigns during World War I under two different configurations: the old West Indian Regiment Second Bat-

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JANUARY 1919 talion (part of a fighting force first organized in the late eighteenth century, which served at Suez and then at Lydda in Palestine, a major supply depot for the Egyptian Expeditionary Force) and a new British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). The latter was not formed until October 1915. Although West Indian volunteers had come forward from the early days of the war, both the British War Office and Colonial Office were reluctant to recruit them. Primarily it was argued that black men would make poor soldiers, but officials were also anxious about the effect fighting against or alongside white men might have on postwar national consciousness. This fear became more prominent as the image of white male rationality and stoicism were undermined, first, by the epidemic of psychologically wounded casualties, and, second, by the poor physical condition of many white recruits. From the early days of the war, the Colonial Office insisted that West Indians would be more useful to the war effort if they remained at home helping to produce vital raw materials. Those men who made their way individually to Britain to enlist found that they were rejected at recruitment offices on racial grounds. However, there was a growing recognition in the Colonial Office and among West Indian governors that the continued refusal to accept West Indian volunteers could fatally undermine loyalty to the empire. This point was reinforced when King George V intervened in April 1915 to advocate the formation of West Indian regiments. The War Office finally conceded and the formation of the BWIR by royal proclamation was announced in the London Gazette on 26 October 1915. The BWIR served for the duration of the war only and by the end comprised twelve battalions with an enlistment of approximately 15,200 men (excluding white officers) from Jamaica (9,977), Trinidad and Tobago (1,438), Barbados (811), British Guiana (686), British Honduras (528), Grenada (441), the Bahamas (439), St. Lucia (354), St. Vincent (305), and the Leeward Islands (225). After training at Seaford on the south coast of England, the First, Second, and Third Battalions of the BWIR were sent to Egypt in January 1916 and then on to the Suez Canal Zone. The Fourth Battalion arrived early in July, and a draft of men from the first three was sent to East Africa as part of the East African Expeditionary Force. Also in July, the War Office ordered the Third and Fourth Battalions to France, where they served as ammunition carriers. The Fifth Battalion was then sent to the region as a reserve battalion for the First and Second. Influenced by increasingly evident discontent among BWIR soldiers, and concerned about the effect that letters home might have on recruitment, the War Office decided in late 1916 to move the First and Second Battalions into a more active combat role. A detachment of BWIR machine gunners was tested in intensive frontline training with the 162nd Brigade, Fifty-fourth Division, and found to perform so well that the entire First and Second Battalions were sent to the Jordan Valley. There the troops defended the Jordan Valley line, drove the Turks from their position, and proceeded to Amman. Both units were highly commended for their bravery in battle. A small detachment of the regiment also served in the East African campaign. The remaining battalions were deployed as labor units on the Western Front and later at the port of Taranto in Italy. Their duties included road building and railway construction, digging trenches, unloading ships and trains, and carrying ammunition to the frontline batteries. The men were also forced to undertake more menial duties, such as cleaning latrines for white soldiers, particularly in Italy (Brian Dyde, The Empty Sleeve: The Story of the West India Regiments of the British Army [St. John’s, Antigua: Hansib Caribbean, 1997], pp. 260–261; Glenford Howe, Race, War and Nationalism: A Social History of West Indians in the First World War [Kingston: Ian Randle, 2002], pp. 95–111). From the outset, discrimination permeated all aspects of military life for the BWIR soldiers. The first arrivals at Seaford were decimated by outbreaks of disease exacerbated by inferior hut accommodation. Even West Indian soldiers who had served in the front line were routinely excluded from social facilities, such as camp cinemas and estaminets (soldiers’ cafés). Men requiring medical services were usually sent to “native” hospitals reserved for South African, Chinese, Egyptian, and Indian labor contingents, where treatment and accommodation were inferior to that given to German prisoners of war. Deaths from disease were disproportionately high as a result—185 men were killed or died of wounds, 697 were wounded, and 1,071 died of disease. Black soldiers were also denied access to commissions and could only be promoted as high as sergeant, the most senior noncommissioned rank. Although the BWIR was classed as a British infantry regiment and its soldiers were entitled to the same pay and conditions as other British troops, commanders and officials tended to regard the BWIR as a “native” unit, like the West India Regiment, and did not apply the appropriate rates of pay and allowances. Army Order 1/1918 awarded a 50 percent pay increase to all British regiments, effective from September 1917. The BWIR was excluded from these provisions and it was not until mid-1919, after vigorous protest, that the matter was redressed. Decades after the war, veterans were still claiming that they had not received their full entitlement (C. L.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Joseph, “The British West Indies Regiment, 1914–1918,” Journal of Caribbean History 2 [1971]: 94–124; W. F. Elkins, Black Power in the Caribbean [New York: Revisionist Press, 1977]; Howe, Race, War and Nationalism; Richard Smith, Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004]).

Atlantic Ticket and Tourist Agency, Augustus Duncan, Prop. (Source: NN-Sc)

Universal Negro Protective and Co-operative Association advertisement (Source: NN-Sc)

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John H. Pilgrim, Director of Research, National Association of Loyal Negroes, to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Cristobal, January 15, 1919 Sirs:

Herewith two copies of letter addressed to Drs. DuBois and Moton1 in France together with pamphlets for distribution. The originals were mailed to these gentlemen at Versailles, France, but as we do not know the correct address we thought it prudent to send on two extra copies to you for transmission in the event the originals fail to reach them. Kindly see to it that they get these copies as early as possible as we would like to have them apprised of our aspirations. Kindly acknowledge receipt. Respectfully, JOHN H. PILGRIM Director of Research National Association of loyal Negroes

[Addressed to:] National Association for the advancement of Colored People New York, N.Y. DLC, NAACP. TLS. 1. Robert Russa Moton (1864–1940) was commandant of the Hampton Institute from 1890 to 1915, when he was selected to succeed Booker T. Washington as principal of the Tuskegee Institute. He was awarded the Spingarn Medal in 1932 and held the position of principal at Tuskegee until his death in 1940 (Robert A. Kosten, “Robert Russa Moton and the Politics of Tuskegee, 1915–1925” [M.A. thesis, University of Florida, 1988]; Joseph Charles Lyons, “Robert Russa Moton, the First World War, and the Rise and Decline of Bookerite Ideology” [B.A. thesis, Harvard University, 1993]; William Hardin Hughes and Frederick D. Patterson, eds., Robert Russa Moton of Hampton and Tuskegee [Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1956]; Herbert Aptheker, ed., A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, 1910–1932 [Secaucaus, N.J.: Citadel Press, 1973], p. 123; WWCA).

Enclosure: John H. Pilgrim, Director of Research, National Association of Loyal Negroes, to W. E. B. Du Bois and R. R. Moton Cristobal, January 15, 1919 Sirs: Word has come to hand that the National Association for the advancement of colored people has commissioned you gentlemen as its representatives 127

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to urge the claims of the Negro race upon the delegates of the Entente Powers at the Peace Conference now in session at Versailles, and in view of this fact the National Association of loyal Negroes, of Central America, begs respectfully to submit the following memorandum of its aspirations, in the hope that its wishes and sentiments as loyal Negroes may also be heard through your medium, in accordance with the self-determination clause of President Wilson’s fourteen principles of democracy. OUR ASPIRATIONS (a) That all the African colonies wrested from Germany during the course of the war, and more especially German East Africa, the Cameroons and Togoland be incorporated into one large Central African State under native leadership and government, protected by the international guarantees of the League of Nations now in process of formation. In order to carry out this scheme effectively and in a practical manner so that all the colonies named may be linked up territorially east and west, it is the desire of the National Association of loyal Negroes to urge that British East Africa, the Belgian and French Congo States and Portugese West Africa be coded to the Central African State projected; taking as a line of demarcation all the territories stretching east and west from about 4° north to about 10° south of the equator. (b) That the British colony of Sierr//a// Leon//e// be merged into the little Republic of Liberia to form one West African State, so as to afford better harbor facilities to Liberia which is essential to the economic growth and development of this Negro Republic. (c) That the Independent Native State of Abyssinnia be given an outlet to the sea by ceding to her British, French and Italian Somaliland and the Italian colony of Eritrea. (d) That German South-West Africa be internationalized under the joint control of all the Powers comprising the League of Nations; with the understanding that the interests of the natives must be paramount. The National Association of //L//oyal Negroes would strongly urge upon you gentlemen that a Pan-African conference be called as early as possible to discuss the various problems raised in this memorandum and to devise practical ways and means relative to the initial workings of the schemes advocated in the premises. In conclusion, the National Association of loyal Negroes desires to express its confidence in the ability of you gentlemen to represent the race in this great crisis of the world’s history. Respectfully, JOHN H. PILGRIM Director of Research Approved W. P. MOSELY President MU, WEBDB. TLS. 128

JANUARY 1919

Barbados

Viscount Milner,1 Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien,2 Governor, Barbados DOWNING STREET, //24// January, 1919.

Sir, I have the honour to transmit to you, for your information, the accompanying copies of letters [in the margin: 10th January, 1919. 14th January, 1919.] from the War Office, regarding the formation of an association called the 129

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Caribbean League by members of the British West Indies Regiment and the occurrence of serious disturbances in the Regiment at Taranto.3 I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, MILNER [Handwritten minutes:] Hon. Col Scy. The contents of this despatch must be communicated only to Hon. Atty Genl, Cmdt Local [word illegible] Force & Major Sir F. Clarke4 [word illegible] B’dos [word illegible] [C. O’Brien?] Commandant Local Forces For your information. [T. E. Fell?] C.S.5 Hon Col Sec Seen. M. D. H. [Melville D. Harrell] [initials illegible] 26.2.19 The Att. General For your information. [T. E. Fell?] C.S. Read C. P. C. [C. P. Clarke]6 A.G. 27/2/19 Sir F. Clarke K.C.M.G. For your information. [T. E. Fell?] C.S. 27.2.19 Hon Col. Sec. Seen. F. J. C. [F. J. Clarke] 27.2.19 BDA, GH 3/5/1. TLS. Marked “Secret.” 1. Alfred Milner, Viscount Milner (1854–1925), was secretary of state for the colonies from January 1919 to January 1921. He is best known for his involvement in the Boer War (1899–1902) and his inflexibility during negotiations with President Paul Kruger of the Boer Republics, which is believed to have precipitated the outbreak of the war. A barony, in 1901, and a viscountcy, in 1902, were bestowed upon him for his service in the Boer War. During World War I, he became a member of the British war cabinet (1916) and was appointed secretary for war in 1918. As such, he played a significant role in the direction of the British war effort. In December 1918, at the end of the war, he was appointed secretary of state for the colonies. His resignation on 7 February 1921 marked the end of his career in public service. One of the most important formulators of Colonial Office policy, Milner’s philosophical ideal was an all-white British empire. As a tariff-reform Conservative opposed to free trade, Milner advocated imperial preferences and protection for British industry, as well as the fostering of imperial migration particularly to and between the white settler colonies of the empire. He was, however, amenable to the idea of greater internal self-rule for the colored colonies of the empire and urged

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JANUARY 1919 the application of science and technology to the challenges of imperial economic development. As part of his campaign to encourage the development of imperial resources in Africa and the British West Indies, he inaugurated the Imperial College of Agriculture at Trinidad in 1922. Milner’s ideas proved so influential in the evolution of British colonial policy that the adjective Milnerian has been coined to designate those policies that have been, in some way, shaped by his thinking. The leading colonial policy makers and Colonial Office officials who fell under Milner’s influence include Lionel Curtis, the designer of the system of dyarchy which provided for some level of internal-self rule in British India; L. S. Amery, his under secretary of state for the colonies and a future colonial secretary of state; and W. Ormsby Gore, Amery’s under secretary of state who also went on to become colonial secretary of state. Milner’s ideas also influenced the British Labour Party and the Fabian Colonial Bureau. In 1917 he had helped to found the British Workers’ National League in an attempt to win trade union support for his cause and, partly through this means, his ideas slowly percolated into the British labor movement. His publications included England and Egypt, published in 1892, and The Nation and the Empire, a collection of some of his major speeches on the subject of empire, published in 1913 (Henry Hall, The Colonial Office: A History [London: Longmans, Green, 1937], p. 286; Partha Gupta, Imperialism and the British Labour Movement, 1914–1964 [London: Macmilan Press, 1975], pp. 21, 28, 40, 83; D. M. L. Farr, “Milner, Alfred Milner, Viscount,” The 1998 Grolier Multimedia Encyclopedia [Danbury, Conn.: Grolier Interactive, 1998]; DNB; ODNB). 2. Lt. Col. Charles Richard Mackey O’Brien (1859–1935) was governor and commander in chief of Barbados from 1918 until 1925. Educated at Felsted and Sandhurst, O’Brien served in the South African War before entering public service. He became colonial secretary of Gambia in 1910 and governor of the Seychelles in 1912, a post he held until his ascent to governor of Barbados in 1918 (WWW). 3. In December 1918 a mutiny took place in the Italian port of Taranto, a logistical center for the British army in Italy, the Egyptian Expeditionary Force, and the Salonikan Front. This mutiny was the clearest expression of the grievances of the BWIR soldiers against the racial discrimination they suffered at the hands of War Office officials and military commanders. This discrimination included reduction to the status of labor units for all but three of the BWIR battalions, lower pay and service conditions, separate and inferior hospital access, and segregated recreational facilities. On a day-to-day level, there was a routine pattern of humiliation and degradation, including instructions to clean latrines used by white troops and Italian laborers. Encouraged by concessions that the British military made to the Italian and Maltese civilian laborers who also served at Taranto, a group of 180 black sergeants signed a petition on 6 December 1918, demanding that a 50 percent pay increase granted to the rest of the British army under Army Order Number 1 of 1918 be extended to the BWIR. The petition also argued that officers’ commissions be open to nonwhite men. Lt. Col. Willis, commander of the Ninth BWIR Battalion, a notoriously brutal officer, was then attacked when he ordered his men to clean latrines used by the Italian Labor Corps. A number of men surrounded his tent and slashed it with their bayonets. They eventually dispersed, but the following day, the Ninth and Tenth BWIR Battalions refused to work and were disarmed. The unrest spread and one man was shot dead in a scuffle. A battalion of the Worcester Regiment, including machine gunners, was rushed to Taranto. Harsh sentences were meted out to forty-nine men found guilty of mutiny. Private Sanches, singled out as their leader, received a death sentence, commuted to twenty years imprisonment. The Ninth Battalion was dispersed in an effort to dilute the spirit of disaffection. White labor battalions were sent to replace the BWIR and Italian laborers took over sanitary duties. Though the Taranto mutiny was thus brought to a swift end, some of the mutineers were involved in a further mutiny when they were transported back to the West Indies on the Orca in September 1919. Among the ship’s passengers were 650 BWIR veterans, together with black seamen and civilians who were repatriated after the series of racial attacks that took place in London, Cardiff, and other British cities during 1919. Violence flared when promises to release the military prisoners from their leg irons for the duration of the voyage were not kept. A number of veterans, soldiers, and civilians attempted to rescue the prisoners from detention. The white guards were overwhelmed and order was only restored after the intervention of black military police (W. F. Elkins, “A Source of Black Nationalism in the Caribbean: The Revolt of the British West Indies Regiment at Taranto, Italy,” Science and Society 34, no. 1 [1970]: 99–103; Glenford Howe, Race, War and Nationalism: A Social History of West Indians in the First World War [Kingston: Ian Randle, 2002]; Richard Smith, Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004]).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Following the Taranto mutiny, the Caribbean League was formed on 17 December 1918 at Cimino Camp, Taranto. The league was the most overt political response of the BWIR soldiers to the discrimination they faced. The league’s draft program, which was given to white officers by an informer, sought to replace white noncommissioned officers with black men and stressed the need to strike for higher wages after demobilization. According to the informant, the league hoped to start a massive strike action in Jamaica that would spread to other Caribbean territories. The military authorities were not at first alarmed by the chief aim of the league: “the Promotion of all matters conducive to the General Welfare of the islands constituting the British West Indies and the British Territories adjacent thereto” (Notes of meeting held at Cimino Camp [Taranto], Italy, 17 December 1918, TNA: PRO CO 318/350/2590). However, when a speaker at a subsequent meeting declared that “the black man should have freedom and govern himself in the West Indies and that force must be used, and if necessary bloodshed” to applause, alarm signals resounded throughout the West Indian colonial establishment (Major Maxwell Smith to Major-General Thullier, G.O.C., Taranto, 27 December 1918, TNA: PRO CO 318/350/2590). The secretary of state for the colonies warned the British West Indies governors of the revolt among industrial workers throughout the Caribbean planned by the league. The league was placed under surveillance and the intelligence services kept a watchful eye on any sign of its activities in both Italy and the Caribbean. The Colonial Office felt that the various islands should be put on alert for returned soldiers who may have been supporters or leaders of the league, and plans were made to bolster defense in the West Indies upon demobilization. In actuality, the Caribbean League never reemerged after demobilization. This may be partly explained by the strong Jamaican leanings of the organization. Although it was decided that upon return to the islands membership would be open to all West Indian citizens and their progeny, regardless of gender, the proposal to locate the league’s headquarters in Jamaica seems to have caused some resentment among non-Jamaicans. This may even explain the ease with which the military authorities got early access to the league’s program and activities. Some members were also concerned that the black masses might misunderstand the objectives of the league, possibly leading to wholesale unrest in the West Indies, which would then be beyond the control of the organization (Petition of M. Murphy, Sergeant, 3rd British West Indies Regiment, and 179 other Sergeants of the BWIR based in Italy, 6 December 1918, TNA: PRO CO 28/294/56561; Major Maxwell Smith, O.C. 8th British West Indies Regiment, to G.O.C., Taranto, 3 January 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/350/2590; Telegram from the Secretary of State for the Colonies to the Governors of all the West Indian Colonies, 3 July 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/349). 4. Sir Frederick James Clarke (1859–1944) was speaker of the Barbados House of Assembly from 1898 to 1934. A sugar planter and Cambridge graduate, Clarke entered the Assembly as a representative of Christ Church parish in 1887 (WWW). 5. Thomas Edward Fell (1873–1926) was colonial secretary of Barbados from 1916 until 1919 and acting governor of the colony from May to September 1918. Educated at Cambridge, Fell joined the colonial secretary’s office in the Gold Coast in 1897 and served in various posts before his departure for Barbados. In 1919 Fell was appointed colonial secretary of Fiji, where he served until his death (DOCOL; WWW). 6. Sir Charles Pitcher Clarke (1857–1926) was appointed attorney general of Barbados in 1913. He became a member of the House of Assembly in 1893 and solicitor general of Barbados in 1907 (WWW).

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Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, 24 January 1919 (Source: BDA, GH 3/5/1)

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Enclosure: B. B. Cubitt,1 Assistant Under Secretary of State, War Office, to the Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office WAR OFFICE, LONDON,

S.W.1 10th January 1919

Sir, I am commanded by the Army Council to forward for such action as the Secretary of State for the Colonies may deem desirable the enclosed correspondence received in this Department from the General Officer Commanding in Chief, British Force in Italy, respecting certain matters affecting personnel of Battalions of the British West Indies Regiment. The Council desire me to say that Lieutenant-Colonel R. B. Willis, Commanding the 9th Battalion, British West Indies Regiment, who it is understood is cognizant of the matters referred to in the correspondence, is at present on duty in this country and has been informed that he may place verbally before the Secretary of State for the Colonies, or his representative, such facts connected with the matter under notice as are within his knowledge, should the Colonial Secretary deem such action desirable. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Sgd) B. B. CUBITT BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL, copy. Marked “Secret” and “105/Infantry/2493 (A.G.3.)” 1. Sir Bertram Blakiston Cubitt (1862–1942) was assistant under secretary of state for the War Office. Educated at Oxford, Cubitt’s public career included service as acting assistant private secretary to E. Stanhope, secretary of state for war from 1890 to 1891, and private secretary to St. John Brodrick from 1896 to 1898 (WWW).

Enclosure: Letter from Major-General Henry Fleetwood Thuillier,1 General Commanding Officer, Taranto G.H.Q. ITALY 29.12.18 I forward herewith, in original, a report from Major MAXWELL SMITH,2 Commanding 8th B.W.I. Regiment, on the formation by sergeants of the B.W.I. Battns. Stationed at CIMINO CAMP, TARANTO, (viz: the 3rd. 4th. 6th. 7th. 8th. 9th. 10th & 11th.) of “The Caribbean League,” an association formed ostensibly for industrial and social reform purposes, but apparently covering seditious designs for execution on return to the West Indies after demobilization. I have interviewed a Sergeant of the 8th. Battalion, who, with a proper sense of his duty, reported his knowledge of the matter to his Commanding

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Officer, and his statements to me bear out the report of Major MAXWELL SMITH.

I have considered the advisability of bringing to trial the leaders of this movement for conspiracy to cause sedition, but am of opinion that it would be useless and inadvisable to do so. It would be difficult to induce the loyal witnesses to give evidence in Court since their personal safety would be endangered by doing so, also a number of witnesses would no doubt be produced for the defence to deny that any seditious words were uttered. I suggest however, that it is very desirable to forward these papers to the Colonial Office for transmission to the Government of JAMAICA, and other West Indian Islands, so that they may be warned of the beginning of this movement and may, if they consider it desirable, arrange for the alleged leaders— Sergts H. L. BROWN, C. H. COLLMAN & A. P. JONES, all of the 3rd B.W.I. Regt. To be watched by the police on their return to JAMAICA. (SD.) H. F. THINLLIER [THUILLIER] Major General BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. Sir Major-General Henry Fleetwood Thuillier (1868–1953) was commander of the Twentythird Division in Italy from 1918 to 1919. He began military service as a second lieutenant with the Royal Engineers in 1887, and was promoted to lieutenant (1890), captain (1898), major (1906), and lieutenant-colonel (1914). During service in World War I, Thuillier served as commander of the Second Infantry Brigade (1915–1916), director of Gas Services, G.H.Q., France (1916–1917), and commander of the Fifteenth Division (June–October 1917). He was promoted to brigadier general in 1915 and major-general in 1919. From 1919 to 1923 he served as commandant of the School of Military Engineering and commanding officer of the Thames and Medway Area. Thuillier was also director of fortifications and works in the War Office between 1924 and 1927, and commanding officer of the Fifty-second Division of the Territorial Army from 1927 to 1930. He retired in 1930 (“Survey of the Papers of Senior UK Defence Personnel, 1900-1975,” Liddell Hart Centre for Military Archives, King’s College, London, http://kcl.ac.uk/lhcma/locreg/THUILLIER1.shtml; WWW). 2. Major Maxwell Smith served as the commanding officer of the Eighth Battalion of the BWIR during World War I. He collected intelligence on the activities of the Caribbean League from sergeants who were hostile to the league’s aims. In 1919 he was promoted to the rank of lieutenantcolonel (Major Maxwell Smith, O.C. 8th British West Indies Regiment, to Major-General Thullier, 27 December 1918, TNA: PRO CO 318/350; Trinidad Civil List 1920).

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Enclosure: Major Maxwell Smith, Commanding Officer, Eighth British West Indies Regiment, to Major-General Henry Fleetwood Thuillier, General Commanding Officer, Taranto Cimeno [Cinimo] Camp, 27th December 1918 Sir, It has come to my notice that an association called “The Caribbean League” has been formed by the sergeants of the different British West Indies Battalions including my own now stationed at Cimeno. I enclose a record of what took place at the meeting when the league was formed on 17th December, 1918, by which it will be seen that its objects were quite innocent and even laudable. I regret to say that from information received this was all camouflage[;] at a meeting 2 or 3 days after, held at the 10th British West Indies Sergeants Mess under Sergeant Baxter as Chairman at which there were some 50 or 60 Sergeants from all British West Indies Battalions, the following took place. A Sergeant of the 3rd battalion in making a speech said, inter alia, “that the black man should have freedom and govern himself in the West. Indies and that force must be used, and if necessary bloodshed to attain that object.” These sentiments were loudly applauded by the majority of those present. The discussion eventually drifted from the West Indies and became one of grievances of the black man against the white. Amongst other questions discussed was that of white non-commissioned officers being appointed in place of the black although the black was not inferior. Veiled threats were used against white non-commissioned officers if sent back to Jamaica on the transport. A general strike for more wages after repatriation was agreed to. There were 5 of the Sergeants of my Battalion present and it appeared by my informant that they were loyal and did not agree in any way with the sentiments expressed, in fact two of them spoke against them. It is significant that the Chairman should have recently been reverted to give place to a white non-commissioned officer. (Sgd.) MAXWELL SMITH Major O.C. 8th British West Indies BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL, copy. Marked “Secret.”

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Enclosure: Report on Caribbean League Meeting [Cimino, Italy, 17 December 1918] At a Meeting held in the British Camp, CIMINO, Italy on Tuesday the 17th day of December, 1918, there were present—Sergeants H. L. Brown, C. H. Collman and A. P. Jones of the Third Battalion, British West Indies Regiment. Sergeant Brown was moved to be Chairman and Sergeant Collman to be Honorary Secretary of the Meeting. A Scheme for Promotion of Closer Union amongst the Islands constituting the “British West Indies” and British Territories adjacent thereto having been submitted by one present, it was agreed:— (i) That an Association to be called “The Caribbean League” be formed. (ii) That the objects of the League are the promotion of all matters conducive to the general welfare of the Islands, constituting the British West Indies and the British Territories adjacent thereto. (iii) That the date of the formation of the Caribbean League be the Seventeenth day of December, 1918, and the place of formation be in the British Camp at Cimino, near Taranto, Italy. (iv) That Membership shall be open to individuals of both sexes who are resident in and are the children of natives of the Territories named in Section ii above. (v) Each member shall be required to pay the sum of one shilling by way of admission fee and a further sum of one shilling per year for subscription. The admission fee shall be paid at the time the application for membership is filed—in the event of rejection of the applicant, this sum shall be refunded. The subscription shall be due on admission and shall become due on the anniversary of the member’s admission to membership. There shall be allowed a period of thirty days for payment of subscription. (vi) Out of the funds collected as provided for in Section 5 above, as well as such as may be derived from other sources, the current expenses of the League and the necessary expenses of representatives of the League travelling in the interests of the League shall be paid. (vii) The Funds of the League shall be paid to the Secretary who shall invest the same in such names and manner as may be decided upon by the Committee of Management, retaining in his possession the sum of two pounds (2) to meet urgent demands.

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(viii) a. The Officers of the League shall be—Chairman, Vice-Chairman, Secretary and such Assistant Secretaries as may be found necessary. b. A Committee consisting of the Chairman and two representatives from each territory shall be the Committee of Management of the League. This Committee shall meet once in each year. This shall be the regular annual meeting. A special meeting may be summoned at any time (where the importance of the matter necessitates it) by the Chairman or on application therefor signed by not less than one-third of the members of this Committee. c. The League shall have its head Office situate at Kingston, in the Island of Jamaica, B.W.I. d. There shall be a Sub-office in each of the British West Indian Islands as also the British territories adjacent thereto. Each sub-office shall be directly responsible to the Head Office for the progress of the League in its own territory and shall conform as nearly as possible to the general system of the League in transaction of all matters. The meeting adjourned. BDA, GH 3/5/1. TD.

Enclosure: B. B. Cubitt, Assistant Under Secretary of State, War Office, to the Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office WAR OFFICE, LONDON,

S.W. 14th January, 1919

Sir, I am commanded by the Army Council to inform you that serious disturbances recently occurred at Taranto amongst the Battalions of the British West Indies Regiment. Acts of insubordination occurred and disaffection spread rapidly in which the 9th Battalion was principally concerned. It was found necessary to effect the disarmament of all Battalions of this Regiment, and in order to restore order, an Infantry Battalion and half a Machine Gun Company were despatched to Taranto. It is reported that the 9th Battalion consists of bad material most of the men coming from Panama and that the men are totally indisciplined; their presence being a danger to the other Battalions.

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In view of these reports it was decided to disband the 9th Battalion and to distribute the personnel amongst the remaining Battalions of the Regiment. I am, &c., (SD.) B. B. CUBITT BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL. Marked “3/2133 (A.G.12).”

Letter to the Daily Chronicle1 [Georgetown, British Guiana, 26 January 1919] “LETTERS OF JUNIUS JUNIOR”2 NEGROES AND THE PEACE CONFERENCE Gentlemen—I was very pleased to see from the report of your meeting3 held at the Town Hall on Tuesday night that the object of your gathering together to discuss the Peace Conference was not for the purpose of sending Mr. A. A. Thorne 4 to Versailles to descen[d] upon the sins and omission of Sir Wilfred Collett, K.C.M.G. Incidentally I may mention that it was also a very shrewd move on your part to prevent that windy gentleman from contributing to the proceedings of the evening. It seems that you do not even wish to send a delegate to the Conference at all, which is very wise on your part, because it saves you from inevitable disappointment. Mr. A. B[.] Brown5 pointed out that you were able to realise the limitations that were being placed upon the nations, and that all that you intended to do was to get a [deputation?] from the meeting to wait upon His Excellency the Governor, and ask him to enquire from the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he would allow any person from his colony in combination with the other colonies, one person representing two [word illegible] colonies, to advise and to make suggestions with respect to questions which would affect the Negro Race. As that is a more modest ambition it remains to be seen these [illegible]ous individuals will be permitted to go forth and give the World’s statesmen the benefit of their light and [word illegible]. But if any such permission is given do you not think that it will be necessary for you to display a little more celerity in the obtaining of it? I am not aware that there has been any activity in respect to this business in any of the West Indian islands and so far as this colony is concerned although the reporter of the Daily Chronicle said that Tuesday’s meeting was a large and representative gathering, presumably largely representative of the negroes of the colony[,] I can hardly agree with him when in his own report of the proceedings he puts it on record that the Rev. H. W. Grant complained that leading Negroes on the East Coast knew nothing about the business and that no attempt had been made to introduce Essequebo and Berbice. As far as I can see that meeting was 139

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representative of the select little coterie who are prepared to meet and talk about any subject under the sun providing it gives them an opportunity to stand on a public platform and spout. However, the [d]eputation that is to go to his Excellency is to include representatives from Essequebo and Berbice and presumable in the course of time some sort of a deputation will be rigged up which will be as representative of the colony as any deputation in this colony, which is another way of saying that at least 90% of the colony will not be represented at all. By the time, however, you have got together a representative gathering to His Excellency, and by the time all the negro leaders all over the world have been selected and appointed and are ready to set forth upon this mission, I am afraid that the Peace Conference will be ancient history.6 Now as to the objects with which you desire to intervene in the Peace Conference, according to a mass meeting organised by the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League of the World, which if length of title has anything to do with it, must be the most important institution in existence, the proposal is that the principle of self-determination be applied to Africa and all European controlled colonies in which people of African descent predominate, and that the captured German colonies in Africa be turned over to the natives with educated Western and Eastern Negroes as their leaders. As against this the West Indian Protectorate Society of [A]merica, which is charged with the duty of looking after the interests of West Indians in the United States, somewhat unkindly describes the project of bringing together [4?]00,000,000 dark-skinned peoples of the earth and of the sending of delegates to the Peace Conference to represent the Negro race, as being a wild cat scheme and fantastic. This warning is written by a gentleman named Augustus Duncan and I cannot help but think that Mr. Augustus Dunc[a]n is a shrewd individual, for he says “the gentleman who talks so glibly about accomplishing these impos[s]ible things is one of those who has a gigantic grudge against honest toil, and who relies upon the collections at staged mass meetings to eke out a livelihood.” Mr. Duncan is evidently no great believer in the ‘silver’ tongued orator. Mr. Duncan’s ideas are very different to those who wish to see the negro race reunited in Africa under leaders of their own race. He wishes to see a government of the West Indies, with unrestricted universal suffrage for every man and woman 21 years of age and over. There is, thus[,] a very wide gap between the two sets of ideas, and personally, I would sooner see Mr. Duncan’s ideas applied to Africa than to the West Indies. I am as democratic as any other man, but I certainly do not think that the West Indies are yet ripe for universal suffrage and to grant it would be to drive capital out of the West Indies just at a time when it is most necessary to introduce it. To adopt such ideas in captured German colonies, where there is very little capital that we are interested in would be a bold experiment, which perhaps would be worth trying. I am rather afraid[,] however, that when the leader of one set of ideas accuses the leader of the other set of ideas of having “a gigantic grudge against livelihood,” it is not 140

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a very happy augury for that beautiful unity and harmony which is to prevail amongst the negroes of the world as soon as they can escape “the hated yoke” under which they are at present living. Printed in DC, 26 January 1919. 1. The Daily Chronicle, launched by Charles Kennedy Jardine as the Demerara Daily Chronicle in 1881, was the first daily newspaper produced in British Guiana. It is not clear when “Demerara” was dropped from the title, but the paper amalgamated with another newspaper, the Colonist, in 1884. The Daily Chronicle, which changed ownership in 1924, when C. W. Marchant became the proprietor and Noel Delph became the editor, was generally conservative on issues in the colony. A. R. F. Webber, a radical politician, broke away from the paper in 1926 when it became apparent that it was supporting the views of conservative politicians. Webber became the chief editor of the New Daily Chronicle, owned by his colleague, Nelson Cannon. The New Daily Chronicle tended to support the political views of the Popular Party, a radical party led by Cannon and Webber. The new paper vigorously criticized the Daily Chronicle, leading to a number of libel suits. One libel action in particular, that of R. R. Small against the New Daily Chronicle, allegedly led to its demise and liquidation (Mona Telesford, “The Historical Development of Newspapers in Guyana: 1793–1975” [mimeo, University of Guyana, Faculty of Arts and General Studies, 1976], pp. 26–27). 2. “Junius Junior” was the pen name of a regular Sunday columnist for the Daily Chronicle. One source identified the writer as A. A. Thorne, an outstanding local writer and later trade unionist. Quite conspicuous in the daily in 1919, “Junius Junior” focused on political and social affairs in the colony. The column was noted for addressing the governor and the Court of Policy (Who Is Who in British Guiana [Georgetown: Daily Chronicle, 1948–1949], pp. 394–395). 3. This meeting also receives mention in “Negroes and the Peace Conference,” an article in the Daily Chronicle, 24 January 1919, in which the meeting is described in a secondary headline-caption as “enthusiastic.” 4. Alfred Athiel Thorne, Barbados-born labor leader, educator, journalist, and politician, was leader of the People’s Association, formed in 1903, as well as the leader of the British Guiana Workers’ League, the second major Guianese trade union, which was registered in 1931 and lasted until 1951. He was also the founder of a secondary school, the Middle School, in Georgetown in 1894. Thorne served on three occasions as deputy mayor for the capital city Georgetown—in 1921, 1922, and 1925. He contributed frequently to newspapers in the colony as a letter writer, a columnist, and as editor of the early-twentieth-century newspaper, the Outlook (“Distinguished West Indian Enroute to London to Protest against Hindoo Immigration and Advocate Labor Union in British Guiana,” NW, 30 July 1921; Walter Rodney, A History of the Guyanese Working People, 1881–1905 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981], p. 204; O. Nigel Bolland, On the March: Labour Rebellions in the British Caribbean, 1934–39 [Kingston: Ian Randle, 1995], p. 172; Who Is Who in British Guiana, pp. 394–395). 5. Andrew Benjamin Brown (1857–1939), politician and barrister-at-law, was admitted to the British Guiana Bar in 1890. The first African elected as member of the Court of Policy in 1897 for the West Demerara constituency, he held the seat until 1922. Brown was a member of the commission which investigated the possibility of a hinterland railway in 1919, and he served on many other commissions. On his retirement the governor conferred on him the title of “Honorable” for life (Who Is Who in British Guiana, p. 127; Edith Brown, The Life Story of Andrew Benjamin Brown [Georgetown: A. G. Lithographic, 1963]). 6. The Paris Conference to negotiate a peace after World War I officially opened 18 January 1919. The German treaty was signed at Versailles on 28 June 1919, and while the conference carried on until January 1920, after June it was, as the historian Margaret Macmillan has said, “like a theatrical production whose stars had gone.” U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, and Italian Prime Minister Vittorio Orlando, whose government had fallen in his absence, all left after the German treaty was signed (Margaret Macmillan, Peacemakers: The Paris Conference of 1919 and Its Attempt to End War [London: John Murray, 2001], pp. 71, 495).

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W. H. Simpson to Marcus Garvey 1759 Richmond Terrace, West New Brighton, S.I., N.Y. January 28, 1919

APPRECIATION FOR THE NEGRO WORLD FROM WEST INDIAN Sir:— I take this opportunity, on behalf of West Indians resident in this city, to thank you for your edito[r]ial in Saturday’s Negro World relative to reconstruction in the West Indies. I am sure that I am voicing the opinion of the majority of West Indians when I say that it was a challenge to colonial administration and an indictment of the criminal method practiced under crown colony regime. May I not thank you again personally? I must first ask you to excuse this form of corresponding with you, but I am very busy and cannot find time at this moment to write otherwise, as I only had a chance to look at your paper today; and, thinking that probably you may find it necessary to make this public, hence the reason for writing you thus. I am sending you by this same mail a full report of a mass meeting held in St. George’s Grenada, B.W.I., and it collaborates with your editorial remarkably. We are moving slowly but surely. Should you think it necessary to publish any part of the report, please give precedence to speeches by Messrs. T. A. Marryshow,1 W. G. Donovan2 and C. H. Lucas3 (all colored orators and editors). True leaders of Grenadians, we are proud of them. I may also mention that you are no stranger to the readers of that same paper, because I have made one of you[r] lectures a recent topic of an article as correspondent to that paper in New York, and have, further, explained the movement and achievements which you are advocating. Keep it up. Thanking you for past indirect favors and in anticipation of this one, I am, fraternally and in good faith. W. H. SIMPSON Printed in NW, 1 March 1919. 1. Theophilus Albert Marryshow (1887–1958) is generally regarded as the “Father of the Federation” of the West Indies because of his steadfast efforts on behalf of political union for the islands. Marryshow was a major figure in both his native Grenada and throughout the West Indies as an indefatigable campaigner for the rights of West Indians, especially for political representation and the abolishment of Crown Colony government. He cofounded the Grenada Workingmen’s Association, of which he later became president, and was secretary of the Grenada Representative Government Association (RGA). A journalist by training, he used the pages of the West Indian, a Grenadian newspaper for which he served as managing editor, to articulate his views against British colonialism in the West Indies and Africa. Marryshow traveled extensively in the Caribbean and in England on behalf of his goals for constitutional advancement and federation. He was the author of Cycles of Civilisation, a powerful refutation of the racist policies of General Smuts regarding the inferior status accorded to Africans in South Africa (Edward L. Cox, “William Galway Donovan, T. Albert Marryshow and the Struggle for Political Advancement in Grenada, 1883–1925” [paper presented at the Henry Sylvestre-Williams and Pan-Africanism: A Retrospection and Projection Con-

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JANUARY 1919 ference, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 4–13 January 2001]; idem, “Grenada Newspaper Editors and Their Vision for Economic and Social Change on the Island at the End of the Nineteenth Century” [paper presented at the 34th Annual Conference of the Association of Caribbean Historians, Nassau, Bahamas, 7–11 April 2002]; idem, “‘Race Men’: The Pan-African Struggles of William Galway Donovan and Theophilus Albert Marryshow for Political Change on Grenada, 1884–1925,” JCH 36, no. 1 [2002]: 69–99; Beverly Steele, “Marryshow House—A Living Legacy,” Caribbean Quarterly 41, no. 3–4 [Sep./Dec. 1995]: 1; T. Albert Marryshow, Cycles of Civilisation [reprint., New York: Pathway Publications, 1973]; Jill Sheppard, Marryshow of Grenada: An Introduction [Bridgetown, Barbados: Letchworth Press, 1987]). 2. William Galway Donovan, a Grenadian-born journalist and political activist, was editor of the Federalist and Grenada People, one of Grenada’s two main newspapers. Although Donovan championed the cause of representative government for the island of Grenada, he had earlier maintained a gradualist political stance. In testimony before the 1883 Crossman Commission that investigated the financial state of the British West Indian colonies, he advocated the replacement of two nominated members of the island’s legislature with others who were more independent of government, though he apparently saw little wrong with the nonrepresentative nature of the legislature. However, also in 1883, Donovan and eighteen others sent a memorandum to the British government demanding that Grenadians be granted an elective arm of government and outlining the abuses of the local government. The memorandum, which was probably penned by Donovan, declared: We know the people of England entertain very crude notions respecting our condition. Because we are negroes or mulatoes must we be ignorant? Does God give intellectual power and reasoning faculties only to Whites? (quoted in George Brizan, Grenada, Island of Conflict: From Amerindians to People’s Revolution, 1498–1979 [London: Zed Books, 1984], p. 208). By 1884 Donovan’s anticolonial stance was more pronounced and his newspaper, the Grenada People, started in November 1883, became the voice of advocates for representative government and was consistently used to criticize the colonial government. For this the paper was shut down and he was jailed for libel in 1885. In his final notice in the Grenada People, Donovan declared that, upon his return, not only would he maintain the policy of the paper but he would also pursue it more fervently. Serving as a member of the St. George’s Town Board, Donovan also used this position to challenge the absence of representative institutions on the island and to promote the cause of locals against what he perceived to be insensitivity on the part of British officials and colonial administrators. Subsequently abandoning the legislative arena, Donovan later served in an administrative capacity as clerk of the St. George’s Town Board (Cox, “William Galway Donovan, T. Albert Marryshow and the Struggle for Political Advancement in Grenada, 1883–1925”; idem, “Grenada Newspaper Editors and Their Vision for Economic and Social Change on the Island at the End of the Nineteenth Century”; idem, “‘Race Men’”; Brizan, Grenada, Island of Conflict, pp. 208–209, 313). 3. C. H. Lucas, a solicitor, served as an elected member of the legislative council between 1925 and 1930, representing the parish of St. Andrew’s. Governor Haddon-Smith remarked that Lucas, who was also one of the signatories of the 1920 petition of the Grenada RGA, had been involved in agitating for a change in government, presumably as a member of the association, for the previous two years. Haddon-Smith correctly remarked that Lucas, T. Albert Marryshow, and C. F. P. Renwick were the “chief actors in this movement for representative Government” and “would aspire to seats in the Assembly . . . They are gifted men with the power of speech . . . and possess sufficient persuasive powers to induce the ignorant peasant voter to give his vote on their behalf. They are a class of man who I consider would be a danger at the present time as members of a House of Assembly” (Haddon-Smith to Milner, 25 November 1920, TNA: PRO CO 321/309; Patrick Emmanuel, Crown Colony Politics in Grenada, 1917–1951 [Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), University of the West Indies, 1978], p. 81; Brizan, Grenada, Island of Conflict, p. 356; Jill Sheppard, Marryshow of Grenada: An Introduction [Bridgetown, Barbados: Letchworth Press, 1987], p. 18).

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Letter from A. St. Clair-Jones, President, West Indian Protective Society, 21 June 1918 (Source: NN-Sc)

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Mary White Ovington,1 Acting Chairman, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, to John H. Pilgrim, Director of Research, National Association of Loyal Negroes [New York,] February 3, 1919 My dear Sir: We are in receipt of your letter of January 15 enclosing copies of letters to Drs. Du Bois and Moton. In reply I would state that Dr. Moton has returned from France.2 Dr. Du Bois, however, is still in Paris where he is calling a PanAfrican Congress with the approval of President Clemenceau,3 to meet February 12, 13 and 14. I am enclosing a statement by Dr. Du Bois which expresses, not all which this Association would like to secure for the African but all that it seems possible to have considered at the present moment.4 I am at once forwarding him the material which you have sent. I am interested to learn of the National Association of Loyal Negroes and would be grateful if you would send us any further literature that you may publish. Sincerely yours, Chairman [Addressed to:] Mr. John H. Pilgrim Box 846, Cristobal, C.Z. DLC, NAACP. TL. 1. Mary White Ovington (1865–1951), feminist, civil rights reformer, and a founder of the NAACP, maintained a relationship with the organization that lasted for nearly forty years; she served as acting executive secretary of the NAACP board from 1910 until 1911, and was acting chair from 1917 to 1919, during the period that the chairman, Joel E. Spingarn, was absent while serving with the American Expeditionary Force, Military Intelligence Division, in Europe during World War I. Ovington was appointed chair of the NAACP board in 1919, a position that she held until 1932 (Daniel W. Cryer, “Mary White Ovington and the Rise of the NAACP” [Ph.D. diss., University of Minnesota, 1977]; Mary White Ovington, The Walls Came Tumbling Down [New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1947; reprint, 1969]; B. Joyce Ross, J. E. Spingarn and the Rise of the NAACP, 1911–1939 [New York: Atheneum, 1972]; Ralph E. Luker, ed., Black and White Sat Down Together: The Reminiscences of an NAACP Founder—Mary White Ovington [New York: Feminist Press at the City University of New York, 1996]; ANB). 2. Moton had been sent to France by the U.S. government on a mission to investigate the treatment of black troops; although he and Du Bois traveled together on the same boat to Europe, Moton returned separately to America (David Levering Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race [New York: Henry Holt, 1993], pp. 561, 577). 3. Georges Clemenceau (1841–1929), a major political figure in the French Third Republic, served as the wartime premier of France from 1917 to 1920. Nicknamed “The Tiger” (“Le Tigre”), he was a significant contributor to the Allied victory in World War I as well as one of the key framers of the postwar peace treaty, the Treaty of Versailles, which opposed leniency toward Germany and instead sought to impose harsh economic and political punishment (David Watson, Georges Clemenceau: A Political Biography [London: Eyre Methuen, 1974]; Edgar Holt, The Tiger: The Life

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS of Georges Clemenceau, 1841–1929 [London: Hamilton, 1976]; Gregor Dallas, At the Heart of a Tiger: Clemenceau and His World, 1841–1929 [New York: Carroll & Graf, 1993]). Du Bois had appealed to Clemenceau on 14 January 1919: “I am directed by a Conference of colored leaders and voicing my own sentiments to ask; if you will not take up with the Great Powers, looking to an exchange of views, regarding the establishing of a great Independent State in Africa, to be settled and governed by Negroes . . . We believe that the time is opportune for the establishment of such a state and that if it could find favor in your eyesight, so as to secure your support, a great deal has been accomplished. Such a policy will go far towards giving to the Negro everywhere, more hope and greater inspiration and aspiration for the future, than anything that could be suggested at this time” (WEBDB, reel 6, frame 402). The true substance of Du Bois’s request, however, was to obtain official French approval for convening the proposed Pan-African meeting. Two weeks later, on 27 January 1919, Du Bois sent a cable to advise the NAACP board of directors: “Yesterday, M. Clemenceau, Prime Minister of France, gave consent to our holding a Pan-African Conference in Paris . . . The prospects are excellent” (NAACP, DLC; Clarence G. Contee, “Du Bois, the NAACP, and the Pan-African Congress of 1919,” Journal of Negro History 57, no. 1 [January 1972]: 13–28; Robert A. Hill, “Jews and the Enigma of the Pan-African Congress of 1919,” in Jews in Black Perspectives: A Dialogue, ed. by Joseph R. Washington Jr. [Cranbury, N.J.: Associated University Presses, 1984]; Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, pp. 567–568). 4. Although it is not possible to identify the exact statement by Du Bois that is referred to by the NAACP acting chair, a surviving fragment of a statement by Du Bois seems to fit the description. It reads as follows: The purpose of this conference is simple: the promoters desire at this crisis in the history of the world, when amid all the inevitable aftermath of a terrible war, a great dream of centuries is being born in pain and travail.—We desire at this time that the rulers of men should not forget the 150 millions and more of the people [o]f African descent. World history has many times centered in Africa and at no era of human history has the Negro race failed to play a part, but since the 15th century and because of the slave trade there has spread from America throug[h]out the world the more or less [u]nspoken assumption that the present plight of Africa and its native races is to be permanent; that consequently in the 20th century a Federation of the World can be built which largely ignores the black race. This Congress, imperfect and because of the war conditions, partially representative though it is, is here to present these considerations to the Peace Conference and the World: That the Negro race has to day its civilized representatives, who demand the treatment and privileges of civilized men and into whose hands more and more the development of their darker brethren should fall; That the development of the uncivilized native is a simple problem of time[,] education and fair economic treatment and if the Society of Nations or any single nation persists in treating [the] Negro as incapable of development, as unworthy of education and as fit objects of exploitation, then World Peace is a dream and Justice impossible. For pressing these pregnant matters we deem it of first importance that the civilized Negroes of the World draw together and become better [remainder of document missing] (WEBDB, reel 8).

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W. E. Allen,1 Acting Chief, Bureau of Investigation, to William M. Offley,2 Superintendent, Bureau of Investigation New York Division [Washington, D.C.] February 10, 1919 Dear Sir:— For your information I enclose herewith photostat copy of Postal Censorship comment relative to an intercepted letter from Eliezer Cadet, c/o Universal Negro Improvement Association, 36–38 West 135th Street, New York City, to H. Dorsinville,3 Port au Prince, Haiti. Very truly yours, [W. E. ALLEN] Acting Chief DNA, RG 65, OG 244193. TL, Carbon copy. 1. William Elby Allen (1882–1951) was appointed acting chief of the Bureau of Investigation on 1 January 1919, succeeding A. Bruce Bielaski. Allen had earlier served as one of the two assistant chiefs of the bureau after 1 July 1918, which was when he began his association with the bureau. He was replaced in his acting position later in 1919 by John T. Suter (NYT, 3 January 1919; State of Texas Bar Journal, 1951; MGP 1:358 n. 4). 2. Capt. William M. Offley was the chief of the New York division of the Bureau of Investigation, a position he held from May 1910 until February 1918. On the latter date he was appointed a special assistant to the attorney general, thereby becoming one of the principal officials of the bureau under its chief, A. Bruce Bielaski. Offley was reappointed superintendent of the New York division in June 1919 (NYT, 14 February 1918; Register of the Department of Justice, 1926 [Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1926]; MGP 1:357 n. 1). 3. Hénec Dorsinville (1881–1929) was the founder of L’Essor Quotidien in 1917. The paper reflected his opposition to the American occupation of Haiti and strongly criticized the regime of President Sudre Dartiguenave. American authorities investigated his paper but it remained in circulation. He was later appointed an administrator with the Office of the Recorder in April 1922, and from August 1925 until November 1926 he served as minister of public education, agriculture, and employment in the cabinet of President Borno (Max Dorsinville to Robert A. Hill, 23 October 1979; L’Essor Quotidien, 20 May 1929; Le Matin, 20 May 1929; Le Nouvelliste, 17 May 1929; Hans Schmidt, The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934 [New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1971]; MGP 1:358 n. 3).

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Enclosure: U.S. Postal Censorship Report NEW YORK. N.Y. INDEX NO.

130427 FROM

TO

Eliezer Cadet c/o Universal Negro Improvement Association, 36–38 W. 135th St. New York City. DATE OF LETTER Jan. 13/19 Copied by MEL

COMMENTATOR NO. LANGUAGE

Jan. 16/19

French

148–457 ORIGINAL TO

H. Dorsinville Director de L’Essor Angle des Rues Feron & H. Killick Port au Prince, Haiti NO. OF ENCLOSURES

BRANCH Press WTB-MID-ONI-CCC

6

DATE D.A.C.

Jan. 16/19 A.C. EA

COMMENT Writer, according to File Index 123553 (q.v.) elected interpreter and secretary to represent the Universal Negro Improvement Assn. and African Committees League at the Peace Conference, acknowledges receipt of a letter from addressee (not in file) and states that he and his president (of the Universal Negro Improvement Association) accept addressee’s “generous propositions.” Writer advises they [(]i.e. the Association) cannot immediately take up business with addressee for the following reasons: 1. The president is very busy establishing branches of this Assn. in all the states of the Union, and in holding meetings in various parts. 2. We have great projects to execute, we only await the results of the peace conference to know where we stand. You (addressee) shall be our principal agent in Haiti not only to establish a branch of this Association in Haiti as in Panama, at Port de France, etc. but also you shall be our commercial and industrial agent. If our peace propositions are accepted, we shall assemble the great negro capitalists of the U.S. and establish a line of ships betw[e]en the West Indies[,] America, and Africa to facilitate the exchange of raw materials for manufactured products. Our aim is to unite, to organize and to mobilize the intellectual and material forces of the 400,000,000 bla[cks] of the entire world in order to impose the respect of their rights. Writer further advises he did not receive the papers sent him by addressees, one of which, writer indicates contained an article of his. He acknowledges receipt of names sent by addressee, and advises he will address communications to them after the Peace Conference.

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He adds that on his return from France he may render great service to addressee’s paper, and that he will “also” send addressee the names of merchants with whom he may do business.1 In postscript writer requests addressee to correct mistakes in the (enclosed) open letter (see below) saying: “I am certain that I have not yet the desired capacity for writing for the papers; but—I feel it a duty to denounce to the people bad cit[i]zens, and to defend my country and my race.” He also announces sending addressee “more papers.” The above mentioned “Open letter” reads: To the Editor of l’Essor Dear Sir: The object of my discourse today is to tell you of a little incident which occurred between the Consul Moravia1 and a group of Haitians at the Consulate of Haiti, general headquarters of the Haitians in New York. It was on account of a circular letter issued by the International Headquarters Universal Negro Improvement Association, African Communities League, to request gifts from friends of the African cause. The money collected was to be used for travelling expenses and in support of the delegates of the black race to the Peace Conference in France. The duty of these envoys will be to formulate before the entire world assembled the grievances of the said race against its oppressors. Apparently Monsieur Moravia could not be agreeable to such a movement on the part of the Young Blacks for the triumph of these will mean the complete defeat of the reactionaries and annexationists in Africa as well as in Haiti.2 Since my first article, published in the Negro World with the sole aim to justifying my country in the eyes of foreigners, Monsieur Moravia has had a grudge against me; he discovered in me a future antagonist to the infamous persons slandering the Haitian people and their best statesmen in order to attract the good will of the implacable enemies of our color. The consul used the above mentioned letter to explode the bomb of his anti-African wrath. His bombardment of threats and his balm of hypocritical advice concern us little, all his efforts will waste themselves against the solid and ind[e]structible armour of intrepidity and of courage of the Young Blacks of the world. The good consul ventured to notify me moreover that I was not to count on his protection, if I set myself to defend here (in N.Y.) my country, my race, my liberty. Does this noble cavalier forget that only he and his confederates may open their mouths in Haiti? Yes, this generous man would urgently invite me to offer my life for the liberty of the French, the Italian, the Belgian assassins of my African Kindred, but naturally he protests at my lifting my voice in unison with my brothers of America, the 149

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West Indies and Africa against the wholesale massacre of pregnant women and n[e]w born infa[nt]s of my own race. Let him know, if he does not understand, that a life without glory, without honor, without liberty is far worse than the most miserable death; may he know also that the dwelling place of the generous and brave is not here below. I stand for the conquest of Justice and Liberty. I am also certain that I shall not enjoy these, but my remot[e] descendants will bring me word of them where I shall be. I am going to France this week as interpreter and secretary of the delegates of the black race at the peace conference. They are mistaken if they think we shall mince the truth before the Caucasians. We, the young blacks of the Antilles, of North and South America and of Africa, have uncovered the policy of the Caucasian which consists in effecting the disunion of the 400,000,000 blacks of the world by leading those of one country to believe that they are better than those of another and must, consequently, shun them. At heart they entertain the same amount of hatred for all. We have resolved to imitate the yellow race.4 We are in process of organizing and mobilizing our intellectual and material forces in order to be ready for the next world war which will be a race war. We shall th[e]n be the balance of power between the yellow race and the white race. Victory will incline (to the side) where our forces are thrown—We shall remain neutral only if the Caucasian gives us Justice at this peace conference. Down with the traitors, down with the detractors, down with the disturbers of the race. Long live the Union and Fraternity of the children of Ethiopia. Your servant ELIEZER CADET. N.Y. 13/1/19 c/o Universal Negro Improvement Association 36–38 West 135th St. N.Y.C. Writer encloses a one dollar bill. EBS DIVISION

DATE

COPIES

WTB

1/18/19 1/20/19 1/20/19 1/21/19

3 3 3 2 3

MIB ONI CCC PO EX. AC

1/22/19

DISPOSITION AND SIGNATURE

Hold—LCB BMD CEK McI. Press, Reg. Trade ACs.5 MPP

THIS SLIP ALWAYS TO ACCOMPANY LETTER

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FEBRUARY 1919 [Handwritten note:] Negro Subversion [Typewritten reference:] SUBJECT INDEX I–8–[A]–1 I–3–A– [Typewritten endorsement:] Copies to D.J. and State, 2/1/19, M.I.4–F (60). [Stamped endorsements:] CAPT. HAYES M.I. 4–41 LIEUT. WINTERBOTHAM LIEUT. VAUGHAN E. L.C. WAR DEPARTMENT

Delivered to D of J Feb. 8, 1918. G C V [George C. Van Dusen] DNA, RG 38, 20948–184. Printed form with typewritten additions. 1. Hénec Dorsinville might have been seeking business contacts in the United States for his two younger brothers, Louis and Luc Dorsinville, both of whom were proprietors of their own import and export businesses in Haiti. Louis Dorsinville operated in the town of St. Marc, while the firm of Luc Dorsinville was located at 105 Rue du Quai in Port-au-Prince and represented the products of several American manufacturers in Haiti. Luc Dorsinville also advertised his wish in the Negro World “to establish good relations with all colored American Corporations and Firms” (NW, 5 August 1920). He was later appointed the agent of the Black Star Line (BSL) in Haiti. 2. As the Haitian consul in New York City, Charles Moravia’s opposition to an independent black delegation to the Versailles conference reflected the policy of his government, which was under direct U.S. military control. (Haiti sent its own delegation to Versailles, but President Woodrow Wilson refused to talk to them.) The letter implied that the light-skinned Moravia, in Haiti a mulatto, opposed black aspirations. The identification of President Dartiguenave’s government with the mulatto elite, as well as with foreign domination, exacerbated the animus. Moravia later became an ardent foe of the occupation and served time in prison as a result (Dantès Bellegarde, La République d’Haïti et les Etats-Unis devant la justice internationale [Paris: Librairie de Paris-Livres, n.d.], p. 13; Hans Schmidt, The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934 [New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1971], p. 195; D. E. Herdeck, Caribbean Writers: A Bio-Bibliographical-Critical Encyclopedia [Washington, D.C.: Three Continents Press, 1979], p. 460). 3. This was a reference to the United States’ occupation of Haiti, which began in 1915 and would continue until August 1934, and also to those allied governments, such as Great Britain, France, Belgium, and Italy, which were demanding the annexation and partition among themselves of the former German colonial empire in Africa. 4. A reference to Asian nationalism. Japan had become a major naval power, and its 1905 victory in the Russo-Japanese war was interpreted by many Africans, Caribbeans, and African Americans as invalidating the doctrine of white supremacy. In 1912 the Chinese established a republic under the leadership of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. The independence movement in India also emerged in 1919. As a response to these global events, certain black nationalists envisioned the evolution of a world order based on racial competition (Paul Gordon Lauren, Power and Prejudice: The Politics and Diplomacy of Racial Discrimination, 1st ed. [Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988], pp. 17, 20; Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996], pp. 12, 20). 5. Assistant censors for press, registered letters, and trade.

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Robert Walter,1 Officer Administering the Government, British Honduras,2 to Rufus Isaacs,3 British Ambassador to the United States Government House Belize4 13th February 1919 Sir, I have the honour to invite Your Excellency’s attention to the enclosed copies of a paper entitled the Negro World which has been finding its way to the Colony. The object of this pa[pe]r appears to be to incite racial hatred and I shou[l]d not be surprised if the paper was supported by German or Bolshiviki money. 2 I do not know whether the United States authorities are cognisant of this paper which does not seem to comply with the usual requirements regarding registration and the printing of the name of the printer and publisher. 3 While I do not think the loyalty of the people of [this colony?] will suffer much from the inflammatory rubbish contained in this paper I do not consider its circulation here desirable and I am giving instructions with a view to putting an end to its circulation. 4 You may consider it worth while to bring the paper to [the] notice of the U.S. Authorities. I should be glad to hear the result of such action[.] I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient humble Servant R. WALTER Administering the Government TNA: PRO CO 123/295/33396. TL. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Robert Walter (1873–1959), colonial secretary of British Honduras, served as the officer administering the government from March 1917 until April 1918 and again from August 1918 until May 1919. He was appointed administrator of Dominica on 1 May 1920 (“Civil Establishment, 1920,” LIBB, 1920, section 12; DOCOL). 2. The present country of Belize was known as British Honduras from the mid-nineteenth century and before that as the Belize Settlement or the Settlement in the Bay of Honduras. A British colony in all but name since the seventeenth century, the settlement was formally declared a colony with the name “British Honduras” in 1862. It became a Crown Colony in 1871. The nationalist movement, led by the People’s United Party (founded in 1950), changed the name to Belize in 1973, but the country did not become independent until 1981 (O. Nigel Bolland, The Formation of a Colonial Society: Belize, from Conquest to Crown Colony [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977], pp. 9–13; O. Nigel Bolland, Belize: A New Nation in Central America [Boulder: Westview Press, 1986], pp. 13–24, 103–135). 3. Sir Rufus Daniel Isaacs (1860–1935), the first marquess of Reading, was appointed High Commissioner and Special Ambassador to the United States in January 1918. The “High Commissioner” in his title signified his authority to coordinate the British war effort with the American government. He was recalled to England for consultation in August 1918, but returned to Washington in February 1919 (DNB; ODNB). 4. Belize was the name of the colonial capital and chief town. Established after the Convention of London in 1786 and first known as Convention Town, it was officially called Belize Town until

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FEBRUARY 1919 1943, when it became Belize City. Most of the men in the region, both during and after slavery, were woodcutters who lived for most of the year in temporary logging camps, but Belize Town was the center of social and cultural life as well as the commercial center. A new capital, Belmopan, was built in the 1970s, but Belize City remains the chief commercial and population center (O. Nigel Bolland, “African Continuities and Creole Culture in Belize Town in the Nineteenth Century,” in Caribbean Villages in Historical Perspective, ed. Charles V. Carnegie [Kingston: African-Caribbean Institute of Jamaica, 1987], pp. 63–82; Bolland, Belize, p. 5).

British Honduras

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Robert Walter, Officer Administering the Government, British Honduras, to Rufus Isaacs, British Ambassador to the United States Government House Belize 17th February, 1919 SIR,

In continuation of my Confidential despatch of the 13th February regarding the “Negro World” newspaper, I have [the] honour to draw special attention to the issue of that paper dated October 26th 1918 which contained the following in large type: Arthur J. Balfour of England says the German(?) Colonies shall not be returned to Germany.1 I agree. Let Balfour know that England shall not have them. [They] neither belong to England nor Germany. They are the property of the Blacks, and by God we are going to have them now or some time later, even if all the world is to waste itself in blood. Half the world cant be free and half slave. MARCUS GARVEY 2. Marcus Garvey is the Managing Editor of the [paper] in question. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most Obedient, humble servant. R. WALTER Administering the Government TNA: PRO CO 123/295/33396. TL. Marked “Confidential.” 1. In various speeches throughout the second half of 1918 the British foreign secretary, Arthur Balfour, opposed restoring Germany’s former African colonies (Times [London], 9 August 1918, 17 September 1918, 24 October 1918; see also Gaddis Smith, “The British Government and the Disposition of the German Colonies in Africa, 1914–1918,” in Britain and Germany in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule, ed. Prosser Gifford and William Roger Louis [New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1967], pp. 275–299).

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Letter to the Negro World Cristobal Colon Canal Zone 2–18–19

ECHO FROM THE [ISTH]MUS Sir, The echo of the “New World” is not only a matter of moment, but one of much deep thought and thinking for the Negro to consider the subject of unity and cooperation, to redeem the time[,] to redeem their children, to redeem Africa. 300 years of serfdom, with only isolated cases, that stand out permanently to give the lie to those who believe we are not capable of doing better, cannot be considered progress to a people whose earliest fathers were Kings and Rulers. Perhaps it is such a thought which led the Rev Webster Davis to exclaim! Wherefore do all our virtues thus e[s]cape the public eye? Wherefore do our imperfections they seek to magnify? In Church, in war, //in state,// in letters and in art! In every worthy work and way, the Negro plays a part. Yet vilifiers of our race are ever ready to magnify our imperfections, and leave our virtues silent. But all that they might do the Negro has shown himself capable of his task. He has shown that under the most trying conditions he is a man to be feared, for no barrier can keep down the mind who is determine[d] to rise. The Negro World with Mr. Marcus Garvey as its Moses has sen[t] forth the call to Negroes the World over to unite, to cooperate; if not so much for their good, for the good of their children. The father’s land must be redeemed, better conditions of life provided, wage must be equal to labour, man’s sweat must be regarded, it must not only [be] a speaking of duty by the privileged ones, but a doing of their duty to man as man. We in Colon have answered the call of our Moses through the Negro World, and is using might and [brain?] to put forward the cause believing //in// the justness of same. From February 5th we have started under new conditions. We held [7] mass meetings up to Sunday 16th and 115 persons enrolled their names for membership. 60 of that number paid their Entrance Fee. The task of convincing our people [in] this part of the world that they should cling together for their betterment is difficult and hard, they having for centuries lived under the influence and teaching that is not beneficial to their own advancement. We are however, not unmindful of our uphill work, for with men of the Radway,1 Willis,2 Sargeant and the McCarthy’s type, the game must be won. And with the zeal of a Grant, Buckley, Chambers, Augustine, Stephens, White, Haddon, Harris, Hudson and Peterkin with our indifaticable [indefatigable] Sister Scott, we shall march to Victory.

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Of the 55 remaining persons who have enrolled to become members, we hope by the end of February to have them as members. We are aiming high, it is our wish to push the good work to every point of success. With our firm mind, which is the power to mould and make we hope to leave behind us a record that our children might follow for their mutual good. DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/44. AL. 1. Samuel Percival Radway (b. 1872) was an herbalist and early political activist in anticolonial movements in the West Indies and Central America. Born in St. Ann, Jamaica, Radway traveled to England and the United States as a young man, whence he claimed to have received diplomas from several schools, including the Jacksonian Optical College in Chicago and the American College of Naturopathy in New York. One of Radway’s earliest public ventures was the formation of a National Singing Company in 1910–1911, which had the aim of “fostering vocal and dramatic talent, and of providing healthy and attractive entertainments which will include theatricals as well as concerts” (“Native Talent and Enterprise,” Jamaica Times, 14 January 1911). He lived in Central America in 1918 and 1919, first in Port Limón, Costa Rica, and then in Colón, Panama. When the dockworkers of the Panama Canal struck in 1919, Radway was a chairman of the UNIA in Colón; although officials blamed Radway and a colleague, J. Henry Seymour, for the strike, they failed to deport him from Panama. Radway soon left voluntarily for Cuba, however, where he became an active UNIA organizer. In March 1921 he organized UNIA branches in Port Pastelillo and Jobabo. When the UNIA officials Henrietta Vinton Davis and John Sydney de Bourg arrived in Cuba in May 1921, Radway acted as their official UNIA reporter and escort. A month later he delivered a speech at the unveiling of the charter for the UNIA division in Santiago de Cuba. Later the same year, he returned to Jamaica, where he formed political alliances with Alfred A. Mends, A. Bain Alves, and J. Mannaseh Price, all of whom were formerly associated with the UNIA in Jamaica. In August 1923 he was elected secretary of the Jamaica Reform Club, which he and Mends organized. The club supported a new constitution for Jamaica, a minimum wage for laborers, and religious and medical freedom, an important issue for often-harassed herbalists such as Mends and Radway. Meanwhile, Radway skirmished with colonial authorities, who accused him of practicing medicine without a license and agitating against local conditions. In 1924 Radway left Jamaica for Haiti and the Dominican Republic, where he promoted the Afro-West Indian Settlers Association and Publishing Company, which he had founded a few years earlier. He later formed the West India Soil Producing Association, with headquarters in British Guiana and the Dominican Republic. By 1934 Radway was in Liberia, distributing literature about his Afro-West India Round Trip Association. He also set up a sanitarium there. He visited London in 1935 and finally returned to Jamaica in 1938. In 1949 Radway was president of the local Jamaica chapter of the Universal African Nationalist Movement, Inc., located in Jones Town, St. Andrew, a suburb of Kingston. Headquartered in New York, this movement promoted Afro-Jamaican immigration to Liberia (W. F. Elkins, “The West India Soil Producing Association, Colonizing & Trading Company,” in Street Preachers, Faith Healers, and Herb Doctors in Jamaica, 1890–1925 (New York: Revisionist Press, 1977), pp. 83–91, 98–99; MGP 3:424–425). 2. Probably Rev. Andrew N. Willis, president of the Guabito, Panama, branch of the UNIA. At the 1920 UNIA convention, Willis reported on the efforts of the UFC to suppress the Garvey movement in Central America. He told the other delegates present that local ministers were on the salary of the American-based company and that they assisted the company in its repressive policies, urging their congregations to resist the appeals of UNIA organizers (NW, 17 July 1920; MGP 2:516–517).

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Claude Mallet, British Consul, Panama, to Earl Curzon1 of Kedleston, Foreign Office Panama, February 19th 1919 My Lord, A Committee of the “Association of Universal Loyal Negroes” called at His Majesty’s Legation yesterday to ask me to forward the enclosed petition to the Prime Minister, and I promised to transmit it to Your Lordship. This “Back to Africa” movement was reported on in my despatch No 132 of December 4th, 1918. The Fund of the Association in Panama has since increased to about fifty pounds sterling and it has been decided not to remit the money to Duse Mohammed Ali, London, but keep it here to use in a general fund organised by negroes in various parts of the world in support of the movement. I have the honour to be with the highest respect, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble Servant, C. MALLET TNA: PRO FO 608/216. TL. Marked “No. 20.” 1. George Nathaniel Curzon (1859–1925), British statesman, became earl of Kedleston in 1911 and marquess in 1921. He served in a variety of diplomatic and government positions, including viceroy and governor general of India (1899–1905), before his appointment by Herbert Henry Asquith to the war cabinet in 1915. In January 1919 Curzon headed the Foreign Office while Prime Minister Lloyd George and Foreign Secretary Arthur J. Balfour pursued a peace treaty in Paris. In October 1919 Curzon became secretary of state for foreign affairs, a position he held until 1924 (David Gilmour, Curzon: Imperial Statesman [New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2003]; ODNB; WBD ; WWW).

Enclosure: Petition from the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes PANAMA, R.P. December 4th, 1918

PETITION PRAYING FOR THE NEGROES UNIVERSALLY BY DIVINE INJUNCTION TO The several Governments of The Entente Allies, through The British Government, at the Peace Conference, to let revert to the Negroes, those parts of their heritage, latterly became known as the German colonies in Africa, which have been wrested from that power, to become a Negro National Home and Government. 158

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To— The Right Honourable David Lloyd-George, Primier of England, His Britannic Majesty’s Government, London, England, May it please you, Honourable Sir: We the undersigned, your petitioners, the Negroes, aborigines, descendants, and legitimate heirs of Africa, who by conditions over which we had no control and by reasons mysterious, found ourselves scattered as subjects, or citizens so called in various countries abroad, far distant from our aboriginal and Divine home and heritage, and within the sphere of the realms of the several Governments comprising the pact of the Entente Allies.— Is a matter, which we respectfully beg to state, is contrary to Nature’s Law, and to the high principles of justice the foundation on which is supposedly built, The Governments of the said Entente Allies, who have up-held, and are now trying to up-hold and maintain the said principles and Divine Law as quoted in the Motto, “Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s.” And in like manner, your petitioners pray to render unto them (us, the Negroes) those parts of our heritage, designated and comprising the German Colonies, the Cameroons, Togoland, German South West and German East Africa, for the purpose, as it justly ought to be, Our National Home and Government. (a) That by virtue of our right of claim established in the foregoing, your petitioners beg; that His Britannic Majesty’s Government lay this our petition on the Table for consideration at the Peace Conference, commencing in January inst, (1919) One thousand, nine hundred and nineteen, or whenever to determine at the said Conference, the disposition of the aforementioned Colonies in Africa, to which we your petitioners, have asserted our just right of claim in demanding the turning-over to us, the said Colonies, for the already expressed purpose, to establish as it divinely ought, Our National Home and Government. (b) That we, your petitioners are cognizant of our asserted right of claim to those parts of our heritage, which, must by reason of justice revert to us, the lawful heirs of our forefathers, who did not take the same with the[m], but left it behind when forced to have done so, involuntarily, against the will, and beyond the power of that people the aborigines of whom we your petitioners are the descendants, who have fulfilled the fundamental term as implies the Natives, and who now desire on the grounds of rightful ownership, those properties aforementioned—“THE LATE GERMAN AFRICAN COLONIES,”—for the purpose heretofore expressed, to establish as a sacred right Our National Home and Government. (c) That we, your petitioners endeavour to save the Honourable Conference the waste of precious and valuable time in multiplying or numerating the many counts to the good and justification of our asserted right of claim, with 159

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which, the Honourable Conference is thoroughly familiar, concerning the entire validity of our (its petitioners’) right to demand the turning-over to us of the said aforementioned and designated German Colonies in Africa for the said purpose afore and above mentioned, to establish Our National Home and Government, which falls within the category, and on the plank, or platform of the acclaimed policy of the Entente Allies, who in projecting the Peace Conference, are determined to do justice to all Nations, Peoples and Races, of which we, the Negroes, are one of the (5) five of mankind, possessing the equal franchisement of the entirety of Earth inheritance, together with the unhinderable right to choose the way we want to, and by whom we must be governed, as well as the unquestionable right to desire and claim any and all things legitimately belonging to us by right of good or valid and undisputable title, in similar to the properties we now [claim] in this our petition, praying for a just and equitable consideration and decision at the hands of the Peace Conference, in the disposition of those, in the said wrested Colonies from Germany in Africa, already described here in this our solemn petition; keeping in view the necessary safeguard against the risk [of] endangering the future welfare of any of the Governments, by means which we, your petitioners are ready to treat on conditions liable to become satisfactory to all parties involved and are disposed to do and receive justice through the Channels directed in the interest and welfare of mankind in general, regardless of nationality, creed, colour, or race, as to become the only permanent guarantee to the Lasting World’s Peace. In approaching the Honourable World’s Peace Conference through The Right Honourable David Lloyd-George Primier of England His Britannic Majesty’s Government London, England. With invited attention to the Appendix We are Gentlemen: On behalf of the whole Negro Race The Association of Universal Loyal Negroes Headquarters Temporary 23rd Street, Guachapali, Panama[,] R.P. P.O. Box 604 Ancon, C.Z. THOMAS KYDD President HARRY ASHBY Vice President J. B. Yearwood Corre-Secretary 160

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[blank] Recording Secretary [E.] R. HOSTEN Treasurer GEO[.] M[.] DUSAUZAY Auditor CYRIL A. GRAHAM Supervisor LOUIS B. BRYAN Organizer H. L. FLETCHER Master of the Archives E. W. RENNIE Clerk of the Council S. B. HOSTEN Marshall That the association of Universal Loyal Negroes: Strongly protest the claims made by France at the Session of the Peace Conference made in January (1919) and further protest against the claims of any other Nations respecting those Colonies in Africa. TNA: PRO FO 608/216. TDS. On Association of Universal Loyal Negroes letterhead.

Enclosure: Appendix to Petition from the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes PANAMA, R.P. December 4[t]h, 1918

APPENDIX NO. 1 CANTICLE OF THE ASSOCIATION OF UNIVERSAL LOYAL NEGROES LAID OPEN TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:

(a) That undisputable; Nature has bestowed solely on “Africa” the right and exclusive means to have produced the Negro.

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(b) That it matters not wheresoever else the Negro is found outside of Africa, whether given birth to at such places, or however else he got //to// such places, was by a freak of circumstances, over which he had no control; and that such unnatural means, could not possibly destroy the fact of his being an African, possessing his aboriginal rights. (c) That it is rightly considered by these Negroes who have found themselves in foreign climes, the advisability [of] returning to their Natural Home for the just and legal purposes, to reclaim as [a] scared duty and necessity “The Land Hereditary theirs, wherein are teeming millions of their less fortunate Brothers who need their assistance, to lift them out of the dunghill, and bring them as is [ca]pable, into the true and proper light of civilization as [a] righteous means allowable to all mankind. (d) The World cannot deny, that, the Negro does not appear to be more susceptible to transformation spiritually than any other race as the remarkable reason, why, “The Association of Universal Loyal Negroes” finds it is, full and sufficient time to bring their less fortunate brothers into the true and proper light of the World: To this end: (1) “The Association of Universal Loyal Negroes” finds the application of the method of Indentured, rude Native Africans, to be brought as Substitutes under just and reasonable conditions to be arranged on, in the stead of those now cultured and so disposed making their exits from the various parts throughout the World, returning to their Natural Home to become the greatest assets in contributing to the rapid transformation in culturing the bulk of that rude portion of the race much needed by them in Africa. (2) That, with the view to help lift our brothers out of darkness into which they sit at home. The Association is prone to grapple that situation as its Divine duty and obligation, which demands its immediate attention and the execution of the same; as its work, [to] the righteous realization of its mission. (3) That, in accordance with right and just principles dealing with those Nations, whose interest are liable to become affected by “A Back to Africa Movement.” “The Association of Universal Loyal Negroes” shall become obligated in utilizing its effort, to try and assist such Nations, or Governments, devise the means and ways, which would prevent any disasters happening to their industrial interests in any place as may become imperiled by the means of an exodus of labour from such places as a detriment to such Nations or Governments.

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(4) That despites the desire however much it may be, or however just and right is the cause of “A B**ck to Africa Movement” by freed-men to return to their Natural Home from Foreign Countries, it is a condition, which shall clash with sound judgement and the principles of honesty, right and Justice to the Nations or Governments interested; unless, The Association endeavours to see, that no injury of whatever kind shall occur to the places, from where they intend making their exits; for which reason, The Association shall be both morally and legally obligated to become a help protecting the welfare of such places, Nations, or Governments. (5) That, by the adoption of the means substituting rude Natives Afr[i]cans, as Indentured labourers, in the stead of those cultured, Negroes, who shall make their exits from countries where they now reside outside of Africa, is the sole and only vital and important matter to be reasonably adjusted under conditions to be made as shall be required by such Nations, or Governments that shall become involved, in the “BACK TO AFRICA MOVEMENT,” as the base on which “The Association of Universal Loyal Negroes[”] is founded[.] THOMAS KYDD President TNA: PRO FO 608/216. TDS. On Association of Universal Loyal Negroes letterhead.

Enclosure: Appendix to Petition from the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes PANAMA, R.P. December 4th, 1918

APPENDIX NO. 2 BRIEF PLAN AS CONSIDERED (a) It is duly considered, that after the Association shall become properly organized and founded through the World; it would create its own means to facilitate the movement by the membership fee of $5.00 equivalent to 1.0.10. Sterling, which shall be collected wheresoever by any of the branches, shall forward the same, to the General Headquarters, who shall deposit the same on the most reliable and trustworthy Bank, to become interest bearing money; not a fraction of which, or of any part of the same shall be drawn, until the Association arrives at the stage in certainty, realizing its aims and objects for which it was founded. (b) It is also considered; that dependant upon a success obtaining the grant of our Petition, the membership fee of $5.00 U.S.C. shall be sufficient guarantee 163

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of good faith to ensure the means of transportation and other attachments necessarily as may be required to facilitate the movement, with little or no encumberance to others. (c) It is further considered; that besides the means of transportation would principally and readily be required, the supplies of Victualing, Agricultural and Mechanical impliments, Labor-Saving devices, Hygenic and Medical apparatus, Building Materials, School Supplies, Biblical and other literatures, Histories technical, etc. etc. THOMAS KYDD TNA: PRO FO 608/216. TDS. On Association of Universal Loyal Negroes letterhead.

UNIA flyer, Colón, Panama (Source: DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/44)

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Paraphrase Telegram from Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados [London] Feby 20th [1919] My telegram Feb: 8th, my secret despatch Jan: 24th. There is serious discontent in British West Indies Regiment but position is likely to be improved by liberal concessions as to pay and gratuities which are now nearly settled. [We must be] Nevertheless you should take every precaution for the maintenance of order during demobilization and I should be glad to learn whether you regard the forces at your disposal as adequate for the purpose. It has been suggested that warships should be sent to render any assistance that might be required by the governments of Trinidad, Barbados, British Guiana, Windward Islands and Leeward Islands. Telegraph your views on this suggestion and generally. Pressure on the Navy is great at present and this assistance should not be asked unless in your opinion really necessary. [no signature] Note. Above communicated most confidentially to Col Secretary, O.C. Defence Force, & Staff Officer when decided to send following telegram in reply to Secretary of State (despatched 9.20 p.m. 21st Feby 1919)[.] From O’BRIEN To Secy of State London With respect to yr. cipher telegram of 20 Feby your secret despatch of January 24th not yet received. Local force and staff inadequate deal with trouble. Local strikes and discontent existent some threatening letters in circulation from soldiers British West Indies Regiment. Strongly recommend presence of ships of war Barbados during whole period of demobilization dispatch follows by next mail[.] Hon Col Scy. The above has been communicated to Comdt Local Defence Force and Staff Officer it remains only to communicate to ExC & members in strictest secrecy. We must have scheme thought and for //as regards// most convenient positions in which Bluejackets & Marines could be located in pickets of say 1 officer and 30 rifles in Bridgetown from whence they could be despatched to any danger spots. We must further work out all details for such dispatch //of these piquets// by motor car if necessary; //i.e.// number of cars for 2 picquets each of 30 must be marked [down] and number of men to proceed in each car 165

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calculated; this will place us in readiness if sudden emergency arises. Note made where cars can be readily procured. It becomes a question if it is wise that Volunteers should keep their arms in their own houses or have all stored in armoury[.] I should like O.C. Volunteers opinion on this. We will require an adequate guard over armoury & magazine and & an alarm signal all fixed up before return of the B.W.I. men. We must however avoid any information or action leading to nervousness spreading among the people. My telegram ought to ensure our having a warship and all we have to do is to be prepared and at same time quite calm. [CHARLES O’BRIEN] Please let me have this back to write my despatch as promised in cable. In this state the whole local situation re feeling of the people[.] [CHARLES O’BRIEN] BDA, GH 3/5/1. ALS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret,” “Fallopian,” and “received 21.2.19.”

Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados Downing Street //21 February// 191//9// Sir, I have the honour to transmit to you the papers noted below on the subject of //the formation of a body called the “Caribbean League” by non-commissioned officers of the British West Indies Regiment.// I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, MILNER [At top of page:] Reference to previous correspondence: Secretary of State’s Despatch No. //24 January 1919// BDA, GH 3/5/1. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Barbados Secret 9.”

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Enclosure: J. A. Corcoran,1 Assistant Secretary of State, War Office, to the Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office WAR OFFICE LONDON, S.W.1,

27th January, 1919 Sir, In continuation of War Office letter, No. as above, dated the 10th instant, I am commanded by the Army Council to forward for the information of the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the enclosed further report received from the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, British Force in Italy, respecting the formation by non-commissioned officers of British West Indies Battalions of a body styled the “Caribbean League.” I am, etc. (Signed) J. A. CORCORAN BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret” and “105/Infy/2493 (A.G.3.).” 1. Sir John A. Corcoran (1862–1932) was assistant secretary of state for the War Office from 1917 to 1920. After completing his education at Royal University in Ireland, Corcoran was appointed to a clerkship in the War Office in 1886, and he was later promoted to senior clerk in 1898 and principal clerk in 1901. After serving as assistant secretary of state, Corcoran became director of army contracts in 1920. He served as assistant under secretary of state for the War Office from 1924 until his retirement in 1925 (WWW).

Enclosure: Major-General H. L. Alexander,1 General Headquarters, to the Secretary, War Office General Headquarters, 9th January, 1919 In continuation of my letter of the 3rd January, 1918 [1919], I beg to forward herewith a further report from Major General H. F. THUILLIER, Commanding Troops at TARANTO, regarding the seditious “Caribbean League” formed by Non-Commissioned Officers of the British West Indian Battalions at present stationed there, and recommend that this also be brought to the notice of the Colonial Office. (Signed) D. L. [H. L.] ALEXANDER Major General for General, Commanding-in-Chief, British Force in Italy BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL. Marked “Secret.”

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 1. Major-General Henry Lethbridge Alexander (1878–1944) entered the British army in 1897. After serving in South Africa between 1901 and 1902, Alexander was promoted to captain in 1904 and major in 1914. He served in World War I from 1914 to 1918, rising to the ranks of lieutenantcolonel and colonel. In 1918 Alexander was assigned to general headquarters in Italy, where he served as major-general. He retired from military service in 1927 (WWW).

Enclosure: Major-General Henry Fleetwood Thuillier, General Commanding Officer, Taranto, to General Headquarters [Taranto, Italy] 5-1-19 In continuation of my No. T. 32 d/-29/12/18 I forward a report on a further meeting of the “Caribbean League” on January 2nd, and recommend that it be sent to the Colonial Office in the same manner as the previous report. Sergeant POUCHET, who is mentioned as having been present at the meeting, is the N.C.O. who gave the first information to the O.C., 8th Battalion of the earlier meetings. This meeting took place with the previous knowledge (though without the official consent) of the Commanding Officer, who, with my approval, took no steps to prevent it, in the hope of obtaining therefrom information of the designs of the persons holding it. A Sergeant of the 10th Battalion has also recently voluntarily informed his C.O. of the existence of the league and of the desire of the members to hold a meeting in the lines of the 10th Battalion. (Signed) H. F. THUILLIER Major General Commanding Troops, TARANTO

BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret” and “T 32/1.”

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Enclosure: Major Maxwell Smith, Commanding Officer, Eighth British West Indies Regiment, to Major-General Henry Fleetwood Thuillier, General Commanding Officer, Taranto 8th B.W.I. Camp Cimeno [Cimino] 3rd January, 1919 Sir, In connection with my Secret letter to you of 27.12.18 I have to report that another meeting of the “Caribbean League” took place last night in the British West Indian Sergeants Mess of my Battalion. The following is the gist of what took place. 1. C.S.M. Chapman of 8th in the Chair[.] 2. About 30 present[.] 3. No representatives from 4th 6th 7th or 11th present[.] 4. Meeting informed that C.O. 3rd Battalion had called upon his Sergeants to produce report of original meeting setting forth objects of league and after reading said he approved. 5. Meeting informed that C.O. of 10th Battalion had told his Orderly Room Sergeant Edwards that the Sergeants must be very careful over the league business and leave political matters alone and that they must remember that the West Indian can not stand up against the British Tommy and that it was the British Tommy who beat the Germans. 6. Sergeant Manly said that R.S.M. 10th had given similar warning to one of his men. 7. Sergeant Elkington urged that the principles of the league be spread throughout the men of the Regiment. This was supported by Dillon and Brown of 3rd Battalion and to instance how easily it could be done Brown said in one night he had secretly obtained the signatures of 63 men to something which (owing to an interruption) my informant was unable to say exactly what. 8. At this stage a St. Vincent Sergeant of the 10th said to Pouchet “I do not intend to associate myself any more with the league as I see it has taken a serious turn.” 9. Sergeants Manly and Edwards of the 10th urged that the principles of the league be not spread among the men as C.Os of Battalions already

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knew about it and the men might misunderstand the objects and get excited. 10. Dillon suggested subscriptions from Sergeants in order to circulate literature among the men. 11. Chapman stated it was rather risky to spread propaganda among the men as they might or might not understand the peaceful purpose of the league. 12. Pouchet reminded those present that the object of the meeting was to constitute the league and arrange for its management etc. 13. Sergeant Monte of 9th Battalion compared principles of “Jamaica League” and said that the best thing to do was not to pull against the Government but to work in harmony with them for the present and then strike at the right moment. Monte spoke peacefully and reasonably for the remainder of his speech. 14. The meeting settled down and discussed construction etc. but Pouchet asked if the Headquarters were to be in Jamaica and was told yes. He then said if that was so it was obvious that the officials would all be Jamaicans which destroyed the broader idea of a Caribbean League. 15. Dillon said if that was the feeling the League had better die here at once. 16. Sergeant Pouchet received support from several Sergeants who were none of them Jamaican born. 17. Another meeting was decided upon to be again held at 8th B.W.I. Mess as Pouchet assured them that as long as they stuck to the original ideas of the League there would be no objection. 18. Date of next meeting 4 inst. CONCLUSIONS It is quite clear that with a few exceptions all have “got the wind up” owing to Battalion Commanders having shown knowledge of what was going on. I do not expect the League will last out more than one or two meetings and the source of my information will be gone. I regret the premature action which has caused this as I firmly believe trouble is brewing for Jamaica and it would have been worth a great deal to get fully at the bottom of their plans before breaking up their meetings.

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May I ask as in the first instance that this letter be forwarded to the Colonial Office. (Signed) MAXWELL SMITH Major O.C. 8th B.W.I. BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.”

William L. Allardyce, Governor, Bahamas, to Admiral Morgan Singer, Commander in Chief, Bermuda [Nassau, N.P.] 23rd February, 1919 Sir, I have the honour to inform you that I have received copies of letters from the War Office through the Secretary of State for the Colonies relative to the formation of an association called the “Caribbean League” by Members of the British West Indies Regiment, and the occurrence of serious disturbances in the Regiment at Taranto. 2. The objects of the League are nominally to promote all matters conducive to the general welfare of the Islands constituting the British West Indies and British territories adjacent thereto, but there is strong reason to believe that it is a seditious movement. 3. At a meeting held on 17th December at Taranto the following statement by one of the Sergeants was loudly applauded:— “the black man should have freedom and govern himself in the West Indies and force must be used, and if necessary bloodshed to attain that object”. 4. In a telegram which I received from the Secretary of State on the 21st instant I was asked whether I regarded the forces at my disposal as adequate for the purpose of maintaining order during demobilization. In view of the fact that the small local Defence Force is composed mainly of coloured persons it would in my opinion be advisable to have the “Shearwater” or some other small Gun-Boat here on the return of the Bahamian Contingent, and I should feel obliged if you would cause the necessary instructions to be issued accordingly. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, W. L[. ]A[.] Governor DAB/PRO. TLI. Marked “Secret.”

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U.S. Postal Censorship Report NEW ORLEANS, LA. INDEX NO.

31555 FROM

TO

(Dr.) E. A. Sampson, Payo Obispo, Mexico.

Universal Negro Improvement, Association of New York, “The Negro World” 36–38 West 135th St., New York, N.Y.

NO. OF OBJECTS

DATE OF LETTER

??

ENCLOSED

DATE

ONI

2/25

4

C.C.C.

2/25

2

M.I.D

2/25

2

W.T.B

2/25

2

LANGUAGE OF

4

LETTER

DISPOSITION UNLESS COPIES DISPATCHED

ROUTE

English

DATE OF COMMENT

8th-3rd-N.D.

NO. OF EXAMINER TABLE 1137 NO. 1

Hold

NO. OF COMMENT TYPED BY WRITER 1127 FS–2/25/19.

APPROVED BY D.A.C.

2/24

1

2/24/19.

SUBJECT

P.O.

E.A.C.

2/24/19

N.Y.

Pr.4–Mex.1

APPROVED BY A.C.

G. H. T.

COMMENT EXHORTS NEGROES TO STRIKE FOR FREEDOM Writer sends what seems to be an advertisement, which is to be inserted, apparently in the “Negro World,” and in which Writer claims to be able to cure persons addicted to the use of “poisonous drastic drugs,” and promises help to those who have become financial, moral, spiritual or physical wrecks. Writer also encourages the ladies to “have no fear for their secrets,” and to send their letters to Dona VERA DE SAMPSON, in care of Writer; he also sends a list of his qualifications, which state that he is a Fellow of the British Psychological Institute, Bolton 15 Vernon St., England, a graduate of Chicago and St. Louis Colleges, etc. Writer also encloses two pages of verses, signed by himself, dated Jan. 29/ 1919, Payo Obispo, and entitled: “We Will Get Our Freedom.” This attempt at poetry is an exhortation to the Negroes to fight for their freedom. 172

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“We will endure the taunts no more, Turn us loose on Africa’s shore. There we’ll find Freedom. Save, teach, endure, till the nerves they break, Fight, die, and rather to dwell in Hell’s Lake Without our Freedom Where is the Negro with Soul so dead, Three hundred years with a Heart of lead, Look! can’t you see that embellished Light, And know for your rights it is time to Fight?” [Handwritten endorsement:] Mr. Fulk for Justice (?) DNA, RG 38, 10948–184. Printed form with typewritten insertions. MGP 1:370–371. 1. The press branch of postal censorship responsible for handling material from Mexico.

Article in the West Indian1 [Grenada, 28 February 1919] What is said to be the greatest movement in the history of the Negroes of the world, organized by Mr. Marcus Garvey a few months ago in New York, is spreading throughout the United States. The movement has for its standard the improvement of the coloured peoples of the entire globe despite geographical disadvantages. Mr. Garvey and his army of workers are enthusiastic over the progress of the organization and are working assiduously to further the plans of the as[s]ociation, which is called the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. The movement is backed by thousands of Negroes in the United States and the organization has its branches in nearly every large city situated above the Mason Dixon Line.2 He has visited these cities and has delivered addresses to monster gatherings of coloured people and returned to New York with optimistic thoughts of the future of the darker race, or the balance of power in the world, as he termed them in his eloquent address delivered in the Harlem Casino on December 6th, and subsequently when the coloured people of New York assembled to elect three delegates to the Peace Conference. To further the aims of the association and to properly place before the public the achievements and aspirations of the League, a weekly paper is published and is meeting with success from every direction. Mr. Garvey is a versatile writer and a forceful and convincing orator. On the 9th of January he held a

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large audience spell-bound for nearly two hours in Brooklyn. The speech was delivered in the John Wesley M[ethodist] E[piscopal] Church. After the singing of the Negro National Anthem3 and Mr. Garvey had been introduced, he rose amid the thunderous applause of the thousands gathered to hear him speak. He told of his visits to the different cities and the success that followed, also of the spirit of co-operation that is being manifested by coloured people with whom he came in contact. He said in part: Whether it is in America, in the West Indies, in Central America or South America or Africa, the news is coming to us every day of the readiness of the people to cooperate with us. It is because we want you in Brooklyn to be as solid, as resolute in your determination as we are in New York city why I come to you without any scruples to let you know that if the people in Greater New York are ready, if the people in Harlem are ready, if the people in Newport News are ready, if the people in Chicago are ready, if the people in Washington are ready, and if the people in every part of the world are ready, the West Indies and Africa; you in Brooklyn must also be ready, because the four hundred millions of us scattered in all parts of the world must be so prepared that at the call for service, we must step forth to deliver ourselves into that freedom, that democracy for which we have fought in many a battle. (Hear, Hear.) The real fight of the Negro is to come. When we look on the world as it is reorganizing itself today, we cannot see any sleeping people, I mean people who are not alive to their immediate need of freedom. Whether it is the Irish people, the Polish people, the Jews, or the Hindoos, everybody is looking out to protect himself and in this case wherein men are fighting for freedom, we of the Negro race cannot afford to linger behind. Our sacrifices, as made in the cause of other people, are many. I think it is time that we should prepare to sacrifice now for ourselves, (Cheers). I cannot see why you in Brooklyn should be different from other people in that we are Negroes suffering from the same disadvan[t]ages. I would like it to go down in the history of our great world-wide movement that you in Brooklyn were not dead, were not deaf to the appeal for cooperation when made to you. And I am now making that appeal, trusting each and every one of you here will become members of the association before the meeting comes to a close. Organization is the force that rules the world. All peoples have gained their freedom through organized force. All nations all empires have grown into greatness through organized methods. These are the means by which we as a race, will climb to greatness. The world around us is organizing itself today. The white world of Europe is so organized as to be able to protect itself from foreign intrusion. Asia is organizing to repel the aggressor. Africa at home and Africa abroad are the only open doors that suggest exploitation and robbery to othe[r] peoples. When I say Africa at home, I mean the 280,000,000 of blacks who live on that conti174

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nent that God gave us as our heritage. There we have no well organized government for protection. Because of that all the alien races of Europe have invaded that territory and they have subjugated the teeming millions to serfdom, to slavery. Africa abroad is suffering from many abuses. In America we have the lynch rope around our necks. In the West Indian islands we are relegated to the ditch of industrial stagnation. Nowhere in this br[o]ad universe are we recognized as a competent race simply because we have failed in that most essential weapon—organization. Let us be organized in Brooklyn tonight as we are organized in other parts of this country and in the West Indies (cheers.) This war that has been won by the allied nations was fought for a great principle. It was that of giving to all peoples the right to govern themselves. Now that there is peace and the affairs of the world are to be settled, we find that every race except the Negro will have a voice in the principle of self-determination. And why is it so? Because all of them are organized[.] In a matter of comparison, you can hardly find any race of people standing on the same political platform in the world as the Negro[.] They might suffer disadvantages, such as Poland,4 but none of these countries suffer in the way Africa suffers. Africa of 12,000,000 square miles is the most congenial country in the world for the Negro[.] That country . . . [several words mutilated] gave him is to . . . [several words mutilated] in the East . . . [several words mutilated] South or Central . . . [mutilated] every spot that is habitable has [become?] the domain of the white man, and he has possessed himself of it, not by a matter of conquest alone, but through the easiest methods possible, simply because there has been no organized resistance. The time for the peaceful penetration of the black man’s right by the white man is past, and the time for a determined resistance has come, and it is on that problem we of the Universal Negro Improvement Association stand. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) We are determined to live and die free men. (Cheers) Men who are free never admit of inroads into their rights. When such inroads are attempted, the result has always been a fight to the finish. When Germany made her inroad into the political boundaries of Northern Europe, there was an organized resistance to repel her. She has been whipped, and I am now saying to you people in Brooklyn tonight that the same methods that were used by the allied governments in whipping Germany to her knees for the intrusion she had made into the rights of other people’s, is the same course we must take as a universal people to repel the aggressor on the continent of Africa. (Cheers.) Africa will be a bloody battlefield in the years to come. (Hear, hear.) We cannot tell who the foemen will be, whether he will be English, French, German, Belgian or Dutch; but there is one thing we are determined on that we are going to fight it out with him to a finish. That finish must mean victory for the Negro standard. (Wild cheers.) 175

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Freedom has become a sacred possession to men. No race can be completely free, living as subjects of an alien race. The Negro is tired of being a subject. He is tired of being a citizen without rights, and the time is now ripe when we should guarantee freedom even at the cost of our lives. (Cheers.) One generation must die even in half to save the other generation in whole. (Cheers) As for me the spirit of Patrick Henry still moves; it is the spirit of liberty or death.5 There has always been one consolation for me which I have gained out of this war. I, as a young man, could have died in France, in Flanders or Mesopotamia, fighting for the brutal Belgian. Since I could have so died without achieving anything for myself after the victory, I am now resolved to try the game of dying for myself; but before I die, I feel sure that my blood shall have paid that remission for which future generations of the Negro race shall be declared free. (Cheers) Freedom of action, freedom of opportunity are the things we need, which I believe can only be gained after we shall have established an imperial power to command the respect of nations and races. Let us step out in Brooklyn tonight with the spirit of service. That service which the Pilgrim Fathers gave for the building up of America we must also give for the building up of our race. Printed in WI (Mail Edition), 28 February 1919. Original headlines have been omitted. MGP 1:373–376. 1. Garvey’s lecture was reported by W. H. Simpson, the New York correspondent of the West Indian, a newspaper started in January 1915 by T. Albert Marryshow, who held the posts of editor and manager until 1934 when the newspaper changed ownership, and the lawyer C. F. P. Renwick. At its inception, the paper aimed at daily publication, including Sundays, with the exception of Mondays, Good Friday, and Christmas. It reported local subscriptions of fifteen hundred during the first few years of its existence. By 1924, however, local subscription had fallen to six hundred. In addition to the local edition, it published a weekly mail edition for overseas readers that summarized the contents of the two issues that appeared locally during the previous week. This overseas edition, with slightly over a hundred subscribers, was eagerly read by Grenadians and West Indians who had migrated to various parts of the Americas in the early twentieth century. The West Indian was a major outlet for nationalist political views and anticolonial stirrings in the Caribbean by 1919. Intended initially as an “intelligencer, an immediate and accurate chronicler of current events . . . [and] an unswerving educator of the people in their duties as subjects of the state and citizens of the world,” the West Indian was also envisioned as “an untramelled advocate of popular rights, unhampered by the chains of party or prejudice.” It was a major organ of the Grenada RGA, a political body emerging in the early twentieth century that championed the rights of local blacks for greater participation in and control of their affairs. As such, the West Indian often incurred the wrath of colonial officials whose policies were often the target of much of the newspaper’s criticism. During the war, the paper was generally supportive of Britain’s war efforts. Subsequently, it played an important role in the petition movement and various campaigns for political advancement in Grenada in the 1920s. Gradually, it articulated the need for political union by the Caribbean states as an instrument of political advancement and empowerment. The paper was eventually shut down by the People’s Revolutionary Government of Grenada in 1979 (Edward L. Cox, “‘Race Men’: The Pan-African Struggles of William Galway Donovan and Theophilus Albert Marryshow for Political Change on Grenada, 1884–1925,” JCH 36, no. 1 [2002]: 69–99; Patrick Emmanuel, Crown Colony Politics in Grenada, 1917–1951 [Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), University of the West Indies, 1978]; Jill Sheppard, Marryshow of Grenada: An Introduction [Bridgetown, Barbados: Letchworth Press, 1987]). 2. The Mason-Dixon line was originally the boundary line between Pennsylvania in the north, and Maryland and present-day West Virginia in the south.

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FEBRUARY 1919 3. “‘Lift Every Voice and Sing’ (National Hymn for the Colored People of America)” was originally composed in 1900 as a commemorative hymn on the anniversary of Abraham Lincoln’s birth by James Weldon Johnson (1871–1938) and his brother J. Rosamond Johnson (1873–1954), and dedicated to Booker T. Washington. Both men later made an outstanding mark in the musical history of America, and the song gained such wide acceptance among black Americans that within a decade after its composition it came to be known as the “Negro National Anthem” (Wayne Francis, “‘Lift Every Voice and Sing,’” Crisis 32 [September 1926]: 234–236; James Weldon Johnson, The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man [1912; reprint., New York: Hill & Wang, 1960]; Eugene Levy, James Weldon Johnson: Black Leader, Black Voice [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973]). 4. A reference to the long-standing territorial partition of Poland between Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary, as well as to the problem of religious, cultural, and linguistic rights of its various minorities. By the Treaty of Saint-Germain, signed on 10 September 1919, the independence of Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Poland, and Hungary was recognized, with each state obliged to give guarantees of protection for the rights and privileges of its various minority populations. 5. Patrick Henry, the “Voice of the American Revolution,” was the first governor of Virginia after the Declaration of Independence from Great Britain. Henry expressed the growing colonial discontent with imperial rule in his Stamp Act Speech of 1765 and his “Liberty or Death” speech of 1775.

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Announcement of UNIA international convention (Source: NW, 1 March 1919)

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Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office [Bridgetown, Barbados] 4.3.19 My Lord. In accordance with my previous/cypher telegram of 21st Feby I h[ave] the h[onour] I h[ave] the h[onour] to ack[nowled]ge the receipt of your Lordship’s cypher telegram of February the 26th in reply to my telegram of the 20th February and informing me of the itineraries of H.M.’s ships Cumberland and Cornwall. I beg to express my thanks for the arrangement made whereby warships will be in our vicinity during the approaching demobilization of the British West Indies Regiment. 2. There has been a considerable amount of local excitement as regards the disbandment of these soldiers, from certain members of whom threatening letters have been received by various persons in the community—There have been a number of strikes in the last few weeks and there is a general indication that persons in most trades & occupations are inclined to combine to obtain higher wages. Most of these strikes have been settled, but Planters report that the Labourers are sullen and there have been hints that trouble may arise on the return of the [illegible] British West Indies Contingent, so it is [illegible] a satisfaction to feel that should it arise it will be possible to have the backing of H. Majesty’s navy. Personally I doubt if serious trouble will occur in Barbados although it is clear some agitators are desirous of stirring up strife & raising the racial question. 3. I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship’s Secret dispatch of 24 January last regarding the formation of an association called the Caribbean League by members of the British West Indies Regiment—this dispatch only reached me on the 25th February. I have the honour to [remain,] Your Lordship’s Most obedient humble servant[,] CHARLES O’BRIEN Governor BDA, GH 3/5/1. ALS. Marked “Secret” and “Draft copy.”

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Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, 4 March 1919 (Source: BDA, GH 3/5/1)

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William L. Hurley,1 Office of the Under Secretary, U.S. Department of State, to L. Lanier Winslow, Office of the Counselor, U.S. Department of State LONDON,

March 10, 1919

My dear Winslow: As of possible interest I send you herewith a copy of a Manifesto issued by the National Association of Negroes, which was sent from Cristobal, Panama Canal Zone, on January 26th, to the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, of London, with regard to a Negro State in Central Africa. In this connection I beg leave to refer you to Mr. Page’s Despatch No. 6776 of August 14, 1917. Yours sincerely: W. L. HURLEY DNA, RG 59, 000-796. TLS, copy. Marked “No. 978” and “Confidential.” 1. William Lee Hurley (b. 1880) was a career employee of the U.S. Department of State. He became vice-consul at Warsaw in 1923 (U.S. Department of State, Register of the Department of State, 1924 [Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1924], p. 144).

Enclosure: National Association of Loyal Negroes to the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society Cristobal (Panama, Canal Zone) 26.1.19 This packet contains six copies of a leaflet, stating the “Peace Aims” of the “National Association of Loyal Negroes,” whose motto is “Freedom— Democracy—Africa.” Manifesto:— 1. That the African Colonies wrested from Germany during the course of the war, and more especially German East Africa, the Cameroons and Togoland be incorporated in one large Central African State under native leadership and government, protected by the international guarantees of the League of Nations now in process of formation. In order to carry out this scheme effectively and in a practical manner so that all the colonies named may be linked up territorially East and West, it is suggested that British East Africa, the Belgian and French Congo States and Portug[u]ese West Africa be ceded to the Central African State proTEXT OF

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jected, taking as a line of demarcation all the territories stretching East and West from about 40 north to 100 south of the equator. 2. That the British Colony of Sierra Leone be merged into the little Republic of Liberia to form one West African State so as to afford better harbor facilities to Liberia, which is essential to the economic growth and development of this Negro Republic. 3. That the independent native state of Abyssinia be given an outlet to the sea by ceding to her British, French and Italian Somaliland and the Italian colony of [E]ritrea. 4. That German South-West Africa be internationalised under the joint control of all the powers comprising the League of Nations with the understanding that the interests of the natives must be paramount. In the above peace aims it must be borne in mind that the negro is not asking for anything that is not his. Where the word British or French or Belgian occurs in the text, it is simply used adjectively to territories under control by means of force by the several governments named. On all sides one is confronted by these questions: Can the Belgians, who were unable to protect Belgium their national home, protect the Congo? and what of Portugal who is still under leading strings of other European powers—is she capable of colonial trust? It was Negroes who stopped the Germans at Verdun; it was Negroes who helped to stem the tide at the Piave when the Italian morale was at breaking point. It was Negroes who drove Germany out of Africa, and it is Negroes who must determine the fate of these African colonies.1 N.B. It is possible that the “National Association of Negroes” may be connected with the “Universal Negro Improvement Association” and African Committee’s League. DNA, RG 59, 000-796. TD, copy. 1. This is a reference to the extensive French deployment of African troops in Europe and to the British and French deployment of African troops in the West and East African campaigns. The Tirailleurs Senegalais, recruited in French West Africa, were maintained at a strength of more than 170,000 between 1914 and 1918. More than 30,000 were killed in action (Myron Echenberg, Colonial Conscripts: The Tirailleurs Senegalais in French West Africa 1857–1960 [London: James Currey, 1991]).

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National Association of Loyal Negroes pamphlet, 2 April 1919 (Source: DNA, RG 165, 10218-325/50)

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Military Representative, Executive Postal Censorship Committee, New York, to Brigadier General Marlborough Churchill,1 Director, U.S. Military Intelligence Division 641 Washington Street March 14, 1919 Subject: Suspension of Index No. 137999 Fr: Edgar McCarthy To: Cecil Hope 1. Attached is the abstract of a letter which has been suspended at this office for advice from the Director of Military Intelligence as to its disposition. 2. Advice as to the disposition desired may be indicated by placing an (x) opposite the appropriate line in the first indorsement below, or by filling in the space left blank. [initials illegible] Benj. M. Day Capt. U.S.A. 1ST INDORSEMENT Brig. Gen. M. Churchill, G.S., Wash. D.C. ____ To Mil. Rep. on P.C.C. 641 Washington Street, New York. 1. It is desired that the above letter be:— (a) . . . Held B . . . Despatched C . . . Returned to sender. (d) //x// [option checked] Photostated and a copy sent to the Dir. of Mil. Int. [handwritten in the margin: Especially propaganda leaflet] (e) . . . Sent to the laboratory for test for invisible ink. (f) . . . Referred to Dr. Green for advice as to whether it may or may not contain code. (g) . . . Disposed of by the Mil. Rep[.] on the P.C.C. in accordance with his own judgement. (h) . . . 2ND INDORSEMENT 641 Wash. St., New York, 3/24/19,2 to Brig. Gen. M. Churchill, G.S., Wash. D.C.

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1. The request indicated in the first indorsement above has been complied with. BENJ. M. DAY Capt. U.S.A. [Typed note:] Refer to File No. //273X(50)// [Handwritten endorsement:] John M. Dunn3 Colonel, General Staff [H.S.R.?] M.I. 4B4 [Handwritten in the margin:] Negro Subversion5 DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/45. Typed form with manuscript additions. 1. Brigadier General Marlborough Churchill (1878–1947) served as director of the Military Intelligence Division between 1918 and 1920. Before his appointment in August 1918, he spent five months as acting chief of staff of artillery in the American Expeditionary Forces’ First Army in France; after that, in June 1918, he was appointed to the position of chief censor of the Military Intelligence Branch in Washington, D.C. He returned to Paris on special duty to the Peace Conference in December 1918. He resumed his position as head of military intelligence on his return to America in March 1919 (NYT, 10 July 1947; Harvard College, Class of 1900, Report [Cambridge: Crimson Printing, 1950]; MGP 1:294 n. 3; Who Was Who in American History—The Military [Chicago, Ill.: Marquis, n.d.]). 2. Inserted handwritten date. 3. Col. John M. Dunn (1875–1931) served as acting director of the Military Intelligence Division from 22 November 1918 to 1 April 1919 (Official Army Register, 1920; 1931 [Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1920; 1931]; MGP 1:301 n. 2). 4. MI 4B was both the most important and the largest subsection within the MI 4 section (Counterespionage among Civilian Population) of the Negative Branch of the Military Intelligence Division. It was responsible for handling “all routine matters bearing upon civilian counterespionage within the United States and was subdivided into six main groups in order to conform generally with the six geographical departments of the Army.” The Southeastern Department of MI 4B was responsible for “Negro subversion and political demagoguery” (Col. Bruce W. Bidwell, “History of the Military Intelligence Division, Department of the Army General Staff,” unpublished manuscript, 1959–1961, Carlisle Barracks, Pa., United States Army Military History Institute, regraded unclassified 20 July 1979, part 2, pp. 386–387; MGP 1:295 n. 5). 5. The handwritten notes in the margin appear on a separate copy of the form.

Enclosure: Edgar McCarthy, Secretary, UNIA Colon Division, to the General Secretary, UNIA and ACL Cristobal P.O. Canal Zone February 18th 1919 Dear Sir and Brother I have very great pleasure in remitting to you the sum of $15.00 U.S.O. being entrance fee and certificate money of the names herein attached[.] This

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amount must not be confused with any transaction of brother J. S. [H.] Seymore [Seymour] as we are in no way connected with him as per our letter to the executive dated February 3rd 1919. It shall be our want to send in return of our work every month. We shall be obliged for as early remittance as possible of the certificates sent for so as to place reliance in our movement. Wishing this Ggreat and movement Grant [Grand?] movement the Blessing and aid of (ALMIGHTY GOD) I am Sir Yours for the Great Cause EDGAR MCCARTHY Secretary Colon Branch The U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/44, Records of the War Department, General and Special Staff, Military Intelligence Division. TLS.

Enclosure: List of Members of the UNIA Colon Division Cristobal, P/O Canal Zone February 18th 1919 Rep De Panama Names of persons who have become Members of the Colon Branch of the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. //1// Names as follows, //2// Reid Percival //3// Harrison Alfred //4// Butterfield Vernon //5// Peterkin Charles //6// Arthurton James //7// Arthurton Ruth //8// Knights Lillian //9// Warren Charles //10// Issac James //11// Rose Lillian //12// Davis John A //13// Rowe William //14// Agustine A //15// White Edward //16// Layne A //17// Garrett James

//32// Lowe Charles //33// Stephenson Alfred //34// Graham E. N. //35// Davis Thomas //36// Daniel Thomas //37// Bowen Constantine //38// Jones Edward F. //39// Gordon Gabriel //40// Simon Uriah //41// Jones Edward E. //42// Harris Charles E. //43// Marvin Louisa //44// Shaw William //45// Grant Muriel //46// Edward Sarah //47// Sammerville John 186

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//18// Walker Charles A //19// Callender George //20// Clarke Anitta //21// Bowen Alfred //22// Boyce Jonathan //23// Colyard Joseph //24// Boyce Leapold //25// Blackburn Charles //26// Scott Samuel //27// Smith George //28// Campbell Simon //29// Austin Vlurt //30// Ervine Thomas //31// Coppin Edward

//48// Mc[.]Lean William //49// Bobb Herbert //50// Hinkson Joseph //51// Steven Charles //52// Morrillo Matthew //53// Semper Maud //54// Williams Walter //55// Wilkins Frank //56// Bartley Jonathan //57// Sewel Alexander //58// Williams Joseph //Joseph William// //59// Laidlow Henry //60// Brown Harriett //1// Medford Aaron

[Handwritten endorsement:] Enclosed please find a short contribution for publication in the Negro World. Yrs Edgar McCarthy DNA, RG 165, 10218-261/44, Records of the War Department, General and Special Staff, MID. TD.

Article in the West Indian [[Grenada, 23 March 1919]]

RECONSTRUCTION IN THE WEST INDIES Marcus Garvey, the brilliant editor of “The Negro World” published in New York, and President of the “Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League,” is waging a tremendous campaign in the United States for the cause of his people in the world. He is a fine platform artist and has been doing great work for the New York division of his movement—a movement that has spread throughout the United States. Mr. Garvey is an uncompromising militant, and has, with one leap, forged himself into the position of one of the most powerful leaders of his race. Under the above caption he writes1 as follows (some of which we do not agree with, while appreciating the full spirit of his remarks):— There is hardly a section of the world that has remained untouched by the great war. If it has not actually participated by sending some of its sons to the battlefield, it has all the same felt the effects of the great conflict. In most countries the effects of the war have been dually experienced. Varying contributions of man power have been made and many firesides and

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hearths are today mourning the loss of male relatives who died on some far off battlefield. But the principal way in which all countries have been affected by the war is economically; they have either gone backward or forward, but none of them has remained stationary. This is true of the British West Indies as of the other political divisions of the world. Being colonies controlled by a not altogether unaggressive capitalistic nation, these islands, by reason of that control, find themselves exposed to all the dangers that assail the Mother Country. Of themselves the islands are too small and too weak to cherish any notions of aggression, and having no voice in the formulation of British international policy, they are, without their consent or disapproval, compelled to share the fortunes of England, whether such fortunes are for weal or for woe or a result of aggressive or democratic motives on the part of the Mother Country. These islands went the limit and showed their attachment for England by taking on financial burdens of a character that is calculated [to] impoverish them for generations and also oversubscribed the[i]r selfallotted quota of men.2 So great is the former that taxes have been imposed in some of the islands which are at once a disgrace and a challenge to civilisation, while the latter was such a drain upon their manhood that the Imperial Government, with superior concepts of what should constitute a just contribution of manpower, ordered the disbandment of the West Indian Contingent.3 Out of the great European struggle a new world is in the making, and while due consideration is given to the desires and needs of Europeans, nothing is being said as to what form this reconstruction shall take in the British West Indies. If Englishmen, Canadians and Australians fought, as they said, for ideals of democracy, it was for the same ideals that the sons of the Caribbean fought, even with their understanding of the ideals unclear and their perceptions dim. Beneath the surface of their self-sacrificing patriotism was an ineradicable belief that their sufferings and their participation in the war would result in the extension of some of the blessings of democracy and prosperity to their own homes. Unfortunately, there is no central authority in those islands which can be regarded as their mouthpiece; consequently the people, for the time being, are forced to look to Great Britain for application of the principles of democracy which she so loudly announced to the world. The British Empire cannot be half de[s]potic and half democratic. If oligarchical rule is not to be tolerated by Englishmen in England, it should not be tolerated by them in sections of their own empire. In the reconstruction period Great Britain will have opportunity to prove to the world that her statesmen are not hypocrites; that they did not fight, as some allege, for mercenary reasons, but for freedom and democracy. If political freedom is good enough to be forced upon Germans, then it is certainly good 188

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enough for Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados, St. Kitts and the other islands of the Antilles. If Prussian methods are to be eliminated from the world, they must also cease to exist in the possession of that nation which assures the world that it was its high mission to establish universal democracy. In the West Indies after the war there should remain not a single vestige of economic serfdom or political slavery. No longer should the people be denied a real voice in their government, nor should they be governed by a minority of the population. It is the duty of West Indians of light and leading who are domiciled in foreign countries to lead in the demand for a West Indian renaissance. They should not be satisfied with mere assertions of loyalty to any particular country, for they owe a higher loyalty to the islands where they were born. Therefore we suggest that these men and women get together now, even as the Irish, Czecho-Slovaks, Alsatians, Poles and Hindoos have done, and begin to formulate plans for the betterment of the respective islands. This is not the time to be laggards; it is the time to be up and doing. WEST INDIANS, WAKE UP! Reprinted in WI (Mail Edition), 28 March 1919. 1. Wilfred A. Domingo, the literary editor of the Negro World at the time, was most likely the author of the editorial; the views put forward in it were those advocated at the time by Domingo. 2. Grenada voted in favor of a contribution of £10,000 in September 1914—£6,000 for the purchase of Grenada cocoa for the British troops and £4,000 for a contribution to the Prince of Wales National Relief Fund. By a resolution of the legislative council passed on 9 August 1916, the colony accepted liability for allowances, pensions, and gratuities for recruits sent from the colony, up to a maximum charge of £2,700 annually. The local government also defrayed the maintenance of the recruits while in the colony and the cost of transport to their destination. The latter expenses amounted to approximately £5,500 in 1915–1916 and to £11,000 in 1916–1917. The Annual Report for 1918–1919 stated that a total of £43,635 was expended as of 31 March 1919 from public funds for war services. A total of 446 men voluntarily left their homes in Grenada for service with the British imperial forces (E. Gittens Knight, comp., The Grenada Handbook and Directory 1946 [Bridgetown, Barbados: n.p., 1946], pp. 73–75). 3. The claim that the contingent was disbanded because the West Indies had provided disproportionate manpower to the war effort was inaccurate. The last West Indian contingents sailed for overseas service in October 1917. Enlistment had been suspended by the end of July 1917 as sufficient volunteers had been recruited to maintain the twelve existing or proposed BWIR battalions. British Honduras had suspended recruitment earlier as employers there were fearful of an ensuing labor shortage. The possibility of recruiting a higher percentage of available West Indian manpower was raised in discussions between the War Office and the Colonial Office. This was not undertaken, however, on the pretext that transport ships could not be diverted from other routes, principally those conveying the U.S. Army. Officials also continued to doubt the ability of West Indians to withstand the climate in France and Flanders. Jamaica was the only West Indian territory to introduce legislation permitting compulsory enlistment. Under the terms of the Military Service Act of 1917, a register of all Jamaican males between ages sixteen and forty-five was compiled. However, the provisions of the act providing for full conscription were never invoked due to the adequate number of volunteers (Cubitt, Assistant Under Secretary of State, War Office, to the Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office, TNA: PRO CO 318/344/38964; C. L. Joseph, “The British West Indies Regiment 1914–1918,” Journal of Caribbean History 2 [1971]: 110–112; Richard Smith, Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004], pp. 72, 95, 140).

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Haiti

Article in L’Essor Quotidien [Port-au-Prince, 29 March 1919]

ELIÉZER CADET We have received the 1 March issue of the American newspaper, Negro World, which contains information for us regarding the warm reception accorded by the French press to our compatriot Eliézier [C]adet, appointed by American negroes as a member of their committee to the peace conference.

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Mr. Cadet is the bearer of a letter of introduction signed by the President of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League of New York. Upon his arrival in Paris, Mr. Cadet delivered an address to the French and English people in which he made mention of the aspirations of his race, summarized in the following nine points. 1. The right of self-determination will be applied to Africans and to every European colony where the African race predominates. 2. The abolition of every economic obstacle injurious to the industrial development of Africa. 3. The enjoyment by Negroes of the right to travel and to reside in any part of the world, all the while possessing the same prerogatives as the Europeans in the enjoyment of these rights. 4. The right for Negroes to receive the same standard of education accorded to Europeans. 5. The expulsion of all Europeans who oppose or violate African customs. 6. The repeal in all countries of all proscriptive ordinances leveled against Negroes. Furthermore, complete political, industrial, and social equality ought to be granted to them (Negroes) in all countries where they live side by side with members of other races. 7. The repeal of the laws restricting land-ownership leveled against the natives of South Africa, and the restitution of the land to the original owners. 8. The enjoyment by Negroes of the right of proportional representation in every system of government in the world. 9. The return to the natives of Germany’s African colonies, which will be governed by Negroes educated in the Eastern and Western countries.1 As one can see, the American Negroes are not idle in the great social movement taking place in the world, and it is to the glory of Haiti that one of its sons has been chosen to bring the Race’s condolences to the highest council of Peace. We cannot praise Mr. Cadet too much, and we wish him all kinds of success for the country and for the race. Printed in L’Essor Quotidien, 29 March 1919. Translated from French. 1. Related to the issue of the disposition of German colonies in Africa was the equally sensitive issue of the role of Germany in Haiti, especially since German troops had landed in Port-au-Prince in 1911 to protect the property of the large number of German nationals living there. The U.S. Department of State believed that Germans controlled 80 percent of commerce in Haiti in 1914, and the U.S. occupation served in part to foreclose the growing German interest in Haiti (David Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race, Colour, and National Independence in Haiti [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979], pp. 143–148; Brenda Gayle Plummer, Haiti and the Great Powers, 1902–1915 [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988]; Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 [Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1996], pp. 15–20).

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Letter to the Colonial Office BRITISH DELEGATION PARIS

3rd April 1919

With the Prime Minister’s Private Secretary’s compliment. TNA: PRO FO 608/219. TN.

Enclosure: Eliézer Cadet to David Lloyd George, Prime Minister 104 Boulevard de Courcelles c/o Légation of Haiti 31/3/19 The delegates of the “Universal Negro Improvement Association & African Communities League of the World” are honored to pay homage to the Honorable Rt [Rt. Hon.] Mister Lori Georges [Lloyd George] and they ask him to please use his influence to cease the atrocities committed against blacks from around the world. In America we demand the abolition of lynching, of the live burning of our men, women and children without prior judgment, the legal prescriptions, the deprivation of voting rights etc. Finally, we demand the Democracy for which we have fought. In the Antilles [West Indies] we demand an increase of the infinitesimal salaries paid to blacks of those islands by the white exploiters; as well as the full enjoyment of all civil and political rights. In Africa we demand the respect of the rights and interests of the natives and that their intellectual and moral development be permitted and facilitated. Please accept, Mister Prime Minister, the expression of our highest consideration. ELIÉZER CADET President of the Delegation [Handwritten minutes:] This has been acknowledged. Mr. Strachey1 to see. H. K-H. [Hughe KnatchbullHugessen]2 April 8. Put by. C. Strachey 9. 4 TNA: PRO FO 608/219. ALS. Translated from French.

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APRIL 1919 1. Sir Charles Strachey (1862–1942) joined the Foreign Office as second-class junior clerk on 2 April 1885, rising to first-class junior clerk on 1 May 1885. He entered colonial service on 20 November 1898 as a first-class clerk and served in a number of positions within the Colonial Office, including principal clerk (1 January 1907), member of the British delegation to the Paris Peace Conference (January to September 1919), assistant secretary (1 April 1920), and assistant under secretary of state (12 December 1924), before retiring in September 1927 (DOCOL; WWW). 2. Sir Hughe Montgomery Knatchbull-Hugessen (1886–1971) was a career diplomat. He joined the Foreign Office in October 1908 and attended the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 as a second secretary. After serving as first secretary in The Hague from November 1919 and in Paris and Brussels in the 1920s, he was appointed minister to the Baltic states in 1930 and minister to Persia in 1934. Knatchbull-Hugessen was also posted as ambassador to China in 1936, ambassador to Turkey in 1939, and ambassador to Belgium and minister to Luxembourg in 1944 (ODNB).

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Eliézer Cadet to David Lloyd George, 31 March 1919 (Source: TNA: PRO FO 608/219)

Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Foreign Office, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office Foreign Office, //Apl. 11//, 1919 EARL CURZON OF KEDLESTON presents his compliments to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and has the honour to transmit herewith for Mr. Balfour’s consideration copy of the under-mentioned paper.1

[Handwritten minutes:] This Society looks as if it might spread into a very large negro association with considerable political influence & in course of time have to be reckoned with. We warned the Portuguese the other day about the danger of action likely to promote a concerted negro movement or

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APRIL 1919 to do anything in the way of encouraging negro union. Perhaps it might be desirable to send a reply, although it would be difficult to agree upon one. We could assure them (a little later) that liberty of immigration etc. etc. will be established in the mandatory territories & give some explanation of our conception of the duties of a mandatory & of the way we [certainly?] intend to deal with natives & native rights, as well as of the safeguard [on these] matters in the mandatory treaties. We could do this after the position of the German colonies is finally regulated. This suggestion may not be absolutely practical or immediately necessary, but it might do good to issue some such statement in a form intelligible to the educated negro world, a copy of which could be sent to this society. H. K-H. [Knatchbull-Hugessen] April 15 Sir H[.] Read2 We have heard of these people before. Their aspirations are ridiculous & they have certainly no following in Africa. As this petition is addressed to Mr. Lloyd George I should think it would be sufficient to ack[nowledge] it through Sir C. Mallet & say that it has been duly comm[unicate]d to the Prime Minister, and let Priv. Sec. to P.M. see.? C. Strachey 18.4 Lord Hardinge3 I agree with Mr. Strachey[.] H. J. Read 21/IV TNA: PRO FO 608/216. TD. Marked “No. 2187 (55407/52P).” 1. Mallet to Curzon of Kedleston, 19 February 1919, enc. Association of Universal Loyal Negroes petition (TNA: PRO FO 371/3705, F5808/45690). 2. Sir Herbert James Read (1863–1949) was a member of the Colonial Office delegation at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. Educated at Brasenose College, Oxford, Read joined the Colonial Office by 1889 and was appointed assistant under secretary of state in March 1916. He also served as governor of Mauritius from 1924 until 1930 (DOCOL). 3. Charles Hardinge (1858–1944) was permanent under secretary of state at the Foreign Office in 1919. Educated at Cambridge University, Hardinge joined the Foreign Office in 1880 and served in various European diplomatic positions, including chargé d’affaires of Bucharest in September 1892 and head of the chancery in the Paris embassy in 1893. After becoming the first secretary to the British legation at Tehran in 1896, Hardinge accepted nomination as one of four under secretaries at the Foreign Office in 1903. In May 1904 he was appointed ambassador to Russia, leaving St. Petersburg in January 1906 to assume the role of permanent under secretary at the Foreign Office.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS After serving as viceroy of India between 1910 and 1916, Hardinge returned to his previous Foreign Office position, where he served until his appointment as ambassador to France in November 1920. He retired in December 1922 (ODNB).

British Guiana

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Article in the Daily Chronicle [Georgetown, British Guiana, 20 April 1919]

POSITION OF THE NEGRO IN THE COLONY SOCIETY FORMED FOR HIS ADVANCEMENT A meeting was held on Thursday night last at the Scottish Flower Lodge, Carmichael Street, for the inauguration of a branch of an American Society known as “The Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League of Georgetown.” There was a fair attendance of clerks, mechanics, and porters. The Chair was occupied by Mr. J. M. Cush, and also on the platform were Messrs. Wilfred Gill, F. S. Hunte, G. H. A. Bunyan and H. D. Durant. The object of the association is to establish fraternity among the members of the Negro race in this colony. RESOLUTION MOVED The following was read by Mr. M. L. Cadogan, Secretary:— Whereas information has reached us through the medium of the Negro World that there is a big movement now on foot in the United States of America for the improvement of our race known as “The Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League,” and it having appeared to us that this movement is a healthy and wholesome one which should be copied by every self-respecting Negro in the world. Be it resolved that we bind ourselves together for the purpose of carrying out the objects of this League by organising a branch in this colony and adopting such measures which will bring us into connection with the head quarters in New York. This resolution was moved by Mr. Gill and seconded by Mr. E. A. Trotz.1 CHAIRMAN APPROVES SEGREGATION The Chairman gave his experience of the life of the Negro in the United States of America and remarked that wherever the Negro in America was strictly segregated his progress was more marked. He appealed to those present to make a step toward their independence by enrolling as members of the Association. Messrs. Bunyan and Durant expressed sympathy with the movement and while pledging their hearty support they referred to the many drawbacks against the progress of the race. Chief among these, they said, is the fact that

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the conditions under which Negroes in this colony live are not the same as those prevailing in the United States. The motion was adopted. Printed in DC, 20 April 1919. 1. E. A. Trotz, a carpenter, resided at 80 Croal Street in Georgetown. Trotz had taken a petition of two hundred carpenters, masons, engineers, builders, and porters to the Royal Commission in 1897. One section of the petition stated: We as a class of men, are labouring under great disadvantage, as it is often thought by the well to do of the land that we are well fed and so forth, because hitherto we have struggled to keep body and soul together. Therefore, it stands to reason in their estimation that we have need of nothing. . . . No your honours for many a man and woman of the lower order of the population have often endured hunger for a day or two rather than beg (quoted in Walter Rodney, A History of the Guyanese Working People 1881– 1905 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981], p. 104). Trotz was also instrumental in attempting to form a Guianese Patriotic Club and Mechanics Union in June 1890 (ibid., pp. 163, 165).

Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office, to Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Foreign Office [BRITISH DELEGATION, PARIS] April 25th, 1919 Mr. Balfour presents his compliments to Earl Curzon of Kedleston and, with reference to His Lordship’s dispatch No. 2187 (55407/52P) of the 11th instant enclosing a petition from the Association of Universal Loyal Negroes, has the honour to suggest that Sir C. Mallet should be instructed to acknowledge the petition and to state that it has been duly communicated to the Prime Minister. TNA: PRO FO 608/216. TD. Marked No. 583 (19-732/1/1/7128).

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George E. Chamberlin,1 U.S. Consul, British Guiana, to Robert Lansing,2 U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE,

Georgetown, Guiana, May 9, 1919 SUBJECT: Requesting infro//or//mation for the British Guiana Government concerning certain publications issued in the United States. SIR: I have the honor to advise that recently certain publications have been received in this colony from the United States, evidently issued by Negro publishers, which appear to adopt a policy of antagonism to the white race, and which are causing the British Guiana Government some anxiety. The Government would like to prevent their receipt and distribution, but owing to the fact that the black population is several times that of the white and includes some prominent persons such as officials, lawyers, doctors and ministers, they are uncertain as to the advisability of taking the necessary steps here to prevent their circulation. The Inspector General of Police3 called at the consulate in connection with the matter and enquired as to whether any action had been taken in the United States to investigate the nature of these publications, stating that they were becoming alarmed as to what might result from an unrestricted circulation in the colony of these papers on account of the nature of some of their articles. Being unable to advise him as to the situation in connection with these papers in the United States, I informed him that I would be glad to present the matter confidentially to the Department of State and request such information as it might be able to supply, provided his Government considered it advisable. I am enclosing herewith a copy of a communication received from the Colonial Secretary in which he states that His Excellency would be much obliged if confidential enquiries could be made in the United States concerning these papers, and enclosing four copies of publications for my information. Unfortunately these papers cannot be transmitted as it was requested that they be returned after perusal. The papers enclosed were as follows: “The Crusader” of April, 1919, Vol. 1, No. 8, published monthly by Cyril V. Briggs at 2299 Seventh Avenue, New York, N.Y.4

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“The Negro World” of February 8, 1919, Vol. 1, No. 26, Marcus Gravey [Garvey], Managing Editor, published at 36–38 West 135th Street, New York, N.Y. “The Monitor” of March 15, 1919, Vol. IV, No. 37, published by the Rev. John Albert Williams at Omaha, Nebraska. A weekly publication.5 “The Christian Recorder” the Official Organ of the African Methodist Church of March 20, 1919, Vol. LXVI, No. 53, published weekly at 631 Pine Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.6 I have read these papers carefully and am unable to find anything objectionable in “The Monitor” and “The Christian Recorder,” but the “Crusader” and “The Negro World” both have articles that would appear antagonistic to the white race, and it is these two papers that the Inspector General of Police considered dangerous if circulated freely among the Negro population of the colony. It appears that the publishers forward these publications in packages addressed to local persons who act as agents or distributors. I shall be glad if the Department can supply the confidential information requested by His Excellency, the Officer Administering the Government. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. E. CHAMBERLIN Consul DNA, RG 59, 811.918/129. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential” and “No. 282.” 1. George Ellsworth Chamberlin (b. 1872) was provisionally recognized as U.S. consul to British Guiana on 6 June 1914. He served as American consul there until September 1919 (Official Gazette 38, “Government Notices,” no. 53 [Georgetown, 13 June 1914], p. 1,735; U.S. Department of State, Register of the Department of State, 1924 [Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1924]; MGP 1:478). 2. Robert Lansing (1864–1928) was the U.S. secretary of state from June 1915 to February 1920, serving previously as counselor for the Department of State from March 1914. He was also appointed chief of the American delegation to negotiate peace in November 1918. His own accounts of the peace conference in Paris were later published in The Big Four and Others of the Peace Conference (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1921) and The Peace Negotiations: A Personal Narrative (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1921) (WBD). 3. Major Cecil May, deputy inspector-general of police, was appointed to act as inspectorgeneral of police and commandant of the local forces in February 1919 (Official Gazette 47, “Government Notices,” no. 10 [Georgetown, 15 February 1919], p. 53). 4. The Crusader was the monthly publication of Cyril Valentine Briggs (1887–1966). Briggs, the son of Louis and Marion Briggs, was born at Brown Pasture, Nevis, in the British Leeward Islands, on 28 May 1887. Having been educated at Basseterre, St. Kitts, in Wesleyan and Baptist parochial schools, which were restricted to the native children of color, he left school at the age of sixteen and worked for nearly a year as a subreporter with the Basseterre Weekly Advertiser and the Basseterre Daily Express. He was influenced by reading the works of Robert Green Ingersoll (1833–1899), the man many considered to be the greatest English-language orator of his day. Ingersoll’s questioning of the tenets of Christian belief, as well as his eloquence and irreverent wit, impressed Briggs, as did the discovery of various books on imperialism in the library of his early mentor, Rev. Price, a Baptist clergyman in St. Kitts. Briggs immigrated to New York on 4 July 1905, where he joined the staff of the New York Amsterdam News shortly after it began publication in 1911. He worked for several months in 1912 as the society reporter, before being promoted successively to sports and theater editor during

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MAY 1919 1912–1913. In 1914 he became associate editor and the writer of the paper’s editorials. He also held the position of city editor, and, in actuality, was the paper’s managing editor. He married Bertha Florence of Talcott, W. Va., in January 1914. In 1915 he resigned from the Amsterdam News to found a magazine, the Colored American Review: A Magazine of Inspiration, for the Harlem business community. The venture proved short-lived, and Briggs rejoined the staff of the Amsterdam News in June 1916. He was again editor in all but name; that title officially belonged to James H. Anderson (1868–1931), the paper’s founder and publisher. After America’s entry into World War I, Briggs used his editorials to denounce the policy of black American support for the war effort. He also demanded that the principle of self-determination enunciated in President Wilson’s Fourteen Points be applied by granting territorial independence to black Americans and Africans. Briggs’s editorial was reprinted without comment in several black newspapers, and it received a large number of favorable letters. However, his opposition to the war effort as a battle for the imperialist redivision of territorial spoils brought pressure from U.S. Military Intelligence against the Amsterdam News’s publisher. In March 1918 Briggs resigned after refusing to accept censorship of his news columns. Soon after his resignation, several black supporters offered financial assistance for Briggs to publish his own journal. Chief among them was Anthony Crawford, the president of the InterColonial Steamship Company, Inc. With Crawford’s backing, he founded the monthly Crusader magazine in September 1918. After the appearance of the Crusader, Briggs received a letter from George Wells Parker (1882– 1931), a medical student in Omaha, Neb., and scion of one of that city’s oldest black families. Parker, Rev. John Albert Williams, and John E. Bruce had founded the Hamitic League of the World. Briggs, Parker, and Williams soon agreed to support each other, with Parker and Williams pledging to promote the Crusader in Omaha, while Briggs agreed to publicize the league and to promote Parker’s book, Children of the Sun, through notices in the Crusader. Moreover, the Crusader announced in April 1919 that it was the “Publicity Organ of the Hamitic League of the World.” The New York branch of the league was organized in July 1919 and it numbered among its members John E. Bruce, Arthur Schomburg, and Briggs. The editorial office of the Crusader on Seventh Avenue in Harlem was also designated the eastern office of the league in August 1919, and the following month the Crusader reported that “a large number of the prominent citizens of British Guiana organized a branch of the Hamitic League of the World recently, and word comes that branches are soon to be formed in Nigeria and Panama” (Crusader 2 [September 1919]: 12). The Crusader discontinued its designation as “Publicity Organ of the Hamitic League of the World” after August 1920, and in the late spring or early summer of 1921 it became the “Organ of the African Blood Brotherhood.” The formation of the African Blood Brotherhood (ABB) had been announced in October 1919 in the Crusader, and it later declared that its chief aims were organized self-defense against wanton white attacks, advancement of black rights, and “immediate protection and ultimate liberation of Negroes everywhere” (Crusader 5 [October 1921]). Briggs was the organizer, executive head, and “Paramount Chief” of the Supreme Executive Council of the ABB. Charter members consisted of West Indian radicals such as Theophilus Burrell (international secretary), Benjamin E. Burrell (director of historical research), Richard B. Moore (educational director), W. A. Domingo (director of publicity and propaganda), Claude McKay, Arthur Reid, Grace P. Campbell, and Joseph P. Fanning. Briggs’s principal objective in organizing the ABB, however, was to combat the spread of Garvey’s influence. Even though Briggs had sympathized with some aspects of the Garvey movement, the ABB became the first, and for some time the only, black radical group to challenge Garvey. Briggs actually invited Garvey to join the ABB, but as in all subsequent offers of cooperation, Garvey responded with a rebuff. However, in 1921 a number of leading Garveyites defected from the UNIA and joined the ABB’s ranks, among them Rev. James D. Brooks (UNIA secretary-general), Bishop George Alexander McGuire (UNIA chaplain-general), and Cyril Crichlow (UNIA stenographer and commissioner to Liberia). At its peak, the ABB numbered about seven thousand dues-paying members, who were organized through a system of “posts” (such as the New York “Menelik Post”) located throughout the United States and the West Indies. The post with the largest membership, however, was located in West Virginia. The ABB’s program called for “(1) a Liberated Race in the United States, Africa, and elsewhere; (2) Absolute Race Equality; (3) the Fostering of Racial Self-Respect; (4) Organized and Uncompromising Opposition to the Ku Klux Klan and anti-Negro Organizations; (5) a United Negro Front; (6) Industrial Development along Co-operative Lines; (7) Higher Wages for Negro Labor, Shorter Hours and better living conditions; (8) Education; and (9) Co-operation with those

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS other Darker Races and with those white workers who are fully class-conscious and are honestly working for a United Front of all Labor” (in the Summary of the Program and Aims of the African Blood Brotherhood, Formulated by 1920 Convention and on the African Blood Brotherhood letterhead). Possessing fraternal and benevolent features, and referring to itself as a “revolutionary secret Order,” the ABB not only practiced an initiation ritual for new members but also divided its membership on the basis of “seven degrees, the first being given upon entry, the next five for educational progress, the last and Seventh for Superlative Service” (Arthur Preuss, A Dictionary of Secret and Other Societies [St. Louis, Mo.: B. Herder Book, 1924], p. 4). Moreover, the ABB inaugurated a sick and death benefit insurance fund for members in November 1923. Previously, Briggs had attempted to start a chain of cooperative stores for ABB members on the Rochdale plan, hoping to operate twenty-five stores in different cities and possibly use them as a means of increasing ABB membership. The initial idea was proposed in July 1923, but due to a lack of funds, the scheme was never put into operation, though it received extensive publicity among ABB members. In November 1921 Briggs launched a ten-thousand-dollar fund drive to finance a weekly newspaper to be named the “Liberator.” Although he claimed to have the support of “153 Negro organizations and churches, newly federated to present a solid front to the foe” (Crusader 5 [November 1921]: 12), he failed to raise the necessary funds. But once again the primary purpose behind the attempt centered on Briggs’s conflict with Garvey. Three successive issues of the Negro World (8, 15, and 22 October 1921) featured an advertisement which declared that Briggs, who was undeniably light-skinned, was actually a “white man . . . claiming to be a Negro for Convenience.” Briggs’s response was swift: Garvey was immediately charged and arrested for criminal libel. At a court hearing in November 1921, Garvey was forced to retract his statement and to publish an apology. The membership of the ABB reached its peak in the late summer of 1923, as a result of the campaign Briggs conducted to organize the United Negro Front Conference in New York City on 23– 24 March 1923. The conference, which elected Dr. M. A. N. Shaw as president and Briggs as secretary, brought together the ABB, the Friends of Negro Freedom, the NAACP, the National Equal Rights League, the National Race Congress, and the International Uplift League. At the end of the conference, representatives of the six participating organizations signed a concordat and called for an All-Race Assembly. When support for the ABB slipped in the fall of 1923, members of the Supreme Executive Council turned increasingly toward the Workers Party of America so that the ABB became, in effect, the Harlem “Negro Branch” of the new Communist Party. But from early on, the two rival factions that made up the Workers Party vied eagerly for the ABB’s political support. Rose Pastor Stokes (1879–1933) and Robert Minor (1884–1952), each representing what they claimed was the official wing of the Workers Party, paid numerous visits to the ABB, which affiliated with the faction led by Rose Pastor Stokes. With the exception of W. A. Domingo and Claude McKay, the ABB’s entire Supreme Executive Council joined the ranks of the party by September–October 1923. Their recruitment marked the first Communist breakthrough among blacks in America. Until that time, there had been only two black American Communist Party members, Otto E. Huiswood and one Hendricks, who were simultaneously members of the ABB. Huiswood held the position of ABB national organizer. In the fall of 1923 the ABB was integrated into the Workers Party, which donated the funds for the ABB to open a forum in Harlem. The ABB was dissolved some time in 1924, though the exact date is not known. It was replaced by the American Negro Labor Congress in October 1925, with Briggs as its national secretary and editor of its official organ, Negro Champion. But in 1927 Briggs returned to the West Indies, where he carried out organizational work in Trinidad. He made several visits to the United States, and in 1928–1929 he was listed as a member of the national advisory committee of the Workers School in New York. Between 1932 and 1938 Briggs published his Crusader News Agency, which was a press service “giving national and international news of the liberation struggles of the Negro people” and which succeeded Briggs’s mimeographed weekly Crusader Service that appeared briefly after August 1923. In 1936 Briggs was appointed a contributing editor of the Negro Worker, the official organ of the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers organized at Hamburg, Germany, by the Red International of Labor Unions in 1930. The CPUSA expelled Briggs in 1939, along with Richard B. Moore and other black communists, including Hank Johnson, Manning Johnson, Otto Hall, and James Campbell, allegedly for their “Negro nationalist way of thinking” (Pittsburgh Courier, 7 November 1942). After their expulsion,

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MAY 1919 Briggs and Moore opened the Frederick Douglass Bookstore in Harlem. Briggs later moved to Los Angeles in 1944 to become managing editor of Now, the magazine formerly known as the War Worker. Before the magazine’s demise in 1946, Briggs was hired in November 1945 by the California Eagle, the venerable black newspaper published in Los Angeles by Charlotta Bass (1874–1969), who in the early 1920s had been co-president of the Los Angeles UNIA and was later to become the Progressive Party’s vice presidential candidate in 1952. He was soon made managing editor of the California Eagle, a position he held until 1948. He was also employed as an editor with the Los Angeles Herald-Dispatch in the late 1950s. Cyril Briggs died of a heart attack on 18 October 1966 at the age of seventy-eight and was buried in Los Angeles (Cyril V. Briggs to Theodore Draper, 7, 17, 24 March, 8 April, 1 May, 4 June 1958, Theodore Draper Papers, Emory University Library; Briggs, “On the Negro Question,” unpublished paper, Southern California District of the Communist Party, U.S.A., November 1959, Dorothy Healey Papers, California State University, Long Beach, Library; and Briggs, “Autobiography [Notes],” unpublished manuscript, MGPP; AFRC, RG 163, registration card no. 3699, 5 June 1917; DLC, NAACP Papers, “Conference, Sanhedrin, 1922–24,” administrative file, subject file 1910–40, container C-232; DJ, FBI file 61-1015, “African Blood Brotherhood—Negro Radical Activities,” New York, 1922–23; DJ, FBI Los Angeles, files 10033476 and SAC 100-53953; DJ, FBI New York, file 100-107599, bureau file 100-375204, and file 100-421978; DJ, INS file 23-42987 and file 2307-76178; DNA, RG 65, OG 387162; DNA, RG 165, 10218-349 and 10218-364; NN-Sc, Vivian Morris, “Position of African Blood Brotherhood, Amsterdam News and New York Age on War of 1917,” Federal Writers Program, “Negroes of New York”; Carl Offord, “An Account of the African Blood Brotherhood,” ibid.; U.S. Congress, House, Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States, 78th Congress, 2nd sess., on H. Res. 282, 1944; and Guide to Subversive Organizations and Publications, 82nd Congress, 1st sess., House Document no. 137; Philip S. Foner, “Cyril V. Briggs: From the African Blood Brotherhood to the Communist Party” [paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Los Angeles, California, 12–15 October 1978]; “‘Security for Life’ for Poles and Serbs, Why Not for Colored Americans,” Amsterdam News, 19 September 1917; “Along the Color Line—Social Uplift,” Crisis 11 [December 1915]: 61; “Angry Blond Negro,” New York News [clipping, n.d.]; Cyril V. Briggs, “Africa for the Africans,” Crusader vol. 1, no. 1 [September 1918], reprinted in the Lagos Weekly Record, 5 and 12 October 1918; “Race Catechism,” Crusader 1 [November 1918], reprinted in Monroe N. Work, ed., Negro Year Book 1918–1919, p. 100; “Programme of the African Blood Brotherhood,” Communist Review [April 1922]: 449–454; Roger E. Kanet, “The Comintern and the ‘Negro Question’: Communist Policy in the United States and Africa, 1921–1941,” Survey [autumn 1973]: 86–122; R. M. Whitney, ed., Reds in America [New York: Beckwith Press, 1924], pp. 35, 189–205; Joel A. Rogers, World’s Great Men of Color [New York: published by the author, 1946; reprint, New York: Collier Books, 1972], vol. 1, p. 9; Theodore Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia [New York: Viking Press, 1960], pp. 315–356; Theodore G. Vincent, Black Power and the Garvey Movement [Berkeley, Calif.: Ramparts Press, n.d.], pp. 74–85; MGP 1:521– 527; WWCR). 5. The Monitor, a black newspaper published in Omaha, Neb., began publication on 3 July 1915 and ceased publication on 11 January 1919. Its publisher, Rev. John Albert Williams (1866–1933), was the rector of the Episcopal Church of St. Philip the Deacon in Omaha, Neb., a position he held for thirty years. Born in Canada, he grew up in Detroit, received his bachelor of divinity degree from Seabury Western Theological Seminary in 1891, and was ordained an Episcopal priest in the same year. He was appointed the historian of the diocese of Nebraska in 1906, the associate editor of the Crozier, the official journal of the Nebraska Episcopal diocese in 1909, and editor in chief in 1912. Williams became the missionary bishop of Haiti in 1921 (Crisis 7, no. 2 [December 1913]: 66; New Era, 29 September 1922; MGP 1:428). 6. The Christian Recorder is the oldest surviving black newspaper in the United States. As the organ of the AME, it evolved from a monthly magazine started by the New York Conference of the AME in 1841. By 1848 sufficient support was received for weekly publication and its official name became the Christian Herald. Its present name was adopted in 1852, under the editorship of Jabez Campbell (MGP 1:428). First published in 1854, the early edition was short-lived; in 1861, under the editorship of Elist Weaver, the new series, vol. 1, began publication in Philadelphia for “the Dissemination of Religion, Morality, Literature and Science” (Accessible Archives, “About the Archives—African American Newspapers,” http://www.accessible.com/accessible/about/ aboutAA.jsp, 20 April 2005). Coverage included secular as well as religious material; one of the

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS paper’s most important features was its “Information Wanted” page that carried queries from members of broken black families separated across the United States, but mainly in the South.

Enclosure: George Ball-Greene, Acting Colonial Secretary, British Guiana, to George E. Chamberlin, U.S. Consul, British Guiana COLONIAL SECRETARY’S OFFICE, Georgetown, Demerara, 3rd May, 1919

Sir: With reference to the interview which the Inspector General of Police had with you upon the subject, I am directed by the Officer Administering the Government to transmit herewith copies of the following publications issued in the United States: “The Crusader” “The Monitor” “The Recorder” “The Negro World” It would seem desirable that some enquir[i]es should be instigated with a view of determining whether or not any action should be taken to restrict the circulation of any of these publications which appear to adopt a policy of antagonism to the white race, and His Excellency would be much obliged if you will cause confidential inquiries to be made in the United States concerning these papers. I will be glad if you will return the papers after perusal. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, GEO BALL-GREENE Acting Colonial Secretary DNA, RG 59, 811.918/129. TL, copy. Marked “No. 2183.”

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Evidence of African Blood Brotherhood Organization (Source: DNA, RG 165, 10218-364)

Cecil Clementi,1 Officer Administering the Government, British Guiana, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office GOVERNMENT HOUSE, Georgetown, Demerara, 10th May, 1919

My Lord, It has recently been brought to my notice that the publications (copies enclosed), which are issued in the United States of America and which appear to observe a policy of antagonism to the white race, have a large and increasing circulation in this Colony. I cannot but think that the local dissemination of these papers will ultimately prove harmful to the peace and good order of British Guiana, and for this reason I consider that it is very desirable that this Government should know something more about them before allowing their continued circulation. I have accordingly asked Mr. G. E. Chamberlin, the American Consul at Georgetown, to make confidential enquiries through his Government with respect to the publications in question and this he has kindly

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undertaken to do. In the meanwhile, I have addressed the letters, a copy of which accompanies this despatch, to the Governors of Barbados and Trinidad. 2. I have not, in the absence of the further information with respect to these papers, and in view of the possibility that censorship restrictions may be relaxed in the near future, deemed it advisable as yet to order delivery of these papers to be stopped; but the Censor has by my instructions interviewed the local agents, and suggested to them the desirability of observing caution in introducing and circulating such literature which, though possibly harmless in the hands of responsible and educated people, might be misunderstood and misinterpreted by irresponsible and misguided persons and so cause trouble. 3. I report this matter to Your Lordship in case it may be considered desirable to communicate with the United States Government on the subject through the Foreign Office. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble servant, C. CLEMENTI Officer Administering the Government [Typewritten in the margin:] The “Crusader” The “Monitor” The “Recorder” The “Negro World” [Handwritten minutes:] Mr. Allen2 Grindle3 Copy //?// to F.O. with enclosures for obsons [observations] T. H[.] P. 3/7/19 I kept this back in view of the tel sent on 41784. B Guiana has replied & in the reply refers to this despatch (see 41785). These papers are published in the U.S. & if that Govt allows them to circulate there it seems unlikely that representations could have any effect: but as the Ag Govnr. is making enquiries on his own account through the U.S. Consul the F.O. should at least know of this. ? as proposed. H. T. A. [H. T. Allen] 18/7/19 TNA: PRO CO 111/623/7345. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” Stamped “C.O. 35506.” 1. Sir Cecil Clementi (1875–1947), British administrator and historian, was born at Cawnpore, India, on 1 September 1875, and was educated at Magdalen College, Oxford. He was appointed colonial secretary to British Guiana in 1913 after serving in Hong Kong. He remained in British Guiana until 1922, when he was appointed as colonial secretary to Ceylon. On three occasions (in 1916, 1919, and 1922) he acted as the officer administering the government. He published The Chinese in British Guiana (1915) and A Constitutional History of British Guiana (1937), as well as a sonnet on Roraima, Guyana’s highest mountain (British Guiana Civil Service List [Georgetown: The Argosy, 1936]; Arthur and Elma Seymour, Dictionary of Guyanese Biography [Georgetown, Guyana: n.p., 1985], p. 25; ODNB).

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MAY 1919 2. H. T. Allen (b. 1879) joined the Colonial Office in 1898 and served as a clerk in the West India branch. He was appointed assistant private secretary to the secretary of state, Lord Milner, on 1 January 1920 (HJ, 1918; DOCOL). 3. Sir Gilbert E. A. Grindle (b. 1869) graduated from Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and was called to the bar at Lincoln’s Inn in 1895. He subsequently joined the Colonial Office and served as assistant under secretary of state for the colonies from 4 June 1916. He became deputy to the permanent under secretary of state for the colonies on 9 July 1925 and retired in 1931 (HJ, 1918; DOCOL).

Editorial in L’Essor Quotidien [Port-au-Prince, 16 May 1919]

WITH RESPECT TO ELIEZER CADET The publication, by “L’Essor” on 8 May of the reports by Mr. Eliézer Cadet, high commissioner of blacks at the peace conference, has placed Mr. Cadet’s name on everyone’s lips. Let us recall that he is a young Haitian, a native of Port-de-Paix. He has spent some time in Port-au-Prince, at St. Louis de Gonzague, as a student. Since Mr. Cadet’s name has become popular, it follows that there are endless discussions around his name and in relation to him. Mr. Cadet is considered by some too young for this delicate mission. Here at “L’Essor,” we scorn such a reproach, because we bow only before will, courage, and knowledge. The age which crowns the head of a citizen is of no account, if this citizen is a contemptible and ignorant fellow. This attitude is understandable; we are not yet old fools . . . Mr. Cadet is a buffoon! We are opposed to this idea as well. In an issue of the newspaper “The Negro World,” we have information of great interest concerning the departure of Mr. Cadet as high commissioner to the conference. If with our habitual levity or our proverbial egoism (everyone would like to be in Mr. Cadet’s place) we have not taken Mr. Cadet seriously, it is useful that our newspaper, which has contributed to popularizing Mr. Cadet, reprint what “The Negro World” said of the Cadet mission to the conference. Read the following: DR. DUBOIS [DU BOIS] REPUDIATED BY 3000 NEGROES IN THE UNITED STATES Thousands of Negroes applauded when this reactionary leader was denounced and Mr. Eliézer was named high commissioner of the black race to the peace conference by 7000 voices at the Palace Casino,1 1 December 1919.2 He left America knowing the desires of the black race. Upon his arrival in Paris, he presented the aims of the race to the conference. He was well received. He then made the people of France understand what the Negro endures in

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America: the lynching and burning alive of men, women and children, because of their color. Mr. [W. E. B.] Dubois repudiated his statements by publishing articles in french newspapers. In order to support Mr. Cadet, the President of the Universal Negro Progressive [Improvement] Association, convened the Negroes in a solemn meeting, and 3000 Negroes representing the 400,000,000 scattered Negroes in the universe met at the A.M.E.D. Zion Church in New York City, while thousands [of] others stood outside due to a lack of space.3 They denounced the reactionary behavior of DuBois and approved of Eliézer Cadet by voting the following resolution which was cabled to the French press. “We 3000 American and African Negroes, here assembled, approve of the mission of Eliezer Cadet to the Peace Conference. We solemnly repudiate Dr. DuBois for having raised obstacles to the fulfillment of Mr. Cadet’s task on behalf of the Black Race, an already very difficult task.”4 Mr. Cadet probably does not have the calm of a diplomat, the necessary experience for managing his mission. Probably, no university or political title has preceded him to London and Paris, which would have easily opened the newspaper editorial offices, the avenues of communication with high commissioners of other countries, but one must bear in mind that the American Negroes were trying to head off the biased policies of the negro DuBois, whom President Wilson permitted,5 along with Mr. Mouton,6 to travel to France. The policies of DuBois accept the status quo, which the American negro masses protest. These masses have chosen a man of their race who speaks French and sent him to the conference. It is thus that a Haitian represents in France the highest interests of the entire Negro race and of the American fraction in particular. Mr. Cadet did not have to flee from this excessive honor; he has left; he is working. The ideas he advances in the Parisian milieu will not be lost; nothing is lost. So let us, over here, be decent; it is not for us, at this time, to denigrate the Cadet mission. This mission is noble, majestic; let us hope that it is redemptory. Printed in L’Essor Quotidien, 16 May 1919. Translated from French. 1. The Palace Casino, a facility on East 135th Street and Madison Avenue in Harlem, was rented by the UNIA for mass meetings. 2. “1 December 1919” is a typographical error made by the Haitian newspaper. The meeting in question was held on 1 December 1918 at the Palace Casino (MGP 1:310–312, 395). 3. Articles printed in the Negro World on 29 March and 5 April 1919 identified the church in question as the Mother Zion A.M.E. Church in New York (MGP 1:392–400). 4. The UNIA believed that W. E. B. Du Bois was hostile to its plan to send a delegation to Versailles (MGP 1:392–393). 5. President Woodrow Wilson was a conventional segregationist who was deeply troubled by civil rights activism, Pan-Africanism, and the emerging anticolonial movements of the period. He had the passports of black Americans who were deemed radical blocked so that they could not attend the Pan-African Congress in Paris in 1919 (Paul Gordon Lauren, Power and Prejudice: The Politics and Diplomacy of Racial Discrimination [Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988], pp. 83– 84).

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JUNE 1919 6. This is a punning and sarcastic reference to Robert Russa Moton, the president of Tuskegee Institute, well known as a racial conservative and accommodationist. “Mouton” means “sheep” in French. During and after World War I, U.S. government officials withheld the passports of certain black activists they considered radicals. Robert R. Moton, however, visited black troops stationed in Europe and counseled them to acquiesce to traditional race relations upon their return to the United States. W. E. B. Du Bois was given permission to travel to France to observe the Peace Conference. That these men were viewed as “safe” by federal authorities discredited them in the eyes of some nationalists (Lauren, Power and Prejudice; MGP 2:167 n. 5; MGP 5:56–57).

George E. Chamberlin, U.S. Consul, British Guiana, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE,

Georgetown, Guiana, June 2, 1919 Subject: “The Negro World,” a publication issued in the United States. SIR: Referring to my despatch No. 282 of May 9, 1919, requesting information for the British Guiana Government concerning certain publications issued in the United States, I have the honor to enclose herewith a copy of a letter received from the Colonial Secretary’s Office concerning a parcel of “The Negro World” stopped by the Censor, which it may be well to consider in conjunction with the above mentioned despatch. Recently in conversation with the Acting Colonial Secretary upon the subject, he informed me that his Government considered the free circulation of this publication in the colony dangerous and that they had under consideration the passing of an Ordinance prohibiting its entry as well as any other publication of similar character. The remark in the note which was enclosed in the parcel, and which is quoted in the enclosed letter, would seem to indicate that there is some sort of a movement under way. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. E. CHAMBERLIN Consul DNA, RG 59, 811.918/130. TLS. Marked “Confidential” and “No. 291.”

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JUNE 1919 6. This is a punning and sarcastic reference to Robert Russa Moton, the president of Tuskegee Institute, well known as a racial conservative and accommodationist. “Mouton” means “sheep” in French. During and after World War I, U.S. government officials withheld the passports of certain black activists they considered radicals. Robert R. Moton, however, visited black troops stationed in Europe and counseled them to acquiesce to traditional race relations upon their return to the United States. W. E. B. Du Bois was given permission to travel to France to observe the Peace Conference. That these men were viewed as “safe” by federal authorities discredited them in the eyes of some nationalists (Lauren, Power and Prejudice; MGP 2:167 n. 5; MGP 5:56–57).

George E. Chamberlin, U.S. Consul, British Guiana, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE,

Georgetown, Guiana, June 2, 1919 Subject: “The Negro World,” a publication issued in the United States. SIR: Referring to my despatch No. 282 of May 9, 1919, requesting information for the British Guiana Government concerning certain publications issued in the United States, I have the honor to enclose herewith a copy of a letter received from the Colonial Secretary’s Office concerning a parcel of “The Negro World” stopped by the Censor, which it may be well to consider in conjunction with the above mentioned despatch. Recently in conversation with the Acting Colonial Secretary upon the subject, he informed me that his Government considered the free circulation of this publication in the colony dangerous and that they had under consideration the passing of an Ordinance prohibiting its entry as well as any other publication of similar character. The remark in the note which was enclosed in the parcel, and which is quoted in the enclosed letter, would seem to indicate that there is some sort of a movement under way. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. E. CHAMBERLIN Consul DNA, RG 59, 811.918/130. TLS. Marked “Confidential” and “No. 291.”

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Enclosure: B. H. Bayley,1 Acting Assistant Colonial Secretary, British Guiana, to George E. Chamberlin, U.S. Consul, British Guiana COLONIAL SECRETARY’S OFFICE Georgetown, Demerara, May 31, 1919

Sir: With reference to the correspondence noted on the margin, I am directed to say that a small parcel containing copies of “The Negro World” and addressed to one Geo. H[enr]y Andrews of 62 Bent Street, Georgetown, has been stopped by the Censor. In this parcel there is a slip of paper having written on it: “Hello Dad: All is well, keep these papers as well as you can we may need them. If you think it best you can pass them on to your friends. Bob.” I am to bring this matter to your notice as, from a note on the wrapper of the parcel, it would appear that the sender Robt. H[enr]y Andrews (presumably the son of the addressee) is a member of the Police in West Virginia. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, B. H. BAYLEY Act. Asst. Colonial Secretary [Typed in the margin:] C.S. to Consul No. 2183 of 5/3/19 Consul to C.S. 4/4 5/9/19 DNA, RG 59, 811.918/130. TL, copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Benjamin Hamilton Bayley was appointed as acting principal clerk in the colonial secretary’s office in 1919. He was previously a first-class clerk (Official Gazette 47, “Government Notices,” no. 114 [Georgetown, 5 April 1918], p. 137).

Arden A. Bryan1 to the Negro World [New York, 14 June 1919]

LETTER TO BE PUBLISHED I notice a certain college professor has given us food for thought concerning Egypt, part of our fatherland, Africa. This white man, says the Globe,2 tells a 210

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story that a handful of white men and loyal Hindu troopers for three days fought off thousands of rebel natives until relief came from Cairo. He says this shows how little progress civilization has made against the dark frontiers since the dawn of recorded history. Cairo and Alexandria represent modern civilization and the north shore of Africa, but in the days of Rome, Carthage represented civilization there before them. So much of modern Africa was civilized then, as today. In the East, European civilization is maintained only by force of arms or trade, as in the case of India and China, and could be overswept, swallowed and obliterated in a day by that older civilization of the East. With all its vaunted inventions, all its improvements in alleviating life and then making is [it] miserable in prolonging life and taking it, Europe is unable to break its bounds. The white writer concludes with, “Perhaps the trouble is with European civilization.” Just so, I can assure him. If Europe will let Africa alone, and if his cousin, the English, will stop meddling with Asiatic and African affairs, then there will be no more cause for uprisings in the East. Keep out of Africa! Keep out of Asia! Stop trying to tell the other fellow how to run household affairs. He will not tolerate your interference, especially when he is much riper than you, and he sees and knows you are advising him terrible destruction. Africa has given her Ethiopic alphabet to the now modern world as a guide which shows Africa was in the lead or is the leader of civilization. We like the Irish claim: Withdraw your forces, which rule us only by tyrant subjugation, not only England but all Europe, and we will prove to the world that Africa, at home and abroad, is capable of self-determination. ARDEN A. BRYAN Printed in NW, 14 June 1919. 1. Arden Ambridge Bryan (1893–1971) was the first field secretary and sales manager of the BSL, a position that he held from the summer of 1919 until early 1921, except for a brief interlude in 1919–1920 when Harry R. Watkis held this position. Born in Bridgetown, Barbados, Bryan worked for three years in Panama before migrating to the United States in 1914. When he joined the UNIA, he was employed as an elevator operator in New York City. Known as “Socrates,” a nickname that Garvey is said to have given him, Bryan was UNIA commissioner for Connecticut in 1921–1922; for a period he was also foreign affairs editor of the Negro World. In 1933 Bryan was the organizer and president of the Nationalist-Negro Movement and African Colonization Association. With Charles B. Cumberbatch as secretary and Adina Grant as treasurer, this association sought to obtain the former German colony of Cameroon as a concession from the League of Nations for the purpose of black American colonization (interview with the editor, 1971; Garvey v. United States, pp. 1379–1401; AFRC, RG 163, registration card; MGP 1:425). 2. A reference to the article “Then and Now” in the Globe and Commerical Advertiser, 2 June 1919.

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Trinidad and Tobago

William M. Gordon,1 Acting Governor, Trinidad, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, 18th June, 1919 My Lord, I have the honour to report that on the discovery//,// in February last//,// that copies of a newspaper called “The Negro World,” published in New York and containing articles of a nature calculated to incite the coloured races against the white race, were being sold in the Colony, the Governor directed that any 212

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copies of the paper arriving in the Colony should be s//ei//zed. This action was taken, in the case of copies shipped as freight, under the authority of Ordinance No. 25 of 1909,2 and in the case of copies sent by the post, under the War Censorship Ordinance No. 38 of 1914.3 2. I have since received a confidential communication from the Acting Governor of British Guiana stating that the following publications, which are issued in the United States of America and which appear to adopt a policy of antagonism to the white race, have a large and increasing circulation in that Colony, namely, “The Crusader,” “The Monitor[,]” “The Recorder,[”] and “The Negro World,” and enquiring whether these papers are allowed to come into this Colony, and, if so, the grounds upon which this Government acts in preventing their circulation. 3. The Attorney General was consulted in the matter, and I enclose for your information a copy of his minute and of the reply sent to the Acting Governor of British Guiana. 4. I shall be glad to receive Your Lordship’s directions regarding Mr[.] Warner’s suggestion that legislation should be introduced in this Colony on the lines of the Straits Settlements Ordinance, No. XI of 1915,4 to which he refers. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble Servant, W. M. GORDON Acting Governor [Typed in the margin:] 6th June ’19. 10th June ’19. TNA: PRO CO 295/521/7611. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. William Montgomerie Gordon (b. 1855) was assistant colonial secretary of Trinidad and Tobago in 1919. Educated at the Edinburgh Academy, Gordon was appointed clerk to the consulgeneral of the Western Pacific in August 1879. He became chief clerk of the colonial secretary’s office in the Leeward Islands in April 1889 before his appointment to Trinidad and Tobago in July 1901. As assistant colonial secretary, Gordon occasionally served as acting colonial secretary, including the period after the retirement of colonial secretary Samuel William Knaggs (1856–1924) in January 1919. As this was the second-highest post in the colonial hierarchy, the colonial secretary would also automatically act as governor in the absence of the substantive holder of that post, as when Gordon became acting governor while Major Sir John R. Chancellor, governor of Trinidad and Tobago from 1916 until 1921, was on leave in Britain in the summer of 1919. Gordon returned to his position of assistant colonial secretary upon the appointment of Thomas Alexander Vans Best (1870–1941) to colonial secretary in August 1919 (DOCOL; WWW). 2. Under Ordinance No. 25 of 1909, cited as the Customs Ordinance of 1909, the governor by way of proclamation could prohibit the importation of arms, ammunition, gun powder, or any goods or merchandise of any description whatsoever. The governor’s proclamation would either specify the duration of the ban, or it would stand until the proclamation itself was revoked (Ordinances Passed by the Legislative Council of Trinidad and Tobago during the Year 1909 [Port of Spain, Trinidad: Government Printing Office, 1910]). 3. Under the War Censorship Ordinance No. 38 of 1914, entitled “An Ordinance to Deal with the Censorship of Telegrams, Postal Packages and News during the Present War,” the clause for the censorship of newspapers stipulated that the governor could declare a state of emergency by proclamation in the Royal Gazette. During the state of emergency, newspaper owners, publishers, printers, and editors could not knowingly publish any prohibited information without the written consent of the censor of news. The law defined “prohibited information” as any information per-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS taining to naval and military plans, ships, troops, aircraft, or war material in the service of or belonging to the British empire or its allies. If found guilty of breaching this law, one faced a fine of £100 or imprisonment for a maximum of six months, or both (Ordinances Passed by the Legislative Council of Trinidad and Tobago during the Year 1914 [Port of Spain, Trinidad: Government Printing Office, 1910]). 4. In 1915 the colonial government in the Straits Settlements (one of three political divisions forming British Malaya that comprised four trade centers—Penang, Singapore, Malacca, and Labuan—originally established or taken over by the British East Indies Company) passed special war legislation constituting a total of twelve ordinances. Colonial anxiety reached a peak in February 1915 when the Fifth Light Infantry, a Muslim Indian regiment serving British forces, mutinied in Singapore, causing Europeans to evacuate to ships in the harbor and causing the death of fortyfour people before being violently suppressed by British, French, and Japanese military forces. Ordinance VI, the Seditious Publications (Prohibition) Ordinance, prohibited the publication and importation of newspapers, books, and documents deemed dangerous to the public peace. Ordinance XI gave the governor power to prohibit the exportation of any article to any person or place unless consigned to persons named in a proclamation. Proclamations with lists of approved consignees were issued in regard to China, Siam, Persia, and Morocco, with the professed aim of stopping trade with firms or persons of “enemy nationality” in those countries. This system of approved consignees, referred to as “White Lists,” was suggested as the only effective method of preventing supplies from reaching “undesirable consignees” (Rennie Smith, “The Future of Malaya,” Pacific Affairs 6, no. 7 [Aug.–Sept. 1933]: 394–398; Richard Winstedt, “Malaya,” in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 226 [March 1943]: 97–111; Walter Makepeace, ed., One Hundred Years of Singapore, vol. 1 [London: J. Murray, 1921], pp. 417–424; John G. Butcher, The British in Malaya 1880–1941 [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979]; Robert L. Jarman, ed., The Annual Reports of the Straits Settlements 1855–1941, vol. 8 [London: Archive Editions, 1998], pp. 70–73; EB).

Enclosure: Aucher Warner,1 Attorney General, Trinidad, to William M. Gordon, Acting Governor, Trinidad [Trinidad,] 6th June, 1919 Hon: Colonial Secretary, I have conferred with the Inspector General of Constabulary upon the subject of these publications. I advise that the present practice be continued without the issuing of any proclamation. I consider the subject a very serious one, and that we should legislate on the lines of the Straits Settlements Ordinance No[.] XI of 1915, and I would suggest that the Secretary of State’s approval of legislation of the kind be obtained. If the other West Indian Colonies would pass a similar ordinance at the same time, and if the Secretary of State would direct such a course it would produce a very good effect. I forward the enclosed copy of the Straits Ordinance for which I am indebted to the Inspector General of Constabulary. (Sgd.) AUCHER WARNER Attorney General TNA: PRO CO 295/521/7611. TL.

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JUNE 1919 1. Robert Stewart Aucher Warner (1859–1944) was appointed attorney general of Trinidad and Tobago on 16 July 1918. He was the first locally born attorney general. In 1876, while attending Queens Royal College, Warner was the recipient of an island scholarship. He left for London to train for a career in law and returned to Trinidad in 1882. Warner served as solicitor general and as an unofficial member of the Trinidad and Tobago legislative council. He was also a planter and owned substantial cocoa holdings on the island (Civil List of Trinidad and Tobago 1918; Algernon Albert C. Burkett, Trinidad: A Jewel of the West [London: Francis, 1914]; Michael Anthony, Historical Dictionary of Trinidad and Tobago [Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1997], p. 604; DOCOL).

Enclosure: William M. Gordon, Acting Governor, Trinidad, to Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana Government House, 10th June, 1919 Sir, Referring to Your Excellency’s Confidential letter of the [n.d.] May on the subject of the importation of certain publications issued in the United States of America which appear to adopt a policy of antagonism to the white race, I have the honour to state that of the four papers named in your letter the importation of the “Negro World” has been stopped in this Colony under the authority of Ordinance No. 25 of 1909 (and in the case of copies sent by post under the War Censorship Ordinance) on the ground that such publications are seditious and contrary to public policy. 2. I may add that the proclamation required by Ordinance No. 25 of 1909 has not been issued and that in this respect the action taken by this Government is not strictly covered by law. The Attorney General has however, advised that no proclamation be issued and that it be suggested to the Secretary of State that legislation on the lines of the Straits Settlements Ordinance No. 11 of 1915 be introduced and that it may be desirable that an Ordinance be prepared for adoption in such West Indian Colonies as may consider it expedient. I shall be glad to be favoured with your views on the proposal. 3. I have to request that the enclosed Ordinance be returned to me as soon as possible. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s obedient Servant, (Sgd.) W. M. GORDON Acting Governor TNA: PRO CO 295/521/7611. TL, copy. Marked “Confidential” and “No. 5/1919 S.R.”

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Straits Settlements Ordinance No. 11 of 1915 (Source: TNA: PRO CO 295/521/761)

“Marshall”1 to James Wilson [Canal Zone,] June 27th, 1919 Dear Sir:– [. . .] Gregoire2 of the Universal Negro Assn:, and Official Interpreter for the Courts in this city, as [is] also a very ANTI-WHITE negro, will be removed from the post of Official Interpreter, at the end of the present term, which is only a few days off. The cause of his removal is Ricardo Stevenson, known in 216

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American circles as “Spigotty Steve.” St//e//ve has been appointed in Gregoire’s stead. This man Gregoire always misinterpreted against white persons in favor of the negroes. [. . .] The Universal Loyal Negro Assn:, at their last meeting held on the night of the 25th. inst:, passed a resolution to the effect that none of their members should in no way have any connection with the Union.3 This is the result of Muschett’s campaign against their being amalgamated, or connected with the Union in any way. He intends requesting the members of the Union to serve notice on the Negro Assn: to quit the Union hall at the expiration of their present month, and if he fails in that will move to have their rent increased so as to inconvenience them. Blondel will back Muschett up on this matter, because he //also// has no use for the Negro Assn:. [. . .] Respectfully, MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 2. TLS. Marked “Letter No. 204.” 1. “Marshall” was the code name for a white Jamaican informer by the name of Muschett, who authored hundreds of secret reports to various officials, to the police, and to Panama Canal Zone Governor Chester Harding. 2. F. Gregoire was a Cuban who worked as an official court interpreter and real estate dealer in Colón. He was considered by Canal officials to be both antiwhite and anti-American, having published a lengthy “anti-American and anti-British” article, “The Two Branches of the Caucasian Race,” in a local newspaper and having allegedly misinterpreted court testimony in favor of a black man against a white soldier. Gregoire was among the original group of UNIA officers in Panama and, in February 1920, he was appointed as a member of the advisory board of the UNIA by Henrietta Vinton Davis, who was in Panama at the time. Though Gregoire was not actively involved in the strike by silver workers (black Canal Zone employees who were paid in silver) in Panama in 1920, he was one of the few individuals who criticized the United Brotherhood leader William Stoute for calling off the strike. Accused of disloyalty, he was expelled from the UNIA Colón division in 1921 (DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20). 3. In 1917 Harding employed Muschett as a spy in the Colón Federal Labor Union (CFLU) leadership. When the U.S. United Brotherhood organizers came to Panama in March 1919, Muschett began spying and reporting on the United Brotherhood movement as well. He managed to befriend prominent union leaders, gaining their trust and then reporting back on all he learned. He also obstructed the union movement whenever possible. He included in his reports any information he could obtain regarding the UNIA, although he could not infiltrate the organization because he was white. He foiled a plan to merge the CFLU with a branch of the UNIA and voted against the CFLU buying stock in the BSL (DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-70; DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/19; DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20; Michael Conniff, Black Labor on a White Canal: Panama, 1904– 1981 [Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985], p. 55).

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Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Foreign Office, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office Foreign Office, //June 28 27//, 1919 EARL CURZON OF KEDLESTON presents his compliments to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and has the honour to transmit herewith in original for eventual return to the Foreign Office the under-mentioned paper for Mr. Balfour’s consideration.

[Handwritten minutes:] Mr. Strachey League of Nations section. I don’t quite know why the F.O. sends this to us. No action seems called for. [signature illegible] July 1 Seen. C. Strachey 1/7 P. J. Baker1 2.7.19 TNA: PRO FO 608/219. TD. 1. Philip John Noel-Baker (1889–1982), née Philip John Baker, was a member of the British delegation to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, where he worked with the League of Nations secretariat until 1922. Educated at Cambridge, Noel-Baker served as secretary to the British delegation to the League of Nations from 1923 to 1924 before joining the faculty of the University of London as professor of international relations. In May 1929 he became the Labour MP for Coventry and was appointed parliamentary private secretary to foreign secretary Arthur Henderson later that year. After the loss of his Coventry seat at the 1931 election, Noel-Baker went to Geneva as Henderson’s personal assistant during the disarmament conference of 1932–1933. In February 1942 Noel-Baker was appointed joint parliamentary secretary at the Ministry of War Transport, and in 1945 he returned to the Foreign Office as minister of state under foreign secretary Ernest Brevin. After being replaced in October 1946, Noel-Baker left the Foreign Office for the Air Ministry, and in 1947 joined the cabinet as secretary of state for the Commonwealth. After the 1950 election, he was shifted to the Ministry of Fuel and Power and subsequently lost his cabinet post (ODNB; WWW).

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Enclosure: Edmund D. Watt, British Legation, Haiti, to Arthur J. Balfour, Secretary of State, Foreign Office British Legation, Port au Prince, May 10th, 1919 Sir, I have the honour to transmit herewith a letter addressed to His Majesty the King by a British subject, Mr. H. P. Gibbons. I have the honour to be, with the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, (sd) EDMUND D. WATT TNA: PRO FO 608/219. TL.

Enclosure: William Henry Pauton Gibbons to King George V Port au Prince, Republic of Haiti April 27 1919 Most Gracious Majesty, I am constrained to address this present Petition to Your Majesty, soliciting the favour of Your Majesty’s consideration, In behalf of the cordial fellowship that happily exists among the millions of Your Majesty’s subjects, people of my race, ourselves of other states in America and those unfortunate Africans who are still suffering the disadvantage of spoliation and bondage in certain portions of Africa, namely Angola and the Congo, while we suffer the inevitable evil resulting from the smouldering antagonism that exist against Negro progress and evolution throughout the world. The confidence of nations and races has never been shaken by the learned decision of a British Sovereign, never before has such implicit faith been placed in the traditional glory of British righteous conclusion, never has the world seen such a sterling resolve to make wrong right than in the resolve of Your Majesty and the British nation to save all races from the most unconce[i]vable oppression and spoliation, the resources and might of Your Majesty’s Empire was most nobly and spontaneously sacrificed, not to ameliorate? but to bring about a compatible distribution of God’s bountiful mercy to mankind.

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Whatever may be Your Majesty’s decision in relation to the conten[ts] embodied in this “Petition,” Sire I pray thee accept my humble and sincere thanks for the Liberation of the millions of oppressed people of my race, In East Africa, South West Africa, Togoland and the Cameroon, such magnanimous sacrifice, such a terrible ordeal, such a noble resolve, could only come from him whose high and mighty position, could subjugate the element that so wantonly and inhumanly destroyed my race. May it please Your Majesty, to permit me to state, That in the Text of the covenant of the League of Nations, the section that affects the Negro race, are not in harmony with the principles that inspired the Negro race with patriotism to do their utmost to regain the “Freedom and Liberty” of certain portions of our ancestral land which is ours by the sacred right of heritage. I therefore most respectfully denounce to Your Majesty, Article XIX, XX, and XXVI, in the Text of the Convention for the following reasons. ART XIX, PARAGRAPH FIFTH Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are at such a stage that the mandatary must be responsible for the administration of the territory, subject to conditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience or religion subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade[,] the arms traffic and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military and naval bases and of military training of the natives for other than police purpose and the defense of territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other members of the League. “Freedom of conscience” Will be the ultimate destruction of Christian religious effort particularly in those regions where the natives live in the most deplorable state of superstition. “Or Religion” The religion of the natives is the Ju-Ju and there exists a marked inclination to Mohammedanism which is tolerant to bigamy. “Public order and morals” In justice to the aborigines of Africa, the public order and morals in their villages is exemplary[,] the unanimous recognition of their chiefs, the decision of their counsel is accepted by all[.] The most skeptic observer agrees in the existence of a natural culture among African people who live void of civilization but whose moral is inborn. “The prohibition of abuse such as the slave trade” It is incredible to believe that the signatorys to the Covenant Belgium and Portugal have in this time of dire distress and necessity arrived to the stupendious decision of destroying in Angola and the Congo the principle source of acquiring wealth to refill their already empty coffers[.] “Securing equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other members of the League” This prelude a systematic spoliation of those weak peoples whose great misfortune is to exist in areas where capital is to be invested to the advantage of capitalists, no provision[s] are mentioned for their gradual intel[l]ectual developement and industrial training.

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The terrible sacrifice to which my race has so freely contributed was to ameliorate the condition of mankind, and not for the purpose of the commercial advantage of those members of the League of Nations whose financial resources and experience in exploring undeveloped regions is a guarantee for such investments. ART XIX PARAGRAPH SIXT[H] There are territories, such as Southwest Africa and certain of the South Pacific Isles, which, owing to the sparseness of the population or their small size, or their remoteness from the center of civilization, or their geographical contiguity to the mandatory State and other circumstances can be best administered under the laws of the mandatory State as integral portions thereof, subject to the safeguards above mentioned in the interest of the indigeneous population. It is with greate reluctance and regret, that I am compelled to state that the system of compound established in the South African Commonwealth is injurious to the gradual developement of the negro in South Africa, and will be if applied to South West and Central Africa, a ban to civilization and to the principles of “Democracy” enunciated in M[r.] Clemencau’[s] appeal to America, when he said, the world is made safe for democracy, for life, liberty, and the pursuits of happiness. ART XIX PARAGRAPH SEVEN In every case of mandate, the mandatory State, shall render to the League an annual report in reference to the territory committed to its charge. May not such reports be formulated on the wrong doings of the inoffensive natives or justifiable explanations of ambiguous officials, the voice of those peoples should be heard and their demands considered, nevertheless no provisions have been made to that effect. ART XX The high contracting parties will endeavor to secure and maintain fair and humane conditions of labor for their men, women, and children, both in their own countries and in all countries to which their commercial and industrial relations extend; and to that end agree to establish as part of the organization of the League a permanent bureau of labor. In both the Administrative and Legislative body of every first class nation the labor element are represented, I infer that such a measure will not be in harmony with the executive power of such nations possibly it may be attached to all cases of mandate? In that case I am constrained to state that the question of Capital and labor, may not be settled by the mandatory power, But by the Executive Committee of the League of Nations that was created for the purpose, also that of extending her peaceful influence to all nations and protecting undeveloped peoples from the crushing weight of Commercialism. 221

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ARTICLE XXVI Amendments to this covenant will take effect when ratified by the States, whose representatives compose the Executive Council, and by three-fourths of the States, whose representatives compose the body of delegates. The covenant when ratified by the five great powers will be law, the delegates of the small nations concurring to the resolution without the voice of their people been heard, the Negro race although astonishing the world with their progress, are not considered even from the viewpoint of the present, and future, developement that entail all developed peoples, the right to national autonomy. I respectfully submit to Your Majesty’s attention the deplorable condition of the aborigines of Angola and the Congo, when Negros remember the result of the international controle of the Congo for which Belgium was a mandatory we cannot but retain serious apprehension to the sucessful issue of a simular measure for the benefit of our race[.] Angola for Four centuries has been the slave hunting ground of the relentless slave raider, who the present rightious civilization of the world, permits to roam at large in that ever blood stained region of human spoliation. For years Negro thought has been centered on that portion of Africa with the aim of establishing our national autonomy aquir[ing] if possible through financial renumeration the million square miles that South West Africa, Angola, and that portion of the Congo South of the Equator contain, That is from the second degree below the Equator extending south to the borders of Your Majesty’s dominion of Rodesia and from the present boundary of East Africa through the center of Lake Tanganyika to the sea coast line of Angola and from the middle of the Congo river to the center of the Orange river in South West Africa. Whatever doubt that the League of Nations, may inspire to the weak races would be destroyed and the League of Nations would be erecting by such a measure a real and lasting monument of Universal race fellowship and good will. Most noble and mighty King thou art the sponsor of the greater portion of my race for over a centu[ry] thy ancestors extended their protection to our forefathers by destroying the slave traders on the West African coast, stopping with an iron hand that nefarious business[.] Again in 1834 Your Majesty’s ancestor taxed his national budget with the extraordinary expenditure of twenty million Sterling for the abolition of slavery in Jamaica. The educational facilities and protection accorded by Your August Grandmother, Queen Victoria, the good is still unfading in the thoughts of your loyal Negro subjects. Sire. Give us an opportunity to prove our self determination, and may this Emblem of Negro aspiration herein inclosed find echo in thy heart and grace in thy sight and has the Royal sponsor of this new born nation, “The United States of West Africa” seal with leaves of verdant hope the young flower

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that //Negro// blood irregated on the battle fields of Africa, Palestine, France, and Flanders. I pray thee Oh! King-Emperor, to relieve my feeling of suspense, which is most distressing in this period of uncertainty, by granting your humble Negro petitioner a reply, Endow us Lord with faith and grace, And courage to endure; The wrongs we suffer here apace, And bless us evermore. Your Majesty, I pray thee, accept my fervent prayer for thy preservation and that of the Royal Family, and the Salutation of a son, of the despised and outcast Negro race. WILLIAM HENRY PAUTON GIBBONS TNA: PRO FO 608/219. ALS.

United States of West Africa flag (Source: TNA: PRO FO 608/219)

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Article in the Chicago Defender [[Chicago, June 28, 1919]]

Report of Marcus Garvey announcing the Black Star Line (Source: Chicago Defender, 28 June 1919)

Article in the Negro World [New York, 28 June 1919]

CONDITIONS IN PANAMA More and more evidence accumulates as to the oppressive treatment of Negroes in different parts of the world by members of the white race, particularly the English-speaking section. The latest place to add its quota of injustice, prejudice and discrimination is the Isthmus of Panama.

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The little strip of land which was brutally and ruthlessly seized from the Republic of Colombia by the United States during the administration of the late Theodore Roosevelt, who later nearly shrieked himself hoarse denouncing the German violation of Belgian territory, is today, because of the Panama Canal, one of the world’s important waterways. It is the connecting link between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, and as such plays an important part in the world’s commerce, not to speak of its naval and strategic value to the United States. At the time of the creation of the Republic of Panama by the United States it was agreed that the latter country should have the right to cut through and control the narrow strip of land now known as the Canal Zone. The story of the digging of the canal is too well known for recital here. Suffice to say that the work was successfully completed after a prodigious expenditure of wealth and the employment of thousands of West Indian Negroes as laborers. When the canal was completed thousands of black employees remained, as it was possible for them to find work in various occupations in many newly created enterprises established in the towns and cities of the Zone. [To?] a majority of the imported black laborers contact with the [American?] [word illegible] employers was a new experience. Most of the Americans employed as foremen, superintendents and officials were rabid Negro-hating Southerners who proceeded to produce a racial environment similar to that of their native section, with the result that separate schools, a “gold” pay-roll for whites and a “silver” pay-roll for Negroes, black and white post offices and jimcrowing on work trains were introduced. Inevitably clashes of a sometime sanguinary and fatal kind ensued. However, being in control of the machinery of government and having the Panamanian government in a state of subjection, American racial customs became firmly fastened upon the relatively helpless Negroes. In the courts justice was administered by white Americans, and, of course, it lost its blind impartiality when litigation was between a Negro and a white man. Although Negroes are numerically the most important racial group in the community, they represent the weakest factor commercially. They are to be found as clerks and assistants, but are rarely owners of business enterprises of any [dimensions?]. Nearly all the businesses of importance are owned [by?] Chinese, East Indians and white men who take advantage of the black population’s weakness to fasten upon it the galling yoke of wage slavery. The most important employer is Uncle Sam. He controls laundries, steamships, railroads, hotels and a multitude of other industries. Negroes work for him in large numbers, but he rigidly denied any chance of promotion for meritorious service. It is impossible in an editorial to give details of all the evil conditions prevailing in the Canal Zone or to suggest means to combat the white brutes who created them. We do not believe that constitutional or any other kind of juridical appeal will amount to much—because, in our opinion, it could be merely appealing from Caesar to Caesar. Instead, being [realists?], we will offer a few suggestions which we believe will do more to solve the immediate problems 225

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confronting Negroes in Panama than a ton of memorials to either London or Washington. Both the British and American governments are agreed on many things, among which is the dictum that the NEGRO MUST BE KEPT IN HIS PLACE, but both are alike respecters of industrial and economic power. In the first place, Negroes are a numerical majority as against white men on the Canal Zone, and because of that majority, despite their control of the machinery of government, it should be utterly impossible and dangerous for white men to kick, shoot or brutalize Negroes. It is a game that two can play, and THERE IS NO LAW AGAINST A MAN DEFENDING HIMSELF WHEN ATTACKED, besides numbers always tell. Negroes should break the commercial dominance of the hostile Hindu, Chinese and white business men by organizing their purchasing power. This is comparatively easy, but calls for understanding. The leaders of the race on the Isthmus of Panama should realize that it is the trade of their people that sustains the huge private enterprises among them and that they have in their power as consumers a potent weapon with which to end discrimination and at the same time conserve their hard-earned money. We suggest the starting of co-operative enterprises similar to those existing in England. Strike race hatred on its most delicate spot—its pocketbook—and it will listen; strike it elsewhere and it as deaf as the Sphinx. Co-operative stores on the Isthmus would quickly bring the Chinaman and Hindu to terms, but before starting them the principles of the movement must be thoroughly understood. The third and last weapon in the hands of the Negroes of Panama is their industrial power. Without their labor the Canal would be valueless; without their labor not a wheel could be turned. How can industrial power be exercised? Through organization! A considerable portion of the labor used on the Zone is unskilled, and for that reason, as also because of its greater efficiency in bringing results, we suggest organization along lines of Industrial Unionism with the ultimate aim [of?] bringing all the workers of an industry into ONE BIG UNION. These are, in our opinion, the best and most efficacious means of stamping out [oppression?] and injustice on the Zone. But there is another weapon that [must not?] be overlooked as a means of bringing immediate relief [from?] [discrimination] in theatres, stores, saloons and that weapons is the [BOYCOTT?] If a Negro is [words illegible] Another evil that we are told exists (and this is ultra-racial) is for light complexioned [colored?] women to become mistresses of white Americans, who in most cases soon get tired and cast them aside. These women who are willing to become the paramours of syphilitic “Crackers” should be made pariahs of and should be ostracized as if afflicted with a loathsome disease. There is no doubt that the moral, educational and economic conditions prevailing on the Isthmus are low, but with intelligent organization much can be done to improve matters.

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Organization is necessary, very necessary, but it must be free from religious fanaticism. It must be purely materialistic, and if religion does have a place it should be subsidiary and incidental. By co-operating, organizing industrially, employing the boycott and exercising their natural right of self-defense, Negroes now oppressed under the Stars and Stripes on the Isthmus of Panama can do much to bring themselves relief from industrial oppression, social slavery and racial degradation. Printed in NW, 28 June 1919.

Paraphrase Telegram from Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados [London,] July 3rd [1919] Reference my despatch July 24th (? January 24th) and subsequent correspondence as to Caribbean League. Statement has been made that League has been discussing negro rising to begin in JAMAICA and spread toward the other islands policy being the old one—falling suddenly upon the Whites and murdering them. Have you any recent information to confirm or contradict report. Grenada Govt [Handwritten minutes:] Following reply sent 14.7.19. With ref to yr. cipher telegram of July 3rd received July 13th[.] No signs of Caribbean League Barbados. Some undercurrent of unrest similar whole world but violence not anticipated. Despatch follows by mail[.] O’Brien Note. I sent the above after a long consultation with Comdt Defence Force and Staff Officer who are of opinion present state of quiet will not last as there is a sullenness among the coloured people particularly returned soldier class with a good deal of unfriendly feeling against the whites particularly the Planter & Merchant class who they believe have not played the game by them. They agree with me that violence in

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS form indicated in telegram from Secy of State is not likely to occur here. [Charles O’Brien] 14.7.19 His Excy. Despatch herewith in duplicate; also copy for Govt. House file. I am much indebted to W. Bailey for typing the Despatch, who used part of his holiday for doing so. W. L. C. P.1 A.C.S. 22.VII.19 Hon C.S. I have signed—I enclose the despatch & its duplicate in a sealed envelope for inclusion in next homeward mail bag. After withdrawal please return to Mr. P. for retention at Govt. House as it is a secret matter. Please thank Mr. Bailey for typing the despatch during his holiday. [Charles O’Brien] 22.7.19. H.E. Returned, Sir. Mr. Bailey has been informed that H. Excy thanks him for his work during his holiday. W. L. C. P. A.C.S. 23.VII.19 BDA, GH 3/5/1. ALS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret No. 26” and “Received July 13th.” 1. William Lambert Collyer Phillips (1858–1924), colonial treasurer of Barbados, served as acting colonial secretary in 1911 and successive years. He was also acting governor of Barbados in 1913 (WWW).

Article in the Daily Chronicle [Georgetown, British Guiana, 6 July 1919]

NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION PTE. WARNER PLEADS FOR REFORM Last Thursday evening a meeting of the B.G. Improvement Association was held in the hall of the Scottish Mechanic Lodge, Carmichael Street, for the purpose of the swearing-in of the officers of the Association. The Chair was occupied by the Rev. F. A. Wiltshire, President of the Association. A musical programme was rendered and there was a fair atten-

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dance. Among those present on the platform was Pte. Fred Warner, late of His Majesty’s Forces, who delivered an appropriate address. Rising amid cheers Pte. Warner expressed pleasure at being present. After speaking at length about his experiences while serving in the Army he addressed himself to the need for unity among the members of his race and said inter alia that the clouds of war were no longer hanging over us, but that there was present in the air the fragrance of reconstruction and better living conditions in every land. Every just nation was endeavouring to hold together by rallying around their Governments in order to support the establishment of a permanent peace with all peoples. He did not know how much unity was regarded now-a-days, but he knew that there was great need for it at the present time. It was those who were alive to this whom he was addressing that night, and he expressed the hope that they would seek to develop unity among themselves for the cause of humanity. He was at present very much interested in the welfare of his race and at times strongly felt their hesitation to co-operate. There was very much to be admired in the East Indians as a race, and the more one saw Indians as a race, and the more one saw of them the greater was the difficulty of understanding the reason for the lack of unity among members of the Negro race. The time was opportune for drastic reform in their social, commercial and industrial life. He did not believe in hurling unnecessary abuse at anyone, but wished to remark that much could be accomplished for the race if every member sought to improve its present stature by working hard for un[it]y and fellowship among its members. Other speakers followed, after which the meeting was brought to a close. Printed in DC, 6 July 1919.

William Stoute1 to Marcus Garvey, Managing Editor, Negro World Cristobal, C.Z., July 8, 1919. Dear Sir and Brother: I am one of the many Negroes who appreciate your fearless manner in attacking the unspeakable oppression of our Race by the whites. Here in the Isthmus I am doing my bit with my tongue and pen, especially in the interests of Labor. Under separate cover you’ll find some of my latest articles. You may use any or all of them if you find them serviceable. If there’s any information that you desire about conditions on the Canal Zone, just mail your request to me and you shall have it.

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Enclosed please find $2.00 as six months’ subscription for two (2) copies of “The Negro World,” one copy to be mailed to William Stoute, Cristobal, C.Z., and the other to [H. G. Headley?], Empire, C.Z. We are fortunate enough to have two beloved weekly newspapers here on the Isthmus. We hope to make them dailies before the end of the year. There is at present but one daily paper, and that is run by white people; you know what that means. Accept my congratulations re your victory over the skunk Bridges.2 There are a few of his type down here, but they’ll soon become extinct if our people keep going after them as they are at present. Yours for Negro Unity and Progress, [WILLIAM STOUTE] DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 2. TLS. 1. William Preston Stoute (b. 1880), was born in St. Michael, Barbados, the son of Elizabeth Stoute and a father who was a shoemaker. A schoolteacher, he left Barbados for St. Croix, Danish Virgin Islands, in August 1907 on a two-hundred-day contract, and from there went on to Panama. Fired by Panama Canal officials in September 1919, he became the leader of the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees and Railway Shop Laborers, replacing Nicolas Carter as chairman in February 1920 (BDA, Emigration Records, FR2/77BR, p. 76; Christine Matthews, Archivist, Department of Archives, Black Rock, St. Michael, Barbados, to Robert A. Hill, 29 April 1977; Michael Conniff, Black Labor on a White Canal: Panama, 1904–1981 [Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985]). 2. A reference to William Bridges (b. 1891). Born in Florida, Bridges was a well-known African American stepladder orator in Harlem and publisher of the Challenge magazine, which was critical of Garvey. On the evening of 14 June 1919, Bridges and Garvey debated each other in an open forum on Lenox Avenue, which was the public venue of stepladder orators in Harlem. Bridges abandoned his role of race agitator on Harlem street corners and became a conservative investor in real estate property in Harlem (World War I Selective Service System Draft Registration Cards, 1917–1918 [database online], Provo, Utah: www.ancestry.com, 14 December 2005; “Bridges Gets Prison Sentence and Heavey Fine for Failing to Supply Heat to Apartment House Tenants,” New York News, 24 February 1921; MGP 1:434–436).

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office GOVERNMENT HOUSE, BARBADOS.

14th July 1919 My Lord, With reference to Your Lordship’s Cypher telegram of the //3//rd July, received here on the 1//3//th instant, and my reply of to-day’s date on the subject of the “Caribbean League,” I have the honour to report at greater length by despatch than was possible in a telegram. 2. There is no indication of the League being in existence here, and none of the persons mentioned in Major Maxwell Smith’s letter of //3//rd January 230

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1919 (Enclosure to Your Lordship’s Secret despatch of 21st February 1919) are Barbadians. The behaviour of the returned soldiers of the British West Indies Regiment since their arrival has been quite correct—the general impression being that the majority has benefitted by the years under discipline.1 There is some dissatisfaction here, as in other Colonies, on the part of men belonging to the 1st and 2nd Battalions at their alleged treatment at Taranto, where they state they were called upon to do work devolving usually on Labour Battalions when they claim to have been fighting men who had proved their value in Palestine, and they allege their treatment by the General Officer Commanding, Taranto, has been harsh. This has all appeared in the Press, mostly copied from newspapers from neighbouring Colonies; no direct representations have so far been made to me on the subject. //3.// While as above stated the behaviour of returned men has been good, I am informed by the Inspector General of Police and the Staff Officer of the Local Forces that there is a sullen feeling, not entirely confined to the r//e//turned soldiers, but somewhat apparent among a section of the coloured people—a feeling that has been augmented by the dissemination of pernicious newspapers of the character of the “The Negro World” which incites hatred of the white race. 4. Personally I do not think the Barbadian has any //general// hatred of the Whites, and although in our large population there are some men of criminal instincts, violent crime is rare, and the chance of a general rising of black and coloured people against white is most unlikely. For one point they are intensely loyal to the Sovereign and are strongly impregnated with religion, have a very sincere love for their own Island, and the desire to possess a small “spot” of land, as it is called, to build a cabin on. At the same time the general unrest in the World undoubtedly has caused many of the coloured people to think they are entitled to a greater share in the good things of this life, and this has been accentuated locally by the good times that have come to Planters and Merchants which they feel has not been shared sufficiently by the working or labouring classes. 5. The late drought2 and consequent lack of ground provisions, and the dearness of cost of living may all tend to discontent, and result in unrest and possible disturbance. Up to the present the crop gathering has been in full swing, and the return of soldiers has released a considerable amount of money in circulation, but it is being recklessly spent, and I consider the next six months may be a time of some anxiety. My endeavour will be to induce Planters to employ as much labour as they can, and we hope to be able to arrange for emigration of a considerable number of returned soldiers to Cuba, where high wages are offered. I am inclined to think further assistance to emigrate will have to be considered. 6. I have received one violent anonymous letter stating the jails will be insufficient to hold the people who are in want, and this is said to be the joint

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representa//t//ion of men of four parishes, but being anonymous no reliance can be placed in its value. 7. It appears difficult to get the Barbadian gentlemen to believe that serious unrest can come to this Colony. They have been generally so free from like trouble, and are so imbued with opinion that they understand the feeling of the people in a way no Overseas Official can, whatever his wide experience, to point out the possibility of such trouble, in their opinion, stamps the individual as an alarmist. I have lost no opportunity in pressing on their attention privately that the unrest in the World cannot be overlooked, and that it is wisest to meet it half way by considerate and generous treatment of employees. There have been advances in wages, but I am doubtful if they are commensurate with the increase in cost of living. I have under consideration the desirability of mentioning this condition in my Speech at the opening of the next House of Assembly. Action would come much better from employers than for the Government to step in. 8. In conclusion, while repeating I do not anticipate violent outbreaks, I am of opinion that the presence of a Warship in these waters during the coming six months would be a comfort to all Governors, particularly if they were supplied with the itinerary, so that they could call on the Captain in event of emergency arising. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble servant, (Sd) C. R. M. O’BRIEN Lieut[.] Colonel Governor [Handwritten endorsement:] Note. The Governor gave a luncheon party at Gov Hs on 30 July to the following leading Planters & others—Sir W. Chandler,3 Sir F. Clarke[,] [Honorable] R. Haynes, L. Pile,4 A. P. Haynes, C. Thorne M.L.P.[,] T. Skeete, G. S. Clarke[,] C. E. Gooding, C. W. Haynes, M. D. Harrell I.G.P.[,] H.E.[,] Col Secretary[,] ADC5—14. [Mr. E. W. Mahon?] excused himself owing to sickness. After luncheon the Governor made an address on the Labour situation //Enclosure// and a short discussion ensued but it was agreed the gentlemen present should thoroughly study the situation & it is hoped they may take certain steps to ensure employment & adequate remuneration. They are to approach the Governor to discuss matters further later. [O’Brien] 31.7.19 BDA, GH 3/5/1. TLS. Marked “Secret.”

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JULY 1919 1. The majority of West Indian veterans were demobilized in mid-1919, but the process of demobilization was not as smooth as this comment suggests. Many had not seen their families for three years and, in common with the majority of British soldiers, the West Indian troops overwhelmingly desired to return home. Many were frustrated by the fact that their demobilization was more protracted than they had been led to expect. This was due not only to the enormity of the task of returning millions of men to civilian life but also to the involvement of British forces in Soviet Russia and in the suppression of nationalist protests in Egypt. Moreover, while the Taranto mutiny and the race riots in Britain caused the military authorities in Italy to hasten demobilization and repatriation to the West Indies in an effort to prevent further unrest, the requisitioning of troop ships to evacuate the mutinous BWIR battalions from Italy only slowed the demobilization of the West Indians still stationed in the Middle East. By April 1919 the Egyptian High Command was reporting that there was serious dissatisfaction over this delay and demanded that the demobilization at Taranto be expedited. Otherwise, it was feared, the members of the BWIR stationed in the Middle East would also become mutinous. These fears were realized in May 1919 amid the general unrest that permeated the British army during the demobilization period. Most soldiers had mistakenly believed that under the terms of enlistment they were entitled to return home within six months of the Armistice. In fact, military regulations stated that volunteers and conscripts were obliged to remain in service until six months after the signing of the formal peace accord, which did not take place until June 1919. Nevertheless, many British and Australian soldiers, particularly those based in the Middle East, engaged in a sustained campaign of disobedience to ensure that the demobilization process was speeded up and to obtain guarantees that those who had enlisted earliest would be discharged first. As Lt. Col. John Patterson, who served in the Middle East during this crisis, recalled, “All through the early days of May I saw chalked up everywhere—on the Railway Station, signal boxes, workshops, on the engines, trucks, and carriages—the mystic words, ‘Remember the 11th of May.’ The 11 May 1919 of course marked six months since the cessation of hostilities, the period by which conscripts and volunteers had hoped to return to civilian life” (J. M. Patterson, With the Judaeans in the Palestine Campaign [London: Hutchinson, 1922], p. 205). When 11 May arrived, there was widespread rioting by soldiers in the Egyptian Expeditionary Force (EEF), and some members of the Second West India Regiment used this opportunity to launch a protest against their exclusion from army pay increases, which by this time had even been extended to their comrades in the BWIR. Thirty-two members of the West India Regiment were charged with mutiny and the rest of the regiment was urgently dispatched to Jamaica. The BWIR battalions still in the Middle East were directed to Taranto for onward passage to the West Indies. As the BWIR troops returning from the Middle East arrived at Taranto, they were forced to endure the rigid regime of racial segregation and discrimination that was still in place there. Despite the mutiny of December 1918, this iniquitous state of affairs had continued unabated, overseen by the notoriously harsh South African base commandant, Brigadier General Carey-Bernard. The experiences of the Middle Eastern veterans of the BWIR who transferred to Taranto between mid-May and the end of July 1919 are detailed in correspondence from Major J. B. Thursfield and Captain C. L. Roper, two white Jamaican officers, which Captain Cipriani reproduced in his account, Twenty-Five Years After (Port of Spain: Trinidad Publishing, 1940), pp. 60–68. Outside of Italy and the Middle East, demobilization disturbances occurred at the Winchester repatriation camp in England after a number of West Indians awaiting repatriation were harassed by white U.S. servicemen also stationed in the town. The camp was visited by Claude McKay, the Jamaican writer and activist, who distributed copies of the Negro World and other radical black literature from the United States. There were also outbreaks of violence on the troop ships returning to the West Indies. Fixtures and fittings were smashed and goods were thrown overboard on the S.S. Santille’s voyage to Barbados in July 1919. Besides BWIR veterans, the ship also contained West Indian subjects deported from Britain after the race riots that summer. In September the S.S. Orca returned to the Caribbean with several hundred veterans and military prisoners from the Taranto mutiny, together with more West Indians repatriated in the wake of the race riots. A serious disturbance broke out when some of the passengers attempted to free the military prisoners. In the ensuing unrest, a Barbadian private was shot before order was restored with the assistance of West Indian military police. Fearing unrest and nationalist agitation, West Indian governors laid meticulous plans to receive the returning BWIR veterans who started to arrive in large numbers from late June 1919. The governors submitted draft welcome speeches to the Colonial Office for approval, which had two key themes in common. First, lip service was paid to the sacrifices the men had made for the British empire that essentially glossed over the appalling record of discrimination and ill-treatment they

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS had undergone. Second, great efforts were made to persuade the veterans that rather than resting on the laurels of military service, they should earnestly set about the pursuit of purposeful and industrious activity to secure a bright economic future. The authorities also took great care to ensure that the veterans were dispersed as quickly as possible. Although limited land settlement schemes were initiated and advice on reemployment was distributed to the returning veterans, the main thrust of official policy sought to dilute discontent by encouraging the take-up of assisted passages to Cuba where employment opportunities were greater. Of the 7,232 men who returned to Jamaica, 4,036 took subsidized passages to escape unemployment in Jamaica. Of the original 811 Barbadians who enlisted, 422 also took this route. In the harsh postwar economic climate, the alternative to emigration was usually unemployment, and letters from ex-soldiers seeking work were commonplace in West Indian newspapers. One letter from a former teacher, simply signed “Ex-Sergeant BWIR,” spoke for many with the words “idleness is . . . a torment, not an enjoyment. I cannot accept it as a fitting recompense for sacrifice” (DG, 28 July 1919). Most BWIR veterans had been demobilized by late July 1919, but some recuperating from illness or wounds remained in England amid a climate of heightened racial animosity. In September, at Belmont hospital in Liverpool, where around fifty West Indian servicemen who had lost limbs were recovering, the black servicemen came under sustained attack from some white South African soldiers who objected to the reasonably unsegregated facilities at the hospital. Around five hundred white soldiers attacked the West Indians, although a number of white soldiers who had served alongside the black soldiers intervened on their behalf until military police broke up the affray (Secret Telegrams 10898 GHQ, Egypt to WO, 3 April 1919, TNA: PRO WO 33/960; War Diary of the Second West India Regiment, entry, 18 May 1919, TNA: PRO WO 95/4732; Hampshire Observer, 3 May 1919; NW, 13 March 1920; Andrew Rothstein, When Britain Invaded Soviet Russia [London: Journeyman Press, 1979]; Gloden Dallas and Douglas Gill, The Unknown Army: Mutinies in the British Army in World War I [London: Verso, 1985]; Richard Smith, Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004], pp. 132, 144). 2. The drought of 1919 lasted six months, seriously affecting homegrown produce and therefore severely disadvantaging the ability of the poorer classes to purchase food and clothing (Meeting of Council Chamber, 2 September 1919, BDA, GH 3/5/1). 3. Sir William Kellman Chandler (1857–1940) was president of the Barbados legislative council. Educated at Cambridge, Chandler was called to the bar in 1879. He occupied several judicial posts in Barbados between 1880 and 1925, and served as a member of the House of Assembly from 1881 to 1884. In 1884 Chandler became a member of the legislative council, eventually rising to president in 1912 (WWW). 4. Sir George Laurie Pile (1857–1948) was a member of the Barbados legislative council (WWW). 5. Sir William Wigham Richardson (1893–1973) was private secretary and aide-de-camp to Governor Charles O’Brien from 1918 until 1920 (WWW).

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St. Vincent and the Grenadines

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R. E. M. Jack1 to the St. Vincent Times [[Richmond Hill, 14/7/19]] Dear Sir:— Please permit me through your column to bring to the notice of the public the importance of compulsory education, a matter which methinks to be passed over by the local Government. All attempts to improve education in any semi-civilized country will fail to benefit the poor, except [if] the Government makes an ordinance to enforce it, but before this Government can introduce compulsory education it must use the assertion of a sound medical man; that is, before a disease can be cured, its cause must be discovered.2 Poverty is the cause of illiterateness among labourers in St. Vincent as the wages paid are too small to feed them; 3 therefore they never can have money to buy clothes for themselves, much less for their children, so instead of their children going to school, they are sent to work before they are 16 years old to provide for themselves and there it is every generation of labourers is doomed to ignorance;4 but if this Government fixes the wages of labourers at 2/- per day of 8 hours 5 and forbids child labour on any plantation, then poverty will disappear and ignorance will be cured, and there will be a prosperous generation among whom this Government will be in a good position to enforce education that the ignorant may be risen from the brute creation to the plane of enlightenment. I am in a position to state that if this Government introduces compulsory education in this island, “The Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League of New York” through its many branches in St. Vincent6 will chime in to assist in improving the ignorant by supplying four garments annually to the children of its poorest members that they may go to school. If every race adopts this method, when the present generation passes away there will not be a single person in the rising generation of any civilized country who will not be able to read and write. May this be so. Thanking you for space, yours etc., R. E. M. JACK Printed in the St. Vincent Times, 24 July 1919. 1. Ratford Edwin McMillan Jack, a black private schoolteacher, was the founder and leader of the St. Vincent chapter of the UNIA and ACL. Apparently a Vincentian, he lived at Frenches, Richmond Hill, in the capital, Kingstown. In 1914, after Jack complained about the danger posed by a trench in front of his home, the registrar of the Agricultural Credit Societies refused to register the Questelles Society, of which Jack was the elected secretary. This decision was upheld by the executive council on appeal by Jack; it is possible that the council did not consider him to be “of good repute and character” as required by the regulations governing registration of such societies. Jack had several clashes with the colonial authorities between 1918 and 1920. In July 1918 the government advertised his property at Frenches, Richmond Hill, for sale. He was adamant that there was no legitimate reason for this action since he had settled his outstanding debt with the government. In 1919 he was placed under constant police surveillance due to his work with the UNIA and ACL and as local agent of the Negro World. After the banning of the Negro World, Jack engaged in dialogue with the colonial authorities on the legitimacy of the paper. Around Septem-

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JULY 1919 ber 1919 he was charged with assault and abusive language, but the two cases were dropped. When allegations arose that he could not account for the funds he had collected as requested by the members of the local branches of the UNIA, the governor instructed the police to consider charging Jack with fraud or extortion. Jack had planned to register the local chapter as the “St. Vincent Trading Company Ltd.” with a share capital of £2000. By the middle of October 1919 its share capital amounted to £300. Although some people felt that Jack was exploiting the laborers, the police never charged him in connection with this allegation (Cleve McD. Scott, “‘The True and New Negroes of St. Vincent’: The UNIA and African Communities League and Labour in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, 1919–1925” [The History Forum, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, Barbados, 1999], pp. 3–11). In October 1919 petitioners seeking increased wages, apparently members of the UNIA, selected Jack as their spokesperson. But government officials told the petitioners that they had “no intention of recognizing Mr. Jack as the spokesman of any class of the community.” The government further warned that Jack would be dealt with if he was not “law-abiding” (R. Popham Lobb to Huggins, 17 October 1919, SVGNA, 91002 62/9). Jack left St. Vincent around late July 1920 to attend the August 1920 convention of the UNIA in New York. He represented five islands at this meeting and was one of the signatories to the “Declaration of Rights of Negro Peoples of the World.” After the convention he remained in Harlem, living at 223 West 135th Street. (George Alexander McGuire, the chaplain general of the UNIA, lived next door at 224 West 135th Street.) He also became, almost immediately after his arrival in New York, a minister of the Independent Episcopal Church of New York. It would appear that Jack was disappointed for a time with his ranking in the UNIA, but he was rewarded in May 1921 when Bishop George Alexander McGuire ordained him a deacon in the newly created African Orthodox Church (AOC). Later that year McGuire sent him to minister in the Chaparra district of the Oriente province in Cuba. The sugar estates in Chaparra employed many West Indian laborers, and many Vincentians worked with the Chaparra Sugar Company— enough that these workers found it prudent to ask the government of St. Vincent to appoint an interpreter for them in 1923. Jack conducted services at several locations, including Santa Maria, Colonia, Velasco, Cayo, and Santa Adrians. His Santa Maria mission initially comprised thirty men, twenty-six of whom were from Barbados. He brought his family over from St. Vincent and lived with them at Chaparra Central. His son assisted him by playing the harmonium and leading the song service. For his work in Cuba, Jack was hailed as one of the AOC’s “most energetic and loyal co-workers” (Negro Churchman 1, no. 2 [February 1923]: 7). In 1923 Jack was consecrated a bishop by Bishop Reginald Grant Barrow of the AOC. After getting into a quarrel with the “Garveyite Party” and Bishop McGuire, Jack ended his association with the UNIA and left Cuba in 1925 for Barbados. On his arrival at Barbados on 4 October 1925, he officially launched a branch of the Greek Catholic church at Bridgetown. The Barbados government did not prevent him from setting up his church since “nothing was discovered to his discredit” (BDA, GH 3/6/3). Jack paid a brief visit to St. Vincent in mid-October 1925. His return to the island caused the colonial authorities to panic, even though they knew he was scheduled to return to Barbados. They asked government officials in Barbados for further information on Jack and whether his title of “Bishop” was recognized by the Anglican Church in Barbados. The colonial secretary at Barbados replied that the British minister in Cuba reported nothing significant against Jack except his association with the UNIA. He also confirmed that the Anglican Church in Barbados did not recognize Jack’s title of “Bishop.” Nonetheless, the authorities in St. Vincent instructed the police to keep Jack under surveillance. He lectured in St. Vincent on Cuban conditions, educating Vincentians on the difficulties encountered by many of their compatriots in that country. Returning to Barbados shortly after, Jack later purchased a small property in “the Garden” at Country Road, Bridgetown, St. Michael, to build a church, a branch of the Greek Orthodox church of the Diocese of the West Indies, of which he served as the administrator of Barbados. Jack (“His Eminence”) also opened a branch of this church in Trinidad at High Street, San Fernando. In July 1934 he visited St. Vincent to solicit contributions to finance a new concrete church at Country Road, its cost estimated at one thousand pounds. In Trinidad Sarah Jane Duntin, a widow and former teacher, donated a piece of land with a building at Morugua Road, Princess Town, to Jack’s church as a token of appreciation for his ministry. By the 1950s the Greek Orthodox church had branches in Barbados, Cuba, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and Tobago, all of which were administered by “Archbishop Jack.” Jack assented to a request from Elton George Griffith, a leader of the Spiritual Baptist Faith in Trinidad, and consecrated him as bishop in 1953.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Jack spent a lot of time in the United States in the 1950s, and oral traditions suggest that he drowned in a swimming pool there (most probably in New York City) sometime in the late 1950s (Deed 92 of 1928, BDA, Record Book 1; General register of correspondence 1914, no. 1562, SVGNA; Minutes of the Executive Council, 22 January 1914; General register of correspondence 1918, no. 1029, 12 July 1918, SVGNA; Huggins to Haddon-Smith, 9 October 1919, SVGNA, 91002 62/9; Minutes of the Executive Council, 6 October 1923; Armstrong to Foreign Affairs, 2 June 1925, BDA, GH 3/5/7; Governor of Barbados to British minister in Cuba, 1 October 1925, TNA: PRO FO 278/14/3507; British Minister in Cuba to Governor of Barbados, 6 October 1925, TNA: PRO FO 278/14/2267; Walter to Colonial Secretary, 15 October 1925, BDA, GH 3/6/3; Richard Newman, “Black Bishops: Some African-American Old Catholics and Their Churches” [unpublished paper presented at “The Diversity of the African-American Religious Experience: A Continuing Dialogue”], NN-Sc, 29 May 1992, p. 47; Curtis M. Jacobs, interview by Cleve McD. Scott, October 1999, Bridgetown, Barbados; Scott, “‘The True and New Negroes of St. Vincent,’” pp. 2–3; Times [St.Vincent], 16 May 1912, 19 June 1919, 4 September 1919, 10 June 1920, and 8 July 1920; NW, 7 May 1921; Barbados Weekly Herald, 10 October 1925; Vincentian, 14 July 1934; Liz Mackie, The Great Marcus Garvey [London: Hansib, 1987], pp. 121–129; Curtis M. Jacobs, Joy Comes in the Morning: Elton George Griffith and the Shouter Baptists [Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago: Caribbean Historical Society, 1996], pp. 430–435; MGP 2:578, 580 n. 20, 683). 2. A local education commission was appointed in February 1919 to consider, among other things, the issue of instituting “free and compulsory education in the primary schools” (Government Gazette, 10 April 1919). The educational system provided for primary and secondary schools, which were maintained from fees paid by parents, from government grants-in-aid, and from help from the religious denominations. A primary school education cost a half pence per week until 1926, when fees were abolished. During this period the number of schools averaged around twentyfive. Usually, the government operated less than 40 percent of these, while the Anglican, Methodist, and Roman Catholic churches ran the remainder. The government operated the only two secondary schools. The St. Vincent Grammar School for boys opened in 1908 and the Girls’ High School in 1911. The Grammar School had a staff of three masters and seventy-nine boys on roll in 1923. The Girls’ High School had a staff of three and a student body of only sixteen girls in 1918. These secondary schools catered to middle-class children, charging a fee of six pounds per year. The elite sent their children to Barbados and other Caribbean territories for secondary education and then on to Britain for higher education. In 1917 the Kingstown Town Board began giving two scholarships to secondary schools each year for underprivileged children. The board was authorized to use a maximum of £27 each year to provide assistance to boys and girls living in the city or within half a mile of the town boundary who otherwise would not have received a secondary education. This assistance became known as the Town Board scholarships (Veronica C. Marks, “The Development of Education in St. Vincent, 1900–1937” [Caribbean Studies Paper, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, Barbados, 1983], pp. 34–35, 47–50; Laws of St. Vincent, chap. 209, sections 15a and b, 1926; R. M. Anderson, ed., St. Vincent Handbook [Kingstown, St. Vincent, 1938], pp. 316– 321). 3. Local colonial officials stated the daily wages in 1919 as one shilling six pence to two shillings for men, one shilling to one shilling six pence for women, and six pence to ten pence for children. A petition dated 9 October 1919 from laborers to the administrator argued that wages paid to laborers were too low to meet the high cost of living. It claimed that, for a ten-hour day, men were paid twelve to twenty-four cents while women received eight to twenty cents; for a task of six hundred holes of canes or cotton, a laborer was paid twenty-four cents. For an eight-hour day, the petitioners demanded that the minimum rates of pay be set at two shillings six pence for men, two shillings for women, and one shilling six pence for children (SVGNA, 91002, conf 125/1919; WIP, 8 November 1919). 4. Children had been employed on plantations since slavery. After emancipation, parents were not compelled to send their children to school. Of the 11,519 children of school age in 1921, only 4,506 were enrolled in school, while average daily attendance was close to 54 percent. Many parents kept their children at home to assist on the provision grounds and to care for siblings. Children as young as ten were employed on the estates. As a rule, estates paid children half of what they paid women (West India Royal Commission, first session witness, St. Vincent Workingmen’s Association, 29 December 1938, pp. 2–3, TNA: PRO CO 950/373; Marks, “Development of Education,” p. 47). 5. A minimum wage act was not passed until 1934. This law authorized the government to fix the minimum wages for any occupation (“An Ordinance to Make Provision for the Fixing of a Min-

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JULY 1919 imum Wage for Labour,” no. 14 of 1934, 31 October 1934; “An Ordinance to Amend the Labour [Minimum Wage] Ordinance 1934,” no. 31 of 1936, 29 December 1936). 6. By September 1919 the St. Vincent chapter of the UNIA and ACL had 475 members, including women, in six branches. The village of Stubbs, located on the windward coast of St. Vincent, was the stronghold of the organization, with 275 members. UNIA records suggest that a branch existed at Stubbs around 1926 (WIP, 18 October 1919; Tony Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the United Negro Improvement Association [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976], p. 372).

Advertisement in the St. Vincent Times (Source: St. Vincent Times, 19 June 1919)

Address by Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Barbadian Planters Government House, 30th July 1919 Gentlemen. INTRODUCTION Quite apart from my pleasure in having you as my guests today and the opportunity of introducing our Colonial Secretary1 I had a deeper motive in asking you to meet me here today. There is one of your members who may remember when we met in England before I came to Barbados that I mentioned I found 239

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it useful to have these informal meetings on occasions when matters of importance had to be considered. I have invited you gentlemen as being very largely interested in the Planting Industry2 and the question of Labour to impart to you certain information that I have regarding possible trouble, this I would ask you to treat as confidential. I wish further to put the situation as regards Labour before you as it strikes me. I fear there will be no time for discussions //on [the] present occasion// as I know you are all busy men and I appreciate your giving up your time to come here today so near the end of the month, but I would like you to discuss what I have to say freely among yourselves and if you accept my views or object, that you may act as missionaries among your brother planters and I will welcome any advice you may feel disposed to give me at any private interview after you have carefully reviewed the position present & prospective and have weighed what I have to say. PREAMBLE I would wish to preface my remarks by the assurance that if I speak frankly I have no desire to say anything intended to hurt your feelings but in the honest endeavour to assist the situation in every way in my power and if possible to avert a crisis which must tend to militate against the great industry to which you gentlemen in days of disappointment & difficulty and in the more promising days of the present have devoted so much of your time, your energy and your //hard won// experience. I have been with you for over 10 months and I think you must see I am not a reactionary and I hope you will agree I am not a scaremonger. I recognize the disadvantage under which I labour namely that you gentlemen and your forebears having //for// so long managed your Estates in fair & foul weather, and //having faced// with great difficulties to face and having escaped so far with few serious outbreaks among those whom I will term the labouring class,3 that [it] is not unnatural you should have the feeling “What can these overseas //officials// teach us as regards the Barbadian working man when we have been brought up alongside of him”—At [the] same time I would call to your remembrance that for all ordinary ailments you are accustomed to trust to your family physician, but when some grave illness comes along you call in a specialist to advise you or any way in consultation. Now I do not claim to be a specialist on the Labour question but a Governor is generally a man who has spent a long term of years in Administration in various countries with people of many colours and creeds & with //under// very varied conditions. He should therefore have a larger or perhaps I should say wider //or more detached// outlook than a man who has concentrated his attention to a particular spot or he may be so engrossed in his particular business that he has not realized the very great change that has come on the world with the present war. Any way during the past year I have visited India, Egypt, Italy, France & the U. Kingdom & have been able to discuss the new situation that has arisen with leading //prominent// men in all these countries. This is all by the way of a Preamble— 240

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DANGEROUS ASSOCIATION First I wish to inform you (and this is confidential) that there is an organization in existence to stir up the coloured man against the white in one of the West Indian Colonies with the hope that it will spread to all the other Colonies. So far we have not been able to trace emissaries of this association in Barbados or that a counsel of violence is advocated here. But the association undoubtedly has an organization & some of our people have been in close contact with it. Personally I do not think violence will appeal to the ordinary Barbadian, and there is no real hatred between the black man & the white. We have of course in our large population certain men of criminal instincts but the generality although many may be given to petty thefts (how far this is due to real want or insufficient nourishment you gentlemen will best know) and others may be mean & revengeful and cause fires among your canes, poison your or my dog or lame a horse, damage a car, the generality I repeat is law abiding & too attached to this loved island to be in favour of revolt, but a riot or serious trouble once started gathers force like the wind & may attain //to// the strength of a hurricane. CAUSES FOR APPREHENSION The causes for apprehension are first—the general unrest throughout the world—the presence of agitators—a belief among the working class that they have not been allowed to share the return of good times in the ratio of labour in other places—a further belief that the merchant is making undue profit out of necessities—overpopulation and unemployment—some considerable dissatisfaction on [the] part of returned soldiers regarding their treatment at Taranto & during the war—an exaggerated value of their war service which they consider the Colony does not recognise[. T]his has been fostered by the local press—a feeling of resentment regarding treatment of blacks at Cardiff[,] Liverpool &c.4 This has been augmented by the recent arrival of over 100 men many of whom are Jamaicans who have been implicated in the troubles in [the] above ports & who have been dumped on us for forward transportation. So far things have gone very quietly, we have just had a good crop[,] a large number of persons have been in full employment and a large amount of money has been //put// in circulation by the returned soldiers. My information (reliable I believe) leads me to //the// conviction [that] there is a sullen feeling abroad among labouring folk[;] it is inarticulate for the moment but anything may call it to light life. How far this feeling will be augmented by the present smaller demand for labour during the slack season[,] the still very high cost of necessities of life, the lack of ground provisions and the recent long drought you gentlemen can judge better than I can. RESPONSIBILITY IN CASE OF SERIOUS TROUBLE Now gentlemen if trouble is to come I would ask you to remember that while the material risk may be mainly on you & the big planters //& merchants// 241

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the moral risk //or responsibility// so to speak will be on the Governor hence my desire to put the full case before you. VEILED THREATS I can give you instances of the anonymous letters stating //claiming// to be from some of the parishes who say unless something is done for them, they will take what they want and the jails will be insufficient to hold them—being anonymous one does not take serious notice but it is an indication of the spirit. In the rehearsal of [the] Peace celebration Parade when 3 cheers for [the] King were ordered—a voice was heard to say “To . . . with the King I am done with him”—One of [the] repatriated [sailors] 5 when being taken to hospital used most foul language that he would not allow a white Doctor or nurse to handle him. [word illegible] have been made by [volunteers] that they organise to stop trouble in town but not keen on going into country “where planters have done something for their men & have ignored the town.” These are mentioned as small indications of feeling existing & could be considerably enlarged on. ACTION OF EMPLOYERS A wise old Tory in a high position at home when replying to a letter from me giving my first impressions of Barbados strongly counselled me to impress on all //responsible// people here the fact that unrest was everywhere and in his experience where it had been minimized had been where employers had anticipated trouble by calling their employe[e]s together & stating openly they desired them to share the good times & had treated them with generosity and that this had resulted in very considerable saving //of trouble & of money//. I am a firm believer that concessions on [the] part of employers //are// better than any advance obtained by coersion of the workers or pressure by the Government. No man thanks you for what he forces you to give, he just feels “I’ll get more next time.” It is on this I want to lay stress. RECENT S. OF S. DESPATCH CALLING FOR LABOUR PARTICULARS I do not know if you are aware a recent despatch has been received from the Secy of State of an //somewhat// inquisitorial character //asking// as to conditions of labour, asking to be informed //of// rates //of pay// to agricultural labourers of men, women & children, tasks performed, //cost of living// whether housing is granted also plots for gardens, whether Trad[e] Unions exist6 and societies other than Burial societies7 for labourers //to continue to obtain better terms.// This information is being asked from all West Indian Islands. R. COMMISSION IN JAMAICA You are aware in Jamaica a Royal Commission has been asked for the suggestion it should extend its survey to other islands, and there is a recommendation I believe for Trade Unions to be legalized.8

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From the above the steps to legal enactment of a minimum wage is not far.9 Is it not better for planters to put their own houses in order than to let the Imperial Govt. step in? Labour throughout the world is demanding and obtaining a larger share of the profits in all industry and neither you nor I can stop it whatever our feelings or prejudices. I realize the planting industry after long anxious years has had to clear estates of mortgage and encumbrances & to replace old by up to date machinery in their factories out of profits of the past four years of the war. I further realize that at the large //high// prices given for some properties latterly that working costs have to be carefully considered if //some// estates are to be remunerative. On the other hand although the drought will materially affect the tonnage of usual season’s crop there is a more hopeful feeling as to prices remaining at a good level. SUGGESTIONS AS REGARDS ALLEVIATION MEASURES I come now to alleviative measures and I would ask you gentlemen to consider in your own interest if you should not use your utmost endeavours to supply every employable man woman & child you can during the present lean months, augment the planting of food stuffs & think out personal measures to keep your people as busy and employed as possible and at as high a rate as you can conveniently pay. There are many ways of assisting that you will know better than I—and you have the analogy of the old landowners at home who through long years attached the people of the soil to themselves people and their families by personal acts of kindness with no loss of prestige or position. This has largely gone now with compulsory purchase //of land// and all labour being on a strictly business basis of so much toil only for so much pay. EMIGRATION There is next the encouragement of using emigration on an extended scale. You have //in the past// sent large numbers of labourers to Panama10 & other places & they all remit money home literally and all return if they can with full pockets.11 We have a superabundant population and can spare a good number of thousand with out materially affecting the labour position & those remaining should be more disposed to work full time. GOVT DIRECTED PUB WORKS The only other alleviative measure I can think of is major public works undertaken by Government to give employment to a great number of people at remunerative wages but this will be costly and necessitate some special form of taxation from the classes best able to pay. Remember during my short time here I have been pressed more than once to have //appoint// a Commission on the local labour question wages & unemployment and I have replied with the pious hope that the situation will adjust itself automatically without Government aid, 243

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but if the condition of unemployment & inadequacy of means continues it will be necessary to decide on some course of action & to mention [it] in my speech at the opening of the New House. CONCLUSION Now I wish you gentlemen to assist me. I have anyway the satisfaction if trouble comes to be able //in [the] position// to say I have not shirked putting the case fairly //frankly// & I trust you will admit fairly before you, a collection of gentlemen representing members of the Council & the House & Planters of experience & responsibility. I have no axe to grind[,] no personal ambitions to serve, but surely if you will believe me a sincere wish to do my duty by all classes of the community in this ancient Colony of Barbados over which I am proud to have been called to preside. I ask you //to// believe the position is difficult it may become critical & early measures to reassure the people are imperative. I am aware that wages have been increased but the question is are they adequate with present cost of living clothing &c and is there employment enough for all willing to work? What is it worth employers to pay to avoid a possible upheaval, //certain// dislocation of the industry with //possible// other evils of a still more serious nature? It is to these points I would earnestly invite your attention and the use //exercise// of your influence with other employers of labour. I repeat I will willingly listen to any advice you desire to offer when you have had time to think over the various points I have mentioned. I thank you for the patience with which you have heard me. [in the margin:] Accepted: Governor ADC Col Secy. Sir W. Chandler M. Lc Sir F. Clarke Speaker Hon R. Haynes M. Lc ” L. Pile M. Lc ” P. Haynes M. Lc Cap. C. Thorne M. Lc Mr. [name illegible] ” G. Clark Mr. Harrell [name illegible] add Mr. [name illegible] Mr. T. Skeete C. Haynes. BDA, GH 3/5/1. AD. 1. Lt. Col. Francis Jenkins (1877–1927) was appointed colonial secretary of Barbados after his retirement from the military in July 1919. Before his appointment, Jenkins was a decorated veteran of the South African War (1900–1902) and a member of the West African Frontier Force (1903– 1906, 1908–1910, and 1911–1919), serving as staff officer at the Colonial Office from 1914 to 1915. He became secretary of the southern provinces of Nigeria in 1921 (DOCOL; WWW).

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JULY 1919 2. A reference to the sugar industry in Barbados, established around 1643. Many planters— mostly non-Barbadian men and women—began as small tobacco farmers. Hilary Beckles argues that “land was allocated mostly to colonists with known financial and social connections in England” (Hilary Beckles, A History of Barbados: From Amerindian Settlement to Nation-State [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990], p. 12). By 1650 the big planters took charge and rapidly became the master class, monopolizing the best sugar acreage, reaping the most profits, managing island politics, and dominating society. Barbados was the first English island to grow and internationally market sugar cane, the crop that came to dominate its agriculture. Sugar completely revolutionized Barbadian society and enabled the island to become “the most prosperous seventeenth century insular colony on the globe” (Robert Carlyle Batie, “Why Sugar? Economic Cycles and the Changing of Staples on the English and French Antilles, 1624–54,” JCH 8 and 9 [1976]: 1–41; Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 [New York: Norton, 1973], pp. 46–47). 3. During slavery Barbados boasted the highest ratio of labor per square mile in the British West Indies. Barbadian planters were so confident about their labor force’s ability to naturally reproduce that they supported the abolition of the slave trade in 1807. By 1834 there were five hundred slaves per square mile in an island of 166 square miles. The massive size of the labor force allowed the planter class to limit black freedom by keeping wages low, by threatening to replace laborers who struck or in any way disrupted the smooth functioning of the estates, and by failing to implement policies to improve the quality of life. Barbados of the 1850s therefore presented a picture of blacks wallowing in squalor, which facilitated their decimation by the cholera epidemic. In 1876 Barbados erupted in rebellion as people protested low wages, starvation, and lack of land. Traditionally West Indian blacks demonstrated considerable loyalty to the reigning king or queen of England, a loyalty which allowed them to view the British Crown as the guardian of their rights rather than the protector of their oppressors. The song sung by slaves at emancipation in Barbados paid tribute to and congratulated the very monarchy that originally sanctioned and profited from their enslavement (For lyrics to this song, see Trevor G. Marshall et al., comps., Folk Songs of Barbados [Bridgetown, Barbados: Macmarson Associates, 1981], p. 3). During the 1876 Confederation crisis, the belief of the black underclasses in the integrity and fairness of the Crown led them to launch a rebellion to force the introduction of Crown Colony government (Alana Johnson, “The Abolition of Chattel Slavery, 1833–1876” [Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1994]; Alana Johnson, “‘Enemies of All Rule, and Method, and System’: Samuel J. Prescod, Estate Workers and the First Labour Strikes in Post-Slavery Barbados” [paper presented at the conference of the Association of Caribbean Historians, Bridgetown, Barbados, 1996], pp. 1–3; Hilary Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados: The Struggle Against Slavery, 1627–1838 [Bridgetown, Barbados: Antilles Publications, 1984], p. 79). 4. During riots in Liverpool and Cardiff in 1919, whites attacked hundreds of blacks and a white mob murdered a Trinidadian seaman. The British government, far from protecting blacks, preferred pressuring them to be repatriated. Some of the black men attacked were BWIR veterans (Roy May and Robin Cohen, “The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919,” Race and Class 14, no. 2 [1974]: 111–126; Michael Rowe, “Sex, ‘Race’ and Riot in Liverpool, 1919,” Immigrants and Minorities 19, no. 2 [2000]: 53–70; Jacqueline Jenkinson, “The Glasgow Race Disturbances of 1919,” in Race and Labour in Twentieth-Century Britain ed. by Kenneth Lunn [London: F. Cass, 1985]; Jacqueline Jenkinson, “The 1919 Race Riots in Britain: A Survey,” in Under the Imperial Carpet: Essays in Black History 1780–1950, ed. by Rainer Lotz and Ian Pegg [Crawley, England: Rabbit Press, 1986], pp. 182–207; Peter Fryer, Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain [London: Pluto Press, 1984], pp. 297–311). 5. Barbadians were recruited as seamen for the war effort during World War I. At the end of the war, these seamen felt used and cheated because they were not granted any preference on British ships but were simply dismissed and sent home without war pensions (O’Brien to Milner, 18 January 1919, Despatch no. 134, BDA; Petition of Barbadian Seamen, 15 August 1937, enclosed in Despatch no. 3000, 30 September 1937, BDA). The word “sailors” appears as “soldiers” in a typed version of this address to Barbadian planters that is also held by the Barbados Department of Archives (BDA, GH 3/5/1). 6. Trade unions were illegal in Barbados until 1 August 1940; nonetheless, the roots of modern trade unionism in Barbados can be traced to the late nineteenth century, particularly as a result of the impact of labor migration to the Panama Canal Zone (Michael Conniff, Black Labor on a White Canal: Panama, 1904–1981 [Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985]; Bonham C. Richardson, Panama Money in Barbados, 1900–1920 [Nashville: University of Tennessee Press, 1985]).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 7. Burial societies, known as Friendly Societies, allowed workers to have insurance benefits for sickness and death. Located in rural villages and towns, “their accounts were managed by treasurers who were bound by law to deposit all funds at the National Savings Banks” (Beckles, A History of Barbados, p. 151). 8. J. A. Bain Alves, president of the Longshoremen’s Union No. 1 and founder and head of the Jamaican Federation of Labour, a group of embryonic trade unions, petitioned Governor Leslie Probyn to give legal and official recognition to trade unions. As a result, the Trade Union Law, introduced into the legislative council in March 1919, became law on 25 October 1919. The law’s passage was a significant step in the legalization of trade unions as it conferred legal status on registered unions, thereby protecting them from prosecution for conspiracy or unlawful combinations. The power of the Trade Union Law was limited, however, as it did not confer immunity for unions and workers for liability for tort or breach of contract, nor did it legalize peaceful picketing. Similar legislation was passed in British Guiana in June 1921, but not in other British Caribbean colonies until after the labor rebellions of the 1930s (Richard Hart, “Origin and Development of the Working Class in the English-speaking Caribbean Area: 1897–1937,” in Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence, ed. by Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman [London: Macmillan, 1988], p. 74; George E. Eaton, Alexander Bustamante and Modern Jamaica [Kingston: Kingston Publishers, 1975], p. 20; O. Nigel Bolland, The Politics of Labour in the British Caribbean: The Social Origins of Authoritarianism and Democracy in the Labour Movement [Kingston: Ian Randle, 2001], pp. 194–195). 9. The Labour (Minimum Wage) Act was not passed until 1938. A. G. Gittens, Christ Church representative, argued that it was needed to protect the worker outside of agriculture and that in agriculture it might remove the cause of labor discontent (Francis Mark, The History of the Barbados Workers’ Union [Bridgetown, Barbados: The Union, 1965], p. 58). 10. In Barbados, Panama is almost synonymous with emigration. For decades in the nineteenth century Barbadian planters vehemently opposed all schemes that promoted emigration, even passing acts in 1839 and 1840 to prohibit blacks from leaving the island. Migration was therefore relatively insignificant. During this period, however, Samuel Prescod stood in firm defiance of the planter class, arguing that emigration was the answer for many of the island’s problems; he set himself up as the people’s emigration agent and used his newspaper, the Liberal, to promote the cause. In the 1850s and 1860s, which were characterized by large-scale unemployment, droughts, and increased prices that often resulted in riots, some changes in migration policies occurred. Although this emigration was far more extensive than that of the 1840s, it did not have any dramatic effects on the island. As early as the 1880s Barbadians started migrating to Panama. This first phase was relatively minor, with the French Canal Company contracting approximately 1,344 Barbadians. The second phase, however, involved the movement of some sixty thousand people—one-third of the island’s population—to the Panama Canal between 1904 and 1914. This phenomenal exodus resulted in the loss of about forty-two thousand Barbadians who never returned home to live. It also signaled the relative prosperity of the island, suggesting that migration and the policy of exporting unemployment was an answer for West Indian economies (Johnson, “The Abolition of Chattel Slavery, 1833– 1876,” pp. 286–288, 300; V. Newton, “The Panama Question: Barbadian Emigration to Panama, 1880–1914,” in Emancipation II: Aspects of the Post-Slavery Experience in Barbados, ed. Woodville Marshall [Bridgetown, Barbados: National Cultural Foundation and Department of History, University of West Indies, Cave Hill, 1987], p. 105; Bonham C. Richardson, “Caribbean Migrations, 1838–1985,” in The Modern Caribbean, ed. Franklin Knight and Colin Palmer [Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1989], p. 223; Johnson, “Samuel Jackman Prescod: Unconditional Freedom,” in For Love of Country: The National Heroes of Barbados, ed. by Hilary Beckles [Bridgetown, Barbados: National Cultural Foundation, 2001], p. 34–42). 11. Remittances were critical to the Barbadian economy and “provide[ed] vital support for those left behind” (Richardson, Caribbean Migrants, p. 27). Barbadian emigrants sent postal money orders home as early as 1865, and Bonham Richardson notes that goods and commodities sent from abroad “help[ed] reduce spot shortages of staple items at home but, more often, represent[ed] a quality and diversity of commodities otherwise unavailable or prohibitively expensive in the islands” (Richardson, “Caribbean Migrations,” pp. 224–225). Barbadians sent home some £545,939 in money orders from Panama, and this “Panama money” promoted social mobility and improved the standard of living. Above all, “Panama money” enabled Barbadians from all walks of life to acquire land; for instance, between 1905 and 1906 forty-nine estates were sold in lots or

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JULY 1919 rented in tenantries. Thus remittances had a profound impact on the redistribution of land on the island (Newton, “The Panama Question,” pp. 127–128).

Eyre Hutson,1 Governor, British Honduras, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, Belize, 31st July 1919 My Lord, Referring to my secret despatch of 30th. instant,2 on the subject of the recent riots 3 in Belize and subsequent events, I consider it desirable to address Your Lordship separately on certain subjects referred to in that despatch. I wish at once to state that //although// I have marked my previous despatch “secret” and it will be for Your Lordship to decide whether or not, it should be published. I offer no objection to that procedure, and that it may be edited before publication as you may consider advisable. 2. First, I desire to state that although I have not so far, seen any written evidence, I am informed by Colonel Cran th//at// evidence has been given that the riot on the night of the 22nd. instant was most deliberately organised by a section of the contingent,4 with a system for attacks on business premises and certain private residences. Signals from one party to another were conveyed by whistles, the rumour also, not yet verified, was that the outburst took place a night too soon, and that it had been originally planned for the night of the 23rd instant, when a ball was to have been given by me at Government House5 in celebration of Peace. A strong party had been detailed to arrive at Government House during the evening, who were to demand to see me with a written list of the Contingent’s demands to be handed to me. An immediate compliance with these demands was to have been requested, and if not conceded by me, the house was to have been sacked and the guests attacked. I am inclined at present to disbelieve this rumour because no unfriendly demonstration of any kind had been made against me personally, I had invited all persons to the Ball who had called at Government House irrespective of race, except a negro carpenter who had been working at Government House during the day and who attended my Garden Party in the afternoon of the 15th. April last. Further that when I left Government House suddenly on the night of the 22nd. instant, I was compelled to leave my wife and the Acting Colonial Secretary’s Wife without protection of any kind. The lodging house in which the Acting Chief Justice resided and which was attacked is almost immediately opposite to Government House Gate. The gates were left open intentionally, as

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there was no police or other guard. A few stragglers from the crowd entered the //gate// armed with sticks, made no demonstration whatever and retired at once[.] I walked from Government House to the Police Station accompanied by the Acting Colonial Secretary, and by some negroes who met me at the gate, and who advised me strongly not to go on the street. I mention this only to emphasize the fact that I was neither molested nor threatened on my way to and from the Police Station, I, however, did not meet the rioters or town mob. An interesting feature in connection with the riot was that no attack was made on any Government Building or property on 22nd instant. Their intention was clear in the first instance, viz: to attack merchants and to loot their goods. The rioting rapidly spread and th//en// was to a large extent in the hands of the town//’s// people[,] the women taking a very prominent part in the looting[.] It was then that no White man was safe in the streets. 3. I will now allude to Mr. Walton’s case,6 to which I have referred in my telegrams of the 25th. instant. Among the boarders in the house were the three Europeans recently imported into the colony by Messrs Moodie //Brodie// and Company.7 I am told that the negro element in the town marked the house down for special attention, because the landlady, although a coloured person, has refused to receive as boarders any coloured person. My belief is that the attack on the house was due to the presence of the three European clerks referred to. Mr. Walton apparently address//ed// then rioters from the balcony, and told them that they should desist from attacking the house of the Chief Justice of the Colony, a statement which, although not accurate, was permissible in the circumstances. He states that he was thereupon abused with filthy language, and his life threatened. He came down to the Police Station later in the evening. He was very excited and urged me to take very strong measures at once and to shoot down the rioters. His language was so violent, and likely to cause immediate trouble if overheard, that I had to remonstrate with him, and request him to refrain from further remarks on the situation. I brought him back to Government House, and he remained with me until after the arrival of H.M.S. “CONSTANCE[.]” He then moved back to his boarding house but that day he nearly caused a disturbance at the gate by raising a false alarm that he and the boarding house were about to be attacked. He came into my office immediately after, and stated that a man had attempted to enter the house and had threatened his life. He was again very excited. I offered him refuge at Government House, but little accom//m//odation was available because I had as guests Captain Kennedy and my Honorary A.D.C. Mr Craig, I also offered to give him Police or Armed protection, if he desired it, and immediately placed a Police Guard //o//n the boarding house. He did not avail himself of my offer to stay with me: but he billeted himself on the Acting Colonial Secretary, Mr. Mc Kinstry. Mr Mc Kinstry called on me on the 27th. instant, and stated that Mr. Walton had succeeded in getting possession of a revolver, that he was in a very nervous state, 248

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and that his attitude and behaviou//r// was having a very bad effect on his, Mr. Mc Kinstry’s//,// wife. I had previously arranged with Captain Kennedy to offer Mr. Walton accom[m]odation on board H.M.S. “CONSTANCE[.]” I thereupon wrote Mr. Walton the enclosed letter and I also enclose his reply. He was sent on board H.M.S. “CONSTANCE” that afternoon and remained on board. 4. Before despatching my telegram to you of the 25th. instant, Mr. Walton had called on me and represented that any man who sat or heard any cases arising out of the riot would be a marked man and that his life would be consequently in danger. He hinted, that having in view the fact that his life had [line missing?] into direct personal contact with some of the rioters he should be relieved of taking the cases. Before despatching my telegram, I put the case to him directly informing him that I was about to telegraph to you, without any hesitation he agreed, in fact asked that I should make the request that a special officer should be sent here to take the cases. 5. Mr. Walton’s general behaviour since the 22nd. instant will soon be the gossip of the town. He has undoubtedly lost status already and the desired influence among both the European and negro inhabitants. It is charitable to attribute his behaviour to the serious shock he experienced on the night of the 22nd instant, and that his nerves had been badly affected, because the first part of the evening of the 22nd. instant he displayed pluck in walking from Government House to the Police Station to offer me assistance. Towards midnight, having heard that Lieutenant G. Blogg had escaped, injured, to the Electric Light Station, he crossed the river in a canoe and brought Lieutenant Blogg to the Police Station. His nerves appear to have given way after his return to Government House later in the morning, when he declined to remain in Government House with six other European refugees, and he spent the rest of the morning until daylight in the garden or under the house. I cannot refrain from stating that my confidence in him has to some extent been impaired, and that he is not likely to live down in Belize, the fact that he has taken refuge in H.M.S. “CONSTANCE,” although on my advic//e// and practically at my request. I was forced to take this step, not because I considered that his life was in danger, unless he himself committed some indiscreet act, but because I considered that by persuading him to go on board the ship, I was removing a danger to the Government. Captain Kennedy agreed with me fully. If an early opportunity were to offer, Mr. Walton’s transfer to some other colony would be welcome to me and, I understand from the Acting Colonial Secretary that it it would would be very acceptable to Mr. Walton. 6. On the 26th. instant, I had an interview with Mr. Dragten,8 Barristerat-Law in Belize, a coloured gentleman of East India//n// extraction, a native of British Guiana or of Surinam. Mr. Dragten, from his racial position, and constant intercourse with the natives of Belize is in a position to be fully informed 249

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on matters concerning the native population. He is the leader in the recent political reform movement, //&// he has been most moderate in his utterances on that subject in public. He is, I understand, not altogether trusted by the Radical negro sect because they accuse him of “running with the hare and hunting with the hound//s//[.]” His wife is an English woman, and they are both members of the European games club. Mr Dragten admitted to me that he had been aware for some time that there existed in Belize, a very strong racial feeling on the //part// of the negroes and coloured people against the whites. That he had endeavoured to use his influence in quieting it, particularly with the negro editor of the “Independent” but that he regretted that he had failed. He stated that there had been recent bona fide cases of deliberate profiteering on the part of some of the merchants which had incensed some of the members of the contingents and others. That the outburst had started in a spirit of //revenge// on the merchants conduct. //That// after the disturbance had started th//e// cry arose that the whites generally should be treated as the negroes had been treated in Liverpool. The editor of the “Independent” had on the 17th. instant published an account of the Liverpool riots. This led to attacks on Europeans and might have gone to any extent had the mob been attacked by me with firearms without sufficient armed force in reserve. He informed me that there were some unreasonable and intemperate agitators in the town who for some time past had considered that the people had been suffering under three definite grievances. By the people, Mr. Dragten explained that he referred to the majority of the coloured population. The first of these was the very strict local censorship which had been exercised on criticism of Lieutenant Colonel Cran and the Territorial Force9 during the war. He complained that he had suffered himself being connected with the “Clarion” newspaper, in fact admitting that many of the leaders of that paper were written by him[.] This censorship was exercised before my assumption of the Government and I have no knowledge of the matter[.] Secondly that letters for some time past had been filtering back from me//m//bers of the contingent complaining that they had been unfairly treated abroad on account of their race. Mr. Dragten informed me that he had himself seen a copy of a confidential memorandum emanating so[me] time ago from the War Office which had been on file at Headquarters in Mesopotamia stating that the natives of British Honduras “had been enrolled to serve as a labour battalion with the B.W.I. Regiment[,]” that the copy of this document was at present in Belize, that it had been sh[o]wn to him in confidence, and he asked to be excused from divulging the name of the man who had improperly taken the copy. He //explained// that these instructions from the War Office had incensed the men who complained that they had been enrolled by Sir Wilfred Collet and Colonel Cran under false pretences[.] Mr Dragten said that he had endeavoured to make those who had spoken to him believe that it was impossible to 250

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think that either Sir W. Collet or Colonel Cran were guilty of the charges, and that the mistake must have originated at the War Office. The third grievance was one felt by the town’s people viz: the suppression by Mr. //Walter//, Acting Governor in January last of an American newspaper “The Negro World.” I enclose a copy of the newspaper referred to, which was believed to be under German influence and a part of their propaganda. Mr. Walt//er// reported to me his action soon after my arrival and he sh[o]wed me the correspondence with His Britannic Majesty’s Consul Ambassador at Washington. I enclose a copy of a memeorandum by Mr. Walter which he left as record. I told Mr. Walter that I would take no action in the matter, unless I was appealed to, and that I would then, if necessary review his action. I have never been approached by anyone on the subject, either verbally or in writing. Mr. Dragten stated that the result of Mr. Walter’s order was, that whereas in January last, only a few copies had been received, since the order many copies had been regularly introduced surreptitiously, and had been largely circulated and read. I enclose a copy of the correspondence on the subject with His Majesty’s Ambassador at Washington as Mr. Walter does not appear to have made a report to you on the subject. 7. I will now close this despatch by stating, with reference to my cypher telegram of the 18th. instant, that the complaints made to Colonel Cran by some of the contingent men as to their treatment in Mesopotamia and Taranto were that on one occasion at the administration of Holy Communion in Mesopotamia, the chapl//ai//n officiating had, in going dow[n] the line with the chalice, deliberately picked out the [line missing?] the chalice to the latter after all the white troops had received the wine. This the black troops resented intensely. The second grievance was that both at in Mesopotamia and at Taranto, they had been excluded from the canteens for white troops. The general report was that the men liked the Australians, New Zealanders and Canadians with whom they had been brought in contact because of their treatment, but they had been snubbed and treated as “niggers” by the English troops. This is to me a surprising statement because my experience in the Pacific had been the direct opposite. A good deal of one’s difficulty in Fiji and in other parts in the Western Pacific High Commission10 was due to the treatment of natives by the Australians especially in contrast to that by men of the old country. The Fijian drew at once a very sharp distinction between the two “Europeans[.]”11 8. I trust that Your Lordship will realise the very difficult position in which I am placed and that I shall strive to face and solve //it// to the best of my ability. I am assured by the Hon A. R. Usher12 and by others that I have so far gained the confidence of both sections of the community, and of the contingent, but I anticipate that some resentment will follow my proclamation of Mart[ia]l Law, the issue of orders thereunder, and the arrest of some of the town’speople and looters. I shall endeavour to relax these orders at an early 251

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date being anxious that normal conditions shall be re-assumed as soon as possible. I am however severely //hand//icapped by the very small force of civil police, and I realise the general incompetency of the force as it exists. Its members are undoubtedly to a very large extent in sympathy with the town’speople, i.e. negro constables, whom, I fear cannot be trusted. They are//,// in any case//,// afraid of the people. This aspect of the situation will no doubt be dealt with by the Commission of Enquiry,13 and I trust that an early re-organisation of the force will follow under a new and carefully selected Superintendent. I am inclined to the opinion that Mr. Wyatt the present superintendent may be disposed of under Colonial Office Regulation 73. He is married to a coloured woman, and I find that he is the owner of three houses[,] two in Belize and one at St Georges Cay. I hope that this accumulation of real estate is due solely to extraordinary thrift during his long service here[.] 9. In conclusion, I cannot too strongly impress on Your Lordship the necessity for giving the White Population of Belize and in fact of the whole colony, protection by European Troops or by the Navy for some time to come. If this is withheld, I must record respectfully that I cannot be responsible for the consequences. It is also essential, and in this Captain Kennedy agrees with me[,] that wireless telegraphic communication should be improved at the earliest possible date. I telegraphed to the Naval Commander in Chief at Bermuda in accordance with my instructions asking for assistance on the night of the 22nd instant. I received a reply from him on the night of the 28th. instant to the effect that H.M.S. “CONSTANCE” had been ordered to proceed here. Your Lordship’s telegram, undated, acknowledging my cypher telegram of 23rd. instant was received also late on the night of the 28th. instant. Similar long delays are the rule, and the feeling of isolation is very disquieting. The main cause is due to the fact that the relay station //between// Jamaica and Belize//, is// Swan Island//,// owned by the United Fruit Company//,//14 and that the Comp[an]y’s traffic and other American Commercial traffic takes precedence over British and Government messages. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient humble servant, EYRE HUTSON Governor [Handwritten in the margin:] This was our experience[.] London [words illegible] coloured men[.] E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley]15 TNA: PRO CO 123/295, X/N 00129. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. Sir Eyre Hutson (1864–1936) was governor of British Honduras from 1918 until 1925. His private correspondence to various Colonial Office officials reveals his deep-seated “Negrophobia” and his belief (momentarily at least) that he was about to meet his maker in a racial uprising. At one point, Hutson notes, “I thought all was up—a negro sober is bad enough; but drunk he is a devil” (Eyre Hutson to G. Grindle, 31 July 1919, TNA: PRO CO 123/295/108634; WWW). 2. Eyre Hutson to Viscount Milner, 30 July 1919, TNA: PRO CO 123/295/108634.

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JULY 1919 3. Demobilized soldiers from the BWIR returned to Belize from Italy on 8 July 1919. They were addressed by Governor Hutson and given a meal and $10 to keep them going, but accumulated resentment about racial discrimination and rising prices erupted in violence in the streets. On the night of 22 July 1919, hundreds of people, including some former soldiers, raged through Belize Town, smashing windows and looting stores. Some officials and employers were assaulted. The colonial government, unsure of the reliability of the police, felt powerless until a contingent of former soldiers loyal to the government helped subdue the rioters. The riots were probably a response also to the soldiers’ accumulated frustration resulting from the pattern of racial discrimination that they experienced during the war. One former soldier, Samuel Haynes, wrote to the Belize Independent in 1919 and complained of their treatment by British soldiers in Egypt in 1916. The Belizean soldiers, Haynes explained, tired and hungry upon their arrival at the camp, were singing “Rule Britannia” when British soldiers demanded, “Who gave you niggers authority to sing that? Clear out of this building—only British troops admitted here” (Hutson to Milner, 30 July 1919, TNA: PRO CO 123/295/108634; Peter David Ashdown, “Race, Class and the Unofficial Majority in British Honduras 1890–1949” [Ph.D. diss., University of Sussex, 1979], pp. 144–147; W. F. Elkins, “A Source of Black Nationalism in the Caribbean: The Revolt of the British West Indies Regiment at Taranto, Italy,” Science and Society 35, no. 1 [spring 1970]: 99–103; Peter David Ashdown, “The Background to the Ex-Servicemen’s Riot of 1919,” Belcast Journal of Belizean Affairs 2, no. 2 [December 1985]; Peter David Ashdown, “Coup d’Etat; Riot of 1919,” Belcast Journal of Belizean Affairs 3, nos. 1–2 [June 1986]; Glenford Howe, Race, War, and Nationalism: A Social History of West Indians in the First World War [Kingston: Ian Randle, 2002], pp. 181–189). 4. Two contingents of Belizeans had joined the BWIR (124 left British Honduras in November 1915 and 410 left in July 1916). One hundred members from the Belize detachments of the BWIR served with the Inland Water Transport Section of the Royal Engineers in Mesopotamia (Peter David Ashdown, Garveyism in Belize [Belize City: Society for the Promotion of Education and Research, 1990], p. 13; Howe, Race, War, and Nationalism). 5. Government House, the residence of the governor, is a large wooden building dating from the early nineteenth century on the shore south of the Belize River mouth. The governor used the residence to entertain his guests and the elite of the colony at garden parties and balls. 6. Sir George O’Donnell Walton (b. 1871) was called to the bar, Middle Temple, in 1893. He acted as a barrister in Barbados from 1894 to 1902, serving as acting chief justice of St. Lucia in 1908 and 1911, and then attorney general in 1915. After serving on several occasions as acting administrator of St. Lucia, he was appointed as the attorney general of British Honduras in 1919, serving as the acting chief justice of British Honduras from May to November 1919 (DOCOL). 7. Brodie and Company was the largest commercial establishment in Belize Town. Its department store, known simply as Brodie’s, long dominated the dry goods business. 8. Frans R. Dragten was a Guyanese lawyer in the firm Dragten Woods & Company and the owner of considerable property in Belize Town. A prominent member of the professional elite, he was one of two representatives from Belize to the British Caribbean Standing Closer Association Committee, 1948–49, which drafted the proposals for the subsequently short-lived West Indies Federation (C. H. Grant, The Making of Modern Belize: Politics, Society and British Colonialism in Central America [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976], pp. 90, 110). 9. In 1908 a volunteer home-defense army called the “Territorial Army” was created in Britain. Hutson’s use of “Territorial Force” is most likely a reference to troops raised on a territorial basis, such as the force raised in Belize for the BWIR. 10. The Fiji island group became a British Crown Colony in 1874, following the signing of a deed of concession by the Christian convert prince King Cakobau. Fiji was first sighted by foreign explorers in 1643 and received its first Christian missionaries in 1797. Christianity spread rapidly among Fijians, although this did not preclude nationalist sentiments; Cakobau was one of several regional rulers who attempted to form a Fiji-wide government prior to cession. Cakobau’s government was fatally weakened, however, by opponents’ attacks and the armed objections of European settlers drawn to the region to grow cotton in the wake of U.S. Civil War–era shortages. In 1877 Fiji became the headquarters of the British Western Pacific High Commission, which controlled other British protectorates in the region (Brij V. Lal, Broken Waves: A History of the Fiji Islands in the Twentieth Century [Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1992], pp. 8–11; “Fiji Islands,” Hutchinson’s Encyclopaedia Country Facts). 11. The genesis of this comment is unclear, but may refer to the relatively good colonial experience Fijians had. Fiji’s first resident governor, Sir Arthur Hamilton Gordon, instituted a system of “indirect rule” that strove to “seize the spirit in which native institutions had been framed.” The

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS contemporary scholar Brij V. Lal has written that it is hard to name another colony anywhere during the nineteenth century in which the land, institutions, and customs of the people were so well protected. Even so, colonial policies rested on erroneous assumptions, making administrative mistakes such as universalizing practices that had once differed regionally. In comparative terms, however, Fijians were less embittered by their colonial experience (Lal, Broken Waves, pp. 14–15). 12. Archibald Rhys Usher (1863–1931) was the manager of the Belize Estate and Produce Company, the largest estate and business in the colony until 1911, when he left the company to become a mahogany contractor in his own right. A nominated member of the legislative council of British Honduras from 1904, he was made a member of the executive council in 1919. He was a member of the Centennial Committee formed in 1898 to commemorate the British victory over Spain at the battle of St. George’s Caye, which marked the last time that Spain sought to expel British settlers from the Bay of Honduras. The battle became a symbol of the supposed unity of all people in Belize, whether of European, African, or mixed descent, because it was claimed that the slaves fought “shoulder to shoulder” with their owners. The Ushers were among the elite families of British Honduras. In 1815 William Usher petitioned the king, saying that his father was English and he had been educated in England, yet because he was a remote descendant of the “Indians who inhabit the Mosquito Shore” he was deprived “of those dearest privileges of an Englishman” that were reserved for white men, such as being a juror or magistrate (“The Memorial of William Usher, One of His Majesty’s Loyal Subjects Settled in the Bay of Honduras,” 20 January 1815, TNA: PRO CO 123/24). Archibald Usher’s daughter, Daisy, married Eric Woods, son of the editor of the Clarion and law partner of Frans Dragten (Karen H. Judd, “Elite Reproduction and Ethnic Identity in Belize” [Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1992], pp. 239–247; Assad Shoman, Thirteen Chapters of a History of Belize [Belize City: Angelus Press, 1994], p. 153). 13. See Report of the Commission Appointed by the Governor to Enquire into the Origin of the Riot in the Town of Belize Which Began on the Night of 22nd July 1919, 10 October 1919, TNA: PRO CO 123/296. 14. The UFC was a Boston-based multinational corporation for banana producing and marketing. It dominated the production and distribution of bananas from Central America and the Caribbean to the United States. The origins of this company can be traced to the year 1870, when Captain Lorenzo Dow Baker made an experimental import of bananas bought in Jamaica for a shilling; he sold them in Jersey City for $2 a bunch. After this success, Baker joined the Bostonian entrepreneur Andrew Preston and created the Boston Fruit Company. This company owned a large fleet of steamships that, with time, became the largest private fleet in the world: the Great White Fleet. In 1899 another Bostonian entrepreneur, Minor C. Keith, approached Preston and Baker with a proposal to merge their company with his business. Keith had built railways in Central America and Colombia, owned lands in those countries, and was also involved in the banana export business. Preston and Baker agreed and on 30 March 1899 the UFC was born, with Preston as president and Keith as vice president. The diverse interests and skills of Preston and Keith complemented each other. Keith had his railroad network and plantations in Central America, plus the market in the southeastern United States. Preston grew bananas in the West Indies, ran the Great White Fleet, and sold to the northeastern United States. As the company grew, Keith continued with his railroad projects in Central America. The UFC needed to assure a steady output of bananas to its consumer market in the United States. This was a difficult task because bananas, unlike other goods, rot quickly and easily. However, the company swiftly developed an impressive production and distribution network between the tropical lands in the Caribbean and the United States. This network included plantations (with health and housing infrastructure for the American employees and the local field workers), railways, ports, telegraph lines, and steamships. By 1900 UFC owned 212,394 acres of land, and by 1954 it owned 603,111 acres scattered across Central America and the Caribbean. In 1913 it created the Tropical Radio & Telegraph Company to keep constant communication with its ships and plantations. It established a subsidiary company in charge of distributing bananas in the United States, the Fruit Dispatch Company, and was a major shareholder of the Hamburg Line, a German shipping company. Having bought 99 percent of the shares of a British banana import and shipping company, Elders & Fyffes, UFC was also assured a privileged position in the British market by 1928. UFC quickly eliminated smaller competitors like the Atlantic Fruit Company and Cuyamel Fruit Company, until only one other large banana multinational remained, the Vaccaro Brothers Corporation of New Orleans (established in 1900, later reincorporated as Standard Fruit, and presently known as Dole Corporation).

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JULY 1919 Investments by the UFC brought enormous change to the Caribbean and Central America. The company built a transportation, communication, housing, and production infrastructure from scratch. Whole towns and large plantations emerged in a very short time in regions previously covered by the jungle. The creation of the so-called Banana Empire demanded hundreds of thousands of workers who were supplied by the migration of local rural workers or by the organized import of labor by the company, as in the case of the West Indian workers in Central America or the Haitian laborers in the company’s sugar plantations in Cuba. UFC’s expansion was facilitated by an environment extremely friendly to foreign business in Central America. Before World War II, UFC counted on political dictatorships that repressed labor unionism and gave generous financial concessions in terms of land grants and tax incentives. In some of the countries where UFC operated, it was the major employer, the largest investor in infrastructure, and the chief agency for the international marketing of the country’s main export. Countries like Guatemala, Panama, or Honduras depended on bananas for more than 60 percent of their total exports. Because of this, the local governments encouraged the company’s operations in their national territories. This situation was not limited to the tiny Central American republics. UFC was also one of the most powerful investors in the British colony of Belize, although it interrupted its operations there in 1920 due to climatic hazards and diseases that destroyed the banana plantations—not only those owned by UFC but also those owned by its local providers. After World War II the company faced serious threats that obliged it to change the focus of its internal structure from production to marketing. The rise of nationalistic governments and stronger labor unionism in Latin America made UFC’s investments in the region riskier. In 1954 Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz attempted to expropriate some of the company’s lands, the Honduran banana workers went on the biggest strike in that country’s history, and the U.S. government sued the company for failing to comply with antitrust legislation. These events made UFC’s shareholders think that land ownership in Central America increased the company’s risks, so in the 1960s the company gradually got rid of its plantations and railroads and instead concentrated its efforts on the international marketing of bananas. As demand for bananas decreased in the U.S. after the 1950s, UFC diversified its operations to include processed food. This transformation went further when the company merged with AMK Corporation and created a food conglomerate in 1970 called United Brands Company. In 1989 this conglomerate changed its name to Chiquita Brands International, Inc. (Robert Read, “The Growth and Structure of Multinationals in the Banana Export Trade,” in The Growth of International Business, ed. by Mark Casson [London: Allen & Unwin, 1983]; Marcelo Bucheli, “United Fruit Company in Latin America,” in Banana Wars: Power, Production, and History in the Americas, ed. by Steve Striffler and Mark Moberg [Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003], pp. 80– 100; Frederick U. Adams, The Conquest of the Tropics [New York, Page, 1914]; Charles Kepner and Jay Soothill, The Banana Empire: A Case Study of Economic Imperialism [New York: Vanguard, 1935]; Stacy May and Galo Plaza, United States Business Performance Abroad: The Case Study of the United Fruit Company in Latin America [Washington, D.C.: National Planning Association, 1958]; Paul Dosal, Doing Business with the Dictators: A Political History of United Fruit in Guatemala, 1899–1944 [Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1993]; Aviva Chomsky, West Indian Workers and the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 1870–1940 [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996]; Peter Clegg and Timothy Shaw, The Caribbean Banana Trade: From Colonialism to Globalization [London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002]; Marcelo Bucheli, Bananas and Business: The United Fruit Company in Colombia, 1899–2000 [New York: New York University Press, 2005]). 15. E. R. Darnley (b. 1875) was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, and London University. He joined the Colonial Office on 11 October 1898 as a second-class clerk and served in the West India Branch. He was promoted to first-class clerk in 1909 and then to assistant secretary in 1920 (HJ, 1918; DOCOL).

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Gazette Extraordinary (British Honduras), 23 July 1919 (Source: TNA: PRO CO 123/295/108634)

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Enclosure: Memorandum by Robert Walter, Acting Governor, British Honduras [British Honduras, ca. July 31st 1919] On Feb. 18 a letter was received by the P. S. signed by Messrs M. Stephen and W. Campbell1 asking me to receive a deputation on the subject of the suppression of this paper which had been ordered by me in a letter addressed to the Acting Col. Postmaster and to the Acting Collector Customs. My action was taken under the Defence of the Colony Regulations Aug. 1917 (en [in?] Supplement to Gazette 1917 pages 119–124 especially section 6 (a) (b), an[d] also under the Post Office Ordinance Chapter 130 section 3[)]. I decided to take this action of my own motion though I mentioned the matter to the Ex. Co. I received a deputation on 21.2.19 consisting of Messrs Craig, Griffith, M. Stephens, H. Cain (Editor Belize Independent)[,]2 W. Campbell. The Spokesman was Mr Griffith who is //I// understand a Teacher by profession. The principal arguments advanced for the withdrawal of the ban on the circulation of the paper in this Colony were (1) The well known loyalty of the Colony (2) The desire of the Negro to keep in touch with the outer world and to know what negroes in other lands were doing (3) The fact that the paper was in circulation in other W.I. Colonies (4) The fact that articles equally strong had appeared in English papers such as John Bull3 and that Mr Bottomly had boasted that he had never submitted a copy of his articles to the Censor. I read to the Deputation the article in the Negro World of Oct 26 1918 printed in big type regarding the German Colonies in Africa and stated that in my opinion such an article was calculated to cause disaffection to H.M. the King. We were still at War although an Armistice had been signed. I stated further that while the loyalty of the Colony was as a [remainder of text missing].4 TNA: PRO CO 123/295, X/M 07116. TD, copy. 1. William Alexander Campbell became the first vice president of the British Honduras division of the UNIA, which was created in March 1920; he later became the president. 2. The commission that inquired into the riots of 22 July 1919 thought that the Belize Independent’s coverage of the Liverpool and Cardiff race riots was provocative (Report of the Commission Appointed by the Governor to Enquire into the Origin of the Riot in the Town of Belize Which Began on the Night of 22nd July 1919, 10 October 1919, TNA: PRO CO 123/296). 3. A reference to the sensational and chauvinistic weekly journal John Bull, published by Horatio William Bottomley (1860–1933), English journalist, company promoter, financier, politician, sportsman, and swindler. John Bull was begun on 12 May 1906 and edited by Bottomley until 1921. Named after the popular eighteenth-century personification of the English character associated with John Arbuthnot’s allegory The History of John Bull (1712), the main purpose behind the publication was promotion of Bottomley and his various fraudulent schemes. (For an analysis of the evolution of the imagery of John Bull as a symbol of England, reflecting the transformation of the vocabulary of patriotism through the incidence of images of John Bull in print, satire, and cartoons, see Miles Taylor, “John Bull and the Iconography of Public Opinion in England, ca. 1712–1929,”

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Past & Present, no. 134 [February 1992]: 93–128.) After the outbreak of World War I, Bottomley was granted a national stage; he used John Bull as a national recruiting vehicle and, not incidentally, a hugely successful propaganda machine for sale of his fraudulent Victory Bonds scheme. In March 1922 Bottomley was charged with fraudulent conversion and found guilty of twenty-three out of twenty-four counts and sentenced to a seven-year term of imprisonment. Expelled from the House of Commons, Bottomley died in disgrace and obscurity (Julian Symons, Horatio Bottomley: A Biography [London: Cresset Press, 1955]; Alan Hyman, The Rise and Fall of Horatio Bottomley: The Biography of a Swindler [London: Cassell, 1972]; Stephen E. Koss, The Rise and Fall of the Political Press in Britain [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981]; Gary S. Messinger, British Propaganda and the State in the First World War [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992]; ODNB). 4. Walter rejected the deputation’s petition, hence the ban was continued. The commissioners believed this ban to have been one of the causes of the riots on 22 July (Report of the Commission . . . into the Origin of the Riot . . . 22nd July 1919).

Enclosure: Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras, to George O’Donnell Walton, Acting Chief Justice, British Honduras [British Honduras] 27th. July 1919 Dear Acting Chief Justice, I have been thinking over your position and the fact that you have been, according to your own report to me verbally, personally threatened, and that you consider your life in danger. I have offered you protection whenever you require it, and I also informed you that if you could make no arrangement for lodging which you considered safe or possible you were welcome to such accommodation at Government House as I could offer you. I explained that having to provide accommodation for the Captain //of// H.M.S. “CONSTANCE,” and for my A de C, the accom[m]odation would be poor. In fact I have no spare bed in the house, but I think a cot could be provided. In the circumstances of your position as Acting Chief Justice, and the apparently disquieted condition of your mind as to your own personal safety, I have come to the conclusion that it is advisable that you accept the offer of the Captain of H.M.S. “CONSTANCE” already conveyed to you by me verbally, and that you go on board the ship as soon as possible, and remain there for the present as a guest of the Ship[’]s Ward Room. Yours faithfully . . . [signature missing] TNA: PRO CO 123/295, X/M 07116. TL, copy.

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Enclosure: George O’Donnell Walton, Acting Chief Justice, British Honduras, to Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras [British Honduras] 27th. July 1919 Your Excellency, In answer to your letter of today’s date I thank you for the evident consideration you have given to my personal position. Unfortunately I seem to have unwittingly incurred the anger of the contingent as president of the Golf Club,1 and authorised by the committee I gave instructions for afternoon tea at the club on the day of the sports but extended no special invitation to the members of the contingent. They were all welcome to come there if invited to do so by members of the club. This, I understand, has given them great umbrage, and it is all attributed to me personally. This desire for full social recognition is, as far as I have observed, the real psychology of the present unrest. Hence this magnifying of so small a matter as the Golf Club tea. To them, I suppose, entr//é// to the Golf Club is one of the pinnacles of social success. As far as my personal wishe//s// go, I would prefer to remain where I am, but I am afraid I may attract hostility to the kind people who have so bravely given me a shelter. Court work has entirely stopped s//o// that I have no immediate duty to perform[.] Another awkward thing for me as Chief Justice is that I do not think I ought to carry firearms in the streets, and have not done so on the occasions tha[t] I have gone into town. As I can serve no good purpose by remaining ashore, I accept the generous offer extended to me. I am, Yours faithfully, (sd) G. O’D. WALTON TNA: PRO CO 123/295, X/M 07116. TL, copy. 1. The Belize Golf Club (and the Belize Polo Club, with which it later merged to become the Belize Club) was at the pinnacle of the hierarchy of social clubs, where “white businessmen, local and expatriate, socialized with colonial officials” (Karen H. Judd, “Elite Reproduction and Ethnic Identity in Belize” [Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1992], p. 114).

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Leeward Islands

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Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen,1 Leeward Islands Police, to the Acting Inspector, St. Kitts-Nevis Police L.I. Police, Basseterre. 5th August, 1919 Sir, I have the honour to report for your information that a meeting was held by the Benevolent Association Society2 at Pond Pasture3 on the afternoon of the 4th instant. About 400 persons were present. At 5.25 p.m. one Augustus Duncan, native of this Presidency4 and recently arrived from America, addressed the gathering as follows:— My subject to you this afternoon will be about slavery, and I am sure that it is the first meeting of this kind that you have ever had on an occasion like this. We are today cel//e//brating the 85[th] anniversary of our emancipation from slavery. Prior to the emancipation we were bound-slaves but today we are only free[-]slaves and [there] is only one way to get rid of this slavery and it is to join this Benevolent Society that you have in your midst. We have to fight for your freedom and that each and every one of you must be ready and willing to do. I do not mean to have an illegal fight with sticks, stones, and bottles as some of you think for if you fight illegally the Government will get the Police and Volunteers to shoot you all down with bullets and as you all know, bullets must win. I mean that you all must fight by stop working and go on strike and keep on that strike until you get your proper wages which //you// are entitled to. No man or woman in this Island should be working for less tha[n] one dollar a day for a day’s work of 8 hours. I mentioned a few weeks ago at a lecture that there are people here in this Island who are getting not more than [3d] per day and I was told that my statement was not correct. Well I can tell you for certain that I have seen with my own eyes that some people received 1/6 for a week’s work which is even less than 3d per day.5 When you strike for an increase of wages, you should not return to [w]ork until you get the increase. In America when we strike and one goes after and takes the same wages or less we call him a scab. I won’t tell you what you ought to do with such a man but in America when he goes a first time he will never go a se//c//ond time. When we were bound-slaves we were better looked after in this respect, that the same way that a man is employed to look after the grooming of horses to see that they are well fed etc., so it was that the slaves were looked //after// so that they looked well, keep well, so that a good result may be obtained from him but if the slave is weak and sickly then he is more burdensome to the man who owns him but a healthy slave is a valuable one to the interest of the owner. The whole of the prop//r//ietors are robbing you all of your just wages. You are not getting enough money to keep you decently and to feed yourself. 261

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This is the time to look after your own interests by increase of wages. I was told that the people of St. Kitts cannot win a strike for the reason that you strike today and return tomorrow.6 This should not be, you should all keep one head. You all should stick to this Society as you cannot manage affairs yourself and the only organization to which you could look for support and protection. The Government in the West Indies does not look after the welfare of its people or to have them educated, the school system is rotten. I must congratulate the Society for having in its midst a night school where old as well as young can go and improve their intellectual ability (one Woodley, a bystander, responded to the remarks of Duncan, said, that even that the Government wants to stop). There is an advantageous law existing in this Island between employers and employees and that is the Masters and Servants Act.7 If an employee happens to have his house on an employer’s land he cannot leave to work on any other Estate for a better wage as for instance there are many villages in this Island which is on the land of the Estates which bounds the people who are living in such villages to be termed contract labourers to such Estate//s.// The Government is responsible for this Act of semi slavery. The Government should purchase these lands and rent them to the people for a number of years after which the lands should be turned over to the people and thus fr[ee] them from the obligation which they are at present undergoing. I must advise you all to spend //less// money in the rum shops[,] don’t take too much drink, try to save some money, for in the near future you will be able to buy some of these plantations. The parsons in these in these Churches preach to you right enough about the hereafter but the present conditions lie dead in them. They never would preach from the pulpits of the disadvantages of the employers to the employee how they are robbing you all by not paying you the value of your labour and as you all can see for yourselves that God is punishing them for their wrongdoing[.] You will find today that one pastor has four Churches under his control when a few years ago there was a Pastor to every Church and you will find that they substitute anybody to preach in these Churches, when years ago they would hardly be allowed to whisper in them and soon you will find that there won’t be any of them for the reason that there won’t be anything for them to do for the want of a congregation for you will find some of the people will get quite dissatisfied and the rest by not having the means to buy the necessary clothing require to go to Church. There are at present strikes in England among the Coal miners8 and I am not asking you people to do anything wrong. I am asking I am telling you all as British subjects to do what all British people are doing in England to day and if it is legal in England it is also legal in St. Kitts as we are all British. We must seek for increase of wages for what you are getting is absolutel[y] not enough. Some people will say that we must not raise the race question but truth is truth, you will find that the white people in every action of theirs are always hit262

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ting at it, in every respect you will find that the white race are always prepared to look after the interests of his colour. Here is a little instance. There is a white man coming to town soon from Sandy Point he has on his Estate a man who worked on it for years and knows all about cultivating as much or more than he does but instead of putting the man //who// is qualified he is putting a stripling of a boy over a man who is qualified just because he is white but the negro must educate him and then he too will find that he has no use for the negro anymore. I hope in the next thirteen year//s// which will be the 100th anniversa[r]y we may be able to celebrate it with the assurance that we have thrown off the yoke and we are indeed free and in charge of our own affairs. I have, etc. (Sd) HENRY JAMES GEEN Sergt:-Major, of Police [Typewritten note:] His Honour[,] The Administrator, Forwarded for your information. (sd) P. RUANE9 Atg: Inspr: of Police 7.8.19. TNA: PRO CO 318/355/6964. TL, copy. 1. Henry James Geen, a British officer, served as sergeant-major in the Leeward Islands police force from 1909 until 1931. In 1918 he was appointed drill instructor in the St. Kitts defense force, which had been considerably weakened by the exodus of white officers displeased at the increasing recruitment of members of the colored population. A new force, the defense reserve, was created the following year, recruited exclusively from the white planting and mercantile community and commanded by a white magistrate. The defense reserve played the leading role in putting down the labor riot in 1935 in St. Kitts (Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants: The Growth of the Labour Movement in St. Kitts-Nevis, 1896–1956” [Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1989], pp. 24–25; LIBB, 1909; LIBB, 1931). 2. The Universal Benevolent Association (UBA) was a friendly society founded in May 1917 and registered under the Friendly Society Act of 1880, after the organizers had been prohibited from forming a trade union by the passage of the Trade and Labour Unions (Prohibition) Ordinance in December 1916—the passage of this legislation, which prohibited the formation of trade unions in the Leeward Islands, evoked protests from trade union organizations including the Trades Union Congress (TUC), American Federation of Labor (AFL), and Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), prompting the British Colonial Office to explain to the TUC that the ordinance was a wartime measure designed to “check a movement which, under the colour of trade unionism threatened to . . . raise largely issues of race and colour” (Long, secretary of state for the colonies, to C. W. Bowerman, secretary, TUC, 21 April 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/357). While some colored middleclass supporters of the idea of establishing a trade union, including W. A. H. Seaton, abandoned the effort after the passage of the ordinance, the more radical leaders—such as Frederick Solomon, a master carpenter, building contractor, and undertaker; Joseph Nathan, a shopkeeper; and George Wilkes, a barber—persisted with the creation of the UBA. Solomon became president of the UBA, while Nathan and Wilkes were secretary and treasurer, respectively. The friendly society held its first public meeting on 30 May 1917, and, it claimed, signed up nearly two thousand members. Its officially declared aims were “Improvement of Man and providing financial aid in sickness and to their families in death.” Although not a legal trade union, it was widely referred to as the “Union” by workers in St. Kitts. On 7 January 1918 the UBA held a Labor Day march and, shortly after, the association purchased property in Basseterre for a “Union” hall. To members it paid a weekly sick benefit of 6 shillings to men and 3 shillings to women and paid funeral costs of up to 5 shillings in death benefits. In 1918 the association attempted to create a savings bank but was instructed by the government that the treasurer or trustee entrusted with such funds would have to give a “very substantial bond or guarantee” (John Burdon to Joseph Nathan, 6

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS March 1918, Local Letters, 1918, SKNNA). The idea was apparently abandoned. Under the leadership of J. Matthew Sebastian, the UBA instituted a night school aimed at improving adult literacy. In addition to reading and writing, the school also taught English and mathematics. Joseph Nathaniel France, who at age thirteen began working as an office boy for the UBA, was one of the graduates of the night school. Taught to operate the printing press, he would become assistant editor of the Union Messenger and succeeded Sebastian in the role of editor upon the latter’s death. France was also the founding secretary of the Workers League. When the St. Kitts Trade and Labour Union was established in 1940, he became its first general secretary and died holding that office. Elected to the legislative council in 1946, France would later become a member of the Social Services Committee when the committee system was introduced after the 1952 general elections. Known for his personal integrity, France resigned from his quasi-ministerial office the following year. In 1960, when the full ministerial system was introduced, he accepted the position of minister for social services but stepped down from ministerial office when full internal self-government was conceded by the British. Thereafter he avoided high political office, preferring to focus on the trade union. There was an understanding between the UBA and the colonial administration that its labor agitation would be suspended for the duration of World War I in return for a wage increase in the sugar industry. However, on 2 September 1917, the UBA organized a one-day strike by the porters and boatmen of Basseterre, paying a strike benefit of $2 to each striker. The strike failed to win an increase in wages but the UBA continued its labor organization. It attempted to organize estate workers, sugar factory workers, and domestic servants, but had its greatest success among the portworkers, securing wage increases for them in 1918 and 1920. The UBA also worked for the repeal of the Masters and Servants Act of 1849 (which made absence from work a criminal offense), for the legalization of trade unions, and for the organization of labor in St. Kitts. The UBA communicated with Samuel Gompers and the AFL. The IWW was also aware of the activities of the UBA but there was no regular contact between the two organizations. Large-scale emigration by workers and the restrictions imposed by the colonial authorities led to a regular decline in membership over the years and a steady weakening of the organization’s influence over the laboring population (see “Saving Banks and Friendly Societies,” LIBB, 1917–1935, section Ag & 30). The UBA’s promotion of racial consciousness alongside its trade union activity was a source of deep concern to the colonial administration, particularly during the UBA’s first five years of existence. In 1917 Major John Burdon, colonial administrator of St. Kitts, complained to Thomas Alexander Vans Best, the acting governor of the Leeward Islands, that the public speeches of the leaders of the organization were “directed far more towards stirring up colour hatred and preaching colour strife [than] to the lawful aim of improving the conditions of the labourer.” Burdon asserted that the “movement” was “in reality in the direction of, if not actually directed towards, a negro rising” (Burdon to Best, 7 September 1917, enc., Best to Long, 19 October 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/356/108212). Despite its declining membership, the UBA continued to exert some influence on the St. Kitts laboring population. In 1935, before the commencement of the islandwide labor disturbances of that year, Joseph Nathan issued an invitation to all head drivers on sugar estates in the island. The meeting on 20 January 1935 drew a large and representative group of estate workers from all over the island; it was agreed that the UBA should “assume the responsibility of representing the agricultural labouring interest throughout the Island, as far as wages and general working conditions are concerned” (undated letter from Joseph Nathan, Union Messenger, 21 January 1935). Nathan advised the gathered workers that, since there had been no increase in the price for cane paid by the Basseterre Sugar Factory at the start of the 1935 crop, the planters would be in no position to make wage increases and any wage offer they made should be accepted. This aroused dissent among a significant section of the attendees and dissenters left the meeting declaring that the “Union had been bribed” (Union Messenger, 14 February 1935). Nathan’s moderation and his failure to channel working-class discontent into direct action rendered both himself and the UBA largely irrelevant to the future development of the labor movement in St. Kitts (Richards, Masters and Servants,” chaps. 4–5; Daily Bulletin, 15 January 1918; Union Messenger, 21 January, 14 February 1935; Joseph France, “Working Class Struggles of Half-a-Century” Labour Spokesman, 5 March 1969–2 February 1971; Glen Richards, “Friendly Societies and Labour Organisation in the Leeward Islands, 1911–19,” in Before and After 1895: Education, Politics and Regionalism in the Caribbean, ed. by Brian Moore and S. Wilmot [Kingston: Ian Randle, 1998], pp. 136–149; Sir Probyn Inniss, Whither Bound St. Kitts-Nevis? [St. Johns: Antigua Printery, 1983], p. 66; Washington Archibald, Reflections on an Epic Journey [Basseterre, St. Kitts: W. Archibald, 1993], pp. 96–102; Elise Sebastian Marthol, Meet My Father: A Short Walk through the Life of Joseph Matthew Sebastian [Basse-

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AUGUST 1919 terre: s.n., 1993], pp. 17–18; James W. Sutton, A Testimony of Triumph: A Narrative of the Life of James W. Sutton and Family in St. Kitts–Nevis–Anguilla during the 1940s and 1950s [Scarborough, Ontario: Sutton Publishing, 1996], p. 27). 3. Pond Pasture was an open pasture that emerged from an extensive pond to the east of the town of Basseterre. A major source of yellow fever and other illnesses, the pond was drained under an act passed by the colonial legislature in 1818. However, it was not satisfactorily drained until the end of the nineteenth century and, in the 1920s, it was fully drained and leveled by the colonial government at public expense. Pond Pasture became one of the main sporting centers on the island, particularly for team sports like football and cricket. It also became the venue of horse races organized by the planter-dominated St. Kitts Turf Club. It was used occasionally as a landing strip for small planes in the early years of the twentieth century. The pasture was adjacent to Pond estate, an 897-acre sugar estate on the outskirts of the town owned by a Portuguese businessman, Joaquim Farara. By the 1970s it had become the site of a small urban community and an industrial estate (Katherine Burdon, Handbook of St. Kitts-Nevis: A Presidency of the Leeward Islands Colony Containing Information for Residents and Visitors Concerning the Islands of St. Christopher or St. Kitts, Nevis and Anguilla [London: West India Committee, 1920]; Sir Probyn Inniss, Historic Basseterre: The Story of Its Growth [Basseterre, 1979], pp. 31–34). 4. The islands of St. Kitts, Nevis, and Anguilla formed a presidency, or administrative unit, within the larger colony of the British Leeward Islands. Although separated by a strait only two miles apart at its closest point, the islands of St. Kitts and Nevis were originally separate colonies with their own legislative assemblies. In 1871, along with the presidencies of Antigua, Dominica, Montserrat, and the Virgin Islands, they were merged into a single federal Leeward Islands colony under a Crown Colony form of constitution, but Nevis and St. Kitts retained separate legislatures. These two islands were subsequently merged into a single presidency with a joint legislature and colonial administrator in 1882 (Cecil Kelsick, “Constitutional History of the Leewards,” CQ 6, no. 3–4 [1960]: 177–209). 5. Standard wage rates, according to the Leeward Islands Blue Book of 1920, stood at 2 shillings per day for male agricultural laborers and 1 shilling per day for female workers. Task rates were considerably higher. The annual pay for domestic servants was put at £30 to £50 for males and £15 to £25 for females. The payment of 1/6 for a week’s work would have been highly unusual but possible because of employers’ regular practice of detaining or withholding portions of wages due for various infractions, real or perceived, by the laborer (Richards, “Masters and Servants,” p. 140; “Wages and Cost of Living,” LIBB, 1920). 6. In 1907, 1917, 1919, 1930, and 1932, a series of one-day strikes were carried out by rural agricultural workers and, in two cases, urban waterfront workers and sugar factory workers. However, the islandwide general strikes of February 1896 and January 1935 lasted about two weeks, and in 1948 there was a seven-week general strike under the leadership of Robert Bradshaw and the St. Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union (“Report of the Leeward Islands Police Force, 1907–1908,” Leeward Islands Gazette 36, no. 40, TNA: PRO CO 156/12; “Report of the Leeward Islands Police Force, 1918–1919,” Leeward Islands Gazette 48, no. 39, TNA: PRO CO 156/18; Richards, “Masters and Servants,” chaps. 4–6; Franklin W. Knight, The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism, 2nd ed. [New York: Oxford University Press, 1990], pp. 275–306). 7. The Masters and Servants Act of 1849 was introduced to regulate labor relations between employers and the free black working population. Its aim, as declared in the preamble to the act, was “the securing of continuous labour.” Under the act, all workers who entered the employ of another person were deemed to have entered a contract for labor, signed or unsigned. If the worker withdrew his or her labor before the termination of the contract, he or she could be brought before the court for “breach of contract” and, if found guilty, could be sentenced to a fine of up to fifty shillings or imprisonment, with hard labor, for up to one month. In the absence of a written agreement, the labor contract of agricultural workers was deemed to last for six days of nine hours each and for one month in the case of non-agricultural workers (Masters and Servants Act, no. 84 of 1849, TNA: PRO CO 240/20). 8. Striking coal miners in 1919 would have bargained from an exceptionally good position, relative to conditions before and after this year. In the years 1914 to 1920, 1,024 strikes occurred in the British coal industry, and 899 more strikes occurred between 1921 and 1926. These figures include the national strikes and lockouts of 1912, 1920, 1921, and 1926. During and after World War I, temporary state control over the coal industry was a powerful force for solidarity among coal miners, serving to consolidate the interests of various regions. Furthermore, Britain suffered coal shortages in 1919, resulting in pay increases and reductions in the working day to attract more miners.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS The British government only barely resisted political pressure in this year to resolve the industry’s tense labor disputes by establishing some form of permanent public ownership of direction. By the early 1920s, however, conditions had changed markedly. A severe depression in 1921 brought the decentralization of the coal industry, and after a failed national strike, miners were forced to accept pay cuts and longer working days. The government’s failure to nationalize the industry in 1919 resulted in a lasting sense of betrayal among British coal miners (Barry Supple, “The British Coal Industry Between the Wars,” Refresh 9 [autumn 1989]; Roy Church and Quentin Outram, Strikes and Solidarity: Coalfield Conflict in Britain, 1889-1966 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998], pp. 80, 119). 9. Patrick Ruane joined the Leeward Islands police force in 1914 in the position of subinspector of police in Montserrat. He briefly acted as St. Kitts inspector of police in 1919 but was promoted to inspector in Dominica in 1920. In 1924 he returned to St. Kitts as inspector of police (LIBB, 1914–1925).

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St. Kitts–Nevis Universal Benevolent Association pamphlet, 1 August 1919 (Source: TNA: PRO CO 318/355/6964)

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Reginald Popham Lobb,1 Administrator, St. Vincent, to George Basil Haddon-Smith,2 Governor, Windward Islands3 ST. VINCENT,

6th August 1919

His Excellency, The negro newspaper called “The Negro World,” published in New York by the “Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League,” is extensively sold in St Vincent through the agency of a man of poor character of the agitator type called [R. E. M.] Jack. 2. It is unmistakably anti-white in tone and in a recent [handwritten in the margin: of the issue of 14.6.19] leader openly counselled negroes to turn to Lenine [Lenin] 4 and the Bolshevi//s//ts5 for assistance against their real oppressors, such as Lloyd George, Wilson and Clemenceau. 3. The Acting Chief of Police tells me that the paper is prohibited in Trinidad but that it is smuggled in in large numbers. 4. The man Jack is also engaged in underground propaganda of an antiwhite nature, if my information is correct. I learned two days ago that an agent of his was circulating a document for signature among the peasants, at Lowmans Village close to Kingstown,6 which is stated to contain a reference to ousting the whites. I am taking steps to verify this. 5. It seems to me very likely that Jack is in touch with the “Caribbean League” or with an American organization with similar aims and if we were still at war I should deport him and prohibit the “Negro World.” 6. Under the R. Orders in Council of 1896 I have power to do so but as soon as the war is declared at an end, which can only be a matter of days now, that order and my powers under it will ipso-facto cease. It would therefore serve no useful purpose and would only expose our hand if I took any action which would be valid for only a few days.7 7. The Ag. A.G.8 is absent on duty today and I cannot refer to him but generally speaking I presume that under ordinary law, as distinct from War Regs., neither Jack nor the “Negro World” could be touched unless they were proved to be circulating seditious matter or matter likely to lead to a breach of the peace. 8. It is quite easy for a clever editor to give all the encouragement he desires to racial prejudice and revolutionary ideas, especially among ignorant negroes, without //actually// bringing himself into conflict with the law and an unsuccessful prosecution would be a very valuable help to him. 9. The English law may be suited to British (white) conditions but it was not framed with a view to dealing with incitements to race hatred. If the anti-British elements in the States—pro-Germans, Bolshevi//s//ts, and I.W.W[.]s 9—have any sense they will undoubtedly use the anti-white feel-

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ing among the negroes as a weapon to create trouble in the W.I. Colonies, if indeed they have not already begun to do so. The probability is therefore that the kind of propaganda now carried on by the Negro World and its agents will become stronger and more wide spread as time goes on. 10. I think it should be considered without delay whether Government should not take power by a permanent law (the Indian Acts 10 would be a useful guide in some respects) to prohibit the entry and circulation of papers whose general tone and tendency is inimical to order and good government. The recent serious anti-white outbreak in Trinidad11 is bound to re-act on the worst elements in neighbouring islands and it is a measure of elementary precaution to keep anti-white literature out of the natives’ hands. It is impossible to sit still and watch the process going on without let or hindrance. 11. May I have your views on the question for my guidance? There has been no time to take a copy of this minute. Will Your Excellency have that done for me, or else returned for the purpose? (Intd) R. P. L. Adm. SVGNA, Secret 21/1919. TD. Marked “Secret.” 1. Sir Reginald Popham Nicholson (1874–1950), née Reginald Popham Lobb (ca. 1894–1924), was administrator of St. Vincent from 1915 to 1922. Educated at Cambridge, Nicholson entered public service in 1900 as private secretary to Lord Lugard, High Commissioner of Northern Nigeria. After serving in the Sokoto-Kano campaign of 1903, Nicholson subsequently became political officer in 1906 and was attached to the East African Department in the Colonial Office. In 1908 he ascended to colonial secretary and registrar-general of Bermuda, where he served until 1915. While administrator of St. Vincent, Nicholson acted as administrator of St. Lucia from March 1917 until December 1918. He later served as colonial secretary of British Guiana (1922–1925) and Cyprus (1926–1929), including stints as acting governor of each territory. After retiring in 1929, Nicholson joined the Royal African Society, serving as the organization’s secretary and editor of its journal from 1932 until 1938 (WWW). 2. Sir George Basil Haddon-Smith (1861–1931) entered the colonial service in 1886, serving in various capacities in Africa, including that of acting governor of the Gambia in 1901 and colonial secretary of Sierra Leone from 1901 until 1911. Having acted as governor of Sierra Leone on several occasions between 1901 and 1912, he was made governor of the Bahamas from 1912 to 1914. Between 1914 and 1923 he served as governor and commander in chief of the Windward Islands. As such he spearheaded the prohibition of the Negro World and the enactment of the Seditious Publications Act of 1919 (Cleve McD. Scott, “‘The True and New Negroes of St. Vincent’: The UNIA and African Communities League and Labour in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, 1919–1925” [paper presented to the History Forum, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, Barbados, 1999], pp. 5–11; David P. Henige, Colonial Governors from the Fifteenth Century to the Present [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970], pp. 88, 189; WWW). 3. The Windward Islands comprised Grenada, St. Vincent, and St. Lucia, which were under the same administrative unit. In 1940 Dominica was added to this group. A governor, residing in Castries, St. Lucia, was in charge of the entire administrative machinery. An administrator who reported to the governor directly supervised each island. 4. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, pseudonym of V. I. Ulianov (1870–1924), Russian revolutionary and founder and leader of the Bolshevik (Communist) Party; after the October 1917 revolution, he was the first premier of the newly created state of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) (Robert Service, Lenin: A Biography [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000]). 5. The Bolshevists seized power in Russia in October 1917 under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin. They originally formed a faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), which split into two opposing factions of Bolsheviks (“majority”) and Mensheviks (“minority”) at

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS the second party congress in 1903. After the split, the Bolshevik party was designated as RSDLP(b), with the “b” standing for “Bolshevik” (Robert Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution: A Study in Organizational Change, 1917–1923 [New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1979]). The editorial referred to, with its avowal of pro-Bolshevik sympathy, would probably have been written by the Negro World editor at the time, W. A. Domingo, a fact that would have contributed to his dismissal by Garvey. 6. Lowmans (leeward) is a village on the leeward coast of St. Vincent, about two miles from the capital, Kingstown. It should be distinguished from Lowmans (windward), a village in the north windward district. 7. Royal Orders-in-Council are instructions originating from the Colonial Office to colonial governors on behalf of the Crown. These “orders [are] expressed to be made by and with the advice of the Privy Council” (John B. Saunders, ed., Words and Phrases Legally Defined, vol. 5, 2nd ed. [London: Butterworths, 1969], p. 43). The power to adopt measures deemed necessary by conditions arising out of the war derived mainly from a Royal Order-in-Council dated 26 October 1896, and an amending Royal Order of 31 March 1916. Proclamations published in the local Government Gazettes in 1914 and 1916 brought both into operation in Grenada and St. Vincent. These Orders-in-Council conferred wide powers on the governor for securing public safety, such as the power to prohibit the importation and exportation of goods; these powers were frequently used during the war. Under extraordinary circumstances, the governor could invoke emergency powers and obtain the passage of laws to deal with specific situations, but these laws invariably were temporary and limited in scope (“St. Vincent Ordinances, Orders in Council, Rules, Regulations, and Proclamations” [1916], pp. 28–30). 8. The attorney general, the government official responsible for judicial affairs, was Thomas William Saville Garraway, who acted as chief of police as well as attorney general from 28 September to 23 December 1918, and again from 30 March 1919 until the end of the year (Minutes of the Legislative Council, 20 May 1920; St. Vincent Blue Book, 1918–1919, M–13). 9. The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW, better known as “Wobblies”) was an international labor organization founded in Chicago in 1905. Radically opposed to capitalism as well as the policy of refusal by the American Federation of Labor (AFL) to accept unskilled workers in craft unions, the IWW was the only labor organization in the United States to oppose American participation in World War I; as a consequence, the U.S. government used World War I as an opportunity to enact measures to crush the IWW, both for its opposition to the war and for its radical social message (Melvyn Dubofsky and Joseph Anthony McCartin, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World [Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1969; abridged ed., Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000]; Paul Buhle and Nicole Schulman, eds., Wobblies! A Graphical History of the Industrial Workers of the World [London: Verso Books, 2005]). 10. Although it was never actually implemented, the so-called Rowlatt Act of 1919 was intended to replace the wartime Defence of India Act of 1915 with a permanent law. Based on the recommendations of a committee on criminal conspiracies in India, headed by Justice S. A. T. Rowlatt, the law allowed for the trial of certain political cases without juries, curtailed the right of appeal, and permitted the internment of suspects without trial. Passed into law in February 1919, the legislation was meant to strengthen the hand of the Indian government by bringing under control those political groups committed to the overthrow of the British Raj by revolutionary means. Upon its introduction, however, the bill met with the unanimous opposition of nonofficial Indian legislators in the imperial legislative council and evoked widespread opposition throughout India. The anti-Rowlatt protest campaign was led by Mahatma Gandhi, who employed the new technique of protest known as satyagraha or soul-force and nonviolence. This satyagraha resulted in the Amritsar massacre of unarmed Indians in the Punjab in April 1919 as well as fueled Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920–1922. The agitation marked an important stage in the growth of pan-Indian nationalism, transforming Gandhi in the process into the dominant national figure and ushering in a new era of mass politics in India (R. Kumar, ed., Essays on Gandhian Politics: The Rowlatt Satyagraha of 1919 [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971]; Alfred Draper, Amritsar: The Massacre That Ended the Raj [London: Cassell, 1981]; Hari Singh, Gandhi, Rowlatt Satyagraha, and British Imperialism: Emergence of Mass Movements in Punjab and Delhi [Delhi: Indian Bibliographies Bureau, 1990]; Nigel Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer [London: Hambledon and London, 2005]). 11. It is unclear what exactly the author was referring to. It is possible that the reference was to the conduct of returning soldiers at the parade organized by the authorities to mark the peace celebrations, which was held at the Queens Park Savannah on 19 July 1919. According to one

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AUGUST 1919 source: “They [the soldiers] were to be given the dubious privilege of leading the parade. Only 132 fell in. A ‘considerable number’ turned up to watch, some in uniform and others in civilian attire. Those in mufti heckled the non-participants in uniform and they all booed as the participants marched past” (Tony Martin, “Revolutionary Upheaval in Trinidad, 1919: Views from British and American Sources,” Journal of Negro History 58, n. 3 [July 1973]: 315).

Memorandum by Sergeant Thomas Foley, Panama Canal Zone Police, to Captain Guy Johannes,1 Chief, Panama Canal Zone Police and Fire Division Police and Fire Division Cristobal Police Station, August 10th 1919 A meeting of the Universal Negro Association met at 8.30 p.m., at the Negro World Hall at [8?].30 p.m., this evening with Seymour in the chair. He made a few remarks about the welfare of the association and introduced one White who spoke on the good that the association is doing in the United States and the great need for the negroes on the Isthmus to be united. He mentioned about the United Brotherhood 2 and the good that it is already doing, although it was not yet on its proper footing the officials were having their eyes on them but in a short time they would be compelled to get what they want. He continued at great length advocating the negro cause and advised all the members to buy shares in the Black Star Line.3 He was followed by Sergeant Watson, [one] of the returned soldiers from the front, who spoke encouragingly to the men and asked them to give the matter their full-hearted support. There were a few other speakers who said nothing of importance, but dealt chiefly on the great need for a re-organization of the association. It was finally decided that a big campaign be started within the coming week by the Association and that they have regular street meetings at least three times a week. It was further announced that another meeting will take place at the Negro Hall some time during the coming week. THOS. FOLEY Sergeant, [416?], Zone Police DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20. TD, carbon copy. 1. Captain Guy Johannes became chief of the police and fire division of the Panama Canal Zone on 8 July 1917 and was the first civilian to serve as zone police chief. He arrived in Panama in 1903 and served as a member of the provisional U.S. Marine brigade that set up the first permanent American military post in 1906. Johannes retired from service on 30 June 1943 (William F. Kessler, Chief Police Division, “History of the Canal Zone Police Division, 1904–1982,” http:// czbrats.com/Articles/czp.htm.) 2. The United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees and Railway Shop Laborers arrived in Panama and the Canal Zone in early 1919 to organize silver workers. By July they claimed

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS to have enlisted thirteen thousand black workers, or 80 percent of the West Indian work force (Michael Conniff, Black Labor on a White Canal: Panama, 1904–1981 [Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985], pp. 53–59; John Major, Prize Possession: The United States and the Panama Canal, 1903–1979 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993], p. 92). 3. The Black Star Line Steamship Corporation (BSL) was incorporated on 27 June 1919, and its first ship, the Frederick Douglass (originally the S.S. Yarmouth) was officially launched on 31 October 1919. The Frederick Douglass was intended for use in trade between North America, Central America, and the Caribbean. The BSL’s third vessel, the Antonio Maceo (originally the S.S. Kanawha), was also intended for the inter-American trade. However, on its maiden voyage up the Hudson in June 1920, the ship blew a boiler, resulting in the death of one person, and it was not sailed successfully again until March 1921 (Amy Jacques Garvey, Garvey and Garveyism [New York: Collier Macmillan Publishing, 1970], pp. 84–90; Tony Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association [Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1986], pp. 151–159; Judith Stein, The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986], pp. 89–107; Ula Yvette Taylor, The Veiled Garvey: The Life and Times of Amy Jacques Garvey [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002]).

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Black Star Line rally (Source: DNA, RG 65, 74508)

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J. Rodriguez Tamayo, Assistant Superintendent, Baraguá Sugar Company,1 to William E. Gonzales,2 U.S. Minister to Cuba Baraguá, August 19 1919 Gentleman: I beg to enclose you herewith a copy of a newspaper that some Jamaican negroes are selling to the many Jamaicans and Barbarians negroes that work in this Ingenio.3 We consider this newspaper very pernicious and a bad example for the workers and the native negroes. Yours very truly, J. RODRIGUEZ TAMAYO Asst. Supt. of Trans’on, The Baragua Sugar Company DNA, RG 84, Diplomatic Post Records, American Legation, Havana, Cuba. TLS, recipient’s copy. 1. Located in Ciego de Ávila in what was then the province of Camagügey, the Baraguá sugar mill was constructed in 1915 by a group of Pittsburgh investors and later purchased by the Punta Alegre Sugar Company in 1922. A large portion of the labor force employed by the Baraguá Sugar Company came from the British West Indies, including Barbados, Grenada, and other eastern Caribbean islands, many of whom migrated directly from Panama after the completion of the canal project there. Although there was no branch of the UNIA from Baraguá formally inscribed with the association’s headquarters in New York, there is evidence that a number of British West Indians at Baraguá actively participated in UNIA activities during the 1920s (Jorge L. Giovannetti-Torres, “Review of My Footsteps in Baraguá, dirigida por Gloria Rolando,” New West Indian Guide/ Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 73, nos. 3–4 [1999]: 129–131; Giovannetti-Torres, “Historia visual y ethnohistoria en Cuba: Immigración Antillana e identidad en Los hijos de Baraguá,” Caribbean Studies 30, no. 2 [2002]: 214–250; César J. Ayala, American Sugar Kingdom: The Plantation Economy of the Spanish Caribbean, 1898–1934 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999], p. 92). 2. William E. Gonzales (1866–1937) was a North Carolinian of Cuban origin who served in Cuba during the first U.S. occupation in 1898–1899. He then worked as a journalist and editor in chief of the State (Columbia, South Carolina) before being appointed U.S. minister to Cuba by Woodrow Wilson in 1913. Gonzales sided with the Conservative incumbent president Mario G. Menocal in the so-called February Revolution of 1917. He publicly criticized Cuba’s railway workers for going out on strike in 1919 (Hugh Thomas, Cuba: The Pursuit of Freedom [New York: Harper & Row, 1971], p. 527; Louis A. Pérez, Jr., Cuba under the Platt Amendment, 1902–1934 [Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986], pp. 157–158, 168–169, 171–174). 3. Complex of sugar mill and fields.

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George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office GOVERNMENT HOUSE, GRENADA, WINDWARD ISLANDS

19th August, 1919 My Lord, I have the honour to report that the negro newspaper “The Negro World” published in New York by the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League is extensively sold throughout the West Indies. The paper is unmistakably anti-white in tone and in a recent leader (issue of 14th June, 1919) openly counselled negroes to turn to Lenine [Lenin] and the Bolshevists for assistance against their real oppressors, such as Lloyd George, Wilson, and Clemenceau. 2. There are undoubtedly agents in the West Indies engaged in underground propaganda of an anti-white nature. The local press I fear is not free from it. It is quite easy for a clever editor to give all the encouragement he desires to racial prejudice, especially among ignorant negroes, without actually bringing himself into conflict with the law, and an unsuccessful prosecution would be a very valuable help to him. One of the local editors has been “sailing very near the wind.” 3. I am in no way an alarmist, and in normal times would be willing to let things take their course, trusting to the good sense of the public. Unfortunately//,// owing to the upheaval in Europe which has reflected on the whole world, these are not normal times, nor are conditions likely to revert to pre war days. What has to be faced in the West Indies is the ignorance of the large majority,—people incapable of thinking and easily led. 4. The existing law provides for the prosecution and punishment of any person who publishes or delivers any matter with a seditious purpose, that is, a purpose to excite to the obtaining by force or other unlawful means of any alteration in the laws or in the form of government. Further, Section 78 of the Customs Ordinance gives power to prohibit the importation into the Colony of any article of any kind whatever. This does not meet the newly created situation any more than does the English law which was not framed with a view to dealing with incitement to race hatred. 5. If the anti-British elements in the United States, viz., pro Germans and Bolshevists have any sense they will undoubtedly use the anti-white feeling among the negroes as a weapon to create trouble in the West Indies. The probability is therefore that the kind of propaganda now carried on by “The Negro World” and its agents will become stronger and more widespread as time goes on. 276

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6. I am not usually an advocate for drastic legislation, but there are occasions when such legislation is necessary in order to check what there is every reason to believe is a coming evil. In my opinion we have sufficient evidence that the time has arrived when it should be considered without delay whether the different Colonies of the West Indies should not by a permanent law (the Indian Acts would be a useful guide in some respects) give the Governor in Council power (a) to prohibit the entry and circulation of papers whose general tone and tendency are inimical to order and good government, (b) to prohibit the copying of such articles or extracts from such articles into the local papers, (c) to deport any person, other than a native of the Island, guilty of preaching or teaching propaganda against the Government or against any class, (d) to prevent the printing or issue of any newspaper instigating class or colour prejudice and hatred, (e) to order prosecution before a Judge of the Supreme Court (not jury) of any person preaching or teaching propaganda against the Government or against any class. The above suggestions may appear extreme: my view is that they are simply a measure of elementary precaution to avoid future calamity, and to protect a large majority of the community who are naturally loyal, but who can be easily swayed from their loyalty. 7. Whatever legislation is introduced should be similar in each Crown Colony, and if Your Lordship considers that such legislation is advisable, I would propose that the Bill be drafted in England and sent out to the different Colonies to be passed.1 I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble Servant, G. B. HADDON-SMITH Governor [Handwritten minutes:] Mr. Darnley There are some Jamaican papers circulating to African Depts on this subject, for obstns [observations] as to controlling the Negro Press. Wait for their return? R. J. H. [R. J. Hilary] 26/9/19 Mr. Hilary We shall not want these; but please see if the seditious publications law which we lately sent out as a model does not meet the Gov’s wishes. I expect the desp[atches] crossed E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley] 29/[1]9 Mr. Darnley I attach copy of S.S. Ordce [Ordinance], which I think satisfies the Governor’s ques-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS tions. We can refer to this Ordce sent out on 46872. R. J. H. 29/9/19 [words illegible] to desp on 46879 E[.] R[.] D[.] 30/9 at once TNA: PRO CO 321/304/7313. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. Before he received a response from the secretary of state, George Haddon-Smith invoked the Defence of the Realm Act to ban importation of the Negro World. According to the proclamation Haddon-Smith issued, possession or importation of the publication constituted a criminal act. The postmaster could also unilaterally seize, confiscate, and destroy any copy of the publication that he found in the mail. In 1920 the Colonial Office agreed to introduce legislation to prohibit the importation of seditious material into the West Indies. Such laws were enacted in St. Lucia, Trinidad, the Leeward Islands, and the Bahamas. The St. Vincent “Seditious Publications Ordinance” was structured on a Grenada ordinance. On 20 May 1920 the administrator successfully argued before the legislative council that once Grenada had accepted the bill, there was no reason why St. Vincent should not do the same. He accounted for the introduction of the bill by explaining that foreign influence incited riots in British possessions. The attorney general suggested that the UNIA and ACL had been formed with the objective of collecting five million dollars to spread “seditious thought against the British Empire” (Minutes of the Legislative Council, 20 May 1920). He concluded that the Colonial Office had asked that the bill be introduced not to police loyalty but to protect, and he assured the council that the bill was not motivated by a wish by the imperial government to jettison the movement for representative government, nor did it seek to muzzle the local press, as the measure was not prompted by local journalism. The bill went through all of its stages at one sitting of the legislative council without a dissenting vote (Haddon-Smith to Milner, 21 May 1920, TNA: PRO CO 321/312/3154; Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 5th ser., vol. 131 [1920], col. 1264; W. F. Elkins, “Marcus Garvey, the Negro World and the British West Indies 1919–1920,” in Garvey: Africa, Europe, the Americas, ed. by Rupert Lewis and Maureen WarnerLewis [Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1986], p. 36).

George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, to Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent [St. Vincent,] 19.8.19 His Honour The Administrator St Vincent, Strange to say prior to receipt of your minute I had drafted a despatch to S of S urging the introduction of drastic legislation to deal with this subject. I have amended my draft and included part of your minute. I have suggested that the Bill should be drafted in England and sent out to all Crown Colonies and that the Bill should give the Governor in Council power of prohibiting any paper from entering the Colony, from being copied into any local paper, deportation of any person preaching or teaching the propaganda, (not a native of the Island), prosecution before a Judge of Supreme Court (not jury) of any person

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preaching or teaching the propaganda, power to order stoppage or closing down of any paper advertising such policy. My suggestions may appear extreme but I have advocated them to avoid future calamity. (Intd) G. B. H-S. SVGNA, Secret 102/1919. TD. Marked “Secret.”

Article in the Daily Argosy [Georgetown, British Guiana, August 22, 1919] Under the auspices of the Negro Improvement Association of British Guiana a well attended meeting was held last evening [. . .] for the purpose of launching a $2,000 drive to start a negro provision store in Georgetown by Christmas. Mr. E. Trotz presided. The speakers were Dr. T. Nichols,1 M. E. F. Fredericks,2 Barrister-at-law, Rev. J. Dingwell,3 Mr. W. Gill and Mr. Hercules 4 and others on the platform were Rev. Franklin and Mr. S. A. Campbell. EXAMPLE OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO Dr. Nichols, in the course of his address, referred to Marcus Garvey, the founder of the Negro Improvement Association of America, whose fight and perseverance for the betterment of the negro race had made his name famous throughout the world. [. . .] Prosperous, owning his own business, employing his own people[,] the American negro was coming into his own. [. . .] He welcomed the entry of the movement in the colony as instanced by its progress in America, it spelt success for the negro race of the colony. Mr. Gill outlined the objects of the movement and dealt with the necessity of establishing a negro store selling goods made by negroes where negroes could get their necessaries of life cheap and at the same time make themselves independent. Printed in DA, 22 August 1919. Transcript. 1. Dr. Theodore Theophilus Nichols was a cofounder of the Negro Progress Convention (NPC) of British Guiana, which was established in 1922. Upon the death of Fredericks in 1935, Dr. Nichols assumed the leadership of the organization. He subsequently migrated and shortly afterward the NPC changed its name to the African Welfare Convention (Donna Smith, “The Negro Progress Convention,” Emancipation, 2 [1994]: 43–45). 2. M. E. F. Fredericks (1875–1935), barrister-at-law, was the cofounder of the NPC with Dr. T. T. Nichols. Fredericks, who was called to the English bar in 1919, was active with the Londonbased African Progress Union (APU). He was sent as a delegate to the Pan-African Congress in Paris in February 1919. When he returned to British Guiana in June 1919, he was admitted to practice and quickly involved himself in the social and political issues facing the colony. In the 1926 general election to the Combined Court, Fredericks won a seat in the southeast Essequibo area of

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS the country. He was the first African-Guyanese to be appointed to the executive council. He was also involved in a number of community activities, including the foundation of a scholarship scheme in the village of his birth, Buxton. He was the general president of the NPC up to the time of his death in 1935 (“Africans in Guyanese History,” Emancipation 2 [1994]: 28–29; Sievewright Stoby, ed., British Guiana Centenary Yearbook 1831–1931 [Georgetown, 1931], p.131). 3. Rev. John. D. Dingwall, superintendent of the Moravian Church in British Guiana, was born in Jamaica. He taught in Jamaica between 1877 and 1886, and conducted missionary work in Bluefields, Nicaragua, from 1886 to 1897. He was ordained as deacon of the Moravian Church in 1890 (Stoby, ed., British Guiana Centenary Yearbook 1831–1931, p. 130). 4. Probably Eugene Michael Hercules (1888–1943), who was born in Venezuela but spent his early years in Trinidad, where his father was employed as a colonial civil servant. While still a student at Queen’s Royal College, Hercules founded the Young Men’s Coloured Association, said to be the first such organization in Trinidad. In 1907 he founded another organization aimed at raising black consciousness, the Port of Spain Coloured Association. He served for a time in the Trinidad civil service and eventually took a teaching position at Naparima College. Shortly after the outbreak of World War I, he left Trinidad for England to attend university, where he completed an intermediate B.A. degree at the University of London. During his sojourn in England, Hercules joined John Eldred Taylor, a Sierra Leonean businessman and journalist, in launching the Society of Peoples of African Origin (SPAO). In late 1918 he replaced Taylor as editor of the SPAO’s official organ, the African Telegraph, and soon thereafter he was made general secretary of the SPAO as well as associate secretary of the African Progress Union (APU), a closely related London-based pressure group. The goals of both organizations were similar, namely, to promote the interest of blacks internationally, to bring their grievances to the attention of the British public, and to foster closer commercial ties between Africa, Britain, and the West Indies. In 1919 these two organizations amalgamated to form the Society of African People. In June 1919 Hercules left London and embarked on a speaking tour of the West Indies. The purpose of the tour was also to gather information on conditions among blacks in the various islands, raise race consciousness, and recruit members for the Society of African People. There were also plans to establish agricultural trade links between the United States and the West Indies. Hercules’s plans for trade were viewed with suspicion by government officials. At the time that he left England to tour the West Indies, a racial crisis loomed in England, the result of the race riots that erupted in the spring of 1919 in Liverpool and Cardiff. Hercules’s speeches in Jamaica in early July created serious concern among colonial officials, who believed that his speeches were responsible for sporadic outbreaks of violence against whites. From Jamaica, Hercules traveled to Trinidad and British Guiana. On his return to Trinidad from British Guiana, officials, fearful of the impact his presence might have on the local scene where labor disturbances were already spreading throughout the island, refused him permission to disembark. After a brief stop-off in Grenada, Hercules arrived in the United States, where he was detained briefly by American immigration; he was released after he gave an assurance that he did not agree with Marcus Garvey’s approach to the race problem and declared that his only purpose was to promote black economic cooperation. Shortly after arriving in New York City in 1920, Hercules formed the African League to promote pan-African trade links. (The African League also provided him with a new affiliation for himself after the demise of the African Telegraph in London.) The league proposed to buy a fifteen-hundred-acre farm in British Guiana and to market produce grown there. A newspaper for publicizing the league’s views was also planned, and a chain of hostels in Europe for black students was also proposed. The African League did not advocate the setting up of a black nation, as Garvey envisaged, but sought to achieve a “good understanding” among blacks so as to create a “great racial chain” for the promotion of black economic and political advancement (Emancipator, 20 March 1920). At meetings in New York City before the UNIA’s August 1920 convention, Hercules emphasized his disagreement with Garvey’s autocratic methods and promised democracy to the members of the African League. By December 1920 Hercules was developing a repatriation scheme; to this end he requested ten thousand acres of land in Liberia. Shortly thereafter the African League folded and Hercules turned his attention to religious matters. He became a Baptist minister and would eventually serve as pastor in Illinois, Arkansas, and Tennessee. He remained in the United States until his death in Chicago in 1943 (F. E. M. Hercules to Secretary of State for the Colonies, 12 June 1919, TNA: PRO CO 318/353 and CO 323/818;

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AUGUST 1919 DNA, RG 59, 811.108/913, and RG 65, OG 378703; William F. Elkins, “Hercules and the Society of Peoples of African Origin,” Caribbean Studies 11, no. 4 [January 1972]: 47–59; Peter Fryer, Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain [London: Pluto Press, 1984], p. 313).

William E. Gonzales, U.S. Minister to Cuba, to Juan Montalvo y Morales,1 Secretary of Government, Cuba Habana, Cuba August 22, 1919 My dear Doctor Montalvo:— I send you enclosed, herewith, copy of THE NEGRO WORLD dated New York, Saturday, August 2, 1919, which has been sent to me from Baraguá, Province of Camaguey; this paper is being sold by Jamaican negroes to the colored workers in the Ingenioa [Ingenio]. This newspaper is considered to be pernicious, and a bad influence among the workers and native colored population. I send it to you for such action as you may deem expedient. Very sincerely yours, WILLIAM E. GONZALES DNA, RG 84, Diplomatic Post Records, American Legation, Havana, Cuba. TL, copy. 1. Dr. Juan L. Montalvo y Morales was appointed secretary of government on 8 August 1917 (León Primelles, Crónica cubana, 1915–1918. La eelección de Menocal y la revolución de 1917. La danza de los milloines. La primera guerra mundial [Havana: Editorial Lex, 1955], p. 330; Mario Riera, Cuba política, 1899–1955 [Havana: Impresora Modelo, 1955], p. 229).

William E. Gonzales, U.S. Minister to Cuba, to J. Rodriguez Tamayo, Assistant Superintendent, Baraguá Sugar Company Habana, Cuba August 22, 1919 Sir:— With reference to your letter of August 19, 1919, I have referred the enclosure to where I hope it may receive due attention. Thanking you for sending this to me, I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, WILLIAM E. GONZALES American Minister DNA, RG 84, Diplomatic Post Records, American Legation, Havana, Cuba. TL, copy.

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Reuben Holder to the Negro World [[1787 Third ave., New York City, N.Y., August 28, 1919]] Dear Sir: For centuries past we were ruled by an iron hand in subjugation to all kind of treatment, minus good. The Anglo-Saxon race of those islands, although in the minority, took the reins in one hand and the whip in the other. Our burden was heavy and our journey was long, and we groaned under the pressure of our oppressors, without any relief. The 19th century has opened the eyes of all mankind through the great calamity that took place four years ago. The time for a sluggardness has passed, and the future lies before us, so rally around the flag of Liberty which has sprung up as corn among thorns. Unconditional surrender means everlasting persecution. They w[ho] ruled us autocratically for centuries will lose their grip as a dominator. Co-operation and unity, plus finance, means liberty for our race, to which we will cling. If torturous wrongs and deeds of injustice must be banished from this race, which is often committed by other races, it must be done through might, in which unity is the linking chain. How long will we tolerate this illusion of the white man? As was said of our brothers of the Archipelago, “the Negritos,” you are incapable of civilization. But in general, white men forget everything except money. It was we who taught him his civilization, in which he now abuses us through might. The future can be pictured with its increasing numbers and masses of people, all clamoring and battling for supreme domination, commercialism and industrialism. The efficiency of the Negro people of the world in the broad field of science and mechanism must be weighed, and they will never be found wanting. We realize the benefits of perseverance and the things that can be obtained therefrom. The dawn of the future must not find us enjoying the same so-called freedom [in?] the past and present, but as a free and independent race, breathing the very air of prosperity and happiness. Yours, REUBEN HOLDER Printed in NW, 11 October 1919.

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Amy Ashwood Letter in the Negro World MISS AMY ASHWOOD, FEARLESS SECRETARY OF NEW YORK DIVISION OF UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION SENDS MESSAGE TO PANAMA— AN EXAMPLE OF THE NEW NEGRO WOMANHOOD [New York, August 30, 1919] To the People of Panama: Dear Friends—I write, th[r]ough the medium of the Negro World, to thank you for the great interest you have shown by subscribing so liberally to the shares of stock in the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation. It is not more than I expected of you. Keep up the good work, and help to float on the seas the Black Star Line. I am making a special appeal to the Isthmian League of British West Indians of Panama City, the Silver Employe[e]s’ Association of La Boca, the Democratic Club, the Back to Africa Association, also of that city, the Literary Club of Colon, that has already done so much by educating the Negroes of Colon; the Colon and Panama Labor unions, the Red Cross clubs, and all the Negroes of the Isthmus of Panama. I want you all to meet immediately and decide what is to be done. Do not cater to any one but Negroes, as the Black Star Line must be owned, manned and controlled by Negroes only. I want to assure you people of Panama that today you are having a leadership that you never had before. I trust men like Drs. Desoze and Milliard will some day be inspired to again do something real to help the poor, struggling race instead of trying to “do us up.” We are looking forward to men like Dr. Lowe, of Panama City, a real practical man; Mr. G. P. Winter, editor of The Workman; the promising young men of the Democratic Club, among whom are Messrs. Hyphell and Jimmott, of Panama City, and we are looking also to the people of Colon, under the leadership of Mr. Seymour, who has done so much to help the race. Our organization is only in temporary form. We are trying to perfect that kind of an organization that will some day float on the continent of Africa a flag that shall never trail in the dust, but shall forever float in the breeze of time. On the first of August of 1920 we want you all to send delegates through your branches to attend the conventi[on] that we are to have in New York for the purpose of electing the men who will lead the Negroes of the world. I feel sure

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that thousands of you will answer the appeal. Just forget that you are Panam[an]ians and British subjects for once, and remember that loyalty to race prece[de]s loyalty to country. Feeling sure of your support, respectfully yours, AMY ASHWOOD Inspector of Elections of the Black Star Line, Inc., 56 West 135th street, New York [C]ity Printed in NW, 30 August 1919, and DNA, RG 65, OG 258421.

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Amy Ashwood, “Message to Panama,” (Source: Negro World, 30 August 1919)

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Cecil Clementi, Officer Administering the Government, British Guiana, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office GOVERNMENT HOUSE, Georgetown, Demerara, 2nd September, 1919

My Lord, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Lordship’s Confidential despatch dated the //14// 5th August, 1919, and to inform Your Lordship that on the 20th of June last the Executive Council unanimously decided to instruct the Postmaster General to proceed under clauses 29 and 30 of the Posts and Telegraphs Ordinance No 21 of 18931 in the case of the following newspapers:— The Crusader. The Monitor. The Recorder. and The Negro World. The Council further decided that the “Negro World” should be treated as a publication of “grossly offensive character.” 2. In spite of the fact that the introduction of the “Negro World” into this Colony has been prohibited, the enclosed copy of its issue of the 19th July has been surreptitiously introduced. It contains some very inflammatory articles and might easily cause disturbance in this Colony. It is surprising that its publication in the United States of America should be allowed. 3. I shall now take steps to introduce at once into the Court of Policy2 legislation on the lines of the Straits Settlements Ordinance No XI of 1915.3 I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble servant, C. CLEMENTI Officer Administering the Government [Handwritten minutes:] Mr Darnley Mr. Grindle I don’t know how the O.A.G. could legally justify his action under s. 29 and 30 of the Ordce no 21, unless he could prove that “there was on such packet or on the cover thereof” words of a “grossly offensive character.” Mostly the grossly offensive character of a newspaper is inside and not outside. But it does not matter much so long as it is merely a matter of detaining the packets and not of proceeding in a law cou[r]t, and this is probably all that lies

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SEPTEMBER 1919 within the power of the local Govt to achieve. The Gov. will get all the powers he wants under the Straits Ordce which he has been authorized to introduce (copy in 41273 below). The question is also raised in 54799 (in bundle below) of whether or not to continue the censorship as regards newspapers. The postal censorship has been abolished but the O.A.G. advocates continuing the for the present (i.e. from last August when the desp was written) the press censorship, on the ground that there is a regrettable tendency in the Colony to publish & circulate matter tending to create racial ill-feeling. Mr. Clementi asked however for instructions. I think I would ask the Governor whether he does not think he can now safely give up the censorship having regard to the action which is being taken under Ordce no. 21 of 1893 and the imminence of legislation on the lines of the Straits Ordce & say that if he does not think he can give it up, he should expedite the passing of that Ordce in order that the censorship may be terminated at the earliest possible date. (Before desp goes we should make sure that the Ordce has not been passed sent home) R[.] A[.] W[.] [R. A. Wiseman]4 4/12/19 It has not yet come in. R. A. H. [R. A. Hamblin]5 9/12/19 I quite agree. We can pass the matter of illegal detention of postal packets sub silentio. E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley] 4/12 Ask about the censorship, but not in such a way as to take it out of the Governor’s discretion. G. G[.] [G. Grindle] 5.12.19 TNA: PRO CO 111/624/8171. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. The ordinance was established to consolidate and amend the laws relating to offenses punishable on summary conviction for assault (“Ordinance No. 21 of 1893,” Official Gazette [Georgetown, 23 December 1893], p. 1,355). 2. The Court of Policy was the name of the legislative council of British Guiana. 3. Legislation modeled on the Straits Settlements Ordinance No. 11 of 1915 appeared as Ordinance No. 21 of 1915, which was established to deal with the censorship of telegrams, postal packets, and news during times of war; it was also referred to as the War Censorship Ordinance, 1915

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS (“Ordinance No. 21 of 1915: British Guiana Court of Policy,” Official Gazette 40, no. 32 [Georgetown, 19 June 1915], pp. 496–497). 4. Robert Arthur Wiseman (1886–1955) joined the Colonial Office in 1911 and served as a clerk in the West India branch. He was a member of Major E. F. L. Wood’s commission of inquiry that visited British Guiana in 1922 (Cecil Clementi, A Constitutional History of British Guiana [London: Macmillan, 1937], pp. 347–348; COL; HJ, 1918). 5. R. A. Hamblin (b. 1881) joined the civil service as a second divison clerk and was assigned to the Colonial Office in 1899 (DOCOL).

Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent, to George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands [St. Vincent] 2.9.19 His Excellency, I am very glad to hear it and if legislation on the lines you have suggested is approved it will exactly meet the case. 2. The leading editorial of the last copy of the Negro World I have seen (19th July), after stating that “400 million Negroes are now suffering from the injustices of the white man” says that “all Negroes must prepare for the next world war” and that “Negroes must now combine with China, India, Egypt, Ireland and Russia to free themselves in the future.” 3. It goes on to say that “Our Fatherland, Africa, is bleeding, and she is now stretching forth her hands to her children in America, the West Indies and Central America and Canada to help her. We must help her, therefore I hereby ask every Negro in the world to get ready for the next war, twenty, thirty or forty years hence. The next world war shall find Negroes fighting together to free our common fatherland.” 4. There is no mistake about this being a direct and open incitement to inter-racial war and the fact that the date of its occurrence is carefully placed thirty years ahead in no way minimizes the effect of the pronouncement. 5. In my view every day that is lost in putting a stop to this propaganda increases its range and effect. It will presumably be some months before a Bill can be agreed on, drafted and sent out from home1 and in the meantime the evil will steadily grow and its results become all the more difficult to root out. 6. We have at present under the Royal Orders in Council ending with that of 21st March 19162 all the requisite powers for dealing with the situation but they may cease almost immediately on the termination of the war and, as I explained, I have therefore not exercised them. 7. What I suggest for Your Excellency’s consideration is that the Secretary of State be moved by telegraph to sanction the immediate the introduction of legislation to continue, the powers conferred on the Governor by Clause III. 1(A), Nos. I and II, of the Royal Order in Council of 21st March 1916 3 until 288

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further notice, so that we may have the necessary means of protecting ourselves until a decision is reached regarding the enactment of the legislation which you have proposed. I believe similar action has been taken at home in respect of certain of the Defence of the Realm Regulations. If that course is adopted, Regulations can at once be made to make the measures specified in your minute effective. 8. I urge this very strongly because the continuance of this propaganda even for a few weeks or months will do infinite harm. I have reason to believe that one Government Official is already in touch with a secret seditious association run by the local agent of the Negro World and attempts have been made to secure members of the Police as subscribers to the paper.4 R. P. L. [Handwritten minutes:] His Honor The Administrator St. Vincent, I must have further information than I possess at present that there is such activity in the propaganda that it is likely to become a source of danger beyond the control of the Local Government before I can act on your suggestion. G. B. H-S. [G. B. Haddon-Smith] 14.9.19 His Excellency I have no information that would justify that conclusion but the [Acting] Chief of Police is doing his best to find out what is going on. 2. As the “Negro World” has its agents here it is a fair assumption that the mere circulation of the paper is not their only duty. In this connection see the cutting from the “New York Times” on enclosure (5). 3. Our only means of preventing the spread of anti-white doctrines is by prohibiting the entry of the paper, as Trinidad does, and by proceeding against persons who circulate it. Unless power is taken without delay with that object the propaganda will get a long start. R. P. L. [R. P. Lobb] 27.9.19 Note His Excellency decided today that steps should be taken under the powers conferred by the R. Os. in C. to forbid the importation of The Negro World into the Colony.5 R. P. L. 29.9.19

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS His Excellency, Submitted for confirmation. R. P. L. 29.9.19 C.S. Confirmed G. B. H-S. 31.9.19 SVGNA, Secret 21/1919. TLI, recipient’s copy. 1. Laws were made for Crown Colonies such as St. Vincent in two ways. The Crown could draft the law in London and then send it to the colonies as Orders-in-Council to be enacted by the various local legislative councils. Alternatively, the colonial attorney general could draft a bill on behalf of the government, which would then be sent to the Colonial Office in England for approval. Once approval had been obtained, the bill returned to the local legislative council for enactment. Either way, colonial lawmaking was a lengthy process. 2. Royal Orders-in-Council of 26 October 1896, 14 October 1913, 20 August 1914, and 21 March 1916 (“St. Vincent Ordinances, Orders in Council, Rules, Regulations, and Proclamations” [1916], pp. 28–29). 3. This part of the Royal Order-in-Council of 21 March 1916 read as follows: The Governor may make Regulations for securing public safety and the defence of the Colony, and as to the powers and duties for that purpose of the Governor and the Officers of any of his Majesty’s naval or military forces, and other persons acting in their behalf, and in particular may by such Regulations make provision with regard to all matters coming within the classes of subjects herein-after enumerated, that is to say:— I. Censorship, and the control and suppression of publications, writings, maps, plans, photographs, communications and means of communication; II. Arrest, detention, exclusion, and deportation (“St. Vincent Ordinances,” 1916, p. 29). 4. Early in May 1919 the administrator told the chief of police that M. Byron-Cox, a solicitor, was circulating the paper in Kingstown. He instructed the chief of police to gather intelligence on the contents of the paper and its distribution without creating suspicion. On 27 May the chief of police reported that copies of the paper were unavailable at that time but that more issues were expected to arrive shortly (R. Popham Lobb to Chief of Police, 27 May 1919, SVGNA, 91002 62/ 9). 5. Governor Haddon-Smith arrived at the island from Grenada on 26 September 1919 to assess the situation for himself. While it was customary to have a large crowd on hand to welcome the governor as he disembarked from the steamer, on this occasion the police cordoned off the jetty. It was in St. Vincent that Haddon-Smith decided to prohibit the Negro World. This regulation took effect on 1 October 1919, when it was gazetted (Cleve McD. Scott, “‘The True and New Negroes of St. Vincent’: The UNIA and African Communities League and Labour in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, 1919–1925” [paper presented to the History Forum, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Barbados, 1999], pp. 9–10).

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J. H. Seymour, UNIA Colon Division, to the Workman [[Colon, ca. 3 September 1919]]

UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION & A.C.L. Sir: Permit me space in your valuable paper for the following: Fellow men of my race greetings: I am calling your attention to the big mass meeting of the above organization which will be held at the Negro Hall[,] No. 204, Colon, D St. 12 and 13, on Sunday, the 7th inst., at 3 p.m. sharp. This meeting will be of great importance on the Black Star Line, and our movement. Please bring your friends and children along. We want the children to come and hear for themselves how you can buy your shares for yourself and children, don’t be led astray. If you have any love for your wife and children and come. J. H. Seymour, the local organizer, will tell you all about it. Remember all members and friends are requested to be there[;] also I am asking the members of the United Brotherhood of mine[,] don’t forget this meeting, a meeting of great importance to one and all. This meeting is called through a direct letter received from headquarters by J. H. Seymour[, L]ocal Organizer of the Universal Negro Improvement Association & African League, Colon, on September 2nd, 1919. Thanking you for the space I beg to remain your[s] for the cause, J. H. SEYMOUR Printed in the Workman, 3 September 1919.

Hermon L. A. Thompson1 to the Inter-Colonial Supply Company2 [[Trinidad, B.W.I., 3-9-19]] To the Intercolonial Supply Co., Inc. Gentlemen: I, the undersigned, take the pleasure of opening communications with your firm. I have found your advertisement through THE CRUSADER magazine and your advertisement has invited us, and Negroes who have not accepted this wonderful opportunity, have no pride. So, therefore, I appeal to you, sir, for a catalogue showing the different varieties of all in which the house is concerned. ... 291

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Here, sir, I am enclosing a letter showing that we, at this end of the world, through the correspondent of Mr. Marcus Garvey, President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, have started many branches in this colony for the benefit and uplift of our Negro race,3 and mean to connect ourselves with the American Negroes in sounding our voice for the rights of our Fatherland—Africa. So, therefore, we are in co-operation for a rice mill for the benefit of the rice cultivators of the island,4 and I think that your firm will be able to help us in this movement. Then I beg that you hand a copy of the same to The Messenger,5 The Negro World and THE CRUSADER, that the people in the United States will know our movement. (Signed) HERMON L. A. THOMPSON Printed in the Crusader 2, no. 4 (November 1919). 1. Hermon L. A. Thompson held the office of general organizer in the UNIA branch in St. Joseph, a small town a few miles to the east of Port of Spain, where his responsibilities included making purchases on the organization’s behalf. In an account penned by J. R. Ralph Casimir, head of the Dominica division of the UNIA, who visited Trinidad in 1921, Thompson is castigated for allegedly fleecing fellow UNIA members. Casimir, who believed that Thompson had been purchasing supplies from the New York division of the UNIA and reselling these items at exorbitant prices in Trinidad, felt that Thompson was of the “old type of Negroes and is too bombastic” (Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad, 1912–1947,” in The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond [Dover, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing, 1983], pp. 79–80, 89 n. 11). 2. The Inter-Colonial Supply Company, Inc., advertised as general merchants, wholesalers, and exporters and importers, was located at 2436 Seventh Avenue in Harlem (Crusader 1, no. 12 [August 1919]: 21). 3. One of the earliest recorded meetings of the UNIA in Trinidad and Tobago took place in Chaguanas, located in central Trinidad, on 21 August 1919 (Rhoda E. Reddock,Women, Labour and Politics in Trinidad and Tobago: A History [Kingston: Ian Randle, 1994], p. 106). 4. Rice was first introduced to Trinidad by African American ex-slaves who were freed and resettled on the island in 1815 in exchange for fighting alongside the British in the War of 1812. By the 1880s, however, rice cultivation in Trinidad was mainly pursued by East Indians who opted to settle on Crown lands rather than repatriate when their term of indenture on the sugar estates had expired. The UNIA was therefore advocating help for rice cultivators who, by 1919, were nearly all of Indian, not African, origin and unlikely to be members of UNIA branches. The rice cultivators to which Thompson refers were also peasant farmers. Rice cultivation took place on the subsistence level, and the colonial government paid little or no attention to it as a source of revenue. Trinidad at this time relied heavily on imported rice, despite the availability of land suitable for cultivation and a willing and able labor force. In 1917 the Trinidad and Tobago Agricultural Society lamented: Looking at the vast extent of lands suitable for rice cultivation in the colony it seems little short of criminal that all our needs of this product should not have been available locally at a reasonable rate. A good deal of time and energy has been taken up in talking writing and advising in the matter. Perhaps the application of a little more practical interest by the powers that be in this all important matter of food supply might not be out of place (Proceedings of the Agricultural Society of Trinidad and Tobago 17 [1917]: 79). Shipping restrictions during World War I provided an opportunity for peasant rice cultivation to expand in the colony. With trade between the chief rice supplier in India and the West Indies suspended due to the dangers associated with wartime shipping, a need for self-sufficiency in agricultural spheres was created. For the first time the government lent a hand and, in 1918, Governor John R. Chancellor announced that rice lands were being rented at a rate of two shillings per acre for two years or the duration of the war. Most of the areas suitable for rice cultivation were

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SEPTEMBER 1919 located in southern Trinidad and were already granted to the oil companies. After the war these companies began to release the areas that did not bear oil, which resulted in the spread of rice farming. Though government officials provided the land, they did not provide the infrastructure necessary for rice processing. Peasant farmers could by no means bear the cost of purchasing and shipping the necessary machinery without government aid (Glenroy Taitt, “Rice, Culture and Government in Trinidad 1897–1939,” in The Colonial Caribbean in Transition: Essays on Postemancipation Social and Cultural History, ed. by Bridget Brereton and Kevin A. Yelvington [Kingston: The Press, University of the West Indies, 1999], pp. 174–188; K. O. Laurence, A Question of Labour: Indentured Immigration into Trinidad and British Guiana, 1875–1917 [Kingston: Ian Randle, 1994], p. 415). 5. The Messenger, a monthly journal published by Chandler Owen and A. Philip Randolph from 1917 to 1928, went through many metamorphoses during its eleven years in circulation. Langston Hughes memorably summed up the magazine’s political position as “God knows what,” but throughout, its most significant achievement, as Theodore Kornweibel Jr. has so eloquently expressed, was as a forum for testing ideas and strategies of potential value to the black community. The Messenger explored every possible method for racial advancement and every ideology, no matter how unpopular. From its beginnings as a socialist and labor journal through the last few years of its publication, when it served as official organ for the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and published primarily literary selections, the Messenger strove to provide African Americans the means of breaking free from oppression. Owen and Randolph were both Southern migrants, and the two met at City College of New York, where both were involved in a variety of socialist student groups. By early 1917 the two men had become known for their work in “The Brotherhood,” a small employment bureau that provided educational skills to Southern black migrants and promoted unionism. The officers of the Headwaiters and Sidewaiters Society of Greater New York, impressed with the young men’s work, offered free space for Owen and Randolph to hold their Independent Political Council meetings in exchange for editing the union’s journal, the Hotel Messenger. Owen and Randolph, however, proceeded to place principle above expediency, running a series of editorials castigating the union for oppressing waiters and pantrymen, just as management oppressed them. After they were shown the door, the two men took the latter part of the publication’s name with them and published the first edition of the Messenger in November 1917. During its first two years of publication, Owen and Randolph devoted the Messenger to advocating labor unionism and socialism among blacks. The magazine’s editorial policy also protested World War I and the violence African Americans suffered in its wake. Owen and Randolph briefly experienced the trouble that fellow dissidents Eugene Debs and Emma Goldman suffered for speaking out against the war. The two were arrested in Cleveland for making antiwar speeches, but were set free because the judge trying their case refused to believe two twenty-nine-year-old “boys” could possess the knowledge and intelligence necessary to write the inflammatory articles the prosecutor presented as evidence. Preferring to believe that unscrupulous people had used the men’s names to cover their real identity, Owen and Randolph were shown the courtroom door—from which they proceeded directly to their next speaking engagement. The Messenger editors’ good courtroom fortune did not, however, preserve them from harm at the hands of government officials out to combat sedition and radicalism. A Department of Justice report in 1919 titled “Radicalism and Sedition among Negroes as Reflected in Their Publications” found that the Messenger, “representative of the most educated thought among Negroes,” was “by long odds the most dangerous of all the Negro publications.” The Justice Department’s language here reveals the fear with which whites greeted African Americans’ new militancy in the wake of World War I. The Messenger was not dismissed as a fringe publication, despite circulation that peaked in June 1919 at twenty-six thousand and leveled off by the early 1920s at five thousand. Rather, the Justice Department’s report provided a tacit acknowledgment that white oppression was sufficiently onerous to draw African Americans’ best and brightest to the strident challenge of prevailing societal mores. Department of Justice recognition of the magazine’s power aside, many African Americans curious about the Messenger were unnerved enough by its now-official “dangerous” label to forego readership. Furthermore, Owen and Randolph found that their union advocacy was foundering on the shoals of American Federation of Labor racism and the traditionally anti-union sentiments of black leadership. The two men tried to get around this entrenched anti-labor feeling by advocating solidarity with the IWW, but IWW support was repudiated by most blacks, who feared the organization’s subversive reputation and continued to believe private ownership was the most reliable

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS path toward economic opportunity. By 1923 the Messenger had transferred its focus from socialism to black capitalism. Rather than “working class unity,” Messenger editorials advocated “black unity led by black capitalists.” This process further accelerated after the departure of Owen from the radical movement in 1923. While he remained on the Messenger’s masthead and occasionally contributed articles, he moved to Chicago and ceased to be a driving force. While Randolph retained responsibility for the magazine he hired George S. Schuyler as managing editor. The period from 1922 through 1923 is also notable for the Messenger’s strident editorial opposition to Marcus Garvey and the UNIA. Owen and Randolph, among others, ridiculed the “Back to Africa” movement, pointing out Africans’ internal strife, and various authors contributed to a “Garvey Must Go” column. In 1925 Randolph took on the position of chief organizer for the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, and the Messenger became the union’s official organ. With Randolph devoting the majority of his time to the brotherhood, Schuyler took on primary editorial responsibilities. By 1928, however, labor strife had taken its toll. The AFL refusal to recognize the brotherhood and failed preparations for a strike attempt left the magazine deeply in debt and without sufficient readership— merely to be seen by Pullman management with a copy could lose a porter his job. The final issue was published in June (Carol Stickler Liebman, “American Negro History as Presented in Crisis [1910–1950], Opportunity [1923–1949] and the Messenger [1917–1928]” [Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1969]; Jo Anna Hunter-Manns, “The Negro World and The Messenger: A Comparison in Ideological Representation” [M.A. thesis, University of Louisville, 1984]; Jervis Anderson, A. Philip Randolph: A Biographical Portrait [New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1972, 1973]; Theodore Kornweibel Jr., No Crystal Stair: Black Life and the Messenger, 1917–1928 [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1975]; Walter C. Daniel, ed., Black Journals of the United States [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982]: 241–245; Adam McKible, “Our(?) Country: Mapping ‘These Colored United States’ in The Messenger,” The Black Press: New Literary and Historical Essays, ed. by Todd Vogel [New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2001]: 123–139).

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Inter-Colonial Supply Company advertisement (Source: Crusader 1, no. 12 [August 1919]: 21)

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The Bahamas

Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to H. E. W. Grant,1 Officer Administering the Government, Bahamas Downing Street, //10// September, 1919 Sir,

I have the honour to inform you2 that in view of the existence of some unrest among the coloured population of the West Indies,3 I should be prepared, if your Government considers it advisable, to approve of the exercise of

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stricter control over the press by means of legislation giving power to suppress any publications of a character either seditious or calculated to incite to crime.4 2. I enclose a copy of the Straits Settlements Ordinance XI of 1915 which will indicate the kind of legislation which might be introduced.5 I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) MILNER [Handwritten in the margin:] A Bill on this [words illegible] lines of the Straits Settlement that is being sent to the House. W. L. A. [W. L. Allardyce]6 26/11/19 [Typed minute:] A.C.S. Copies of “The Negro World” of 11 October arrived by “Maysie” on Saturday, 1 November, sample attached. I understand a file came to Gibson the Barber.7 They were subsequently hawked about for sale by a small boy near the Post Office. The first article on page 1 is of a distinctly inflammatory nature,8 and I should be glad to receive your advice, and that of the Actg Attorney General, as to whether it can properly be regarded as seditious and calculated to incite to crime? If so, what action, if any, do you recommend? See also despatch Secret from Sec. of State of 10 Septr forwarded along with this. W. L. Allardyce 4 November, 1919 [Handwritten minutes:] Hon. Actg Atty Genl At Govt. House on 7th inst., I think it was decided that these papers should be handed to you for action in regard to the copy of the Firearms Amendment Ordinance of Grenada, and the Straits Settlements Ordinance XI of 1915. P. W. D. A. [Percy W. D. Armbrister]9 Ag C.S. 10/11/19 Hon. Ag. Col. Secy. I have drafted two Bills which I am forwarding to you under separate cover. K. S. [Kenneth Solomon]10 Ag. A.G. 19.XI.19 H E The Governor, Submitted

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS The Bills referred to form the subject matter of a separate mp [minute paper]. F. C. W. D. [F. C. Wells-Durrant]11 Actg CS 19.11.19 DAB/PRO. TL, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. Henry Eugene Walter Grant (1855–1934), colonial secretary of the Bahamas from 1918 to 1923, was the officer administering the government from April to October 1919, 17 to 18 February 1921, 29 May to 2 July 1922, and 6 August to 5 November 1922. Privately educated, Grant was called to the bar in 1897, after which he held various appointments in the Bahamas, British Honduras, the Falkland Islands, the Leeward Islands, and the Friendly Islands (Tonga). His posts included private secretary to the governor of the Windward Islands (1883–1885) and Trinidad (1885–1891), attorney general (1902–1903) and colonial secretary (1904–1905) of British Honduras, and colonial secretary of the Leeward Islands (1909–1913). At various times he also administered the governments of British Honduras, the Falkland Islands, and the Leeward Islands. Grant retired from public service in 1923 (DOCOL; WWW). 2. This secret despatch was also sent to the officers administering the governments of Jamaica, the Bahamas, British Honduras, and the Windward Islands (TNA: PRO CO 318/349/7280). 3. In contrast to the West Indies proper, there was little actual unrest in the Bahamas at this time. There was, however, a growing sense of color and race consciousness (D. Gail Saunders, “Social History of the Bahamas” [Ph.D. diss., University of Waterloo, 1985], pp. 282–283; Colin Hughes, Race and Politics in the Bahamas [New York: Palgrave Macmillan; Brisbane, Australia: University of Queensland Press, 1981], p. 14; D. Gail Saunders, Bahamian Society after Emancipation [Kingston: Ian Randle Press, 1994], pp. 104–123). 4. The two newspapers published at this time were the Nassau Guardian (established in 1844) and the Nassau Tribune (1903); both were owned and operated by family concerns. The white Moseley family, which owned the Guardian, was pro-establishment and very conservative. The Tribune, owned by the Dupuch family of French and African origins, was slightly more outspoken but was far from radical (Etienne Dupuch, Tribune Story [London: Benn, 1967]). 5. The legislation passed in the Bahamas on 18 December 1919 was the “Act to Prohibit the Publication and Importation of Seditious Newspapers, Books and Documents.” It was repealed in 1924 (Bahamas Acts Passed in the Fifth and Sixth Years of King George V [Nassau, Bahamas, 1915], pp. 168–172). 6. Sir William Lamond Allardyce (1861–1930) was educated at Oxford and served in varying capacities in Fiji and Africa before being appointed governor of the Falkland Islands in 1904. In December 1914 he was appointed governor of the Bahamas, assuming the position in June 1915. He later served as governor of Tasmania (1920–1922) and governor of Newfoundland (1922–1928) (David P. Henege, Colonial Governors from the Fifteenth Century to the Present: A Comprehensive List [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970]; WWW). 7. Caleb J. Gibson, a tailor, was treasurer of the Union Mercantile Association, which was established to secure a motor boat to provide comfortable accommodation between Miami and Nassau and to be operated by men of color. Those associated with the Union Mercantile Association supported the Garvey movement (Minute Paper, Motor Boat for Miami–Nassau Route Proposed Purchase and Operation of by the Coloured Race, Union Mercantile Association Ltd., 29 May 1920). 8. The article, written by Garvey, is entitled “Blackmen All Over the World Should Prepare to Protect Themselves; Negroes Should Match Fire with Hell Fire” (NW, 11 October 1919). 9. Percy William Duncombe Armbrister (1862–1957) was born on Harbour Island, one of the Bahamas islands, but moved to Nassau at the age of two and was educated at the Nassau Grammar School. He entered the civil service of the Bahamas in 1878 as both post office clerk and clerk to the attorney general. After spending much of the early 1880s in the United States, he returned to Nassau and worked as acting accountant in the Bahamas treasury between 1884 and 1890. From August 1890 he served as resident justice for Green Turtle Cay, Abaco; Governor’s Harbour, Eleuthera; and Inagua. Appointed Out Island Commissioner by 1911, he served as receiver general and treasurer of the Bahamas, as well as a member of both the legislative and executive councils, in 1916. He served as acting colonial secretary from 19 September to 12 November 1919, 3 February to 8 April 1920, 15 July 1920, 28 September 1921 to 19 May 1922, 29 May to 2 July 1922, and 8 August to 5 November 1922. In 1923, when the governor, Sir Harry Cordeaux, was absent from the Bahamas, Armbrister, as the most senior member of the executive council, took over the administration.

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SEPTEMBER 1919 He retired in 1926 (Ruth Bowe, “Honourable Percy William Duncombe Armbrister 1862–1957,” Journal of the Bahamas Historical Society 3, no. 1 [October 1981]: 20–21; DOCOL). 10. Sir Aubrey Kenneth Solomon (1884–1954) was born on Harbour Island, the Bahamas, and moved with his family to Nassau ten years later. He attended the Nassau Grammar School from 1894 until 1899. He then trained as a lawyer and was called to the Bahamas bar in July 1905. In November 1916 he served as acting attorney general in the absence of attorney general, F. C. WellsDurrant. Solomon was appointed stipendiary and circuit magistrate of the Bahamas in 1918. He held this position until 1921, and again served as acting attorney general of the colony in 1918 and then for over a year in 1919–1920. He applied for the position of attorney general in June 1920 but, despite serving as acting chief justice in November of that year, his promotion to attorney general was rejected, prompting Solomon to resign as acting chief justice in February 1921. Solomon went on to build a large legal practice. About that time, he began a professional relationship with the black Bahamian lawyer Alfred Francis Adderley. Solomon also continued his political career, which he had begun by winning a by-election in 1908 at Abaco, a seat he retained for a decade until his appointment as a magistrate. After he resigned as acting chief justice in 1921, Solomon served as legal adviser to the House of Assembly (1923–1933) and resumed his political career. In 1925 he won a by-election in the predominantly black Southern District; Solomon had the support of a number of local black leaders, including Harry Glinton, a building contractor. He was then appointed to the executive council in 1926, retaining this position until 1941. He also kept his Southern District parliamentary seat in the 1928 and 1935 general elections, and by 1937 he was both leader for the government in the House of Assembly and dominated the executive council. At that point, he was widely regarded as the most important statesman in the Bahamas. In 1942, when it was clear that the black electorate in the Southern District would not favor a white candidate, Solomon stood for and won a seat in the City District. Between 1942 and 1946 he was speaker of the House of Assembly. Sir Asa Pritchard, who succeeded Solomon in 1946, has recalled that Solomon was “very conservative in his outlook,” though he also “set a very high standard as Speaker” (Benson McDermott, “Opinionated, Warm-hearted, Autocratic, Patriotic, Kenneth Solomon Served and Ruled the Bahamas,” Bahamas Handbook and Businessman’s Annual [1983]: 15–43; DOCOL; WWW). 11. Frederick Chester Wells-Durrant (1864–1934) was attorney general of the Bahamas from 1909 until 1921, and served as acting colonial secretary from 25 March to 18 September 1919, 12 November 1919 to 2 February 1920, and 9 April to 14 July 1920. Educated at the University of Edin, Durrant was called to the bar in 1886 and practiced as a barrister and solicitor in St. Vincent until 1904, with stints as acting police magistrate and acting attorney general of St. Vincent in 1898 and acting attorney general of St. Lucia in 1902. As attorney general of the Bahamas, Durrant served as acting chief justice of the colony in July 1910, May to August 1911, and from May to July 1913, and as administrator of the government from 2 February to 9 April 1920. In November 1920 he became senior puisne judge in Jamaica, followed by appointment as attorney general in February 1921 (DOCOL; WWW).

Gilbert E. A. Grindle, Assistant Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Major John R. Chancellor,1 Governor, Trinidad Downing Street, //10th// September, 1919 Sir, I am directed by Viscount Milner to transmit to you, for any observations which you may desire to offer,2 the accompanying copies of despatches from the Acting Governor of Trinidad regarding the unrest among the coloured population [in the margin: 29th July 1919. 7th August 1919.]. 299

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2. Lord Milner would be glad to learn whether you consider that the circumstances make it desirable to increase the strength of the Constabulary. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, G. GRINDLE [Handwritten endorsement:] Spoke to Grindle 7.10.19 Will reply on return to Trinidad. J. R. C. [J. R. Chancellor] CP, Box 4/6, ff 1-21. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Private and Personal.” 1. Major Sir John Robert Chancellor (1870–1952) was educated at the Royal Military Academy and commissioned in the Royal Engineers in 1890, serving in India in 1896 and 1897–1898. Upon his return to Britain, he attended the Staff College and was appointed assistant military secretary to the committee of imperial defence in 1904, rising to the post of committee secretary in 1906. Chancellor was appointed governor of Mauritius in 1911 and governor of Trinidad and Tobago on 9 March 1916. After his governorship concluded in 1921, he served as principal assistant secretary to the committee of imperial defence before becoming governor of Southern Rhodesia (1923–1928) and high commissioner of Palestine and Transjordan (1928–1931) (ODNB; WWW). 2. While Chancellor was on leave in Britain in September 1919, he was asked to comment privately on the acting governor’s official despatches from Trinidad.

Enclosure: William M. Gordon, Acting Governor, Trinidad, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House. 29th July, 1919 My Lord, Referring to the telegraphic correspondence noted in the margin, I have the honour to report to Your Lordship that a very strong feeling of racial antipathy has recently manifested itself in this Colony, due to a large extent to the return of soldiers of the British West Indies Regiment,1 who are dissatisfied on account of alleged grievances due to discrimination made by the Imperial military authorities in the treatment of black and white troops respectively. 2. There is also a section of the community which aims at the establishment of a system of representative government of the Colony by the black race and which finds expression for its views in articles which have been appearing for a considerable time past in the “Argos” newspaper.2 3. The feeling to which I allude in the first paragraph of this despatch was accentuated by the recent arrival on the 17th instant by the s.s. “Santille” of a number of men who had been concerned in the Cardiff riots and by the publication in the “Argos” newspaper of alleged acts of ill-treatment of the blacks in the United Kingdom. On the 21st instant the s.s. “Oriana” brought forty mili-

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tary West Indian prisoners of the British West Indies Regiment who were sent ashore in Trinidad to await the arrival of a transport to take them on to Jamaica, a certain number of Trinidad men being amongst the number. A very strong feeling was at once aroused amongst the black section of the community and threats were openly made, not only by the usual idlers and loafers and other irresponsible persons, but by black and coloured men of some standing and influence, that the whites should be killed. 4. On Thursday, the 24th instant, I received a deputation introduced by the Mayor of Port of Spain, and including one of the members of the City Council and two black solicitors, requesting me to release those military prisoners who belonged to Trinidad. I may add that the Mayor stated that the deputation represented the feeling of the community of Port of Spain on the subject. I informed the deputation that I had no power to release prisoners convicted by military courts outside the Colony, but that I was prepared to forward to Your Lordship by cable any representations they might wish to make. 5. The enclosed message, which I transmitted to Your Lordship by telegram on the 25th instant, was drafted by me with the assistance of the Acting Attorney General and the Commandant of the Local Forces and was read to the deputation which expressed its concurrence, thanked me for forwarding their representations to Your Lordship and withdrew. 6. I regret to say that on the day after the arrival of the s.s. “Oriana,” which was a public holiday, several assaults were committed by blacks against whites, including several men belonging to H.M.S. “Dartmouth,” while threats were freely expressed that the whites should be killed. I do not think, however, that the feeling is general, but there is a dangerous section, including a number of the returned soldiers, which boasts of its intention to proceed to any extremity. 7. H.M.S. “Cambrian” had arrived here to relieve H.M.S. “Dartmouth” which was to proceed to Para to join the South Atlantic Fleet, to which she belongs. On the 24th instant, however, I was informed that the “Cambrian” had received orders to proceed to Bermuda at once and the “Dartmouth” was also to leave for Para on the 26th. 8. I considered it inadvisable under present conditions that the Colony should be left with no vessel of war in the immediate vicinity and I therefore addressed a message to the Naval Commander-in-Chief //at Bermuda// on the 24th as follows:– Conditions here unsettled. May “Cambrian” remain here for the present. Consider it very desirable that a man of war should be in the neighbourhood. 9. To this message I have as yet received no reply direct, but I am informed by Captain Hope, C.B., D.S.O., of H.M.S. “Dartmouth” that he has

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received a wireless message from the Commander-in-Chief that the vessel is to remain here. 10. I trust that Your Lordship will approve of the action I have taken. Owing to the interruption of the West India and Panama cable, which is broken, there is considerable delay in getting messages through to Europe and the time being short I considered it best to telegraph direct to Bermuda. 11. I may add that I informed the deputation that I considered the disorders which have occurred to be attributable to a considerable extent to articles which had for some time past been appearing in the “Argos” newspaper and appealed to //the// members to use their influence to prevent the publication of such articles in the future. This they promised to do. 12. I am of opinion that under ordinary conditions and should no exciting cause occur there is little danger of an outbreak, but experience has proved, as in the case of the riot of 1903,3 that there is a dangerous class in Port of Spain which can be readily worked up by agitators to acts of violence.4 For this reason it appears very desirable that while present conditions exist, there should be a vessel of war in the near vicinity of these islands. 13. I enclose for Your Lordship’s information copy of a report from the Inspector General of Constabulary enclosing a further report from Lieut. Colonel Maxwell Smith on the subject of the present position here. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble Servant, W. M. GORDON Acting Governor P.S. Since writing the above despatch I have received from the Inspector General of Constabulary the attached report, dated 5th August, which is enclosed for Your Lordship’s information. [Typed in the margin:] Cypher Tel., S. of S. to Gov. 20.2.19. Cypher Tel., Gov. to S. of S.– 25.2.19. Cypher Tel., S. of S. to Gov. 13.7.19. Cypher Tel., Gov. to S. of S.– 22.7.19. [Handwritten minutes:] Mr Darnley Mr. Grindle The situation seems to be fairly critical but I do not see that any action can be taken at present. I have marked the paragraph in the Inspector General’s report which coincides with the M.I.I.C. report. ? Put by. T[.] H[.] P[.] 4/9/19 See especially the minute by the I.G. Constabulary—flagged—in 50042 which is of later date than this. The precautions taken in regard to army and the posting of guards

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SEPTEMBER 1919 are stated in that minute. We have already authorised the OAG to pass a seditious publications ordinance which will enable him to deal with the “Argos.” The “Negro World” is the paper which Mr. Walter very properly suppressed in Br. Hond. The “white woman” question has appeared in T’dad also. The OAG has arranged for HMS Cambrian to remain for a time and asks approval of his action in communicating with the Naval C in C direct about this. We can approve, saying that he should however have informed the S of S by tel of his action. Both desp[atches] should go to Admiralty in[forming with regard] to recent letter about unrest in B’dos; and to Sir. J. Chancellor for any ob[servations]. Later on we can consider whether it would be advisable to divert to Trinidad the white troops intended for St. Lucia. E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley] 5/9 As proposed, & find out from M.I.I.C. whether a contradiction is going to be issued & if so ask for a copy of it. If not we had better get one from H.O. [Home Office] Ask Sir J. Chancellor & the O.A.G. for the[ir] views as to an increase of the constabulary. And let Sir Basil Thompson5 have copies of these two desp[atches]. As regards white troops, it is so much more urgent to get them to Belize that we need not move now, esp. as the local authorities do not think these are really needed. G. G. [G. Grindle] 5.9.29 at once TNA: PRO CO 295/522/7611. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. The demobilized soldiers of the BWIR returned to a harsh economic situation with high unemployment and little government assistance. In Trinidad, the local government was extremely slow and penurious in disbursing outstanding pay. The Discharged Soldiers Central Authority complained that granting the men’s demands would prove “an unwarrantable burden on the colony” (Trinidad and Tobago Council Paper, No. 3 of 1918). Governor John R. Chancellor later argued that it was unrealistic for them to expect to be paid on the same scale as demobilized British soldiers since a mere one-thirteenth of Trinidad’s male population had served in the war as compared to one-third of England’s male population. He further argued that commercial enterprise was disrupted in England because most of its industrial labor force had been channeled into war production, leaving many workers displaced as peace returned. Conversely, he argued, in Trinidad industry went on uninterrupted during the war, so that a return to peace did not directly result in dislocation for workers. The disgruntled soldiers united to form the Returned Soldiers and Sailors Council and Organization and demanded twenty acres of land and fifty pounds for each of the

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS thousand returned servicemen. The organization’s president, Algernon Burkett, allegedly threatened to use force if these demands were not met (C. L. Joseph, “The British West Indies Regiment, 1914–1918,” JCH 2 [1971]: 113; Kelvin Singh, Race and Class Struggles in a Colonial State, Trinidad 1917–1945 [Kingston: The Press, University of the West Indies, 1994]; Glenford Howe, Race, War, and Nationalism: A Social History of West Indians in the First World War [Kingston: Ian Randle, 2002]). 2. The Argos was first published on 9 May 1911. It aimed at “elevating the daily newspaper to a literary standard,” “affording an honest medium of information for all the classes,” and strengthening the bond between Trinidad and Venezuela. Consequently, many of the earlier articles were written in Spanish. At the time of its publication, Argos was the only evening paper in Trinidad. The paper’s first editor, Domingo Navarro, was Venezuelan. Under Navarro’s editorship the paper was known to take controversial positions. In 1918, however, when Navarro returned to Caracas, the Argos was purchased by George Aldric Lee Lum, a Chinese-descended lawyer and businessman born in Trinidad in 1884. He was the son of the prominent and powerful Chinese businessman John Lee Lum. Born in Kwantung (Guandong), John Lee Lum migrated to Trinidad in 1880. Five years later he established his own general store, which grew into a chain of rural stores. John Lee Lum’s holdings came to include commercial cocoa estates and stock in petroleum syndicates in Canada and Trinidad. He even had the permission of the local government to operate his own coinage system between 1890 and 1906. Before he was appointed managing attorney of his father’s extensive business holdings, George Aldric Lee Lum received his secondary school education at St. Mary’s College, Port of Spain. He was also sent to Canton, China, to further his education. After returning to Trinidad, he became president of the Young China Association, an organization founded in 1911 with the primary objectives of advancing Chinese interests and fostering unity among Chinese residents in Trinidad. George Aldric Lee Lum described himself as being “keenly interested in writing and journalism,” and the articles of interest to Chinese-descended Trinidadians in the Argos were likely the result of his journalistic investigations (Lloyd Sydney Smith, ed., Trinidad: Who, What, Why: Public Life, Business, People, Sport [Port of Spain: Lloyd Sydney Smith, 1950], p. 238). Nevertheless, it seems likely that George Aldric Lee Lum’s role in the paper was primarily financial. The editorial stance of the paper was apparently left entirely up to the black men who ran it. In official correspondence, John Mositer Wharton, in particular, was identified as being chiefly responsible for the combative stance of Argos around 1919; after moving from his native San Fernando to Port of Spain in 1890, Wharton had established himself as an accountant and auctioneer before becoming manager of the paper. Arthur Raymond, the editor of the Argos when Wharton was manager, remembered Wharton as “public-spirited and irrespressible” (Melisse Thomas-Bailey, “The Black Press in Trinidad, 1850 to 1955” [M.Phil. diss., University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 2000]; Arthur F. Raymond, “Origin of the Savannah Carnival and the Development of the Down Town Celebrations,” The Humming Bird, Carnival edition [1960]: 8). During its most radical phase, the Argos voiced support behind the working-class agitations that eventually culminated in the dockworkers strike of 1919. The paper recognized that racial animosity featured prominently in the ferment and hastened to remind the governor that he needed to reconcile the interests of the different ethnic groups. The paper even supported the returned soldiers in their struggle for recompense. When F. E. M. Hercules, founder and chairman of the Society of Peoples of African Origin (SPAO), visited Trinidad in September 1919, the Argos published his keynote address in full and expressed the hope that his words would be acted on by Africans at home and throughout the diaspora. The parts of his speech that the paper felt its readers should heed were Hercules’s pronouncements that Africans, regardless of skin color, should strive to be race conscious, that they should get to know each other and act in unison, and that they should strive toward economic independence. Before the dockworkers strike of 1919, the Argos reported on the antiblack riots that were taking place in Cardiff and Liverpool at the time, detailing the atrocities blacks suffered. The paper also reproduced articles from London newspapers written by whites on the undesirability of having blacks in the United Kingdom, particularly those having relations with white women. One such article was authored by a former colonial officer stationed in the West Indies. For these articles the paper was dubbed an “irresponsible publication” and “a scandal” by the island’s most influential magnates. The Argos was accused of circulating “all kinds of revolutionary, seditious and mischievous literature” and was thus cited as one of the major causes of the unrest which swept Trinidad and Tobago in 1919. As a result the paper was shut down under Seditious Publications Ordinance No. 10 of 1920. This ordinance gave the Supreme Court the power to sus-

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SEPTEMBER 1919 pend the publisher and prohibit the publication of any newspaper habitually containing seditious matter (Argos, 1911–1920; Thomas-Bailey, “The Black Press in Trinidad, 1850 to 1955”; Algernon A. Burkett, Trinidad: A Jewel of the West, or, 100 Years of British Rule [London: Francis, 1914], pp. 68, 86). 3. The water riots of 23 March 1903 were sparked by a proposed waterworks ordinance intended to curb water waste in the city of Port of Spain. The proposal met with public outrage and became a rallying point for people of different social, ethnic, and economic backgrounds, coordinated around the Rate Payers’ Association (RPA). The RPA comprised white, black, and “colored” professionals and businessmen and sought to supervise the public spending in the absence of elected representatives. Although the ordinance would have mainly affected the wealthy—people who owned plunge baths of sixty gallons or more—the RPA convinced the working class public that their water supplies would be cut off and that landlords would charge higher rents to recoup increased water charges. The second reading of the Waterworks Bill (16 March 1903) was suspended because of public disturbance outside the Red House, the seat of the legislative council. To prevent a repetition, the government instituted a ticket system for admission to the reconvened reading (23 March 1903). Only those holding special tickets were to be admitted to the Red House. RPA allegations that this was illegal encouraged a large gathering at the rescheduled reading, culminating in an assault on the Red House that left eighteen dead, fifty-one wounded, and the Red House destroyed by fire (Rhoda E. Reddock, Women, Labour and Politics in Trinidad and Tobago: A History [Kingston: Ian Randle, 1994], p. 103). 4. In the city of Port of Spain, a large section of the urban proletariat was unemployed or seasonally employed, with unemployment rates soaring after the war. Wages were poor before the war but workers experienced greater difficulty meeting their financial commitments when the cost of living increased some 126 percent by 1919. “The poorer classes,” Governor Chancellor explained, “were experiencing great hardships in maintaining themselves and their families” (Brinsley Samaroo, “The Trinidad Workingmen’s Association and the Origins of Popular Protest in a Crown Colony,” SES 21, no. 2 [1972]: 212). The chamber of commerce, made up of the principal employers on the island, agreed with the governor’s observation, but refused Chancellor’s request that they set up a committee to consider increasing wages in the colony. The city’s working class lived in cramped, unventilated, and unsanitary conditions. Houses were generally made of rusty corrugated iron and unsound boarding. Earth floors replaced the original flooring board when this decayed. Roofs leaked and the water supply was poor. Consequently, disease outbreaks were frequent and infant mortality was high. Even more pressure was placed on housing facilities as migration to the city increased. Police brutality was not uncommon and in the city’s courts the burden of proof lay on nonwhite defendants, who were generally assumed guilty unless they could prove themselves innocent. Corporal punishment was readily ordered for even the slightest aberration. Resentment of the police and the entire justice system was therefore understandable, and these frustrations often bred mental illness, violence, and crime. As the urban proletariat struggled to cope with life in the city slums, they were painfully aware of the differences between their standard of living and that of the wealthy employer class. The observed imbalance, coupled with their dissatisfaction with living in abject poverty, frequently led to eruptions of violence (Great Britain West India Royal Commission, West India Royal Commission Report [London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1945], p. 174; Bridget Brereton, A History of Modern Trinidad, 1783–1962 [Kingston: Heinemann, 1981], pp. 13–132; Singh, Race and Class Struggles in a Colonial State, Trinidad 1917–1945, pp. 15–18). 5. Sir Basil Home Thomson (1861–1939) was a colonial administrator in the South Pacific and an intelligence officer with Britain’s Scotland Yard. He began his career in government service as a stipendiary magistrate in Fiji in 1884, and rose to serve as commissioner of native lands before being transferred to Tonga to assist a pro-British tribal chief as adviser and assistant premier. A contemporary described Thomson as “sincerely attached” to the Fijians and an “entertaining, instructive and widely-read” author on various aspects of Fijian life and culture (G. C. Henderson, Fiji and the Fijians, 1835–1856 [Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1931], 1). Thomson’s wife, however, suffered in the tropical climate, so the family returned to England in 1893. After a temporary career turn as a writer on South Pacific subjects, Thomson read for the bar examinations, but rather than entering the law profession as a magistrate he accepted an appointment in 1896 as deputy governor of Liverpool prison. From that post he worked his way up the prison system hierarchy, reaching the post of assistant commissioner of the Metropolitan Police and head of the Criminal Investigative Division (CID) at New Scotland Yard.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS When World War I broke out in 1914, the CID became the enforcement arm for the War Office and Admiralty in intelligence affairs. While the secret service bureau could collect information on suspected spies, it lacked any mandate to arrest them, so it fell to Scotland Yard, and especially to Thomson, to carry out arrests. After the war, a small separate department called the Directorate of Intelligence was set up within Scotland Yard and charged with countering Bolshevik-inspired subversion. Thomson was placed in charge of this department, which served as a bridge between the activities of Scotland Yard’s Special Branch and MI5, the investigative service for Britain and its colonies and dominions (the British intelligence framework also included the Secret Intelligence Service, predecessor to MI6, which monitored foreign activity). Accordingly, the reader will note that many documents written by colonial officials include directions to send information to Thomson. For reasons that remain unclear, Thomson lost the confidence of Prime Minister David Lloyd George in 1921 and was asked to resign. The Directorate of Intelligence was disbanded. His biographer Noel Rutherford notes that “in 1925, in circumstances which cannot be explained, Thomson was convicted of an act of indecency with a Miss Thelma de Lava. He was let off with a fine” (Nigel West, MI6: British Secret Intelligence Service Operations, 1909–45 [London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1983], pp. 20, 26; ODNB).

Enclosure: G. H. May, Inspector General of Constabulary, Trinidad, to William M. Gordon, Acting Colonial Secretary, Trinidad [Trinidad] 29.7.19 Hon. Col. Secretary, On the surface now is all quiet, but there is I fear still a strong undercurrent, and an organization has been formed called “The Returned Soldiers and Sailors Council and Organization” which is advertising meetings to lay the grievances of the returned members of the British West Indies Regiment before Government. The two principal grievances, so far as I have been able to ascertain, are (1) dissatisfaction with the land settlement scheme, and (2) absence of unemployment allowance granted to the European soldier. I am attaching to these papers a report received from Lt. Colonel Maxwell Smith. Para. 1 of this report deals with a matter which Government is fully aware of. With regard to par[a]. 2 I may of course be mistaken, but I believe the Constabulary to be th//or//oughly loyal. With regard to the suggestion in the last sentence, if matters do not improve it may be necessary to have European Troops stationed here, but I do not think the time has arrived to apply for them. (Sgd) G. H. MAY, Inspector General of Constabulary CP, Box 4/6, ff 1-21. TTG, copy.

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Enclosure: Report by Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell Smith, Dispersal Area Commandant, Trinidad, to the Commandant of Local Forces, Trinidad 22.7.1919 Hon. Commandant of Local Forces, When on active service in Italy I communicated certain facts concerning an organization called the “Carriebean [Caribbean] League[”] to the Secretary of State. I regret to say that the feeling of the black man against the white, to which I alluded in that communication and which at the time, was limited almost entirely to Jamaican troops, has spread, not only to many of the returned soldiers from this Colony, but also to the black population of Port of Spain generally; of this I have had abundant evidence recently. 2. It is hardly necessary to point out to you, Sir, that in the event of the situation becoming more acute and trouble arising, we would have to depend almost entirely on the black man for armed defence. The Constabulary have on every occasion of trouble hitherto been very loyal, but where the question is one of black against white, I personally have doubts as to whether their loyalty as a whole would stand the strain. If I might so far presume, Sir, I would respectfully suggest that two compa[n]ies of white regular troops be stationed here, and that pending their arrival the “Dartmouth” or one of His Majesty’s S//h//ips be always in the harbour. (Sgd) MAXWELL SMITH Lt. Col. Dispersal Area Commandant CP, Box 4/6, ff 1-21. TTG, copy.

Enclosure: William M. Gordon, Acting Governor, Trinidad, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, 7th August, 1919 My Lord, I have the honour to transmit, at the request of the signatories, the attached copy of a memorial [in the margin: 30th July ’19] addressed to me by certain residents holding responsible positions in this Colony on the subject of the present position in view of the strong evidence of racial hatred on the part 307

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of the blacks against the whites which has been brought to light by recent events. 2. The situation has been very carefully considered by me in consultation with the Inspector General of Constabulary ever since the first signs of unrest appeared. On receiving the enclosed letter I referred it for the consideration of Colonel May, whose report I attach [in the margin: 5th Aug ’19]. 3. I concur generally in the Inspector General’s remarks. I do not think that up to the present there is any evidence that the racial animosity which has been evinced exists to any great extent in the minds of the majority of the more responsible black and coloured people of the Colony. There is undoubtedly, more especially in Port-of-Spain, a class which would be glad to seize any opportunity, if any pretext presented itself, of causing an outbreak, but there is no evidence that this attitude is general. 4. The opinion of the memorialists, as expressed in the enclosed letter, is, from the position they hold in the Colony, entitled to serious consideration. I do not, however, think that sufficient reason has been shown for the establishment of a garrison of white troops in the Colony, even if such a policy were considered possible. I am, however, of opinion that it is very desirable that a man-of-war should for some time to come be within immediate reach in case of need. With regard to the “Argos” newspaper, it may be desirable, if legislation is approved as suggested in my confidential despatch of the 18th June last to take action as suggested by Colonel May. The attitude to this paper has recently undergone a change for the better, and the tone of the publication is not at present such as to call for any action. 5. To sum up the situation, it appears to me that while there is a feeling of alarm among a considerable section of the white residents, the feeling of class hatred is not so acute as it was, that it is not general and that in the absence of any unforseen exciting cause it is unlikely to take any active form. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble Servant, W. M. GORDON Acting Governor P.S. I wish to add that I have shown this despatch to the members of the Executive Council who have expressed general concurrence in its terms. W. M. G. TNA: PRO CO 295/522/7611. TLS, marked “Confidential.”

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Enclosure: George F. Huggins et al., to William M. Gordon, Acting Colonial Secretary, Trinidad Port of Spain 30th July,1919 Sir, While we have no doubt that His Excellency’s serious attention is already engaged with the grave complications which must inevitably result from the mischievous and systematic exploiting of the race question in this Colony, we feel that the gravity of the situation and ev//en// possible imminence of the danger is such that we should be shirking our duty if we allowed any undue diffidence to prevent our calling attention to certain facts and events which are seriously occupying the thoughts and brains of numbers of the older and most experienced members of the community at the present moment. While in the riots of 1903 the question at issue was one of taxation, the numbers of men and off of all classes and colours were to be found on either side, the present movement is of a far more dangerous kind and a substantial minority of the black population openly proclaims that it has no further use for the white man, and means to eliminate him. The palpable absurdity of such an idea in no way robs it of its danger or diminishes its attractiveness to the negro mind. That, so far, is the situation as it stands, or would stand if it were not progressing steadily and will continue to progress unless some prompt and stringent measures are taken to stem the tide of population popular inclination. And this brings us to causes, of which there are undoubtedly three principal ones. First of all the waive of labour unrest, which is gradually finding its way to every part of the world, secondly to the revolutionary ideas imbibed abroad by the returned West Indian “soldier” and last, but by no means least, the “Argos” newspaper. The impunity with which this irresponsible publication has for a long time past been permitted to circulate all kinds of revolutionary, seditious and mischievous literature is regarded as a scandal by all the serious members of this community. Owned by a chinaman of no particular persuasion, and run by four or five “coloured gentlemen” of the most pronounced type of hater of the white man, this paper has with much ingenuity and with the aid of some legal knowledge been able, we are told, to keep within, what would in ordinary circumstances be, the limits of the law. But the circumstances are not ordinary, and we have no hesitation in expressing the view that unless some speedy method can be evolved of either suppressing or muzzling this poisonous organ, a catastrophe is inevitable.

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In a Colony where the coloured race enormously predominates, we are, except for the temporary and fortuitous presence of a ship of war, entirely dependent on the protection of a semi-military body, with white officers it is true, but almost entirely composed of black non-commissioned officers and men, inadequately supported by a more or less white auxiliary force of yeomanry [and] mounted infantry whose numbers are too insignificant for them to be of any practical value, in the event of disturbances on a large scale. That any one in a position of responsibility is ignorant or fatuous enough to rely for protection on our first line of defence in the shape of our black constabulary, we decline to believe. To place our wives and children in such a position would be criminal and it has long since come to be regarded as a fundamental principle, in the East and West alike, that the only reliable protection in such situations as the present one, is the presence of a body of white regular troops however small and with this object in view, we venture to ask His Excellency to submit this letter to the Secretary of State for the Colonies with all possible despatch and with such comment as he may think advisable in the circumstances. We are not aware what plans //may// have already been made, or steps taken, with regard to the Local Forces and possible eventualities, but we venture to urge upon His Excellency the necessity of organizing the resources of the Colony generally in such a manner that the services of every white man available may be utilized to the best advantage he may, when occasion arises and not after it, know where to go and what to do. We are aware, Sir, that we are writing strongly, and we sha[ll] probably be accused of being nervous alarmists and of possessing other equally a[mi]able qualities, but as we think, Sir, you are already aware we are neither nervous nor alarmists, while some, at least, of us have had exceptional opportunities of observing what took place both before, during and after the riots of 1903, and we can further assure you that should it be necessary, we could multiply the signatures to this letter not ten or twenty but an hundred fold, with the names of men who are prepared to endorse every word that we have written, and who are prepared to no less apprehensive of the course events are taking than we are ourselves. We presume that arrangements have already been made for the safeguarding of all vital points, such as depots and arms of arms, ammunition, food, petrol, power stations, water supply, wireless and telephone stations, gaols and other obviously necessary points, but we would urge the necessity of collecting and securing all firearms and explosives which may be still in the hands of dealers and consequently available for hostile use. Points of concentration for the assembly and safe-guarding of the women and children in the country districts, if not already selected should also be chosen without delay, and the white men armed. One point more, in the years gone by the large East Indian indentured population, numbering many thousands and largely under the control of their 310

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respective plantation owners, managers and overseers, was looked upon as a substantial safe-guard against trouble with the negroes and vice versa.1 With the abolition of immigration such a counterpoise ha[s] ceased to exist and the “creole coolie” will either remain an interested spectator or join the mob. We have, etc. Sgd: GEO. F. HUGGINS C. DE VERTEUIL J. A. BELL SMYTHE Colonel A. S. BOWEN Major, R.F., I.P. A. H. MCCLEAN H. H. PASEA2 TNA: PRO CO 295/522/7611. TL, copy. Marked “Confidential & Urgent.” 1. Indian indentured laborers were brought to Trinidad with the expectation that they would provide a malleable alternative to black labor in the post-emancipation era. Sugar planters anticipated that the newly freed African laborers would either flee the estates or would seek greater control over the working relationship by demanding higher wages and better working conditions. Their fears materialized one year after the abolition of slavery in the British West Indies. In 1839 the newly freed black laborers in Trinidad struck for a 100 percent increase in their daily wage of 2s. 2d. The strike was suppressed and the workers’ demands were not met. However, many refused to resume work for 2s. 2d. and left the estates. Indian indentured labor was viewed as the ideal counterbalance for any similar occurrence. Planters believed that Indians were by nature a docile people and therefore would not resort to strike action. By encouraging large numbers of indentured laborers, planters hoped to create competition on the labor market, thereby keeping wages low and deterring workers from taking industrial action for fear that they were easily replaceable (J. La Guerre, ed., Calcutta to Caroni: The East Indians of Trinidad [St. Augustine, Trinidad: ExtraMural Studies Unit, University of the West Indies, 1986]; K. O. Laurence, A Question of Labour: Indian Indentured Immigration into Trinidad and British Guiana, 1875–1917 [Kingston: Ian Randle, 1994]). 2. George F. Huggins, C. de Verteuil, Colonel J. A. Bell Smythe, Major A. S. Bowen, A. H. McClean, and H. H. Pasea were among Trinidad and Tobago’s most influential citizens, with strong interests in the islands’ politics, commerce, and plantation agriculture. All were white and either locally born or British-born. Huggins was described by the historian Michael Anthony as “the most powerful figure, economically, in Trinidad.” He was the founder of George F. Huggins and Company, a large provisions store, and was involved in the production of all of the island’s major export crops. Similarly, C. de Verteuil was an official of the Agricultural Board. Colonel J. A. Bell Smythe was a planter, a businessman, and later a member of the legislative council. A street in Woodbrook, Port of Spain, was named after him. The positions these men held within the colony were likely to give their petition great weight in the eyes of the imperial government (Trinidad Civil List, 1920; Bridget Brereton, Brinsley Samaroo, and Glenroy Taitt, DCB [St. Augustine, Trinidad: Department of History, University of the West Indies Press, 1998], pp. 12, 59; Michael Anthony, Historical Dictionary of Trinidad and Tobago [Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1997], p. 293).

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Enclosure: Report by G. H. May, Inspector General of Constabulary, Trinidad, to William M. Gordon, Acting Colonial Secretary, Trinidad Constabulary Head Quarters, Port-of-Spain, 5th August, 1919 Sir, I have read the enclosed letter with considerable amazement. The gentlemen who have signed it are undoubtedly men of experience, whose opinions are deserving of attention but I consider that they have taken a very extreme and pessimistic view of the situation. There is unfortunately a considerable amount of racial feeling, Blacks vs. Whites, at this present moment, and that this feeling has been engineered by the “Argos” newspaper there can be no doubt. I have reported fully on this organ and as you are aware the Secretary of State has been requested to approve of certain legislation dealing with seditious newspapers, similar to that which exists in the Straits Settlements, being introduced here which will enable the Government to deal with this matter. Since the regrettable disturbance in Portof-Spain during the Peace Celebration the tone of this paper has completely altered, and as most of the merchants have withdrawn their advertisements, for the time being at any rate, I think those responsible for the running of this paper have been brought to their senses. If they return to their old policy, I think a simple way to deal with this matter would be to deport Mr. Lee Lum, Mr. Gerold, a German at heart but British by accident of birth, and Mr. Dick Wharton, a most mischievous and Anti White individual. Since Monday’s disturbance there have been wild and persistent rumours about the blacks rising in a body against the whites and Saturday the 2nd, and Monday the 4th were the dates fixed, but I am happy to be able to report that there has not been the faintest attempt at disorder. I have personally been about the town amongst the people and received absolute politeness. I am certain that a large majority of the black and coloured people of the Colony are quite loyal and will not be led away or take part in any wholesale rising for they have nothing to gain by any such action and everything to loose. If the white people in the Colony would only cease cackling and spreading and enlarging on the wild rumours that are going around, the situation would soon clear. I am absolutely against taking any of the extreme measures as suggested by Mr. Huggins. To attempt to arm every white man, and arrange concentration camps for women, to mount guards at the various places mentioned at this juncture would in my humble opinion be a fatal mistake, and I wonder whether Mr. Huggins, Major Bowen, R.E., I.F., and some of the other gentlemen who have lent their signatures to this document have thought of the difficulty of drawing the dividing line between whites and blacks, and also of 312

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the offence it would give to the hundreds of decent and law abiding persons who happen to be coloured or black. I have taken certain precautions, viz, the mounting of a guard on the wireless, arranged for the rapid posting of guards at such places as Government House, Telephone Exchange, Treasury, &c, in the event of trouble breaking out. All arms from the various Drill Halls have been made secure at Constabulary Headquarters and elsewhere, and dealers in firearms have made secure their stock, leaving out only a few as samples. This I consider is all that is necessary for the present. I may be very wrong, and I have no desire to take any undue responsibility on myself, but I do not consider a body of white troops necessary here. If the unrest continues and should spread throughout the West Indies then perhaps such a course may become necessary. All I recommend is the stationing in these waters of one or two Cruisers. As is well known the presence of a Man of War within easy reach is very comforting to the Community as a whole and has a very restraining influence on the lawless. With reference to the loyalty of the Constabulary, I do not know what opportunity Mr. Huggins and his friends have had of judging them. I may be very much in error but I plead guilty to be ignorant and fatuous enough to rely on them and in this view I am supported by my Officers and the Senior Noncommissioned Officers. The only anxiety I have is the strength of the force, and I think I may with advantage quote here my Annual Report for 1918 (an extract from which I attach, marked “A”). (Sgd) G. H. MAY TNA: PRO CO 295/522/7611. TL, copy. Marked “Confidential.”

Dorris Francis, Secretary, UNIA Colon Ladies Division, to the Dispatch [[Colon, September 15, 1919]]

A WOMAN’S DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION FORMED IN COLON, PANAMA— ENTHUSIASTIC MEETING HELD Dear Mr. Editor— I beg to thank you for a corner in your widely read journal to return thanks to the tender sex of my race for their support in the Universal Negro Call. Through the strenuous efforts of Dr. S. P. Radway, Messrs. Gregwaw [Gregoire] and B. N. Serjeant, one of the most enthusiastic meetings of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, was held at their hall to form a Ladies Division of the association. 313

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Circulars and special invitations were sent to professional ladies and gentlemen of the race as well as the lay. Dr. P. McD. Millard only responded, but had to return as the meeting did not commence at the precise hour given. From 3 o’clock, coming from different angles were to be seen ladies and gentlemen of the race, and in less than no time the hall was crowded to its utmost capacity. The meeting was then called to order by the chairman for the evening, Mr. B. N. Serjeant. After the singing of a hymn well chosen for the occasion, a short prayer was offered, and Mr. J. H. Seymour, the local organizer, was called upon to give the opening address. In a laudable way he told those present the business of the race towards the association and the interest they should all take in the Black Star Line. Several other speakers gave flashes and dashes on the question of the Race’s progress. There were over forty ladies present whose names will appear in another issue of this paper, when they shall have formed themselves into their different bodies. One hour and a half elapsed in discourses, when it was made known by Dr. Radway, Chairman and Director for the Universal Association, that there were some refreshments by way of ice cream and cool drinks prepared for the ladies; the scene was then changed. From the very broad smiles of the gentlemen, one could observe that they think much of their Ladies’ Division. Dr. Radway asked that a collection in honor of the ladies be taken up from the gentlemen to show their appreciation, which was responded to. On the resumption for business the ladies were called to order and the director briefly outlined the why and wherefore of the division and the manner of its working, and asked the expected members to avoid “grumbling” and stick to “harmony” in all their workings, as grumbling is the great stumbling block in the way of many organizations, and that they must show to the male division that they can get on without grumbling. Mrs. Crooks was then appointed pro tem for the chair. She made no hesitation in appointing Miss Dorris Francis as Secretary; Miss Effie Smith, Ladies’ Chaplain; Mrs. F. Keene, Treasurer, and Mrs. Ethel M. Goodall, Vice-chairman. Other appointments would take place, but it was late, and as many of these ladies had to go home, the business of the evening came to a close until Monday, the 15th inst., at 8 o’clock sharp, when other nominations and appointments were made for the division. The introduction and shaking of hands of all, together with the smiling faces of the ladies, will remain long on the hearts of the stronger sex. I hope we will continue to grow until we make ourselves an impregnable race of people. In closing I beg to thank the public again for their support, and hope for a continuation of same for the future. Wishing the Ladies Division success, I beg to remain, Mr. Editor, Yours truly, (Miss) DORRIS FRANC[I]S Secretary, Ladies Division Reproduced from NW, 11 October 1919.

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Geo. M. Du Sauzay to the Workman [Panama City, September 20, 1919]1

THE ENEMIES OF THE RACE Dear Sir— Will you kindly place the following in the columns of your next issue; for which I will thank you greatly. News are reaching us from time to time that the enemies of our race seem disposed to impede the plans towards the launching of the [B]lack [S]tar [L]ine; and that they will be seeking every means in their power to thwart us. The only way they can succeed, is to get us divided; but alas they cannot any longer. They have played the[ir] old trick of breaking up too often, and we have resolved, that we must not be gambled out anymore. We are becoming a league of Negroes which none can dismay, and we want to say to the world as follows. [Pray] ye not that Marcus Garvey, and the others stand isolated in their struggle for the creation of the “BLACK STAR LINE”. Not at this age when men of the dark race are worked to the highest pitch; will they any longer deviate from the path that leads to freedom; even though it is fraught with dangers, snares, and pitfalls. Our race to-day, is but one seething mass with jaws set, expressing the grim determination, that we must overcome all odds and not to be ground down. No one can and will keep us down, and all those who are pitched against us in our indomitable efforts to redeem ourselves will soon realize, that the position they [hold is] untenable; and they must flee before the ranks of the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world, who today, are all overwhelmed with that fullness of spirit which is manifest in every beat of the heart. Our race to-day has been worked up to the highest tension; we can no more remain divided amongst ourselves. All Negroes are now prepared to get together, regardless of whatever their so called native land may be. All now speak in a similar strain, and we all realize that we are of the great African stock, though we may be Afro-Americans or Afro-West Indians and the inconsist[e]ncies and incongruities that once kept us away from one another, are fast dying out. As true Negroes we must pull together and whether we are at present distributed in Jamaica, Barbados, St[.] Lucia, Martinique, Grenada, Trinidad, or the United States or in our Home-land, Africa; we remain NEGROES[,] for the only country on the face of God’s earth that ever produced Negroes is Africa. The White man’s land is so tight we cannot freely move about without rubbing and jostling, we must emerge into the land of our fathers where we will breathe God’s fresh air. The enemies of our race are planning that our efforts to float the “BLACK STAR LINE” should be miscarried. They view the launching of the “BLACK STAR LINE” as a signal indicating the overthrow of all yoke[s] they have placed on us; so they oppose us but we know that in their attempt to frustrate our aims they will be beaten out of their intentions. 315

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We have a few sympathizers amongst the Whites who would be interested in our welfare, but unfortunately th[ei]r number is very small. Of what use would it be to try and cripple those of us who are the promoters seeking redemption for the race; and even if they should try to imprison and kill those whose qualifications have given them the position to lead, they will rise amongst us men more spirited to carry on the good cause—the cause that will redeem the 400,000,000 Negro inhabitants of the earth. “Half of the world cannot be slaves whilst the other half is free[.]”2 And in view of the above cause that needs assistance I have this day bought five shares of the stock of the “BLACK STAR LINE” for which I have remitted by Money Order No[.] 373183 $25.00 U.S. Cy [currency]. Believe me, Yours Truly, GEO. M. DU SAUZAY Printed in the Workman, 20 September 1919. 1. Although printed in the 20 September 1919 issue of the Workman, this article appeared on a page incorrectly dated as 20 August 1919. 2. Abraham Lincoln, “A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe that this Government cannot endure permanently half-slave and half-free” (speech, Springfield, Illinois, 16 June 1858).

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BSL flyer, Colón, Panama, September 1919 (Source: DNA, RG 185, 61-H-3/73)

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Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State, to Albert S. Burleson,1 U.S. Postmaster General WASHINGTON

September 20, 1919

The Secretary of State presents his compliments to the Honorable the Postmaster General, and has the honor to enclose a copy of a despatch, with enclosures, from the American Vice Consul in Charge at Port Limon, Costa Rica, reporting the spread into his consular district of the movement to organize the negro race, and transmitting a copy of the publication entitled NEGRO WORLD. This would appear to be a matter for investigation by the postal authorities with a view to possibly denying the use of the mails to this publication, if results of investigation would seem to justify such action. DNA, RG 59, 818.4016/orig. TL, recipient’s copy. On Department of State letterhead. 1. Albert Sidney Burleson (1863–1937) was the grandson of the Texan pioneer Edward Burleson. Born in San Marcos, Tex., Albert Burleson was a lawyer and member of the U.S. House of Representatives before he was appointed to the position of U.S. postmaster general in 1913, a position he held until 1921. His strict administration of communications during World War I was widely resented (Barbara A. Chernow and George A. Vallasi, Columbia Encyclopedia, 5th ed. [New York: Columbia University Press, 1993], p. 398).

Enclosure: E. B. Montgomery, U.S. ViceConsul-in-Charge, Costa Rica, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE,

Port Limon, Costa Rica August 24, 1919

SIR: I have the honor to report the spread into this Consular District of the movement to organize the Negro race. Enclosure No. 1 of this Dispatch comprises five copies of the “Negro World,” a publication with which the Department is doubtless familiar, published at 36–38 W. 135th St., New York. The receipt of this publication in Limon was first called to the attention of the British Consul1 by the Governor of the Province before it left the post office. The British Consul has taken an active part in causing the suppression of the paper, considering it decidedly seditious in character and of a nature to foment trouble among British Jamaican subjects in Limon and vicinity. The campaign, which has been conducted by Marcus Garvey, editor of the “Negro World,” has been to appoint a negro named [T]. [H]. Fowler 2 as agent for the paper, to pay 3½¢ gold per copy and sell for 5¢ per copy. He was also to go amongst the people getting them to join the organization. After get318

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ting about twenty names he was to call a meeting and elect officers [words illegible], after which they were to send to New York for a constitution and charter. This much of the [programme] has been carried out, about sixty five names having enrolled, and the number growing. The charter and constitution for this chapter arrived at Limon August 20th and were taken charge of by the Costa Rican Government. The several hundred copies of the “Negro World” arriving were almost confiscated. The Governor of the Province is reported to have told Fowler that the publication was purely Bolshevik, and of a nature to cause revolution or race riots in Costa Rica. In view of the presence of the organizations and trouble in Jamaica3 and Panama,4 it is considered of importance to report the existence of a similar organization here. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, E. B. MONTGOMERY American Vice Consul in Charge [Handwritten in the margin]: Ack. [A-49?] dup. with orig. encs. to The Postmaster General, Sept. 20/19. File ELL/EKT. DNA, RG 84, 840.1. TL, recipient’s copy. Marked “No. 112.” 1. M. M. McAdam was the British consul in Limón at the time. He was replaced in February 1920 by Fred Gordon. 2. T. H. Fowler, a Costa Rican shoemaker, moved to Jamaica by the 1930s (Plain Talk, May 1937). 3. According to O. W. Phelps, the last year of World War I and the year after were marked by “a series of strikes and riots in Jamaica” involving firefighters, dockworkers, banana carriers, railway employees, sugar workers, postal sorters and carriers, tramway workers, and hotel workers. He writes: In June and July of 1918, there were strikes in Kingston followed by riots in Vere, nearby, where three persons were killed and a dozen wounded. The Governor issued a notice ordering all disorder and tumult to cease, but without lasting effect. In April, July, October, December 1919, strikes and riots upset the peace of Kingston (O. W. Phelps, “Rise of the Labour Movement in Jamaica,” Social and Economic Studies 9, no. 4 [December 1960]: 421). 4. The statement is most likely a reference to the labor demonstrations of 1 September 1919 by black canal workers in the Panama Canal Zone (Carla Burnett, “‘Are We Slaves or Free Men?’: Labor, Race, Garveyism, and the 1920 Panama Canal Strike” [Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 2004]).

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John S. Johnson to the Daily Chronicle [[Chambers, 18 High Street, Georgetown, British Guiana, 20th September, 1919]] THE SEDITIOUS PUBLICATIONS BILL1 ATTITUDE OF THE LABOUR UNION DEFENDED BY MR. J. S. JOHNSON Mr. J. S. Johnson, barrister at law, has asked us to publish the following letter which he has addressed to our contemporary:— To the Editor: The Daily Argosy2 Sir,—In your leading article of the 19th instant, you made certain comments on my letter dealing with the Seditious Publications Bill, which appeared in the said issue. You were careful to point out the grounds on which you base your objections to the Bill and which you allege are different from those of the members of the British Guiana Labour Union.3 Having previously criticised the Bill in your editorial columns on two or three occasions, and in those articles you did not then think it expedient to disassociate yourself from the Labour Union and their objections, it is not difficult now to conjecture the reason for this new position of yours. However, the Labour Union’s stand against the Bill will in no way suffer because it pleases you to believe that your position is not the same as that of the Labour Union. You made capital of the two American coloured periodicals which Mr. A. A. Thorne is reported to have said that he saw nothing wrong with them, the “Crisis”4 and the “Negro World” as far as these publications being seditious. You also quoted a part of my letter and you made the point that these coloured American newspapers and periodicals “do in effect promote racial animosity and therefore endanger the public peace amongst mixed peoples.” This is a libel on those publications and furthermore, it is not an opinion free from bias. Assuming they do promote racial animosity, would they come under the category of Seditious Publications as lawyers understand by the legal definition of sedition? Harris on Criminal Law 5 defines Sedition as any word, deed, or writing which is calculated to disturb the tranquility of the State and lead ignorant persons to endeavour to subvert the Government and the laws of the empire. Would any of His Majesty’s Judges or Attorney Generals in any part of the British Empire form [th]e opinion that the coloured newspaper or periodical which is published in the United States is a seditious publication? I do not think so. Take the “Negro World.” While that publication is of a sensational nature and it may contain articles of a virulent kind, it certainly does not attempt to subvert the government and the laws of the United States or bring the administration of justice into contempt. For if that were so, the “Negro World” would not have been in existence to-day in the United States. Similarly are there not pub320

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lications in Great Britain of the type of the “Negro World”? Mr. Horatio Bottomley’s “John Bull,” Mr. Sievier’s “Winning Post”6 contain articles as virulent and sensational as sometimes appear in the “Negro World.” But they are by no means seditious publications. The coloured American publications are racial, so are the publications in Great Britain for th[a]t matter if because they are owned and run by members of distinctive races. And as to the question of promoting race animosity that is more imaginary than real. All the inspiration the people of this colony get by perusing those journals is to unite and combine to further their own economic and industrial salvation and such advancement is not at the expense of other races. Finally there is no other country in the world where there will be found a more law abiding people than in this colony. The people of this colony will never dishonour themselves and the Great Empire to which they belong. They are too enlightened to allow themselves to be influenced in a way to endanger the peace of our King. Then what need is there for such a Bill? Freedom of speech, freedom of the Press, and lastly, freedom of action are all what the people of this country are asking for.—Yours faithfully, JOHN S. JOHNSON Printed in DC, 21 September 1919. 1. Entitled “An Ordinance to Prohibit the Publication and Importation of Seditious Newspapers, Books and Documents,” the explanatory memorandum of the bill declared among other things: The Provisions of this Bill are precautionary and preventive and to be used only in case of necessity which it is hoped will not arise. It makes the importation, sale or distribution of newspapers, books or documents tending to create or arouse any seditious tendency a criminal offence; empowers the governor-in-council to prohibit the importation of any newspaper, book or document; gives powers of search to officers authorized by the Governor and authorizes the Postmaster General to detain in the course of transmission by post, of any suspected newspaper, book or document. . . . 3.—(1) Any person who prints, publishes, imports either by land or sea, sells, offers for sale, distributes, or has in his possession any newspaper, book or document, or any extract from any newspaper or book, or who writes, prepares or produces any book or document, containing any words, signs, or visible representations which are intended or calculated, directly or indirectly, whether by inference, suggestion, allusion, metaphor, implication or otherwise— (a) to inflame the minds of the people and incite them to acts of violence, riot and disorder; or (b) to seduce any officer, soldier, or sailor in the Army or Navy of His Majesty, or any member of the Militia or Police force of the colony, from his allegiance or his duty; or (c) to bring into hatred or contempt his Majesty or the Government established by law in this Colony or in the United Kingdom, or in British India, or any other British possession, or the administration of justice in any of such places, or in any class or section of His Majesty’s subjects in any of such places, or to excite disaffection towards His Majesty or any of the said Governments; or (d) to put any person in fear or to cause annoyance to him and thereby induce him to deliver to any person any property or valuable security, or to do any act which he is not legally bound to do, or to omit to do any act which he is legally entitled to do; or

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS (e) to encourage or incite any person to interfere with the administration of the law or with the maintenance of law and order; or (f) to convey any threat of injury to a public servant, or any person in whom that public servant is believed to be interested, with a view to inducing that public servant to do or to forbear or delay to do any act connected with the exercise of his public functions —shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and being convicted thereof shall be liable to a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars or to imprisonment not exceeding two years or to both fine and imprisonment, and such newspaper, book or document or such extract shall be forfeited and may be destroyed or otherwise disposed of as the Government directs: Provided always that no person in whose possession any such newspaper, book or document or extract as aforesaid is found, shall be deemed guilty of a breach of the provisions of this section if he proves that he did not know and had no reason to suspect that such newspaper, book, document or extract as aforesaid contained any such words, signs, or visible representations as aforesaid or that he had no intention of transmitting or circulating such newspaper, book, document or extract or distributing copies thereof to or amongst other persons (Official Gazette, “Government Notices,” no. 325, Extraordinary Supplement [Georgetown, 27 September 1919], pp. 731–735). 2. The Daily Argosy, one of the leading newspapers in British Guiana in the twentieth century, was first published in 1880 as the Argosy. The paper was considered conservative, although for a brief interlude in the war years it possessed a liberal orientation. Later, after World War I, it came under the expatriate editorship of Frederick Seal Coon (David Granger, “Press Independence in Guyana,” unpublished paper, University of Maryland, 1996, p. 11). 3. The British Guiana Labour Union (BGLU), initiated on 11 January 1919, was the first trade union established in British Guiana. It was formally registered on 21 July 1922 and in its early years represented workers mainly in Georgetown, especially waterfront workers, although union branches were also established in many villages outside of the capital. The BGLU attracted a substantial workforce to its ranks, with one estimate suggesting that at “the end of the first year the Labour Union had about 7,000 members” (Ashton Chase, A History of Trade Unionism in Guyana 1900 to 1961 [Georgetown: New Guyana, 1964], p. 50). It dominated the trade union scene until 1931, when it was challenged by a rival body led by A. A. Thorne, who established the British Guiana Workers League in the same year. The founder of the BGLU was Hubert Nathaniel Critchlow (1884–1958), a labor leader who was associated with almost all major national events between 1905 and 1958. After a sojourn as an apprentice in a cigar factory, Critchlow had worked as a porter at Booker McConnell, the sugar behemoth often termed “Booker’s Guyana.” Inspired by the idea of a “living wage,” he led wharf workers in a strike against poor working conditions in 1905, which culminated in riots that same year. The next year Critchlow organized another strike of dockworkers, leading to his first arrest by the authorities. The case was dismissed, but Critchlow now had the support of several sections of the working class. A decade later, during World War I, Critchlow established himself as spokesperson for the workers and their negotiator with employers. In late 1916 he led a demonstration against existing hardships and managed to force a meeting with Governor Collet, who “compelled the Chamber of Commerce to meet Critchlow and a delegation from among the workers” (Carlyle Harry, Hubert Nathaniel Critchlow—His Main Tasks and Achievements [Georgetown: Guyana National Service Publishing Center, 1977], p. 16). This meeting gained the workers a 10 percent increase in wages and a reduction of the working day. In subsequent discussions that took place in December 1918 with Collet, Critchlow pressed and won the right to establish a trade union. After the formation of the BGLU in January 1919, Critchlow was engaged on a full-time basis with its administration and activity. Although the union became involved in a number of labor disputes, it did not confine itself to labor issues alone; Critchlow and the BGLU also took up such issues as the introduction of the Seditious Publications Bill and the colonization scheme. Accounts also place Critchlow and the BGLU close to the local organization of the UNIA. On 20 March 1922, after employers in British Guiana decided to “cut wages further,” the “British Guiana Labor Union supported by the United Negroes [sic] Improvement Association held a mass meeting at the Parade Ground to protest the cuts and the payments of higher rents” (Chase, History of Trade

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SEPTEMBER 1919 Unionism in Guyana, pp. 60, 63). Similarly, on the third anniversary of the union in 1922, “Dr Tobit [sic] and other representatives of the United Negroes Improvement Association were in attendance” (ibid., p. 60). Socialist views supplemented Critchlow’s trade union consciousness during the 1930s. According to Ashton Chase, Critchlow, while addressing workers in December 1930, spoke “in favor of the fight of the working class to overthrow capitalism and for the realization of socialism” (ibid., p. 76). As if to confirm his socialism, Critchlow visited the USSR in 1932 after attending a meeting of the International Committee of Trade Union Workers in London. On his return to the colony, Critchlow was branded “a red, a Communist and a Bolshevik” (ibid., p. 76). In the later years of his life, Critchlow continued to be deeply involved in both labor and political issues. He contested a seat in Georgetown in the 1947 elections on behalf of the British Guiana Labor Party. Although victorious, he subsequently lost his seat after a “successful petition” was brought against him for alleged illegal practices designed to defame the character of a Mrs. Stafford (Hazel Woolford, “Hubert Nathaniel Critchlow, the Crusader,” History Gazette, no. 43 [April 1992]: 8). By the 1950s Critchlow’s influence had waned; he was even branded by workers at a May Day parade in 1953 as a “sell out” (ibid., p. 10). He died on 14 May 1958. 4. The Crisis was established in 1910 as the official organ of the NAACP. W. E. B. Du Bois served as editor of the monthly publication from 1910 until 1934, taking the reins again briefly in the late 1940s. Herbert Aptheker has referred to Du Bois as being “among the dozen people who have been the most effective, influential and insightful critics of life in the United States.” Du Bois’ work on The Crisis, in turn, marked “the single most consequential block of his production” (Herbert Aptheker, Introduction, in Selections from the Crisis, Vol. 1: 1911–1925, ed. by Aptheker [Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus-Thomson Organization, 1983). The first issue of The Crisis was published in November 1910. At this time the chief black weekly newspaper in the United States was The New York Age, owned by friends of Booker T. Washington. Washington’s Tuskegee organization had a tight hold on the rest of the black press as well. As a result, Du Bois later recalled, the NAACP got “a pretty raw deal” from black papers and no coverage at all in the white press. The Crisis, then, was meant to diversify the field of black journalism and offer an opportunity to tout integrationist causes—goals in which Du Bois succeeded admirably. From a monthly net circulation of nine thousand issues in 1911, the magazine’s popularity rose to a peak of a hundred thousand issues sold in one month of 1919. The occasion for this pinnacle was Du Bois’s publication of an official American government document outlining how the American diplomatic mission to France felt African Americans should be treated—in short, abominably. The U.S. Post Office briefly held up distribution of the offending issue, but finally determined that interrupting circulation amounted to acknowledgment that the government had authored the document. Even without such scandalous breaking news, however, circulation hovered around seventy-five thousand copies by 1917–1919, with readership ranging far beyond the NAACP’s membership. Scholars have divided the content of the The Crisis during Du Bois’s tenure in a variety of ways. Brian Weiss has argued that Du Bois’s editorship can be divided into three phases. During the first, from 1910 until 1919, The Crisis was primarily geared toward agitation and the shaping of public opinion on issues ranging from integration and NAACP advocacy to women’s suffrage and participation in World War I. Between 1919 and 1926, the magazine shifted its focus toward advocacy of the arts as a tool in the fight for equal rights. In the third phase, after Du Bois’s 1926 trip to Soviet Russia, he shifted his analysis of the race issue in the United States toward an economic framework, embracing economics as a new model for social justice and racial uplift. Sondra Kathryn Wilson, on the other hand, focuses on The Crisis’s role in the development of the Harlem Renaissance. She argues that from 1924 onward, The Crisis and the Urban League’s publication, Opportunity: A Journal of Negro Life, were the two most important supporters of the Harlem Renaissance’s literary and artistic movement. These publications were able to connect Harlem writers to the white intelligentsia, who had access to established publishers. In 1924 The Crisis established the Amy Einstein Spingarn Prizes in Literature and Art to reward black talent. Overall, Wilson argues, the intellectual and literary prosperity of the 1920s can be seen as the result of the efforts of four brilliant black writers on the NAACP’s staff: Du Bois, James Weldon Johnson, Jessie Redmon Fauset, and Walter White. These prominent figures used their broad contacts in the white world to secure publishing contracts for promising writers and encouraged white patronage of black artists. Even as The Crisis shifted its attention to the arts, Du Bois continued to use the magazine as a means for comment on political, economic, and social affairs. Most notably for this volume, he was

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS a vociferous opponent of Marcus Garvey. First stating his opinions of Garvey in a December 1920 editorial in which he praised the UNIA leader for his abilities and criticized him for his character, Du Bois became progressively more critical of Garvey’s behavior. By May 1924, The Crisis editor called Garvey “without doubt, the most dangerous enemy of the Negro race in America and in the world. He is either a lunatic or a traitor.” Despite The Crisis’s many literary achievements during the 1920s, circulation of the magazine began to slump as early as 1924. Du Bois blamed it on a lack of advertising revenue—by this point, the magazine had antagonized many white interests and the magazine’s black base was predominantly poor. The Crisis encountered additional financial problems when the Depression began to affect black communities as early as 1926. In 1934 the NAACP decided to subsidize the magazine to keep it alive. Not wishing to work under any sort of external control, Du Bois left the magazine (26 June 1934) for a teaching position at Atlanta University (Brian A. Weiss, “Master Propagandist: W. E. B. Du Bois and the Crisis Years, 1910–1934” [M.A. thesis, Wright State University, 2001], pp. 28, 63–64; Sondra Kathryn Wilson, Introduction, The Crisis Reader: Stories, Poetry, and Essays from the NAACP’s Crisis Magazine, ed. by Wilson [New York: Modern Library, 1999], pp. xx–xxiv; W. E. B. Du Bois, “Editing The Crisis,” The Crisis Reader, pp. xxvii–xxxi). 5. A reference to Seymour F. Harris (1851–1920) and his work, Principles of the criminal law: A concise exposition of the nature of crime, the various offences punishable by the English law, the law of criminal procedure, and the law of summary convictions. With table of offences, their punishments and statutes; tables of cases, statutes, &c. (London: Stevens and Haynes, 1877). 6. A reference to The Winning Post Annual, a sports compendium published annually as well as weekly by Robert Standish Sievier (1860–1939), the sometime English actor turned volunteer in the “Kaffir Wars” of 1877–1878; he became a racing legend as a licensed bookmaker in Australia as well as racehorse owner (The Autobiography of Robert Standish Sievier [London: Winning Post, 1906]).

“‘Poverty and the West Indian’ (By William Stoute),” Panama Canal Periodical Reference Form, 20 September 1919 (Source: DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20)

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“‘Negro Workers in Panama Underpaid’ (Wm. Stoute),” Panama Canal Periodical Reference Form, 27 September 1919 (Source: DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20)

A. L. Flint,1 Chief of Office, Panama Canal Company, to Frank Burke,2 Assistant Director and Chief, Bureau of Investigation Washington, September 22, 1919 Sir: The following confidential cablegram, dated today, has just been received from Colonel Chester Harding,3 Governor of the Panama Canal, Balboa Heights, Canal Zone: “Rumored here that Marcus Garvey negro agitator will arrive here latter part of the month from nature of speeches and writings that I have seen believe this man should be excluded from Zone ascertain from Department of Justice if they have information concerning this man and his operations which would corroborate my judgment concerning him rush reply.”

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Will you kindly furnish bearer whatever information you may have regarding Marcus Garvey, referred to in the above cable, in order that the same may be cabled to Governor Harding on the Isthmus? Very respectfully, A. L. FLINT Chief of Office [Typewritten reference] S-JRT [Handwritten endorsement] Ack. 9/23/19 G[.] R[.] [G. Ruch]4 DNA, RG 65, file OG 329359. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Arthur Lewis Flint (1872–1936) served for several years as general purchasing officer of the Panama Canal Company. In 1915 he was appointed chief of the Washington office, a position he held until his death (Official personnel file, National Personnel Records Center; DNA, RG 185, 2c-104[1]; Washington Herald, 19 May 1936). 2. Frank Burke (1869–1942) served as a U.S. government secret service agent for a total of fortythree years. In July 1919 he was appointed chief of the Bureau of Investigation; he resigned in July 1920. Afterward he served briefly as a special assistant to the attorney general and also as a special agent for the bureau, and later he accepted the position of manager of the investigative department, U.S. Shipping Board (Department of Justice Personnel Records). 3. Chester Harding (1866–1936), an army officer born in Mississippi, served for several years as a division engineer of the Panama Canal, later becoming governor of the canal in 1917 as well as president of the Panama Railroad Company (Panama Canal Record 10, no. 30 [14 March 1917]: 380, and 14, no. 27 [16 February 1921]; Panama Canal Star and Herald, 12 November 1936). 4. George F. Ruch (1898–1938) served as a special agent of the Bureau of Investigation from June 1918 until July 1924. He was appointed assistant director in January 1925, when J. Edgar Hoover was appointed director. Ruch and Hoover were classmates at George Washington University Law School (Official personnel file, National Personnel Records Center).

Frank Burke, Assistant Director and Chief, Bureau of Investigation, to A. L. Flint, Chief of Office, Panama Canal Company Washington. September 23, 1919 Sir: Replying to your communication of the 22nd instant requesting information regarding MARCUS GARVEY, the negro agitator, to be transmitted to Colonel Chester Harding, Governor of the Panama Canal. After reviewing our file on this subject I find that GARVEY is the editor of a negro publication entitled “THE CRISIS.”1 He has played an active part in the formation of various negro organizations. He has been particularly active in the movement to colonize Africa. The Bureau of Investigation has received numerous complaints regarding GARVEY’S radical activities, but to this date nothing definite has been ascertained. Speeches which he has given in New York in the past have been some326

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Will you kindly furnish bearer whatever information you may have regarding Marcus Garvey, referred to in the above cable, in order that the same may be cabled to Governor Harding on the Isthmus? Very respectfully, A. L. FLINT Chief of Office [Typewritten reference] S-JRT [Handwritten endorsement] Ack. 9/23/19 G[.] R[.] [G. Ruch]4 DNA, RG 65, file OG 329359. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Arthur Lewis Flint (1872–1936) served for several years as general purchasing officer of the Panama Canal Company. In 1915 he was appointed chief of the Washington office, a position he held until his death (Official personnel file, National Personnel Records Center; DNA, RG 185, 2c-104[1]; Washington Herald, 19 May 1936). 2. Frank Burke (1869–1942) served as a U.S. government secret service agent for a total of fortythree years. In July 1919 he was appointed chief of the Bureau of Investigation; he resigned in July 1920. Afterward he served briefly as a special assistant to the attorney general and also as a special agent for the bureau, and later he accepted the position of manager of the investigative department, U.S. Shipping Board (Department of Justice Personnel Records). 3. Chester Harding (1866–1936), an army officer born in Mississippi, served for several years as a division engineer of the Panama Canal, later becoming governor of the canal in 1917 as well as president of the Panama Railroad Company (Panama Canal Record 10, no. 30 [14 March 1917]: 380, and 14, no. 27 [16 February 1921]; Panama Canal Star and Herald, 12 November 1936). 4. George F. Ruch (1898–1938) served as a special agent of the Bureau of Investigation from June 1918 until July 1924. He was appointed assistant director in January 1925, when J. Edgar Hoover was appointed director. Ruch and Hoover were classmates at George Washington University Law School (Official personnel file, National Personnel Records Center).

Frank Burke, Assistant Director and Chief, Bureau of Investigation, to A. L. Flint, Chief of Office, Panama Canal Company Washington. September 23, 1919 Sir: Replying to your communication of the 22nd instant requesting information regarding MARCUS GARVEY, the negro agitator, to be transmitted to Colonel Chester Harding, Governor of the Panama Canal. After reviewing our file on this subject I find that GARVEY is the editor of a negro publication entitled “THE CRISIS.”1 He has played an active part in the formation of various negro organizations. He has been particularly active in the movement to colonize Africa. The Bureau of Investigation has received numerous complaints regarding GARVEY’S radical activities, but to this date nothing definite has been ascertained. Speeches which he has given in New York in the past have been some326

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what of a general nature, covering the negro situation in this country as a whole. Notwithstanding the a-forementioned numerous complaints, GARVEY, to the knowledge of the Bureau, has been very discreet in his remarks. Very truly yours, FRANK BURKE Assistant Director and Chief [Printed] ADDRESS REPLY TO CHIEF, BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION, AND REFER TO INITIALS. [Handwritten endorsement] G. F. R. [Typewritten reference] GFR-END [Endorsement] CONFIDENTIAL DNA, RG 185, 91/209. TLS, recipient’s copy. Stamped endorsement. 1. An erroneous reference to the official journal of the NAACP.

Chester Harding, Governor, Panama Canal Zone, to Acting Chief Quarantine Officer, Balboa Heights, Panama Canal Zone Balboa Heights, C.Z., September 27, 1919 Sir: Information has been received of the possible arrival by steamer of one Marcus Garvey, negro. You are hereby instructed to exclude him from the Canal Zone under the provisions of Executive Order of February 6, 1917 (Canal Circular 601-61, Section [17?] [)]. Respectfully, CHESTER HARDING Governor DNA, RG 185, PCC-28-B-233, part 1. TL, copy.

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Report of Court of Policy Debate on Seditious Publications Bill [Demerara, September 27, 1919]

SEDITIOUS PUBLICATIONS BILL [. . .]The Court then proceeded to deal with the Seditious Publications (Prohibition) Bill which was set down to be passed through its second reading. The acting Attorney General, moving the second reading, said it was not the intention of the Government to endeavour to take the Bill through all its final stages that day but the Bill would follow the usual course. The circumstances leading up to the introduction of the Bill and its object were stated by His Excellency on the 12th instant when the Bill was read a first time but for the benefit of honourable members and others not present on that occasion he thought it would be well to repeat what was then said. Mr. Sisnett1 here read an excerpt from His Excellency’s speech as it appeared in “The Daily Argosy.” Proceeding he said the Bill might be divided into the following parts: (1) section 3 dealing with what may be termed seditious acts. (2) Section 4 empowering the Government to prohibit the importation of any newspaper, book, etc., and providing a penalty for breach of such prohibition. (3) Sections 5 and 6 requiring innocent receivers of seditious or prohibited papers to take same to nearest police station and so relieve themselves of responsibility, (4) Sections 7, 8 and 9, giving powers of search, (5) section 10 providing penalties for the breach of the Ordinance.[. . .] ATTORNEY GENERAL’S FIAT NECESSARY Concluding his address the acting Attorney General said: To recapitulate, no proceedings can be taken under this Ordinance until the Attorney General has considered the matter and considered it carefully, I hope, and even after his fiat has been given all cases involving a decision as to whether—which is necessary in every case under section 3—a paper is or is not seditious, must be tried by a Judge and Jury. It is only where the Governor has prohibited the importation of a certain paper and a breach of such prohibition takes place that a magistrate can try the case. The penalties have been reduced and innocent receivers and innocent possessors protected. I have tried to make it clear and hope honourable members will accept my assurance that the Government’s one object in bringing in this Bill is to prevent the importation and distribution of seditious literature in the colony and have not the slightest wish or intention to interfere in any way with the freedom of the Press, the right of free speech or the right of combination for the redress of grievances[.] That there is need for this Bill there can be no doubt in the mind of any hon. member or intelligent citizen who has had the misfortune to read some of

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the papers aimed at and this is borne out by a leading article in the “Argosy” on the 19th September from which the following extracts are taken: “Mr. Thorne must recognise, however, that there is a great deal of printed matter emanating from the United States of America which is a very questionable adjunct to the preservation of public peace and it is the duty of the Government to protect the people from the pernicious effect of this class of publication.” Again[:] “It is not possible for us to say which specific publications the Government had in mind when deciding to introduce this Bill, but it must be pointed out that much of the literature which comes from the United States does in effect promote racial animosity and therefore endangers the public peace amongst mixed peoples.” I earnestly commend this last quotation to the careful consideration of honourable members and hope they as peace-loving and loyal citizens and representing peaceful and loyal subjects will assist the Government in carrying a measure which has, I can assure you, no ulterior object, but aims solely and entirely at the preservation of peace and good order in the community. The acting Colonial Secretary seconded. MR. BRASSINGTON2 LEADS THE OPPOSITION Mr. Brassington opened the opposition. He moved that the Bill be read that day six months. What every elective member of the Court and the people of the colony said in their objection to the Bill was that the necessity for such a Bill did not exist. The acting Attorney General had said it was never intended to pass the Bill as it was presented to the Court last week. He (the speaker) said it was a grave indictment on the Government to put before the Court a Bill that they never intended to carry out in its entirety. He should have thought that a Bill of that sort would have received greater consideration from the Government and nothing put into it that would be unnecessary. The acting Attorney General: I said that the Government had decided to make amendments and those amendments were decided upon before any meeting was held with respect to the Bill. Mr. Brassington: Well, Your Excellency— His Excellency: The acting Attorney General is right. Mr. Brassington: All right, Your Excellency, no doubt, but the fact remains that the Government has made certain amendments and in my opinion it is a great pity that those amendments should have only been put in now. The Government has lost a great opportunity of cementing the great loyalty that already exists to the Crown and to the colony. The Government knows very well that the people of this colony are law-abiding and I say, as far as I am concerned, I am going to vote against each clause in this Bill. Your Excellency has said that it is the same Bill that operates now in the Straits Settlements and in Trinidad.

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His Excellency: I did not say that. I said it has been the law of the Straits Settlements since 1915 and it is proposed to legislate on similar lines in Trinidad. Mr. Brassington: Very well, Your Excellency, we will not quibble about it but has this Bill been sent out to Barbados, Grenada and other places? I do not blame the Home Government for this. Your Excellency says that the Government welcomes criticism. This Bill is the outcome of representations from Your Excellency in conjunction with representations from the Government of Trinidad. But the people of Trinidad are governed by a military man. His Excellency said the people of Trinidad were governed by the Officer Administering the Government and they were so governed at the time the matter began to be considered. PUTTING A PREMIUM ON SEDITION Mr. Brassington: The Governor of Trinidad must have had some considerable say in the matter whether he was in Trinidad or in England. “It seems funny to me,” proceeded Mr. Brassington, “that the Secretary of State for the Colonies did not put this Bill before Dr. Nunan3 and the Governor in England. I am sure that if Dr. Nunan was in his seat a Bill like this would not have been presented to the Court without his consent. Your Excellency, when you are going to try and prevent a few newspapers coming into this colony, you are going to put a premium, you are going to make sedition where sedition does not exist. Are you going to search every man who comes to the colony on a steamer to see if he has any seditious newspapers? Are you going with a candle to search every house to see who are reading seditious newspapers? What is happening in Ireland to-day? One hundred thousand bayonets cannot prevent people from reading literature.” Continuing he said the Government was not in touch with the people of the colony and they rushed into things without finding out the feelings of the people. That might not be the fault of His Excellency; it was the fault of the present system of Government. The colony [got] birds of passage—men who came here to stay for four or five years. The Administrators did not go about the people and they did not know the aspirations of the people. They only governed on some preconceived ideas they had held in England. Did His Excellency think that men from the colony could go to England and lay down laws for the English people when they were not familiar with local conditions? The administration of the colony was not fully acquainted with local conditions. They did not consult public opinion. They did not lay their cards on the table. THE LETTER TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE “I would like to see that letter Your Excellency sent to the Secretary of State for the Colonies” proceeded Mr. Brassington. “If it was a letter that would show up the Government in a wise and benignant manner it would have been laid on the table for all to see. I would like to see the aspersions made on 330

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the people of the colony and members of this Court. I wonder whether my name figures in it! I wonder if I am pointed out as a pestilent agitator or as a man who inflames public opinion. Have the Government weighed the powers of labour in this colony? Are the Government prepared to meet the situation if labour goes out on a general strike, Water Street4 held up and sugar estates held up? You have full powers, you have martial law. By proclamation you can prohibit newspapers coming in. If Your Excellency wishes to go from the colony and have the kindly feelings of the people I say withdraw this Bill. If you tell us that you would recommend to the Secretary of State to withdraw it; it would be sufficient. If he says no it would be on his own head. I appeal to you. Do not make a loyal people a disloyal people. Persecution has never obtained the objects which it has set out to obtain. You are a student of history and history tells you that. A kind word goes further here than threats. I consider that conditions here are largely different to the conditions in the Straits Settlements, as has been so ably pointed out in the Press. We have not so great an alien population in the colony.[”] His Excellency: What is the alien population of the Straits Settlements? Mr. Brassington said he was referring to England where they had thousands of Germans and Italians and all sorts of aliens. In this colony there might be a few aliens. “Look here, Your Excellency,” he continued, “when you are going to talk things talk straight. What’s the fear of the Government?[”] NO INTENTION TO OVER-STEP THE LAW “Do you think that the people of the colony have not sufficient intelligence to know what would happen if they resort to direct action? In a short time a warship would be down here and what would be the result? They have too much sense. They know that the law is stronger than they. They have no intention of overstepping the law. The Government do not understand the people. The Government do not try to understand the people. It is an extremely unfortunate coincidence that on the eve of the passage of this Bill we should have a warship out here. Is this Bill to be rushed down our throats with Cannon balls and at the point of the bayonet? You can tell the Captain of that warship that if he comes [a]shore he will get a royal welcome. We know what we owe to the Royal Navy. There is an unfortunate chapter of events that seem to be dogging the footsteps of this Administration. Is this thing to be put to us after we have shown our loyalty during the war[, a]fter the behaviour of the people which on the occasion of the peace celebrations Your Excellency commented upon as excellent in the extreme? If they talk a little politics and air their grievances what’s the example of their British brother? In this Court today God forbid that I should be trying to stir up strife. I know that the clock of progress would be set back if any troubles arise here. I yield to no man in my protestations of loyalty to the Crown. But if criticism of the Government is disloyal then I am disloyal[.] If criticism that tends to reduce expenditure and curb a wasteful administration is disloyal then I am disloyal.” 331

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PHANTOM OF A BOGEY Continuing Mr. Brassington said that the Government seemed to be frightened by the phantom of some bogey that did not exist in the colony. It seemed that the Government was afraid of its own shadow. “Do not be afraid that the prestige of the Government would fall,” he emphasised, [“]if you withdraw this Bill.” On the contrary it would be better for the colony, and the administration would be greatly facilitated. They were told that certain information or news paragraph copied by the local Press could be condemned as being seditious. In that case, he fancied seeing the editor of some newspaper receiving a letter—if the Bill became law—telling him that he had a reproduction of some article in his paper which was seditious. Perhaps the editor of the “Daily Chronicle” would be told that his “Junius Junior” letters or “Tabloid Talks”5 must cease because they tended to bring the Government into contempt. He was not a lawyer but his lawyer colleagues around the table would assist him on the subject of sedition. The amendment to section 3, sub-section 1, appeared to him to be the same as the original. He could see no difference in the two. His Excellency said that the words of the amendment were taken from the law. Mr. Brassington replied that if that was going to safeguard them and it was not a legal quibble, he did not know. He thought that the Government should spend its time in devising schemes for the betterment of the people of the colony. Better housing and better sanitation were things that the people needed. Did the Government think that a Bill like the one before them was going to prevent people from gathering in their houses and talking about the Government, or prevent seditious literature coming into the colony? He thought otherwise. For his part when it came to each clause he was prepared to vote against it and he would endeavour to point out to the Government exactly where the injustice came in. When it came to legal disadvantages and how certain words should be construed he depended on the legal members of the Court. They would be able to point out the danger which the people would be in. “I appeal to you,” he concluded, “in all sincerity withdraw this Bill!” MR. DIAS6 AND THE FORCE OF A KIND WORD Mr. Dias said that he gathered from the remarks of Mr. Brassington generally that he was making an earnest appeal to His Excellency to postpone consideration of the Bill for six months in order that the Government might have a better opportunity of judging for itself whether there was any necessity for its introduction. He was absent from the colony during the past four months and he did not know what led up to the introduction of the Bill. All he knew was what he had heard since his return. He was therefore acting in the matter by information given to him by certain persons. He did not know the nature of the matter so far as the Governor of Trinidad was concerned, but he could say that at a conference with Lord Milner, he gathered that Lord Milner had formed a 332

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high opinion of the colony and its people. Personally, he did not know of a better lot of people in any other part of His Majesty’s dominions. Recently there had been coal strikes in England and the Premier interested himself in the matter with the result that his presence among them caused the people to be reconciled with each other within a few days. From his experience in this colony it seemed to him that the people could be better ruled by kind words than by any legislation which it might be sought to introduce. (Hear; hear.) For that reason, he supported the hon. member when he said that a kindly word went a long way with the people rather than a threat[.] Travel where he might he had no greater desire, th[a]n to live with his people in this colony. He had received the copy of a resolution from his constituents in Wakenaam protesting against the Bill and also a [telegram] requesting him to vote against it. Mr. Dias then read the resolution, the text of which was published in yesterday’s “Daily Argosy,” at the conclusion of which he said he had no other alternative but to conform to the wishes of his constituents. He did not think that the people of this colony would be so foolish to do anything that would bring them within the pale of the law. Moreover, the law as it already stood made provision for such cases. If they lived all those years without making themselves seditious, he did not see why they would do it now. WHOLESOME PUBLICATIONS 7

Mr. McArthur said that anyone looking into the genesis of the Bill would not fail to observe that so far as the people of this colony and the people of America were concerned they lived under two different systems of Government. It had been suggested that certain newspaper[s] in which the people spoke very plainly of the race were those aimed at[.] Some months ago a person called at his chambers and asked him to buy a paper—he thought it was “The Negro World.” Since the Bill had been started he received a copy of a paper called the “Clarion”8 and he went through it very carefully. In that paper he came across matter pertaining to questions that existed in America and could not exist in any British Dominion at all. But the rest of the matter contained very wholesome reading and advice which the people here were very much in need of with respect to their Labour Union. He read an article which advised the people to buy books, and have a library and read at nights rather than spending their time in rumshops. Such advice, he thought, was good for the people of the colony. If it were desired to exclude those newspapers from coming to the colony because of the questions that were purely American he saw no reason for it. The people were able to see what privileges they got under a British flag. People here were not going to raise any race question of the kind and class one saw in America. Lynching and such hardships were not known to the people of this colony. He read of them: so much so that even at the sacrifice of great personal advantages he absolutely refused to visit America at one time, although it would have only taken him 48 hours’ run, from where he was and he could have obtained a return ticket. It was good for the people if they read 333

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those papers, because it gave them information. They would be able to see what was happening there and their loyalty to the British Crown would be more strengthened and the more would they appreciate the conditions and circumstances in which they lived in this colony. Many persons went away with the thought that they would be able to make a better living, but when they got there they very often found their mistake and they were glad to get back. LYNCHING AND DISLOYALTY It was feared that if the people read newspapers about lynching in the Southern States—they would become disloyal[.] But he was inclined to think that they would have a decidedly opposite tendency. Very often the daily papers in this colony published news about lynching and the horrors that took place in America. It seemed though that some people belonging to the Labour Union had got the wrong idea that His Excellency had desired by the Bill to put some obstacle in the way of the Labour Union; but he was glad to say that he had read in the newspapers that His Excellency had told the secretary of the Labour Union that that was not the case. He had a copy [of the] Peace Treaty in which there was a statement concerning Trade Unions. Representations would have to be made to a certain committee about their action as regards Trade Unions. As regards self-governing colonies, they would have to report to them and put no stumbling-block in the way of Trade Unions. What the people here wanted was to get their just due, and there were certain papers which helped them and gave them experience for managing their union. He did not see why any coloured man should not get experience from the writings of his own people. He had read of lynching and the like, since he was a boy and it was nothing new to read of those things happening now in the United States. The newspapers in question he believed were coming here for some time. “The Crisis” had been coming here for years and only last year he received a circular asking him to subscribe. That paper was written by an exceedingly well educated man— Mr. Dubois [Du Bois]. A HELP TO THE GOVERNMENT IS THE FUTURE He agreed with Mr. Brassington when he referred to the Government’s failure to grasp the psychology of the people of this colony. He said so with great deference to His Excellency. Lots of mistakes arose because one race could not appreciate the feelings of another race. Had the Labour Union been started earlier, he felt that the fair name of the colony would not have been tarnished, as it was in 1905.9 He was sure that the Union would be a great help to the Government in the future. It had been circulated that a riot was intended. He did not know where the rumour came from but he could assure His Excellency that since the Labour Union was started, disturbance was further away than it ever was. Any member that was charged before the Magistrate was turned out of the Union at once. What struck him as being most popular about the Bill was that a man on being charged had got to prove the negative. He had 334

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to prove to the Magistrate that he did not know and had no reason to suspect that the newspaper contained seditious matter. Concluding Mr. McArthur said he should like to know what evidence a man was going to bring to prove that he was not aware that a particular newspaper, book or document contained matter of a seditious nature. He would not like to have to defend such a person. Perhaps he would carry his wife into Court, as she was the nearest to him. But what concerned him was how was the man going to prove his innocence? MR. CANNON10 AND HIS CRITICS Mr. Cannon said it had pleased certain members of the community to take him to task for voting in favour of the first reading of the Bill. As he understood the procedure, the first reading of a Bill was a matter of course and it did not follow that because a member voted in favour of the first reading of a Bill that he favoured it. “To be candid with Your Excellency,” Mr. Cannon declared; “I have not read the Bill; I do not know its contents” (Laughter). Proceeding Mr. Cannon said he would like to say for the information of those who did not know, two members of the Labour Union met him. He told them that he thought that a Bill of the nature of the one under consideration was desirable but that if they would submit desirable amendments he was prepared to consider them. That was the last he saw or heard of them. As he had heard from the acting Attorney General there was ample provision in the law and so like his friend on the other side of the table he did not see the necessity for bringing any such Bill and he thought the suggestion to allow the Bill to stand down for six months a good one. MR. SANTOS’11 ALTERNATIVES Mr. Santos said he regretted very much that he could not support the Bill. It appeared to him that His Excellency was trying to rush the Bill. He in common with his fellow members was prepared to support the Government in anything that was fair and reasonable in order to maintain peace in the colony, but the rushing of a Bill like the one under consideration was undesirable, both on the part of the members of the Court and the people of the colony. He felt rather fearful over the Bill, providing as it did such heavy penalties. The Bill made sure that any man who did not have means must go to jail. His Excellency remarked that the amendments submitted substituted the penalty under the existing laws of the colony for that in the laws of the Straits S[et]tlement. Mr. Santos: It means that every man must go to jail. His Excellency: If he is seditious. Proceeding, Mr. Santos said no man with any commonsense would assist the Government in providing such a penalty where the people were loyal. What was done in other countries populated purely by white people was not done in this colony. Were not the people of this colony more loyal than many people in 335

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other places? He had heard even strangers say during the war that they would like to remain in the colony. The Bill was destined to excite the people. What the people of the Labour Union asked for was a better wage, a fair wage, and he was satisfied that they were right. He would be glad to see the men get better wages and the colony would be benefited. Was it because the workers were asking for better wages that the Bill was brought into the Court? The Government appeared to want to muzzle the people or to take away their rights. The people in this colony were a civilized people and ought not to be made to submit to a Bill drawn from a very much less civilized part of the world. Perhaps His Excellency had fears that were not justified. If the Government made a survey of the position in this colony from 1914, they would be in a position to realize that the people of this colony were either more civilised than the people in many other parts of the world or more loyal. If ever he had to leave this colony he would always remember that he had lived among the black population of Georgetown that behaved in an exemplary manner because of the amount of civilization they enjoyed. The Government might engage its attention in putting the land in a good condition by drainage and irrigation; make the people content[;] give them facilities and they would be thankful. Men had returned from the war and there was no land prepared for them and here they were considering a Bill that would excite them. Let the Government make efforts to help the people to secure the future and they would have done a good deal for the future. But the Government of British Guiana was stubborn. They did not enter into the life of the industries with the correct spirit. He was prepared to repeat the promise he had made to give any assistance necessary in relation of drainage and irrigation. Let the Government direct its attention to matters of that kind rather than introduce Bills that would incite the people. MR. BROWN’S “SEDITIOUS LITERATURE” Mr. Brown said he was free to confess that if that law was brought into force he stood convicted for he had Payne and Cobbett’s works.12 They were seditious but they were informing. But he liked the logic and the force of expression. If the law was passed a policeman might call upon him at any time and ask him about them. Whatever might be the influence of such papers the time was very inopportune to introduce legislation of the nature contemplated. What was the reason for the fears of the Government? It was proposed to prevent the introduction of certain publications. Those publications dealt with domestic matters. Then he understood that there were certain Indian publications13 which His Excellency would like to keep out. It was unfortunate when there was so much misrepresentation of their status to the Indian people, when they had endeavoured to put matters right, and when they had so far succeeded, that His Excellency should introduce a Bill of that nature, one that might have the affect of interfering with what they had done and what they hoped still to do. It seemed that there was some coincidence with the Bill and the presence of a man-of-war in the river. He understood that on the first occa336

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sion when the Bill went up men went in a proper way and asked for an interview which was granted. Everything was done in a constitutional manner. He had not information whether it was intended that from that day they were to pass laws with bayonets, guns and machine-guns. Whatever might be the faults of the people those were not to be compared with their virtues. He had come from a country where sedition was preached and written every day. He did not know if there was any law in force. It was much better to let public opinion ventilate its gri[e]vances and there was safety. The moment they took to the use of gagging laws they were laying the foundation for disloyalty. He repeated the time sought to introduce such laws was inopportune. They hoped for a better British Guiana, within more loyal and a more industrious people. So soon after the end of the war he did not see that there was any need for the introduction of the Bill, especially in view of the past loyalty of the people. HIS EXCELLENCY SUMS UP His Excellency said the opposition to the Bill was based on complete misunderstanding even among the members of the Court. There was no intention to use the law in the manner suggested. The Government already had all the powers which it was proposed to take into the Bill and which powers existed in the colony all along. There had been no reason in the past to complain of the manner in which those powers were exercised and he hoped there would not exist any reasons in the future. Certain members of the Court had said that it was the intention of the Government to pass the Bill with a man-of-war in the river. He proposed to take the earliest opportunity to deny such a statement. “H.M.S. Yarmouth has not come at my request,” His Excellency declared. Hon. members must be aware that they had a wireless station in this colony which was commanded by a naval officer and the station must be visited at certain times. After referring to the difficulties experienced during the war of such ships coming to the port His Excellency expressed the hope that now that the war was over those ships would be seen here more regularly. He expressed the hope that the people of the colony would extend to the officers and men of the Yarmouth a cordial welcome. Continuing His Excellency said he had said in another place and he purposed to repeat the statement on that occasion, the conduct of the colony during the war was one of which they might well be proud. Law and order had been maintained and the people should be complimented. It was not the object of the Government to interfere with the liberties of the people. If they had been a colony by themselves, not liable to be influenced by outside opinions, there would be nothing to be said. There had been coming in certain publications which he and the Governments of other places and the Secretary of State considered dangerous. The member for East Demerara had mentioned the “Negro World.” It was not his intention to advertise anything in that paper but he had procured a copy the previous day and he proposed to leave it on the table for the perusal of members. He proposed to call

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attention, however, to one of the headings: “British Colonials the most prejudiced beasts in the world.” Certain East Indians were also mentioned. DANGEROUS IN THE HANDS OF HALF-EDUCATED PEOPLE He thought it positively dangerous that such publications should be allowed to get into the hands of half-educated people in the colony. One of the reasons why the Government proposed to bring in the Bill was the fact that the censorship laws and the D.O.R.A.14 would soon be withdrawn and it was thought opportune that the people of the colony should know what the law provided. During the six years he had been in the colony he could recall no case in which any complaint had been made with respect to the use of the law which was not directed towards the Labour Union as some seemed to fear. As long as the Labour Union conducted its business in a constitutional manner it would have the assistance of the Government, he said assistance, because he believed that it stood for co-operation and he was himself a believer in co-operation. Referring to the “Negro World” His Excellency said it might easily be read by a gentleman at his breakfast table without doing any harm but in the hands of the people it might create race and class hatred. He for one believed in prevention rather than cure, and therefore he could not accede to the wish of the members to withdraw the Bill, for that was what the amendment meant. Upon Mr. Brassington’s amendment being put to the vote all the elective members present—Messrs. McArthur, Dias, Cannon, Santos, Brassington and A. B. Brown (6)—recorded their votes in favour of it, while the official section (8) voted against. MOTION FOR SECOND READING CARRIED The motion for the second reading of the bill was next put and carried, Mr. Cannon voting with the official section (8) in favour of it, while Messrs. McArthur, Dias, Santos, Brown and Brassington (5) voted against. The Court was at this stage adjourned for luncheon. COURT GOES INTO COMMITTEE On the resumption, “The Seditious Publications (Prohibition) Ordinance, 1919,” was again brought up and the acting Attorney General moved that the Court resolve into Committee to consider the Bill clause by clause. The acting Colonial Secretary seconded. At clause 3, the acting Attorney General moved the substitution of the words “intended or calculated” for “likely or may have a tendency.” The acting Colonial Secretary seconded. Mr. Brassington said he did not think that the substitution made any difference because the question of the interpretation of the clause was left to the Magistrate who tried the case. Again, the Bill did not say what the tribunal would be. His Excellency: Not a Magistrate[.] 338

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The acting Attorney General said that the Supreme Court always tried misdemeanours. His Excellency said that the words proposed were taken from judgments of the High Courts of England and that was why the substitution was necessary. The object of the amendment was to make the clause less wide than it was then. Mr. Brassington said he would like his position to be quite clear. He had seen that the Bill was going to be forced through the Court and he would ask again that the Bill be withdrawn in view of all that had been said that morning. His Excellency said he wished to have the co-operation of the Court to make the Bill as applicable as possible to the colony[.] Mr. Brassington said that the next thing was that the elective members had not had time to go into the several amendments brought forward by the acting Attorney General, the amendments having been handed to the members in Court only that morning. A Bill of such far-reaching importance should not be summarily dismissed. His Excellency: It is not being summarily dismissed. Mr. Santos said it was impossible for him to give an opinion on amendments which he did not know of until he arrived in Court that morning. His Excellency: The honourable member can refrain from giving an opinion. Mr. Santos said that His Excellency, by making that remark, had accused him of being a traitor to his constituents. Mr. Dias said that now that the second reading of the Bill had been agreed to he thought that the service to the Government would be greater if the Bill were to be reprinted with all the amendments, the new matter being underlined. By so doing they could expedite matters especially in view of the fact that the Bill was to be left in Committee. BILL TO BE RE-PUBLISHED His Excellency said he felt that the more serviceable way of doing the thing was that the Bill should be gone through that day and republished, then it would be seen what the Bill looked like. Mr. Dias: But by republishing the Bill with the amendments and leaving over the discussion, Your Excellency, a great deal of time would be saved. His Excellency remarked that if the Court would allow the acting Attorney General to move the amendments and allow the amendments to be reprinted that would be done. The amendments could only be moved for publication, but at the same time he was not asking anyone to pledge himself to anything. He suggested that the Attorney General should move the amendments en bloc. The elective section had no objection to that course being adopted and the acting Attorney General then moved the amendments.

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The acting Colonial Secretary seconded and the insertion of the amendments in the Bill was agreed to. His Excellency stated that the Bill would be re-published and re-gazetted today; each member of the Court to be supplied with a copy of the Bill as amended. Mr. Brassington: I hope that the Press will be supplied with copies. His Excellency: The Bill will be duly re-published. Printed in DA (Demerara, British Guiana), 27 September 1919. 1. Sir Herbert Kortright McDonnell Sisnett (1862–1937) became chief justice of the Supreme Court of British Honduras in 1922. He was educated at Harrison College in Barbados and was called to the bar in May 1896. He practiced law in Barbados from June 1897 to February 1898. He held various political positions in Jamaica, among them private secretary to Sydney Olivier, the acting governor, in 1902, and resident magistrate in various parishes from 1903 to 1906. He became registrar general in British Honduras and district commissioner of Belize in 1907, was acting attorney general from 1919 to 1920, and was made a stipendiary magistrate in the west coast judicial district of British Guiana on 1 February 1919. He also served as a puisne judge in Jamaica (1920–1921) before becoming chief justice in British Honduras (Times [London], 3 June 1937; Official Gazette 47, “Government Notices,” no. 49 [Georgetown, 15 February 1919], p. 53; DOCOL; WWW; MGP 6:300 n.5). 2. Robert Edward Brassington was a middle-class politician and businessman. A locally born Englishman, he became one of the country’s leading politicians by the 1920s. He started adult life as a sugar planter, becoming a manager of Pln. Anna Regina in 1904. He was later appointed manager of Pln. Lusignan in 1912 and transferred to Pln. Albion in 1916. He entered the legislature in 1911 as a member for northwest Essequibo and was returned unopposed in 1916, 1921, and 1930. Brassington served as mayor of Georgetown from 1925 to 1926 and became a member of the executive council of the colony in 1927. He led an active social life and was a member of many committees and social organizations, including the Georgetown Chamber of Commerce, and was the director of several local companies. He was credited with resuscitating horse racing in the county of Essequibo (E. Sievewright Stoby, ed., British Guiana Centenary Yearbook, 1831–1931 [Georgetown: n.p., 1931], p. 126). 3. Joseph Nunan (1878–1924), attorney general of British Guiana, was born in Ireland. He first served in Africa as a legal draughtsman and judge, before being appointed solicitor general of British Guiana in 1905; he was later promoted to attorney general. He retired in 1924 for health reasons but served as a member of the Colonization Committee in 1924 (James W. Vining, “Grandiose Schemes for Foreign Colonization in Guyana: A Survey of Their Origins, Provisions and Abandonment,” CQ 24, no. 1–2 [1978]: 67–68; Arthur Seymour and Elma Seymour, Dictionary of Guyanese Biography [Georgetown, Guyana: n.p., 1985], pp. 68–69). 4. Water Street was Georgetown’s main retail thoroughfare, where a cross-section of the city’s population gathered daily. It contained most of Georgetown’s large merchant houses as well as many small stores, and most of its buildings and lots were attached to wharves. As a site of livelihood, Water Street was filled with clerks, dockworkers, and the hucksters who sold their wares in and around Stabroek Market, also located there. It was also a key site during unrest in the city, particularly during the riots of 1889, 1905, and 1924 (Juanita De Barros, Order and Place in a Colonial City: Patterns of Struggle and Resistance in Georgetown, British Guiana, 1889–1924 [Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002], p. 146–153). 5. A regular column in the Daily Chronicle. Its author appeared under different pseudonyms including “Candi(e)d Critic” and “A. A. Spider” (DC, 9 January 1921). 6. Francis Dias (b. 1875), solicitor and politician, was elected member of the Combined Court in 1906. Dias also served as mayor of Georgetown on several occasions (Who Is Who in British Guiana [Georgetown: Daily Chronicle, 1948–1949], p. 115). 7. This is probably a reference to Joseph Sydney McArthur, an Afro-Guianese barrister who allied himself occasionally with sometime members of the government “opposition,” including A. B. Brown, R. E. Brassington, Eustace G. Woolford, Philip Nat. Brown, Francis Dias, Joseph A. Luckhoo, and A. A. Thorne. In 1916 McArthur successfully contested a seat for the Court of Policy for East Demerara; he had previously held a seat in the Combined Court. His electoral victory sig-

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SEPTEMBER 1919 nified a change in the composition of the colonial government from a body predominantly composed of white men of British origin to mostly Afro (mixed and black), Indo, and Portuguese Guianese men (Cecil Clementi to A. Bonar Law, confidential, 24 October 1916, GD, NAG; Schedule of Declarations of Persons Nominated as Candidates for Election as Member of Court of Policy enclosed in Cecil Clementi to A. Bonar Law, confidential, 30 October 1916, GD, NAG). 8. The Clarion magazine was published in New York and was edited, starting in August 1919, by Hubert H. Harrison (1883–1927), promulgator of the Harlem-based “New Negro” movement. Earlier, in 1917, Harrison founded and edited the Voice, the organ of the Liberty League of Negro Americans, which launched the “New Negro” phenomenon; later, in 1919, he edited the magazine New Negro, followed by the Clarion. Garvey appointed Harrison managing editor of the Negro World in 1920; in 1921, Harrison’s position changed to that of contributing editor and book reviewer (John G. Jackson, Hubert H. Harrison: The Black Socrates [Austin, Tex.: American Atheist Press, 1987]; Kevin K. Gaines, Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996]; Jeffrey Babcock Perry, A Hubert Harrison Reader [Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 2002]; WWCA). 9. A reference to the November–December 1905 riots that followed a strike by waterfront workers in Georgetown, British Guiana. A “spontaneous uprising against atrocious conditions of work and wages,” the riot shook the colonial state to its foundation. A combination of the local police force and the arrival of two British warships put down the riots, and hundreds of arrests were made. Historians agree that it led directly to the development of trade union consciousness among Guianese workers (Ashton Chase, A History of Trade Unionism in Guyana, 1900–1961 [Georgetown: New Guyana, 1964], p. 20; Walter Rodney, A History of the Guyanese Working People 1881–1905 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981], pp. 190–216). 10. Nelson Cannon (1880–1949), politician, estate agent, and newspaper proprietor, was one of the most active figures in British Guiana in the first quarter of the twentieth century. He was a member of the colony’s Court of Policy for over twenty-one years and a member of the Georgetown Town Council for a similar period. He was also mayor of Georgetown in the early 1920s. In 1926 he entered the newspaper business with A. R. F. Webber and founded the New Daily Chronicle. Cannon also served as the director of two insurance companies, the Hand in Hand and Demerara Mutual Life Assurance Society (Stoby, British Guiana Centenary Yearbook, 1831–1931, p. 127). 11. João Pedro Santos, Portuguese-born, came to the colony at the age of thirteen. He later founded the well-known local business concern, J. P. Santos, but subsequently relinquished control. Santos also served in the colony’s Court of Policy from 1906 (ibid., p. 137). 12. A reference to the works of Thomas Paine (1737–1809), Anglo-American revolutionary political pamphleteer regarded as one of the greatest political propagandists in history, and William Cobbett (1763–1835), political writer and farmer whose popular journalism championed the traditions of rural England in the face of changes wrought by the Industrial Revolution. Paine played an important role in the American Revolution through his Common Sense and The Crisis papers; subsequently his Rights of Man and Age of Reason not only championed the cause of the French Revolution but also helped to popularize its republican principles. Cobbett’s writings, which were widely read, were best known for the condemnation of political abuses; in 1802 he launched the Political Register, a weekly that he edited until his death in 1835 (ODNB). 13. A reference to a few foreign Indian newspapers subject to censorship in British Guiana in the early twentieth century. According to Tyran Ramnarine, the Free Hindustan received the most attention. The postmaster general of British Guiana sought instructions from the Home Office on what actions should be taken once the paper was found in the colony’s mail. Winston Churchill issued specific instructions that a strict watch be kept to ascertain “whether the paper was being introduced among Indian students or others” (Tyran Ramnarine, “East Indian Political Representation in British Guiana during the Latter Part of Indenture, 1890–1917,” Guyana Historical Journal 2 [1990]: 36). The postmaster general intercepted and destroyed three other allegedly militant Indian newspapers, the Ghadar, Bande Mataram, and India, which he found of a “grossly offensive character.” The authorities did not consider the publication of the Canada Indian League to be of a “seditious character” (ibid., pp. 29–46). 14. On 8 August 1914, the House of Commons passed the Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). This legislation granted the government executive powers to suppress published criticism, imprison without trial, and commandeer economic resources for the war effort.

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Publication of St. Vincent Government Gazette Government House, 1st October, 1919 Regulations made by the Governor under the provisions of a Royal Order in Council of 26th October, 1896, as amended by the Royal Orders in Council of the 20th August, 1914, the 26th August, 1914, and the 21st March, 1916, respectively, whereof proclamation was made in the issue of the Gazette of the 11th December, 1916, prohibiting the importation into the colony of a New York paper called “The Negro World.”1 1.—Any person who knowingly brings into the colony, or who procures the introduction into the colony of or who has in his possession or circulates any copy of a New York paper called “The Negro World,” shall be guilty of an offense against this regulation. 2.—Any person alleged to be guilty of an offense against the above regulation may be tried by a court of summary jurisdiction2 and on conviction for such an offense, shall be liable to imprisonment with or without hard labor for a term not exceeding six months or to a fine not exceeding one hundred pounds or to both such imprisonment and fine. 3.—The Colonial Postmaster or any person appointed by him for the purpose, may, without reference to the Administrator, detain and destroy any copies of “The Negro World.” G. B. HADDON-SMITH Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Windward Islands Printed in Saint Vincent Government Gazette 52, no. 56 (1 October 1919). Reprinted in NW, 1 November 1919, and WIP, 8 November 1919. 1. The regulations gazetted on 11 December 1916, which were “regulations providing for a censorship of postal matter,” also prohibited the importation of newspapers controlled by William Randolph Hearst and the supplying of information to the international media (“St. Vincent Ordinances, Orders in Council, Rules, Regulations, and Proclamations” [1916], pp. 28–30). 2. A “court of summary jurisdiction” means any magistrate or legal officer to whom jurisdiction is given, or who is authorized to act under any act, or by virtue of a lawful commission (John B. Saunders, Words and Phrases Legally Defined, 2nd ed., vol. 1 [London: Butterworths, 1969], p. 368; vol. 5 [1970], pp. 148–149).

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Publication of St. Vincent Government Gazette, 1 October 1919 (Source: NW, 1 November 1919)

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George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, in the West Indian [[St. Vincent, 1st October 1919]]

ST. VINCENT PROHIBITS “NEGRO WORLD” The Government of St. Vincent have taken direct action against the circulation of “The Negro World” in that colony, and have made it a criminal offence to procure the introduction, possess or circulate, any copy of that paper in St. Vincent. We are not sure these drastic provisions for prohibition of the paper will not result in an immense advertisement in its favour, and lead the curiosity of many far and wide, to know what the paper is like. Human nature is the same always and in all places. Just as the hedgerow grows stronger on being cut, so certain desires grow stronger when prohibited, until they burst through all possible safeguards. Prohibitions of this kind, we fancy, are justified only in places where the intelligence of the people is in doubt. The use and the abuse of the printing[press] comprise a twin-fact of modern day life, and it is very difficult to know which is which. Most of our problems must be left to the discriminating powers of the intelligence of a people. P[er]haps the St. Vincent Government know what they are about, and can see clearly very far ahead. We might be wrong in thinking that such prohibitions are likely to react in a worse way than they intend to provide against. In one blind, smashing sweep, the Governments of these islands are demolishing whatever remains of our ancient structure of mutual trust between government and governed, and are building up an awful spirit of antagonism. The prohibition order reads:— 1. Any person who knowingly brings into the colony, or who procures the introduction into the colony of, or who has in his possession or circulates any copy of a New York paper called “The Negro World,” shall be guilty of an offence against this Regulation. 2. Any person alleged to be guilty of an offence against the above Regulation may be tried by a court of summary jurisdiction, and on conviction of such an offence shall be liable to imprisonment, with or without hard labour for a term not exceeding six months or to a fine not exceeding one hundred pounds or to both such imprisonment and fine. 3. The Colonial Postmaster or any person appointed by him for the purpose may, without reference to the administrator, detain and destroy any copies of “The Negro World.” G. B. HADDON-SMITH Governor Reprinted in WI, 24 October 1919. Originally printed in WI, 10 October 1919.

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Dorris Francis, Secretary, UNIA Colon Ladies Division, to the Workman1 [[Colón, October 1st, 1919]]

THE LADIES DIVISION UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION AFRICAN COMMUNITIES LEAGUE, COLON BRANCH

OF THE AND

Dear Mr. Editor,— Permit us space in your widely read columns to return you sincere thanks for the way you have helped us during the past weeks in the achievement of success in gathering members. It is a real harvest with us as between Sunday and Monday the 20th ulto. we have had over 100 more members to our division. Our Division is divided into a Ways and Means, Literary, Industrial, Art and Craft, Sick and Funeral, Juvenile and Street Committees, which will work on sep[a]rate nights during each week. Each Committee will consist of not less than fifty members with a Chairman and Secretary, who will make monthly reports to the General Body of their workings. According to the prophecy of Dr. Radway the Lady Organizer, we hope to show what we are able to do by the end of the present month, by way of, making of shirts, ties, pillow slips, handkerchiefs, hats, pickles, and many other things to the satisfaction of the Public. The Ways and Means Committee is busily engaged looking after a spacious place for the Work Room. Sister Hunt one of the members of the Ways and Means Committee has launched out a scheme that will be the “Beat All” for the Holidays, it is the “Rally of the Black Star Line,” this shall compose of the 12 ships manned by 12 ladies of the Division and the captain that brings in the largest amount of passengers (money) will be granted five shares in the Black Star Line Inc., other consolation prizes will be given to the other Captains, a band of music will escort the several ships into harbor and will talk music for the balance of the evening when dancing will be indulged in. The names of the ships are:—S.S. Colon, S.S. Garvey, S.S. Panama, S.S. Jamaica, S.S. St. Lucia, S.S. Barbados, S.S. Costa Rica, S.S. Wilberforce, S.S. Cristobal, S.S. Providence, S.S. Liberia, S.S. Nigeria. Dr. Radway and his colleagues are sparing no brain to make this a mammoth success. Excursion trains will be run to bring down the Panama friends, look out for other announcements. Mr C. Graham of Panama will be communicated with to help boost the Scheme. Thanking you Mr. Editor, We are the Ladies Division, DOR[R]IS FRANCIS Secretary

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Printed in the Workman [Panama City], 11 October 1919. 1. The Workman was a weekly newspaper founded in 1912 by H. N. Walrond, a Barbadian. It became the quasi-official organ of the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees and Railway Shop Laborers and had a circulation of six thousand in 1919. Many of these articles were subsequently reprinted in the Negro World.

Bermuda

Secretary of the Admiralty to George V. Fiddes,1 Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office Admiralty [London], 3rd October 1919 Sir, I am commanded by My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to forward herewith, for the information of the Secretary of State for the Colonies,

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extracts from a report, dated 1st September, No. 454/7, from the Commander in Chief, North America and West Indies Station, respecting the situation in the West Indies and wireless communication between Canada and the West Indies. 2. With reference to the opinion expressed in the final paragraph, I am to state that Their Lordships concur with the views of the Commander in Chief, and suggest that the advisability of stationing white troops at the islands mentioned by him, as well as at Jamaica, Bermuda2 and Belize, for which arrangements have already been notified, should receive immediate consideration. 3. Their Lordships also desire to point out that with the various other duties which H.M. Ships have to perform on the North America Station, it is not possible to guarantee that a ship will be available to proceed at once to any particular island in case of trouble occurring there. I am, Sir, Your obedient Servant, [signature illegible] [Handwritten minutes:] Mr. Grindle The Admy cannot guarantee that a ship will //be// immediately available when required & suggest that white troops sho[uld] be stationed in T’dad, B’dos & St[.] Lucia as well as in J’ca, [B. Hond & B’da?] but in 51212 [word illegible] [the abandonment?] of the proposal to send a company to St[.] Lucia is contemplated. The general need for precautionary measures in the W. Indies can be established on the grounds (a) Racial feeling accentuated by events in the U.K. & the U.S. & to some extent by the grievances of the returned soldiers of the B.W.I.R. (b) Economic unrest in //which// the W.I. share—& not without reason. This however by itself is not a matter for repressive measures. (c) Political agitation e.g. the labors of Hercules. (d) In some cases the returned soldiers & deported repatriated seamen form special nuclei of disaffection. (e) The local police & volunteers [are not reliable?] absolutely relied on—to say the least of it. A case can therefore be made out for having ships or troops available. For these are reasons for preferring the use of bluejackets to soldiers in the W.I. & a ship can get [word illegible] to the seat of trouble

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS more quickly. On the other hand a ship cannot be retained in one spot indefinitely. As regards the special need for stationing troops in a particular Colony the case is not nearly so easy to make out. I annex a short summary of the position sh[o]wing, so far as I am aware of it, the situation reported by the Governors. There have of course been many individual representations & no doubt some people have the “wind up” badly. To sum up //it is not// possible to make out a special case for stationing troops in T’dad, [in the margin: Especially in [view?] of Sir J. Chancello[r’s] opinion] B’dos & St Lucia on the ground of exceptional dangers in those Colonies: but a case can be made out for having a reserve of white troops for that group of Colonies: & St Lucia would presumably be the most suitable centre. Such an arrangement, coupled with the presence of a warship some where in the W.I. would seem the most satisfactory solution, but in view of the strong demand for economy in the fighting services it is I fear a counsel of perfection. H. T. A. [H. T. Allen] 13/10/19 (The question of wireless commun[ication] is already being dealt with on other papers). See [Mr. Allen’s] summary. I agree there is no question of “organized revolt”—but there is an excitable negro population, the world unrest has spread to the W.I., & the latent race hatred there has been brought out by several causes—the war, employment of coloured troops, slights received from Dominican troops, Liverpool riots, & the repercussion of U.S. racial troubles. For myself, I believe there is rather more risk of trouble in Barbados than the local people realize. The white class there does not appreciate the altered tone of the black man, & is over-confident. Elsewhere I see no reason to doubt the Governors’ views. Our attitude at the C.O. is, I take it, that we realize that it is too risky to rely entirely on black police to deal with a racial riot (they would probably be all right in economic troubles). Therefore there must be a reserve of white force within call. It is hardly for us to say whether this reserve should be

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OCTOBER 1919 naval or military. On general grounds it would seem better to have a ship which can move rather than immobile garrisons in each island. But that is for Hurly to settle on the advice of the Admy. & W.O. The next step is to bring this letter before the O.D.C.? G. G. [G. Grindle] 13 Oct 19 Lord Milner I don’t think there w[ould] be any advantage in bringing the O.D.C. into this. I have discussed the matter with [Grindle?]. I think that we ought to rely on the Navy in present circ[umstance]s. You wish to see, before Friday, the [letter?] A wh[ich] [General?] Wilson has appended to his minute on W.O./51212 (top paper in bundle before) giving both pre-war & proposed garrisons. G. V. F. [G. V. Fiddes] 15/10 Mr. Grindle Sir G. Fiddes The S of S agrees and wishes pressure to be brought upon the Admiralty. [words illegible] (See also 51212 below.) H[.] C[.] T. [H. C. Thornton]3 18/10/ 19 Note (1) Trinidad has exhibited considerable nervousness & racial feeling has manifested itself—but I understand that Sir J. Chancellor does not press for white troops. No: he is content if a war-ship is handy. (2) B. Guiana has not advocated any special measures: although some trouble (though not much) might be apprehended from repatriated seamen, but they are few in number. (3) B’dos reported (July) no violence anticipated although there is some undercurrent of unrest similar to whole world. A warship had however to be sent to the Colony to dispose of certain unruly seamen. (4) Leewards has not reported any special apprehensions, but the Govr. has recommended measures for controlling the press. (5) Windwards—No special reports that I have seen—demobilisation proceeded satisfactorily apart from delays in issuing pay.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS (6) Bahamas—No special information. None of the Colonies had any information pointing to an organised revolt: nor did they furnish any information as to existence of the Caribbean League in any ob[j]ectionable form[.] TNA: PRO CO 318/350/02504. TLS, recipient’s copy. Stamped “C.O. 57065.” 1. Sir George Vandeleur Fiddes (1858–1936) was educated at Brasenose College, Oxford. He was appointed as a clerk in the office of the secretary of state for the colonies on 25 March 1881. After serving for a period outside of the Colonial Office, he returned as principal clerk in 1902. He was appointed as assistant under secretary of state on 20 June 1909, and then as permanent under secretary of state for the colonies on 10 March 1916. He retired in 1921 (DOCOL; WWW). 2. Bermuda was a key factor in the imperial and colonial affairs of North America and the West Indies. Six hundred miles off the North Carolina coast, the colony was equidistant from Canada and the West Indies. It assumed extraordinary value as a naval base at the end of the American War of Independence, when the British Royal Navy lost all of its significant bases and harbors on the eastern seaboard of the new United States. After the war, the base at Halifax, Canada, became a major factor in the revised strategic plan for the western North Atlantic. To the south, the West Indies remained in the fold, and bases at Antigua, Jamaica, and St. Lucia contributed to holding the southern sector of a new defensive line. “In the classic era of Pax Britannia, 1815–1914, the colony assumed a special value. . . . [F]or Bermuda as an imperial concentration of power constituted . . . a political projection of force that was a direct implementation of Britannia’s power, and of the design of statesmen and Boards of Admiralty to counter potential and real challenges to their authority in the Western Ocean” (Barry Gough, “Bermuda, Naval Base of the Early Pax Britannia, Origins, Strategy and Construction,” Bermuda Journal of Archaeology and Maritime History 5 [1993]: 135). Bermuda became the center of the network for the gathering and dissemination of political intelligence on people and activities in the region. The Royal Navy, headquartered in Bermuda, was headed by the commander in chief of the Bermuda West Indies Fleet, whose warships were based at the naval dockyard. He acted in collaboration with the governor and commander in chief of Bermuda, who was always a high-ranking military general appointed by the Colonial Office (Gough, “Bermuda, Naval Base of the Early Pax Brittainia”). 3. Hugh Cholmondeley Thornton (b. 1881) was educated at Kelly College, Tavistock, and at Christ Church, Oxford. From 1916 he served as private secretary to Viscount Milner, who became secretary of state for the colonies in January 1919. Thornton was appointed Crown agent for the colonies on 1 October 1920 (DOCOL).

Enclosure: Vice-Admiral Morgan Singer,1 Commander in Chief, North America and the West Indies, to the Secretary of the Admiralty Admiralty House, BERMUDA 1st September 1919 Sir, 2. MOVEMENTS (e) H. M. S. “CONSTANCE” reports that while at Jamaica previous to going to Belize, two companies and four Lewis Gun Sections took part in the Peace Celebrations Review on 19th July and gave a most creditable performance. The 350

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day before the review a number of attacks were made on the liberty men and it was necessary to keep “CONSTANCE” alongside with landing party prepared to land, and it was therefore impossible to fire a salute on 19th July. On the evening of the 19th July trouble was expected, and accordingly, an armed party of 150 men was landed. As a result of the precautions taken, no disturbance took place. 4. WEST INDIES (a) Situation at Trinidad and Barbados. Captain Herbert W. W. Hope, CB, DSO, of “DARTMOUTH” states that a considerable amount of unrest exists in Trinidad and Barbados, especially in the former, and that the trouble was accentuated at Trinidad by the arrival, on 20th July, of H.M.T. “ORIANA,” with forty prisoners of the British West India Regiment. There was some talk of storming the gaol and releasing the prisoners. On the 21st July a number of assaults on “DARTMOUTH’S” liberty men and white civilians took place, but the trouble ceased on the withdrawal of the liberty men and the landing of a strong patrol. The assaults were caused by bands of roughs composed principally of demobilised soldiers and the liberty men do not appear to have been at fault. Since this date liberty men have been landed without further trouble. A number of seditious and inflammatory articles are published in the local evening paper “ARGOS” and great prominence was given to the colour riots which have taken place at Liverpool and Cardiff. In the circumstances the local authorities are uneasy, more especially as there are rumours that the trouble will be brought to a head on the arrival of the last contingent; they desire the presence of a ship in the close vicinity, if possible to station one at Trinidad itself. This situation will be met by keeping “YARMOUTH” on the Barbados division of the station. (b) Situation at Jamaica. Captain Edward C. Kennedy of “CONSTANCE” is of opinion that the sooner matters came to a head at Jamaica the better. Serious trouble, which according to a local opinion, is bound to occur sooner or later, may break out during the absence of a ship, in which case it will be extremely difficult to suppress owing to the totally insufficient number of white troops maintained in the Island. Captain Gerard A. Wells of “CAMBRIAN” concurs in the seriousness of the situation. (e) H.M.T. “PANNONIA” arrived Jamaica and left for Nassau 26th August with coloured troops for demobilisation. [. . .]2 8. PROPOSALS In view of the situation reported in paragraph 4, clauses (a), (b) and (c), I am of opinion that H.M. Government should consider the advisability of stationing white troops for the next two years at Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados, St. Lucia and Belize. The forces at my disposal are not sufficient to cope with even-

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tualities that I consider are bound to arise sooner or later ashore in the West Indies—possibly at the same time. I have &c. (signed) M. SINGER Vice-Admiral Commander in Chief, North America and West Indies TNA: PRO CO 318/350. TD. Marked “No. 454/7,” “Confidential,” and “Extract.” 1. Vice-Admiral Sir Morgan Singer (1864–1938) was commander in chief of the North American and West Indies station from 1919 until 1920. Before his posting, Singer served as captain of the H.M.S. Excellent and aide-de-camp to the king (1912–1914), and director of naval ordinance (1914–1916). He served as commander of the coastguard and reserves from 1921 until 1923, and in 1924 ascended to the rank of admiral before retiring later that year (WWW). 2. The elided section, headed “6. W/T Activity,” noted that “the state of affairs as regards communication between Jamaica and Belize is still very unsatisfactory.”

Samuel Kress,1 Assistant Superintendent, United Fruit Company, Costa Rica Division,2 to George P. Chittenden,3 General Manager, United Fruit Company ESTRELLA DISTRICT,

October 6th 1919 Dear Sir: Walter Anderson formerly at Bananito office now employed by U.F.Co. in the Panama Division is making more use of the Bocas messenger than the company.4 Anderson is regularly sending over the “Negro World” in quantities and having them distributed on this side. I am quite sure if Mr. Bennett’s5 attention was called to this it could be very easily remedied. I have warned my messenger to receive only mail pertaining to company’s business.[. . .] Respectfully, SAMUEL KRESS Asst. Supt. cc—Mr. J. B. Fernandez [Handwritten note:] Ojo!6 UFC. TLS, recipient’s copy. On UFC letterhead, Costa Rica Division. 1. Samuel Kress was the assistant superintendent of agriculture in Estrella, Costa Rica. 2. The UFC had control over the entire banana industry in Costa Rica, eight hundred thousand acres of land, and the country’s most important railroad company. It was also the country’s largest employer. The company relied on a heavily West Indian labor force and controlled all aspects of life

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OCTOBER 1919 in the region, providing employment, housing, health care, education, and even a funeral car to transport people to their final resting places (Ron Harpelle, “Radicalism, Accommodation and Decline: Garveyism in a United Fruit Company Enclave,” JILAS 6, no. 1 [July 2000]; Aviva Chomsky, West Indian Workers and the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 1870–1940 [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996], p. 202). 3. George Peters Chittenden (b. 1880) was general manager of the UFC Costa Rica division in the decade after 1910 and vice president of the company in 1925. He was one of the first company officials that believed the UFC had to change the type of banana it was growing from Gros Michel to Cavendish, a change made in the 1950s only after the company’s competition, Standard Fruit, made the switch and had more productive plantations and higher production as a result (John Soluri, “People, Plants, and Pathogens: The Eco-social Dynamics of Export Banana Production in Honduras, 1875–1950,” Hispanic American Historical Review 80, no. 3 [August 2000]: 487; www.ancestry.com, 16 July 2005). 4. The centers of operation for the UFC in Panama were located in two towns on the Caribbean coast, Bocas del Toro and Almirante. Bocas del Toro was the administrative center for the region. Part of the Almirante division of the UFC extended into Costa Rica and bananas produced in the area around Sixaola, Costa Rica, were shipped to port in Almirante. 5. G. S. Bennett was the superintendent of the Guabito district of the Bocas division of the UFC in Panama. 6. Ojo can be roughly translated as “look out for this and beware!”

Anderson Joseph to the Negro World Philadelphia, Pa. 10-6-19

THE DANES RESPECTED THE RIGHTS OF ALL IN THE VIRGIN ISLANDS THE INDOLENT S[OU]THERN PARASITES DO NOT Dear Sir— Kindly allow me space for this small article. A few weeks ago I saw in one of the white papers of this city an article written by a white man who had spent about seven days in the Virgin Islands and after returning to this country presumed to be an authority on Virgin Island affairs. I wrote an answer to the paper that published his article in reply to him and that paper having refused to publish my letter, I am sending it to you hoping that the justice of our cause will compel you to give publicity to it. Kind Sir— I have seen by your issue of the 3rd inst. where you stated that the Negroes of the Virgin Islands were well satisfied with their present administration. If that be so, can you explain the reason why there are at present at your capital a delegation of those same islanders to protest against the injustices that are committed against their brothers and sisters? I was born in the West Indies and have lived for a considerable length of time in this benighted land of darkness. I therefore believe that I can say on good authority that the natives of those islands could never be satisfied with

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American rule. The Danes were poor, I will admit, but they respected the rights of all men, but not so with the Americans, and especially those indolent southern parasites. Truly speaking, America should be the last country on earth to want Negro subjects, for she is absolutely incapable of administering justice when the point at issue involves a Negro and a Caucasian. And now, sir, I will admonish you in the future to remember the words of the immortal Lincoln that “You can fool some people some time, you can fool some people all the time, but you can’t fool all the people all the time.” If I am mistaken, I beg of you to forgive the pratings of a tropical mind. Yours fraternally, ANDERSON JOSEPH

Printed in NW, 25 October 1919.

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Leeward and Windward Islands

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George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office [St. Vincent]1 7th October, 1919 My Lord, With reference to my Secret despatch of about the 17th August (I regret that, owing to not having the papers with me, I am unable to quote the exact date) on the subject of introducing legislation dealing with seditious literature, and giving the Governor the power of deportation, I have the honour to report that on my arrival in St Vincent it was proved to me the grave danger that was being caused by the circulation in the Island of the paper called “The Negro World” published in New York. I, therefore, decided, under the powers conferred on me under the Defence of the Realm Act, to at once prohibit the importation of this seditious publication. I attach a copy of the Order. 2. The power under which I have acted may be withdrawn any day, in fact I feel that I may be acting contrary to your wishes in taking advantage of this power now that peace has been declared. I can assure Your Lordship that my only reason for doing so is that I saw danger in the continuance of the circulation of this paper. 3. The Agent for the paper is a local man named Jack. He has formed a Union of Negroes:2 fortunately he appointed himself collector of the subscriptions with the result that already some of the subscribers have called for a statement of accounts which Jack is unable to produce. I have therefore instructed the Police to obtain evidence and if possible to institute a criminal prosecution against Jack. I hope the Police may succeed in obtaining conviction. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble Servant, G. B. HADDON-SMITH Governor TNA: PRO CO 321/306/7313. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “St. Vincent Secret.” 1. Although Governor Haddon-Smith was based at Grenada, he wrote this dispatch from St. Vincent while there on an official visit. The administrator Reginald Popham Lobb, attempting to get him to ban the Negro World, constantly updated him on developments in St. Vincent (Cleve McD. Scott, “‘The True and New Negroes of St. Vincent’: The UNIA and African Communities League and Labour in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, 1919–1925” [The History Forum, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, Barbados, 1999], pp. 5–9). 2. This is a reference to the 475-member St. Vincent chapter of the UNIA and ACL.

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Albert S. Burleson, U.S. Postmaster General, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State Office of the Postmaster General, Washington, D.C. October 8, 1919 Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of September 20, 1919, file Co—818.4016/orig, with which you transmit a copy of a communication dated August 24, 1919, from the American Vice Consul in Charge at Port Limon, Costa Rica, together with “The Negro World,” published at 36–38 West 135th Street, New York, N.Y., issue of June 21, 1919, the circulation of which the Vice Consul states is objectionable to the Governor of the Province, and beg to assure you that the matter will receive due consideration. Respectfully, A. S. BURLESON Postmaster General DNA, RG 59, 818.4016/1. TLS, recipient’s copy.

A. L. Flint, Chief of Office, Panama Canal Company, to Frank Burke, Assistant Director and Chief, Bureau of Investigation Washington, October 9, 1919 Sir: Referring to this office’s letter to you dated September 22, 1919, quoting a confidential cablegram received on that date from the Governor of The Panama Canal, in reference to Marcus Garvey, negro agitator, and to your reply dated the 23rd ultimo, I inclose herewith for your information a copy of a letter from the Governor under date of the 27th ultimo, in reference to this man, which is self-explanatory. The two clippings accompanying the Governor’s letter are also forwarded herewith. Very respectfully, A. L. FLINT Chief of Office DNA, RG 60, 198940-4. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.”

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Enclosure: Chester Harding, Governor, Panama Canal Zone, to A. L. Flint, Chief of Office, Panama Canal Company Balboa Heights, C.Z. September 27, 1919 Sir: Referring to my confidential cable to you of the 22nd instant, and to your reply of the 24th instant, regarding the negro agitator, Marcus Garvey, I inclose clippings from the Panama “Star & Herald” of September 16th and September 27th, in reference to the activities of the so-called “Black Star Line,” which is being promoted by Marcus Garvey and his associates. You will note that these dispatches are identical, and were sent from New York on the same date. The “Gleaner,” which is a reputable paper published at Kingston, Jamaica, in printing the dispatch, explained that it came from an unknown source, but the “Star & Herald” published the dispatch without any explanation, as a “special cable,” thus giving the impression that it was from a known correspondent and was authentic. All the circumstances indicate that these dispatches were sent by Marcus Garvey himself, or by his associates, and are a part of their propaganda to stimulate the sale among the negroes here and in the West Indies of stock in the “Black Star Line.” I do not know what amount of stock is being sold on the Isthmus, but I am quite sure in my own mind that no subscriber will ever see his money again, and it is unfortunate that means cannot be found to put a stop to such a palpable fraud. However, from what I have read of the case in the New York papers, it seems that Garvey has managed, so far, to keep within the law. As the information herein may be of interest to the Department of Justice, it is requested that you transmit it to them. Respectfully, CHESTER HARDING Governor Incl.—2 clippings [Handwritten note:] Send copy to Atty Gnrl with orig clippings DNA, RG 185, 91/212. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “confidential.”

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Enclosure: Clipping from the Panama Star and Herald [Balboa Heights, Panama Canal Zone], 27 September [1919]

—THE BLACK STAR LINE.— The Gleaner of the 16th inst. publishes the following: Yesterday the Gleaner received the following special cablegram signed “Exchange, New York” We do not know who sent us the cablegram, but it reads as follows: Exchange, New York, Sept. 15.—Yesterday was a red letter day in the history of negroes of the United States, the first ship of the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation of which Marcus Garvey is President, was inspected by thousands of negroes in New York. She will sail on October 31. DNA, RG 185, 91/213. TD, transcript.

Jasmine Tavanier, Treasurer, UNIA Ladies Division, to the Workman [[Cristobal, C.Z., October 9th, 1919]] Sir,— Permit me space in one of the columns of your valuable paper to bring to the attention of the other members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association—Ladies Branch, that there are on this Isthmus, newspapers owned and edited by efficient Negroes. My reason for bringing about this question is re an article signed by Sister Doris Francis, which appeared on the West Indian Page of the “Star & Herald” of last Friday’s issue, and which did not appear in either the “Workman” or the “Despatch” of Saturday’s issue. K[no]wing that the “Workman” never fails to publish any news for the uplifting of the Negro race, I would venture to say that this sister disregarded [the] Negro Newspapers on that occasion. Though I am not in any way against the news of our organization being published in all newspapers that are available, yet I would call the Secretary’s attention to the dictates of the association, and that [if?] we are to consolidate ourselves into one body for the uplifting of our race, we must begin at once to patronize and support all business establishments etc., owned and managed by Negroes[.] Trusting that our Worthy Secretary will not make another error of the kind in

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the future, and thanking you for the privilege, afforded me. Yours, A true Negro JASMINE TAVANIER Treasurer Ladies Division U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. Printed in the Workman [Panama City], 18 October 1919.

Horatio N. Huggins and 374 Others, Stubbs District, St. Vincent, to George Basil HaddonSmith, Governor, Windward Islands [[Stubbs, 10/10/19]] May it please Your Excellency,— We the undersigned labourers and others of St. Vincent approach your Excellency on the following points:— 1 That the pay given to a labourer in St. Vincent is inadequate to his daily expense when the cost of living at its present state is so high. 2 That a male labourer is paid at rates ranging from 12–24 cents per day of 10 hours; a female labourer is paid at rates ranging from 8c to 20c. per day of 10 hours. 3 A task of 600 holes of canes or cotton for 24c. The above rates being too low and the task too heavy, so we pray that our pay be risen as follows:—Men 2s 6d or more per day of 8 hours; women 2s or more per day of 8 hours, and children 1s 6d or more per day of 8 hours. 4 We pray for absolute protection of Mr. R. E. M. Jack, the agent of “The Negro World” as any outrages upon him by this Government will not be tolerated by the true and new Negroes of St Vincent. 5 We pray that Mr R. E. M. Jack will be accepted by this Government as our speaker at all times, as we are confident in his education. We further humbly pray that Your Excellency may take these facts into serious consideration and do all that lie in your power to ensure the granting of this our petition. We are, Your Excellency’s most obedient servants the undersigned. (Signed) H. N. HUGGINS and 374 others, from Stubbs District Printed in WIP, 8 November 1919. Original headlines omitted.

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Poem by C. L. Nicholson-Nicholls (Source: NW, 11 October 1919)

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Richard A. Bennett1 and Others to Marcus Garvey [[13 Trundicion, Havana, Cuba, ca. 11 October 1919]] My Dear Mr. Garvey.— We have read from the medium of the “Negro World” of what had transpired regarding your arrest.2 Under such circumstances we beg to transmit to you through the columns of the said papers our deepest sympathy towards you for the false accusation you had received by our oppressors (the whites) and other malicious antagonists of our race. Nevertheless, we earnestly request you to be ever stouthearted, pursuing your course unfalteringly with fresh deeds of valor, trampling as you go the thorns which thronged your pathway, knowing that your footprints will be stained on the sand of time, and with such effort, hereafter, institutions in various regions of the globe shall be named “Marcus Garvey.” We fully approved of the martial manner in which you are day by day endeavoring to determine the legitimate right of universal equality, and we promise you that we will undoubtedly tender our moral and financial support to the “Universal Negro Improvement Association[”] for the aggrandizement and development of its future achievements. Long will the Universal Negro Improvement Association rest in our thoughts, and may God’s richest blessings ever rest on it with all its labor, for the moulding and shaping of uncharitable conditions for uplifting of those that are depressed for the true development of the lives of the community and the good of humanity. May you ever pursue your course, conquering and to conquer, until you have reached a higher sphere into richer fields of development, and a higher life of recognition and usefullness. With very best wishes, Yours fraternally, RICHARD A. BENNETT AND OTHERS British West Indians Printed in NW, 11 October 1919. 1. Richard A. Bennett was one of the founders of the UNIA in Havana and was elected president of the Havana branch in 1920 (“Reglamento de la Sociedad ‘Universal Improvement Association and Communities League,’” Havana, 17 February 1920, ANC, RA, leg. 388; NW, 25 February 1920). 2. On 28 August 1919 a grand jury indicted Garvey on a charge of criminal libel against Edwin P. Kilroe, New York district attorney, and Edgar M. Grey and Richard Warner, former officials of the BSL. The indictment grew out of statements made by Garvey after his examination by Kilroe in June 1919, when he was instructed to refrain from collecting funds for the BSL. Kilroe’s investigation was made at the request of a committee of UNIA members who complained about the financial state of the organization. Garvey was arrested on 4 August 1919 and appeared before the court on 7 August 1919 (“New York Attorney Sinks ‘The Black Star Line,’” New York World, 19 June 1919; NW, 28 July 1919; MGP 2:4–7).

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“Blackie” to the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper [[Barbados, ca. 11 October 1919]]

THE BLACK STAR STEAMSHIP LINE IS ATTRACTING ATTENTION IN THE WEST INDIES BARBADIAN WRITER SAYS IT SHOWS THE VALUE OF ORGANIZATION Sir: Be good enough to allow me a little space in your valuable newspapers to make a few passing remarks to the thinking readers of Barbados. This desire has been prompted by the reading of a telegram published in one of our daily newspapers concerning the launching of a Black Star steamship. The note states that the 14th of this month was taken as a red letter day in the history of the Negroes of America. What about Barbadian Negroes? Do we here in Barbados welcome the event as a red letter day in the history of our race? This event is sufficient evidence for us here of the value of organization. Organization is a strong wall and a tower not to be broken. The word organization is spelled in the homely adage we use almost every day, namely, united we stand, divided we fall. Think of the organization which such an enterprise as the launching of a steamship entails, my Barbadian Negro breth[re]n, and learn to appreciate unity and organization more, so that we in Barbados may be able to stand by each other for our advancement. Organization is the solution of all our problems. Thanking you, Mr. Editor, BLACKIE Reproduced from NW, 11 October 1919.

Editorial in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper [[Barbados, ca. 11 October 1919]]

WEST INDIAN PAPER PROTESTS AGAINST ATTEMPT TO SUPPRESS THE NEGRO WORLD We direct attention to an article appearing on page two of this impression with reference to legislation aimed at restricting the liberty of the press. The question which presents itself to one’s mind is: What need is there for such drastic action as is contemplated by the governing authorities in British Guiana. We feel positive that the members of the Court of Policy will exercise more judgment than the authors of the iniquitous ordinance and will refuse to give it seri363

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ous consideration. Are the minds of the Guianese being contaminated and through what source? We have an idea that the legislation is aimed at the “Negro World” newspaper; but, we ask, is it wise to use a sledge hammer to destroy an ant? We do not mean to infer that the “Negro World” should be suppressed; what we mean to infer is that the individual who set out to kill an ant with a sledge hammer would be regarded as a lunatic, and with respect to the tactics advocated by the wiseacres in Demerara we say they are outrageously absurd. The “Negro World” should be read and reread, and if the penalty for reading that paper were death, martyrs should be found ready and willing to be sacrificed in this good cause. In spite of our boasted civilization the man of today scarcely differs from his predecessor of a thousand years ago. The bigot of ancient days persecuted people for reading the Bible and the modern bigot would revive the inquisition, the star chamber, the pilory. People of British Guiana, members and non-members of the labor union, consult your own tastes and read all the literature which falls into your hands dealing with your race. Do not be dictated to as to what you should read and what you should not read by any Irish extremist. This advice is intended for West Indians also. Reproduced from NW, 11 October 1919.

“Strolling Scribbler” in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper [[Barbados, B.W.I., 11 October 1919]]

A BARBADIAN WRITER ENDORSES BLACK STAR STEAMSHIP LINE

THE

ORGANIZATION CAN TRANSFORM AN IDLE DREAM INTO A REALITY HURRAH FOR THE BLACK STAR LINE OF STEAMERS! That this kind of craft could be owned and operated by Negroes some thought impossible, but determination, perseverance and organization have contributed in making a reality of what many considered an idle dream. STROLLING SCRIBBLER Reproduced from NW, 11 October 1919.

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Dave Davidson, Vice President, UNIA St. Thomas Division, to the Negro World [[7 King St., St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, ca. 11 October 1919]]

PROMINENT CITIZEN OF ST. THOMAS COMMENDS UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION THE U.N.I.A. AND THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE CHAMPION THE SAME PRINCIPLE: DEMOCRACY—THE “BLACK STAR LINE” IS UPHELD Dear Mr. Editor:— We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standard of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among the nations as well as the individuals. Individual neutrality is no longer desirable where the peace of our race is involved, and the freedom of our people, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of what is called “National Sport.” It must be a partnership of opinion like that of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. We are glad now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, so that our anxiety to become members of another race could be vanished, and instead of helping to promote their welfare would put in our claim with the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world. I take the opportunity then to recommend to my fellowmen of the race on this side of the continent the Universal Negro Improvement Association, whose principles are made up of “All men are counted equal.” I am a lover of human justice and the principles of the right of mankind, and since they are tampered with in our race and the association of which Mr. Marcus Garvey is president general, is organized to maintain those principles. I am confident that all of our race will be prompt to [words illegible] be of a different mind or purpose. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes fighting for liberty, justice and equality. No nation or individual can say we have not borne with the existing circumstances long enough to be entitled to our demands. Read the declaration of the American Independence and see the principles laid down. Are they not justifiable, and are they better than those enumerated by the Universal Negro Improvement Association? Should these principles be unbiasedly maintained they would put the finishing touch to what America fought for—democracy. A method to uphold those principles is the buying of stocks in the Black Star Line. It will involve the utmost practicable co-operation in counsel with the Negro communities of the world.

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The period during which the patience your race has exercised, a patience never before exercised in the history of the world, is a period of unprecedented endurance. All kinds of societies have been formed, protesting against the many wrongs, but only to be met by newer means of destruction. Our object, then, is to vindicate the principles of our rights as against selfishness, and to set up amongst the 400 trodden-under-foot millions such a concert of purpose, and of action as will henceforth insure the strict observance of the principles given us since the foundation of the world. Thanking you for space, I am, yours fraternally, DAVE DAVIDSON Vice-President of St. Thomas Branch Printed in NW, 11 October 1919.

“A Grenadian” to the West Indian [[Trinidad, ca. 11 October 1919]]

“GRENADA MAJOR LOVED HOME” THOUGH HANDICAPPED BY CROWN COLONY GOVERNMENT, SHE HAS BRILLIANT SONS Dear Sir.— I send greeting to you from Trinidad, whither I wended my way from Grenada en route once more to the wide fields of the world. I love Grenada with all the true love of a son of the soil. In it lives the people who have the strongest hold upon me; there remain all the ties of relationship and happy recollections of childhood, youth and manhood; in Grenada I leave all I love and all that loves me, yet I decided to leave the land of my birth, where I spent a short seven months after my return home from over seven years’ travel abroad. And though I do not feel satisfied that I should do so, nevertheless I have no regrets. In view of the aforementioned facts, wherefore should I have no regrets? Because, Grenada, small as it is, fails to realize its backward state, and the people, in spite of their development, each in his own sphere, utilize that development neither for their own advancement nor that of their fellowmen. In saying so I do not write dealing with personalities, but merely along general lines, for Grenada has brilliant sons while she herself remains backward. The illustrious light of these sons does not compensate for the narrowmindedness, so apparent, of the populace, a chief reason why I am away today and not in my loved Grenada. During a sojourn of seven months I tried to reconcile myself with conditions, for to remain home for all time was my fond hope. Physical satisfaction,

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however, was outweighed by lack of the physical, the material gave way to the mental, so I bade my adieu. The system of government, the hardships being endured by the working class, the lack of a general move for uplift and advancement of the masses along economic lines, the want of unity, are points which struck me forcibly and the realization that my presence would not assist materially in changing conditions that my mental state might suffer depreciation instead of being benefited by my environment, made me leave Grenada, hoping to hear some day that the populace had awakened to the consciousness of their existence. Whatever this great wide world has in store for me, whither my footsteps will lead me, I know not; but I do know of better conditions outside of Grenada, of a life not dependent upon hypocrisy, and that it is far better for one with a purpose in life to plough such fields than to stagnate in a community whose mannerisms and petty prejudices, class and caste distinctions threaten to suffocate. There are some men in Grenada, amongst whom I include foremost your worthy and able self, who are battling for the improvement and advancement of the island; some men who are fighting against the pernicious system of Crown Colony Government; men who have undertaken a task for which posterity shall thank them; men whose ranks I would have liked to join but could not, because I felt that I would not be able to devote sufficient of my time to the cause, consequent on the fact that my stay in Grenada would be short. I am hoping as heretofore to be always able to see copies of the world-read the continued success of your paper, West Indian and I sincerely wish for the premier in the West Indies. I would have enjoyed my stay in Trinidad for a while, so advanced in comparison with our little home does everything appear, but certain obligations demand that I leave as soon as possible and maybe, by the time you receive this I shall already be on my next “lap.” I shall not here attempt to dilate on the hospitality and attention accorded me by all with whom I come in contact, but shall sum up in a few words by saying I enjoyed a veritable good time while in Trinidad. I have nought more to add but to extend my heartiest wishes for your health and success. I am, yours faithfully, A GRENADIAN Reproduced from NW, 11 October 1919.

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Article in the Dispatch [[Panama, ca. 11 October 1919]]

THE LAUNCHING OF THE BLACK STAR LINE WILL BE A REAL MESSAGE OF HOPE TO THE NEGRO RACE THE BLACK MAN MUST DEPEND UPON HIMSELF—WE NEED FACTORIES, MINES, FARMS, SHIPS, STORES, MILLS, COLLEGES AND FISHERIES The cable flashed from New York to the Star and Herald telling of the launching of the first vessel of the Black Star Line on Monday was a real message of hope to the fainting thousands of the Negro race, who have been watching and waiting with hearts hushed with anxiety, lest the thing for which their enemies fought should be won. And that cable message will serve as a beacon to light the way to the thousands coming after, giving them faith and courage and hope. We have known that the darkest hour is always before the dawn; but when the dark clouds appeared, the enemies of Negro progress and achievement became joyful and bold, and out-spoken, feeling that in the hundred and one nefarious acts which they had committed against us, they had successfully squelched the fighting spirit of the Negro. But they had another think coming. The initial success which has attended the venture of the promoters of the Black Star Line is a sign for greater efforts. It should serve as an electric spark to quicken the efforts of the colored people all over the world. The venture has succeeded through a sea of confusion, and treachery, and intrigue, and persecution, and jealousy and hatred. The promoters have been harassed at every turn; their every movement watched, their footsteps dogged, and their words carefully searched, to see if there was aught in anything that they did or said, by which they might have been trapped. But they stood the test like men. They gave a thrilling exhibition of what the Negro is able to bear and yet come out with its garments clean and his character unsullied. The unwavering confidence and support of their fellow Negroes, and the wonderful response that has been made to their appeals from time to time, is a cause for hope. It gave them courage to stand firm in the face of dire opposition, and to look corruption in the face, and say to it “Thou art defied!” It also serves as an illustration of the way Negroes today are feeling and thinking. It gave the enemies of the Negro race to come to a realization of the fact that the Negro has found out to his bitter cost, that if he expects to be able to do anything on this planet, he will have to depend on himself. And it also made them see clearly, more clearly than ever before, that the Negro is depending upon himself, with such a calm, cool, deliberate and unshaken confidence, that all the storms which opposition may start, or all the schemes of men of vile and evil minds may set in motion will not shake the Negro’s confidence in himself, and in those of his own race.

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This is a good sign; and it is a cause for hope and rejoicing. It is a cause for taking into good and deep consideration. The Negro is arriving; and the day is at hand, when he will be able to stand four square to all winds; and look the world in the face, undaunted and unafraid. The successful outcome of the efforts of the promoters of the Black Star Line, although it is yet the faintest glimmer of what is but to be, is cause for the Negro to take courage, and press onward and upward with plans for the upbuilding, and progress and advancement of his race. It serves to cheer those who are weak and faint. It strengthens whose who had faith before; and it lights the horizon of achievement and prosperity to the people of the Negro race, wherever they may be found. The star that shone on Bethlehem had hardly a greater significance to the wise men than the success of this venture will have on the minds and attitude of the people of the Negro race. It will serve to show them that beyond a doubt, notwithstanding all that is said and done by traitors of the race, and the enemies in the other races: the Negro is here; he has arrived and is arriving; and will continue to arrive, in all the fields of human endeavor, seeking the progress and advancement of his people and the successful working out of the plans for their welfare. Storms will not shake our faith; persecution and prosecution will not deter us from walking the earth like men, like conquerors. We realize that we must master fate, and mould circumstances and conditions to suit our needs. And the day is here when the dusky sons of Ham will have the respect of his fellowmen all over the world. We have need of many more Negro enterprises. The race is in dire need of many things which will make life worth the living; and the large amount of faith, and confidence and hope, which we shall imbibe from the successful carrying out of any of our enterprises, shall give us added strength and faith and hope for the working out of many others. We know what we need. Let us reach out our hands and grasp them. We need factories, mines, farms, ships, stores, mills, colleges, churches, fisheries, and many other things. And the scriptures declare, “Whatever you want that is good is yours.” The Negroes believe this; and are pressing onward to the attainment of the things which make for the betterment of the race, and hence, of all mankind. The dawn appears, the shadows are fleeing away. Soon we shall enter the glorious sunlight of a better day. Then we shall bask in the ful[l]ness of riches and prosperity. Therefore while that good time is coming, let us not lose one moment, or one opportunity; but let us work with might and main; with every fibre of our being, for the successful working out of our plans; and the consequent advancement of the Negro race. We need to be strong and of a good courage. We need to be bold and enterprising. There is no need for fear. We must not cringe to any man or to anything. Success is ours by right divine. The shadows are fleeing, before the

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appearing of the dawn of the day of Negro achievement and progress and prosperity. The day is at hand. Reproduced from NW, 11 October 1919.

Article in the Dispatch [[Panama, ca. 11 October 1919]]

VIRGIN LAND, ABUNDANT IN TIMBER, STANDS READY IN PANAMA NEGR[OE]S SHOULD POOL THEIR MONEY, EFFORTS AND INTERESTS— LET US BUILD MONUMENTS TO NEGRO INDUSTRY AND ACTIVITY “We have sounded a trumpet that shall never call retreat.” In those immortal words did a great and noble [son?] of Ham characterize the attitude of his race, while addressing the gathering of his fellow Negroes at the Standard grounds on Labor Day. Those words will never be effaced from the pages of the history of the Negroes, as long as time shall last. That sentence was at once a call and a challenge to all that is good and pure, and noble, and true, in the makeup of the Negro people the world over. We must go onward and upward. We must press on from stage to stage in the struggle for progress, and advancement, and all round betterment. There must be no looking back. There must be no faltering. There must be no retreat. Henceforth, as far as the Negro is concerned, it is “Forward.” Further on in the course of his address, that illustrious man, Professor Inniss, of whom we have reason to be proud, touched upon the same topic, which has been the theme of every Negro, with even the smallest amount of foresight, for some time now; and which is now more than ever engaging the attention of the people of the Negro race, all over the globe. We need more money. W[e] need more Negro enterprises. And the reason is clear. We can progress faster; we will be better able to achieve our ends; to help in the general uplift of the race, if we have the means at our disposal for the financing of those pains. And, as we have repeated time and again, it is only by getting together, by pooling our interests, our money, and our efforts, will we be able to make the headway for which we are longing. We need more Negro enterprises. The establishing of a number of enterprises, floated by funds of the Negro people, and supported loyally by the people of a race that is as large as ours, is one of the most pressing needs of the hour. This is a matter which we cannot sidestep. The fact stares us boldly in the face; appealing to our manhood, to our judgment, urging us to rise and be doing. Our brethren in other parts of the world are seizing every opportunity that [is] presented to their view; and are rearing banks, commercial houses of one kind or another, the370

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atres, schools, colleges, turning the furrows, building churches, and in many other ways, doing things that shall stand as monuments to their industry and activity, while this world shall last. Now, brethren, what are we doing? It is time to get down to solid bedrock, and begin to build safe and sure, solid structures, so that those coming after us may find that we have done our part for the progress and advancement of the race; so that when we each come to the end of our days, we may be able to feel that comfort which tells us that we have not lived in vain; so that in our small way, we may be able to [ben]efit the world of mankind in general, and the Negro race in particular. Day by day there are calls sounded by some one of our race, urging us to shake off the dull lethargy which seems to have enshrouded us in the past; and begin to do things. Shall we let these calls pass unheeded? Shall we fail to realize that there is no time like the present for the putting [in]to effect of the plans which we have been making? Shall we fail to realize the meaning of the signs? The people of the Negro race must awake. We must realize that we must needs pull together, for our mutual benefit and advancement, or suffer the bitterness of political and social and economic serfdom. Oh Ethiopia! It is high time to arise out of sleep. In the search for opportunity, we, the Negroes of Panama, are truly blessed. We live in a land of promis[e], a veritable Eden. Here, there is for the taking, lands, virgin, rich and fertile; ready to produce; waiting only to be coaxed into bearing by the industrious hands of the toilers. These lands will bring us abundant harvests. There is gold to be mined and washed from the streams. There are pearls in the waters. There is an abundance of timber [of] all kinds awaiting the [axe] of the lumberman. There are grazing lands awaiting the cattle from our ranches. There are villages and towns to be built. There is room here for the factory for the production of all kinds of goods. We live on a stretch of territory that is bound to become a great [d]istributing centre for the nations of the Southern h[em]isphere. Yea, more. There are count[less?] other opportunities here, waiting [t]o be grasped by the industrious hands of man. And what is more consoling than all, these opportunities are ours, as well as for any other. It is time to get right down from the stump and do something real, something tangible, something solid, sure, and lasting, which time will not erase. As a beginning, let some of us get together, pooling our money and our interests, our efforts, and establish a large co-operative farm, where we will be able to produce a great ma[n]y of the things which are so much in demand, and which are adaptable to our soil here. As a demonstration at first, secure a few acres of land. We can plant corn, and cane, and cotton, cabbages, lettuce, radishes, pumpkins, watermelons, papayas, peas, beans, tomatoes, radishes, potatoes of several kinds, yams, plantains, bananas, and a hundred other things, for each of which there is a brisk, eager demand which will continue for a long, long [time] to come. Right at this moment, we are depending upon other countries for our supply of some of the things mention[ed] [abo]ve, which we 371

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can easily produce for ourselves. We are assured of the demand keeping up for a long time to come. We need have no fear on that score. And besides we will be helping to reduce the high cost of living here. We will be doing service to ourselves in a double way, as well as benefitting others of the race of mankind. These things can be done and will eventually be done by someone. Why not by us? Let us awake to the possibilities that are ours. We must not let these golden opportunities slip away from our grasp. And let us act now, today. There is not time like the present. We shall have our ownselves to blame if we let these chances pass away from our feet. We need money. We need schools. We need a host of things. We are looking to the progress and advancement of our race. Let us, therefore, be wise and begin today to build safe and sure, so that in the days to come we shall have reason to rejoice. Who will start the ball rolling? Delays pay no dividends. For indecision brings its own delays and days are lost, lamenting o’er lost days. Are you in earnest? Seize this very minute. What you can do or dream you can, begin it. Boldness has genius, power and magic in it. Only engage, and then the soul grows heated. Begin, and then the work will be completed. The souls of the Negroes are heated today. Now is the time for action, ere your ardor cools. Listen to the voice of your fellowmen, Inniss, trumpeting above the din and noise and clamoring. See where he beckons you. “On to progress and advancement.” Yours is the choice today. Hear him saying, “We have sounded a trumpet which shall never call retreat,” Live up to that utterance! Be men! Nail your colors to the mast and follow in his wake. Cast indecision to the wind[s]. From now on let it be progress; let it be advancement; let it be a better state of l[i]ving and enjoyment for the Negroes. Start out here in our own little corner in Panama Republic. And let there be no faltering, no falling, no retreat for “henceforth it is forward.” Reproduced from NW, 11 October 1919.

E. Theo Phillip to the Negro World [New York, 11 October 1919]

OUR HOPE, OUR JOY AND PRIDE LIES IN AFRICA MARCUS GARVEY DESIRES TO RAISE THE NEGRO RACE TO SAME STANDARDS THAT OTHER RACES HAVE ATTAINED Dear Sir and Readers: It is with great joy and with inspiration of thought that I write this epistle to you. As ages pass on, we as a race and nation can look back to ancient theologian text books and see what great people we are. Take Solomon, for exam372

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ple. Solomon, the son of David King of Israel, was a black man, and though black he became the ruler of the children of Israel, to which he in his own version asserts: “Look not upon me because I am black. Because the sun hath looked upon me, my mother’s children were angry with me. They made me keeper of the vineyard, and my own have I not kept.” Though Solomon was black, he was comely, and didn’t regard his color as a disgrace, but he earnestly asked the Creator for wisdom and understanding to accomplish his heart’s desire. We have read of his progress and great achievements and now it is handed down to our own race—a race to which the white gods of earth have proclaimed that black men cannot achieve anything nor be rulers among themselves. Where did these white gods of earth get their opinions when we can look back to those ancient traditions? Men and women of the Negro race, I ask that we should be more attentive and watchful, for the proof is before us to see, especially the men. During the noise and tumult of the din of war we were called forth to lay down our lives for a great ransom known as democracy, and now the war is over where is that ransom our lives have paid the price for, or what did we get in turn for that great democracy? Nothing but wil[l]ful murder, burning and lynching. Was it these atrocities we were called forth to lay down our lives for? I will say “no.” And how will humanity in its course endure it any longer? It is unbearable and cannot be borne any more. In the unity of the Godhead of three persons was man created, and man in his being was endowed with three natural gifts from the Creator, and these were memory, will and understanding. With these gifts, why can’t black men be rulers among themselves? My opinion is, if it is good for white men to rule, it should be better for black men to rule, for we had put our hopes in the white gods to be fair and square with us. And yet for all they have not turned from their wicked ways, what must we do? Shall we continue to trust them for our democracy? I say “no.” We must be up and doing with a heart for any fate; realizing of ourselves we are men and women and should take an active part towards the progress and betterment of our Negro people throughout the world. Let us put away our selfish thought and unite ourselves together and become a great people and nation, for behold all former things have passed away, behold all things have become new. We are a new people and no more alien to each other. We are but one people the world over, and that is Negro; it doesn’t make any difference what part of the world we came from, we are Negroes just the same. All we must do is to unite together and solve our future destination, for the white men are just for themselves and will never have time to brighten our future prosperity if we leave it to them. Here is another interesting viewpoint. Let us take, for instance, the United States of America. It wasn’t the home and land of the white man. Those who founded this great republic were all foreigners. Those of us who have looked over the pages of history would plainly see therein the cause of the War of Independence, and why can’t we Negroes of the Western Hemisphere look into these deep and interest373

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ing matters of the day with serious consideration and think of our “Fatherland” Africa, where lie our hope, our joy and pride? The warning is given us daily of what awaits us, so as a race and nation we must prepare and be on the watch. Marcus Garvey, our noble leader, has dedicated his life to watch out for the pitfalls of the race and to raise that race to the same standard to which other races of the world have attained, so we today of the Negro race must give him our unwavering support. As we journey onward, we must pursue it to the end and ever press onward, bearing in mind the words of the poet: Who will be a bondman? Who will be a freeman? Who is so vile that will not love his country?1 No man can tell of heroic deeds but men who have grappled with danger. Yours fraternally, E. THEO PHILLIP Printed in NW, 11 October 1919. 1. William Shakespeare, The Tragedy of Julius Caesar (1623) act 3, scene 2.

R. E. M. Jack to the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper [[Richmond Hill, St Vincent, 12.10.’19]]

THE ST VINCENT GOVERNMENT SUFFERS FROM COLD FEET Dear Sir,— Having read your paper of Saturday, September 20th, today, I am resolved to subscribe to it. I must tell you that they have stopped that great paper The Negro World. The Government issued a proclamation in this island on the 1st October and the people and I, the agent of the Negro World, approached the Governor-in-Chief to stop the Government from prohibiting the paper, but did not succeed. We however succeeded in getting the Governor to raise labourers wages to twice as much as it was before. I have 475 members in the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. I am meeting with opposition from both white and black, but I am still going ahead without fear; at the same time trying to keep on the safe side, as I know the Government every where is determined to stop the progress of us, poor and innocent Negroes; but I have full belief in God that the day is not very far distant when the right of the Negroes will overcome the might of the whites. 374

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Please make mention of our suffering in St Vincent in your valuable paper. Stubbs District people are the only wise Negroes in St Vincent. Of six branches they can boast a membership of 275 out of a total membership of 475, and they are the people who came down in large numbers, interviewed the Governor and got good for the whole island of St Vincent. During the interview all the Negroes in Kingstown hid themselves in their houses. We are going to have a grand march at Stubbs on the 31st instant to celebrate the floating of the Black Star Line Steamship. Though the Government suppressed the newspaper I hope to hear by letters from Mr Garvey. Of the Association in St Vincent: we are going to register “The St Vincent Trading Company, Ltd.” capitalized at £2000 on Saturday, the 18th instant. Already we have £320. I admire the piece in your issue of 20th September, re “How Martyrs are made,” and I am determined to be a martyr for the uplift of my oppressed race. I was the spokesman for the labourers deputation, but when I touched the Negro World question the Governor refused to hear me. Yours truthfully, R. E. M. JACK Printed in WIP, 12 October 1919.

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, //13th// October, 1919 My Lord, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Lordship’s secret despatch of the 10th. of September, enclosing a copy of the Straits Settlements Ordinance XI of 1915, and informing me that, if my Government consider it advisable, Your Lordship would be prepared to approve of Legislation of a similar kind in Barbados. 2. The question of the introduction of legislation of this nature had already occupied my attention and has formed the subject of correspondence between the O.A.G. British Guiana, and myself. I enclose herewith a copy of his last letter to me dealing with the matter and of my reply thereto which sets forth the views held by my advisers with which I am in general agreement. 3. The introduction in Demerara of the Ordinance referred to by Mr. Clementi gave rise to strong criticism of an adverse nature in the press here and I am advised that a similar Bill here would only stir up trouble without any chance of becoming Law. 4. In the circumstances it appears to be wiser to leave the matter alone. 375

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Please make mention of our suffering in St Vincent in your valuable paper. Stubbs District people are the only wise Negroes in St Vincent. Of six branches they can boast a membership of 275 out of a total membership of 475, and they are the people who came down in large numbers, interviewed the Governor and got good for the whole island of St Vincent. During the interview all the Negroes in Kingstown hid themselves in their houses. We are going to have a grand march at Stubbs on the 31st instant to celebrate the floating of the Black Star Line Steamship. Though the Government suppressed the newspaper I hope to hear by letters from Mr Garvey. Of the Association in St Vincent: we are going to register “The St Vincent Trading Company, Ltd.” capitalized at £2000 on Saturday, the 18th instant. Already we have £320. I admire the piece in your issue of 20th September, re “How Martyrs are made,” and I am determined to be a martyr for the uplift of my oppressed race. I was the spokesman for the labourers deputation, but when I touched the Negro World question the Governor refused to hear me. Yours truthfully, R. E. M. JACK Printed in WIP, 12 October 1919.

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, //13th// October, 1919 My Lord, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Lordship’s secret despatch of the 10th. of September, enclosing a copy of the Straits Settlements Ordinance XI of 1915, and informing me that, if my Government consider it advisable, Your Lordship would be prepared to approve of Legislation of a similar kind in Barbados. 2. The question of the introduction of legislation of this nature had already occupied my attention and has formed the subject of correspondence between the O.A.G. British Guiana, and myself. I enclose herewith a copy of his last letter to me dealing with the matter and of my reply thereto which sets forth the views held by my advisers with which I am in general agreement. 3. The introduction in Demerara of the Ordinance referred to by Mr. Clementi gave rise to strong criticism of an adverse nature in the press here and I am advised that a similar Bill here would only stir up trouble without any chance of becoming Law. 4. In the circumstances it appears to be wiser to leave the matter alone. 375

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5. It is the fact that a certain amount of unrest exists among the coloured population of Barbados and that the returned soldiers of the B.W.I. Regiment and the repatriated coloured seamen form generally speaking a discontented element. So far however beyond a certain amount of reckless talking there has been no trouble. 6. I am constantly receiving complaints mainly relating to pay from these men. Such letters invariably commence by reciting the services which the writers have rendered to their “King and Country” and of which they appear to have an altogether exaggerated idea, but I notice in many of the more recent communications from ex-soldiers it is alleged that they are being “down trodden by cowardly Civilians” which is, I think, an indication that the general population has little sympathy with their grievances. This confirms my belief that the general atmosphere of Barbados is not favourable to revolt. The better class coloured man is too deeply religious and loyal to the Crown to favour concerted measures against authority. At the same time the most respect//able// are so afraid one of another that they will not admonish reckless or foolish speakers. 7. I am keeping [in] the closest possible touch upon //with// the situation generally, but I have no indication that publications such as the “Negro World” //(//which is freely circulated here//)// tend to incite actual crime among the population generally though the inflammatory headlines may cause some excitement in the minds of uneducated readers of criminal instincts. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble servant, [Charles?] O’BRIEN Lieut: Colonel Governor [Handwritten in the margin:] O.A.G. [B’Ga?] to gov: B’dos. conf of 13.9.19 gov: B’dos to A.D.G. Br.Ga. conf of 24.9.19 [Handwritten minutes:] Mr. Allen Darnley Mr Gindle The Gov. does not wish to introduce the Ordce. ? put by. R. J. H. [R. J. Hilary] 14/11/19 I hope the Gov is right. ?ack receipt. H. T. A. [H. T. Allen] 14/11/[1]9 Copy to Sir B. T[h]omson [CF?] The “Negro World” is prohibited in St. Vincent but allowed to circulate freely in Barbados. E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley]19/11

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OCTOBER 1919 The Gov. says that legislation against seditious prints would “stir up trouble without any chance of becoming law.” Clearly it is no use proceeding, unless something happens to frighten the House of Assembly. Ack. & say that should the views of the legislature change he will no doubt consider the matter further? 20.11.19 G. G. [G. Grindle] At once G. V. F. [G. V. Fiddes] 24.11 TNA: PRO CO 318/349/7280. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.”

Enclosure: Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Cecil Clementi, Officer Administering the Government, British Guiana GOVERNMENT HOUSE

24th September, 1919 Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your confidential despatch of 13th September and to thank you for sending me the two copies of the Bill entitled “An Ordinance to prohibit the publication and importation of seditious newspapers, books and documents,” which has been introduced in the Legislature of your Colony. 2. The question of the introduction of a measure on somewhat similar lines has been under my consideration, but I am informed by my legal advisers that it would have no chance of acceptance in the House of Assembly and so it appears wisest not to take any steps in the matter. Barbados is somewhat unlike the Colonies of Trinidad and British Guiana in that we have not the admixture of races, and the more the Barbadian coloured man learns of the disabilities of his fellows in America the better satisfied he is with the social conditions under which he lives. This is the general attitude of the respectable element, we have, of course, our agitators and a certain number of malcontents who may be stirred up to cause trouble but there is no serious indication at the present time. I have etc., (Sgd) C. R. M. O’BRIEN Lieut-Colonel, Governor TNA: PRO CO 318/349/7280. TL, copy. Marked “Confidential” and “No. 104.”

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B. Jemmott to the Negro World [[Panama City, Republic of Panama October 14, 1919]]

PRIN. J. B. YEARWOOD SECURES FREE TEXT BOOKS FOR THE PANAMA NEGRO CHILDREN Dear Sir: I am mailing you herewith a local paper, “The Dispatch,” of which, page four, under the caption of “Dedication Service,” should be read by every new Negro. Mr. Yearwood, the promoter of same, is a well known lover of his race throughout the universe who like yourself and other notable men and women are fighting for the redemption of Africa, and therefore he feels that the Negro should be educated to the highest degree. It is customary here that the West Indian parents residing in the city of Panama pay for monthly tuition besides finding books, etc. Owing to the high cost of living and for a more liberal education. Mr. Yearwood has, through the aid of the West Indians in general, laid down the first established West Indian school in this city with free books to each child. I therefore feel that you will have much pleasure in reprinting said “Service” in the Negro World, which is now widely circulated, as an impetus of inspiring our Negro teachers in doing all in their power to aid the liberal education of our race. With best wishes for your success, Your faithfully, B. JEMMOTT Printed in NW, 1 November 1919.

Enclosure: Article in the Dispatch [[Panama, 20 September 1919]]

BIG DEDICATION SERVICE On Sunday, 20th ultimo, the dedication service of the Salvation Army school books was a thorough success and long to be remembered by those who were present. Commissioner Morris, who was chairman of the evening, opened the meeting with a few brief and very interesting remarks, followed by the singing of Hymn-156, “O, God! Our Help in Ages Past,” from special pamphlets prepared for the purpose. This was followed by prayer from Mrs. Morris. The chairman then read the bible lesson.

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Mr. J. B. Yearwood, the principal, in a very lengthy speech then addressed the audience. He said that the occasion on which they had met could have never been more befitting—“to give thanks to God for his goodness”—which had enabled him and those who stood by him to have an elaborate school supply for the liberal education of their children. He also said that on this opening school in Panama City in 1915 and seeing the conditions of many persons, he called a teachers’ meeting for the purpose of devising ways and means to furnish schools with free supplies to alleviate the condition, and, although that association was temporarily suspended, the seed continued to grow, and we see its effect in the present service. In 1918 the association was reorganized with the said object in view, and that two teachers had already followed his example is a good record. “We are responsible for the coming generation. Among these boys and girls who now sit in your midst me thinks I see a Hannibal, a L’Overtur, a Desalines, a Frederick Douglas[s], and yea, even a black Joan of Arc leading Negro troops across the battle plains of Africa.” The greatest enterprise among our people to-day is the “Black Star Line.” If our children be not properly educated, who shall come after to take the place of our leaders who go before? After giving thanks to the general public for their sympathy and congratulating the parents for their hearty co-operation, he stated the facilities he had received at the hand of the Panamanian government, and assured the people that so long as the school lives up to the principles it preached facilities would ever be sure at the hand of a government whose policy is to uphold a liberal education. He read a letter from Senor E. T. Lefevre, Secretary of Foreign Relations, which assured them of his interest in the good work and his desire to be present. Teacher Lewis, of Wolmer School, Chorrillo, next spoke, his address was directly to the point. He urged parents to educate their girls, pointing out the opportunities that are awaiting them. In referring to Mr. Yearwood, he said: “I cannot find words to congratulate him who has set this ball a-rolling, and as a faith of my equal interest in same I have followed his example.” Mr. Geo. M. DaSauzay next spoke, and from his interest in the race as seen in his many writings in the local papers you can judge the sincerity of his address. He declared that he is optimistic about this race, and were there a day in his life in which he would be pessimistic his gray hairs would go in sorrow to the grave. Hymm-300. “O, Praise Our God To-Day,” was then sung. Mr. Pilgrim Wilkins was the next speaker, and in a brief address he congratulated the teacher and parents for their efforts, assuring them that when the muse of history dips her pen on the paper their noble deeds would stand foremost in solemn tribute to “education, the mother of success.”

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After many complimentary remarks, the chairman in referring to Mr. DaSauzay said: “Neither am I pessimistic about the race, which is destined with a great future. I am more than optimistic. The only way I would be pessimistic is ‘if God were.’” In referring to Teacher Lewis he encouraged parents to inculcate every word and educate their children, and especially the girls, who are at this present not being equally educated with the boys. He then congratulated the teacher, and, knowing him as he does, declared to the audience that if he (the teacher) had to leave that very night he would be more satisfied than ever to know that he has already accomplished his task, and quoted the words of Simeon at the presence of Jesus. After thanking the audience for the manner in which they appreciated the service, special thanks were given Miss Clementina Armatrading for the able manner she performed at the organ. The meeting was then brought to a close by the singing of the Doxology and the pronouncing of the Benediction. Reproduced from NW, 1 November 1919.

R. E. M. Jack to Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent, and George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands Richmond Hill, 14th October 1919 Please take notice that the Negro World is neither from Germany nor Russia, hence they are not seditious and should not be burnt, but returned to the owner. I protest in the names of the negroes of St Vincent that the Negro World newspapers should not be burnt. Your Excellency’s humble servant R. E. M. Jack Agent the Negro World [Addressed to:] His Hon Popham Lobb to be forwarded to His Excellence G. B. Haddon Smith SVGNA, Secret 21/1919/11. ALS. Also printed in WIP, 8 November 1919.

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Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent, to R. E. M. Jack [Government House, St. Vincent] 15th October 1919 Sir, I am directed by the Governor to inform you, in reply to your letter of the 14th instant, that the Government will deal with the “Negro World” newspapers as they think fit. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, (sgd) R. POPHAM LOBB Colonial Secretary1 SVGNA, Secret 21/1919/11. TLS. Also printed in WIP, 8 November 1919. 1. All correspondence addressed to the governor at Grenada passed through the local administrator and colonial secretary, who often replied to correspondence on behalf of the governor. Although Lobb was the administrator of St. Vincent, it was usual for the administrator to use the title “colonial secretary” whenever the governor was in the island. It is therefore likely that Haddon-Smith was still in St. Vincent at this time (Charles Lucas, ed., The Empire at War, vol. 2 [London: Oxford University Press, 1923], p. 392; David P. Henige, Colonial Governors from the Fifteenth Century to the Present: A Comprehensive List [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970], p. 169; William Lux, Historical Dictionary of the British Caribbean [Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1975], pp. 232–233; Bonham C. Richardson, Economy and Environment in the Caribbean Barbados and the Windwards in the Late 1800s [Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997], pp. 50–51).

Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent, to Horatio N. Huggins, Stubbs District, St. Vincent [[GOVERNMENT OFFICE, Saint Vincent, West Indies, 17th October 1919]] Sir,— I am directed by His Excellency the Governor to acknowledge the receipt of the petition dated on the 9th instant signed by yourself and others resident in the Stubbs District and so reply as follows: 2 In view of the present high cost of living the Government has decided to make the minimum pay of its labourers one shilling per diem for women and one shilling and two pence per diem for men. 3 Mr R[.] E[.] M[.] Jack can rely upon the protection of Government in the same way as any other law-abiding citizen. 4 The Government however has no intention of recognizing Mr Jack as the spokesman of any class of the community, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, 381

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R[.] POPHAM LOBB Administrator Printed in WIP, 8 November 1919.

Grenada

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Editorial in the West Indian [Grenada, 18 October 1919]

SHUTTING OUT THE DAWN WITH A SCRAP OF PAPER Many persons take the view that one of the first acts of His Excellency the Governor on his return from St. Vincent will be to proclaim the prohibition of entry of “The Negro World” in to Grenada, as he has done in St. Vincent.1 Grenadians, in any appreciable number, do not see or bother to read “The Negro World,” but many will be eager to see and to read a prohibited paper. We are not certain that Grenadians will not put up a fight, like the people of Demerara have done, against any attempt to play Czar over their ancient liberty as British subjects. This is one good way of playing with trouble: one good way of creating disaffection in the minds of the people: one good way of manufacturing racial bitterness in these islands. The majority of the people will not take time to think, and in that case they will regard the prohibition as [illegible] LEGISLATION, and the [illegible] [t]o create RACE HATRED is [illegible]ng such a measure. We hope the Governor and others are fully prepared for the trouble they are at pains to create. In our opinion, there will be more success for His Excellency if he should take the scrap of paper on which the prohibition may be printed and hold it over his eyes in the attempt to shut out the dawn. He may shut it out in his own experience, but he cannot so shut out the dawn. How will the prohibition take shape? Are private letters to be burst open and searched for extracts from “The Negro World?” Are Registered Letters and packets to be [word illegible]? Are passengers from the United States to be stripped? Are [illegible] to [illegible] privacy of the post, one of the most cherished liberties of civilization, abandoned, and to find Mr. Wilson or Mr[.] Laborde2 reading the private correspondence of inhabitants to see whether extracts from “The Negro World” are not written in those letters? Are we to see detectives invading the houses of inhabitants, turning up mattresses and clothes baskets, searching for “The Negro World”? The whole thing is very silly, and unworthy the dignity of British Government, and, more, is an insult to the intelligence of West Indians. The prohibition, if given effect will, simply make those who want the paper get it under systems of camouflage, and make others eager to see the prohibited paper. No[t] that we put “The Negro [W]orld” on a level with the Apostol[ic] epistles, but Rome, in the early Christian days, made it an offence to import or circulate Christian documents. All sorts of penalties were imposed.—even up to death by wild beasts. That was the best means for the circulation of those documents. Human nature has not changed. What Rome failed to do, Grenada will fail to do; the West Indies will fail to do. Let the people read; trust their intelligence. Why try to raise a whirlwind of race hatred to mourn its uncontrollable intensity at a later day? Why make 383

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many feel, wisely or [un]wisely, that efforts are being made by the Government to keep them in ignorance of matters affecting their race? We hardly believe that fifty copies of “The Negro World” circulate in Grenada. As soon as there was attention drawn to it by the Government, that number has increased. As soon as prohibition become[s] a fact that number will be multiplied many times over. Yes: Sir George Basil Haddon-Smith, you will by such prohibition do far worse than you can ever hope to provide against. You will start a serious current of racial suspicion in the minds of [many] people, and there is no knowing what the volume and its effect [may] be. You are on the best road to make bad worse. It is better not to trouble troubled. Printed in WI, 18 October 1919. Reproduced from WI (Supplement),3 24 October 1919. 1. The author’s fear that the governor would ban the importation into Grenada of the Negro World, as recently had been done in St. Vincent, proved prophetic. An outbreak of fires at different parts of the town of St. George’s, as the governor reported on 22 January 1920, would seem to suggest an increase in opposition to the restrictive measures. Indeed, officials feared at the time that the fires constituted a deliberate effort to destroy the town of St. George’s. Meanwhile, protests for the removal of the restriction on importation of literature and for greater citizen participation in government were increasing. The escalating cost of living during and in the immediate aftermath of World War I also enhanced the state of unrest (Haddon-Smith to Milner, 22 January 1920, TNA: PRO CO 321/308; Patrick Emmanuel, Crown Colony Politics in Grenada, 1917–1951 [Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), University of the West Indies, 1978], pp. 36–56; E. Gittens Knight, comp., The Grenada Handbook and Directory 1946 [Barbados: n.p., 1946], p. 77). 2. Edward D. Laborde was appointed colonial secretary of Grenada in 1915 and served as administrator between September and October of that year. Before that, he was treasurer of St. Lucia. He may have been the same Edward Daniel Laborde who served as administrator of Grenada from 1883 to 1886 and again in 1889 (David P. Henige, Colonial Governors from the Fifteenth Century to the Present [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970], p. 122; Knight, The Grenada Handbook and Directory 1946, pp. 117–118). 3. Special issues of the West Indian were occasionally published when the editor thought that some important news could not wait for the appearance of the next regularly scheduled issue of the newspaper, which was published twice weekly.

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St. Vincent minute (Source: SVGNA)

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J. A. H. Thor[n]e to Marcus Garvey [[No. 7 Go[n]zalo de Quesad[a], Sagua La Grande,1 Sant[a] Cla[r]a, Cuba, Oct. 19, 1919]]

A MESSAGE FROM CUBA, THE STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE UNITED STATES AND IN JAMAICA Dear Sir: It gives me great pleasure to convey to you my profound satisfaction after reading of your efforts for the improvement of our race in the Negro World of Sept. 27. Sir, the Negro who reads your remarks and is not inspired with real enthusiasm at the thought of liberation in the near future, is not worth while living, for though a native of Jamaica where, thanks to the more humane treatment of the governing authorities, we are free from such barbarities as lynching and Jim Crow laws,2 yet we are still the tool of the white man who thinks less of us than he does of his domestic animals. Sir, especially of late since lynching3 and race riots4 are of everyday occurrence in the United States, you could see me every morning hurriedly going over the head lines of my newspaper hunting for such news as: “Yesterday two negroes were lynched in Georgia” or some such place, or “Race riot in Chicago, twenty negroes and two whites arrested; thirty negroes and one white killed, twenty-five negroes and two whites were wounded by the police.”5 It makes me shake with horror at such news. Why in the world can the casualties of the whites be at least one-half of the negroes? Can it be possible that there are some underlying plots to make an extinction of us or at least to bully into submission certain elements of our race in the U.S.A.? As it is found out by the enemies of our race that they have taken the lead to open the eyes of their fellowmen of the possibilities that lies before us. Sir, if we can only hold together and make up our minds that some of us must become martyrs of this righteous cause, I am sure then that our children will reap the fruits of our labor. Sir, can it be that there are some sinister movements to block our improvement? In my opinion, yes. Why? Because the white man still needs us as his tools and still holds us so, until, broadly speaking, we are the white man’s slave. Politically we are his slave; industrially, commercially and socially we are his slaves. The only difference between us and our African fathers who were sold out to the planters, is that we are not subject to physical punishment, but otherwise we are not free in the right sense of the word. Take Jamaica, where the Negroes can boast of over eighty per cent of the population. They have got their vote as full citizens, yet they are deprived of their rights. Why? Because when we elect representatives of our race to the council, they dare not champion our cause and if they attempt to they are bullied into submission by being ruled out of order and sometimes ruled out of the 386

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council and [out] of the island itself, as in the case of Mr. Cox, a negro representative for one of our parishes, who was forced out of the council and out of the Island itself, because of the above stated. So then you see that in Jamaica we need a Mr. Garvey who seems to be the right man on the right job. Wishing you and all officers of the organization every success, also offering myself in any way that is serviceable to the advancement of the cause, I remain, Yours for Success, J. A. H. THOR[N]E Printed in NW, 1 November 1919. 1. Sagua la Grande was “a railroad center with a long proletarian tradition” (Oscar Zanetti and Alejandro García, Sugar and Railroads: A Cuban History, 1837–1959, trans. Franklin W. Knight and Mary Todd [Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1998], p. 303). 2. Jim Crow laws were gradually enacted across the United States after the Civil War to enforce racial segregation between whites and blacks in facilities and institutions. The system was also used to reinforce white supremacy while disenfranchising blacks, denying them access to economic opportunities, and generally humiliating them. In Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the constitutional right of states to enact Jim Crow laws. This ruling reinforced the notion of “separate but equal” in which Americans could be segregated into two societies—one white, one black. Jim Crow laws would stay on the books of many states until the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (John Hope Franklin and Alfred A. Moss Jr., From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans [1947; reprint., New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988], p. 238; C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow [1955; reprint., New York: Oxford University Press, 1974], pp. 7, 183). 3. According to the Tuskegee Institute, in 1919 there were eighty-three cases of lynching reported in the United States, of which seventy-six victims were black. In 1919 the NAACP also published a report, Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889–1918, which indicated that 3,224 people were lynched in the thirty-year period. Of these, 702 were white and 2,522 black. Among the justifications given for lynching were offenses such as “being disloyal, making unwise remarks, making unruly remarks, and disagreement and altercation with plantation landlord” (Monroe N. Work, Negro Year Book 1918–1919 [Tuskegee, Ala.: Negro Year Book Publishing Co., 1919], p. 373). In some cases, white mobs were encouraged or led by people prominent in the area’s political and business circles. Lynching became a ritual of interracial social control, terror, and recreation, as well as extralegal punishment for alleged crimes (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889–1918 [New York: Negro Universities Press, 1919]; Walter White, Rope and Faggot [New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1929]; Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP Crusade against Lynching, 1909– 1950 [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980]). 4. The end of the war brought high levels of job competition, housing shortages, and labor tensions. In such an environment, white fears of economic competition and, at least in northern areas, the voting power of black migrants, led to a series of riots so widespread and violent that the summer of 1919 has come to be known as the “Red Summer.” The United States experienced over twenty race riots between April and October 1919, with the most deadly ones occurring in Washington, D.C.; Chicago; Omaha, Nebraska; Charleston, South Carolina; Longview, Texas; Knoxville, Tennessee; and Elaine, Arkansas. “Provocations” for this white-instigated violence ranged from a black teacher reporting a recent lynching to the Chicago Defender (Longview) and a teenager floating into a whites-only section on the Lake Michigan waterfront (Chicago), to a sensationalist series on black crime in the Washington Post (Washington, D.C.). The Elaine riot, unique for being situated in a rural area, began when whites, angry about black struggles for better farm labor conditions, fired into a black church—and the black parishoners fired back. The number killed in these riots has been calculated at over 120, although as the Elaine riot was a rural massacre, it is difficult to tell how much higher the true figure might be. While 1919 did not mark the first time African Americans had suffered from white-instigated riots, the events of this year marked a turning point: for the first time, African Americans fought back. After such riots as the Washington, D.C., conflagration, the black press extolled the heroic resistance of young blacks and demanded an end to Jim Crow practices and lynching. Black opinion-makers had divided reactions to this increased militancy. The National Association for the

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Advancement of Colored People was disturbed by carefully verified reports from many places— even Mississippi—of blacks planning to meet fire with fire, but A. Philip Randolph, editor of the militant Socialist monthly The Messenger, openly advocated physical resistance to white mobs. In the wake of Red Summer, a few scattered attempts were made to mend relations, most notably with the formation of an integrated Commission on Race Relations in Chicago to study the Chicago riots. The commission’s report (1922), written by Charles S. Johnson and titled The Negro in Chicago, included a thoughtful and penetrating series of recommendations for social reforms that likely would have profound and lasting changes on the structure of the community. Unfortunately, like those of so many other commissions, these recommendations were simply shelved. The legacy of 1919 would live on, however, as African Americans increasingly challenged the violence and racism of the American system. The young Jamaican poet Claude McKay summed up the feelings of a generation most eloquently in his poem, “If We Must Die” (1919): If we must die, let it not be like hogs Hunted and penned in an inglorious spot, While round us bark the mad and hungry dogs, Making their mock at our accursed lot. If we must die, O let us nobly die, So that our precious blood may not be shed In vain; then even the monsters we defy Shall be constrained to honor us though dead! O kinsmen we must meet the common foe! Though far outnumbered let us show us brave, And for their thousand blows deal one deathblow! What though before us lies the open grave? Like men we’ll face the murderous, cowardly pack, Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back! (Derrick Ward, “Urban Race Riots in the Jim Crow Era: An Overview Essay,” www.jimcrowhistory.org, 25 February 2005; William M. Tuttle Jr., Race Riot: Chicago in the Red Summer of 1919 [New York: Atheneum, 1972], p. 14; Florette Henri, Black Migration: Movement North, 1900–1920 [Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Press, 1975], pp. 318–321; August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, From Plantation to Ghetto, 3rd ed. [New York: Hill and Wang, 1976], pp. 238–241; Lee E. Williams II, Post-War Riots in America 1919 and 1946: How the Pressures of War Exacerbated American Urban Tensions to the Breaking Point [Lewiston, N.Y.: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991], pp. 5–7). 5. The Chicago Race Riot began on 27 July 1919, after a black youth, swimming near a “whites only” beach, was hit with a rock thrown by angry whites and drowned. The riot lasted five days and was quelled only after state militia troops were called in to patrol streets and end the violence. By the end of the riot, fifteen whites and twenty-three blacks had been killed, more than five hundred people injured, and hundreds of others left homeless (Tuttle, Race Riot, p. 242).

Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State, to Albert S. Burleson, U.S. Postmaster General WASHINGTON

October 22, 1919

The Secretary of State presents his compliments to the Honorable the Postmaster General and has the honor to transmit the enclosed communication for consideration and such action as may be required. DNA, RG 28, B-500. TL, recipient’s copy. On Department of State letterhead.

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Enclosure: Henry D. Baker,1 U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE, //Trinidad, B.W.I. Oct. 5, 1919//

SUBJECT: Anarchistic Propaganda in Trinidad, Through “The Negro World,” of New York SIR: I have the honor to state that thousands of copies of a paper published in New York, called “The Negro World” (at 56 West 135th Street), are coming to Trinidad by every mail, and altho the local Postal Authorities burn every copy they can find of this publication, which is obviously intended as propaganda to cause race troubles, and general anarchy, nevertheless it is believed that many copies escape destruction, and are circulated in a surrepti[ti]ous way throughout this Colony. The local authorities here are much concerned as to the possible result the circulation of this paper may have here in tending to cause revolt of the negro population, and general disorder. My attention has been especially called to a paragraph appearing in the issue of August 2nd 1919, in an article signed by Marcus Garvey, wherein he says: “I may say that as there was a Waterloo for the French in Europe, there shall be a Waterloo for the white man in Africa, for which I ask all negroes to prepare. Steel shall match steel, and right shall trample might, and then, and not till then, will the savage who kills and burns men all over the world because they are black realize that the life of a black man is a costly proposition. If we must be killed then let us also kill all over the world. The millions of us in Africa and the West Indies ought to realize that men are killed in America simply because they are black. We may not be able to kill back successfully, but we can kill //the// hideous animal in Africa and the West Indies, following the doctrine that any Chinaman is a Chinaman.” I enclose portions of the addressed and stamped wrappings in which this paper comes here, which show how the United States mails are being used for the purpose of forwarding to a friendly country, papers directly inciting the negro population to acts of murder and anarchy. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, HENRY D. BAKER American Consul

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS [Handwritten endorsement:] Ack [A-?4] [illegible] dup. to Postmaster (5[A?]) Oct. 22/19 ELL/EK[J?]. DNA, RG 59, 811.918/133. TLS, recipient’s copy. 1. Henry Dunster Baker (b. 1873) served as U.S. consul in Trinidad from 1916 until 1922. His diplomatic career included posts as U.S. consul in Australia, the Bahamas, and India, and as commercial attaché to Russia (“Index to Politicians: Baker, G to I,” www.politicalgraveyard.com, 29 March 2005). As U.S. consul to Trinidad, Baker took more than a consular interest in the national politics of the island. Tony Martin describes him as having the “appearance more of an unofficial governor of the island than a diplomat.” Baker had a penchant for gathering intelligence and was privy to a great deal of sensitive information. He was known to request confidential correspondence from local public administrators as if he were an appointee of the British Crown. As a member of the Union Club, a social club for upper-class whites, he had access to informal sources of information from Trinidad’s policymakers and influential businessmen. Baker incurred the anger of the black community when he sought to have F. E. M. Hercules deported from the United States. He was said to have adopted a “persistently hostile” attitude to black Trinidadians. He was accused of deliberately trying to inhibit their advancement and was further accused of using his position to promote the agenda of the local white ruling class. In a letter to the U.S. secretary of state, a group of community representatives charged that by attempting to restrict their travel to the United States, Baker sought to ensure that the employer class had a pool of potential laborers to exploit (Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad, 1912–1947,” in The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond [Dover, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing, 1983], pp. 47–93).

Article in the Port of Spain Gazette [[Trinidad, ca. 22 October 1919]]

SOME DRASTIC LEGISLATION GOVERNMENT OF ST. VINCENT TAKES ACTION AGAINST CIRCULATION OF NEWSPAPER AS ALSO DEMERARA ORDINANCE PASSED FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF SEDITIOUS PUBLICATIONS IN THAT COLONY The Government of St. Vincent have taken direct action against circulation of The Negro World in that colony, and have made it a criminal offence to procure the introduction, possess or circulate, any copy of that paper in St. Vincent. The maximum penalty for a breach of the prohibition order, is a fine of £100 or six months’ imprisonment. Demerara has also passed drastic legislation. The statute is called the “Seditious Publications Ordinance,” and it is made a criminal offence to do any of the following things: (a) to inflame the mind of the people, and incite them to acts of violence, riot, and disorder;

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(b) to seduce any naval or military man from his allegiance or duty; (c) to bring His Majesty, or the established Government of any part of the Empire, into hatred, contempt or ridicule; or bring into hatred or contempt, the administration of justice, or any class of subjects; (d) to compel any person, through fear, to do or refrain from doing any act or to part with any valuable security; (f) to encourage or incite to interference with the administration of law and order, or (g) to in any way threaten any public officer in connection with the discharge of his public functions. The penalty is a fine of five thousand dollars or two years imprisonment, or both fine and imprisonment. Trinidad is expecting to pass legislation on somewhat similar lines. Reproduced from DG, 1 November 1919.

Editorial in the West Indian [Grenada, 24 October 1919]

SHALL IT BE We were [word illegible] that several intercolonial newspapers reproduced our article, or portions of our article, entitled “Legislative Lunacy.” The entire West Indian Press, of all shades of opinion, from conservative to radical, have made a firm stand against the attempt to do equal injury to the cause of the West Indies and to Great Britain by the introduction of moral and mental slavery in these islands through the means of the Seditious Publications Bill of Demerara. Every right-thinking journalist should write down sedition, but, first of all, he should have a clear, intelligent, historic, idea as to what sedition really is. If that is hard to know, he can have a firm, intelligent conviction as to what sedition is not. We are quite certain that the Negro publications of the United States which the Authorities are arranging to prohibit are not seditious publications. They are militantly pro-Negro just as other papers are militantly pro-white. The one is as good or as bad as the other, therefore, to prohibit one and not the other is to launch unfair discrimination which will do no good, and very much harm. Marcus Garvey should be generous enough to contribute a substantial sum to those West Indian Governments who are advertising “The Negro 391

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World” by calling attention to it in their measures of prohibition. Many more people will get the paper than usually, however hard they have to contrive to get it [word illegible] some may be calm enough as to go to jail for reading it. Curiosity is as old as the Garden of Eden. Unforbidden fruit is passed by, but forbidden fruit is tasted, and just because it is forbidden. Those who hope to change human nature by statute may well try the easier task of taking the salt out of the sea while they are about it. “The Negro World” has its own style of teaching unity and co-operation and which it caters, some persons like it, and some do not. It is too great an expense of generosity to move the machinery of government in these parts simpl[y] to immortalise the paper. What about the Hearst publications of New York? Can anything be more anti-British than the Hearst papers?1 They gave a nasty introduction to the welcome which the United States prepared for the Prince of Wales,2 and held our future King in gross contempt. It appears that a paper may be anti-British, but it must not be pro-Negro! The short-sighted Governments of these islands should not be surprised if things turn out beyond the formula of their hopes. Many persons who dislike “The Negro World” and other such papers are indignant over the insult to their intelligence through the authority which is to tell them what not to be read. The overwhelming majority of the population of the West Indies is Negro, and it might be felt that this is an act aimed directly at doing injury to the racial cons[c]iousness of the population, and at this stage of hunger after racial unity and conscio[u]sness the attempt is not likely to succeed. Month after month thousands of West Indians go to and come from the United States, and there is a large, permanent West Indian colony over there. Will private letters be censored next which give information concerning the success of the great Negro movement in America? Every young man or young woman of colour who has returned to these islands from the United States returns bigger and broader in mind, with a better knowledge of the good of unity and teamwork, and with the beautiful idea that first of all loyalties is loyalty to his or her suffering race. The New West Indian is in the making; and he cannot be put back a hundred years by any jabbering threats of “legislative lunacy.” If the governments of these islands want to play a game of Russia over again, there will be other partners to oppose. Fines and imprisonments? Penal Servitude? Why,—those do not reckon in the count!!—The Czar of all the Russias found that out. Printed in WI, 24 October 1919. 1. The publishing and film magnate William Randolph Hearst (1863–1951) was one of the United States’ more colorful and influential figures, from the acquisition of his first major newspaper, the San Francisco Examiner, in 1887 until his death sixty-four years later. His father made his fortune in extractive industries, mining rich mineral deposits first in the silver country of Virginia City, Nevada, and later in South Dakota’s gold-bearing Black Hills and in the Anaconda silver- and copper-mining region of Montana. The younger Hearst made his mark through a newspaper empire that at its peak comprised more than two dozen publications throughout the nation. At this point of furthest reach, one of every four Americans got their news from a Hearst paper. Hearst was a noted producer of the “yellow journalism” typifying so much late-nineteenth- and early-twenti-

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OCTOBER 1919 eth-century news. Objectivity was not a term often used in conjunction with Hearst-owned publications, which featured front-page editorials and blatant attacks on opposition figures. In 1901, for example, Hearst’s New York Morning Journal was forced to change its name to the New York American after suggesting that assassination of such a “bad man” as President McKinley might be justified. McKinley was assassinated shortly thereafter, and while his killer was an immigrant incapable of reading the Morning Journal’s English prose, the resulting furor made major “damage control,” to use a modern term, necessary (David Nasaw, The Chief: The Life of William Randolph Hearst [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000], pp. 6, 23–24, 156–158). Such scandals notwithstanding, Hearst continued to speak his mind as World War I approached. Hearst’s newspapers criticized the British at every turn, advocating isolationism generally and appearing friendly toward the Germans when pressed. In 1916 the British Home Office barred Hearst’s International News Service from using the Official Press Bureau and from using cables and other facilities for transmission of news because of its “gambling of messages and breach of faith” (NYT, 12 October 1916). The London Daily Express pointed out that Hearst newspapers had, among other things, justified the sinking of the Lusitania, sought to enlist the sympathy of American Jews and Irish against England and Russia, advocated stoppage of munitions shipments to the Allies, and declared the Allies bankrupt. “It is safe to say,” the London paper reported, “that since the outbreak of war no German has more bitterly and consistently assailed the Allies than the organs controlled by this most un-neutral citizen of a neutral country” (Daily Express [London], 12 October 1916, TNA: PRO KV 2/824/108634). American publications with a pro-Allied position joined in the attack, with the New York Tribune running a lengthy front-page comparison, on 14 July 1918, of statements made by the Hearst press and those made by The Mail, a publication previously owned by the German kaiser. Point by point, the Tribune impressed upon readers that both Hearst’s American and The Mail attacked England fiercely, laid blame for the war at Russia’s door, condoned the violation of Belgium, and magnified U-boat success against England, among many other similarities. Hearst reacted in the spirit of the self-righteously wounded, proclaiming in October 1916 that “there is not money enough in the British treasury to bribe the International News Service or the Hearst newspapers to do the contemptible work of betraying their country and their people by suppressing the truth and publishing the things which are not true in order to serve the interests of England” (New York American, 13 October 1916, TNA: PRO KV 2/824/108634). Hearst newspapers continued their attacks upon England after the war, reporting in 1919, for example, that British vessels were leaving the port of New York carrying half-loads of ballast rather than consenting to ship U.S. products “for which European neutrals are clamoring” (M.I.l.c. New York Report No. 180 [E], 21 February 1919, TNA: PRO KV 2/824/108634). Garvey expressed a great deal of respect for Hearst, even emulating him in the Negro World through such devices as the front-page editorial. Hearst’s opposition to Britain and his advocacy of such policies as Irish home rule might well have appealed to Garvey; additionally, Garvey appreciated the newspaper magnate’s brutal honesty. “To me,” he stated in 1920, “William Randolph Hearst is the most experienced, the greatest intellect in this country. To me there is no statesman like William Randolph Hearst. He loves his race. He can see nothing else but his race.” Elsewhere, Garvey lauded Hearst as “the greatest power in the United States of America,” arguing that Hearst had the power to make war or peace as he saw fit. Finally, and perhaps most revealingly, Garvey argued in 1921 that Hearst’s unapologetic advocacy of the white race would show integrationists like W. E. B. Du Bois the true colors of whites: “We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association have been telling you for four years that this is going to be a ‘white man’s country,’ sooner or later, and that the best thing possibly we could do is to find a black man’s country as quickly as possible” (New York Tribune, 14 July 1918, TNA: PRO KV 2/824/108634; MGP 3:21, 212–213, 217 n.8; MGP 4:224–225). 2. Hearst’s virulent anti-British feelings notwithstanding, the future King Edward VIII was enthusiastically greeted by citizens and officials of the United States during his 1919 visit to Washington and New York City. From his Canadian border crossing on 10 November, where he was greeted by Secretary of State Robert Lansing, an army band, and two thousand exuberant citizens of Rouse Point, New York, to his departure eight days later, the handsome prince was the subject of cheers, accolades and expressions of Anglo-American friendship. His father, King George V, was said to have viewed his son’s reception as evidence of, in the words of the New York Times, “an unofficial but none the less binding alliance of heart and sympathy which unites the two countries” (New York Times, 11 November, 19 November, 20 November 1919). The lack of concern with which Britain viewed any Hearst outbursts is further indicated by the absence of any references to the Prince of Wales visit in the Hearst file of British intelligence (TNA: PRO KV 2/824/108634).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Edward (1894–1972) was proclaimed king in January 1936, but abdicated the throne before the end of the same year to marry the American divorceé Wallis Simpson. After his abdication he carried the title Prince Edward, Duke of Windsor (ODNB).

Editorial in the West Indian [Grenada, 24 October 1919] The first ship of the Black Star Line, the Frederick Douglas[s], has been purchased by the Negroes of the United States, and will soon set sail on the high seas. The Captain’s name is given as A. J. Cockburn,1 a coloured [man. It was] owing to the energy of the Editor of the “Negro World,” Marcus Garvey, who, by the way, is a West Indian, that this new line of steamship was organised. On June 1st, he and other members of a society of Negroes, launched a scheme calling for $500,000 in shares. They suffered a great deal of obstruction, and, when it was thought that the head of the movement was up before the Grand Jury of the United States for fraud, the Black Star Line suddenly became a [fact, with?] its leader still active as before. Of the total capital called for, only $90,000 more was wanted up to 8th September last. The movement is receiving support in Costa Rica, Panama and British Guiana, and promises to spread throughout the West Indies which Mr Garvey loves too dearly to leave out of his scheme of a steamship line on which there will be equal treatment to all irrespective of race, colour or else. The Black Star Line is making appeals to all those who consider themselves as Negroes to help in organising a fleet of ships owned and operated by Negroes to trade in all lands. In this and other ways it is believed that race independence and race consciousness will be established among the 40[0],000,000 of Negroes spread over the world. Who can be against it? Printed in WI, 24 October 1919. 1. Born in Nassau, Bahamas, Joshua Cockburn (b. 1877) was first a lighthouse tender in the Royal Navy, then a pilot of vessels for Elder Dempster, and then a sea captain for himself, trading in Nigerian waters. He arrived in the United States from Lagos on 18 October 1918, stayed for a short time, then left for the Bahamas. He returned to New York from the Bahamas on 29 March 1919, at which point he met and persuaded Garvey about the feasibility and desirability of starting a black shipping line with the aim of trading with Africa. Because of his sailing experience, he was commissioned by Garvey and his associates to purchase the first ship of the BSL, the S.S. Yarmouth, renamed the Frederick Douglass. Cockburn had several disagreements with Garvey on the running of the vessel (1920 United States Federal Census [database online], Provo, Utah: www.ancestry.com, 14 December 2005; passenger records [database online], New York, www.ellisisland.org, 14 December 2005; Judith Stein, The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986], p. 78).

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Black Star Line leaflet

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Richard A. Bennett and Others to Marcus Garvey [[13 Trundicion, Havana, Cuba, ca. 25 October 1919]]

FROM HAVANA, CUBA, COMES A RINGING ENDORSEMENT OF MARCUS GARVEY BRITISH WEST INDIANS IN CUBA WILL SUPPORT “UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION”— IT AIMS AT THE TRUE DEVELOPMENT OF THE LIVES OF THE COMMUNITY THE

My Dear Mr. Garvey.— We have read from the medium of the “Negro World” of what had transpired regarding your arrest. Under such circumstances we beg to transmit to you through the columns of the said papers our deepest sympathy towards you for the false accusation you had received by our oppressors (the whites) and other malicious antagonists of your race. Nevertheless, we earnestly request you to be ever stouthearted, pursuing your course unfaltering with fresh deeds of valor, trampling as you go the thorns which thronged your pathway, knowing that your footprints will be stained on the sand of time, and with such effort, hereafter, institutions in various regions of the globe shall be named “Marcus Garvey.” We fully approved of the martial manner in which you are day by day endeavouring to determine the legitimate right of universal equality, and we promise you that we will undoubtedly tender our moral and financial support to the “Universal Negro Improvement Association[”] for the aggrandizement and development [of its future] achievements. Long will the Universal Negro Improvement Association rest in our thoughts and may God’s richest blessings ever rest on it with all its labor, for the moulding and shaping of uncharitable conditions for uplifting of those that are depressed for the true development of the lives of the community and the good of humanity. May you ever pursue your course, conquering and to conquer, until you have reached a higher sphere into richer fields of development, and a higher life of recognition and usefullness. With very best wishes, Yours fraternally, RICHARD A. BENNETT AND OTHERS British West Indians Printed in NW, 25 October 1919.

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Article by George M. Du Sauzay in the Dispatch [[Panama, R. P., ca. 25 October 1919]]

GEO. M. DU SAUZAY WRITES BRILLIANTLY ON AFRICA NEGRO’S ASPIRATION UNATTAINABLE IN WHITE MAN’S COUNTRY—IN HIS NATIVE LAND HE CAN FIND FREEDOM For the cause that lacks assistance, For the wrongs that need resistance For the future in the distance, And the good that I can do. PREFACE No doubt you are aware of the existence of a struggling organization in this republic of Panama and in the U.S. of America, formed for the purpose of enhancing Negro improvement generally and bringing the race to a vivid understanding of what our aspirations must lead us to. We have exhaustively examined every phase of Negro life, and we all conclude with the New York organization that in the “Back to Africa” movement only will the solution for the race problem be found. In virtue thereof I have resolved to write this booklet, wherein is expressed my sentiments as one who strongly endorses this Godinspiring movement, entitled “Back to Africa.” An inspiring people, fully capable of managing themselves, must be given opportunity for self-determination. The black people have always been the most peaceful race that ever walked the earth. They possess all the characteristics in common with the most civilized peoples of the world. They are ambitious and quick to imbibe knowledge. They are liberal, kind hearted and religious, and are ever ready to do their share in order to help the progress of all. They saw what would have been the fate of the civilized world if the Huns had penetrated Paris. They knew what a few regiments of their kind could do to help drive back the Huns, and they came as volunteers and entered the arena of war with grim determination that they would prove themselves men of mettle true, who are worthy of full franchise, in anticipation of valiant deeds and work that they would do. Negroes had not over-estimated themselves, as a record of their history in the war will show. They lived up to all their expectations and, speaking frankly, they did more than they expected they could do. Now that the war is won, they have come back and are told by the thinkers of the race that there is now a “Back to Africa” movement in existence, calling for a repatriation to the Fatherland [“Africa.”] They warmly welcome the movement and are elated to know that in the sunny eastern waters far away there lies our fatherland—our rightful heritage which we left behind us when we were taken away as slaves to the foreign lands where we now dwell. 397

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Gentlemen:—There is an uncontrollable desire dominant in me to write on this race question; many a time the emotional tides swell and arouse me from my slumber in the dead of night, and until I have allowed the stream of thought to flow from the pen, and stretch its legible forms on the pages I feel powerless to return into the embrace of sweet repose. My fellowmen, my fellow African-West Indians and men and women of my race generally, we all can see that the swift march of events furnish us with ample convictions that the time is fast approaching when our race will come to the turning point. The great world war in which our brothers so bravely fought—that great world war and its consequences—have placed our race on a platform of amazing relations as regard our future well being; and it is with the consciousness of the justification of our demands that we have resolved to approach the dignitaries of the world with a claim for Africa, that we may establish our “National Home,” thereby making it possible for our future generations to thrive uninterruptedly. As we are in a state of helplessness with none to assist us, must we not get together to become a strong unit to redeem ourselves? We are of Africa, and we have our ancestry wound up in the celebrated peoples of Ethiopia, who stood with civilization and science in their palm in the days when earth was young, a fact which bears one honor to be an African or to be of African descent. We, the sons of Africa, have suffered long and have borne all with a patient shrug for ages past. We have lived through all the crucibles of slavery. We have ploughed the lands of all the world. We have served as slaves for hundreds of years, and have been denied full freedom which is the divine right of all men. Our country, Africa, has been made a harbor for plunderers; we were made slaves, bound and sold all over the world, and we shall remain in that disreputable state of worthless subjection unless we find our Moses to lead us away from the white man’s country, the land of bondage, into our long abandoned country, Africa. The Jews are proud of their country, and are preparing for a wholesale emigration to the Holy Land. We, too, have been mobilizing the sentiments of our people to return to our Fatherland, where a great African Empire will be founded. We hail with delight the activities of the company of the Black Star Line, which we assure you will be a giant success. And we can vouch that Negroes far and near, and from the remotest ends of the earth, will send across all available funds in order that the Black Star Line may, in the very near future, begin to plough the seas. In the white man’s country, Negroes are always at a disadvantage. We are underpaid, ill-treated, disrespected and abused. We live under conditions on us which make us dependent almost entirely upon them; for they cause or create conditions of poverty which often times bring forcible reaction on our people so that many of our fair sex are easily seduced by some of the same whites. In the opinion of some prominent men of the race the “Back to Africa” movement is the only logical sequence, for after having exhaustively flashed the search398

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lights all around the horizon that forms the boundary of the white man’s country, they have not discovered any spot where our race will find ample scope for general advancement. By reason thereof, I most emphatically say in accord that back to Africa we must go, in order that we may be free (from these shackles of poverty) to raise ourselves to a standard of thrift, dignity, self-respect, and unlimited education in the higher principles of ethics, where it would be impossible for the white man to cohabit with the fair sex of our race unless he tames down to be tied in wedlock. The spread of Christianity can never take full effect upon a people who are brought to look upon a white man as a superior. A people who are arrogant by a sharp color line; and who are considered unfit for inter-marriage, whilst white men who dwell amongst them, driven by lust, take advantage of them to debase their fair ones into illegal cohabitation, cannot properly exercise those Christian virtues so essential for their spiritual welfare. On the other hand, when any one of us interferes with a daughter of the white man a lynching is sure. The following is a brief synopsis of part of the comments on the back to Africa movement which appeared on the fifth page of the issue of September 6. The comments expound a cause that lacks assistance, and acquaint one of the efforts of a struggling organization (in the city, as well as in the United States) toward the back to Africa movement. It demonstrates the general aspirations of the dark race as being unattainable in the white man’s country, and shows clearly that in a back to Africa movement only will the solution for the race problem be found; as the con[s]ensus of opinion of the unbiased thinkers of the race reveals. The intelligence, ability and character of this race, as shown, are no less admirable than what are found in other races, and it is seen that Negroes have always been an aspiring people, fully capable of managing themselves. Now they become determined that they must be free; let no one stand in their way. Our boys, who returned from war, heartily welcome the movement which is preparing a way for migration to the Fatherland, Africa, and they are elated to know of the activities for the launching of the Black Star Line. There is a marked enthusiasm throughout the comments, and a vivid portrayal of the realization that our race has come to the turning point. It recalls memories of the great world war (now ended) in which our brothers so bravely fought, and points out the possibilities now open for us, and the justification of our determined purpose to establish our National Home in Africa which is our rightful heritage. It recalls the days of barbarous slavery; and mentions how, up to this very day, we are not free. It goes to say that just as Jews are proud of the Holy Land and are seriously contemplating migration, so do we Negroes; and we hail with delight all activity in that connection. One of the characteristic features of the comments is that Negroes are always at a disadvantage in the white man’s country intellectually, physically, morally, economically,—and that by reason thereof the writer has resolved to lay out these comments. In our paragraphs 399

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special reference is made of how we are segregated by a sharp color line and how the white man can take advantage of some of our fairer sex and go unpunished, whilst on the other hand, when any of us interferes with a daughter of the whites a lynching is sure. White men have no right in Africa unless they would extend humane treatment to the natives, become citizens among them and intermarry, thereby giving all due recognition to the race on the whole. Intermarriage and proper social intercourse between all races will be the only solution that will avert revolution and wars, which in the near future will inevitably follow as the regrettable outcome of intolerable grievances which are too many to enumerate. One of the many grievances we face as aforesaid is the fact that although many of the daughters of the dark continent fall as prey to the ruthless lust of the unpunishable white man, there exist across the shores of the Western world acute segregation laws to the extent that if ever a Negro be found guilty of seducing a white woman, the mob law prevails till the life is lynched out of him after he has gone through every conceivable form of torture which usually takes place before the lynching is done. One of the main reasons why the Negro must go back to Africa is that he may begin to live as a man amongst his own, where no one will be taking advantage of him in any respect. We must go back to Africa and the white man must evacuate, so that a great African empire may be founded and ruled solely by Negroes; for so long as the white man will have intervention in our government, the social fabric will not keep from disrupting. As a result of the segregation, we realize that there is no possibility of bettering our present status. Segregation bars us from the full benefits of educational institutions; we cannot launch out fully in industry, commerce, politics, invention, art, science and social life. We bear the brunt, we shoulder the burden of others, we are humiliated at every turn; the most menial forms of labor must be done by us wherever we go, and it seems as if we are seldom needed in any other capacity, save where pick and shovel and general farm work are concerned. Now, in all due justice to the Negro, I think he has tilled the soil long enough for the white man; it is high time now that they begin to do it for themselves, or give him reciprocity. It has always dwelt most predominantly in the mind of the Negro that the time would come when the march of events would unfold before his gaze an opportunity to reassert and reconstruct himself, and frequently, while discussing over some fresh piece of injustice served out to him by his oppressors, his thoughts would fly right back to days of barbarous slavery; and he realizes that though freedom was proclaimed, he is not enjoying his full measure of it yet. When he reads of the miserable state of the natives in some parts of Africa—of the fertile soil of our country—of the inexhaustible mineral wealth of the fatherland—and how the coffers of all the nations of Europe have been filled from her mines—we remember that we are of Africa, a people dismem400

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bered through no fault of our own, and scattered like lost sheep to roam over the face of other lands in dire want and poverty. Ever since the time of Emancipation, we are trying to become reconciled to the fact that we must make ourselves at home in the white man’s country, since we will be given the right to live. As time goes by the needs of the Negro increase in proportion to the requirements of developing evolution, and he finds that the small measure of freedom given him along with certain limited privileges are inadequate. Daily he sees that though he cherishes great hopes and ambitions, and though he has enough of faith in his ability to perform, he realizes that before he could anticipate a materialization of his ideas along industrial, commercial, mechanical, educational and scientific lines he must become a nation, harbored with his own National Home and Government, founded on the modern principles of the civilized nations of the world. The Negro cannot exercise his talents here. He finds that at every step he has to be appealing to the clemency of the other man; to be going on petitioning all the time, because he knows he will be charged for trespassing on forbidden grounds if he proceeds without a permit. In very many cases his petitions miscarry, and he stands thwarted and hitched, contemplating on his fruitless endeavors, whereas, if they were only granted, would have opened wide for him the sealed doors of opportunity whereby he could successfully toil for the upliftment of his race and at the same time helping to place the world a notch forward. Thus he finds that these conditions place barriers at every turn; he finds that he cannot earn the wages he is entitled to for his services; that he cannot live in homes equipped with comforts suitable to his taste and congenial to his well-being; that he cannot always provide sufficient for himself and family; that he cannot afford to put up some savings for a rainy day; that general educational facilities are not freely extended to him, and that his social and political rights are not fully accorded him. The Negro sees in Africa a world of unlimited possibilities. The rich agricultural lands will yield him abundantly. The mineral wealth of the country will furnish him unceasingly. The rich iron ores will provide his machine shops with all that is required to build him ships to ply the waters and to furnish his rails to fling his railroads. The virgin forests will yield the lumber for home use and for export, and the combined intellectual wealth of the AfroAmerican and Afro-West Indian will launch out the educational staff for the universities of learning in which his offspring will be taught. There in Africa the Negro will delve in botany and all the other allied sciences to produce the chemicals necessary for compounding his medicines; he will in course of time put up his manufacturing houses to spindle out his tweeds, serges, muslins and every other commodity of use, that he may not have to depend all the time on the other man for all his necessities; and with all other necessary provisions furnished in connection with the above requirements, the Negro will live in his own country, enjoying life, liberty and prosperity. We cannot for one moment think that at the outset the entire Negro 401

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element scattered all over the world will return to Africa, nor do we think every Negro outside of the boundaries of Africa can immediately abandon his interests and embark; but all those who are ready and are desirous of repatriating early will in due time know that we have a well established national home to become equipped with all the requirements of modern civilized living. In view of these facts, it must be emphatically expressed and understood that now or never is the time for the Afro-West Indian, the Afro-American and other members of the Negro race in various lands to prepare for the exodus that will soon begin. Printed in NW, 25 October 1919.

Joseph H. Bonney in the Negro World [[645 Lenox Avenue, New York City, ca. 25 October 1919]]

MAY THE COLORED MAN REALIZE THAT MARCUS GARVEY IS STRIVING FOR HIS BETTERMENT! THE LAUNCHING OF THE S.S. FREDERICK DOUGLASS1 WILL MARK AN EPOCH IN THE NEGRO’S HISTORY On Tuesday, Oct. 14, at about noon, the sad news kept many operators busy, both telephone and telegraph. What was the news? Ah! A Hero had been shot (Marcus Garvey). Was he shot by an enemy? No! By the wicked hand of his own. Thanks be to God that the traitor’s attempt fell through. On the contrary, according to the “World” of Friday the 17th inst. fatality has proven “Vice Versa.” Fellowmen, is it that the Black Race do not appreciate the steps and actions of Mr. Marcus Garvey? Or are we against the movements of the Universal Negro Improvement Association? No! And in saying no, I am sure that I am voicing the sentiments of true-hearted and intelligent Negroes everywhere. Tyler shot and wounded Mr. Garvey.2 The “World” claims it had been a money quarrel, but in my opinion, it was something else. Let us make a comparison of Tyler with Judas who betrayed Our Lord. How near they run? After being ashamed of his cowardly act, he took a plunge for the life beyond. Will anyone with true colored blood running in his or her veins fail to arrive at this decision? Bribery might be the cause of Mr. Garvey being shot and wounded by the cursed hand of Tyler. Let us not be led by the insinuations of opponents of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, but rather “Stand like Braves, with our faces to the foe.”

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Just near by (Havana, Cuba) if one should ride or stroll by the Malecon, (one of the finest driveways of the city) before going far, he would be confronted with a great bronze monument. It’s Maceo,3 the great colored liberator of Cuba, of whom all colored Cubans feel proud. The Cuban slogan of General Maceo is as follows: “Maceo un hijo Ilustrio sin iqual,” which means “Maceo, an illustrious son without equal.[”] General Maceo, after leading his army to a successful end, (liberty) was betrayed and shot fatally by his own.4 We are indeed glad that our Hero is yet alive to continue his campaign. Mr. Garvey, your seeds have been sown on good soil as well as bad ones, and it is for you to make up your mind to face many difficulties as well as attempts of assassination, in the carrying out of the great battle which is now raging. But may all attempts ever fail, through God’s Divine protection. May the Colored Man realize that you are striving for his betterment, that you are fighting for the great achievements to be obtained by his children, that the great future which at first sight looks dark can be brightened by the great preparation made by you, and that is to buy stocks in the Black Star Line. There are many supporters who may be yet silent, but may they appear one by one. The launching of the S.S. Frederick Douglass shall mark a great epoch in the history of the Negro Race. I beg to dedicate the following to the S.S. Frederick Douglass: THE S.S. FREDERICK DOUGLASS Sail on thou mighty ship, sail on, Thy Banner to the breeze unfurled, Manned by Afric’s Sons, no more in bond; Proved by efforts great untold. Many shall follow in they trail, “Frederick Douglas[s]” Sail on, Oh! Sail. Thou art bound for that Sunny Shore Land for which our Forefathers mourn; All stolen from her shores were they True Bondmen and the White Man’s prey. Many shall follow in thy trail “Frederick Douglas[s]” Sail on, Oh! Sail. Sail on thou mighty ship, sail on Thy limits are from shore to shore. Be not daunted nor dismayed for Fortune awaits thee, don’t delay, Many shall follow in thy trail Great Alpha Douglas[s], Sail on, Oh! Sail. Jos. H. Bonney 403

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Printed in NW, 25 October 1919. 1. The S.S. Frederick Douglass, formerly known as the S.S. Yarmouth, was bought by the BSL from the North American Steamship Corporation on 17 October 1919. She sailed 23 November 1919 on her maiden voyage to Cuba. For differing accounts of the difficulties of the S.S. Frederick Douglass, see Captain Hugh Mulzac, A Star to Steer By (New York: International Publishers, 1963); and Marcus Garvey, “Why the Black Star Line Failed,” excerpted in Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa, ed. by John Hendrik Clarke (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), pp. 121–138, 139–149 (MGP 2:80–82, 155). 2. George Tyler shot and wounded Marcus Garvey in New York on 14 October 1919 (MGP 2:1). 3. José Antonio de la Caridad Maceo y Grajales (1845–1896), known as the “Bronze Titan,” was a mulatto hero of the Cuban struggle for independence. Born in Santiago de Cuba, Oriente, on 14 July 1845, the son of Marcos Maceo, a Venezuelan immigrant, and Mariana Grajales, a free Dominican black, Antonio Maceo was raised on a farm in Oriente province where he received a private education. He joined a Masonic lodge in Santiago in 1864 where he began to conspire with other Cuban leaders to throw off the yoke of Spanish colonialism. At the start of Cuba’s Ten Years’ War in 1868, he immediately joined the forces of Cuba Libre. A brave fighter and charismatic leader, Maceo suffered more than twenty wounds in combat over the course of his lifetime. By 1872 he had received the rank of general. Maceo was frequently accused, by Spanish leaders hoping to divide the ranks of the insurgents, as well as by white leaders of the independence struggle, of inciting a race war and planning to establish a black dictatorship on the island. Maceo denied such spurious claims: “And since I belong to the colored race, without considering myself worth more or less than other men, I cannot and must not consent to the continued growth of this ugly rumor,” he wrote in 1876. He added: Since I form a not inappreciable part of this democratic republic, which has for its base the fundamental principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity, I must protest energetically with all my strength that neither now nor at any other time am I prepared as an advocate of a Negro Republic or anything of that sort. This concept is a deadly thing to this democratic Republic which is founded on the basis of liberty and fraternity (Philip S. Foner, Antonio Maceo: The “Bronze Titan” of Cuba’s Struggle for Independence [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977], pp. 62–63). After the Peace of Zanjón in 1878 that ended the Ten Years’ War, Maceo led the Protest of Baraguá in an effort to continue the struggle for independence. After the brief protest ended, Maceo went into exile in Jamaica, where he helped to plan the unsuccessful uprising known as the Little War (1879–1880). He visited the Dominican Republic, Honduras, the United States, Panama, Chile, and Jamaica, before finally settling down in Costa Rica. There Maceo became an economically successful landowner, producing tobacco and sugar on the Nicoya peninsula. When José Martí requested that he join a new movement for independence, Maceo again responded to the call. In March 1895, one month after the War of Independence began, he landed with a group of rebels in Oriente province. Soon thereafter Maceo met with Máximo Gómez, the white Dominican general in command of Cuba Libre’s forces, and Martí, shortly before the latter’s death in combat on 19 May 1895. In this meeting at La Mejorana, the independence leaders disagreed over whether the military or a civil government would be supreme authority, with Maceo consistently advocating military autonomy and supremacy. In early 1896 Maceo successfully led insurgent forces to the western end of the island. The white leaders of Cuba Libre continued to fear his power, and failed to provide him with adequate supplies and reinforcements. Maceo was killed in battle by Spanish forces near Havana on 7 December 1896 (José Luciano Franco, Antonio Maceo. Apuntes para una historia de su vida, 3 vols. [Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1975]; Foner, Antonio Maceo; Aline Helg, Our Rightful Share: The AfroCuban Struggle for Equality, 1886–1912 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995]; Ada Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868–1898 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999]). 4. All of the standard biographies of Maceo report that he was killed in battle by Spanish troops, not by his own men. The author may be alluding to the lack of support provided by the leaders of Cuba Libre to Maceo and his forces after their successful invasion of the western end of the island.

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William Phillips,1 Assistant U.S. Secretary of State, to Albert S. Burleson, U.S. Postmaster General WASHINGTON

October 27, 1919

Sir: I have the honor to enclose, for such action, if any, as may be deemed appropriate, a copy of a letter from Mr. Walter S. Penfield,2 enclosing a translation of one addressed to the Governor of Port Limon, Costa Rica, by Nathaniel Hibbert, in regard to a plan for holding secret meetings of negroes in Costa Rica to foment race antagonism. Mr. Penfield also transmitted one copy, each, of the issues of THE NEGRO WORLD of August 2 and August 9, 1919, which contain matter having a similar tendency. I enclose the one of August 9 herewith, and am sending the one of August 2 to the Attorney General, to whom I am addressing a letter similar to this. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, For the Secretary of State: [WILLIAM PHILLIPS?] Assistant Secretary DNA, RG 28, B-500. TLS, recipient’s copy. On Department of State letterhead. 1. William Phillips (1878–1968) was assistant secretary of state from January 1917 to March 1920 (NYT, 24 February 1968). 2. Walter Scott Penfield (1879–1931) was a U.S. attorney and counsel in international law. He represented the United States in a number of cases involving Cuba, Panama, Costa Rica, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic, and was a member of the legations to Panama and the Dominican Republic. In 1919 he served as international law advisor for Panama to the Paris Peace Conference, and in 1920 as U.S. delegate for Panama to the Second Pan-American Financial Congress in Washington, D.C. (WWWA).

Enclosure: Walter S. Penfield to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State PENFIELD

& PENFIELD

ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELLORS AT LAW COLORADO BUILDING WASHINGTON, D.C.

September 25, 1919

Sir: As Washington Counsel for the United Fruit Company, my attention has been called by the Company to the following matter: I enclose herein copies of “THE NEGRO WORLD” of August 2d and 9th, published in New York City, which contain articles tending to stir up trouble in

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Latin-American countries and in the United States by promoting race feeling against the whites. In the copy of August 2d, you will notice the following heading on page one[:] “Soviet Governments of Russia and Hungary to File Protest Against ‘White Terror’ in Washington. Negroes Should Invite Mexico to Establish ‘Law and Order’ in Capital.” On page 3: “Conditions in Panama[:] American Civilization and the West Indian.” The copy of August 9th contains an article on page 3 entitled “The Negro World Inspires Backbone in Negroes of Central America.” On page 4 it has an article entitled “Haitian Defends his Country Against the Detractors. Points to Lynching in the United States—Occupation by the United States due to New York Financiers.”1 The United Fruit Company informs me that this paper is circulated in Costa Rica among the negroes. If agitation among negroes is a serious matter in the United States, it is easy to imagine how much more serious it is in the Latin-American countries. If the agitation is allowed to continue, there is a possibility of some very serious trouble in the very near future, unless it is possible for our Government to stop the agitation in those countries and the propaganda which originates in New York. The Editor of the newspaper classes all Latin-Americans with negroes. It will also be noticed that the paper contains a full page advertisement for “The Black Star Line,” which purports to be a Steamship Company which is being organized. The Company informs me that the “Jamaica Gleaner” reported a hearing by District Attorney Kilroe in New York, at which it was brought out that the Black Star Line had only $900. in the treasury. The Company states that several times $900. was subscribed in Limon, Costa Rica[,] for shares of stock in the Line, and that Garvey, who is the Editor of the paper, left Limon in 1912 and that he is a typical noisy Jamaican, and if allowed to go on as he has been doing, there is a possibility of his attempting to repeat the French experience in Haiti.2 I also enclose herein a translation of a letter of August 5th, addressed to the Governor of Limon,3 Costa Rica, by Nathaniel Hibbert, a Jamaican, which shows a plan for holding secret meetings in Costa Rica and the establishment of a tribune for revolutionary purposes in the United States, tending to excite the rebellious spirit of the negro race and make them contribute certain sums which interest the Association in New York. Although Hibbert is a negro, he considers that the organization is one for “propaganda activities of harmful socialism which is even prejudicial to this country (Costa Rica) as the object is to establish a hotbed of revolutionists in such an important section of the country as this Port.” On the receipt of the letter, the Governor of Limon called on the Manager of the United Fruit Company in Limon, Costa Rica, and stated that Costa Rica did not intend to tolerate any fostering of race feeling nor any race agita406

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tors. He stated that he was about to recommend that he be authorized to arrest all those present at the next meeting of the Association in question and expel them from the country as pernicious foreigners. The Governor asked the Manager to approach the Acting British Consul with a view to getting from him an indication of the attitude of the British Government, in the event of any such step as he proposed to take. The Manager saw the Acting British Consul, who stated to him that any evidence seized at the meeting such as written or printed matter, would surely serve to justify such action as the Governor proposed to take. The Manager informed the Governor of the result of the interview with the Acting British Consul and told the Governor, however, that he advised against sending any such people to Panama or the United States, as the latter place especially is where they most desire to go. In view of the fact that such propaganda is not only prejudicial to the best interests of this country here and abroad, but tends to excite revolution and violation of neutrality in countries at peace with us, I deemed it best to submit this matter to you for such action as you may consider best to take, with the suggestion that it might be advisable to call the same to the attention of the Postoffice Department for possible violation of the Postoffice laws by sending of such newspapers through the mail, and for calling the same to the attention of the Secret Service Division of the Department of Justice for its information as to the agitation and propaganda that is being carried on. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, WALTER S. PENFIELD [Handwritten endorsement:] Oct. 22 ’19 [Re:?] Copy letter & first enclosure to the Atty. General and the Postmaster General for such action, if any, as may be deemed appropriate enclosing to each one copy of the enclosed newspapers. So Ack. DNA, RG 59, 811.918/134. TLS, recipient’s copy. 1. The United States’ occupation of Haiti from 1915 through 1934 marked one of a series of U.S. actions in Latin America during this period. Dedicated to preserving U.S. hegemony in the region as expressed in the Monroe Doctrine, the American government grew nervous in the years leading up to World War I about the possibility of Germany acquiring a naval base in the vicinity of the Panama Canal. President William Howard Taft and his secretary of state, Philander Knox, had already attempted to remove European influence from the region through encouraging American financial interests to replace their European counterparts as Caribbean countries’ creditors. President Woodrow Wilson’s first secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan, was almost completely ignorant of Caribbean affairs, and for advice he leaned heavily on Roger L. Farnham, the vice president of National City Bank in New York City and also of Banque Nationale in Haiti. After 1913, Farnham also became president of Haiti’s National Railway. Farnham had been trying to get the Haitian government to agree to a customs receivership since at least 1910, but Haiti refused, unwilling to surrender effective control over its sovereignty to the United States. Farnham played on Bryan’s naiveté, exaggerating accounts of Haitian unrest and reporting that French and German interests were trying to take over the railway. As early as December 1914, Bryan, after a last-minute consultation with Farnham, had dispatched a ship full of Marines to Port-au-Prince to remove

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS $500,000 of Haitian funds from Banque Nationale vaults for “safe-keeping” in the United States— at National City Bank. In June 1915 Robert Lansing took over from Bryan as secretary of state, and while he was suspicious of National City Bank’s machinations in Haiti, he was also a virulent Germanophobe. As a result, the United States used the overthrow of Haitian President Vilbrun Guillaume Sam in July 1915 to intervene, using humanitarian excuses of preventing anarchy and bloodshed to enact an occupation plan that had been drawn up well in advance (Hans Schmidt, The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915–1934 [New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1971], pp. 9, 44–64). 2. A reference to the Haitian slave revolt in 1791 that led to the overthrow of slavery and eventual toppling of the French colonial regime, culminating in the independence of Haiti in 1804 (Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004]). 3. Luís García was governor at the time.

Enclosure: Nathaniel H. Hibbert to Luís Garcia, Governor, Limón Lim[ó]n, August 5th, 1919 Mr. Governor: I, Nathaniel Hibbert, of legal age, married, silversmith, Jamaican and living in this port, respectfully beg to state: Three months ago, a friend of mine by the name of Hutchinson who resided in Panama, sent me a copy of “El Mundo Negro” (The Black World) which periodical is edited in New York in order that I may get conversant with the propaganda which is being furthered in the United States by elements of our own race and under the direction of Marcus Garvey, editor, tending to the establishment of an institution of a commercial nature. The propaganda appeared quite legal to us and on this account I received the corresponding agency in this Port in which T. H. Fowler, shoemaker and of this vicinity participated. Just as soon as we had acquired the representation as Agents, my companion, Fowler[,] secured a house wherein to hold secret meetings; this I ignored, and this conduct on his part somewhat surprised me in as much as this was not supposed to be our mission. In fact, Fowler, with a considerable number of members who contribute, endeavors to establish a tribune for revolutionary purposes in the United States exciting the rebellious spirit of our race and making them contribute with certain sums which interest the association in New York. From all this procedure I have concluded that it is not a commercial cooperation, but, as I have stated above, propaganda activities of harmful socialism which is even prejudicial to this country as the object is to establish a hotbed of revolutionists in such an important section of the country as this Port. This same institution has been persecuted by the authorities in Jamaica and Canada for the pernicious tendencies which it pursues. In addition to this it has a serious inconvenience of pretending to exploit the credulity of our coun-

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trymen with false patriotism. Of these consequences I have become aware now, at the last moment, and in order to save the responsibility which would fall on me in the future regarding this association, I have thought that it is my duty as an honest man, to denounce before the representative of the Executive Power, who is yourself, in order that you may, if you deem it fit, proceed to hold the necessary investigation, ordering at the same time the suspension of such meetings for which purpose I am ready to indicate the building in which they are held. Several years ago, the Executive Power, ordered the dissolution of a similar organization which was headed by Marco Aurelio Herradora.1 And not only to do the motives mentioned above suffice to prohibit those meetings, but as they are held without the permission of the authorities and without the corresponding statutes, the meetings cannot legally exist nor [be] disregarded by the authorities. (Sgd) N. H. HIBBERT (Received from the signee at 2.00 P.M. August 5th 1919.) DNA, RG 59, 811.918/134. TL, copy. 1. Marco Aurelio Herradora was the president of the Artisans and Labourers’ Union, which was founded in January 1910 among West Indian UFC employees. The union led a strike against UFC later that same year (Archivo Nacional de Costa Rica, Serie Policía, 06129, 13–14 February 1910; Aviva Chomsky, “Afro-Jamaican Traditions and Labour Organizing of United Fruit Company Plantations in Costa Rica, 1910,” JSH 28, no. 4 [1995]: 837–855).

“Marshall” to James Wilson [Canal Zone,] Oct: 27th, 1919 Dear Sir:— Enclosed herewith, you will find document you loaned me a few days ago. Relative to the subject contained therein, there was nothing of importance took place at the meeting mentioned, and the meeting did not take place at either the Universal Negro Hall, (D. St.) or the Strand Theatre, but was held at the “Baptist” church, 7th., and G. Sts: this City. J. H. Seymour, during the month of December, 1918, got in communication with MARCUS GARVEY in the States, re forming a branch of the Universal Negro Improvement Assn: and African Communities League, in Colon, and after certain correspondence on the subject had passed between the two mentioned men, in the early part of this year, said branch was established here. Two or Three months after the formation of the branch, at the instigation of E. A. Reid, (C.F.L.U. fame) Gregoire, (ex Official Interpreter to the Courts of this city.) and others of doubtfull character, a split was made in the organization. //A// letter from Garvey was received, requesting that the members here make up their differences, and hold a general election for Offices which should 409

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include Seymour. Ricketts1 and others held an illegal election, which resulted in the following men being elected officers:—Ricketts, President; George, 1st: Vice President; Seymour, 2nd. Vice President; E. V. Morales, 3rd. Vice President; Davis, Treasurer; Dr. Radway, Asst: Treasurer; McCarthy, Secretary. After the above mentioned elections took place, another split was made in the organization, which resulted in, Ricketts, Mc. Carthy, Gregoire, Reid, Willis, Morales, Davis, and George, being on one side; and Seymour, Radway, and Sargeant on the other side. Garvey the head of the Negro Assn:, has been in constant communication with Seymour, to this moment of writing, and Seymour now posess a letter of authority from Garvey, to represent the Universal Negro Assn: on the Atlantic end, while Neverson, represents them in Gatun2; and one C. A. Graham, (an officer of the West Indian Labor Union, in Panama) represents them in Panama. The aforementioned men are the real representatives of the Universal Negro Assn: on the Isthmus of Panama, and the Ricketts outfit, are more or less fakers, and grafters. Seymour charges 25 cents to become member, 25 cents monthly as dues, and 10 cents monthly for death benefit. Riketts outfit charges, $1.00. gold, for monthly dues, and 25 cents to become a member. Ricketts and his crowd are also exploiting the people here under the pretext of starting some sort of a commercial enterprise, thereby collecting more mo//ne//y from them. Ricketts and his set do not gi//v//e an accounting of the moneys collected, nor do they send same away to the U.S., to the head of the organization, (Marcus Garvey) while I am made to understand that Seymour sends all the money he collects for the organization to Garvey. The Ricketts outfit have repeatedly written Garvey for permission to represent the Universal Negro Assn: here, but Garvey has not even answered their letters. The reason why Seymour has not taken some action against Ricketts, and his associates to date, are, that the Universal Negro Assn:, through their President, Marcus Garvey, will be sending to the Isthmus of Panama, during the month of November, TWO SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNIVERSAL NEGRO ASSN:, who will straighten out the whole affair. The Ricketts faction are as follows:—Ricketts[,] President; George, 1st. Vice President; Morales, 3rd. Vice Pres:; Davis, Treasurer; McCarthy[,] Secretary[;] Reid[,] Member of the Board of Directors; and Willis, Trustee. I have been informed that Ricketts is desirous of getting rid of Willis, and Morales, so that he can better execute his crookedness. The Rev: Hobson, of the “Baptist” church, on 7th. St., and G. St., gave the Universal Negro Assn: permission to use his church as he is benefitting from same largely due to E. V. Morales campaign against WHITE preachers, and the [fact that] HOBSON is a negro, besides Morales is a member and strong agitator of the Universal Negro Assn:. Dr. Milliard, and Pilgrim Wilkins, are very radical agitators, but they all have chestnuts to pull out of the fire, and the Universal Negro Assn: affords

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them a good chance //of// pull//ing// them out. None of these gentlemen are on the square. Morales also has a grudge against white people in general. Willis the same. Dr. Simons is looking for sick patients, as he is a new Dr. in this city. Seymour is a very radical white hater, and Radway the same, only a little more mild. There is nothing else to report about these people, as soon as I can find out the names of the representatives and time they are due on the Isthmus I will so inform you. Respectfully, MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 3. TL, copy. Marked “Letter No. 231.” 1. Frederick Samuel Ricketts of Colón, Panama, was president of the Colon Independent Mutual Benefit Cooperative Society. He had been involved in the UNIA in Colón since 1918. He attended and addressed the UNIA convention delegates in 1920 on affairs in Panama (MGP 2). 2. Gatun refers to the area adjacent to the Gatun locks on the Atlantic side of the Panama isthmus. The region includes the town of Gatun, located at the locks and on the shores of Gatun Lake, the highest point and longest stretch of water in the canal system.

“Marshall” to James Wilson [Canal Zone,] Oct: 30th., 1919 Dear Sir:— [. . .] In conformity with my telephonic communication to you on the 28th., ulto:, I this day availed myself of the opportunity which presented itself, in further consolidating my friendship with W. Stoute, and went with him to Panama, which has resulted in the following information gleaned from him, and which I have already this day //reported to// you orally. (1) Stoute informed //me// that, he personally saw a cable which was sent by Gove[r]nor Harding, on or about the 28th., of last Sept:, to the Sec: of War, at Washington, which contained a request from the Gove[r]nor, that, the Sec: of War, do all in his power to prevent the negro leader, MARCUS GARVEY, from coming to the Isthmus of Panama. Stoute was shown this cable by the person to whom it was intrusted to be taken to the cable office, before same was actually taken to the cable office. Note:—That care must be exercised in investigating the foregoing as Stoute has many friends in the Administration Building, and same //may// get to his hearing, then he would suspect that I gave him away. (2). Stoute a[ls]o said that a cable was sent to the U.S., prior to the Labor Day parade of the United Brotherhood, stating, “That troubl//e// was expected on Labor Day, from the silver employees,1 and if same transpired, 2 men in Colon, and 4 in Panama, would be arrested in connection with same; for Colon, W. Stoute, and E. V. Morales, and N. Carter,2 Ennis, Woodruffe, and Henlin for Panama.[”?] (3). After the cab[le]-above referred to, re Marcus Gar-

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vey, was sent, a letter of explanation followed same, to the effect that the majority of the laborers on the Isthmus were satisfied with present conditions, but that a few intelligent colored men, and the newspaper known as the “WORKMAN,” were agitating the men and were responsible for the labor unrest here. This letter, or a copy of same was also supposed to have been shown Stoute. (4). Stoute said that after he saw the Marcus Garvey cable, mentioned above, he at once took steps to procure Panamanian citizenship papers, and on the 2nd. of this present month, Lawyer Flowers of Panama, (a black man of either West Indian birth, or parents, and is in some drug store at Chorrillo, Panama.) started the ball rolling, and within fifteen days from said date, he (Stoute) was a full fledged Panamanian citizen; same cost him about $50.00. gold all told. (5). This said lawyer Flowers, is now getting together all the necessaries to establish a newspaper, to be known by the name of “The New Negro,” the first issue of which is due on Nov: 10th:, 1919. Stoute is working hard for its success, and is now writing many or a series of articles for same; he spent all this afternoon at Flowers office, wr[iti]ng for said paper. I am of the opinion that Stoute is interested in same, as he as much as told me so. [. . .] Respectfully, MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 3. TLS. Marked “Letter No. 234.” 1. The U.S. Canal Company paid white workers in gold or U.S. currency once a month. In contrast, officials paid black workers once a week in Panamanian silver, which carried a value that was only half that of U.S. currency, and denied black workers any benefits. The pay distinction was dubbed the Gold and Silver rolls, since the workers’ names generally appeared on one payroll or the other according to their racial status. This distinction between “Gold” and “Silver” also provided a thin veil for Jim Crow segregation in Panama. Instead of explicit racial designations “Black” and “White,” facilities such as hospitals, post offices, entertainment halls, and train cars carried a gold or silver designation. The silver facilities and living accommodations were of a far lower standard. Thus, in this system, “silver employees” became a racial marker of identity regardless of how West Indians distinguished themselves on the basis of color, education, class, religion, language, culture, and island of origin (Carla Burnett, “‘Are We Slaves or Free Men?’: Labor, Race, Garveyism, and the 1920 Panama Canal Strike” [Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Chicago, 2004]; Harry A. Franck, Zone Policeman 88 [New York: Century Company, 1913]; John Major, Prize Possession: The United States and the Panama Canal 1903–1979 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993]). 2. Nicholas Carter was a black American laborer in the railroad car shop who sought to interest his coworkers in the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees and Railway Shop Laborers in 1918; by 1919 he had become a leader in the union (Michael Conniff, Black Labor on a White Canal: Panama, 1904–1981 [Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985], p. 53).

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Memorandum by Arthur W. Kennedy, Inspector, Panama Canal Zone Police, to Captain Guy Johannes, Chief, Panama Canal Zone Police and Fire Division Balboa Heights October 31, 1919

MEMORANDUM FOR CHIEF, POLICE AND FIRE DIVISION William Stoute was in Panama City yesterday, having arrived on the evening train the day before, and returned to Colon on the five o’clock train last evening. The object of his visit over here was principally for the purpose of purchasing office fixtures for the office of the United Brotherhood being opened in Colon. Our Agent was also in Panama City yesterday, and by previous arrangement, he had Stoute as his guest for lunch in one of the private dining rooms at the Hotel Metropole. The principal topics of conversation between the two men during the meal were the activities of the United Brotherhood and the local negroes in general; during which conversations Stoute stated, among other things: That he had knowledge of a certain cablegram sent by the Governor to Washington during the latter part of last month relative to the undesirability of Marcus Garvey visiting the Isthmus; and in order to the better protect himself here on account of being an alien, he (Stoute) had taken immediate steps to perfect Panamanian citizenship papers, which he began on October 2nd and finished on the 17th; his interests being represented by one Flowers, a negro lawyer in Panama City, and to whom he paid $50 for same. That he had knowledge of a certain communication between the Governor and Washington just prior to the Labor Day parade, advising Washington that the silver employees were satisfied with the conditions of their employment, but that a discontent among them was being encouraged by a few agitators, which might result in labor disturbances just following their Labor Day parade. That their demands for a revision of the wage scale for silver employees ranged from a minimum of $65 to a maximum of $112 per month. That he was more or less gratified at the actions taken by Harrison, Longshoremen representative, during his visit on the Isthmus in not giving official recognition to the colored Longshoremen’s Union for the reason that it would have increased their chances at getting some 1100 men now belonging to the United Brotherhood, who might have left the Brotherhood for the Longshoremen’s Union, had the last named organization been officially recognized by the white representative from the States. That at present he draws a salary of $100 per month from the Brotherhood, but that at the election to be held next month of the System Division, he 413

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expects to replace Carter as General Chairman, when he will probably get $150 a month. That about the middle of next month a new negro newspaper edited by J. L. Flowers, Panama City, and called “The New Negro World,” will be published; to which he expects to contribute its main articles. Our Agent stated that just prior to lunch he and Stoute visited the office of the Workman and while there he (Agent) became engaged in a general conversation with Waldron, the Editor, during which he (Waldron) stated that previous to his identifying his paper with the movement and interests of the United Brotherhood he enjoyed a good job work trade from the white Americans on the Isthmus, but that since launching his paper into negro union affairs he had lost practically all of that trade. When asked if recompense for his union activities outweighed his loss of American trade, he remarked that it certainly did not, and inferred regrets at having identified his paper [so] strongly with the negro union affairs. During the luncheon conversation and following the subject of floating the negro corporation, Stoute remarked to the Agent that “before we get through there will be something nice in this for you.” Agent is of the opinion that Stoute is not straight, and that his interests are solely for his ultimate personal gain. Agent is also of the opinion that Stoute believes he can use him (Agent) as a medium for certain contemplated grafting schemes. Agent is encouraging Stoute along those lines without conclusive statements, and at the same time making it appear to Stoute that he is approachable for service of that kind, and in a way accounts for his cultivating him as a friend and confidant. Agent was directed to make a detailed report in this connection covering his visit to Panama City. A[.] W[.] Kennedy Inspector, Zone Police DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20. TLS, recipient’s copy. On Canal Zone Executive Department letterhead.

Article in the Negro World [New York, 1 November 1919]

THE SEDITIOUS PUBLICATION BILL IN BRITISH GUIANA HITS THE CRISIS, THE CLARION AND THE NEGRO WORLD Mrs. Amy Taylor of New York city, received a letter from a friend in British Guiana, which read in part as follows: “The Governor is out of the Colony just now, but the Acting Governor has put up a bill called the ‘Seditious Publication Bill,’ to prevent these papers from New York coming here—The Crisis, the Clarion and The Negro World. 414

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In case such a preposterous bill is passed the penalty will be $10,000 fine or seven years imprisonment with hard labor. “I understand too, that all suspicious looking letters or parcels will also be opened, so you can clearly see the white man’s feeling towards us as a race, and this desire to keep us down. “We must not even be informed by our relatives and friends of what is done by the Negroes over there. “I do not think you should send down any more papers in your letters. I believe it will be dangerous and may cause you some trouble there[.]” Printed in NW, 1 November 1919.

A. McNaught to the Negro World caption (Source: NW, 1 November 1919)

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John E. Banton1 to the Negro World [ca. 1 November 1919] 145 W. 143rd Street, New York City

MARCUS GARVEY, THE DANIEL OF THE RACE A LOYAL SON OF AFRICA PLEADS THAT THE AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE WEST INDIAN NEGRO UNITE Void of intellectual learning, I must admit my incapability in finding words sufficiently appropriate for discussing the subject that I choose to write you about. But aided by common knowledge and the learning of experience, I am convinced that on your shoulders you wear a head burdened with thoughts and ideas that lead even to success. When you first launched the idea of your organization, I had the misfortune of butting up with men of your own race and from your own land criticizing you to the detriment of your character, and even expressing their opinions in regards to the soundness of your mental facilities, but in the shortness of time they have confounded themselves, and like the dog, they have returned to their vomit, eating their own words and today they are acclaiming you the Daniel of the race. In attending your meetings, one would imagine that the people came to hear “great Caesar” speak, in the person of Marcus Garvey, and the controlling influence that you are able to exercise over your hearers shows the greatness that is in you, also the infinite confidence of your hearers. With your far-reaching ideas, you have awakened the consciousness of the race, waking them to realize the mental possibilities of the Negro if they would but bestir themselves, if they would unite in one spirit to emancipate themselves from the obligations of the white man. You recall their attention to the tide which flows in the affairs of men, which when taken at the flood leads on to fortune. Like a good fraternal brother, you have drawn them out into the light of a new age, pointing them to success, showing them their praise of life and how they can attain it by mobilizing their intellectual forces for the building up of the Negro’s independence on the basis of commerce and industry. But until the American Negro rids himself of his foolish conception in believing that he is superior to the West Indian Negro, until he ceases to criticize and despise his West Indian brother, the downfall of the Negro must be accepted as the natural ignorance of the Negro himself. You must be distinguished from among the other leaders of the race, bending their energies and spending their intellect and subordinating their ambition for the benefit of their race, for in your emotion of outburst you have created a sentiment that is absorbing the questionable minds of the Caucasian. Some leaders of the race have exhausted their emotional outburst on the ave-

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nues of New York, and yet the people perish for they are without a vision. For where there is no vision the people perish. You have organized the intelligence of the people so that the affairs of their lives may mingle with the commercial avenues of the seas, bearing on their own ships the products of industry to all the people of the land. JOHN E. BANTON Printed in NW, 1 November 1919. 1. John Banton was born in Kingston, Jamaica, on 14 April 1889, and arrived in New York on 5 April 1917, just before his twenty-eighth birthday. Banton was listed in the U.S. census in 1920 and 1930. He died in New York in February 1980 (New York Passenger Lists, 1820–1957 [Provo, Utah: www.ancestry.com, 2006, DNA, RG 85, Microfilm, serial T715, roll 2519, p. 127, line 4]; United States Federal Census [www. ancestry.com, 2006, original data: Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920, DNA, RG 29, microfilm publication T625]; 1930 [www.ancestry.com, 2002, original data: Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930, DNA, RG 29, microfilm publication T626]; Social Security Death Index [www.ancestry.com, 2010, original data: Social Security Administration, Social Security Death Index, Master File, Number: 093-12-3001]).

A. McNaught, Ex-Sergeant, Sixth British West Indies Regiment, to the Negro World [[Jamaica, ca. 1 November 1919]]

BRITISH OFFICERS TELL FRENCH PEOPLE NEGROES WERE MONKEYS RECENTLY CAUGHT AND TAMED AND THEIR TAILS CUT OFF WEST INDIAN SOLDIERS BARRED FROM CAFES AND ESTAMINETS IN FRANCE— WEST INDIAN SOLDIERS THE SMALLEST PAID IN THE BRITISH ARMY Sir: In order to enlighten our American fraternal brethren and the public in general, I would suggest that you kindly publish the undermentioned article; subject “Race Prejudice as Existing in the British Army.” So far nothing has been said about racial prejudice as existing in the British Army. My time is short and so I will content myself with narrating in a concise manner the treatment that was meted out to the men of the British West Indian Regiment serving “In the Field” with the British Expeditionary Force. As a non-commissioned officer in that Regiment and as an eye witness, I am in a position to give the facts in connection with it (the regiment). Starting from the home front I would like to state that there are several men of color holding administrative positions; for example in Jamaica, the chief law officer, a man of no mean education, who graduated either at the Cambridge or Oxford University in England, the acting Attorney-General is a man of color. Also another man holding the rank of Puisne Judge is a man of color. These are only two examples of one Island which is also typical of all the 417

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islands, not to mention that more than seventy-five per cent. of the doctors, lawyers, ministers of religion and other professionals are all colored men. In view of the fore-mentioned facts as stated by me, showing the ability to command, and also taking into account that approximately eighty per cent. of the Islands’ population are colored, I ask in the name of God and all that is just and fair, is it right that we should have been barred from holding the rank of officer and to command our men, the men of our own race, who had consented to lay down their lives, if necessary, for the Empire, under whose flag we had got the best protection [words illegible] that could be desired? I say [word illegible] emphatically this is not justice. It is anything but fair play, but that is the case. We were barred from being given the opportunity to prove ourselves as efficient army leaders or otherwise, under the pretext of “Commissions are granted only to men of European descent,” yes a masterpiece of British trickery and deception. As an excuse, it might be argued that black men were given commissions but let me point out the fact it was only a strictly limited few, and it was not until the whites were reluctant in coming forward, and the battalions could not be sent overseas without the full strength that this was done. After landing in France and Belgium, through the efforts of the white officers, cafes and estaminets were put out of bound, that is to say[,] that we were not allowed to enter or to purchase anything in or from a [drink] shop. This also included restaurants and without the slightest irregularity or misconduct, while on the other hand, white troops had access without hindrance. They next got the non-commissioned officers reduced and we were supposed to hold no higher rank than that of sergeants. Ranks above were only appointments, which could be taken away without misconduct, irregularity and even without trial; and so Europeans were bought and placed above us despite efficiency and length of service. In a goodly number of cases, these Europeans could not handle West Indians, and in their own regiments they were of lesser ranks, promoted in ours, and we had to teach them and perform their work. In one sentence it is this, that they were non-commissioned officers in ranks and pay, only as we did their work they received the remuneration. Injustice did not stop here; no, this sphere is too limited for the Anglo-Saxon. He next tried to poison the minds of the French people by telling them that we were monkeys recently caught and tamed and whose tails were cut off and that the French people must have nothing to do with us. At first, some of the people were inclined to believe this, but by our politeness and gentlemanly behavior, we convinced them that this was not true and so it was by our actions we won the love of the inhabitants, and subsequently learned from their own lips the reason for their shyness in previously dealing with us. As I write, the financial remuneration looms into my mind and I recall the time to memory when we were the smallest paid soldiers in the British army (Australians $1.50, Canadians $1, and British Imperial troops 36 cents, while the British West Indies regiment was only 25 cents per diem). And it must be noted that it was not until pressure was brought to bear on the British Govern418

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ment, through the instrumentality of Mr. Aspinwall,1 by his untiring efforts, and who (as secretary of the West Indies Committee Circular), previously had got that unwarrantable order forbidding us to enter or purchase in any cafes, estaminets and restaurants revoked, that this was changed. The question of leave—what is leave? I will now try to define leave as alludes to the British Army. Leave is a time of rest given to soldiers after a year’s service in the field, when they are sent to England for ten or fourteen days to break the monotony, forget the horrors of battle and to see relatives and friends if any. This leave was extended to all troops in the British Army except the men of the British West Indies regiment, as we did not know any one and had no friends or relatives in England. I would like to ask the British Government, did the hundreds of thousands of Australians, Canadians, white South Africans, have any of these friends or relatives in England, and didn’t they obtain leave without any such question or the slightest amount of trouble not to mention an additional leave that was given to Paris? It was only a few weeks prior to the armistice that we were able, through Mr. Aspinwall, as I have already stated, to get leave. Up to the time of demobilization, it was only an infinitesimal few that got leave, and the circumstances were so humiliating that a goodly number of men resolved within themselves not to accept it on such terms. I would also like to draw attention to the fact that we were serving between two and four years without leave. British and Colonial troops that were fighting in the far-away zones of war could not be sent to England through lack of transport facilities, but were sent elsewhere. And now from the shell-ploughed battlefields of France and Belgium we are given for “ration allowance” (1/) 25 cents per diem as against (2/6) 60 cents for the other troops on being demobilized home. Is it possible that 24 cents per day can board a man at the present high cost of living? Is not this actually forcing us to do some mean act for our sustenance? Now, readers and Negroes of the “Negro World,” isn’t this cause for complaint and dissatisfaction? Aren’t these grievances? If they are not, then nothing else is. Now, a word to the people of the West Indies in general and Jamaica in particular. I ask you West Indians and Jamaicans, consider this thoroughly and see if these are not real grievances? As a fair lot of people, I know that your answer cannot fail to be in the affirmative. People of Jamaica, I appeal to your consciences. Don’t blame us for our dissatisfaction; they are well founded, and on the hard facts, too. Instead of having our wrongs righted, what do we see? We see that the Government was afraid of the returned soldiers, as we see them hurrying to have them scattered in the island. We also see the appointment of private constables all over the island, as they fear that our grievances would outburst in an uprising or some such thing. And now I conclude by thanking you, Mr. Editor, in advance for your publicity and also wishing Mr. Marcus Garvey a safe recovery from the wilful 419

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attack of the would-be-cold-blooded murderer who has now murdered himself. I am, fraternally yours, A. MCNAUGHT Ex-Sergeant 6th B.W.I. Regt. Printed in NW, 1 November 1919. 1. Sir Algernon Edward Aspinall (1871–1952) was the secretary of the West India Committee in London and the author of numerous works dealing with the West Indies, among them The British West Indies; Their History, Resources and Progress (London: Pitman & Sons, 1912); The Pocket Guide to the West Indies and British Guyana: British Honduras, Bermuda, the Spanish Main, Surinam, the Panama Canal (London: Duckworth, 1914); West Indian Tales of Old (1915; reprint., New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969); and A Wayfarer in the West Indies (London: Methuen, 1930). The West India Committee was formed in London around 1775 as a permanent body representing the interests of Britain’s West Indian planters and merchants as well as British absentee owners in England (Algernon Edward Aspinall, The Handbook of the British West Indies, British Guiana and British Honduras [London: West India Committee, 1926–27]).

Clement M. Clarke to the Negro World [[New York City, ca. 1 November 1919]]

THE CALL OF BARBADOS NINE RECOMMENDATIONS FOR BARBADOS Dear fellow men of my race in Barbados: I address you with racial feelings of the day. Apparently the world is undergoing a series of changes, and it is time for us to arrange ourselves for the future in general. To do this, our first step must be the formation of large bodies for a specific cause. This cause must be interpreted in two ways, one for the bettering of conditions among us, that are scattered all over the Western Hemisphere, and the other for the liberation, education and general uplifting of our brethren in Africa. We are kept in industrial slavery, but he is kept in semi-physical slavery. Our motto must be, to free him and reinstate him, the real owner of Africa. We are determined to set up a New Negro Republic of vast size, on the continent of Africa, the land of our forefathers. Please be prepared for the message when it reaches you in full; this is only a forerunner. We must consolidate ourselves together with true racial love and share one another’s grievances, in all parts of the world, since we are brothers (in color). We must pick leaders from among us, by votes of the majority. They listen to us and pick those who can be bought, or in other words, the kid-gloved kind. Take history for your guide, on this particular subject, and you will see that all true and good leaders, or reformers have been those of moderate means and education. Never has the well-educated, high-bred led his followers aright. Trace and compare the birth of the following with other wise men of their day, 420

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Moses and [Aaron], Solomon, Martin Luther, Napoleon, Nelson,1 Touissaint, George Washington, Lincoln and even the present President Wilson. Observe whence they came. Our brothers, sons, sweethearts, husbands, fathers, and all our relatives, have volunteered and fought the cause of this, our foster country, viz., England. We volunteered at the rate of ninety-five to five of the other race, viz., Barbados. We went loyally into the shadows of death, and some of us have paid with our dearest gift, which is life, some will never return to their beloved ones, we mourn their loss, but rejoice because of their bravery. It is true the Negro has always won his, but a sorrowful thing to experience it that he has never received it. On this particular occasion we are asking whether or not we will be given, a greater opportunity, consideration and expansion as a race by our Government which we so loyally stood by, in her darkest hours, and have helped her through to victory? I am sure you have asked for or are about to ask for some benefit for your loyalty, and I am sure if your requirements reach the right parties, they will be granted. I respectfully beg for the opportunity to add a few articles to your petition which I am sure will benefit us. Remember always that we are African by blood ties. Even as the English, French, Dutch, Americans, etc., are Europeans. We owe our all to Africa when we hear of the Africans being shot down. Just think, it is your brother, all of us once lived there, we were brought here, leaving brothers, sisters, fathers, mothers, etc., there, whom we don’t know. So our blood is in Africa, and our hearts should be there also. Our brothers are burned to death, hanged and shot to pieces in the Southern States of the United States of America on accusations which are sometimes true, sometimes false, but he is killed without given a just or unjust hearing of the courts, and nothing is done to his assassinators at the same time. Refined American white ladies look on and rejoice, some take an automobile trip to see it, on one occasion the Stars and Stripes were hoisted over the remains of one of us, burned at the stake. How long will you allow those things to happen to your brother? Rise enmasse and defend Ethiopia’s cause, this is the feeling of many Barbadians in America. First that our Governor make known to the Premier of Great Britain that it is the desire of the Colored or Black race of the world (Barbadians included, and this is the sentiment of Barbadians abroad with interest at home), that the German captured territory on the continent of Africa be returned over to the natives for self determination with the Western Negroes as their presidents, etc., and without any other specific Mandatory,2 and that the Natives of Central Africa, who are affected by the XIX Article of the League of Nations3 be given a more reasonable chance for expansion. Second, that floggings of all kinds be discontinued in the prisons of Barbados, irrespective of what crime the victim may commit, same flogging being an outrage and disgrace to such a civilized island, and especially in this century, and because the victim has always been one of the poorest of our race.

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Third, that our children be allowed to remain in school until the primary course of education is finished, irrespective of their age or sex, as done in other civilized countries. Fourth, that the cutting of women’s hair in the prisons of Barbados be discontinued, irrespective of the crime they may commit.4 We deem imprisonment, the shortage of clothes, and the unnourishing quality of food, enough punishment; we are in receipt of testimony from Wardress of Glendary Prison of women dying in prison shortly after their hair had been cut, which we believe is due to a convulsion, and colored women are paying thousands of dollars in the United States of America for hair growing while such wanton tactics are indulged in, in Barbados prisons, it is because [its] effect is not felt by the law-making race. Fifth, that our girls at the Government Industrial School in St. Phillips (Parish) be given a better course of training which will fit them for motherhood and the caretaker of our homes, rather than to be agriculturists. Sixth, that we of the poorer classes be given a voice in the formation of the laws which oppress us. Seventh, that laborers and tradesmen receive a decent salary, approximately enough to maintain their family thoroughly. (Same will prevent the prisons from being crowded, or will reduce the amount of prisoners.) Eighth, that child labor (in any form) under the age of sixteen years be discontinued.5 Ninth, that Tradesmen’s Union and Confederations of laborers, be recognized by the Government, and that provision be made for special recompense. Should a tradesman or laborer be injured while in active execution of his work, same recompense shou[l]d be paid by his employer and should be approximately two-thirds of his earnings weekly, same to be paid to him wh[il]e sick, at the end of every week; should death [o]ccur from same injuries, a special recompense shou[l]d be rewarded to his dependents or nearest relatives. Any answer to the above article please notify the “Negro World,” 56 West 135th Street, New York City. I am, Yours fraternally, for the uniting of our race, CLEMENT M. CLARKE Printed in NW, 1 November 1919. 1. Lord Horatio Viscount Nelson (1758–1805), famous British admiral, spent many years in the West Indies. He is renowned for having preserved Barbados from French capture in the Battle of Trafalgar in 1805, a feat highly praised and celebrated by black and white alike, with blacks reportedly being “frantic with joy” (William Dickson, Letters on Slavery: To Which are Added, Addresses to the Whites, and to the Free Negroes of Barbadoes: And Accounts of Some Negroes Eminent for Their Virtues and Abilities [London: J. Phillips, 1789], pp. 94–95). In 1813 a statue of Nelson was erected on a parcel of land in Bridgetown named Trafalgar Square. The square, a well-known tourist attraction, and the statue have been the subject of controversy for many years. Between 1888 and 1889 and again in 1928 there were proposals to move the statue away from donkey carts and cabs in order to preserve Lord Nelson’s image. Later suggestions to move the statue relate to removing the “undesirable relic of colonialism” (Henry Fraser et al., A–Z of Barbadian Heritage [Kingston: Heinemann Publishers (Caribbean), 1990], pp. 120–121). In 1999 the square and statue were again the subject of a debate concerning issues of black national identity, nationalism, and national

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NOVEMBER 1919 heroes. Trafalgar Square was renamed National Heroes Square and the government decided to move the statue of Nelson, but to date the new location has not been announced. 2. The mandatory principle for the administration of Germany’s African colonies was adopted at the Paris Peace Conference after World War I. There was great debate in England between those who advocated annexation of these territories by the British empire and those on the left who favored the formation of a system of international administration. The mandate system emerged as a somewhat ambiguous compromise. In deference to the ideals of self-determination outlined by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, and from a desire of the Allies to indicate that the war had not been fought for reasons of territorial expansion, the victorious nations received the conquered colonies “in all but name,” to use the phrase current at that time. Others considered the mandate system a triumph of the modern principles of “open door” trading policy, internationalism, and “native welfare,” borrowing heavily from the idea of “guardianship” in the antislavery movement. Contemporary opinion held that German colonial atrocities were worse than similar atrocities in other colonies. The League of Nations Permanent Mandates Commission was formed to oversee these administrations, while in fact the commission did little more than read the annual reports submitted by the mandatory powers themselves. Wilson further compromised with General Smuts of South Africa by creating three classes of mandates: Class A for the Middle East territories whose independence was provisionally recognized; Class B for tropical Africa, including Togoland, Cameroon, and German East Africa, which were administered directly by the mandatory powers; and Class C for South West Africa, which was to be ruled as an integral part of the mandatory power, in this case, South Africa (William Roger Louis, “African Origins of the Mandates Idea,” International Organization 19, 1 [winter 1965]: 20–35; idem, “The United Kingdom and the Beginning of the Mandates System, 1919–1922,” International Organization 23 [winter 1969]: 73–96; George Louis Beer, African Questions at the Paris Peace Conference [1923; reprint, London: Dawsons, 1968]). 3. Article XIX of the League of Nations Covenant dealt with the review of treaties. The mandatory or trusteeship was covered under Article 22 of the covenant, which declared inter alia: 3. The character of the mandate must differ according to the stage of the development of the people, the geographical situation of the territory, its economic conditions and other similar circumstances. 4. Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a state of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognised subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory. 5. Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are at such a stage that the Mandatory must be responsible for the administration of the territory under conditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience and religion, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military and naval bases and of military training of the natives for other than police purposes and the defence of territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other Members of the League (www.rmc.ca, 28 March 2005). 4. An integral part of the prison system involved the administration of corporal punishment and the cropping of women’s hair, both of which started during slavery and continued into the twentieth century. Originally, the whip was made from birch, an English wood, but over time it was made from the wood of the tamarind tree, cut so that the twigs could be plaited to make a solid whip. 5. With emancipation in the 1830s child labor remained a major issue for both blacks and whites. Representing a delegation from St. George in 1839, John Pear stated that blacks wanted their offspring to be free to enjoy their childhood and to be educated. Despite these hopes, postemancipation planter policies forced blacks to send their children to work. Child labor remained significant well into the early years of the twentieth century. In May 1924 Charles Duncan O’Neale led a delegation which requested that the governor take steps to ensure that the Education Act ban child labor. Appeals of this type persisted over the next twelve years with little success. However, by O’Neale’s death in 1936, the system of child labor was considerably reduced (Alana Johnson, “The Abolition of Chattel Slavery in Barbados, 1833–1876” [Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1994],

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS pp. 162–168; Alana Johnson, “Samuel Jackman Prescod: Unconditional Freedom,” in For Love of Country: The National Heroes of Barbados, ed. by Hilary Beckles [Bridgetown, Barbados: National Cultural Foundation, 2001], p. 34–42; Keith Hunte, “The Struggle for Political Democracy: Charles Duncan O’Neale and the Democratic League,” in The Empowering Impulse: The Nationalist Tradition of Barbados, ed. Glenford Howe and Don Marshall [Kingston: Canoe Press, 2001], pp. 133–148).

Article in the Workman [[Panama, November 2, 1919]]

THE UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION AND AFRICAN COMMUNITY [COMMUNITIES] LEAGUE Despite the many entertaining features of outside amusement, the West Indian Labour Union Hall was filled with friends and members of the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. The meeting was called to order by the President C. A. Graham precisely at 4 o’clock. The President in a few lucid remarks then introduced to the audience the Representatives of the Colon Branch Messrs Seymour, Wricketts [Ricketts], and McCarthy[,] Local Organizer[,] Secretary[,] and President respectively. After the introduction of these Gentlemen a very interesting Program was rendered. Mr. McCarthy’s address in part runs[:] The question of opposition is often exhibited in and among West Indians especially when they are confronted with High and Lofty motives of progressiveness as touching the Race, he exhorted those in whom such existed to cast it off as this age demands not skeptical minds but stout and stalwart hearts. He also rehearsed a poem composed by himself 21 years ago, referring to the Negro and Africa as his Right Heritage, and stated that a copy of same had been sent to the late Booker T. Washington, Principle of Tuskegee Institute, for which he received his autograph and information to the effect that same would be placed in the Arts Gallery of the Institute as a lasting Memorial of Negro achievement in the world of letters. [A] similar copy [of the poem] was sent to the Aborig[i]nes Race through Mr. Sylvester Williams1 who was then touring Europe for this Negro National Research Association. In his closing remarks he made mention of the stirring addresses of the Delegates sent to Colon by this Branch in October, he said that their addresses were marked and inwardly digested and in return he would also leave as a Motto the word, “Watch[,]” which he explained. The next speaker, Mr. Ricketts, gave a stirring and forceful address[;] he admonished the Association that in the event of making the selection for the Ladies Department to do so impartially and to select too [two] most intelligent and capable, because efficiency and qualification ma[ke] the onward march of Progress and meet with the ready co-operation of all.

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The last speaker[,] Mr. Seymour, outlined the great task that was involved and the numerous criticisms cast when he attempted to organize the branch at Colon, but by perseverance and determination and with the Co-operation of its present members they have ultimately overcome all barriers and to-day the Colon Branch is the living Emblem of Unity. Worth, and Determination which are qualifications of the New Negro. The meeting was then brought to an end with the singing of the Doxology. Printed in the Workman, 8 November 1919. 1. Henry Sylvester Williams (1869–1911), pioneer Pan-Africanist, was the founder of the African Association, which convened the Pan-African Conference in London in July 1900. The aims of the conference were “to bring into closer touch with each other the Peoples of African descent throughout the world; to inaugurate plans to bring about more friendly relations between Caucasian and African races; to start a movement to secure to all African races living in civilized countries their full rights and to promote their business interests” (P. O. Esedebe, Pan-Africanism: The Idea and Movement, 1776–1963 [Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1982], p. 49). Attended by representatives from Africa, the Caribbean, and America, and by black people residing in Britain, the conference set up a new organization, the Pan-African Association. To the initial aims enunciated by the conference were added: “to secure civil and political rights for Africans and their descendants throughout the world; to encourage African peoples everywhere in educational, industrial and commercial enterprise; to ameliorate the condition of the oppressed Negro in Africa, America, the British Empire, and other parts of the world.” Williams, who was born in Trinidad, returned there in 1908. He was admitted to the bar and soon built a successful practice in Port of Spain and San Fernando. He died in Port of Spain on 26 March 1911 (ODNB).

H. J. Donnelly, Acting Solicitor, U.S. Post Office, to Walter S. Penfield [Washington,] November 3, 1919 Sir: By reference from the Department of State, this Department is in receipt of a copy of your communication dated September 25, 1919, together with the translation of a communication addressed to the Governor of Port Limon, Costa Rica, by Nathaniel Hibbert, relating to a plan for holding secret meetings of negroes in Costa Rica to foment race antagonism, and a copy of “THE NEGROE WORLD” of August 9, 1919, containing matter having a similar tendency. [The] statements contained in this communication have been carefully noted and the matter will receive due consideration. Very truly yours, (Signed) H. J. DONNELLY Acting Solicitor DNA, RG 28, B-500. TL, copy.

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Article in the West Indian [Grenada, 7 November 1919]

THE GOVERNOR AT ST VINCENT His Excellency the Governor, according to Press reports, had a busy time in St. Vincent, and did a great deal of work, good, bad and indifferent. [. . .]1 His Excellency presided at two meetings of the Legislative Council of St. Vincent, at one of which he moved the revised Income Tax Bill and saw it become law. He met representatives of ex-soldiers of St. Vincent, and made arrangements to put them on a better footing, and His Excellency also had opportunity of facing the labour question squarely. It is said that so kind was his consideration of the matter that labourers in St. Vincent stand to benefit as a result of His Excellency’s visit. But the Governor, in his usual way, in order to tear to pieces the good he had done, prohibited by proclamation the entry of “The Negro World” into St. Vincent, and left the colony with pride after insulting the intelligence of a loyal people and giving them full demonstration of the fact that autocracy is far from being crushed with Germany. He has sown the bitter seed of race hatred by his anti-racial proclamation to the people of St. Vincent, and has left trouble for somebody else to reap some day. We are quite sure that His Excellency, with all the machinery at his disposal, cannot prevent the people of St. Vincent from getting “The Negro World,” or reading what it has to say, if they really want to do so, and that is [w]hat makes his gratuitous insult to us as West Indians a matter which we cannot pass over. A correspondent to the Barbados “Weekly Illustrated” says that there are 475 St. Vincent members of the Association which “The Negro World” represents, and the St. Vincent branch has it in mind to celebrate the floating of the Black Star Line steamship by a grand procession at Stubbs. Members have got together, and, acting on the advice [of “The] Negro World,” it is said that they have established and registered “The St. Vincent Trading Co.” with a capital of £2,000. The correspondent, who resides in St. Vincent, says, “I was spokesman for the labourers deputation”—“we succeeded in getting the Governor to raise the wages of labourers to twice as much as it was before”—[“]but when I touched ‘The Negro World’ prohibition, the Governor refused to hear me.” The Governor has acted in the historical way to give life to a movement which might have died if left to itself, or might have grown “leggy” as botanists say. But just as the hedgerow is the stronger for being cut, the prohibition might have the effect of giving stoutness and force to the growth of the young plant. The Governor should try such legislation in Grenada. Some people are sorry that he has not yet thought it fit to insult the intelligence of Grenadians as he has done to St. Vincentians. Since the publication of his prohibition in St. Vincent, the result is that there are not suffic[i]ent copies of “The Negro World” to go round in Grenada, as many persons are made anxious to know

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what the paper is like. The best way to strengthen that anxiety is to cut it down so as to give things a chance to shoot and spring up with determination. Reproduced from WI (Supplement), 7 November 1919. Text abridged. 1. The elided section announces the governor’s appointment of a new member to the executive council.

Edward D. Smith-Green,1 Secretary, Black Star Line, to Osiris de Bourg2 New York, U.S.A., Nov. 7th, 1919 Dear Sir:— We thank you for your favor of the 26th ulto., together with remittance of $5.00, covering your first payment on five shares of stock of this corporation. Enclosed herewith we beg to hand you a receipt for same, and as soon as you shall have made your final payment we will forward to you a certificate of stock. That you have become a shareholder in the Black Star Line Corporation reveals the fact that you are to be numbered among the thoughtful ones of our race who are endeavoring to carve a way to a brighter future. We feel sure that your shares will be worth ten times their present value in the near future. The dividends of the Corporation will be declared every twelve months after the floating of the first five ships, and payable to shareholders every three months. Our first ship now bearing the name “YARMOUTH,” but to be re-christened the “S.S. FREDERICK DOUGLAS[S],” has sailed from this port and will trade between Cuba, Panama and America. We are sending you some subscription blanks and ask that you get your friends to subscribe for as many shares as they can afford. Each person can buy from one to two hundred shares at $5.00 each. Trusting to hear from you again and with best wishes, We remain, Yours faithfully, Black Star Line Corp. [signature illegible] Per Secretary [Addressed to:] Mr. Osi//r//is Debourg Calle 13 No. 93 Entre 12 y 14, Havana Vedado, Cuba. NN-Sc, Sydney de Bourg Papers. TLS. 1. Born at Rose Hall, New Amsterdam, British Guiana, Edward David Smith-Green (1888– 1969) passed the competitive civil service examination before being appointed to a position in the colonial customs service. However, legal charges were brought against him by the customs service and although he was eventually found innocent and acquitted by the local courts, the ensuing con-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS troversy caused him to leave Guiana shortly after clearing his name. He migrated to the United States and was employed by the American Sugar Company in Brooklyn. Smith-Green first became acquainted with Garvey in 1916, shortly after re-arriving in the United States from British Guiana on 7 July 1916, and had frequent, if not daily, contact with him during this time. With the entry of the United States into World War I, he moved from Brooklyn to Trenton, N.J., to take a job in an ammunition factory. Subsequently, Garvey invited him to return to New York to accept the position of secretary of the newly incorporated BSL. Garvey also appointed him executive secretary of the UNIA in July 1919. At a 14 November 1919 meeting of the directors of the BSL, Smith-Green recommended that the corporation increase its capital stock from $500,000 to $10,000,000, a proposal that was formally adopted on 22 December 1919. In January 1920 Smith-Green accompanied the BSL flagship S.S. Yarmouth on its second voyage to Cuba, but shortly after his return to America he resigned from his positions with both the BSL and the UNIA. Throughout his life Smith-Green pursued an abiding interest in the historical vindication of African civilizations. At the time of his death, he left several unpublished manuscripts, among them a four-volume study, “The Black Man: A History of the Negro Race Touching upon His Origin, Achievements, and Contributions to Civilization,” a two-volume work, “Processional: A History of the Negro Race,” as well as several manuscripts titled “Christianity, White Supremacy and the Black Man” and “An Analysis of Race Prejudice” (AFRC, RG 163, registration card 31-9-167-A; DNA, RG 65, BS 198940, 31 August 1921; Marcus Garvey v. United States, no. 8,317, Ct. App., 2nd Cir., 3 February 1925, pp. 2,807–2,817, New York Supreme Court, Hall of Records, New York; Edward D. Smith-Green Family Papers, New York; Robert A. Hill interviews with members of the SmithGreen family, Washington, D.C., and Philadelphia, June 1980; 1920 United States Federal Census, Social Security Death Index, and U.S. Veterans Cemeteries ca. 1800–2004 [databases online], Provo, Utah: www.ancestry.com, 14 December 2005; passenger records [database online], New York: www.ellisisland.org, 14 December 2005; Judith Stein, The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986], p. 76). 2. Osiris de Bourg was the son of John Sydney de Bourg.

BSL receipt sent to Osiris de Bourg, 7 November 1919 (Source: NN-Sc, Sydney de Bourg Papers)

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Article in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper [[St. Vincent, ca. 8 November 1919]]

TIPS FROM ST. VINCENT COMMENT BY “TIMES” By Regulations made by the Governor under the provisions of a Royal Order in Council the importation into the Colony of the New York newspaper called The Negro World is prohibited. Similar prohibitions we understand have been made in other British colonies, and in the present unsettled condition of the world, it is perhaps right to prohibit the publication of seditious newspapers. So far as St Vincent is concerned, however, local agitators are far more dangerous than a seditious newspaper. The labourer has no better friend than ourselves. We would advocate his receiving a living wage, and risk a good deal on his behalf, but we do not believe that disputes and strikes are beneficial anywhere. England today is suffering from a labour unrest that will ruin her if it continues. The labourer has his faults and they are numerous, but his greatest disability is his ignorance, which makes him an easy prey to designing persons, who trade on his inexperience and extort a portion of his very small stipend. The Negro World is not largely read in St Vincent, and has been getting into disfavour recently. Its prohibition therefore is not likely to cause any dissatisfaction. Printed in WIP, 8 November 1919.

Richard A. Bennett to the Negro World [[Fundicion 13, Havana, Cuba, 10 November 1919]]

THE NEGRO HAS ORGANIZED SELF FOR RACIAL PROGRESS IF THE JAMAICAN CAPITALISTS WERE AS PROGRESSIVE AS AMERICAN CAPITALISTS, JAMAICANS WOULD NOT NOW BE WANDERING IN ALIEN LANDS—THE LOW WAGES OF THE WEST INDIES ARE BETTER THAN AMERICAN WAGES PLUS LYNCHING My dear Mr. Garvey— I beg to transmit to you through the medium of the “Negro World” my inexpressible enthusiasm in congratulation of the unique task you have so courageously accomplished regarding the launching of the “S.S. Frederick Douglass,” the first boat of the “Black Star Line” owned by the Negro populace of the world. The origin of such development has undoubtedly imparted to the minds of the earth’s millions an unprecedented phenomenon of activity and

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perseverance, a phase which so brilliantly o’ershadowed the gloomy path of the past, and unfolds the possibility of success. I have read from the columns of the “Negro World” that you had been shot, and I have participated with great condolence, nevertheless, may you ever be stout hearted, knowing that you are laying on the sands of time a foundation which shall never be destroyed. The suppression of the “Negro World” in San Vincent will by no means impede the progress of the “Universal Negro Improvement Association;” it has opened the eyes of the Negro to British unmerciful oppression. We have no time to worry with trivial affairs, the future will tell. The spirit of the New Negro can never be suppressed. There was a time in the countries of Europe when men found it necessary to lay down their lives for the cause of religion.[. . .]1 Those who have today suppressed the “Negro World” will, even at the time of their death, express their regret. [. . .]2 The above illustrations are patterns of examples and any Negro who does not make up his mind to confront such problems has not got in him the spirit of the Negro. The time is come when the Negro should prepare to die a martyr for democracy and equality. We are undoubtedly in a contest striding forward to an unprecedented and fundamental sphere for which we must acquit ourselves like men. The Negro has organized himself for racial progress, industrially, educationally, commercially, politically and socially, and for such reason he must win. The lives of many of us are far spent, nevertheless, we are laying the foundation for the future, on which our children shall build. To do so we must have our children educated, for on them depends the future development of the world. We are aware of the circumstances existing in the British Isles. British West Indian children go to school at the age of six, or at least when six years old. After spending eight years in school they are ejected. When a child reaches the age of fourteen he has just begun to think, after being turned out he has to be satisfied with the scrap of eight years tuition. Those parents who have had little money have had to send their children to private schools. The negro is being kept down. I have read from the columns of different periodicals the comments of various personalities regarding the proposition which has been argued in England, that the British West Indies should be ceded to America for war debts. In my opinion, I have not the slightest doubt of its possibility. The white men are brothers, and a brother will try to please another. The New Negro of today knows that the white man has no fancy for him, but only needs him as a beast of burden. If England should decide to yield the British West Indies to America, what can the Negro do? There are people who have considered that England is a divine power and cannot do anything wrong. Who would have thought that in England the head of a deceased would have been cut off and kicked in the streets for a football? Who would have thought that the Imperial Government

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of England would have repatriated British born subjects to a place which by accident of birth was called their homes, through racial prejudice? The population of Jamaica is nearly a million, of which 15,000 are whites. Ninety per cent of the whites are capable of having their children well educated, and 80 per cent of the Negroes are incapable of having their children well educated. Those people lived in an area of 4207 square miles, which is over 2,000,000 acres. They could have enjoyed the good of Jamaica instead of wandering as lost sheep in alien lands if the capitalists of that island were like those of the United States of America. Nevertheless, for the semi-equality of the British West Indies, give us the West Indies in preference to America. No well thinking Negro who had intelligence of the atrocities committed against the American Negroes, would for one moment through the inducement of American high wages, sanction such a proposition as the American Stars and Stripes in the West Indies. It is better for small morsel and quietness therewith, than a house full of dainties and strife. I obediently request the above to be published for the benefit of our people. Be of good courage, my dear Mr. Garvey, fight the good fight as the martyrs of old. We will tender our help to the uttermost, side by side we will die with you, as a leader with you we shall link. With very best wishes, Yours fraternally, RICHARD A. BENNETT Printed in NW, 20 December 1919. 1. The elided section consisted of an elaboration on the specific case of Cardinal Thomas Wolsey (c. 1470/1471–1530), whose downfall and martyrdom at the hands of Henry VIII exemplified, according to Bennett, the refusal of men who chose death rather than “repudiate the doctrine they professed.” 2. The omitted section contained discussion of a group of illustrious Protestant reformers who “have given their lives for a good cause,” among them Rowland Taylor (d. 1555), Hugh Latimer (1485–1555), Thomas Cranmer (1489–1556), John Wyclif (d. 1384), and Sir Thomas More (1478– 1535).

William L. Allardyce, Governor, Bahamas, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, Nassau, 11 November 1919 My Lord, With reference to your Lordship’s despatch Secret of 10 September (unsigned) relative to unrest among the coloured population of the West Indies, I enclose for your information copies of The Negro World of 11th and 25th October which contain matter of a highly undesirable and inflammatory nature.1 431

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2. I am about to confer with my advisers as to whether it is desirable to introduce legislation of the nature indicated in your despatch. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your most obedient, humble servant, Governor [Handwritten minutes:] Mr. Allen. The Governor is considering the question of introducing legislatio[n] & meanwhile I can see no further action on our part, unless you wish to ? send these newspapers to Sir B. Thomson. R. J. H. [R. J. Hilary] 3/12/19 (Desp. unsigned: but the Gov has signed the duplicate) ? [Put by?] H[.] T[.] A[.] [H. T. Allen] 4/12/19 (Mr Grant may have mentioned this to [you?]) [word illegible] E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley] 4/12 TNA: PRO CO 23/285/02525. TL, copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. The 11 October 1919 issue of the Negro World showed the growing support for the Garvey movement in the West Indian territories. People from Barbados, St. Thomas (U.S. Virgin Islands), and Cuba wrote letters in favor of the UNIA. The Black Star Steamship Line was attracting widespread attention in the Caribbean. The Weekly Illustrated Paper wrote in protest against attempts by British Guiana’s government to suppress the Negro World. The 11 October issue also included a report on the “Greatest Meeting in the History of UNIA” held at New York’s Liberty Hall (NW, 11 October 1919). The Negro World of 25 October 1919 included a report of a speech by Garvey in the southern United States that was attended by thousands. It also reports that the UNIA was “going strong in Virginia” (NW, 25 October 1919).

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Enclosed Negro World, 11 October 1919 (Source: TNA: PRO CO 23/285/02525)

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Enclosed Negro World, 25 October 1919 (Source: TNA: PRO CO 23/285/02525)

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H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company, to Victor M. Cutter,1 Vice President, United Fruit Company [Almirante, R.P.] November 11th, 1919 Dear Sir:— About six weeks ago, when the labor situation here seemed to be getting more acute,2 we requested the Panamanian Government for adequate police force to maintain order. The Government responded very well, and the police who have been in evidence in uniform have had a very good effect. Later on, some two weeks ago, when the disturbance seemed to be more of a race question than the request for higher wages, we wrote to our Lawyer Arias in Panama stating the circumstances and explaining to him that the people were simply being agitated and exploited by a few out-siders, and asking him to take what action he might see fit. We hope to have a reply from him by this time, but as we have not received any reply, we have sent him a cable today through our Agents in Cristobal as follows:— “Communicate following to our Attorney in Panama. Refer to our letter October 25th, labor conditions becoming quite serious by reason of press propaganda Negro World and Bocas newspapers.3 Becoming a question of race [more] than any thing else. Newspapers above mentioned will be responsible if we have any trouble. Circulation of former should not be permitted. Prohibited by law in Costa Rica. Strongly recommend promptest possible action by Government.” While this cable is put in rather strong terms, it is with the purpose of getting action, and with the idea that if we said any less, they might not consider prompt or definite action necessary. As a matter of fact, we are getting on very well, and as I have always said, the laborers themselves are making no complaint. I am simply writing this to keep you informed. For the present everything is going very well. Very truly yours, MANAGER [Handwritten in the margin:] CC to GPC4 Dec 20 UFC. TL. 1. Victor Macomber Cutter (1881–1952) was the president of the UFC from 1924 until 1933. Born in Lowell, Massachusetts, Cutter graduated from Dartmouth College, where he studied administration, finance, trade, and Spanish. In 1904 he joined the UFC as a timekeeper in the Costa Rica division and was later placed in charge of the division’s experiment station, gaining experience with botanical research. By 1907 he was sent to Nicaragua to explore the feasibility of banana pro-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS duction in that country and later helped to organize the new division in Guatemala. In 1915 Cutter rose to the position of general manager of the Central and South American Department, overseeing all of the UFC tropical divisions except for Jamaica. He returned to Boston in 1917 and became vice president in charge of all UFC tropical divisions. As vice president of the UFC, the main challenges Cutter faced were the heavy dependence of the company on bananas, the competition created by the Cuyamel Fruit Company, and the labor unrest in the company’s plantations. In order to alleviate the UFC’s dependency on bananas, Cutter diversified the company’s production by opening pineapple plantations in Costa Rica, mahogany in Honduras, cacao in Panama, and sugar cane in Cuba. The company invested heavily in scientific research, for which Cutter received funding from the U.S. Department of Agriculture. Cutter also encouraged research in medicine which permitted massive vaccination campaigns of the tropical workers against malaria. In the year in which Cutter was appointed president, the UFC faced harsh competition from the Cuyamel Fruit Company, a newcomer in the banana industry led by the Russian immigrant Samuel Zemurray, a man with deep knowledge of the tropics and strong political connections in Central America. From his plantations in Honduras, Zemurray became the first serious competitor to the UFC in nearly two decades. Cuyamel’s plantations were better managed than those owned by the UFC and the high wages Zemurray offered lured several UFC officials away to work for Cuyamel. In addition, Zemurray offered local growers better purchase contracts than those written by the UFC. As part of their competition, Cutter and Zemurray started a dirty price war; however, the UFC failed to destroy Cuyamel, eventually leading the UFC to negotiate with Zemurray. The two companies merged in 1930, with Zemurray becoming the company’s director and biggest shareholder. After the merger Zemurray and Cutter reportedly had a constantly tense relationship. In 1933, with the company feeling the effects of the economic crisis of the 1930s, Zemurray decided to become the company’s “managing director,” a position that openly challenged Cutter’s authority. The company board of directors approved Zemurray’s petition, and Cutter resigned the same year. Although Cutter was replaced by Francis Russell Hart, Zemurray maintained primary control. In addition to competition from Cuyamel, the Cutter administration experienced a series of labor conflicts, including one of the most dramatic strikes in the company’s history. In December 1928, tens of thousands of workers in Cienaga, Colombia, participated in a strike that ended tragically after the Colombian army attacked a group of peaceful demonstrators. The UFC faced labor unrest again in 1929 on its Honduran banana plantations, where the Honduran Communist Party had created “Action Committees” which organized strikes against the company. These committees were particularly active in protesting in 1933, when the company fired eight hundred workers. During these conflicts the company negotiated only when pressured to do so, and with local government support (Charles Morrow Wilson, Empire in Green and Gold [1947; reprint., New York: Greenwood Press, 1968]). 2. West Indian workers on plantations at Bocas del Toro and Almirante went on strike in December 1918 over demands for a living wage. The UFC imported Hispanic strikebreakers and called on the Costa Rican and Panamanian governments for police and judicial protection. A number of people were arrested on both sides of the border. The strike was settled in February 1919 after British officials acted as mediators between the West Indian workers and the UFC, but by September 1919 a second major strike in Bocas del Toro seemed likely. The return to the region of members of the BWIR, veterans of World War I, and flagrant discrimination against soldiers of African descent, also heightened tensions on the plantations and paved the way for the UNIA (Ronald N. Harpelle, The West Indians of Costa Rica: Race, Class, and the Integration of an Ethnic Minority [Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001], pp. 42–63). 3. The reference is to newspapers from the region of Bocas del Toro, located in the northwest corner of Panama near the border with Costa Rica. Bocas del Toro was an important shipping and receiving port and was also the headquarters of the UFC at the turn of the century. 4. George Peters Chittenden.

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R. E. M. Jack to Reginald Popham Lobb, Administrator, St. Vincent [[Richmond Hill, 13th Novr. 1919]] Sir:— As Agent of “The Negro World” newspaper, I approach you to ask that you may be good enough (as I know that it is within your power) to authorize the postmaster to give me one copy of “The Negro World” newspaper of each issue which now lies in custody at the post office.1 As I am a law abiding citizen and mean to continue in that state for my own persons respect, I trust that His Honour will grant my request, and accept as my bond, the following statements: 1. I will read the given copy in my private home and will not lend my best friends. 2. I will not use such a copy in any of my meetings. 3. I will not make reference to what I read in such a copy at any of my meetings, and 4. I will pay all respect to the Prohibition Ordinance. Believing me to be true, I am, his Hon’s humble servant, R. E. M. JACK Printed in WIP, 29 November 1919. 1. In a response dated 14 November 1919, J. H. Otway, chief clerk at the St. Vincent government Office, advised R. E. M. Jack that “I am directed by His Honour the Administrator to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 13th instant and to inform you that in view of the Regulation made by the Governor of the Windward Islands he is unable to accede to your request” (WIP, 29 November 1919).

R. E. M. Jack in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper [[Richmond Hill, ca. 14 November 1919]] On the afternoon of the 14th November all the Negro World newspapers were burnt. R. E. M. JACK Printed in WIP, 29 November 1919.

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S. W. Heald, Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company, to R. B. Walker, Receiving and Forwarding Agent, Panama Railroad Company Balboa Heights, November 14, 1919 Sir: Herewith correspondence relative to petition being presented by West Indians, requesting permission to visit the Black Star Steamship Company steamer DOUGLAS[S], which is due to arrive soon at Cristobal. Suggestion has been made that the ship either dock at Pier 11 or one of the docks at Colon, in order to allow the West Indians an opportunity to inspect the vessel without interfering with the handling of cargo. But it would not be possible to dock the ship as suggested in view of its not being safe to dock any ship at Pier 11 on account of the dock being demolished. We would also not care to have the ship docked alongside of pier in Colon and interfere with the small craft that use this dock in bringing produce to Colon. Therefore, please advise with return of papers if there would be any objections to this ship being given a berth at Pier 10, and those who wish to inspect the ship could enter Pier 10 thru the end of Pier 11 that has not yet been torn down. Respectfully, S. W. HEALD Superintendent DNA, RG 185, 61-H-3/B. TL.

Enclosure: Memorandum by L. L. Gilkey, Labor Inspector, Panama Canal Zone Executive Department Balboa Heights, November 12, 1919 MEMORANDUM FOR THE GOVERNOR:

Referring to the attached letter of F. S. Ricketts and others, requesting that permission be given them to visit the “Black Star” Steamship Company’s Steamer FREDERICK DOUGLAS[S] on her arrival at Cristobal: This petition means more than it covers. The request is actually for permission for several thousand of these West Indians to inspect the vessel. I have suggested to the Superintendent of the Panama Railroad, to whom this matter should be referred, that it would be impracticable and inadvisable to allow this inspection at the regular freight handling piers while the vessel is working cargo. 438

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A further suggestion was made that an arrangement be made through the Captain of the Port to lay this vessel alongside one of the Colon wharves, or at Pier 11, where there will be no enclosure for them to go through. This arrangement would give the West Indians a free chance to inspect the vessel without interfering with commercial business. L. L. GILKEY Inspector DNA, RG 185, 61-H-3/B. TDS. On Canal Zone Executive Department letterhead.

Enclosure: F. S. Ricketts et al. to Chester Harding, Governor, Panama Canal Zone Box #116, Cristobal, Canal Zone, November 11, 1919 May it Please Your Excellency: Your petitioners, members of the Negro Race, most of whom are employees of the Canal Zone Government[,] do pray that your Excellency would be pleased to grant them permission to visit the “FREDERICK DOUGLAS[S],” the first ship of the “Black Star Line” that intends to be at berth in the waters of the Isthmus at Cristobal, sometime during this month. Your petitioners, most of whom, hold interest in the said ship, and are deeply concerned therein. With the said interest and that of our Association— “The Universal Negro Improvement,” we sincerely trust that your Excellency will grant the request of your humble petitioners; and they in duty bound will ever pray. I beg to remain, Your Excellency’s humble petitioners, F. S. RICKETTS EDUARDO V. MORALES EDGAR MCCARTHY THOS BUCKLEY JOS. [J.?] AUGUSTINE MISS A. M. ROSE G[.] GORDON A. STEPHENS J. CHISHOLM GEO. FAITH DNA, RG 185, 61-H-3/B. TLS.

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William L. Allardyce, Governor, Bahamas, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, Nassau, 14 November, 1919 My Lord, In continuation of my secret despatch of the 11th November, I enclose for your information a copy of the Negro World of the 1st November, which I have just received.1 I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your most obedient, humble servant, W. L. ALLARDYCE Governor TNA: PRO CO 23/285/02525. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. The Negro World newspaper was probably intercepted by the postmaster and sent on to the governor.

Article in L’Essor Quotidien [Haiti, 18 November 1919]

THE PROGRESS OF BLACKS IN THE UNITED STATES A colossal meeting of fifteen thousand 1 people of the black race took place last October 30 at Madison Square Garden in New York to celebrate the launching of the first “Black Star Line” ship. This first ship is called the “Frederick Douglass.” At the meeting, presided over by Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis,2 important speakers were heard, most notably Mr. Marcus Garvey, president of the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation. The speech which he gave on this occasion is of such importance that it would merit being reproduced in its entirety if the cramped nature of this paper did not prevent us from doing so. We will content ourselves with highlighting some passages from it. Mr. Marcus Garvey explained first that, scarcely 24 months ago, thirteen blacks, men and women, organized in New York the “New York Division of the Universal Negro Improvement [A]ssociation.” This association now has two million3 active members. It has branches in the United States, in Canada, and in all of Central America. It is in charge of the interests of 400,000,00[0] blacks throughout the world. Its means of action are powerful and it is under the asso-

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ciation’s direction that the “Black Star Line Steamship Corporation” was created. The SS Frederick Douglass is the line’s first ship. It will be followed before January by two others: the “Phillis Wheatley” and the “Booker Washington.” Fifty others will be added to the black fleet. “We spilled our blood in France and in Flanders for whites and all we have obtained in return is scorn and disdain. [“]The next war in which we will take part will be to make the black man free and independent, and we will let the other races take care of themselves.” Blacks now understand that he has only one life to sacrifice and he reasons thus: “if I could expose this life in the defense of whites, I can certainly reserve this sacrifice for myself and for my race.” Blacks have shown themselves to be brave on all battlefields. They have gone everywhere that the sacred cause of democracy has required of them. But upon their return they have not received this democracy or its benefits. They should not therefore fight until they are given Liberty and democracy. In reporting the October 31 meeting, the “New York Evening Mail” wrote: “The remarkable (unusual) fact is that the ‘Black Star Line’ is composed exclusively of blacks, financed by blacks and administered by blacks.” “The Frederick Douglass,” which will be launched tomorrow, will transport American passengers and goods under the American flag to Canada, the Caribbean, and to Central and South America, and will bring back to America products from these countries. Men of color in the United States are also preparing to contribute to the development of their country’s merchant marine. The names chosen for the three ships are a happy expression of the pride in success without which no race can hope to advance in the path of progress. Frederick Douglass, Booker Washington, and Phillis Wheatley will live forever in the history of the American Negro, as testimony to that which the race has accomplished in diplomacy, in education and in the realm of letters. Printed in L’Essor Quotidien [Haiti], 18 November 1919. Translated from French. Italicized words appear in English in the original. 1. Italicized in French (quinze mille) in original. 2. Henrietta Vinton Davis (1860–1941), elocutionist and dramatist, was born in Baltimore, Md., the daughter of the musician Mansfield Vinton Davis. She attended public schools in Washington, D.C., where she soon displayed her dramatic prowess. At the age of fifteen she was employed as a teacher with the Maryland public schools; later, she was employed with the Louisiana Board of Education, but returned to Washington to attend her ailing mother. In 1878 she entered the Office of the Recorder of Deeds as a copyist, first under George A. Sheridan and later under Frederick Douglass, who held the position from 1881 to 1886. She continued to pursue her interest in the dramatic arts, however, studying privately with various teachers in Washington, New York City, and at the Boston School of Oratory. On 25 April 1883 she made her first dramatic appearance in Washington, introduced by Frederick Douglass. A few weeks later, under the management of James M. Trotter and William H. Dupree, she embarked on a successful tour of several eastern cities. Her repertoire included dramatic readings from Paul Laurence Dunbar, Mark Twain, and Shakespeare. In 1884 she resigned her position with the Office of the Recorder of Deeds to pursue her dramatic career. She married Thomas T. Symmons, who became her manager. In 1893, she established her own dramatic com-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS pany in Chicago and produced the play Dessalines by William Edgar Easton, a young black playwright. In a letter to Ignatius Donnelly (1831–1901), the outstanding Populist leader, Davis expressed her support of the Populist Party platform as presented at the conventions in 1892 in St. Louis and Omaha and volunteered to lecture on the party's behalf. In April 1912, accompanied by the contralto Nonie Bailey Hardy, Henrietta Vinton Davis toured Jamaica, giving performances throughout the island. Later that year she also took over the management of Kingston’s Convent Garden Theatre. While in Jamaica, she organized the Loyal Knights and Ladies of Malachite, a black American benevolent society. Around March 1913, both women left Jamaica for Central America, where they performed in Panama and Costa Rica before returning to the United States. It was while she was in Costa Rica, however, that Davis met a Jamaican woman who donated a piece of land in Jamaica to her to build a school for girls. Davis conducted several fundraising efforts for this project over the next several years, until she became associated with the UNIA in 1919. On 27 June 1919 she was listed as one of the original directors of the BSL as well as the second vice president of the corporation. Throughout the peak years of the UNIA, she remained among the movement’s top leadership, and in 1924 Garvey sent her as part of the final UNIA delegation to Liberia to try to negotiate an agreement for land with the Liberian government. She died on 23 November 1941 at St. Elizabeth’s Hospital in Washington, D.C. (Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Ignatius Donnelly Papers, Roll 104, vol. 116, p. 158; Washington, D.C., Vital Records Office, death certificate; Cleveland Gazette, 9 February 1884; Jamaica Times, 13 April 1912, 17 August 1912, 23 March 1913; Daily Chronicle, 8 November 1915; New York Age, 29 March 1919; William Seraile, “Henrietta Vinton Davis and the Garvey Movement,” unpublished manuscript, 1981; Errol Hill, “Henrietta Vinton Davis,” in Women in the American Theatre, ed. Helen Chinoy and Linda Jenkins [New York: Crown Publishers, 1981]; A. F. Richings, Evidence of Progress among Colored People [Philadelphia: A. S. Ferguson, 1896], p. 422; Monroe Alphus Majors, Noted Negro Women: Their Triumphs and Activities [Jackson, Tenn.: M. V. Lynk Publishing House, 1893], pp. 102–8). 3. Italicized in French (deux millions) in original.

Article in the West Indian [Grenada, 20th November 1919]

NEWS AND TOPICS A FEW months ago white American papers and other influential persons in the United States made a joke of Marcus Garvey’s attempt to run a Negro steamship line. They predicted failure and indulged in all sorts of ridicule of the matter. We notice that some of those papers are congratulating the coloured people of the United States on the wonderful success that has, so far, attended their labours. “The Black Star Line,” as the line is called, has been inaugurated. “The Black Star Line must be, even if the first ship is launched in a sea of blood” said Marcus Garvey. The first ship, the “Frederick Douglass,” owned, manned, and controlled by Negroes, is almost ready for her maiden trip, and the “Booker Washington” and “Phyllis Wheatley” are the next to be launched, one of which will be ready on New Year’s day. All the ships will be named after illustrious Negroes. One white paper, while acknowledging the wonderful feat performed by coloured Americans, saying that history has been made, takes it as a sign that all sections of Americans will do their best to make the American Merchant Marine the strongest in the world. The Washington correspondent to the London Times has made mention in that paper of the Negro’s entry into 442

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independent maritime life. The company is being re-capitalized at $10,000,000 and shares are being called for all over the world. West Indians in Panama are enthusiastic over the great effort and have subscribed over $75,000. Coloured people the world over are taking shares. Latest information received concerning the itinerary of the s.s. Frederick Douglass was to the effect that she sailed to Newport News thence to Jamaica and Hayti. Printed in WI (mail edition), 5 December 1919.

R. B. Walker, Receiving and Forwarding Agent, Panama Railroad Company, to S. W. Heald, Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company Cristobal, C.Z., Nov. 21, 1919

RE BERTHING OF S.S. “FREDERICK DOUGLAS[S]” Sir: I have yours of the 14th inst., with petition from West Indians and memorandum from Mr. Gilkey, relative to berthing of the Black Star Line S.S. “Frederick Douglas[s],” in a convenient place in order that a number of people could visit this steamer while in port without interfering with operations on cargo piers. It would not be safe to berth any vessel at Dock No. 11 in its present condition, and Dock 10 is now badly congested with cotton, copper bars, etc., and unless the construction work on the old Royal Mail Pier #3 is sufficiently advanced to permit the berthing of this ship at the sea end by the time she arrives in this port, it will probably be necessary to berth this vessel at Pier 9-A and permit the delegation to enter from old Dock 11, through door at end of Dock 10. This is believed to be the most feasible procedure at this time. However, in the event this ship does not reach Cristobal for several days, a different arrangement can probably be made. Respectfully, R. B. WALKER Receiving & Forwarding Agent [Handwritten note:] Gov. Harding Recommend ship be berth as suggested unless better arrangement can be made [word illegible] DNA, RG 185, 91/212. TLS, recipient’s copy. On Panama Railroad Company letterhead.

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S. W. Heald, Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company, to R. B. Walker, Receiving and Forwarding Agent, Panama Railroad Company Balboa Heights, Canal Zone, November 26, 1919 Sir: I am enclosing herewith copy of letter from the Governor dated the 25th instant and addressed to F. S. Ricketts and others, relative to the docking of the Steamship FREDERICK DOUGLAS[S], which is self-explanatory. Respectfully, S. W. HEALD Superintendent DNA, RG 185, 61-H-3/B. TL, copy.

Enclosure: Chester Harding, Governor, Panama Canal Zone, to F. S. Ricketts et al. Balboa Heights, C.Z., November 25, 1919 Sirs: The receipt is acknowledged of the petition, signed by yourself and nine other persons interested in the Steamship FREDERICK DOUGLAS[S] of the Black Star Line, in which you request permission to visit this ship while it is in the port of Cristobal. Arrangements have been made to berth this vessel at a convenient location upon her arrival in order to permit you and your friends to visit the ship as requested. When the vessel arrives in port you should make inquiry at the office of the Receiving and Forwarding Agent at Cristobal as to where and how you may board the ship. Respectfully, CHESTER HARDING Governor DNA, RG 185, 61-H-3/B. TL, copy.

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Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados Downing Street, //28// November, 1919 Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Secret despatch of the 13th October regarding the question of exercising stricter control by means of legislation over the circulation of publications of seditious character. 2. Should the views of the Legislature change at any time, you will no doubt consider the matter further. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, MILNER BDA, GH 3/5/1. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret No. 26.”

Ellen Joshua in the Workman [[Culebra, C.Z., ca. 29 November 1919]]

AWAKE! YE DAUGHTERS OF HAM Awake! brace up! ye daughters of Ham, for your redemption draweth nigh. It is high time for you to awake from your slumbers and put on the new coat. I do not mean a new made coat. I mean the new coat of independence. We the New Negro of 1919, are to show to the enemies of our race that we are going to be free. We’ve been under their irony hands for many years, and its time to say onward, not stand still. My message, at this time is to my girl companions, friends, and acquaintances. Dear friends, think of the future that is before us, a future that will not be regretted, but an honored one. We the girls of the Isthmus, had a great responsibility in the great war that passed; our brothers went to the front to fight for democracy, they gave their lives, their manhood, their very soul, we gave our time in knitting, in singing in concerts, in dancing, to raise money for the war; but alas! what have we got nothing. So girls brace up! the silver lining is behind the cloud, we cannot see it now, but we shall see it hereafter. Are you not proud of having the Hon. Orator, Marcus Garvey as organizer of our race? Never in the worlds history was there a man like Garvey, our white friends know that he’s a Garvey, that’s why they hate him, but, tell them “don’t worry to hate him its too late now. Think of the amiable Amy Ashwood, as general 445

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Secretary of our association, don[’]t you think it noble to have such men and women representing our race, that we can be proud of? I should say so yes indeed.” We gave our dollars to help our girls, as Red Cross nurses in France, to fight for the white man’s democracy, why not give it now to the cause of the negro, for the negro, and by the negro? Why not buy shares in the “Black Star Line,” a line of ships that will not refuse you or your money a captain, that will not say no niggers on board, but instead, “welcome all the negroes in.” But we are proud of the hero of our race, Marcus Garvey, though he fall he shall stand. Come on girls, join me in the fight for our native land, a land which floweth with riches untold take your feet out the mire, and place them on the rock of our foundation which is Garvey, our leader. Now girls make up your mind to fight and help the cause a cause, that will be beneficial to every Negro under the sun. A cause, that will allow you and I to have the same privileges as the white and yellow races are having. Then why not your shares and all the shares, because they are of the negro, for the negro, and by the negro, now cheers for Marcus Garvey, and all others that are assisting in this world wide movement of the negro; and last but not least, “I live for those that love me true, for the heavens that smile above me, and awaits my spirit too, for the wrong that needs resistance for the cause that needs assistance, for the future in the distance, and the good that I can do[”?]1 Awake girls; and hail for the negro race. ELLEN JOSHUA Printed in the Workman [Panama City], 29 November 1919. 1. George Linnaeus Banks (1821–1881), “What I Live For.”

“Truth” in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper [[St. Vincent, ca. 29 November 1919]]

TIPS FROM ST. VINCENT What? Is it true? Yes! There is a parson in Kingstown who is a busy body. He goes about dipping in everybody’s business. He is very fond of putting his members in the Magistrate Court. This parson is often heard asking some of his black members, “Who would like to be a nigger?” Yet this man says he is preaching the gospel to Negroes. Not very long ago he met his teacher in the shop of a saddler and there he offered a kick to his teacher who told him that he was not fit for the ministry: because he was too hot-tempered and riotous. Down to the court parson went and laid two false charges against his teacher, employing a solicitor to prosecute. On the day appointed for the hearing, par446

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son could not be found, but his solicitor was at the entrance to the court, waiting. When the defendant arrived, the solicitor told him that his client (the parson) had no case; and he had withdrawn. This parson was punished in the court of St Vincent for libelling his teacher. He is now the chief white enemy of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. He, I am told, urged one of the planters, a member of his church, to advise the Governor to stop the “Negro World.” This man should learn to preach a good sermon instead of trying to make mischief. His conduct has gained no respect from the community for him, yet his head is keeping him in Kingstown, just as if a more godly parson cannot be had. This parson is always boasting on his $120.00 per month. For doing what? Teaching hi[s] members to love the magistrate court. He should be given a church in England where he can only get $10[.]00 per month. This parson should tell his friend, the planter, to pay his labourers honest wages. [. . .]1 “The Times” of the 8th and “The Sentry” of the 15th Novr, invite a barrister at law to reside in St Vincent, which place really needs a decent, upright, punctual and truthful Negro lawyer. If a young man of Mr Æmelius Richards’ quality comes to St Vincent and is in favour of Mr. R[.] E[.] M[.] Jack, he will want for no good things. Vincentians should not grumble when they hear that America is to own their island: because when that happens they will be given a chance to emerge from poverty to prosperity. Almost every Negro in St Vincent owning a few dollars worked for same in America. On Monday, 17th November, the drivers on the roads were told to inform their labourers that girls are to get 8d per day, women 10d and men 1s 2d[.] This is not obeying the Governor’s command[.] They all rejoiced to obey the Governor’s command in suppressing the Negro World [line missing] [. . .]2 It is said that the U.N.I. Association is going to give clothes to some of the children of the poorest members, and see them go to school. All persons should assist the U. N[.] I[.] Association in its efforts to insist that labourers get better wages and have their children educated. [. . .]3 Printed in WIP, 29 November 1919. Text abridged. 1. The elided section concerns the possible promotion of a young woman to be headmistress in St. Vincent. 2. The elided section comments on compulsory education in St. Vincent. 3. The elided section comments on hunger and poverty in St. Vincent.

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Article in the Trinidad Guardian1 [Trinidad, 2 December 1919]

RACIAL INCITEMENTS SEDITIOUS PROPAGANDA IN WEST INDIES BY THE “TIMES”2 Some of the British West Indian Islands have recently been flooded with literature printed in the United States, which is of a seditious nature and calculated to stir up race troubles. It is printed in the interests of [negroes?]. The postal authorities in more than one island have prevented the distribution of issues of such publications. In British Guiana a law has been passed by the Court of Policy making the importation, sale, or distribution of newspapers, books or documents tending to create or arouse any seditious tendency a crime; the measure gives the Governor power to prohibit the importation of such literature. [. . .] The penalty for offences against this law is imprisonment for life, or a shorter term as the Judge may think fit, or a fine not exceeding £2,000, or both fine and imprisonment. A law on similar lines is to be introduced in the Trinidad Legislature. It is certain that legislation will also be adopted in Jamaica and other colonies to meet the situation. Printed in TrG, 2 December 1919. Transcript. 1. First published on 2 September 1917, the Trinidad Guardian resulted from the acquisition of the presses of the Mirror newspaper, and was operated and financed by some of Trinidad’s most powerful commercial magnates. Among its owners were the prominent businessman George Huggins, who was made a member of the legislative council in 1935; Thomas Geddes Grant, owner of one of the largest provision stores in the Caribbean, a representative of the Canadian Trade Commissioner, and town councillor from 1910 to 1913; and Lennox O’Reilly, a powerful investor in the petroleum industry, who represented the oil companies in the 1937 labor strikes and served on the legislative council from 1925 to 1946. Its editor, J. Partridge, was British and an active member of the chamber of commerce. As a result, the Trinidad Guardian consistently represented the views of the white ruling class. It remains one of Trinidad and Tobago’s most influential and popular newspapers (Denise Gadsby, “History of the Trinidad Guardian, 1917–Present” [Caribbean Studies thesis, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, 1989], pp. 2–3; Brinsley Samaroo, “The Trinidad Workingmen’s Association and the Origins of Popular Protest in a Crown Colony,” SES 21, no. 2 [1972]: 214; Michael Anthony, Historical Dictionary of Trinidad and Tobago [Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 1997], p. 405). 2. This article was originally printed on 30 October 1919 in the London Times, with the headline “Incitements to Negroes: Seditious Propaganda in West Indies (From Our Jamaica Correspondent).” The original article also contained the following paragraph omitted in the Trinidad Guardian version: In an article printed in The Times of October 15 our Washington Correspondent drew attention to the organized agitation carried on by “the National Association for the Advancement of the Coloured People”—an association with many white members— and by a number of purely coloured organizations, whose programme is to awaken class consciousness among the negroes in America and Africa, and to knit together all the

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H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company [Almirante, R.P.] December 6, 1919 Dear Sir:— We have just received information that Shaw-Davis, the Editor of the “Central-American Express”1 and one of the most troublesome Jamaicans and labor agitators in this District, is going to Limon in a few days—probabl[y] on the “Alva” Tuesday afternoon. We understand that one of the reasons prompting his journey is the case of Glashen as well as in the interests of the Black Star Line. At this writing I am unable to give you more explicit data, but if possible will send anything of interest on the “Alva.” I enclose a Supplement to last week’s issue of the “Express.” One of the marked articles indicates that the “Negro World” is not being allowed to circulate in Costa Rica.2 If the Government issued any formal order or decree prohibiting such circulation, I would be glad to have a copy thereof, as it may be of interest to our attorneys in Panama. In case there is a steamer to Cristobal from Limon within the next few days we would appreciate your sending our attorneys, Messrs. Fabrega and Arias, Panama City, a copy of the decree direct. Very truly yours, MANAGER UFC. TL. Marked “Personal.” 1. The Central American Express was established in Bocas del Toro in 1905 by the Rev. B. A. Samuel, Alexander Williams, and G. A. Shaw Davis. It had the distinction of being the longest-lived newspaper ever published in Bocas. G. A. Shaw Davis, the newspaper’s editor in 1919, was often critical of the UFC and had a reputation as a troublemaker among company officials (“Congratulations to a Contemporary,” Jamaica Times, 5 October 1912; Oliver Marshall, The English-Speaking Press in Latin America [London: Institute of Latin American Studies, 1996], p. 82). 2. No governmental decree had been issued prohibiting the circulation of the Negro World at this time, but the president of Costa Rica did order the post office to hold onto the newspaper while prohibition was being considered. UFC officials petitioned the government to ban all UNIA publications and, in January 1920, the postal administration of Costa Rica requested the U.S. Post Office to cease mailings of the Negro World to the country (Ronald N. Harpelle, The West Indians of Costa Rica: Race, Class, and the Integration of an Ethnic Minority [Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001], p. 52).

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United Fruit Company Report1 [Bocas del Toro, ca. 6 December 1919]

INTERESTING INFORMATION RE MARCUS GARVEY— THE SO CALLED “NEGRO WORLD LEADER” M. G. lived at Port Limon, C. R. sometime between 1909 and 1910.2 He was the proprietor and editor of an English paper entitled the “NATION,” published thereat. It was through the columns of this paper that M. G. at the time of the coronation of King George of Great Britain, called on the public for money to carry on celebrations for the occasion. He received an enormous amount therefrom, but availing himself of the opportunity of the first blast to leave those shores, he departed with impunity, carrying away all the money in reference and therefore, leaving the public in amazenient [amazement] and to celebrate the best way they could. After his departure, the printing plant was embargoed by a Costa Rican gentleman. Garvey was never heard of again until sometime after when he was located at Guatemala, where he again committed himself—similarly as referred to at Costa Rica. From Guatemala M. G. proceeded to Jamaica (his native land) where he first started this kind of association he now claims to be leader of in the States. Back copies of the Jamaican paper “The Gleaner” can easily be obtained in which Garvey’s advertisement to the effect appeared. Among the many residents in Costa Rica that can testify to Garvey’s conduct—The fraud committed by him etc., are the following:— Samuel Nation,3 Gerald Nation, Malachi Cose, Stuport (a jeweller) and Mr. Peter Neol [Noel], who now lives in Bocas town. Garvey[’]s description:—Black, short heavy man, cleaned shaved, face full and sound, about 28 years in 1910.4 Jamaican by birth, but now might be naturalized American. I believe that U.S.A. can send special agent to investi[gat]e (Portrait necessary) and result would be successful; therefore, bringing about his deportation regardless of his being American. UFC. TD. 1. It was common for UFC managers to circulate reports on agitators that it was concerned about. The company relied on a network of informants to provide it with intelligence (Ronald N. Harpelle, The West Indians of Costa Rica: Race, Class, and the Integration of an Ethnic Minority [Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001], pp. 50–51). 2. Garvey resided in Port Limón from 1910 until 1911. 3. Samuel Nation was a conservative-minded newspaper publisher and owner of several small banana farms in Costa Rica. In 1910, when Garvey lived in Limón and was involved with the publication of Nation/La Nación, Nation was a young reporter on the rival Times/El Tiempo. In 1929 he founded the Searchlight/La Linterna, a newspaper that ran until 1931. He became president of the UNIA division in Limón in 1927, only to lose the presidency a year later to the more radical Theodore Smith. Smith accused his opponents and detractors of being too friendly with UFC managers and the Costa Rican authorities. Nation used the Searchlight to draw attention to what he consid-

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DECEMBER 1919 ered to be the shortcomings of the Smith administration of the UNIA. This dispute lasted into the 1930s. Control over the Limón division shifted back and forth between people like Nation, who represented the interests of the local West Indian elite who held common cause with UFC, and others, who identified with plantation laborers in their struggles against the company. In May 1930 the UNIA parent organization sent M. L. T. de Mena to Costa Rica to investigate the local dispute. While de Mena ordered Smith and his officers to be less autocratic, she did not force them to resign. Theodore Smith, however, was defeated in the Limón division’s elections in October 1930. In August 1931 Samuel Nation chaired a convention in Costa Rica that embraced Garvey breakaway factions of the UNIA over the New York parent body, which led to a new charter for the Limón division being unveiled. In 1934 he began writing for the Atlantic Voice/La Voz del Atlántico. He bought the newspaper from A. J. Roden in 1936, and the Atlantic Voice appeared on a weekly basis until 1946 (Ronald Harpelle, “Radicalism, Accommodation and Decline: Garveyism in a United Fruit Company Enclave,” JILAS 6, no. 1 [July 2000]; Harpelle, The West Indians of Costa Rica, pp. 72–77, 112–119, 196 n. 8, 204 n. 53). 4. Garvey was twenty-three years old in 1910.

George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company, to H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company LIMÓN, COSTA RICA, December 7th, 1919 Dear Sir: I am in receipt of your letters of November 6th, and 18th, relative to Marcus Garvey. It is rather difficult to get an attested statement regarding Garvey’s activities while in Costa Rica as, while it is possible to gather information it is impossible to get anyone to sign a statement against Garvey at this particular time. Following is data which I have been able to obtain here: “Marcus Garvey lived at Port Limon, Costa Rica, sometime between 1910 and 1912. He was employed by Salomon Zacarias Aguilera, owner of a newspaper called ‘LA NACION.’1 During this time Garvey raised a subscription for the coronation of King George of England; Jamaicans contributed freely and some $2500.00 gold were collected. Garvey suddenly disappeared with the funds. Later he was heard of in Guatemala. From Guatemala he went to Jamaica and started the ‘NEGRO IMPROVEMENT SOCIETY.’2 Thousands of negroes joined. Garvey was Manager, Secretary and Treasurer and again disappeared with all the funds—he was located later in England. Samuel Nation, now in Jamaica, and Gerard Nation, a drunkard now here, are about the same kind of men as Garvey himself, Peter Noel is dead, and Cose and Stuport are not known here. Garvey’s description: Black, short heavy man, clean shaved, face full, thick lips, about 37 years of age now,3 Jamaican by birth, but may now be an American Naturalized Citizen.[”]

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We have seen Garvey’s portrait several times in the Negro World, but he is made to appear as a much bigger man than he really is. The only good portrait we have seen of Garvey was in the hands of Mr. Fred Gordon, British Consul at Limon. Mr. Gordon sent this portrait to the British Minister in Panama last week. According to the last dope from the British Consulate, the Negro World chartered a ship, the “FREDERICK DOUGLAS[S]” from Canada and left Kingston, Jamaica, for Colon, on December 6th, 1919. In this connection, the enclosed copy of the Negro World of November 15th might be of interest. Very truly yours, G. P. CHITTENDEN [word illegible] UFC. TLS. On UFC letterhead, Costa Rica Division. 1. This description of Garvey as being employed by Salomon Zacarias Aguilera to work for La Nación/The Nation indicates that he was only the editor of the English section of the publication. The Nation, like most newspapers along the Atlantic coast of Central America, was a bilingual publication. 2. The UNIA was not formed until 1914, shortly after Garvey’s return to Jamaica from England. 3. Garvey was thirty-two years of age in 1919.

George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company, to H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company LIMÓN, COSTA RICA, December 8th, 1919 Dear Sir: I have your personal letter of the 6th, inst., regarding Shaw Davis and the Negro World. No governmental order or decree has been issued prohibiting the circulation of this paper. Yours very truly, G. P. CHITTENDEN [word illegible] UFC. TLS. On UFC letterhead, Costa Rica Division. Marked “Personal.”

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H. K. F. to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company, and H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company Limon, Dec. 15th. 1919 Mr. Chittenden: Mr. Fred Gordon (British Consul, Limon) showed me a letter from Mr. Frank Cox1 dated December 12th regarding Fowler’s activities in San Jose regarding the holding, in Limon, of the Negro World News Paper. Fowler did not call on Cox while up there. He did call on the Post Master General and the President of the Republic.2 Cox called on the President and the latter volunteered all the information relative to Fowler and his paper. The President stated that the Negro World was a most dangerous paper to allow to circulate and that he had given orders to the Post Office to hold all copies of this paper in a safe place and that no employee or otherwise was allowed to see them. That all Negro Worlds coming into the Country would be held likewise. Cox also saw the Ministro de Gobernacion who referred to the Negro World as “Pura Dinamita.” He also said that he would hold all future receipts of this paper and that he would write don Pedro Perez Zeledon in Washington to take the matter up with the American Government in order to stop the mailing in the States of this paper to Costa Rica. Cox also mentioned that he obtained two copies of this paper from the President and that “if he would not be butting into Limon Con[su]late Matters[”] he would write Mr. Bennett, Minister in Panama, “who no doubt has seen something of this sort going on in Panama” regarding the confiscation of the Negro World mailed from Costa Rica. H. K. F. Mr. Blair: Mr. Chittenden instructs me to tell you that he is about to ask the Government to issue a Decree governing the importation into Costa Rica of this class of propaganda. H[.] K[.] F. cc. V. M. Cutter Esq. UFC. TL, transcript. 1. Frank Cox was the British consul general in San José. Like many British representatives in Central American countries, he was often criticized by the West Indians of Limón for not representing their interests. (Ronald N. Harpelle, The West Indians of Costa Rica: Race, Class, and the Integration of an Ethnic Minority [Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001], pp. 35–38). 2. The president of the Republic of Costa Rica was Francisco Aguilar Barquero.

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Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE, Trinidad, B.W.I., December 17, 1919

SUBJECT: Confidential Concerning F. E. Hercules, Negro Agitator Proceeding to New York, from Georgetown SIR: I have the honor to state that just as my mail for the s.s. “MARAVAL” was closing I have received a confidential note from Colonel May, Inspector General of Constabulary, as follows— I have the honor by direction of His Excellency the Governor to inform you that a Mr. F. E. Hercules, a native of Trinidad, who is in transit from Demerara to New York on the s.s. “MARAVAL,” which sails this evening, has been forbidden to land here. Mr. Hercules is said to be Editor of the AFRICAN TELEGRAPH, and is carrying on propaganda on behalf of the negro race, and although the speeches he has delivered on a former occasion contain nothing seditious, it was decided in the existing condition of unrest in this Colony to forbid him to land. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) [G]. H. MAY Inspector General of Constabulary In a personal interview I had with the Governor the other day, I especially requested that I might be promptly informed as to any agitators or anarchists known to the police, who might be going to New York, and I am glad to note His Excellency has favored me with the above information. A copy of this despatch is being sent to the Inspector of Immigration at New York for his prompt attention on arrival of Hercules at that port. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, HENRY D. BAKER American Consul DNA, RG 59, 811.108/833, despatch no. 449. TLS, recipient’s copy.

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Cyril Henry,1 Assistant Treasurer, Black Star Line, to the Negro World [New York, 20 December 1919]

CYRIL HENRY, ASSISTANT TREASURER OF BLACK STAR LINE, PASSENGER ON FIRST TRIP OF LINE, WRITES HIS IMPRESSIONS VOYAGE OF BLACK STAR LINE STEAMSHIP FREDERICK DOUGLAS[S]— NEGROES ARE NOW MAKING HISTORY FOR THEMSELVES When on Sunday afternoon, Nov. 23, at the command of Captain Joshua Cockburn, the steamer Frederick Douglass, of the Black Star Line, slipped her moorings from the foot of the 155th [S]treet on the North River, a most momentous period was marked in the history of the Negro race. The scene was an unforgettable one. One which will long be remembered by thousands of Harlemites. Lining the esplanade above, along Riverside Drive, was a long streak of white faces—wondering spectators looking down at the docks below—where, jamming to its fullest capacity, was a mass of dark faces beaming with a glow of expectancy and keen enthusiasm, which intermittently broke into happy laughter as only the Race is capable. For were they not fully conscious of the fact that they were shareholders nearly all in this, the mightiest business effort of the Race—giving effective answer to a host of short-visioned critics who hesitated, hampered, watched, and waited, whilst freer hearts went on? They are watching and waiting yet, and—still wondering. Three o’clock and the boatswain’s cry “all ashore” was echoed throughout the ship, which from early noon was uncomfortably packed with visitors and friends of the voyagers. But a remarkable spirit of fellowship prevailed. Who would be choleric or unforgetful of himself or herself in such a crowd? Though the evening wore on there was little sign of impatience anywhere. Even a much belated passenger was jocularly hustled aboard, notwithstanding the visible chagrin of the examining officers who awaited him. At 4:30 the pilot was taken aboard. Three long blasts of her whistle and the baby of the Black Star Line slid astern. To the offer of the dock watchman of Harris, McGill & Co. to lend assistance to let go her lines, Capt. Cockburn declined with thanks, saying that it was not necessary, for all those people present would readily assist in casting her off. And so it was as several willing hands, headed by “Capt.” Jones, pilot of the Black Star Line’s new 3-ton motor truck, grabbed the big rope, and, as if guarding jealously a new toy, tugged and tugged until they skillfully slipped the cables. Standing there on the deck of that good ship and viewing the demonstration, listening to the clever repartees, the hearty goodbyes, “safe voyage,” etc., etc., and to see the wave of white handkerchiefs against the darkened background of jubilant faces was a inspiration never to be erased. “God bless you all,” muttered Miss Davis, almost choked with emotion, and a rejoinder, “who 455

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would not die for such a people,” were but faint expressions of the still deeper feeling within. By the last faint gleam of the setting sun we could see the crowd slowly dispersing, they to Liberty Hall and we to our cabins, as our good ship headed down the stream—launched at last upon the broad sea of opportunity and racial independence. How we dropped anchor that night and waited, waited, and manoeuvered [the] next day, whilst there in New York Captain Cockburn and some of the principal officers of the corporation matched craft with craft and wit against wit in the effort to break a network of obstacles, which even at the “ninth hour” were woven about us by our enemies to hinder our sailing; also the dramatic, most welcome, and cheering visit of our beloved president, accompanied by his ever faithful and intrepid lady secretary, Miss Ashwood, that night as we laid astream—all I must leave to be chronicled by some duly accredited future historian of the Black Star Line. At nine o’clock Monday night we lifted anchor and headed seaward. By midnight we had passed the Statue of Liberty and dropped our pilot at Sandy Hook. Tuesday morning broke upon a fairly smooth sea, and on a due southwesterly course we were going at a satisfactory rate. Off Cape May N. Lat., 39 deg. 8 and 74 deg. 10 W. Longt., Capt. Cockburn wirelessed “all’s well.” But it must be evident that to an old sea dog malde-mer is never credited as a malady, for two of our passengers and quite a number of the unseasoned crew were in for a severe attack. Apart from the seven-months old baby of Mrs. Farrell, one of the passengers, all had, at some time previous, crossed the seas. The steward’s department was hardest hit. Its chief, Mr. Goodhall, was the only effective. Our staunch and loyal Mr. Moore was completely out of action. He all but resigned his position and sighed for the steadying influence of terra firma and the popular fellowship of Liberty Hall. Another (Wallace) who had to his credit many years of service upon Long Island Sound was now unsound upon the deep. Withal, our plucky serving man did not lose courage. Between spells he would make repeated sallies, and, encouraged by the splendid example of his chief and the superb service of the culinary department under Chef Watson we were well served. Wednesday found us still forging ahead. At 10:30 a.m. we were off Garrituck Beach Light, eighteen miles distant. The captain’s log noted a moderate swell, clear sky, and gloomy weather. At this stage it was quite apparent that the effectiveness of our engine room crew was sadly impaired. Slowly our speed lessened until barely half speed was being registered. With the illness of at least two of their number, and the marine inexperience of nearly all, the maintenance of sufficient steam pressure was lacking and it told upon our progress in consequence. It seemed as though their stamina was broken. Ship after ship, among them the Clyde liner “Apache,” ploughed abreast and beyond us, then were lost to sight. This, more than all, goaded the spirits of our sailors, who proved themselves the heroes of the trip. They gathered together, held a consultation, 456

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and volunteered to man the fires. A decided acceleration followed, our speed jumped up, and with it our spirits and hopes for a satisfactory run after all. Our wireless operators, Messrs. Ringwood and Van Derzee, were on the job. Several communications were picked up and a message or two were sent via the Virginian coast stations. The release of the sailors to rest and their necessary duties, again left us to the tender mercies of the firing crew. By Thursday we were reconciled to a long voyage, for, despite the urgings of the engineers and the splendid service of the seamen, the firing crew lapsed back into their wonted inefficiency. And so we kept on creeping, creeping along the coast. As Columbus on his voyage of discovery did not come at any record-breaking clip, so we too on our maiden trip of race recovery were likewise destined to make it leisurely. Thoughts of home—that is, of the United States—and of Thanksgiving were uppermost. We could see the gaily dressed meat stores, with rows of dressed poultry, all along Lenox and Seventh [A]venues. We could see the busy preparations of wives and mothers, and conjured within our minds the luscious roast turkey and “fixings.” As for us bachelors and other exiles of domesticity, we could see our plans to roll up at least three dinners and wind up at the Palace, Manhattan or Harlem Casino. How our friends would be thinking of us as smugly lying in some Cuban port or basking in the tropical sun and gaieties of Havana! However, our genial captain was not unmindful of his passengers and the great day, for at dinner the menu read as follows: Pickles

Chow

Pickled Onions Celery Soup Cream of Asparagus Fillet of Fish Mashed Potatoes Roast Turkey, Jelly, or Giblet Sauce Green Peas Lettuce Mayonnaise Asparagus Tips on Toast Steam Pudding, Hard Sauce or Lemon Sauce Vanilla Ice Cream Assorted Cakes Marmalade Raisins Crackers Cafe noir It was perfectly irresistible. Friday morning broke with a moderate breeze. We were now within the tropic zone. Our course lay S.W. ½ west. Land was distinguishable in the distance on our starboard. Time hung heavily and the feeling of ennui crept over us all. Again our resourceful captain came to the rescue. A game of quoits, with improvised loops of rope, claimed our attention. The ladies, too proud to accept a handicap, entered upon equal terms with the men, and were outclassed, Mr. Callendar carrying off highest honors. But the sweepstakes on the day’s run declared Mrs. Moulton as the winner. The log registered 181 miles for the day’s run. Towards evening a heavy swell was encountered. The sky was cloudy and overcast. We were now in for a stormy encounter and the perils of the deep. 457

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Forward on the port side of the saloon deck the waves broke in. It took the combined efforts of all the watches available and the ship’s carpenter, Mr. Workman, nearly an hour of anxious work to prevent further inrush of water and to eradicate the effects of the deluge. That evening those who retired—and they were few indeed—did so not entirely without some fears as to the safety of our vessel, which was rolling heavily, indeed. Her course was altered to due south, in order to get a lea. She hugged the shore grimly, still rolling. The lead was cast, and drew from 12 to 56 fathoms. About 2 o’clock Saturday morning she lurched, rested for a moment on her side, but, good and staunch as she is, and, more so, held down by her cargo of cement, she righted herself and held on her course. Above all, she was carrying the hopes and the prayers of a race, and surely she would ride the waves in safety to an anchorage in the harbor of our destination. Saturday passed, and with it all fears of danger. A tranquil breeze, the beautiful sea waves with their crests of foam, and in the background the lowlying coast of Florida, with its long stretch of belted brown sand, all lent a most charming touch of natural scenery. Steadily, steadily we crept—creeping against and upon the gulf stream. The lack of music was keenly felt. To a music-loving race this was a grievous omission which preyed upon the minds of us all. A violin was all that could be produced among some fifty souls, passengers and crew included, and an impromptu concert with a single artist as performer was readily acclaimed. Meals came fast and, thanks to our chef and his crew, were a delight. Our cuisine could not be beaten. Sunday came. Another wonderful day it was. Mother Nature, as reflected by the sea and sky, was again clothed in her gorgeous garb of blue and white. Several vessels were about us, all on their respective ways, carrying to distant lands the wares of the much-desired trade, while our Africa slumbers. But today she moves her little finger and drowsily points to a black star creeping, slowly moving, slowly rising, to take its place in the firmament, to be the guardian and director of her 400,000,000 sons and daughters. The Japanese liner Kaisho Maru hove in sight. We had left her at the Jersey City docks. She crept abeam us, curiously scrutinized us, crossed on our port bow and left us astern. She was bound for the Orient via the Panama Canal, carrying to the far Eastern corner of the earth the news of the advent of the African race as a new and powerful factor in the commercial world. We viewed Palm Beach, dressed in its aristocratic splendor, so many of us, in jealous anticipation of our tropic sojourn, donned our summer attire and strutted upon the deck of our ship. Evening brought to many of us a retaste of a tropical moonlight. And such a night it was! We sat up until late and drank its magnificence. Still lumbering along, almost stopping at times on account of our slow speed, we could make but little headway against the stream. We clung off picturesque Miami Monday morning, and made the best of everything. As a matter of fact, in spite of our anxiety to reach port and the thought of the still greater anxiety of our friends and the directors of the line, 458

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we were really enjoying the trip. All had recovered and were in excellent health. The day passed with little event of any importance to record. The night before we had practically drifted, and many jests were passed relative to the length of the Floridian coast line. It appeared as though it were an endless one. Our second purser, Mr. Digsby, proved himself a lighthouse expert. His interest in their style of construction and location were surprisingly alert. He pointed them out with unerring regularity to the weary passengers. However, all went well. We watched the waves bearing along the little sea anemones and the distant, never-ending shore. Another sweepstake was run. Our purser, Mr. Lamoth, was the winner, the prize being designated as a Cuban souvenir. And now to the most dramatic and well-nigh tragic episode of the trip. At the outset all praise must be given to our seamen. Every man proved himself a hero and a man to the core. I have no hesitation in saying that whether upon the battlefield or upon the high seas one could find no more fearless men than these men of the S.S. Frederick Douglass—men of our noble race. Here is an instance of no other leadership than that of black men. With no thought of glory or reward other than the pay they were working for—Carnegie medals and purses of gold scarce come our way—yet these plain seamen toiled and labored throughout that dark morning with a courage unparalleled. But to the story: Monday evening we made the Sand Key light, off our port bow. A heavy swell was on, the ship rolling heavily. Off Sombrero Key her course was to S. 22 East. She was running before the seas, majestically riding the billows. Darker and darker grew the heavens and the seas were tossing high. One heavy roll and we were all awakened. It was close within. I went up on deck and joined two of the seamen. They were calmly and jocularly discussing the ship, its magnificent behavior and its superb handling by the wheelsmen. Their demeanor in all that storm was like that of simple workmen enjoying a noonday rest. One could not be other than calm in the company of such men—lads, really, but seasoned seamen. Rain fell, and so we retired. At 5.15, after passing North Elbow Cay light, the extreme point of a shoal 49 miles off Cuba, Captain Cockburn, who had labored incessantly during the day and all during that night of such heavy seas, retired to a much-needed rest with “All’s well.” Chief Officer Millner took charge. Suddenly, at 5.45, there was a heavy bump! Horrors! She had struck the shoals of Cay Sal Bank. I jumped out and hurried forward and met the first officer, who passed the order, “All hands on deck!” Quickly we realized the gravity of the situation and donned our life belts. There was no panic—only a nervousness born [of] fears for the worst. All hands worked with a will. It was an inspiration to see the men at work under the magnificent leadership of Second Mate Kila and Boatswain Hercules, the latter a Hercules indeed. They worked with the skills of veterans. Meanwhile the steward, ever mindful of his charge, provisioned the boats. Biscuits, canned meats and water were put aboard. Ringwood, the wireless operator, 459

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stuck to his post, Van Derzee assisting. The Havana and Key West stations were spoken. Daylight dawned and greatly heartened us. There was now no trace of fear in any face. We simply waited, only making repeated sallies back to our cabins. On the signal, “All hands on deck!” the fire crew had also hustled up, and now with difficult[y] were being persuaded by Second Engineer Govin to go down again. We reached port and laid astream. Owing to the prevalence of the plague no one was allowed ashore, so we made the best of everything. We are now unloading, and so basking under the tropical sun, with its luxurious surroundings. We are all feeling in excellent spirits. CYRIL HENRY Printed in NW, 20 December 1919. 1. Cyril H. Henry (1885–1946), UNIA activist, was born in Spanish Town, Jamaica. He emigrated to the United States and was educated in Boston before graduating from Ontario Agricultural College, Guelph, with a major in chemistry in 1919. Henry joined the UNIA the same year and became treasurer of the Negro Factories Corporation and assistant treasurer of the BSL. He accompanied Henrietta Vinton Davis aboard the S.S. Yarmouth, selling BSL stock certificates and assisting Davis as a speaker at meetings during their tour of the Caribbean in December 1919. In December 1920 he accompanied Bishop Matthew S. Clair to Liberia and took up residence there, maintaining his interest in the UNIA. Gabriel Johnson described Henry as a local “knocker” of the UNIA in March 1921; however, Cyril Crichlow praised Henry. Clearly aligned with Crichlow, whom he considered a personal friend, in Crichlow’s rivalry with Johnson over UNIA affairs, Henry entrusted Crichlow to deliver a letter to O. M. Thompson (the letter is included in Crichlow’s supplementary report to Garvey, printed 4 July 1921) about problems he saw with UNIA operations in Liberia in July 1921. Henry was principal of the White Plains Industrial Mission in 1921 and was employed as a missionary for the Board of Missions in West Africa from 1921 to 1930, where he became affiliated with the Ganta Mission. In 1938 he left that institution to become the principal of Monrovia’s high school, and lived the remainder of his life in Liberia (Tony Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976], pp. 124, 145; MGP 2 and 3).

Article in the Workman [Panama City, December 20, 1919]

THE ARRIVAL OF [T]HE BLACK STAR LINER West Indian Panama was thrown into a state of the most unusual enthusiasm on Wednesday last when the arrival of the S.S. “Yarmouth” (soon to be rechristened the “Frederick Douglas[s]”) of the newly established “Black Star Line Steamship Company” in New York reached the port of Cristobal and docked at pier No. 10 amidst the uproarious shouts that went from the mouths of thousands of colored people who lined the pier to catch the first glimpse of the first steamer owned by the great Negro enterprise. The arrival of the ships is the indication of the fact that the “Black Star Line” is a real organization with vim and vigor behind the capital of thousands 460

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of dollars subscribed solely and entirely by Negroes in the United States, Central America and the West Indies. Never before in the history of the Negro has any proposition originating among our race received such world-wide recognition and discussion as this new scheme proposed and executed by the New Negro in this new age of racial independence. Great as is the success in floating an entirely Negro steamship corporation, greater still is the fact that the first ship owned by the company is commanded and “skippered” by a pure Negro who possesses the full qualifications for mastering a ship at sea; and when Captain Cockburn showed his face on the deck of the ship last Wednesday the heart of every spectator pulsated with a sentiment of racial pride never experienced before. That “Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hand”1 is no longer prophecy, it is fact. Her hand is now pointing east and west and north and south, challenging all other races to a full recognition of her independence and integrity. Our race has always made history, but at the present time it is recording events and compiling incidents at a faster rate than has ever been done in the past. From all over the world there come announcements of achievements of Negro men and women, and now here goes Marcus Garvey, the Booker T. Washington of the North and the L’Overture of West Indian America, with his keen foresight, unlimited perspicuity and forensic lingo, promulgating a scheme that is already a promising enterprise and destined to be the most magnitudinous accomplishment of the advancing Negro of this present century. All hats must be doffed to Marcus Garvey and his indubitable band of collaborators at the success which they have achieved in the face of internal treachery and external prejudice! All compliments to Captain Cockburn, the idol of the hour and the future Commander-in-Chief of the Black Star Line! All glory to the Negro race which has come to stay among the races of the world as a free, independent and recognized people! We have stepped out and our footprints are being indelibly marked “on the sands of time.” With the coming of the “Yarmouth” to the Isthmus of Panama, and the sight of Captain Cockburn and his Negro crew, the most s[k]eptical has been converted and the rapidity with which shares into the Company have been subscribed for the past few days tells its own story of confidence and faith in the venture. The people are not concerned about the personal frills of Mr. Garvey or those of any of his compeers; they accept the scheme as a worthy Negro business and, from what was seen in their enthusiasm this week, they mean “to go it.” Printed in the Workman, 20 December 1919. 1. Psalm 68:31.

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Memorandum by the Boarding Officer, Panama Canal Zone Police and Fire Division, to Lawrence W. Callaway, District Commander, Panama Canal Zone Police Cristobal, Canal Zone, December 20, 1919

MEMO FOR THE DISTRICT COMMANDER With reference to my memorandum of December 17, 1919, relative to the arrival of the steamship “Yarmouth” soon to be re-christened “FREDERICK DOUGLAS[S],” I have to advise that this ship sailed from this port for New York, via Kingston, Jamaica, with Fifteen 1st Class and Fifty-seven Deck passengers aboard; Thirteen 1st Class passengers for New-York. The Yarmouth sailed about 5.00 P.M., December 19, 1919. Very Respectfully, [B. HARVEY?] Boarding Officer DNA, RG 185, 91/212. TLS, recipient’s copy.

Peter E. Batson1 to the Negro World [[Middleton, N.Y., 20 December 1919]]

REV. BATSON COMMENDS MARCUS GARVEY AND THE BLACK STAR LINE ANSWER TO REV. CHRISTINE LORD OF HAYTI2 Dear Editor— Please allow me a small space in your most precious paper to make a few remarks in answer to Christine Lord, missionary of the A.M.E. Church in Hayti, concerning what Mr. Davis wrote of Marcus Garvey and our fossilized missionaries in the issue of the Negro World of October 25, which has just come to my notice in the Christian Recorder of December 4. He said, among his writing, that he would not have the surprising support given to Marcus Garvey and the loyalty of Mr. Garvey and his followers to the cause of the race to blind such as Mr. Davis to the travail of the church through the patient sacrifice of her preachers at home. I will try to give him a proper analysis, as he asked for it in the Christian Recorder, which seems to be seeking for information. Let me say I am very much delighted with the idea of the reverend gentleman taking such a noble part in distributing that paper, the Negro World, in his church and 462

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district. For I must say that if the majority of our ministers and laymen in our churches in America had done the same thing, in taking such notice of this movement, it would have been a much more gigantic movement than it is. But instead some here in New York undertook to throw cold water on it, and thus far have sought to discourage quite a number. And yet, through it all, it has proved a brilliant success and now it can be had from most any news stand in Harlem. It is read even by the whites as one of the best edited Negro papers. And I hope that these ministers may in the future wake up to the true idea of race uplift and race solidarity. Now as to the launching of the Black Star Line and its commercial aspects, let me say first of all that the Hon. Mr. Garvey is not a member of the A.M.E. Church; second, he is not a layman of the Protestant or any other church; third, he is not the president of any college, and fourth, he doesn’t claim any particular denomination. But instead he is a broadminded and devoted lover of his race so long as they are Negroes, and I can say without fear of contradiction that he has gone much beyond those points mentioned. He is the Moses of the race, in that little over 22 months ago he started out with about 13 members, known as the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League, in Jamaica and then in New York, and now they are numbered all over the world to the extent of 2,000,000 members. In New York alone the membership is over 2,000. About six months ago, through the authorities of the State of Delaware, they began to sell shares for what is now known to be the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation. The members of this association stuck tenaciously together, with their friends of all nationalities of the race, until on the 23d of November the first steamship, under the name of the steamship Frederick Douglass, steamed out of New York harbor for the West Indies. But to say it is through Richard Allen’s teaching3 or his efforts in laying the foundation, I fail to see the force of it. It is true the foundation of spiritual development was laid and constructive plans for better manhood were made by him, but all other plans were left to be worked out by others. Booker T. Washington also laid the foundation, as it were, of industry, and others have walked in the line of politics and in other lines as best they could. But here comes a man who has struck out beyond all, like a meteor out of a clear sky, and has not only talked but made the “dream come true” by piercing the commercial world and floating the first steamship that has ever been floated, manned and commanded and controlled by any body of Negroes in the world. This had all happened through the stern qualities and honest efforts of Marcus Garvey and his associates. Let me conclude by saying that it is also noted in this paper (The Christian Recorder) that Bishop Ross4 has again been disappointed in sailing for Africa, which makes the third time. If the good bishop and ministers of this great church of ours had undertook to take notice of such a great movement of this kind and give it their voice, if nothing else, today they would have had one of the their own ships sailing to the great Fatherland without any further disappointment. We must remember that this great war has caused a transformation of all peoples upon the face of the globe 463

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and today we are in the same stage; every man must come into his own. Now, Brother Christine, Lord, I trust you will be a little more enlightened on this subject of Mr. Davis. Mr. Garvey has only come up, through the divine plan of God and the evolution of the times sending up such a Moses and a Joshua of our race, to bring from this institution of the U.N.I.A. and A.C. League its bishops, doctors, lawyers, teachers, and professors and commercial men, who will form one whole component part and strike out for a great empire upon the African continent for the construction of Christ’s kingdom and Christianity and the brotherhood of man among men. Through the strong constructive efforts and gigantic ideas and teaching of the Hon. Marcus Garvey, the man sent from God to lead his people, the sons and daughters of Ethiopia will come into their own. REV. P. E. BATSON Pastor Bethel A.M.E. Church Middleton, N.Y. Printed in NW, 20 December 1919. 1. In 1921 Rev. Peter Edward Batson became pastor of a new church, Community AME Church in New York (NW, 25 June 1921). 2. A reference to the wife of Rev. Samuel Ebenezer Churchstone Lord of St. Vincent and fellow AME missionary to Jamaica, Haiti, and Nova Scotia. The husband was said to be the first to introduce industrial and vocational education in the West Indies (R. R. Wright Jr., The Encyclopaedia of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 2nd ed. [Philadelphia: Book Concern of the A.M.E. Church, 1947], p. 592; L. L. Berry, A Century of Missions of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1840–1940 [New York: Gutenberg Printing Co., 1942], p. 305). 3. Richard Allen (1760–1831) was a black abolitionist and cofounder of the Free African Society and the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Born to slaves in Philadelphia on 14 February 1760, Allen was sold along with his family to a plantation in Dover, Delaware, where he joined the Methodist Society and taught himself to read and write. He purchased his own freedom and returned to Philadelphia ca. 1780. After serving as a wagon driver in the Revolutionary War, Allen returned to Philadelphia again in 1786, where he met Absalom Jones, and on 12 April 1787, the two organized the Free African Society, the first autonomous organization of free blacks in the United States. This beneficial and mutual aid society denounced slavery and, in the Philadelphia branch, urged abolition. The organization’s articles of association were adopted on 17 May 1787 and branches were encouraged in Newport, Boston, and New York. On 7 July 1791, with the assistance of Benjamin Rush, the Free African Society organized the nondenominational “African Church,” and on 17 July 1794 finished the construction of Bethel Church. Since a majority of the congregation opposed affiliation with the Methodist Church because it persecuted blacks, most voted to affiliate with the Episcopal Church under Jones. Allen then formed the First African Methodist Episcopal (AME) congregation. Between 1799 and 1816 AME congregations grew and were established in other cities. On 9 April 1816 Allen, Daniel Coker, and others met in Philadelphia to establish the AME church; two days later, Jones consecrated Allen as the church’s first bishop. During this period, Allen also opened a day school for sixty pupils in 1795 and organized the “Society of Free People of Color for Promoting the Instruction and School Education of Children of African Descent” in 1804. Between 1799 and 1800 Jones and Allen led their community in petitioning the state legislature and the U.S. Congress for the immediate abolition of slavery. During this time Allen’s more prominent Bethel sermons were also reprinted in the Philadelphia Gazette and other newspapers of the day. In 1809 Allen and Jones founded the “Society for the Suppression of Vice and Immorality” and began a short-lived insurance company; during the War of 1812, they led twenty-five hundred people in building defenses for Philadelphia. In 1827 Allen aided Freedom’s Journal, the first Negro newspaper in the United States. On 30 November 1830 Allen helped establish “The American Society of Free Persons of Colour, for Improving Their Condition in the

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DECEMBER 1919 United States; for Purchasing Lands; and for the Establishing of a Settlement in the Province of Upper Canada” and was elected as the organization’s president. He convened the “First Annual Convention of the People of Colour” that year to implement the purposes of the organization, as well as conventions that met periodically in the years before and after the Civil War (Charles H. Wesley, Richard Allen: Apostle of Freedom [Washington, D.C.: Associated Publishers, 1969]; Carol V. R. George, Segregated Sabbaths: Richard Allen and the Emergence of Independent Black Churches 1760–1840 [New York: Oxford University Press, 1973]; Charles H. Wesley, “Allen, Richard,” in Dictionary of American Negro Biography, ed. Rayford W. Logan and Michael R. Winston [New York: Norton, 1982], pp. 12–13). 4. Dr. Isaac Nelson Ross (1856–1927) was the forty-first bishop of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. He served as deacon in the town of Ohio, Pennsylvania, before serving as pastor of the Allen Temple in Cincinnati, the Big Bethel in Atlanta, the Metropolitan in Washington, D.C., and the Ebenezer in Baltimore, where he was elected bishop in 1916. As bishop he served in West Africa and Arkansas (William H. Ferris, The African Abroad; Of His Evolution in Western Civilization [New Haven, Conn.: Tuttle, Morehouse & Taylor Press, 1913], p. 897; Wright, The Encyclopaedia of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, p. 597).

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Poem by Rev. S. E. Churchstone (Source: MGP)

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Fred D. Powell,1 General Secretary, UNIA New York Division, to the Negro World [[New York, 20 December 1919]]

THE IMMEDIATE CALL OF THE RACE TO EVERY YOUNG AMERICAN NEGRO During these times of a most crucial period of injustice and unrest in the world, wrought upon humanity by the wicked hands of demagogues of governments and powers, I know of no better or more opportune time than now, for the Negro race, as an oppressed people to grasp race consciousness and to unite itself as a worth[y] nation in the annals of a coming dem[o]cracy. THE ANGLO-SAXON NOT WORRIED ABOUT NEGRO DEVELOPMENT AS A RACE BECAUSE OF THE RACE’S INHERENT CONDITION Since the days of conquest of Scipio over Hannibal and Hasdrubal,2 and the colonizing of certain portions of Africa by aggressive governments and exploiters, modern civilization of today has surpassed that possessed by Africa and her natives. The reason may be attributed to the fact, that treacherous hands of robbers and exploiters are holding in chain and fettered ignorance any and all possibilities of development which may be for this race of people. It is indeed absurd and preposterous to think that the Africans could never have civilized or developed themselves because of their crude state of habitation; for it is to be remembered that modern Rome today, was once wild and savage. Even the scientific German brother of the Anglo-Saxon, who fell a shameful victim in the “Yesterday War for Democracy,” has had a crude, savage and barbarous history which dates beyond the Roman-Gallic wars3 back to the days when Hannibal, the African General (greatest of all times) and his Carthaginian followers who fought so strongly and with such daring courage that they brought Rome within an ace of destruction. Granting, however, an inevitable condition of slavery being perpetrated upon the Africans, the evil is brought to the limelight of history in the making of the Western Hemisphere. Since the landing of the 20 slaves in Jamestown, Va., and of slaves in the Islands of Jamaica and other British possessions, the unmerciful and barbarous hand of oppression has been heaped upon the Negro. Today, the stigma of that corruptable hand is still piercing the heart of the race. From the first day of the freedom of the slaves in the United States, the hands of oppression took form in a different aspect, but remains the same in principles. Regardless of the educational and industrial achievement of the Negro in the most trying days of hard adversities; regardless of his heroic and faithful 467

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deeds in war and battle for the peace and comfort of America, “Land of the free and home of the brave,” he is today scorned and cuffed, jim-crowed, segregated, mobbed, lynched and burned at the stake alive. World democracy, however, has no stamp of approval for such hideous crimes upon humanity. “THE ETERNAL HAPPENING” The war for world democracy, which has just passed its final stage, (and in this war the young Negro shed his blood and laid down his life for the common cause) has caused a revolutionized thought in the Negro. In this “Eternal Happening” a “New Negro” is born. Out of the new-born comes the young, matchless, courageous, but Godfearing Marcus Garvey, the author of the principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, an organization for the purpose of uniting the 400,000,000 scattered Negroes of the world, to reclaim our fatherland, Africa, and to liberate our race. The very fact that Africa (the home of the Negro) and her rich resources are threatened by a growing domination of the Anglo-Saxon, the fact that under the British and American rule the Negro has no adequate chance, under his inherent right, to become the white man’s equal commercially, industrially and politically, shows that the doom of the race is at hand unless the initiative is taken. Realizing that the Negro, as a race, today is worthy of its ancestry, worthy of its deeds among men for the good of humanity and material development, this association has begun the initiative. The association acknowledges the fact of the failure of the white man’s education, supported by the narrow-minded politicians and preachers of the race, but is assured that because of the fine qualities of womanhood and manhood in the flower of the race a foundation for a nation can be planted through the channels of commerce and industry. This indeed is a new education to the race and the Negro, collectively and individually, must draw up and develop an industrial and commercial system similar to that of other races and nations. THE IMMEDIATE CALL OF THE RACE EVERY YOUNG NEGRO AMERICAN

TO

In this God-given movement for the liberation of black souls there is no more distinct sound heard than the call to the young Negro American. The U.N.I.A., again realizing the unbound manhood and bravery in you men, asks that you lend your attention and most earnest co-operation, that you become interested and deeply conversant concerning the continent of Africa. Don’t say that “you have lost nothing in America” (as the common phrase is used among us). It isn’t humorous to make such a remark, but a serious reflection. Every Negro has an interest in Africa, for it is your birthright. Every inch, every foot of ground and its bountiful resources belongs to the Negro; not to Belgium 468

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who possesses an area of 812,890 square miles; (almost as large as any 26 States of America.) She today produces by the labor of the natives, palm kernels, palm oil, opal, rubber, cocoa, ivory, diamonds, gold, and copper. These items when turned into exports yield from $10,000,000 to $25,000,000 a year. My comrades, must we as a race yield to such a state of affairs all our lives? Must we give up Africa for America? Then for what? America belongs to the white man by tradition, law, and development. He appreciates his country to the extent that he secures it for white supremacy only. He declares open doors of commerce, industry and politics to the Negro to be hostile to his race purity. Therefore, young Negro-men of America, the Universal Negro Improvement Association beseeches you to develop race consciousness, unite together with your brothers in the fight for liberty. FRED D. POWELL General Secretary of the New York Division of the U.N.I.A. Printed in NW, 20 December 1919. 1. Born in Alabama in 1893, Fred D. Powell was an African American notary public and law student. Powell served as president of the Philadelphia UNIA division before moving to New York in 1919. On 2 August 1919 the BSL Board of Directors elected him assistant secretary and made him a director as well. On 8 August 1919 he replaced Janie Jenkins as the assistant treasurer of the BSL, a position he held until 20 September 1919 (BSL Board of Directors meetings, minutes, from Thomas P. Merrilees, “Summary Report of Investigation of Books and Records of the Black Star Line,” 26 October 1922, DJ-FBI; NW, 13 March 1920; 1920 United States Federal Census, 1930 United States Federal Census, and Social Security Death Index [databases online], Provo, Utah, www.ancestry.com, 14 December 2005; World War I Draft Registration Cards, 1917-1918 [database online], Provo, Utah, www.ancestry.com, 24 May 2007). 2. Between ca. 264 and 146 BC, the Roman republic and the Carthaginian (Punic) empire fought a series of three wars, known as the Punic or Carthaginian Wars, for control of the territories surrounding the western Mediterranean. In 208 BC, the Roman general Publius Cornelius Scipio, after taking command of Roman forces in Spain following the defeat and death of both his father and uncle, defeated the Carthaginian general Hasdrubal Barca at Baecula and forced Hasdrubal to flee to the coast. (After territorial losses in Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia during the First Punic War, the Carthaginian general Hamilcar Barca created a new base of operations in Spain in 237 BC, and the militarization of the region continued under his sons, Hasdrubal and Hannibal. The elder Roman consul Publius Cornelius Scipio and his brother, Gnaeus Scipio, determined to wrest Spain from Carthaginian forces and initiated the Second Punic War, but they died in battle in 211 BC.) While in Italy to join forces with his brother Hannibal, Hasdrubal Barca was attacked and defeated by the Romans under General Gaius Claudius Nero, who killed Hasdrubal at the Metauro River and threw his head into Hannibal’s camp. After the defeat of Hasdrubal Barca, Scipio proceeded to defeat the two remaining Carthaginian armies in Spain to reclaim the territory for Rome. Roman conquest of Spain was complete after the Battle of Ilipa in 206 BC in which Scipio defeated Carthaginian forces under another General Hasdrubal. Scipio’s victory over the latter Hasdrubal’s army and capture of the last Carthaginian stronghold at Gades ensured Roman occupation of Iberia for the next seven centuries. Retreating from Scipio’s army in 206 BC, the defeated Hasdrubal made his way back to North Africa, where he formed a military alliance with the Numidian chief Syphax. From 205 to 203 BC, Scipio decided to disregard Hannibal in Italy in order to launch his own offensive against Carthage, capital city of the Carthaginian empire located on the coast on the Gulf of Tunis in the part of North Africa that is now Tunisia. In 203 BC Scipio menaced Carthage after defeating and burning the camps of Hasdrubal and Syphax. Hasdrubal, who was subsequently accused of treason, committed suicide ca. 202 BC Convinced that all was not yet lost, in 203 BC Hannibal abandoned Italy to return to North Africa. Hannibal renewed the war in 202 BC and led

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS the Carthaginians in a final battle against Scipio’s army. Hannibal suffered a crushing defeat at the Battle of Zama to end the Second Punic War. Scipio’s conquest of Carthage resulted in Roman hegemony over the western Mediterranean, and for his victory the Roman Senate bestowed Scipio with the name “Scipio Africanus” (B. D. Hoyos, “Hannibal: What Kind of Genius?” Greece & Rome 30, no. 2 [October 1983], pp. 171–180; D. Kent Fonner, “After Avidly Studying the Tactics of Hannibal, Scipio Africanus Eventually Bested His Carthaginian Adversary,” Military History 12, no. 2 [March 1996], pp. 10–11; EB). 3. The Roman-Gallic Wars were fought from 58 to 50 BC and ended when the Roman proconsul Julius Caesar conquered Celtic Gaul, the region comprising modern-day France and parts of Belgium, western Germany, and northern Italy (EB).

Telegram from Marcus Garvey to A. W. Williams (Source: UFC)

Stewart E. McMillin,1 U.S. Consul, Costa Rica, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE,

Port Limon, Costa Rica, December 21, 1919

SUBJECT: Suppression of Racial Disturbances; Passports SIR: I have the honor to forward herewith, separately enclosed, three copies of the “Negro World” published in New York and edited by one Marcus Garvey, colored. It is probably known in the Department that this man is the organizer 470

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS the Carthaginians in a final battle against Scipio’s army. Hannibal suffered a crushing defeat at the Battle of Zama to end the Second Punic War. Scipio’s conquest of Carthage resulted in Roman hegemony over the western Mediterranean, and for his victory the Roman Senate bestowed Scipio with the name “Scipio Africanus” (B. D. Hoyos, “Hannibal: What Kind of Genius?” Greece & Rome 30, no. 2 [October 1983], pp. 171–180; D. Kent Fonner, “After Avidly Studying the Tactics of Hannibal, Scipio Africanus Eventually Bested His Carthaginian Adversary,” Military History 12, no. 2 [March 1996], pp. 10–11; EB). 3. The Roman-Gallic Wars were fought from 58 to 50 BC and ended when the Roman proconsul Julius Caesar conquered Celtic Gaul, the region comprising modern-day France and parts of Belgium, western Germany, and northern Italy (EB).

Telegram from Marcus Garvey to A. W. Williams (Source: UFC)

Stewart E. McMillin,1 U.S. Consul, Costa Rica, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE,

Port Limon, Costa Rica, December 21, 1919

SUBJECT: Suppression of Racial Disturbances; Passports SIR: I have the honor to forward herewith, separately enclosed, three copies of the “Negro World” published in New York and edited by one Marcus Garvey, colored. It is probably known in the Department that this man is the organizer 470

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and leading promoter of “The Black Star Steamship Line” to be owned, controlled and manned by colored people and to carry colored people. It is thought to be a “get-rich-quick” scheme. The above-named paper though published in New York appears to be intended largely for export, and hundreds of thousands of copies are being sent monthly to foreign countries having large negro populations. The Costa Rican authorities have endeavored to suppress it here but without much success. Conservatively estimated there must be today at least five thousand copies of this paper in Limon; Mr. Fred Gordon, acting British Consul in Limon and therefore represen[t]ative of the country whose subjects these Jamaican negroes are, makes an estimate of twenty thousand copies. He is in a position to know better than I, and he may be more nearly correct. The population of Limon is perhaps eight tenths negro and that of the remainder of the district is nearly as great in proportion. These people are ignorant, emotional, and easily led. Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, colored, recently introduced by Marcus Garvey in Boston to a gathering of negroes as the international organizer of the Universal Negro’s Improvement Association, reached Colon, Panamá on December 14th bearing an American passport. She has expressed an intention to shortly visit Bocas del Toro, Panamá, and Limon, Costa Rica.2 In both places the United Fruit Company, an American concern, has large holdings of banana lands. Thousands of negroes are employed in the growing, gathering and loading of these bananas for export to the United States. The Department must appreciate how a fiery exhortation such as this woman is accustomed to make before gatherings of American colored people might and very probably would affect the Jamaicans. Paralysis of shipping would follow as a matter of course, and probably bloodshed. The special developements [developments] cannot be for[e]seen, but the whites are few and poorly protected. This woman’s mission in Latin America at present is ostensibly to sell stock in the above-mentioned steamship line. As yet no word of any disorders there has reached me. She may or she may not content herself with selling stock. It must be apparent to her that the Canal Zone is a place too well policed to safely start anything; but after leaving that locality her mission may take on a different aspect. Enclosed are copies of letters sent to the Governor of Limon and to Mr. G. P. Chittenden, General Manager of the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, together with their replies and including a translation of the governor’s letter. Quoting Mr. Chittenden from a recent conversation with me, “the United Fruit Company might as well shut up shop if Miss Davis gets to Costa Rica.[”] The Department’s attention is respectfully directed to two marked articles in the November 15th issue of the Negro World. The first one makes it appear possible that this woman obtained her passport through fraud, and that as a consequence she may not be entitled to it. It is fully understood that one is not given an American passport until he has satisfied the Passport Bureau of his 471

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right to one; that having received it the recipient has the right to visit all the countries therein named without hindrance from any one, much less from an American Consul whose duty it is ordinarily to be of all possible aid to the American while abroad, and that any impediment offered by an American official abroad in such a case may be considered officious and presumptious; but the harm this woman may do in Costa Rica to American and other interests should be the paramount consideration. If, on looking over the records of this woman’s application for a passport from the bureau, it is found that she has misstated her reasons for desiring it, or if the Department now appreciates the harm she may do in Latin America to American interests and otherwise, and if it intends no contrary disposition of her case, it is respectfully suggested that American Consuls in Panamá be instructed to take her passport up, that she be sent back to the United States for detention there, or if she is to be permitted to come to Costa Rica that this office be at once instructed what course should be followed with regard to her. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, STEWART E. MCMILLIN American Consul DNA, RG 59, 811.918/142. TLS, recipient’s copy. 1. Stewart Earl McMillin (1889–1952) served as U.S. consul in Port Limón, Costa Rica, from 1917 until 1922. McMillin was also an employee of the UFC (WWW). 2. This was the first of two visits in a five-month period by Henrietta Vinton Davis.

Enclosure: Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company Port Limon, Costa Rica, December 17, 1919 Dear Sir: Mr. Gordon, the British Acting Consul, has just brought me some of the later copies of the “Negro World” obtained from its agent here, T. H. Fowler, whose confidence he appears to possess. According to Fowler it appears that the lady who forms the subject matter of a letter just sent to the governor, and of which I enclose a copy, landed at Colon Sunday from the “Frederick Douglas[s]” of the negro line. Fowler claims to have received a cable from her on Monday to that effect. Mr. Gordon hopes to be able to tell me tomorrow morning something of her movements while there and probable date of departure for Bocas del Toro, from which point, it is said, she intends to leave for Costa Rica. It is quite possible that she may come in over the trail. Would you be so good as to keep me 472

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informed of her movements if she does come that way? Your employees down country are in a position to obtain that information, are they not? This woman evidently possesses an American passport. In the November 15th number of the [N]egro [W]orld she says: “I am proud to say that my mission was successful in [W]ashington in obtaining a passport, as a citizen of this country, to go to the West Indies, South and Central America. I had to be patient and hold my temper and had to be persistent and made up my mind that I had to have that passport or know the reason why. I had some very influential friends in Washington who aided me, and backed me up by what was behind me in New York, I succeeded in getting the passport. I am greatly honored indeed more than I can express in being your represen[t]ative in the West Indies and in Panamá and Costa Rica. Having visited those parts before, and having hundreds of friends in those countries, I am glad to go there as your represen[t]ative.” This makes it appear possible that she may have made untruthful statements or misstated her reasons for wanting the passport. Since an applicant for a passport must swear to the statements recited in the application she is guilty of perjury at the least if such is the case, and therefore is not entitled to it. This the Department should know, and her actions here if allowed to enter the country will do much toward showing whether she is entitled to the passport or not. It is very probable that the State Department would not issue her a passport to travel in the interests of that organization in which she is so prominent. I have therefore seen fit to write the governor about her proposed visit, but you will note that I have not asked for her exclusion. Having read a good many copies of the “Negro World” I wish I could. Perhaps you already know something of her intended visit and have already taken it up with the governor. Very truly yours, STEWART E. MCMILLIN Am. Consul DNA, RG 59, 811.918/142. TLS.

Enclosure: George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company, to Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica LIMÓN, COSTA RICA, December 17th, 1919 Dear Sir: I have your letter of December 17th, and will keep you fully informed of whatever may come to my knowledge concerning the lady in question. I had heard indirectly of this intended visit, but had not realized that it 473

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was so imminent as it appears to be from the newspaper quotation which you include in your letter and from the other information which has come to you. I have not approached the Costa Rican Government in any way in this matter. Very truly yours, G. P. CHITTENDEN Manager DNA, RG 59, 811.918/142. TLS, recipient’s copy. On UFC letterhead, Costa Rica Division.

Enclosure: Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica, to Luís García, Governor, Limón Port Limon, Costa Rica, December 17, 1919 Sir: I understand that Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, colored, an American citizen and bearing an American passport, landed at Colon, Panama on Sunday, December 14th from which port she expects to leave for Costa Rica in the near future. Miss Davis was recently introduced by Marcus Garvey at a negro meeting in Boston, as organizer of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, of which he is president. Since the publication “The Negro World” has been coming into Costa Rica for months from New York your office is doubtless well informed of the activities of Marcus Garvey, editor of the Negro World, organizer of the Black Star Steamship Line, and president of the above-named association. This man has been arrested at least once for inflammatory utterances and writings in the interest of a movement purporting to be for the uplift of his race. Miss Davis in a recent article published by the Negro World stated that she had friends in Panama and in Costa Rica. Since the greater proportion of the population of this district is at present Jamaican negroes, easily stirred and easily led, it is quite possible that serious labor troubles might follow if she were allowed to land and to address them. Since one of this district’s chief industries carried on largely by negro labor is an American corporation it appears proper that an intimation of this woman’s probable mission to Costa Rica should come from this office. A paralysis of trade may thereby be averted. No objection will be made by this office, therefore, if the Costa Rican Government and port authorities see fit to exclude her. Very respectfully yours, STEWART E. MCMILLIN American Consul DNA, RG 59, 881.918/142. TLS, copy.

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Enclosure: Luís García, Governor, Limón, to Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica Limón, 18 December 1919 Mr. Consul: I take pleasure in informing you that I have today sent to the Secretary of State of the office of Government and Police your note dated yesterday and referring to the probable entrance in the near future of the American negress, Henrietta Vinton Davis whom you consider dangerous. I shall inform you at the proper time the instructions which I receive on this particular matter from the Secretary of State already mentioned. I remain your attentive and faithful servant. [LUÍS GARCÍA] DNA, RG 59, 811.918/142. TLS, recipient’s copy. Translated from Spanish.

Robert Lansing to Stewart E. McMillin (Source: DNA, RG 84, Port Limón Consular Records, Limón, Costa Rica)

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George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company, to Victor M. Cutter, Vice President, United Fruit Company LIMÓN, COSTA RICA, December 21st, 1919 Dear Sir: On December 17th, Wednesday, Mr. Fred Gordon, the Acting British Vice-Consul of Limon, told me that he had been informed by Fowler, a Jamaican, who is in charge of affairs of the Negro Improvement Association here, that Henrietta Vinto//n// Davis, the international organizer of the Negro Improvement Association, had just landed in Colon, and that she intended shortly to visit Bocas and Limon. A perusal of the attached file will show you the steps taken by me, and will show you the steps taken by Mr. Blair at Bocas. Mr. Blair’s letter of December 19th, was written before receiving my letter of the same date. We arranged by guarded conversation on the telephone to inform each other fully in writing, and the two letters are the result. We have two courses open to us: First. To do everything we can to prevent her admission to this country, or to Bocas. Second. To wait a little while before acting, in the hope that Miss Davis will overstep herself on the Canal Zone and so act as to give the Canal Zone authorities cause for arrest; furthering at all times any action of the British authorities or the Costa Rican authorities to prevent her landing. In other words, keeping ourselves as much in the dark as possible, in order to be in a position to make the best of it should she finally land at either port. The Jamaicans here state openly her arrival will start a strike and that they are just awaiting her arrival in order to so start. Her action so far on the Zone, and the action of her agent in Bocas, as reported by Mr. Blair, would tend to show that the main object is the sale of stock. Stock can only be sold to those who are earning money. Miss Davis is probably intelligent enough to realize this and I believe there is a chance that she will encourage the goose to lay the golden eggs, rather than advocate a strike, which would stop the purchasing power of the Jamaicans. I am figuring that this letter will reach you before she leaves the Canal Zone. You have our policy expressed in these letters, and there will be plenty of time for a change in such policy if you so instruct.

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We are taking a chance to allow her to land at all if it is in our power to stop her, as she has only to lift her finger when she gets here to start trouble that it might take months to smooth over. There is a great difference between our Government allowing such a woman aloose on the Canal Zone, where the presence of 20,000 troops in itself is sufficient to brake any uprising, and our Government allowing such a woman to enter a Central American country inadequately policed, and where the respect for the British Government on the part of the Jamaicans is the only real control that exists over them. At a final show-down the Costa Rican Government can be counted on to do its best for law and order, but its best will only manifest itself after trouble has started and probably after many of both races, African and White, have been killed. If Washington can be persuaded to stop her progress through these countries, I believe it should be done. Very truly yours, [GEORGE P. CHITTENDEN] cc—H. S. BLAIR, Esq. UFC. TL, copy. On UFC letterhead, Costa Rica Division.

Enclosure: H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company [Almirante, R.P.] December nineteenth, Nineteen Nineteen Dear Sir:— Referring to the Black Star Line steamer “Frederick Douglas[s]” now in Colon and the representatives who may come here, I cabled you yesterday afternoon as follows:— “Impossible to offer effective opposition representatives (Black Star Line). Assistance from Government cannot be expected. Have conferred with local agents. Propose receiving them in friendly spirit as was done Cristobal[.] Very confident of better results (by this plan) than from opposition.” Mr. Peck reports that these people were given a free hand in Cristobal. Special trains were placed at their service at a minimum rate to bring the people from Panama and along the line. The dock to which the steamer was tied was open to passage [without restriction]. They are collecting a great deal of money and there is for the present, great enthusiasm for the Black Star Line.

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It is not likely that the “Frederick Douglas[s]” will come here, tho we will be advised of that. We will also be advised if the [r]epresentatives, including Henrietta Vinton Davis are coming here and when. In view of the reception they had in Cristobal, it is useless for us to oppose them here. The only way we could do that effectively would be thro the Government and the Government will do nothing. I have conferred with the Black Star agent here, Sanders, and he assures me that when the representatives come the[y] will attend to Black Star business only and will in no way create disturbances or interfere with the Company’s business. He furthermore stated that they would stop from now on all scurrilous publications in the Bocas Express. He said he would bring Miss Davis and the representatives direct to me for a conference as soon as they came here and before anything was done. All this if I would facilitate them with some train service and allow a meeting in the station house at Almirante. All those promises may not be worth much, but I much prefer to take a chance on that plan than to offer opposition which I know will act as a boomerang. Certainly if we had any scheme to ditch the whole thing we should do it. Since we can’t, I prefer to be unconcerned and make all I can out of their coming. I have also talked to the Rev. Surgeon, the most influential colored minister here now and he quite agrees and will help. Of course you understand we will work every line possible while showing a neutral to friendly attitude. It is well known here that I do not consider the Black Star stock a good risk, but I have no doubt they will collect a good deal of money. That is what they are after and the more they take away the better. My idea is that the more rope they are given the sooner they will hang themselves. The dupes who buy shares will be the losers, but we cannot help that. Capt. Birkes says the “Frederick Douglas[s]” has a white First Officer and White Chief Engineer and that she brought fifteen white passengers out of New York. As you may know she is the old Yarmouth, built in ’82, 1452 tons gross, 725 tons net; was constructed for short trips passenger trade and plied between Boston and Nova Scotia. She is good for 17 knots and to make longdistance trips such as the present, must fill up with coal to the exclusion of almost all freight. She cannot therefore, be a big money maker. What I a[m] desirous of doing, is to get all of our laborers safely over Christmas and New Year and into the month of January without any break. If we can do that I believe we will be in the clear. We are working up a big celebration for January third and pulling all lines to tide us over into that month. I am writing you at length to give you my view and diagnosis of the situation. There is just a chance that the representatives may not come here at all.

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From present appearances I rather wish they would come. I will keep you fully advised of what occurs. Very truly yours, [H. S. BLAIR] Manager UFC. TL, copy. Illegible handwritten endorsement elided.

Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE, Trinidad, B.W.I., December 21, 1919

SUBJECT: Supplemental Concerning F. E. Hercules, Negro Agitator Proceeding to New York from Georgetown, British Guiana SIR: Referring to my confidential despatch No 449, concerning F. E. Hercules, negro agitator, proceeding from Georgetown British Guiana to New York on the steamer Maraval, which sailed from Trinidad on December 17, 1919, I have the honor to mention that I have been making further inquiries concerning this person, and have been informed that it is apparently not his object to remain permanently in the United States, but to proceed to England where his propaganda paper, the AFRICAN TELEGRAPH is published. While I would deem it unwise for our Government to permit Hercules to remain in the United States, yet evidently his deportation as recommended in my confidential cable to the Department on the subject, would be u[n]necessary, if he voluntarily and promptly makes his private arrangements for transportation to England. I have not yet been able to secure any copy of the African Telegraph, in order to judge for myself as to its character, but in all probability, copies of this publication or of other propaganda material edited by Hercules, can readily be obtained by our Secret Service. I understand that Hercules is not the violent type of agitator, as for instance Marcus Garvey and the AFRICAN TELEGRAPH is apparently very mild and respectable as compared with THE NEGRO WORLD of New York, nevertheless the influence of Hercules and his publication is not favorable to good feeling toward the white race, and appears in the nature of an appeal to racial prejudice, and consequently in existing conditions of unrest and racial feeling, both in the United States and the West Indies must be looked upon as potential of danger. The local secret service informs me that Hercules arrived in Trinidad last October from Jamaica, and spent several weeks here before proceeding to Brit479

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ish Guiana. His speeches here showed a cautious tone, and apparently no violence was urged, but they had the effect apparently of promoting race feeling, and may have been responsible in some measure at least for temper amongst the colored people, which later caused riotous outburst against law and order,1 and for disposition toward mob violence against white people. Local detectives believe that Hercules[’] tour through the West Indies has been in the nature of a personal m[o]ney making scheme, as he collected all the money he could among the credulous and ignorant colored people for propaganda alleged to be for their benfit benefit[.] He is said to be a very glib talker to people of his race, and while in a way he may seem harmless yet by inspiring race prejudice and hatred amongst an ignorant colored population, perhaps docile at the time, but capable of becoming very excitable and dangerous, he is not considered by the Trinidad authorities at least, as a person whose presence is at all desirable. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, HENRY D. BAKER American Consul DNA, RG 59, 811.108/890. TLS, recipient’s copy. 1. On 15 November 1919 dockworkers and railway workers in Port of Spain struck to protest the low wages that they received. As a result of inflation brought on by World War I, prices had increased some 145 percent but wages remained low. Despite the increasing inability of the working class to cope with the rising cost of living, the employer class had done little to make wage concessions to alleviate the situation. Moreover, the amount of hours that dockworkers received had been reduced and employment was uncertain. After one month of appealing to management to increase wages, workers at the Archer Coaling Company and the Trinidad Shipping and Trading Company went on strike. The management of these companies refused to entertain the workers’ demands and employed strikebreakers, some even coming from as far as Venezuela. The employers believed that the strain of not having an income would eventually force the men back to work. Many attempted to return but found their positions filled. While the government refused to intervene, the trade union representing the workers, the TWA, publicized the struggle of the railway men and dockworkers. By 1 December the strike was spreading to workers in other areas, including domestics and civil servants. Mobs attacked strikebreakers and roamed Port of Spain, allegedly going to private residences and inciting or forcing domestic workers to abandon their jobs. Stores throughout the city were forced to close because workers were being terrorized. East Indians who supplied the railways with coal were refusing their services to the government. Once the waterfront strike involving dock workers in Port of Spain had developed into an islandwide strike movement, the government intervened, first with the threat of force and later by setting up a reconciliation committee. By 3 December the strikes were over, with the dockworkers and railway men receiving a 25 percent increase in wages (W. F. Elkins, “Black Power in the British West Indies: The Trinidad Longshoremen’s Strike of 1919,” Science and Society 33, no. 1 [Winter 1969]: 17–75; Kelvin Singh, Race and Class Struggles in a Colonial State, Trinidad 1917–1945 [Kingston: The Press, University of the West Indies, 1994], pp. 16–40).

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Article in the Panama Star and Herald [Panama, December 21, 1919]

DEPARTURE OF THE STEAMSHIP YARMOUTH The S.S. Yarmouth sailed from Cristobal on Friday the 19th inst. at 4:30 p.m. amid the applause of thousands of West Indians, carrying a very great number of passengers, both deck and cabin. Before the departure of the ship Capt. Cockburn (pronounced Coburn) from the deck delivered a short address in which he advised the people to stick to the Black Star Line, and do their best to promote its interests in every possible way. He intimated that it was the intention of the corporation to launch another vessel in the near future. He also stated that it was his aspiration not only to be captain of the Frederick Douglas[s] or any other of the Black Star Liners, but to be admiral of the Black Star Line fleet. Printed in PS&H, 21 December 1919.

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“Black Star Rates Higher Than P.R.R.,” Panama Canal Periodical Reference Form, 22 December 1919 (Source: DNA, RG 185, 61-H-3/B)

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Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE, Trinidad, B.W.I., December 22, 1919

SUBJECT: Confidential—Concerning Cable Sent to Washington in Re Hercules Case SIR: I have the honor to mention to the Department in strict confidence, that the Governor of Trinidad has confidentially advised me of information received through the local Secret Service to the effect that a cable was sent out from here several days ago through the local cable office, purporting to be from the “people of Trinidad,” and to the Government at Washington, and alleging that the American Consul here was interfering in local politics, and having reference to the case of Hercules. Just what was said about Hercules in the cable is not known at present. The rules of the cable office require that all cables shall be signed. The particular individual, who signed this cable in question, is known to be a colored man with affiliations among the recent disturbers of the peace here. I may mention to the Department that I have not made the slightest interference with any local politics. The cable mentioned that has been sent to Washington, must have been prompted by some local friends of Hercules, finding out in some way, not known to me, that I had cabled the Department concerning Hercules, and recommended his deportation as an undesirable. My cable on the subject was sent in cipher, all except the word “Hercules,” which I might have put in the spelling code, except that my experience with this code is that mutilations usually occur which make the names translate incorrectly. Possibly the information as to my communicating with Washington with reference to Hercules, may have leaked out in some way through the office of the Trinidad Shipping and Trading Company, as I had some confidential correspondence with Mr. Fraser, the local manager of this company, with reference to this case, and suggesting a closer cooperation between consular officers and himself, in exchange of information concerning any dangerous persons, who ought not to be allowed to go to New York. Mr. Fraser in replying to my letter said:— I note all you say with regard to agitators such as Hercules, and quite agree that every effort must be made to refuse passages to all such persons on our steamships. Evidently our agents at Demerara could not have been aware of Mr. Hercules’ antecedents or activities, nor do they seem to have taken any steps to find out either from the American Consul or the Government about him.

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I am sending a copy of your communication to our agents in Demerara, asking them to treat it confidentially, and warning them to be extremely particular as to who they grant passage to and when in any doubt to communicate with the American Consul at their port and also with the police authorities. I understand Hercules originally came from England to the West Indies via the States. Probably this explains the reason for being granted a passage by our Demerara agents. In any case, I shall let you know the result of my enquiries as soon as they come to hand. I have never made any public expression of opinions whatever, in connection with the local unrest, and recent disorders, and my only interest in agitators such as Hercules, is to take sufficient precautions, in view of my own official responsibility, that they do not go to the United States, at least without my Government being fully informed as to dangerous possibilities in connection with their arrival, and from past instructions from the Department I believe it to be the wishes of the Department not to permit visa of passports of persons with Bolshevist leanings, and I presume also of persons who make propaganda of race or class hatred. The incident of the cable above explained, would seem to indicate that there are spies and secret agents all about here, picking up information as to what may be done in connection with leaders of unrest, and that great precautions are necessary in connection with all correspondence and conversations. A great deal of seditious propaganda is being secretly circulated. I may mention in this connection that I recently reported to the Secretary of the Union Club at Port of Spain, where I reside, that I had noticed one of the waiters at the Club with a copy of the “NEGRO WORLD” of New York in his possession, and apparently circulating it among other waiters. The Secretary of the Club made enquiries, and found that this paper had been passed to the waiter in the Club by one of the colored employees of the cable office, just underneath, who had apparently been secretly acting as an agent for its dissemination. This is the paper that I recently called the attention of the Department to, as promoting the doctrine that for every black man lynched in the United States, one white man should be killed in Africa or in the West Indies, where white people are in a small minority. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, HENRY D. BAKER American Consul DNA, RG 65, 811.108/891. TLS, copy.

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Luís García, Governor, Limón, to Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica Limón, 23 December 1919 Mr. Consul: I have the pleasure of informing you that pursuant to section A), article 14 of Law no. 22 of 28 August 1917, the Executive Power has determined not to permit the American negro Henrietta Vinton Davis to enter our territory.— I hereby elaborate on my earlier note on this same matter. I remain your attentive and faithful servant. [LUÍS GARCÍA] DNA, RG 59, 811.918/142. TL, copy. Marked “No 1525.” Translated from Spanish.

Enclosure: Carlos U. Jiménez, Costa Rica Department of Government and Police, to Stewart E. McMillin, U.S. Consul, Costa Rica San José, 22 December 1919 With regards to your action seeking that the negro Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis be prevented from entering the country, I have the pleasure of transcribing the official letter that I sent today to the Governor of the Province. It reads as follows: Through reports submitted by the North American Consul [en esa], I know that Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, negro, who is currently in Colon conducting a mission for the “Universal Association” which attempts to organize the colored race in the whole world for anarchist ends, is soon to arrive at this port.—For that reason and in accord with the powers granted in section a) of article 14 of law no. 22 of August 28, 1917, please order that the necessary measures be taken so as to prevent said lady from disembarking at any cost. With all consideration I remain your attentive and faithful servant, CARLOS U. JIMÉNEZ DNA, RG 59, 811.918/142. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “No 46.” On Department of Government and Police letterhead. Translated from Spanish.

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Costa Rican official to Stewart E. McMillin, 23 December 1919 (Source: DNA, RG 59, 811.918/142)

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Carlos U. Jiménez to Stewart E. McMillin (Source: DNA, RG 59, 811.918/142)

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Leopold S. Amery,1 Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados DOWNING STREET

//23rd// December, 1919

Sir, I have the honour to refer to my cypher telegram of the 16th December in which I suggested that one of the chief causes of the widespread unrest in the West Indian Colonies was the fact that wages generally had failed to keep pace with the increased cost of living, and recommended that you should use your influence when desirable in favour of increases of labourers’ wages up to a level at least sufficient to admit of a pre-war standard of living. 2. I desire to point out that my recommendation concerns only the wages of employees of the labouring class; and that I am not to be understood to suggest that questions of the pay of persons of grades higher than that of labourer ought to be dealt with on the basis of a proportionate increase, though in their case too the decreased purchasing power of their income may call for some relief. Such a basis would in my view be clearly impracticable at present in the case of the higher grades of employee, whether of private firms or of the Government. 3. I may add that my conclusion that wages had failed to keep pace with the increase in the cost of living was arrived at mainly from the replies received to my dispatch of the 3rd of June. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, (for the Secretary of State) L. S. AMERY BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret No. 27.” 1. Leopold Stennett Amery (1873–1955), journalist and political statesman, was born in India and educated at Oxford. He was the son of a British official and became a member of the editorial staff of the London Times at the turn of the century, where he specialized in reportage on South Africa. He became a member of the House of Commons in 1911 and held his parliamentary seat until 1945. He joined the Colonial Office as under secretary at the close of World War I and became secretary of state for the colonies in 1924, when the Conservative Party government was returned to power. In 1940 he became secretary of state for India and Burma, where his strong proempire beliefs and staunch support of the Indian role in the war effort brought him into conflict with Gandhi and leaders of the Congress Party, many of whom were imprisoned. Despite Winston Churchill’s reluctance to alter fundamentally the British role in India, Amery became a supporter of the Indianization of the viceroy’s executive council by 1943, and in 1945 he advocated the speedy withdrawal of British control and the furtherance of self-government through an effective settlement between the Muslim League and C0ngress Party. Amery authored several works, including A Vision of Empire (1935) and The German Colonial Claim (1939) (Times [London], 26 May, 20 September, and 28 September 1955; ODNB).

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Paraphrase Telegram from Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’ Brien, Governor, Barbados [London, England] ca. 23 December 1919 Purport of telegram from Secy of State dated 16 Dec[ember] 1919 given in presence of the Executive Council to leading Planters & Merchants on 23rd Dec[ember:] Information at the disposal of the Secretary of State indicates that the increase in wages in the West Indies has not in general kept pace with the increase in the cost of living and that this fact is one of the principal causes of widespread unrest. Governors should consider what attitude they should adopt in this event before it becomes necessary to intervene in Strikes or Labour troubles. Where intervention is necessary you should use your influence in favour of increase in Labourers[’] wages until a level at least sufficient to admit of pre[-]war standard of living is reached. You should take suitable opportunity of informing employers privately that this is the course which the Colonial Government proposes to follow and you may say that in my opinion such increases should begin without waiting for serious agitation. Similar telegram is being sent to all the West Indian Colonies. BDA, GH 3/5/1. AD.

Address by Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Barbados Employers [Bridgetown, Barbados, 23 December 1919]

ADDRESS TO REPRESENTATIVE EMPLOYERS OF LABOUR BY THE GOVERNOR IN PRESENCE OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL Gentlemen, I have asked you to meet today the ma//e//mbers of the Executive Council of this Colony to communicate to you the purport of a telegram received from

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His Majesty’s Ser//c//retary of State on a matter which vitally concerns your interests and those of the whole island.— (Note—Here give purport of telegram recie//ei//ved 18.12.19.) What I have told you as the purport of a message from the Secretary of State endorces all I have said to many employers of labour since the early days of my arrival here. It is “Put your own house in order, do not wait until trouble arrives to do so.” The same advice comes from H.M.’s Secy: of State with the experience og//f// the recent trouble in Trinidad and elsewhere. It is to your own interest I appeal. I do not presume to dictate what you should do. I come now to what the Government can do. I have been most careful in all public utterances to avoid any remarks that could encout//r//age labour in any demands and what I have communicated to you now is done, as has been my policy throughout, privately. You know the strength of our Constabulary and Defence Force, you know that this Force is to maintain Law and order and it is not sufficiently large to be distributed throughout the Island. We have no information or in fact any indications of unrest locally, except the report of one gentlemen who occupies a prominent position and who says that he has heard there will be a strike organized for January 2nd. I have sf//o// far received no verification of this report. I give it for what it is worth. We have known in //known the// fact that labour is organizing everywhere and demanding higher wages, we know of the success of the labour organization in Trinidad, where I am informed that some of the organizers are Barbadian born. It is not unreasonable to suppose this unrest may spread to us. Trinidad appeara//e//ntly had no warning, we have any way the fact of the Trinidad outbreak as a warning of what may happen. If there is no fair cause for dissatisfaction the employers can not be blamed for any trouble[.] It is easy to say that no trouble can come to Barbados: if you //are// satisfied that the labouring class are as stated by the Secy: of state as well off now as under prewar conditions despite the very //largely// increased cost of living, you have any way no reason to fear criticism. If on the other hand labourers cannot earn a sufficiency to maintain themselves and their familier//s// throughout the year, surely it is—advisable to put the matter on a sound business footing. You have had good years for your industry and it is not surprising that the labouring classes here as elsewhere sould desu//i//re to benefit by the better times. You have your own House of Assembly and your ancient charter and are in a position to regulate your own affairs as regards the fitting remuneration of labour through the action of the representation of the people. I shall be glad to listen to any the//i//ng any of you gentelmeh//n// desire tt//o// say, or to see you later if you desire to const consult among yourselves first. I have endeavoured to call together as representative a body of employers as I could, to give you this information as early as possible, and it has been with-held from all people outside the Executive Council[.] I trust you gentlemen will treat the matter with discretion. I would like to add that in the event of trouble arising our Defence Force will be heavily taxed to guard the armoury, //the wireless station//, the water 490

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supply and the Railway, in fact the two latter, owing to their length of lines will be a very difficult proposition//s// to safeguau//r//d. How far we could count on adequate support from the Volunteers for outside work owing to the greater number residing in and around Bridgetown and being in the main fully employed in civil avocations is a question. There is a War Ship at Trinidad bub//t// she is at present doing duty which is likelu//y// to keep her tere//her//e. I am however in touch with the Admiral Commanding and will know his whereabouts from week to week. BDA, GH 3/5/1. TD.

Cablegram from S. W. Heald, Superintendent, Panama Railroad Company Balboa Heights, C.Z. December 26th . . . 1919 SENT . . . 87 PRACIREM—New York. BOMELYSUFY

ZENESYBAVE

RAMOREDOKE

RAGAPULIZO

HEWUWOBI

NIRAVOBONA

FYNEWUWORA DYSOCEBUVI

VOLYVIZOBU CAVUFYCEVE

HEDENAFEBI

RAFOMACONY

NYFEBIMYTA

CEJEZARYKY

DURURAVOLY KOWUWOFERA

WUWOKYCUZA SULURUBOCU RAKEFEBEGA

LILYVICAVU WUWIMUFIBE FEPYRATIDI

RAFOMADIKU RAZIDIDIBU HIRUBIJEJI CALIBEMYDE DIBUPITECO

29 words PRACIREM

Governor S[.] W[.] HEALD NY Office Extra TRANSLATION Desire you obtain all information possible relative steamship, company or corporation called “Black Star Line” the vessel of which “Steamship Yarmouth” arrived Cristobal from New York seventeenth and sailed for New York via Kingston nineteenth. Have already been informed no such company in existence and that sale of stock in such is fraudulent. HEALD DNA, RG 185, 61-H-3/B. TTG. Marked “Confidential.” On Panama Railroad Company cablegram letterhead.

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Article in the Panama Star and Herald [[Panama, ca. 29 December 1919]]

CROWDS LISTEN TO MISS DAVIS ORGANIZER OF NEGRO SOCIETY GIVES STIRRING ADDRESSES ON THE ISTHMUS MASS MEETINGS HELD WEST INDIES URGED TO PUT AWAY INSULARITY WHICH SHE SAYS IMPEDES UNITY The Variedades theatre was packed yesterday afternoon to hear Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, organizer of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League deliver one of her stirring addresses. So great was the crowd that although it is said that the seating capacity of the theatre is 2,500, it is certain that there were just as many people outside who could not even get a glimpse at the doors. After her introduction to the audience, Miss Davis spoke for fifteen minutes during which time she literally transported her hearers to Africa, where she said millions of negroes stood patiently waiting for the hour when the trumpet would sound for the redemption of a people wronged, prejudiced, jim-crowed and oppressed. At the close of her address a storm of applause fairly shook the building and many were heard to say that they had never seen or heard such a woman. Among other speakers were Mr. C. A. Graham, President of the Panama Branch of the Association, and Mr. Cyril Henry. Several selections were rendered by Mr. Jolly and Mr. Pagganini, the meeting coming to a close at 5 o’clock. MASS MEETING AT RED CROSS HALL “At the West Indian Red Cross Hall at 7.30 another mass meeting was held at which thousands again crowded the spacious hall to overflowing and stranding room was at a premium. Mr. E. Headly began the meeting with a short address introducing as chairman for the evening, Mr. Stevens, who on taking the chair said that he felt it an honour to be called upon to occupy the position on so auspicious an occasion, and he also felt proud that there were with the audience the distinguished guests who had travelled so many miles to bring the message of encouragement to the negroes of Panama. He then asked the audience to sing the hymn: ‘From Greenland’s Icy Mountains’ which was lustily sung accompanied by the Black Star Line Band. Mr. J. B. Yearwood then delivered a short prayer after which the chairman introduced the first speaker Mr. Cyril Henry. He said in part, as follows:

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‘Fellow Negroes and friends: I believe that when you read the announcement that representatives of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League would address you, you thought that I, as a representative was a speaker; I belong to the business end of the Black Star Line Corporation. We are however very pleased to see you here. The crowd here, and the spirit of enthusiasm which you exhibit this evening reminds me of the beautiful evenings spent in Liberty Hall, New York.’ He said that he felt as he stood speaking at the moment that he could see Marcus Garvey speaking in Liberty Hall to an audience of the same size. Marcus Garvey has no time for amusement, for pleasure, he seeks no automobile rides through the city of New York. He thinks only of the grand movement to which he has dedicated his life. Mr. Henry said that he expected some day to die in defence of the grand work but he knew that when he and his co-workers were gone there would be thousands of young men left behind to carry on the grand movement. We have, he said, many educated men; men in the field of science, in the field of art and now was the time to use them. We had clerks, merchants and men skilled in every art that the white man knows and he thought that with these qualifications we were bound to succeed. He and his colleagues belonged to Panama now, they had brought with them the Frederick Douglas[s] and with the support of every negro they would be able to bring many more. A recitation was rendered by Mr. Yearwood, after which the chairman called upon Mrs. Alice Hillier to introduce Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, which she did in a few appropriate words. MISS DAVIS’ ADDRESS Miss Davis upon rising was greeted with loud cheers. She said that she wanted to give a few words of encouragement to those present. She was glad to know that the 14,000 people in Panama were backing the organization. She also felt that she was back in Liberty Hall among those of her race. Mr. Garvey, she said, is a great man. He needed no encomiums from her but she was bound to say that divine providence was watching over him and leading him on. She wanted to urge the people of the Isthmus to put away what she considered a great impediment in the way of unity, that insularity which she found existed among West Indians. She would cable Marcus Garvey in a few days and tell him that his voice had been heard in Panama and that she would pray for God to give him wisdom for the purpose of completing the noble work which he had begun. Miss Davis said that in the United States and all parts of the world all races of men who were not white, whether they be Chinese, Japanese, Indians or any other race they were classified as Negroes. She was [proud] to be a negro because [words illegible] that soon the Negro would come into his own.

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Great things were happening in the world since the great war, and one of the great things yet to happen will be the erection of a government in Africa for the Negroes. After her address Miss Davis was presented with a bouquet of roses by Mr. Mayers from the people of Red Tank as a token of their appreciation.” Reproduced from DG, 15 January 1920.

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas [Nassau, N.P.] 29/12/19 Hon Act Col Sec:— I attach hereto Two Pages from “The Daily Mirror” in which will be found Marked Blue an illustration and an article in connection with Mr J. E. Taylor, Editor of the “African Telegraph[.]” On the 23rd Dec[.] 19[,] you sent me a Confidential Letter and copy of a Telegram from The Secretary of State in connection with this Man, and I submit the forementioned for information. [O]n the illustration, it will be seen that Mr. W. E. S. Callender, was the Defending Barrister. [H]e was for some time practicing in Nassau. E. E. TURNER Commandant [Handwritten minutes:] HE The Governor For Your Information F[.]C[.]W[.]D[.] Actg C. S. 29.12.19 [illegible] [W.L.A.] [W. L. Allardyce] 30/12/19 DAB/PRO. TLS. Marked “Confidential” and “Conf 45/19.”

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Enclosure: Secretary of State to William L. Allardyce, Governor, Bahamas [London] 10 December [1919] John Eldred Taylor, native of West Africa, Editor of the “African Need,” a newspaper tending to promote race hatred which is the organ of the society of peoples of African origin, left for West Indies December 6th. You will no doubt arrange to have a watch kept on his proceedings if he should arrive in Colony. [no signature] [Handwritten minutes:] A.C.S. Notify Commandant & attach to [M/ P?] [describing[ “The Negro World” W. L. A[.] 15/12/19 The Commandant To note & for necessary action. Please return F[.] C[.] W[.] D[.] Actg CS 16.12.19 Hon Act Col Sec [Noted?] not yet arrived. Will report on arrival. E. E. T[.] Commdt 19-12-19 [Additional handwritten minutes:] H.E. The Governor. Submitted. 2/ The [M/P] dealing with “The Negro World” is Secret & is with Your Excellency at present F. C. W[.] D[.] Ag C.S. [19/12/19] DAB/PRO. TTG. Marked “Confidential” and “Conf 45/19.”

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M. C. O’Hearn, General Agent, United Fruit Company, to H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company CRISTOBAL, CANAL ZONE,

Dec. 31, 1919 Dear Sir:— Referring further to Henrietta Vinton Davis and Cyril Henry, representatives of the Black Star Line, I find that it is their intention to leave for Bocas next Thursday aboard a motor launch. I have been in close touch with the Police Department regarding these parties and from all accounts their sole purpose on the Isthmus has been to further the sale of stock of the Black Star Line. Mr. Chittenden advised me under date of December 17th that it was possible that the British Consul in Limon would secure the co-operation of the American Consul in an endeavor to prevent the vise of their passports for Limon. The British and American Consuls here have received no instructions along these lines. If I obtain any further information of their intended movements I will be glad to advise you by wireless. Yours very truly, M. C. O’HEARN General Agent cc J. J. Kellener, N.Y. Mr. Chittenden, Pt. Limon UFC. TLS, recipient’s copy. On UFC letterhead, Cristobal, Canal Zone. Marked “Personal.”

British Cabinet Report [London] December 1919

A MONTHLY REVIEW OF REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES WEST INDIES—BARBADOS Whereas a certain amount of unrest does exist among the coloured population of Barbados, and returned soldiers of the B.W.I. Regiment—together with repatriated sailors—provide a discontented element, nevertheless a general revolt is held to be improbable, the better class native being too religious and loyal to the Crown to favour any concerted measure against authority. The 496

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American propaganda paper the “Negro World” has a wide circulation, but it is believed that it does not exercise a baneful influence; rather is it probable that such literature will create greater satisfaction with British rule when it is seen under what disabilities the negro suffers in America. For this reason it is not thought advisable to pass legislation similar to that introduced into the Straits Settlements and Dem[e]rara to prohibit the publication and importation of seditious printed matter. TNA: PRO CAB 24/95. TD.

Report by A. D. Russell on the Enquiry into Disturbances in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad [[Port of Spain]] December, 1919

DISTURBANCES IN PORT-OF-SPAIN REPORTS BY THE COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED TO ENQUIRE 1 INTO THE CONDUCT OF THE CONSTABULARY REPORT OF MR. A. D. RUSSELL [. . .] 41. Colonel May’s knowledge of ringleaders.—As to [Inspector-General] Colonel May, two of the ringleaders had been dismissed by him, one Headley,2 from the local forces, the other, Phillips3 from the Constabulary; and it seems a pity it did not occur to him that such leaders, rather than submit to a complete failure of their schemes, might resort to violence. He gave evidence to the effect that copies of the Negro World had been finding their way into the Colony. With regard to the extent to which copies were in circulation he could offer no definite opinion. Efforts were made apparently by the Post Office, Police and Customs Authorities to prevent their dissemination. Still, the fact that the Inspector-General was aware that a certain number were smuggled in, and the openly declared policy of violence set forth in the Negro World, ought, it may be suggested, to have made him realise the danger of the leaders of any local agitation attempting at any rate something on those lines. As against this conclusion, one or two competent witnesses assured us that in their belief neither the Negro World nor any of the propaganda which had been going on here had had any considerable effect upon the general body of the working class; and the general effect of the Inspector-General’s evidence seems to be that that was also his opinion. [. . .] 204. Bonhomie of the negro.—Also, allowance must be made for a certain childishness which is an element in the character of the negro. His mind may, of course, be vitiated by poisonous doctrines; otherwise, he is proverbially good-natured and easy-going. It is satisfactory to think that the behaviour of the 497

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working classes of Port-of-Spain on the days in question, when it is looked at as a whole, goes to prove very strikingly that the negro here has not been seriously vitiated as yet. Had the mass of these people had their minds filled with ideas such as are disseminated by “The Negro World,” for example, and had they been looking far ahead and determined to murder white men or overthrow the Government, it is absolutely inconceivable that they would have limited themselves to the “demonstration” or whatever it was which they committed upon the first two days of December, unless there had been a complete and most rigorous organisation to control them; whereas, the whole evidence before us goes to negative the existence of any organisation of the sort. Some little organisation doubtless there was, but nothing whatever to stop a crowd really bent on serious violence. The conclusion, therefore, seems irresistible, that serious violence was never intended or contemplated by the crowd, though, doubtless, had the disorder remained unchecked indefinitely, more violent acts might have been committed by individuals, and, one thing leading on to another, widespread attacks on persons and property have been the result. [. . .] 228. Disloyalty among black troops.—Referring to the “Negro World” newspaper, Colonel Maxwell Smith offered the opinion that but for the War these journals would not have come here. He thought their dissemination was due to the returned soldiers. At a meeting of a certain organisation in Italy, the men said they must govern themselves, using force, and, if necessary, bloodshed. Over 50 or 60 senior men were present—sergeants and so on. Many were loyal, but the sentiments referred to were applauded by most of those present. That particular organisation was broken up, but you cannot break up a feeling. He had no evidence of any similar organisation in this colony, but there might be one for aught he knew. Men in the police force might hear of it. There were some very loyal men among them, but you never knew. [. . .] 279. Effect of weakness of police on the disaffected.4—That is one view of the matter, and probably the correct view, so far as the well-affected portions of the population are concerned. But it must be remembered there are other portions; still a minority, it is to be hoped, but not improbably a growing minority, owing to the increased amount of propagandist work which is going on; and the weakness, in the sense of their inability to quell disturbances, shown by the police on the days in question, was bound to have a certain effect, along with other influences, on those who were already ill-disposed or hesitating. Instances of insolence to persons of position, cursing white people (p. 330), and other offensive conduct of the sort occurred, I have reason to believe, with considerably greater frequency than the evidence laid before us seems to indicate, and must undoubtedly be connected with the disturbances having been allowed to go on. The disaffected know that at present they are powerless as against the strength of the British Government. The colour organs, such as the “Negro World” and “African Telegraph,” clearly indicate that. Unfortunately, however, these are looking forward to a changed condition of matters coming about, and are working to bring it about. A single instance of weakness 498

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on the part of Government, whether here or at home, has an effect too small to be calculated in itself; but on the accumulation of instances the effect may become decidedly sensible[.] During the first week in December things undoubtedly went wrong. They might have gone much worse, and the recovery, when the better classes of the population rose in protest, and the Government exhibited its determination to enforce law and order resolutely, was very marked. Still, in the interests of the community generally, it is to be hoped that no similar instances will occur again. [. . .] CP, Box 4/6. TD. 1. Disturbances in Port of Spain. Reports by the Commissioners appointed to enquire into the conduct of the constabulary. Reports on the insurrection which took place on 30 November to 3rd December 1919 (TNA: PRO CO 884/13/7, West Indian No. 209, Confidential Print). 2. David Headley was the president of the TWA and a dockworker by trade. He was among the founding members of the Couva branch of the Pan-African Association (1901), a London-based group organized by the Trinidadian Henry Sylvester Williams. Headley was arrested for inciting the disturbance (Bridget Brereton, A History of Modern Trinidad, 1783–1962 [Kingston: Heinemann, 1981], p. 160; Kelvin Singh, Race and Class Struggles in a Colonial State: Trinidad 1917–1945 [Kingston: The Press, University of the West Indies, 1994], pp. 23, 235 n.49). 3. James Phillips, a dockworker, was assistant secretary of the TWA. He represented the disaffected workers on the conciliation board set up to resolve the industrial dispute. He was also arrested for inciting the unrest after the resolution of the conciliation board (Brinsley Samaroo, “The Trinidad Workingmen’s Association and the Origins of Popular Protest in a Crown Colony,” SES 21, no. 2 [1972]: 215). 4. Black policemen were not unaffected by the heightened race consciousness that swept the island and were not immune to the racism that other members of the black community faced. Their ambitions to advance in the police force were thwarted since top positions were the preserve of white officers. A black policeman could not, for example, become an inspector. Additionally, while the strikes were fundamentally a demand for higher wages to offset rising prices in the postwar economy, policemen were very poorly paid. Moreover, although regulation 16 of the constabulary regulations prohibited members of the force from joining corporations or fellowships, many police constables were members of the TWA, the trade union that represented the striking dockworkers. It was reported that policemen stood by and watched as strikebreakers were attacked. Members of the local forces, particularly the noncommissioned officers, were also criticized for their apparent forbearance with the mob. Trinidadians who served in the BWIR were neglected by the government upon their return. They were forced to threaten drastic action before any efforts were made to process their emoluments and they were dissatisfied with the final land grant settlement. It is possible that their comrades’ inaction was a show of tacit support (J. R. Chancellor, Governor of Trinidad, to Viscount Milner, Government House, 7 December 1919, pp. 22–36, CP, Box 4/6; Draft Copy of Letter from J. R. Chancellor, Government House, Tobago, to Viscount Milner, 13 October 1920, CP, Box 4/6, pp. 68–87; W. F. Elkins, “Black Power in the British West Indies: The Trinidad Longshoremen’s Strike of 1919,” Science and Society 33, no. 1 [Winter 1969]: 74).

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Article in the Workman [Panama City, January 3, 1920]

MISS H. VINTON DAVIS SPEAKS AT BIG MEETINGS CHEERS AND ENCOURAGE[S] MEMBERS OF THE RACE During the present week there was witnessed the greatest gathering of West Indians that ever turned out on any single occasion to hear a public speaker. The first of these occasions was on Sunday night last when the news flashed around the town that Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, the greatest colored woman speaker from the United States, would deliver an address at the Variedades Theatre on Santa Ana Plaza. Long before the hour appointed, the theatre was packed to overflowing, and when Miss Davis, escorted by Dr. A. G. Cornell, reached the theatre at 2:30 p.m., it was with some difficulty that they managed to force their way to the stage, so dense was the crowd that blocked the way and overflowed into Santa Ana Park, each trying to watch a glimpse of, or to hear a whisper from the lips of this eloquent speaker. Quite a large number of members from the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League were seated on the platform. The proceedings were opened by the President of this Association, Mr. C. A. Graham, who introduced the various speakers. Among those who spoke were Mr. Eduardo V. Morales, of Colon, and who in his usual forceful style commanded the attention of his hearers for a considerable while; Mr. Cyril Henry who is accompanying Miss Davis in her tour of the Isthmus, Bocas del Toro and Costa Rica in the interest of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation. Before Miss Davis was called upon to speak two beautiful solos were rendered by Mrs. Julien and Mrs. Williams. On rising, Miss Davis received [a]n ovation from the large audience that actually shook the theatre. She began by stating the pleasure it gave her to be among such a large gathering of her own people, the more so as she had travelled all the way from the United States of America to bring them a message of good cheer and to bid them to take courage and stand firm together as one race[,] the Negro Race—which was the largest race in the world. She reminded them of the great struggle for the unionizing of the race that had been undertaken by the Hon. Marcus Garvey who is willing to lay down his life for the Negro Race. She assured them of the success the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation which they should all support. She was indeed proud to travel from the United States to the Isthmus on the first ship of the Line, the S.S. Frederick Douglas[s], which was a real ship and no myth and the reality of which had, she was pleased to state, eliminated a great deal of skepticism against the establishment of such a concern. But thank God the first had been 500

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floated and the second, a larger and more up-to-date vessel, the “Phillis Wheatley,” will be floated about February next and it was anticipated that by about the end of the year there would be a fleet of 50 ships of the line (loud cheers). The “Phyllis Wheatley” was destined for the African trade, but Captain Cockburn had decided to bring her to the Isthmus of Panama before putting her on the African route. She (the speaker) hoped to be spared to travel to Africa on that boat, as it was Captain Cockburn’s desire that she should make the maiden trip with him. Miss Davis then paid a glowing tribute to the Hon. Marcus Garvey and the great work he had undertaken, and stated that it was his highest aspirations that at no distant date a colony be founded in Africa where the Negro race could look toward to as their home, “your Africa and my Africa, where under our own vine and fig tree we can back in the sunshine of Sunny Africa.” She said that it was Mr. Garvey’s intention during the month of August to establish the headquarters of the Black Star Line at Monrovia, Liberia, Africa. Miss Davis then carried the minds of her audience away back to Africa where she painted an imaginary picture of what could be expected of the four hundred million Negroes if they all returned to the land of their forefathers and enjoy that freedom and liberty of which they had been deprived and scattered over the four corners of the earth in lands where they were bronzed, prejudiced and trampled upon. She concluded by stating that she would hail the day when the trumpet would be sounded for the redemption of the race from economic and industrial slavery to which it has been subjected and is still being subjected. At the close of her address[,] which lasted for about 20 minutes, the audience applauded for over 5 minutes. During the proceedings Prof. M. Jolly at the piano, and Prof. M. Pagganni on the violin, rendered a few appropriate selections. Owing to the large number of persons who could not get into the theatre to hear Miss Davis’ address, it was later decided that she would give an address in the West Indian Red Cross Hall chiefly for their benefit. This meeting was booked to start at 7:30 and long before that hour the Red Cross hall groaned with a burden of humanity never before witnessed in that spacious hall, and by the time that the “heroine” of the evening got on the platform she was confronted with as large and orderly audience [as that in?] [Li]berty Hall, United States. Miss Davis’ address on this occasion was with but slight difference, practically along the same lines as the one delivered at the Variedades Theatre a few hours before. Here she strongly urged upon her hearers the great necessity for burying all insular prejudices and uniting together as one can to fight their battles for liberty and justice. She strongly emphasized the fact that nothing had been achieved nor will ever be achieved so long as the race is split up into factions, caused by insular prejudices and petty differences. She pointed out that it was ever the great aim of the enemies of the Negro to see them split up into

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factions because he (the enemy) knew he had nothing to fear so long as the Negro stood apart, but he saw grave danger if the Negro got together. At the conclusion of her address Miss Davis was accorded another hearty ovation. Messrs. Cyril Henry and Eduardo V. Morales also addressed the meeting. Special reference must be made of Mr. Morales’ address which was forceful, matter-of-fact and to the point. He also exhorted his hearers to drop all insular selfishness and get together. He advised them to bury all “Jamaicanism,” “Barbadianism,” “Panamanianism,” and all foolish names hurled at each other which were only keeping the race apart and giving its opponents the opportunity of further oppressing and imposing upon a people who had never defiled the pages of its history with lynchings, burning of human beings and other acts too atrocious to mention, all of which have been practiced upon the unfortunate and unprotected Negro. But, said he, the day is dawning [when we will rise up?] as one man, march on, and demand our right, and woe be to him who attempts to check our onw[ar]d progress. Mr. Morales was loudly applauded at the close of his address. A third meeting at the Standard Oval on Monday night, the 29th December, attracted a monster crowd when Miss Davis again treated her hearers to another flow of eloquence; very rare to listen to in these parts. At this meeting there were several other speakers who addressed the huge crowd in sound sane and encouraging words which will go a long way in helping the Race in its march forward. Printed in the Workman, 3 January 1920.

D. H. O’Connor, UNIA Colon Division, to the Workman [[Colon, ca. 3 January 1920]]

MONSTER MASS MEETING OF U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. AT COLON A monster mass meeting of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League of the Ladies Division[,] Colon Branch[,] was held to welcome the Delegates and Representatives of the above named Association and the Black Star line Inc. of 55 West 135th Street, New York City at their Hall 5th St. and Hudson Lane, Colon, on the evening of Dec. 26th, 1919. The Delegates paid much tribute to Dr. Radway and his colleagues who had worked so strenuously to bring the tender sex together in Colon and that they shall give a good report of the efforts put forth.

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The following programme was rendered, precisely at 8:15 Dr. Radway sounded the gavel and called the meeting to order, seated on the platform were, Miss Vinton Davis, Mr. Cyril Henry, Dr. Clarence Edwards[,] M.D. PROGRAMME

1. Opening Anthem From Greenland Icy Mountains. 2. Prayer from the Constitution, by Dr. Radway. 3. An anthem by the Choir, How excellent[.] 4. Open[ing] address and remarks by the Chairman and Director[.] 5. Reading of first letter sent from Colon by Dr. Radway and 30 others[,] also report of the working of the Ladies Division by Mr. E. H. O’Connor, the initiative Secretary of the Male Division. 6. Address by Miss Vinton Davis[.] 7. Song of the Black Star Line, “Composed by Mr. Davis[.]” 8. Address by Mr. Cyril Henry[,] Agricultural Specialist of the Association. 9. Solo by Miss Fearon, Africa my home “her own composition.” 10. Address by Brother Allen, better known as Captain Allen. 11. Anthem by the Choir, O how lovely is Africa. 12. Address by Dr. H. P. Wilkins[.] 13. Solo by “Old Timer Shine.” This pleasant evening came off without a hitch much to the credit of the race, and from the exhortations and other encouraging remarks of Miss Vinton Davis and Mr. Cyril Henry together with the other speakers and from the report read for work achieved for two months in the Division and from the harmonious working of the ladies which we hope the men would follow as remarked by Miss Davis, we hope that many members will be added to the link. Much credit was given Dr. Radway by the Representatives for the many efforts put forward to make the Ladies Division such a success, time was then waived for the election when the officers elected would serve their term. This meeting of the Delegates by the Division will live long in the memory of all present, and we hope that by the time they reach New York, hundreds more of the sex will have made themselves members of this great cause. Thanking you Mr. Editor, believe me to be yours, D. H. O’Connor Secretary Initiative of the Male Division Printed in the Workman, 3 January 1920.

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Poem by Walter A. Yearwood (Source: NW, ca. 3 January 1920)

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Dominican Republic

Sanchez Gonzales,1 Provincial Governor, San Pedro de Macorís,2 Dominican Republic, to Philip Van Putten,3 President, UNIA San Pedro de Macorís Division PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT

S. P. Macoris, 5 January 1920 Sir: Your communication of 23 December just past has been received, which I have read with great care. Please allow me to communicate to you that I have taken great note of the constitution of “UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION and AFRI4 CAN COMMUNITIES LEAGUE OF THE WORLD” and that given the humanitarian goals that it pursues I do not hesitate in harboring for it my best wishes for continuing success. I am courteously yours,

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/s/ SANCHEZ GONZALES Provincial Governor DNA, RG 38, M-201-M-202. TL, copy. Marked “No. 2356.” Translated from Spanish. 1. Rafael Sánchez González (d. 1931) served as provincial governor of San Pedro de Macorís from 1917 to 1920. However, as Otto Schoenrich, an experienced secretary of two U.S. financial missions to the Dominican Republic in the early years of the twentieth century and a sympathizer of the U.S. military occupation, was careful to point out: “Under the present American occupation, the various provinces still have their governors, but the real governors are the American officers locally in command of the occupation forces” (Otto Schoenrich, Santo Domingo: A Country with a Future [New York: Macmillan, 1918], p. 317) (Salvador Alfau, Santo Domingo, to Humberto García Muñiz, San Juan, 23 August 1999; Sergio Augusto Beras Morales, Telesforo A. Zuleta y de Soto, and Luis H. Dalmau Febles, Album del cincuentenario de San Pedro de Macorís, 1882–1932 [San Pedro de Macorís: Talleres Tipográficos Fémina y La Orla, 1933], p. 102). 2. San Pedro de Macorís is a county in the eastern province of El Seybo. From the 1870s Cuban entrepreneurs and technicians—exiles from the Ten Year’s War (1868–1878)—built and managed the first two sizable sugar mills. In 1882 the maritime district of San Pedro de Macorís was created by joining the counties of Los Llanos and San Pedro de Macorís. The next year the district was granted full freedom to engage in direct trade from its port city and district capital, also called San Pedro de Macorís. The rich, low-lying plains of the district made it the center of the Americandominated sugar industry. At the turn of the century San Pedro de Macorís became the major sugar-producing center of the country, with seven mills of considerable capacity. In 1907 these mills owned 67 percent of the cultivated lands in the country. In 1908 San Pedro de Macorís became a province. Its capital city was originally a village inhabited by fishermen and peasants. The rise of the sugar industry spurred the urban and commercial growth of the city, with the giant U.S.-owned sugar plantation, Consuelo, located to its north. It became the leading port for the export of raw sugar and the chief coastal city in the eastern region of the Dominican Republic. It was also the prime destination of British Caribbean migrants to the Dominican Republic, making San Pedro de Macorís the focal point of the UNIA presence in the country. During the American military occupation (1916–1924) 270 marines were stationed in the province to provide protection to American-owned property. The province was the main site of the guerilla war conducted against the marines by the Dominican rebel leader Salustino “Chacha” Goicoechea, and his lieutenants, Vincent Evangelista and Pedro “Tolete” Celestino del Rosario (Antonio Ramón Lluberes, “The Sugar Industry: Emergence and Development of Capitalism in the Dominican Republic, 1872–1930” [M.A. thesis, George Washington University, 1982], pp. 54– 55; Héctor Luis Martínez, “Papel de San Pedro de Macorís en el proceso de modernización y afianzamiento de la industria azucarera nacional, 1880–1930” [thesis, Licenciatura en Historia, Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo, 1986], pp. 1–113; José del Castillo, “The Formation of the Dominican Sugar Industry: From Competition to Monopoly, from National Semiproletariat to Foreign Proletariat,” in Between Slavery and Free Labor: The Spanish-Speaking Caribbean in the Nineteenth Century, ed. by Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Frank Moya Pons, and Stanley L. Engerman [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985], pp. 224–225; Bruce Calder, The Impact of Intervention: The Dominican Republic during the U.S. Occupation of 1916–1924 [Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984], pp. 133–134, 166; América Bermúdez, Manual de historia de San Pedro de Macorís [San Pedro de Macorís: Editora Edwin, 1991], p. 32). 3. Philip Van Putten was the first president of UNIA division 26, established in San Pedro de Macorís on 7 December 1919. He was an Odd Fellow and Freemason for more than ten years. In 1920 he attended the UNIA’s First International Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World as the delegate of the Dominican Republic. He declared that “Negroes there . . . who come chiefly from the West Indian islands, are now uniting for their own salvation” (MGP 2:532). It is not clear whether he was deported from the Dominican Republic or left of his own accord in 1920, after being harassed by the municipal and military authorities. At an unknown date he returned to the northern city of Samaná, where in 1924 he served as president-treasurer of a mutual society named “Sala de Socorro” (NW, 12 February 1921, 29 October 1921; Emilio Rodríguez Demorizi, Sociedades, cofradías, escuelas, gremios y otras corporaciones dominicanas [Santo Domingo: Editora Educativa Dominicana, 1975], p. 37). 4. In English in the original.

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E. R. White, Acting Second Assistant Postmaster General, to the Solicitor, U.S. Post Office Washington January 8, 1920 Referring to your letter of the 16th of October and to my reply No. 261900 of the 19th of October, 1914, I transcribe for your information the following extract from a letter of the postal administration of Costa Rica, dated the 16th ultimo, viz: With the last few mails, proceeding from the United States, various packages containing issues of the newspaper called “The Negro World” of New York have been received in this Post Office, the circulation of which has been prohibited by our Government for reasons of public safety. The inhabitants of our Atlantic coast are mostly coloured people there being but a small percentage of whites (American and Costa Ricans) and as already there occurred several strikes and small riots, instigated by these negroes, the high officials of the United Fruit Company and the Consul of Great Britain, have judged this paper to be pernicious and prov[o]cative. Therefore, I kindly beg you to give your instructions to the Post Office in New York, not to admit in the future in the mails for Costa Rica, packages containing this paper. The Postmaster at New York, New York has been instructed to inform the publishers respecting the matter and to decline to accept copies of the publication in question for mailing to Costa Rica. E. R. WHITE Acting Second Assistant DNA, RG 28, B-500. TLS, recipient’s copy. On U.S. Post Office, Division of Foreign Mails letterhead.

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Dominica

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Pledge Signed by Francis Louis Gardier et al.1 Dated at Roseau, Dominica B.W.I. on the 9th day of January A.D. 1920 THE NEGRO TO HELP THE NEGRO2 We hereby sincerely and truly pledge to give our support, this and we are quite ready at any mome[n]t to shed our blood and to give our very lives to this cause and shall do all what lies in our power to help one and all members of the race who is for this good and just cause. We vow that We are sincerely and truly New Negroes. So help us Good God! FRANCIS LOUIS GARDIER3 HERBERT DAVID SEVERIN4 J. R. RALPH CASIMIR5 CASIMIR MORANCIE6 HENRY J. ELWIN JRRC. ALS. 1. It is possible that this is the pledge of the founding members of the Dominica Brotherhood Union (DBU). Almost two weeks later, the union hosted the visit of Dr. Ligouri and advertised its members’ interest in forming a local UNIA chapter. These individuals were the founding members of the latter in Dominica. 2. “Negro to help the Negro” expresses a central ideal and concern of J. R. Ralph Casimir. In an article published in the Negro World on 20 May 1922, Casimir argued that, whereas Lloyd George leads the white Englishman, Harding the white American, and Clemenceau the white Frenchman, Marcus Garvey leads the “‘British’ Negro, the ‘American Negro,’ and the ‘French’ Negro—in fact, he is the leader of the universal Negro.” “Arise from sleep,” Casimir exhorted, “oh my people, lest you fall in the pit of destruction! Arise, shine, O Ethiopia, for thy light is come!” (J. R. Ralph Casimir, Scriptum: Selected Writings of J. R. Ralph Casimir [Roseau: n.p., 1991], pp. 4, 6). A letter from Fenton Johnson, editor and publisher of the Favorite Magazine in Chicago, indicates that Casimir was seeking out literature to educate himself further in this area (Fenton to Casimir, 21 January 1920, JRRC). 3. Francis Louis Gardier resided in Roseau. He was president of the DBU and a founding member of the UNIA in Dominica (DmG, 20 January 1932). 4. Herbert David Severin was the owner of a rum shop in Roseau. 5. Joseph Raphael Ralph Casimir (1898–1996) was variously a poet, an editor, a journalist, a bookseller, a book collector, a bookbinder, and a critic, with a passionate interest in politics and in the historical and contemporary experience of African peoples. He was a man of ideas, both in an intellectual sense, through his readings and writings, and in a practical sense, translating his intellectual commitments into action. He was among those who were scandalized at the racism experienced by West Indian and African American soldiers in the aftermath of World War I. He became a staunch and faithful supporter of Garvey and was the driving force behind the creation of the UNIA in Dominica that functioned between 1919 and 1923. Casimir was born of humble parents in the village of St. Joseph on 28 September 1898. Educated at the St. Joseph’s government primary school, he served as a pupil teacher there from 1915 to 1916 before moving with his family to Roseau, where he became a solicitor’s clerk to Cecil Rawle, a prominent colored lawyer. His interest in the UNIA arose in 1919 when he and two friends, Casimir Morancie and Francis Louis Gardier, read an article in the Negro World. He first wrote to Garvey in June 1919 but received no reply. He persisted with a steady stream of letters to Garvey, the

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Negro World, the UNIA, and the BSL between October 1919 and April 1920. The Garvey organization was slow to respond, so Casimir turned to R. E. M. Jack in St. Vincent, who had already established a UNIA branch on that island. In December 1919 Casimir held a public meeting to announce the forthcoming formation of a UNIA branch in Dominica, giving the group of potential UNIA members the title “The Dominica Brotherhood Union.” The DBU was an association of petit-bourgeois, colored Dominicans, conscious of the racism in the society and committed to bettering the position of blacks. The Dominica UNIA was formed on 11 January 1920 with twelve members. A week later Gardier was elected president. Casimir served as secretary. By February Casimir was complaining to the BSL that they had received no authority from the company to collect shares, but they had gone ahead and done so anyway. In May 1920 Casimir informed Garvey that there were more than six hundred members, and by July the membership exceeded eight hundred. This ferment of activity in Dominica, however, was not met with an equivalent response. On 28 May Casimir complained to Garvey that they had been continually writing to him since the inception of the branch and had received no response. Garvey at last replied on 12 June 1920, making the Dominica branch of the UNIA official and indicating that they should appoint the appropriate officers and apply for a charter, at a cost of $25. The Dominica UNIA, under charter no. 85, was headquartered in Roseau, with subunits in Point Michel, Soufriere, Grand Bay, and Marigot. In addition to a national executive, it also developed local auxiliaries of the movement, namely, the Black Cross Nurses and Universal African Legions. The initial enthusiasm of the movement may be measured by the UNIA procession on 2 August 1920 to a mass at the Roseau Roman Catholic cathedral and then on to a rally at the local Liberty Hall. In the words of R. C. Martin, one of the speakers, this was the “first time in the history of Dominica that so massive a gathering had been assembled solely by members of the African community.” Casimir in his speech noted that black people in the West Indies and the United States were still “political serfs denied a voice in their own government” and concluded that “not being free in the land of other races, we should rightly claim Africa for our home.” That evening a variety program packed Liberty Hall “almost to suffocation.” The mass support for the UNIA came from the poorer element of Dominican society. Casimir himself characterized the UNIA leadership as belonging “to the poor class of Negroes . . . not of the most educated class.” The more affluent blacks opposed the UNIA, characterizing its members as “irresponsible boys.” Although Casimir extended invitations to the more affluent Afro-Dominicans, he met with little success, apart from their interest in buying shares in the BSL, which they considered might be a profitable venture. The powerful in Dominica harassed local UNIA activities. They passed a law that restricted the flow of currency out of the island in support of the BSL. They attempted to pass a seditious publications ordinance aimed at curtailing the circulation of the Negro World, which started with a clientele of twenty-five in December 1919 and had reached four hundred by July 1920—thus becoming the most widely read newspaper in Dominica. Casimir suffered for his radical speeches and writings. He and three other UNIA officers were reported to the secretary of state “as persons fomenting race riots and hatred towards whites in the island.” His employer, Cecil Rawle, offered him a month’s leave in August 1920 with the condition that he could return to work if he agreed to “refrain from political racial activities of every description.” A man of strong principle, Casimir resigned his position as solicitor’s clerk and for the next year worked more or less full time for the UNIA, supporting himself by a stipend as a cantor at the Roman Catholic cathedral, by freelancing as a bookbinder, and in other ways. He was appointed assistant teacher at the Roseau Boys’ Government Primary School in 1922 but resigned a year later. According to his son, a rock was thrown at him that resulted in the impairment of vision in one of his eyes, and he never returned to teaching (Rupert Casimir, personal communication to Patrick Baker, 2 June 2000). Casimir’s influence stretched beyond the Dominica branch of the UNIA. He was a local agent for the Negro World, as well as other black periodicals such as the Crisis, Challenge, Promoter, and Crusader. He helped to organize other branches in the island, and was in close contact with branches throughout the region. In 1921 he carried out an extensive visit to the various branches in Trinidad, talking at length about organizational challenges and encouraging the establishment of a new unit of the Universal African Legions. Tony Martin provides a detailed account of his visit to Trinidad, describing him as “one of the most influential and hardworking UNIA figures in the West Indies” (Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad, 1912–1947,” in The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond [Dover, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing, 1983], p. 79). Casimir was also a regular correspondent with Garvey and other leading UNIA officials, including

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JANUARY 1920 John E. Bruce and William H. Ferris. He communicated with black activists and scholars, such as Joseph E. Casely Hayford (to whom he regularly supplied copies of the Negro World, since the paper was banned in the Gold Coast—now Ghana—where Hayford resided), Cyril Briggs, and Joel Rogers. When the UNIA movement died out in 1923, Casimir remained a staunch supporter of Garvey but channeled his energies into other political activities. It was ironic that, when Garvey finally wanted to visit Dominica, he had forgotten about Casimir and initially wrote to a Mr. Cruickshank to arrange for the visit. Cruickshank passed the matter on to Casimir, notifying Garvey to this effect. However, Garvey wished to reach more influential members of Dominican society, as intimated in his letter to Cruickshank, and Casimir was a little cool in his response to Garvey. Nevertheless, his dedication to the cause led him to put his usual energies into making the visit a success. But the UNIA never recovered in Dominica, although Garvey suggested that Casimir should try to reinvigorate the organization after his visit in 1938. In addition to his involvement with the UNIA, Casimir was a member of the Dominica Taxpayers Association, founded by Rawle. Casimir served as organizer and assistant secretary from 1931 to 1932. He was also assistant secretary to the West India Conference convened in Roseau from 28 October to 4 November 1932 at the invitation of the Taxpayers Association and involving delegates from the Representative Government Associations of the British colonies in the Leeward and Windward Islands, as well as Trinidad; the conference advocated the democratization of Britain’s rule of its West Indian colonies as a first step toward their independence. Casimir also involved himself in municipal politics and served two terms as an elected member of the Roseau town council. A noted poet, Casimir was in close correspondence with Langston Hughes. He drew inspiration for his writing from the works of Paul Laurence Dunbar and published a number of collections of poetry: Poesy: Book 1 (1943); Poesy: Book 2 (1944); Poesy: Book 3 (1946); Poesy: Book 4 (1948); Africa Arise and Other Poems (1967); Pater Noster and Other Poems (1967); A Little Kiss and Other Poems (1968); Dominica and Other Poems (1968); and Farewell and Other Poems (1971). He also published a biographical essay, The Negro Speaks, in 1969. Casimir, who remained strong in his beliefs to the end, was almost a centenarian when he died. His passing was not marked with widespread recognition, although the Rastafarians in Dominica paid particular respect to him (Rupert Casimir, personal communication to Patrick Baker, 2 June 2000). He was committed to the notion of pan-African nationalism and constantly sacrificed himself to this ideal. He worked hard to organize local people—most of his political associates were small shopkeepers or employees like himself—to fight against adversity and for the regeneration of the black race, which he saw as having suffered worldwide at the hands of European colonization (J. R. Ralph Casimir, interview by C. F. Bahmueller, Roseau, Dominica, August 1984; MGP 4:520–521 n. 1; Donald E. Hendreck, ed., Caribbean Writers: A Bio-Bibliographical-Critical Encyclopedia [Washington, D.C.: Three Continents Press, 1979], p. 50; Robert A. Myers, World Bibliographic Series: Dominica [Denver: Clio Press, 1987], p. 143). 6. Casimir Morancie lived in the valley in Trafalgar. A founding member of the UNIA, he was probably a small peasant proprietor.

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West Indian Protective Society pamphlet

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Augustus Duncan, Executive Secretary, West Indian Protective Society, to the Governor, St. Vincent1 178 West 135th Street, New York, January 9th, 1920 Sir:— I beg to convey to you confidentially the following information and suggestion to the end that peace and good-feeling shall continue between His Majesty’s White and Colored subjects within the British Empire, and especially in the British West India Possessions[.]2 There is in this City an Organization known as [the] Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, at the head of which is one Marcus Garvey, a Negro, a native of Jamaica. This Organization is not only Anti-White and Anti-British, but it is engaged in the most destructive and pernicious propaganda to create disturbance between White and Colored people in the British Possessions. This Organization employs as a medium through which to carry on its propaganda, a newspaper published in this City and known as the Negro World. So inciting and inflammable and purposely Colored are the news and editorial articles in this paper, that the authorities in several of the Islands have been compelled to take energetic action to deny it admittance to those Islands and prevent its circulation among the Colored people thereof. It was th[e] known radical attitude and friction-creating-policy of the Negro World t[ha]t was responsible for the drastic newspaper ordinances enacted in British Guiana, St. Vincent and other West Indian Islands. Another medium for carrying on the propaganda of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League is the Black Star Line which owns the Steamer “Yarmouth” (soon to be known as the Frederick Douglas[s]). Of greater importance to Garvey and those associated with him in pushing this World-wide Pro-Negro and Anti-White and Anti-British propaganda than the making of money through freight [a]nd passengers is the effect and impression that the presence of this ship of the Black Star Line is expected to exert up on the Colored people of the Islands when it calls at their Ports. Yet another and perhaps the most effective way of carrying on its propaganda is through the members of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, and Stockholders of the Black Star Line, who leave this Country for the West Indies and who are expected to stealthily work among the natives and stir up strife and discontent among them. These members and Stockholders of the above named Organizations faithfully perform the work that the suppressed Negro World cannot do, and thus sow seeds of discontent among the natives of the Islands to which they go. The recent bloody strikes in Trinidad when several persons were killed and wounded and much

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injury done to shipping and other industries can be traced to the subtle and under-hand propaganda work of the agencies above referred to. I venture to suggest that your Excellency would be serving well the cause of the Empire and contributing in no small way to the promotion of Peace and good-feeling between the White and Colored people in the West Indies should you cause to be carefull[y] scrutinize[d] and precautionary measures taken in the cases of all Colored persons coming into the Colony from the United States and the [P]anama Canal with the view of ascertaini[n]g whether such persons are members of the Universal Negro Improvement Ass[o]ciation and African Communities League, subscribers to and readers of the Negro World, Stockholders of or in any way connected with the Bl[a]ck Star Line. And upon affirmatively establishing any of these facts to exercise your official discretion as to their admission into the Colony. I have the honor to remain, Very truly yours, AUGUSTUS DUNCAN Executive Secretary of the West Indian Protective Society of America SVGNA, Secret 21/1919/14. TLS. On West Indian Protective Society of America letterhead. 1. While St. Vincent possessed its own resident administrator who also served as the island’s colonial secretary, it did not retain its own governor. Instead, St. Vincent was administratively grouped with St. Lucia and Grenada under a single governor for the Windward Islands, who usually resided at St. George’s, Grenada (DOCOL). 2. This letter was also sent to British governors in the British West Indies, Canada, and Africa (TNA: PRO CO 42/1017/02525). Others in the region expressed similar sentiments. For example, Walter Barnard, the owner of the Carib Estates, in a letter addressed from Barbados, argued that the unrest in Barbados, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent had little to do with the economic conditions in these islands. He saw the unrest as “the result largely of the negro movement in the USA [and] the dissemination of literature throughout the West Indies advocating race war” (Walter H. Barnard to R. Popham Lobb, 21 January 1920, SVGNA, 91002 62/9, Secret 29/1919/19).

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St. Christopher, Nevis, minutes, ca. 9 January 1920 (Source: SKNNA)

Article in the West Indian [Grenada, 10 January 1920] The s.s. Frederick Douglas[s] of the Black Star Line was given a rousing reception on her arrival at Kingston, Jamaica, at Cuba and at Colon. She is of 727 tons nett. and is the first of a series of ships contemplated to be owned by Negroes. She left for the United States with several passengers and laden with cargo. Printed in WI, 10 January 1920. Reproduced from WI, 16 January 1920.

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Article in the West Indian [Grenada, 11 January 1920] We read in the Jamaica “Gleaner” that the arrival of the s.s. Frederick Douglass of the Black Star Line at Kingston, Jamaica, was the cause of indescribable enthusiasm on the part of colored people there. Jamaica paid great honour to Marcus Garvey, a young Jamaican, 32 years old, who has achieved such wonderful success. A meeting presided over by the Mayor of Kingston was held. The steamer manned by a colored crew of 30, left New York for Cuba with a cargo of cement under command of Captain Cockburn and then she went to Jamaica[.] She proceeded to Colon, where a great demonstration had been arranged to take place in honour of the arrival, and she was scheduled to return to Jamaica on her way back to New York. In February the “Phillis Wheatley” of the same line will be launched, and the “Booker T. Washington” is already in sight. Marcus Garvey, years ago, started his little society in Jamaica, but left for New York with the purpose of developing his ideas. In barely two years he has organised the most powerful association of colored men ever seen in these parts. Starting with 10 members his society now numbers 3,000,000. The capital of $500,000 asked for to start the Black Star Line is now being increased to $10,000,000, so enthusiastic has been the response, and the line is aiming to have a fleet of twelve steamers by the end of 1920. In shipping circles of the United States serious notice is being taken of this enterprise, and most of those who said “It can’t be done” are now saying “Well done.” Whatever be the merits or demerits of the teaching of Marcus Garvey, the fact remains that he is a young man of tremendous energy and irresistible sweeping force, and he is one of the rare spirits who have the power of masshypnotism, capable of swaying the multitude into a condition of sacrifice for the performance of prodigies of achievement, far beyond the known stock of their abilities. Printed in WI, 11 January 1920. Reproduced from WI, 16 January 1920.

“Marshall” to James Wilson [Canal Zone,] Jan: 12th., 1920 [. . .] RE STRIKING. Stoute says that if the demands of the Brotherhood are not met, (5 cents increase to //will be// the minimum demanded)—then they will order a strike, the men are now already worked up for same, but that he will not order the strike until after the Carnival, as there may be trouble. The Carnival

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will take place in Feb: coming. This strike will be unauthorized by the Grand Lodge in the U.S. [. . .] [. . .] RESOURCES, FINANCIAL AND OTHERWISE. The Brotherhood here have been for some time keeping all the funds they have been collecting, and is still collecting, as I reported to you some time ago, (See report No. 248, of Dec: 9th., 1919.) with the object of assisting them in the event of a strike. Stoute has joined the Universal Negro Improvement Assn:, I saw his membership papers, and is now urging his men to become members of same, inasmuch as he does not believe in the said society or its constitution, but his idea is to get the co-operation of the Universal Negro people, in a sympathetic strike, as same would include all silver employees who are not now members of the Brotherhood. With the above object in view, he is now running for 1st: Vice President of the Universal Negro I. Assn:. He also has Two shares of Black Star Line Corpn:, ($10.00.), but is advising his men not to invest too heavily in said Corpn:, as he does not also believe in same. He also is trying to get the cooperation of the Panamanians, that they may not be used as strike breakers. [. . .] If this coming strike is pulled off, same will take the aspect of a race question, or strike, so as to get all the silver employees involved in same; coupled with what the Universal Negro people are propaganding, and Miss Davis and her asst: Henry, etc., etc. [. . .] The Black Star Line Corpn: sent a letter to the C.F.L. Union,1 which was received by them on the 5th. ulto., stating that they were to have a vote taken at the[ir] headquarters in N.Y. on Dec: 22nd. last, for the purpose of raisin//g// their amount of shares, [wh]ich is now 100,000. to 2,000,000. at $5.00. doll[a]rs per share. In-cl[os]ed in said letter, was a small power of attorney, with the //names// of two members of the Co[rp]n:, on same, requesting that the C.F.L.U. name them to represent the Union at the polls, to vote for them. The members of the C.F.L.U., i[n]asmuch as same came to hand late, signed and returned it to N.Y., voting in favour of the increase in sto[ck]. I am looking for my pass for this month. Respectfully, MARSHALL P.S., I am submitting herewith a bill for Ten dollars U.S. Cy., ($10.00.) for entertaining Mr. Stoute, otherwise, I would not have been able to give you the information I am sending you in this letter, besides, same served to fu[r]ther my friendship with him, and as I know [w]hat you are after, and do wan’t [want] the information you requested me to get, I would not let a small amount as that, stand in the way, so please remit same to me as I am very short of money this month. I am not trying to run up an expense account on //you// at any time, but will not refuse to spend what is necessary to achieve what I am after on your behalf, unless //you// instruct me not to do so in the future, but at all times, I would prefer to use my own discretion, as I am the one who has to meet these men, and I know their style, and weaknesses. The above amount includes coach

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hire, drinks, theatre tickets, supper and smokes, for others of his clique, who joined us later on in the evening. I went home at 12.45 this A.M. . . . M. DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 4. TLS. Marked “Letter No. 253.” 1. Colon Federal Labor Union (CFLU).

“Etta” [Marie Duchatellier]1 to John E. Bruce Panama City Republic de Panama January 12th 1920 My dear Bruce:— Your letter of Dec. 12th is before me. It did not reach my hand until Sat. Jan. 10 so you can readily see how long it has been on the way. I am glad that you and Florence received my card from Kingston. The mails are so uncertain and so slow from this part of the world that I am always glad to hear that my cards and letters have reached their destination. I am overwhelmed with letters, personal and those concerning the organization and corporation. I answer as many of them as possible, but I can not begin to get them all answered. Your letter, with a bunch of others was forwarded from Kingston, Jamaica and reached me at Colon. I am dividing my time between Colon on the Atlantic side and the ancient city of Panama on the Pacific side. I have also visited many places along the banks of the Canal—in [the] interest of the organization. I am meeting with splendid success. I am greeted warmly by my old friends and I am making many new friends. They vie with each other in making life comfortable and pleasant for me. You, no doubt, have read of the warm reception I received in Kingston. Everywhere I go the receptions are equally as warm and generous. I have told you and Florence so much about my friends here in the tropics that you can very well imagine what kind of time I am having. The people are very enthusiastic over the Black Star Line[,] as well as the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. I am working night and day with them and for them. They are as you know a very excitable people. The United Fruit Co. who fear our entering the great field of commerce down here had used their great influence with the Panamanian government and the Canal Zone authorities to prevent my landing and Mr. Henry’s landing. As soon as the Negroes of Panama learned it they went wild and together with the West Indians and led by Morales a radical spanish Panamanian—they threatened a strike of the workmen on the Canal and also that they would burn down the city of Colon unless I was permitted to land. One reason they were so determined was that just two weeks before I came they had refused to let two labor leaders (white) to land because they had come down here to unionize the Negro laborers, and the leaders had to return to the U.S. without having set 518

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foot upon the soil of the Republic of Panama. So the people here—Panamanians, West Indians and all with one accord protested against my not being able to land and speak to them publicly. Everywhere I go I have large audiences. I shall not go into all the details of my many experiences. You no doubt read the Negro [W]orld. It has given a splendid report of the various meetings. You have also seen the Captain since his return and he will tell you all about our voyage and our reception in the various ports. Yes, I am in the land of sunshine and perpetual summer. The thermometer stays at 86 the whole year round. We are enjoying the “dry” season now, in a couple of months we will have the “rainy” season. Much like our April weather in the States, [a mingling] of thunder-showers and sunshine. We have showers sometimes during the “dry” season. There is no night when it is too warm to sleep comfortably. I am glad to be here where I can wear summer clothes, where I have fruit and flowers in abundance. Where they make cooling drinks of the fresh fruits and ice. Indeed, life is pleasant on the Isthmus. I went to see President Porras2 on Monday. Had a very pleasant interview with him. He assured me of the protection of the Panamanian Government. He is a very polished gentleman and lives in a beautiful palace. His veranda overlooks the placid waters of the Pacific and I sat there with him enjoying the pleasant zephyrs. I have noted what you say in your letter in re my writing to Mr. Garvey to bridle his language, but I think I have told you before that you ask of me an impossible thing. I told you I had just as well stop the flowing waters of Niagara Falls. You say you have written to Mr. Garvey on the subject, so that will have to suffice. All that you say is true and if Mr. Garvey was less Radical it might be better, but you had just as well hope for the “Ethiopian to change his skin or the leopard his spots” as to ask Garvey to change his method of procedure. I am convinced that it is the outpouring of the pent up feelings of generations of his ancestors who have borne the oppression and injustice of the white man for centuries. The cry has come ringing down the ages and he is giving voice to the cumulative agonies our people have suffered during their slavery and since their emancipation. We are the “heirs of the ages.” I can not stop him even if I would. I thank you, however, for your timely words of caution. Maybe I have associated with West Indians so much that I have caught much of their spirit. I heard of Smith-Green’s being shot3 and of the sad death of his wife. I am very sorry indeed. So you call me fat! I plead guilty and I fear I am getting fatter every day. They give me the very best food[,] both West Indian and American. The high cost of living prevails here, too, but that has not changed the custom of setting the table six times a day and everybody eating at meals and between meals. I am the guest of Mrs. & Dr. Connell, native Jamaicans but the doctor has a lucrative practice as a dentist here. Whenever I am in Panama city I make my home with them. When I am in Colon I am the guest of Dr. and Mrs. E. A. Reid[;] he, also, is a Jamaican, but Mrs. Reid is from Washington D.C. Dr. Reid is a graduate of Howard University and he married Mrs. Reid while he was in 519

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Washington. She is about 24 or 25. Exceedingly nice. Has learned to speak Spanish like a native. My home is with them at their beautiful house in Colon. They are jealous of the time I spend in Panama City, and the Connells are jealous of the time I spend in Colon. I have more invitations to dinners and teas than I can fill. I am selling your books and as soon as I shall have sold all of them I shall remit the money to you—gladly. I shall endeavour to bring you what I can. Outside of the Canal Zone everything is “wide open” here. Yet one sees no drunken[n]ess. They are a temperate people down here. You ought to come down here and spend awhile. I am quite well. Hope you and Florence are quite well. Love to all. Lovingly, ETTA P.S. We have a large amount of work to do here and it will keep us quite awhile so you can write to me soon addressing your letter to me c/o Dr. E. A. Reid[,] Cristobal[,] Box 425[,] C.Z. [A] 2 cent stamp will bring it because it is in the Canal Zone. NN-Sc, JEB. ALS, recipient’s copy. 1. Marie Duchatellier (also spelled Duchaterlier or Du Chatellier), a well-known Panamanian lecturer on Africa and an advocate of black nationalism, was the lady president of the Bocas del Toro, Panama, division of the UNIA in 1919 and 1920. (Her name suggests that she was of Haitian descent.) Addressed as Lady Duchatellier, she delivered lectures during the 1890s on such topics as “The Race Must Keep Pace or Disappear” and “The Negro Must Have a Nation” (Voice of the Negro, May and July 1897). An active member of the temperance movement, she organized and was national president of the World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) in Panama in 1896. Three years later, she was listed as an associate editor of the Missionary Searchlight, an African American newspaper in Selma, Alabama, owned and edited by Sara L. Duncan and entirely run by women. Duchatellier was a close personal friend of John E. Bruce and a corresponding member of Bruce’s Negro Society for Historical Research, founded in 1911 in Yonkers, New York. By 1920 she was an active organizer for the UNIA, touring Panama to raise funds for the BSL (Woman’s Temperance Publication Association, Report of the Twenty-third Annual Meeting in St. Louis, Missouri, 13-18 November 1896 [Chicago, 1896], p. 62; “World’s W.C.T.U.: Official Roster of the World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union,” The Union Signal: A Journal of Social Welfare, no. 47 [7 December 1899]: 10; “African American Newspaper in Selma,” http://www.afrigeneas.com/forum-states/index.cgi?md=read;id=1442; John G. Woolley and William E. Johnson, Temperance Progress of the Century [Toronto: Linscott Publishing, 1905], p. 491; Tony Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976], pp. 82, 100, 182; MGP 2:525 n. 9). 2. Belisario Porras (1856–1942) was president of Panama from 1 October 1912 to 1 October 1916 and 1 October 1920 to 1 October 1924, and acting president from 12 October 1918 to 30 January 1920. Elected under the Liberal Party banner by an overwhelming majority in 1912, Porras consolidated and organized the political institutions of Panama by authorizing the creation of National Legal Codes and the creation of a National Body of Law. He also furthered regional integration of the country by ordering the construction of transportation and communication facilities, such as the Chiriqui Railroad (www.geocities.com/luis_porras/bporras/enbeliintro.html, 27 July 2005; WBD). 3. This is a reference to the shooting of Edward Smith-Green, one of the founding members of the New York division of the UNIA, which took place in New York around 7 December 1919. Although Smith-Green survived the shooting, his wife, Rosaline Smith-Green Bohne, died on 8 December 1919 from pneumonia, aggravated by her shock at the news of the assassination attempt on her husband. More than two thousand people attended her funeral on 10 December 1919 (“Mrs. Rosaline [Bohne] Smith-Green Passes to the Great Beyond,” NW, 20 December 1919).

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Article in the Workman [[St. Vincent, ca. 18 January 1920]]

HAPPENINGS OF THE U.N.I.A. AT ST. VINCENT, B.W.I. On Sunday, 18th January, Mr. Jack the Local Organizer of the U.N[.]I.A. in St. Vincent visited Clare Valley, 3 miles from Kingston, at the invitation of the people and made 28 members, which membership has since increased to 51. The Clare Valley people showed the greatest respect and kindness to the organizer who declared that they have pride and ambition in joining the Association. Everyone paid the full amount to be installed as a full member. The Membership of the Association in St. Vincent now totals over 500. A parcel from New York was registered to Mr[.] [R.] E. M. Jack, sent by the Universal Negro Improvement Association. As Mr. Jack was absent from the colony, his son, being authorized to receive his letters and parcels, applied for the parcel which was opened by V. Jacobs, the Chief Clerk at the post office[.] The parcel contained copies of the Negro World, and it was detained at the post office; Mr. Jacobs is a pure blooded Negro. The detention of the Negro World is an insult to his intelligence. Printed in the Workman (Panama City), 10 April 1920.

“Marshall” to James Wilson [Canal Zone,] Jan: 22nd., 1920 Dear Sir:— [. . .] News from the various West Indian islands are to the effect that decent, and in particular the white element//s//[,] cannot walk the Sts: on account of the attitude of the negro element//s// who are acting in a very menacing manner, and have actually attacked white people on various occasions. [Things] are so bad that the police cannot cope with the situation, and the soldiers are called out to assist in guarding the various places. A white British regiment have been sent to Jamaica, so that in the event of the colored troops becoming anti-white, they will be on hand to protect the white element. The above is due to the preachings of the Universal Negro Improvement Assn: and African Com: League b//ra//nches, that are now established in the various islands, as also the circulation of the “Negro World” news//-//paper edited by the famous agitator, Marcus Garvey. In certain of the islands where these outbreaks have taken place, the legislature have passed laws, making it a criminal offence to sell said paper there, the result //of same// being that those islands are now quiet, and the other islands are now thinking of adopting the same methods. My reason//s// for mentioning the above //is// that the said society here, and 521

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the said paper is exciting the negroes here in the same manner, as in the West Indies. “WARNING.” MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 4. Marked “Letter No. 254.” TLS.

Article in the Dominica Guardian1 [[Roseau, ca. 23 January 1920]]

THE DOMINICA BROTHERHOOD UNION AND DR. LIGOURI ENTHUSIASTIC MEETING OF NATIVES Under the auspices of the Dominica Brotherhood Union, which is seeking affiliation with the Universal Negro Improvement Association of the United States, of which the Hon. Marcus Garvey is the President, Dr. C. C. Ligouri,2 who is closely connected with the Association, and who was a passenger on the R.M.S. Chaleur3 on Friday last on his way home in Halifax that afternoon, gave an interesting address to the members, in their Hall,4 in Great George Street, which was received with much enthusiasm. Mr. Steber 5 was in the Chair. There were about 150 persons in the Hall, and a good many other persons, for whom there was no room, remained outside listening. MR. FRANCIS GARDIER, the President of the Dominica Union, in a few brief remarks, welcomed Dr. Ligouri and introduced him to the audience. DR. LIGOURI, who was very warmly greeted, on rising spoke in most eloquent language about the general progress of the Negro race, to which he had the honour to belong. He prefixed his remarks by expressing the pleasure and pride which he felt at seeing such a gathering of members of his race before him, which made him feel prouder still that he was a Negro. The Negro had nothing to be ashamed of at being called Negroes; for it was the Negro who gave Civilization to the world. Solomon, the wisest of men, was a black man; Moses married a black woman. In our own days, he said, we had Toussaint L’Overture, styled correctly “The Napoleon of the Negro Race.” Phyllis Wheatly, the first American poetess, was a Negress; Paul Lawrence Dumbar [Paul Laurence Dunbar 6], the greatest poet of American fame, was a Negro; and he ought here to say that every reading Negro should [have in] his possession the “Life and Works of Paul Lawrence Dumbar.” 7 He (the speaker) had been a personal friend of the late Booker T. Washington, who was, indeed, a great man, but nothing to be compared with the President of his Association, the Hon. Marcus Garvey, who was an independent, intelligent and fearless Negro. The Doctor then proceeded to trace the history of the progress and achievements of the Negro race in the U.S. of America, of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and of the Black Star Line. The Association had 522

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worked intelligently, incessantly and successfully, and to-day they were able to provide members of the Race with facilities for travelling in well equipped vessels of their own, and officered by people of their own race. He closed his very interesting address by making a strong appeal to his hearers, and Dominica Negroes in general, to live in unity together. He thought that most of the wellto-do coloured people might be inclined to keep aloof of the Association in its present early stage, but he felt certain that sooner or later those same people would have to rally to the Cause, for theirs was a Great Cause, one which was bound to enlist the sympathy and co-operation of members of the race, in whatever position in life, and wherever they may be living. This was not the time for back-biting, prejudice, jealousy and such evil passions which simply served to keep people and races apart, but one for Union, Goodwill and Cooperation, and he wished the Dominica movement every success. (Needless to say the Doctor’s speech was most heartily cheered all through its delivery.) MR. STEBER, who, on rising, was received with cheers, started by thanking Dr. Ligouri for his able, eloquent and interesting speech, and the audience for their attendance and hearty approval of same. As far as thirty years ago, he said, such a meeting, in point of intelligence, would have been impossible, for then Negro Education was still in the background. Prior to the great Act of Emancipation,8 Negroes—our direct ancestors—were slaves and treated little better than beasts of burden, by their masters. Even after Freedom, they lived as if this great gift was given in one hand and taken away with the other. They were then the victims of all the crafts: Witchcraft, Priestcraft, Statecraft, etc., but nevertheless they toiled on, and on, and on, undauntedly, and made progress gradually until to-day we find Dominica Negroes holding their own in all the avenues of life. To-day the schoolmaster was at large, and the people were taking all the advantage which they could of Education. What we in Dominica were doing in our own small way, members of the race were doing in their own big way in the United States, and now they had for their champion the Hon. Marcus Garvey, a fellow West Indian, who was straining every point towards the great end—the Improvement of Negroes the world over. Mr. Garvey had (in spite of divers obstacles) scored many successes, not the least of which was the recent establishment of the Black Star Line of steamers. At first the idea of such an enterprise was ridiculed, especially by opponents of the great move, but Mr. Garvey and his fellow associates had nevertheless toiled on undismayed, and to-day the Black Star Line was a reality; the “Frederick Douglas[s],” the first vessel of the Line, had already been launched and had lately arrived at Jamaica, where she was heartily received. (Here Mr. Steber showed a picture of the steamer as she appeared at her agent’s dock in Kingston Harbour.) The advent of the Black Star Line meant a lot to Negroes in the West Indies. Among other things that they may not submit any longer to the insults and indignities to which they had all along been subjected when travelling in steamships owned by white people and officered by white men, who believed that the 523

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colour of the passenger, and not his gold, gave him preference to equal treatment in their saloons, etc. (The speaker here gave his own personal experience as a passenger some years ago in the Q[.]L.S. Parima.)9 It was now up to members of his race to prevent such occurrences, by travelling in vessels of the Black Star Line, above all others. Mr. Steber said the “Frederick Douglas[s]” was not a large boat, but when the Quebec S.S. Co. first came out they had [a] boat just the same size. Coloured labour and coloured money had helped to push the Company on, and to-day they owned some fine vessels. Let us all be true to the Black Star Line, and before half the time it took the Quebec Co. to acquire the larger boats, the Black Star Line shall have had vessels just as large and even better equipped. Indeed, the old days of inequality of treatment to Negroes on board ships were disappearing; for they also knew of another move in the same direction which had been initiated in New York by a fellow countryman (Mr. Crawford 10) which deserved every support. Whatever support we have to give the Black Star Line, yet [we?] must not forget that the other [effort?] to [word missing] our wants in the same direction was [word missing] made by a fellow countryman, and [the?] [word missing] deserved our greatest consideration [word missing] black man had shown his worth [and] capacity in every way possible. He had fought valiantly in the great battle for Justice and the Rights of Man. He had even done more than many a white sailor who for fear of German torpedoes refused to man British ships, and had to give way to West Indians as coal feeders, etc. But, what were thought of the black man’s rights after the war was over? Their services were no longer wanted in England, the [“]land of the Free and the Brave[”;] they had been ill-treated in the United States, their only offence being the wearing of the same uniform in which they fought. Happily those who fought for France received quite a different treatment. (Here the audience rose to its feet to a man, with their applauses; Dr. Ligouri leading with the call of three cheers for La Belle France.) These were lessons to members of the race in the struggle for union and co-operation, and he concluded his speech by urging upon every Dominican to study, by reading good books, newspapers, etc., in order to be better able to work out the salvation of the race and better their individual position in life. MR. GARDIER, in a stirring little speech, spoke of the necessity of such a Union, and pointed out many of the reasons why Negroes should rally to the Association, as a means of combatting the injustices which members of the race were being subjected to by those who because of their colour, harboured the impression of racial superiority. MR. RALPH CASIMIR then read and presented the following address to Dr. Ligouri, who, in accepting same, also thanked the audience for their presence. He said that he was happy to say that among the islands which he visited the Negroes of Dominica had given him the heartiest reception, and he wished them every success:—

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Roseau, Dominica, B.W.I. 23rd. Jan., 1920 Dr. C. C. Ligoure Sir,— We the Promoters and Officers of the Dominica Brotherhood Union (an intended Branch of the U.N.I.A.) welcome you to our Island; and hereby express our satisfaction and delight that you come to us as a New Negro with the true New Negro spirit. We must first thank you for advices given us sometime before our organization was formed, for had it not been for your advices, such an organization wouldn’t have been so successful in Dominica as it is to-day. We must ask you to convey our best appreciation and thanks to the Hon. Marcus Garvey, the Moses of our race. In fact, we must say that we cannot find the words in which to express our satisfaction and thanks, and at the same time soliciting our Union to his loyal organization. In conclusion we must thank you for the honor conferred upon us by your personal attendance to our meeting, and at the same time ask you to convey our best wishes and greetings to the Hon. Marcus Garvey and all his officers, and also wishing him, the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. and the Black Star Line Steamship Corp. all success. We are, dear Sir, On behalf of the Dominica Brotherhood Union, Yours fraternally, FRANCIS L. GARDIER, President, HERBERT D. SEVERIN, Vice President, J. R. RALPH CASIMIR, Secretary Treas[.,] CASIMIR MORANCIE, Ass. Secretary, HENRY J. ELWIN, Member Ad. Board. MR. CONRAD ALLEYNE rendered a vote of thanks to Dr. Ligouri in his [grand?], happy and felicitous choice of language. The Chairman then brought the meeting to a close, the audience giving three lusty cheers for the distinguished Negro visitor. Printed in DmG (Roseau), 29 January 1920. JRRC. Square brackets in original reproduced as parentheses. 1. The Dominica Guardian was a “colored” newspaper that commenced publication on 29 April 1893, after the closure of the Dial and the Dominican. These colored newspapers were “opposed” to the “white” newspapers, the Colonist and, later, the Dominica Chronicle. The Dial was founded in 1882 by William Davies, a radical colored Dominican politician and estate proprietor who was elected to the Dominican legislature in 1881. Alexander Rumsey Capoulade Lockhart, an elected member of the legislature, was the colored proprietor and editor of the Dominican. The backers of the Dominica Guardian included Lockhart and Davies, both of whom were members of the “Party of Progress,” which represented the views of the progressive section of the colored population on the island. The Dominican Guardian operated under the motto “Fiat Justitia” and proposed to “guard and protect our people and our country from the tyranny of those who believe it to be their duty to add oppression to our misfortune” (Government of Dominica, Aspects of Dominican History [Roseau, Dominica: Government Printing Office, 1972], p. 130). The first press run of five

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS hundred copies was sold out and four hundred additional copies had to be printed. The illness of the managing editor, Joseph H. Steber, in 1914 led to a suspension of publication from January to May. Musgrave M. Edwards took over editorial duties in October 1920 after Steber’s death, but was soon replaced by C. M. Skerrit. A question raised by Mr. Bridgewater, a colored merchant and member of the legislative assembly, in February 1920 gives an indication of the different status of the papers. He asked why it was that the Dominica Guardian was the only paper in these islands that was censored. The administrator replied that “there are two papers in Dominica. One of them requires no censoring for there is never anything in it to give offense to anybody or to occasion the exercise of the Chief Censor’s authority. The other paper when presented for the purpose of examination has had on several occasions matters in it which it was considered advisable to censor” (DCD, 7 February 1920). The Dominica Guardian was last published on 24 December 1924 and no copies of it appear to have survived (Howard S. Pactor, Colonial British Caribbean Newspapers: A Bibliography and Directory [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1990]; Patrick L. Baker, Centring the Periphery: Chaos, Order, and the Ethnohistory of Dominica [Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1994], pp. 130, 131, 136). 2. It has not been possible to identify C. C. Ligouri. 3. This was one of the four Canadian mail boats, often referred to as the “Lady Boats,” that regularly connected Dominica with other Caribbean territories, as well as with Halifax and St. John in Canada. They were the only reliable scheduled ships stopping at Dominica at the time, with the R.M.S. Chaleur calling at the island on its way south and again on its way north. 4. A reference to St. Gerard’s Hall in Roseau, which was often used as a place for meetings of this kind. 5. Joseph H. Steber was the editor of the Dominica Guardian. 6. Paul Laurence Dunbar (1872–1906) was the first African American to gain national eminence as a poet. Although best known and acclaimed for his poetry written in African American dialect, Dunbar also wrote poems in standard English and published novels, short stories, articles, dramatic sketches, plays, and lyrics for musical compositions. He published twelve volumes of poetry, including Oak and Ivy (1893), Majors and Minors (1895), Lyrics of Lowly Life (1896), Lyrics of the Hearthside (1899), Poems of Cabin and Field (1899), Candle-Lightin’ Time (1901), Lyrics of Love and Laughter (1903), When Malindy Sings (1903), Li’l Gal (1904), Howdy, Honey, Howdy (1905), and Lyrics of Sunshine and Shadow (1905). In addition, he also published five novels, four books of short stories, and a play. During his prolific career, Dunbar embarked on reading tours in the United States and Europe, and his work was fervently sought after by national periodicals (William L. Andrews, Frances Smith Foster, and Trudier Harris, eds., The Oxford Companion to African American Literature [New York: Oxford University Press, 1997], pp. 240–241; Arthur P. Davis, “Dunbar, Paul Laurence,” in Dictionary of American Negro Biography, ed. by. Rayford W. Logan and Michael R. Winston [New York: Norton, 1982], pp. 200–203; “Biography: The Life of Paul Laurence Dunbar,” www.dunbarsite.org, 29 March 2005). 7. Lida Keck Wiggins, The Life and Works of Paul Laurence Dunbar [Naperville, Ill.: J. L. Nichols, 1907]. 8. The Abolition of Slavery Act received royal assent on 28 August 1833. When the law took effect on 1 August 1834, some 14,175 slaves were made free in Dominica (Lennox Honychurch, The Dominica Story: A History of the Island [London: Macmillan Education, 1995], p. 123). 9. This was one of the ships of the Quebec Line that sailed between the eastern Caribbean and New York (DC-D, 16 and 19 May 1922). 10. Anthony Crawford (b. 1882) was born in Dominica in the West Indies. He was the president of the Inter-Colonial Steamship Company, Inc. (www.ancestry.com, 6 June 2005).

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Inter-Colonial Steamship and Trading Company advertisement (Source: MGP)

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Article in the Workman [Panama City, 24 January 1920]

CABLEGRAM CAUSES STIR AMONG SUPPORTERS AND WELL WISHERS OF THE BLACK STAR LINE Great uneasiness was manifested over a cablegram published in a local paper the early part of this week which stated that the steamer “Yarmouth,” bound from New York to Havana Cuba, heavily laden with $2,000,000 worth of liquour, had sent out a call for help, reporting that she was rapidly sinking at a point off Cape May. It was at once generally believed it was the S.S. Yarmouth of the Black Star Line which was due to leave New York the middle of this month bound for Cuba, Jamaica, and Colon. It is needless to say that this office was flooded with enquir[i]es as to whether any news had been received at this office in connection with same; our only answer was that we did not believe the distressed steamer was the Black Star Line boat, but some other vessel bearing the same name. This had but partial effect and grave fears still possessed the people. And it was not until the publication of the notice signed by the Agent at Colon[,] Mr. T. B. Lawrence, announcing that the Black Star Line steamer the Frederick Douglas[s] is due to arrive at Cristobal on February the 1st from New York, that the unrest was abated. It is indeed pleasing to see the interest taken by our people in this new venture. Printed in the Workman, 24 January 1920.

“Marshall” to James Wilson [Canal Zone,] Jan: 29th., 1920 Dear Sir:— This is to inform you that, the Universal Negro Improvement Assn: and African Com: League, or rather Miss Vinton Davis, their representative on the Isthmus, received a cable from Marcus Garvey, saying that he intended sailing on the “Black Star Line” S.S. “Frederick Douglas[s]” for Cristobal, C.Z., or say Colon, R.P.; however, some of the local leaders of [the] above organization, view his leaving the U.S., and proposed trip to the Isthmus of Panama, with much apprehension, fearing that he will either be not permitted to land here, and wors[e] yet, be prevented from not returning to the U.S., as he is not an American citizen, and due to his agitation in the U.S. As a result, they have mentioned the above //matter// to Miss Davis, but she would not comment on

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same, and it is not known w[h]ether she will cable him to not to sail, or if he has already sailed, or if she does intend to cable him said advice. This Marcus Garvey, has adopted a clever policy in the U.S., as you will notice that whenever he intends to attack the WHITES, he usually attacks them through the British, that is, he denounces the British, and [as] he is a British subject, resident in the U.S., there is no way for the British to get after him, at the same time, he will not take out American Citizenship papers, fearing that, the U.S. government may do to him what they could not very well do to him as a British subject. Anyway, the point is that, he is a very bitter enemy of the White race. If he sails on the “Frederick Douglas[s],” he may call at Cuba and Jamaica, and at the last mentioned place, they will watch him very closely, and if he make[s] any bad breaks there, relative to the British government, the same as he has already made against them in the U.S., they will put him away for about 15 years. The British governme[n]t is now watching his movements very closely, as they hold him responsible for the recent outbreaks in the various West Indian Islands, amoung the negroes, and the attacks against the whites of said islands. Should Miss Davis cable him not to come here, and he decides not to, and in the event of his having already sailed, he may get off at Cuba, and return to the U.S. from there, as I do not think he would turn the “Frederick Douglas[s]” back to the U.S. If it is the intention of the American government not to let him return to the U.S., the governm[en]t representative in Cuba could be notified to that effect, and //not// vise his passport, etc., however, I will not say more about this matter, as the government will know what steps to t//a//ke in //same.// Please send me a pass, as I am expecting to go to Panama next Monday, Feb: 2nd., Respectfully, MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 4. TLS. Marked “Letter No. 256.”

Editorial in the Dominica Guardian [Roseau, 29 January 1920]

THE BLACK STAR LINE We have been requested by Dr. C. C. Ligouri, one of the gentlemen connected with Mr. Marcus Garvey, the organizer of the Negro Improvement Association in the United States, who passed here on the R.M.S. Chaleur last week, on his way to Halifax, to state that the Black Star Liner “Frederick Douglas[s],” will be calling at Dominica in the next two or three months, on a tour of these islands. This vessel, formally called the “Yarmouth,” is under the command of Capt. Joshua Cockburn, a West Indian skipper, and is manned exclusively by a 529

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coloured crew. The “Douglas[s]” slipped her moorings on Sunday afternoon Nov. 23, amid a scene which for popular enthusiasm has been described as an unforgettable one by the thousands of Harlemites who witnessed the ceremony. “Lining the esplanade above, along Riverside Drive,” said the report, “was a long streak of white faces—wondering spectators looking down on the docks below—where, jamming to its fullest capacity, was a mass of dark faces beaming with a glow of expectancy and keen enthusiasm, which intermittently broke into happy laughter as only the Race is capable. For were they not fully conscious of the fact that they were shareholders nearly all in this, the mightiest business effort of the Race—giving effective answer to a host of short visioned critics who hesitated, hampered, watched and waited, whilst freer hearts went on? They are watching and waiting yet, and—still wondering.” Well, the Black Star liner dropped anchor that night, and manoeuvered the next day; she was visited by Mr. Marcus Garvey, the President of the Association, and his lady Secretary, Miss Ashwood, now Mrs. Garvey. At 9 p.m[.] Monday night, she lifted anchor and headed for sea on her maiden voyage, carrying a load of cement. She made good time, and the passengers speak in glowing terms of her behaviour, the excellence of her menu, the bonhomie of her officers and the bravery and discipline of her crew. The vessel arrived in Kingston Harbour on Dec. 11, among those on board being Miss Vinton Davis, a Vice President of the Association. An enthusiastic welcome was given to the ship and party on board by the Mayor and citizens of Kingston. A most pleasant evening was spent at the Ward Theatre, the Mayor presiding, supported by the Hon. J. A. G. Smith, M.L.C.1 and other prominent coloured citizens of the city. The proceedings opened with the singing by the hymn “From Gree[n]land’s Icy Mountain,” followed by a prayer and different addresses, and closed with the recitation of a poem by the purser of the steamer, especially dedicated to the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Printed in DmG (Roseau), 29 January 1920. JRRC. 1. James Alexander George Smith (1877–1942) was a Jamaican barrister, planter, and politician. He qualified as a barrister in England in 1910 and was a member of the Honorable Society of Lincoln’s Inn, London. After returning to Jamaica in 1911, he won the Clarendon district seat in the 1916 legislative council elections. He retained this seat for twenty-six years. On 22 August 1924, in connection with the legal proceedings surrounding the will of Isaiah Emmanuel Morter, he was admitted and enrolled as a solicitor of the Supreme Court of British Honduras (Cl, 28 August 1924). In 1929 he assisted F. C. Wells-Durrant, then attorney general of Jamaica, in the prosecution of Marcus Garvey. He was also appointed King’s Counsel. It was Smith’s draft constitution that was adopted by the Jamaican legislative council in 1939 (“Death of Hon. J. A. G. Smith, K.C.,” DG, 21 April 1942; “J. A. G. S: Advocate of Peoples’ Rights,” Star [Jamaica], 1 August 1964; “Institute to Publish Book,” DG, 21 May 1983; Tom Graham, “They Fired Me. Then I Met J. A. G. S,” Sunday Gleaner [Jamaica], 21 August 1988; “From the Hills of Hanover” Jamaica Record, 18 November 1990; “J. A. G. Smith,” Biographical Notes File, Institute of Jamaica; MGP 7:356, 374; WWJ, p. 129; WWWJ, p. 171).

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Article in the Workman [[Panama, ca. January 30, 1920]]

BLACK STAR LINE STEAMSHIP COMPANY FIRST LINER IN THE WEST INDIES West Indian Panama was thrown into a state of the most unusual enthusiasm recently, when the arrival of the s.s. “Yarmouth” (soon to be re-christened the “Frederick Douglass”), of the newly established “Black Star Line Steamship Company” in New York reached the port of Cristobal and docked at pier No. 10 amidst the uproarious shouts that went from the mouths of thousands of coloured people who lined the pier to catch the first glimpse of the first steamer owned by the great Negro enterprise. The arrival of the ship is the indication of the fact that the “Black Star Line” is a real organisation with vim and vigour behind the capital of thousands of dollars subscribed solely and entirely by Negroes in the United States, Central America and the West Indies. Never before in the history of the Negro has any proposition originating among our race received such world wide recognition and discussion as this new scheme proposed and executed by the New Negro in this new age of racial independence. Great as is the success in floating an entirely Negro steamship corporation, greater still is the fact that the first ship owned by the company is commanded and “skippered” by a pure Negro who possesses the full qualifications for mastering a ship at sea; and when Captain Cockburn showed his face on the deck of the ship on the day of arrival, the heart of every spectator pulsated with a sentiment of racial pride never experienced before. [“]That Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hand”1 is no longer prophecy, it is fact. Her hand is now pointing east and west and north and south; challenging all other races to a full recognition of her independence and integrity. Our race has always made history, but at the present time it is recording events and compiling incidents at a faster rate than has ever been done in the past. From all over the world there come announcements of achievements of Negro men and women, and now here goes Marcus Garvey, the Booker T. Washington of the North and the L’Overture of West Indian America, with his keen foresight, unlimited perspicuity and forensic lingo, promulgating a scheme that is already a promising enterprise and destined to be the most magnitudinous accomplishment of the advancing Negro of this present century. All hats must be doffed to Marcus Garvey and his indubitable band of collaborators at the success which they have achieved in the face of internal treachery and external prejudice! All compliments to Captain Cockburn, the idol of the hour and the future Commander-in-Chief of the Black Star Line! All glory to the Negro race which has come to stay among the races of the world as a

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free, independent and recognised people! We have stepped out and our footprints are being indelibly marked “on the sands of time.” Reproduced from DC (Demerara, British Guiana), 30 January 1920. 1. “Princes shall come out of Egypt, Ethiopia shall soone stretch out her hands unto God” (Psalms 67:31).

“Marshall” to James Wilson [Canal Zone,] Feb: 3rd., 1920 [. . .] Members of the Universal Negro I. Assn:, ch[ie]fly, Dr. Radway, is knocking the United Brotherhood, and particular W. Stoute. Radway told Miss Davis of the U.N.I. Assn:, that Stoute did not like the Negro Assn:, as he refused some time ago in Gatun to him (Radway) use the Brotherhood hall there for the purpose of holding a Negro meeting there, and that Stoute took all the negroes money and gave it to a white [ma]n to take away to the U.S. and give same to other white men, fu[r]thermore the Canal Zone government1 did not like the Brotherhood organization as they (The Brotherhood) were opposing the said government, hence it is advisable that none of the members of the Negro Assn: become me[mbe]rs of the Brotherhoo[d] Union or [members] of Brotherhood Union be permitted to become members of the Universal N.I. Assn., in view of the [fa]ct that they are in //bad// graces with the Zone government[.] Of course the above is being propagated by Radway only so far. At the el[e]ctions held at the Union hall this city for the election of officers of the U.N.I. Assn:, Ricketts was elected President, Morales 1st: Vice President, McCarthy, Sec:. The reason why Morales did not get the Presidency is that Seymour permitted Ricketts to buy out his faction promising to get his men to vote for Seymour for 1st: Vice President, but in[s]tead he played a trick on Seymo[u]r and made his men vote for Morales for first vice pres:. It is said that Morales will be appointed as permanent organizer for the U.N.I. Anns:, with a salary in lieu of Seymour who acted very bad recently, and incurred the displeasure of Miss Davis and Henry, the delegates from Garvey. Ricketts is a big crook, so can listen for the report. Stoute is of the opinion that if the Black Star line succeeds, the U.N.I. Assn: will also succeed.[. . .] Respectfully, MARSHALL [Handwritten at bottom:] no time to correct this letter. DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, Part 4. TLS. Marked “Letter No. 257.” 1. The immediate authority over the Panama Canal Zone was vested in an officer of the U.S. Corps of Engineers who acted as governor of the Canal Zone and president of the Panama Canal Railway. Although the governor was ultimately accountable to the president of the United States, the secretary of war represented the president in Canal Zone affairs.

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Leopold S. Amery, Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados DOWNING STREET, //5th// February, 1920

Sir, With reference to previous correspondence on the subject of unrest in the West Indies I have the honour to transmit to you, for your information, the accompanying copy of correspondence regarding the activities of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League and the newspaper “The Negro World.” I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, (for the Secretary of State) L. S. AMERY [In the margin: The W.I. Protective Society of America 8th Jan. To F.O. 5th Feb.] BDA, GH 3/5/1. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret No. 31.”

Enclosure: Gilbert E. A. Grindle, Assistant Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to the Under Secretary of State, Foreign Office DOWNING STREET, February 5th, 1920

Sir:— I am directed to transmit to you, for any observations which Earl Curzon of Kedleston may wish to make, the accompanying copy of a letter from the West Indian Protective Society of America, calling attention to the activities in the United States and the British West Indies of an organisation known as the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. 2. It appears to the Secretary of State doubtful whether it would be possible or advisable to ask the Government of the United States to take any steps for the control of this organisation or of the newspaper “The Negro World” beyond such as it may take in its own interests but he would be glad if His Majesty’s Ambassador at Washington could be instructed to keep a watch upon the activities of the Association and to report any information that he may receive

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which would be of interest to the Colonies concerned, besides communicating it direct to the Governors concerned in cases of urgency. 3. A copy of this correspondence is being sent to the Governors of all the West Indian Colonies. I am, etc., (Signed) G. GRINDLE BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL, recipient’s copy.

Enclosure: Augustus Duncan, Executive Secretary, West Indian Protective Society, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office THE WEST INDIAN PROTECTIVE SOCIETY OF AMERICA, 178, West 135th Street, New York, N.Y. January 8th, 1920

Sir:— As the Executive Secretary of the West Indian Protective Society of America, I beg to call your attention to the activities of an organization in this country known as the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and African Communities Le[ag]ue, at the head of which is a Negro named Marcus Garvey, a native of Jamaica. This Organisation is rabidly anti-white and anti-British. Its avowed policy is to stir up trouble between the White and Coloured races particularly within the limits of the British Empire. It is needless to say that if the pernicious propaganda of this trouble-making Organisation is not effectively checked by proper official action, unnecessary strife will result between White and Coloured people in the British Empire, a thing highly to be deplored. This Organisation employs as a medium through which it makes its sordid appeal to the passion of the Coloured people, a weekly paper known as the Negro World and published in this City. In several of the West Indian Islands this publication has been banned but it is smuggled in nevertheless by Coloured employees on ships plying between the United States and the West Indies and other Agents of this Organisation. In this way its propaganda work is carried on in spite of official action taken to keep it out of the Islands. It was on account of the inciting and inflammable and purposely Coloured news and Editorial articles in this paper that moved the legislature of British Guiana to enact recently the drastic Newspaper Ordinance. Another means for carrying on the destructive propaganda of this Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League is the Black Star Line, a Steamship Corporation dominated by the members of this 534

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Organisation and which owns at the present time the Steamer “Yarmouth” (soon to be known as the Frederick Douglas[s]). Of greater importance to Garvey and those associated with him in pushing this world-wide Pro-negro, and Anti-White and Anti-British propaganda than the making of money through freight and passengers, is the effect and impression that the presence of this ship of the Black Star Line is expected to exert upon the Coloured people of the Islands when this ship calls at their Ports. Yet another, and perhaps the most effective way of carrying on this propaganda, is through the members of the aforesaid Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League and the Stock Holders of the Black Star Line who leave this country for the West Indies and who are expected to stealthily work among the natives and stir up strife and discontent among them. These members and stock holders of the above named Organisations faithfully perform the work that the suppressed Negro World cannot do, and thus sow the seeds of discontent among the natives of the Islands to which they go. The recent bloody strikes in Trinidad when several persons were killed and wounded and much injury caused to shipping and other industries can be traced to subtle agitation and under hand propaganda work of the agencies above referred to. Those of us who are endeavouring by every lawful and legitimate means to bring the two races closer together, and aid in the industrial educational development of the islands, cannot but view with greatest alarm the unfortunate and destructive activities of this Organisation and its medium the Negro World together with the secret activities of its members who go from this country to British Possessions. In the interest of peace and harmony between the White and Coloured people of the Islands, I am calling the attention of the several Governors to the foregoing to the end that they will take energetic action to suppress this pernicious foreign agitation. Also I am calling the attention of the several Consuls in the United States to the forgoing to the end that they might scrutinize all Coloured persons applying to them for passports to the British Possessions— with a view of finding out if they are members or stock holders, readers or subscribers to the forgoing Organisations and the Negro World. I have, etc., (Signed) AUGUSTUS DUNCAN Executive Secretary BDA, GH 3/5/1. TL.

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Unsigned Letter to Victor M. Cutter, Vice President, United Fruit Company [Costa Rica,] February 6th, 1920. Dear Sir:— I am in receipt of your letter of January 9th regarding circulars and in particular, circular No. 19. On receipt of the statement from Mr. Ellis, I considered it a statement absolutely proof against action of any kind. Please note that it was given to the Heads of Departments in October. I can assure you that this circular had a very good effect locally. The Jamaicans here have frequently been mislead [misled] and deceived by fakes both large and small, and while the “Black Star Line Steamship Company” may have every evidence of legality in its operations in the States, I do not think the same could be said for it in Panama. There is a considerable opinion against their collections of money here among the laborers themselves and their methods of carrying on business. It is for this reason that I wish to take the stand of being no way responsible for the collections made through various timekeepers and foremen in our employ who were conducting this business.1 It could very easily have come about later that the Company sanctioned the collection of money for the purchase of shares in this line, if we had said nothing and allowed our employees, Jamaicans, to carry on this business without saying anything. When the collapse comes I will be in the position of having warned the people and of having disclaimed any responsibility whatever for their losses. I thank you for your advice in this matter and trust no bad results will come from the issue of Circular No. 19. I have collected all copies. [Typed note:] Copy to G. P. Chittenden UFC. TL. Marked “Confidential.” 1. UFC managers often “advised” company employees on the positions they should take with respect to entities and influences (such as churches, fraternal lodges, and the UNIA) beyond their direct corporate control (Aviva Chomsky, West Indian Workers and the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 1870–1940 [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Universiy Press, 1996]; Ronald N. Harpelle, The West Indians of Costa Rica: Race, Class, and the Integration of an Ethnic Minority [Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001]).

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Editorial in the Daily Argosy [Demerara, February 7, 1920]

SEDITIOUS PUBLICATIONS Those who recall the circumstances attending the introduction of the last Seditious Publications Bill will not be surprised to hear that the Government has drawn up, for the consideration of the Executive Council, another measure of similar import but somewhat differently conceived. The original Bill had sufficient justification for its existence but it carried the elements of its own damnation by making a number of provisions which were quite beyond the scope and intent of its purpose. When the first Bill was presented, and for some time previously, quantities of American “coloured” literature had been coming into the colony and was having serious effects on the political outlook of its readers. Many arguments and many ideas which were discernible in local politics were traceable to the inspiration of these papers. They were not, as a rule, given public expression to by those who are supposed to be the leaders of the people, but they were discovered in odd and fortuitous ways from the conversation of those who had some interest in this class of reading. There was, then, some liability on the Government to restrict the circulation of these subversive ideas and accordingly the first Seditious Publications Bill was introduced. It is unfortunate that this attempt was badly framed and badly engineered. While it did in fact strike at seditious publications, it also included in its scope and penalties all publications, local or otherwise, whose previous good character entitled them to be exempt from inclusion in the class of the journals against which the Bill was primarily directed. It laid them open to all sorts of interference and official subjection such as would not be contemplated by any reasonable statute. It was the intention of the Government to deal with such papers as the “Negro World” and the “Crisis” and other such bolshevik organs which could not fail to have a disturbing effect on the peace of a mixed community. That is still, we presume, the intention of the Government and we are glad to be able to offer warmer congratulations on the second attempt than on the first. We believe that, as a condition of the abandonment of the first Bill, Mr. Clementi entered into some sort of tacit agreement with representatives of the Labour Union that the importation of the “Negro World” and kindred papers should cease. Inasmuch as this was acquiesced in, we cannot now conceive that the Labour Union will offer the same opposition to this Bill as they did to the original Bill. In the meantime the Government, by this agreement, secured their position so far as the introduction of dangerous literature was concerned, and they now propose to consolidate this position by placing the compact on a legal footing. The present Bill, the text of which appears elsewhere in this issue, is intended “to prohibit the importation of seditious publications.” We have every sympathy with this measure for reasons which we shall elaborate presently; but we should first like to point out the essential differences between the two Bills so 537

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that we shall not be considered to lay ourselves open to any charge of inconsistency. In the first controversy we made it clear that seditious publications were undoubtedly coming into the colony and that it was desirable in the interests of good order that their circulation should be prevented. This fact was emphasised by us and it was quoted by the Attorney General as a justification for the Bill. Mr. Clementi himself produced a copy of the “Negro World” in the Court of Policy as a sample of the literature against which they proposed to legislate. So as far as we were concerned this was common ground, and, since the Labour Union subsequently agreed not to import such papers, we may presume that they, too are in agreement. But that did not justify the provisions of a Bill which placed a wide interpretation on sedition, which established severe penalties against all papers which might be considered to come within the very comprehensive scope of this interpretation, and which placed certain disabilities on the individual in the matter of possessing, and informing the police of the possession of, such papers. The original Bill was in fact, spoilt in the making. A little rashly, we think, the Attorney General accepted the Secretary of State’s copy of a Bill which had been passed in the Straits Settlements and attempted to apply it to British Guiana without fully considering whether it would fit local circumstances[.] The Bill which will shortly be considered by the Legislature is of much sounder fabric. It is intended to deal with such papers as the “Negro World” and it rightly confines its attentions to this end. It is a measure to prohibit the importation of seditious publications and very righ[t]ly assumes that the only seditious publications having circulation in the colony come from outside. A periodical becomes “prohibited” when it is proclaimed to be such by the Governor-in-Council through the medium of the “Official Gazette”1 and therefore every person has the opportunity of knowing what are the publications to which objection is taken. No such commonsense arrangement was made in the original Bill which thereby placed a distinct disability on every member of the community who, so far as the terms of that Bill provided, might be carrying a seditious publication all the days of his life. The present Bill may well meet with the concurrence of the members of Legislature and the support of the entire community. It is directed against a known evil—the circulation of such papers as the “Negro World”—which has been at the root of disturbances in England and in America. Papers of this kind are especially liable to cause tremendous havoc in a mixed community such as that of British Guiana. We recognise that throughout the world there is a boundless ambition on the part of African peoples to elevate their status. With this ambition we have every sympathy. We are prepared to support it by every means in our power, so long as it proposes to work out its fate by legitimate methods. But there has been a tendency among agitators and their Press to propel the movement by means of race hatred. This is what we wish to avoid and it is, indeed, what we must avoid, for that way lies disorder and abortive effort. We are sure that the best heads among the community have long since recognised that the progress of the African peoples depends upon their individual and collective improvement. That 538

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the African is capable of this has been proved by many instances in the United States and in Canada. We would very much regret to see these potentialities brought to nothing, or delayed, through bad tactics. The “Negro World” and such publications as are in the purview of this Bill are the organs of bad tactics. Perhaps the Labour Union recognised this when they agreed to cease their importation. Having committed themselves so far, we feel they will see the advisability of concurring in the giving of legislative sanction to the agreement they have entered into with Mr. Clementi. Printed in DA, 7 February 1920. 1. The Official Gazette, which contained information on official governmental notices and decisions, was first published in British Guiana in 1842 (Long Notebooks [n.p., n.d.]).

George N. Caterson to the Workman [[Cristobal P.O. Canal Zone, Feb. 8th, 1920]]

THE NEGRO RACE MUST UNITE [Sir:]— Allow me space in your valuable paper to address a few remarks to my fellow workers. My dear Negro fellow-men: If there is a time when we as a people need sticking together it is now. We, with misplaced confidence, have trusted those whom we thought should be accorded the highest honour, based on the principle of democracy which they precipitately advertise[d] to the world as its champions. But to our consternation we find that our very ex[ist?]ence are t[h]reatened by them and oppression of the most vicious nature is being mobilized against us for our destruction. It is also painfully observable that we are always ready to temporize things to suit all circumstances, and to our detriment. Why we are the object of th[is?] dire malevolence, is best known to our oppressors. As it appear to us we are hated because of our sable skin, being black furnishes sufficient reason for our being kept down. That we are grievously oppressed and [despised?] here cannot be gainsaid by the most confirmed Negro-phobist. In our every walk of life we are oppressed and exploited to the aggrandizement of the other fellow. And notwithstanding the fact that such exploitations entails the [loss?] of our health, our [words illegible] and eventually our lives, we get no recompense whatever except abuse and starvation. To wit, we are designated the most despicable position as mortals on this earth, and solely through our color. Nevertheless, when there are canals to [be] built, railroads to be laid, and miasmatic lands teeming with the deadliest of diseases, to be converted into hospitable and habitable sanitary settlements where 539

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business enterprises could be safely pursued for the further aggrandizement of those who exploits the Negroes, our color is not taken seriously into consideration. The Negro then is found to be the only reliable solution for combating yellow fever[,] malaria, and other lowly diseases to which the white man is not anxious to expose himself. Hence, when it was necessary to build a canal across the Isthmus of Panama, where diseases of all kind[s] which are pecul[i]ar to tropical countries were prevalent, we, the West Indian people, were found to be the acme of perfection in solving that knotty problem. Now that the Panama Canal is a reality, and the Canal Zone is habitable we are not to be paid just wages for our labor, nor are we to be known as tradesmen though our per[se]cutors cannot produce any honest or legitimate proof that we are not. Whenever we protest against such high handed outrages, which [i]nevitably results in the moral decadence of our people, through starvation—owing to the [hydra?]-high cost of living, and through the reprehensible practice of doling out meagre wages to us which are utterly inadequate to the demands of the times, we are placed in the category of agitators, or we are told that we are not accustomed to live as other people. Our oppressive godfathers do not take into account that we, as a working people—a people who have demonstrated our worth in very many instances, a people who are enriching the coffers of the American nation with millions of dollars; should have wholesome food to nourish our bodies to perform the work that we must do. Under such direful calamities, I am constrained to doubt if there is in existence our parallel on the face of the earth. Most naturally, after reviewing the situation from all angles as postulated by its various aspects, one must conclude that there are diametrical plots to exterminate us, coincidental with seeming inventories taken to see how well their nefarious and fiendish designs of extermination by the most unwarrantable means: “starvation,” has progressed. And as a shield to the most lethal machination of the mind of man. They have with manifest irony, invited some of our zealous and (concien[t]ious) leaders to accompany them throughout the terminal cities of Panama and Colon, with the false intent of ameliorating the sufferings of our people who are serving them so well. Though we understand the attitude of the Panama Canal officials perfectly, we West Indian people whose noses are on the grinding stone expect that after being humiliated by the advent of inquisitors to our humble homes, that the sphinx would have a heart. But alas! We were left to the tender mercy of another committee to decide whether we are to die from starvation or consume food like other people. Well! We presume that according to recent disclosures, that committee has unanimously concluded that we must labor like beasts and die from starvation, since two cents have been granted to some of us, after the solicitious raising of the prices of foodstuffs in the commissaries, which we are compelled to buy since there are no other channels left open to us as employees of the Panama Canal, and Pa[n]ama Railroad whereby we may evade it. Now my dear brethren, self-preservation is an inexorable law of nature. No people are fit to live unless they are capable of taking care of themselves. We are 540

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quite able to protect ourselves economically, therefore we must materialize means and employ them in effecting that protection. Drastic cases demands drastic measures. And all rapacious epidemics require drastic panaceas to eliminate them. We are in the midst of a devastating epidemic, i.e. “the epidemic econ[o]mic slavery.” We must oust and destroy that epidemic. And the only way to destroy it is to be consolidated. We have experienced terrible times in the past, and our oppressors are still multiplying our distresses, and if we do not rise as one to the occasion in order to offset their diabolical schemes, we will have reason to regret it. One of their main objects is to demoralize us with the hope of disrupting our organization. Stick to your organizations like brave and determined soldiers who in the heat and weight of a terrible battle stick to their guns. Do not allow any breach to be in your ranks. Let there be no wavering for it is your only salvation as a poor and despised people. Do not give any heed to the ravings of bladder-kites who seem to know everything but in reality are paid agents of your oppressors to discourage you. If you possess a faint heart deve[lop] it into a heart of steel, and fear God only. Forego all selfish motives which may have inadvertently crept into your midst and put into practic[e] all magnanimous and practi[c]al precepts for the betterment of your race generally. Be one hundred per cent Negroes, and let this be your undying resolution “the Negro first, last and for all time.” You have hitherto suffered in the past and have got nothing; suffer a little more and invest through sacrifices into corporations for your betterment. It is the only means whereby you could repel the attacks of your enemies, therefore strengthen yourselves industrially, and you will be inaugurating a new era for your race, and with it respect and protection. Remember this, you are the victims of unscrupulous exploitation. You are kept in a condition where you are to remain the helpless victims of vampires who are sucking your life’s blood. But it is written that you shall extricate yourselves from the talons of vultures. Therefore it is essential, and strictly so, that you put s[h]oulder to shoulder with your brother for the preservation of your race. Did you not volunteer to go to Europe to fight for democracy? (Which, by the way, is another expression of a living lie). Did you not face hell out there, and have returned to us conquerors? What have you acquired for your unselfish sacrifices, but intensified oppression? You are not called upon now to face gunfire nor gasses nor any of the deadly weapons of war, your real and reasonable position now, is to stand loyally with your brothers and help to overthrow “the bane of our life economic slavery,” so that your dear families may enjoy life on this earth as human beings, as God intended for all mankind. When your brothers are being discharged from their jobs for being members of the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way, &c., &c., or the Universal Negro Improvement Association, &c., &c., and are in need, help them. For by doing that you will be keeping your position intact. Fear nothing. We cannot be all discharged at the same time as it will not be quite wholesome for some people. Do justice to

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your jobs and do not give any occasion for lying bosses to magnify on any petty incident for the sole purpose of putting you out of bread. And last, but not least, have confidence in your race. It may be that mistakes may be made by them, men are not infall[i]ble, but on such occasions rise as men and correct such mistakes, and support those leaders. Do not listen to the sayings of propagandists for it is their purpose to distract you. Keep a cool head on, and battle like Spartans. Thanking for your attention, I am yours, for Negro Progress. (Sign.) GEO. N. CATERSON Printed in the Workman [Panama City], 28 February 1920.

“Marshall” to James Wilson [Canal Zone,] Feb: 10th., 1920 Dear Sir:— [. . .] A meeting was held at the Union Hall this city, by the Universal Negro Improvement Assn:, last Sunday, for the purpose of unv//ei//ling the new charter, and install//ing// the newly elected Officers, but, for some reason unknown to me, the charter was not unv//ei//led, and the members present attempted to mob the International Organizer, Miss Davis, which resulted in her making an hasty exit from the hall. Seymour’s crowd is rushing the registration of his faction of the organization so as to beat the other faction to it, and if he succeeds, he will be then able to tell the other people that they cannot operate under the name of the Universal Negro Ass//n//:. The Ricketts faction//,// which won out in the last ele//c//tion//,// is in [bed?] with many of those who supported him, on account of his forming a commercial branch by himself, with certain other members, and with the Assn: moneys. This co-operative business is to be independent of the Assn:, inasmuch as, he is using the Assn:’s funds, and the mem//bers// are sore on him. This is some //more// negro graft, they can not do something, without stealing. As a result, many of the members requested that the charter of the Assn: be not unv//eiled// until they can settle their differences. I noticed however, in the official paper of the government, (Official Gazette) that the Executive Power has granted Rickett’s co-operative business, their Judicial Personallity. Nothing else to report at this writing. Respectfully, MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, Part 4. TLS. Marked “Letter No. 261.”

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“Marshall” to James Wilson [Canal Zone,] Feb: 11th., 1920 Dear Sir:— [. . .] Stoute is going to the meeting of the Universal Negro Assn: this night; I suppose with the object in view of obtaining their help and cooperation in this strike.1 He said that he intend to get eve[r]y employee to strike; and it makes no difference if they be Members of the Brotherhood or not. Will keep you advised fu[r]ther on this matter. Respectfully, MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 4. TLS. Marked “Letter No. 262.” 1. The United Brotherhood organized a strike on 24 February 1920 in the Panama Canal Zone, during which, according to American military intelligence, “seventy-five percent of the total force walked out or 12,750 of a total force of 17,000 employees of the Panama Canal and Panama Railroad”; it should be noted, however, that the strikers did not actually “walk out” but instead called the strike on the previous day and simply refrained from going to work on 24 February. Henrietta Vinton Davis and Cyril Henry, U.S. UNIA organizers who were in Panama at the time of the strike, sided with the strikers and cabled Garvey for assistance after the local brotherhood organizer Nicolas Carter cabled the Negro World to inform them of the strike. Garvey responded by cabling his support and sending $500. Local UNIA organizers and members in Panama not only supported the strikers but many were actual members of the union and strikers themselves, pointing to the interconnectedness of the UNIA and black labor in Panama. When Vinton Davis returned to the United States, she accused William Stoute of having absconded with the $500 Garvey had sent to support the strikers. Stoute was furious about the accusation and wrote a long piece in the Workman proclaiming his innocence. Many UNIA members and officials in Panama also wrote letters to the Workman in his defense. Among those in support of Stoute was Amy Morgan, assistant treasurer of the UNIA in Colón, who wrote a detailed editorial explaining exactly how the portion of the money she received was disbursed. She also stated that she had in her possession a signed statement from Vinton Davis giving her permission to distribute the money wherever needed. After the strike, Stoute was hounded by officials and was eventually arrested and deported. He went to Cuba, and there is evidence in the Cuban National Archives that by 1922 he was an active Garveyite in the Havana branch of the UNIA (DNA, RG 165, 10634–672; DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/19; DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20; Carla Burnett, “‘Are We Slaves or Free Men?’: Labor, Race, Garveyism, and the 1920 Panama Canal Strike” [Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Chicago, 2004]; Michael Conniff, Black Labor on a White Canal: Panama, 1904–1981 [Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985], pp. 54–59).

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Union notice, Colón, 16 February 1920 (Source: Panama Canal Company, PCC-2-P-59/20)

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By-Laws of the “Universal Improvement Association and Communities League”1 Society, Havana, Cuba Havana, 17 February 1920 1st Article. A Society of Instruction, Charity, Mutual Aid and Recreation is established in this City with provisional residence on Diaria Street No. 8, with the title of Universal Improvement Association and Communities League. Its principal objective is: Confraternity among all its associates, to help needy members and look for employment for them in case they solicit it, etc., etc., as well as to procure in all aspects, the teaching and instruction of the same, by means of High Schools, Academies and Elementary Schools that will be founded later. 2nd Article. This Society will be able to establish Delegations in the towns of this republic. 3rd Article. It will be directed by a Governing Council, composed of a President, and his Vice; a Secretary, and his Vice; a Treasurer, and his Vice; Two Proxies, and four Voting Members[,] whom will be elected in Assembly. 4th Article. This Governing Council will legislate over the form and manner in which this Society and its Delegations will function and will indicate the places where these will be established, submitting of course to the agreed upon by sanction of the General Assembly of members. 5th Article. It will pertain to the Governing Council to make nominations, propose dismissals, and all that relates to the employees and functionaries that has as its duty the affairs of this Society and its Delegations; and it will make the action known to the General Assembly. 6th Article. The Governing Council will be elected for a period of two years, and the elections for following periods, will necessarily have to be celebrated in the month of February, and any associate will be able to figure in the candidacy always and when he holds more than two years of inscription. The election will be carried out in a General Assembly of the members called to the effect, and all the members who are current in the payment of their dues will have voice and vote; the presentation of the receipt of the month in which the election takes place being an indispensable requisite to be able to accept the vote. 7th Article. To be a member of this Collectivity, one needs to be a man of good conduct and morality; and it’s an essential requisite to make an application in writing signed by the interested party, as well as by two members; and after submitted for the ratification of the Governing Council, this council reserves the right to accept the entrance of the new member. 8th Article. Besides the Assembly for elections, this Society will celebrate three General Assemblies of the members each year, and Extraordinary General Assemblies, as soon as at least twenty-five members solicit it. 545

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9th Article. This Association will maintain itself with the members’ dues, which will be $0.35 cents monthly, and from the donations that its components want to make. 10th Article. In case of dissolution, the remaining funds, after satisfying payment of the obligations that are owed, will be given for support of the College of the “Hermanas Oblatas de la Providencia,”2 established in this Capital. 11th Article. These By-Laws can be modified, increased or corrected in any General Assembly that is celebrated, in the form and manner that is agreed upon by the majority of the members, always depending on the approval of the Governing Council and the Government of the Province. R. A. BENNETT J. ISAAC WATSON ANC, RA, leg. 388. TD. Translated from Spanish. 1. The omission of “Negro” and “African” from the title of the association is significant: the socalled Morúa Law outlawed political parties or organizations exclusively composed of individuals “of one race or color.” Proposed by the Afro-Cuban legislator Martín Morúa Delgado and signed into effect in May 1910, this amendment to the electoral law represented an attempt by mainstream political parties to defeat the Partido Independiente de Color, which had been formed to challenge the racial inequality prevalent in Cuba during the early republican period. The Morúa Law was based on the premise that a political group that represented only the interests of black Cubans supposedly “discriminated against whites and thus violated the equality guaranteed by the constitution” of Cuba (Aline Helg, Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886–1912 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], pp. 165–169, 179–181). In order to acquire government recognition of their division, UNIA organizers in Havana would likely have had to hide the racial focus of the association. 2. Founded in Baltimore, Md., in 1829 by Elizabeth Lange, the Oblate Sisters of Providence was the first Catholic congregation of women of African descent in the United States. The Hermanas Oblatas de Providencia undertook missionary activities in Cuba starting in 1900 (William Leafonza Montgomery, “Mission to Cuba and Costa Rica: The Oblate Sisters of Providence in Latin America, 1900–1970” [Ph.D. diss., Catholic University of America, 1997]).

William L. Hurley, Office of the Under Secretary, U.S. Department of State, to Frank Burke, Assistant Director and Chief, Bureau of Investigation WASHINGTON

February 20, 1920

Dear Mr. Burke: I enclose copy of despatch No. 474 from the American Consulate at Trinidad, dated February 7[,] which is concerned with dangerous race agitation and in particular with Marcus Garvey.

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Garvey is, of course, well known to your Office as editor of the “Negro World” and also a promoter of the “Black Star Line.” This for your information and such attention as you may deem necessary in the premises. Very truly yours, W. L. HURLEY DNA, RG 59, OG 329359. TLS, recipient’s copy. On Department of State letterhead.

Enclosure: Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE, Trinidad, B.W.I., 7th February, 1920

SUBJECT: Concerning dangerous Race Agitation from New York. SIR: I have the honor to state that the Governor of Trinidad has confidentially shown me a letter from Mr. Augustus Duncan, Executive Secretary of the West Indian Protective Society of America, headquarters 178 West 135th Street, New York, this letter warning the Governor of the dangerous propaganda being carried on in New York for world-wide Pro-Negro and Anti-White movements, under the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, at the head of which is Marcus Garvey, a negro from Jamaica. The letter calls attention to the considerable danger to the West Indies, from the standpoint of stirring up strife and discontent, in the prospective voyages of the steamer “Yarmouth,” soon to be known as the “Frederick Douglas[s],” under the “Black Star Line,” to West Indian ports. The letter advises careful scrutiny of all colored persons coming into this Colony from the United States and the Panama Canal Zone, and precautionary measures to be taken against any dangerous propaganda they may cause. The Governor asked me if I knew anything about the West Indian Protective Society of America, which had given him this warning. I told him that I knew very little about it, but believed it to be a reputable society made up of West Indians who had settled in the United States, and had been doing well there. I suggested that the warning was worthy of the serious attention of His Excellency, who might thank the society for sending it to him. With the permission of the Governor, I am sending copies of the letter, as enclosed, to the Department, for its own information and attention. I have several times lately in despatches to the Department, mentioned the pernicious effects here already of this propaganda from New York, which was probably largely responsible for the recent riots in Trinidad and Tobago. I cannot too strongly express my own opinion to the effect that this propaganda 547

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from New York should not be tolerated by our Government. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient Servant, HENRY D. BAKER American Consul DNA, RG 59, 811.108/929. TLS, recipient’s copy.

Rowland Sperling,1 Assistant Secretary, Foreign Office, to R. C. Lindsay,2 Counsellor, British Embassy, Washington, D.C. FOREIGN OFFICE, S.W.1,

February 20th, 1920 Sir:— I transmit to you herewith copy of a letter3 from the Colonial Office relative to the activities in the United States and the British West Indies of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. I should be glad if you would take such action as you can in the sense desired in the second paragraph of the Colonial Office letter. I am, with great truth, Sir, your most obedient, humble Servant, (For the Secretary of State) R. SPERLING [Handwritten note:] It seems to be a question of the Pot and the Kettle. Draft to [N.Y.?] [N. D. C.?] [Handwritten minutes:] The “Yarmouth” is the vessel which, with a large cargo of whiskey on board, has been held up in New York harbour through stress of weather. [Qy.?] Copy to Washington for with a [rpt?] in the sense of para. 2. of the C.O. letter such action as can be taken in the matter. Copy to C.O. ref. of own despatch. [News?] Dept. P.I.D. L. Lockhart 7.2.20 This looks as though it might become another “Ghad[a]r” question,4 except that the [U.S. Government] themselves have a greater interest in suppressing negro agitation. R. Sperling 7/2

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FEBRUARY 1920 Mr Sperling I have interviewed Mr Darnley of the West Indies Dept of the C.O. and shown him the accumulated evidence we have on the colour question as it affects the West Indies from the U.S. He said the C.O. would be glad to be kept informed in [future] from here and am trying to arrange to get information direct through M.I.I.(C) as well. I suppose Washington will be written to as asked in 2 of the C.O. letters. C. J. Phillips 17.2.20 TNA: PRO FO 115/2619/33396; TNA: PRO FO 371/4567/33525. TLS, recipient’s copy. 1. Sir Rowland Arthur Charles Sperling (1874–1965) entered public service as a clerk in the Foreign Office in 1899. He was later promoted to senior clerk in 1913 and assistant secretary in 1919 (WWW). 2. Sir Ronald Charles Lindsay (1877–1945) was counsellor of the embassy in Washington, D.C., from 1919 to 1920. His diplomatic career spanned Europe, Asia, Africa, and North America, and included posts as Foreign Office under secretary (1921–1924), Foreign Office permanent under secretary of state (1928–1930), and British ambassador to the United States (1930–1939) (WWW). 3. For a copy of this letter, see enclosure to letter from Leopold Amery to Charles O’Brien, 5 February 1920 (BDA, GH 3/5/1). 4. Its name taken from an Urdu word meaning “revolution,” the Ghadar Party was founded in 1913, made up mainly of Sikhs and Hindu Punjabis living in North America who often referred to themselves as “Soldiers of Independence,” with their declared aim being to bring about the end of British rule in India. Founded in California by the Hindustani Workers of the Pacific Coast, the main force behind its creation was the Indian revolutionary Har Dayal (1884–1939), who envisaged Indian immigrants in North America organizing the fight against British rule in India. Within a very short time, the Ghadar movement attracted a significant response by young militants; however, Dayal was arrested by U.S. authorities on 25 March 1914, as a result of British government pressure. With the outbreak of World War I, several members of the Ghadar Party returned to India in 1915, hoping to launch an armed struggle in the Punjab. Rash Behari Bose (1886–1945), the Bengali revolutionary who had made himself famous by his daring attack on Lord Harding, the viceroy of India, arrived in the Punjab in January 1915 to spearhead the movement and organize the revolt, but most of the leaders were quickly arrested, resulting in the effective crushing of the movement, though Bose himself escaped. After World War I, the Ghadar Party in the United States split into opposing factions and the achievement of Indian independence in 1948 led to the official dissolution of the party (Thomas Grant Fraser, “The Intrigues of the German Government and the Ghadr Party against British Rule in India, 1914–1918” [Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1974]; Malini Sood, “Expatriate Nationalism and Ethnic Radicalism: The Ghadar Party in North America, 1910– 1920” [Ph.D. diss., State University of New York, Stony Brook, 1995]; Thomas G. Fraser, “Germany and Indian Revolution, 1914–18,” Journal of Contemporary History 12, 2 [April 1977]: 255– 272; Tan Tai-Yong, “An Imperial Home-Front: Punjab and the First World War,” Journal of Military History 64, 2 [April 2000]: 371–410; Sohan Singh Josh, Hindustan Gadar Party: A Short History, 2 vols. [New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1977–1978]; Harish K. Puri, Ghadar Movement: Ideology, Organization, and Strategy [Amritsar: Guru Nank Dev University Press, 1983]; E. Jaiwant Paul, Har Dayal: The Great Revolutionary [New Delhi: Roli Books, 2003]).

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Articles in the Daily Chronicle [Georgetown, British Guiana, 20 February 1920]

THE SEDITIOUS PUBLICATIONS BILL PROTEST MEETING IN THE TOWN HALL UNNECESSARY INTERFERENCE WITH PUBLIC LIBERTY GOVERNMENT ASKED TO ABANDON MEASURE For the purpose of protesting against the Seditious Publications Bill which is being re-introduced by the Government, a public meeting, convened by the B. G. Labour Union, was held in the Town Hall yesterday afternoon, Mr. E. Mortimer Duke, LL.B., presiding. Among the other gentlemen on the pla[t]form were Drs. J. M. Rohlehr1 and T. T. Nichols, Messrs. J. A. Veerasawmy,2 S. A. Campbell, H. L. Palmer, F. C. Archer, E. M. Seaton, W. Ho[s]annah, President of the Labour Union, H. Critchlow, Secretary and Treasurer of the Union and J. L. Lewis, Minute Secretary of the Union. There was a large attendance in the body of the hall. Mr. Lewis explained the objects of the meeting and asked Mr. Duke to take the chair. THE CHAIRMAN’S ADDRESS In the course of his speech, the Chairman said that the Bill gave the Governor the power to tell them how much or how little they were to read. The Governor was to be a sort of Lord High Executioner, and was to prescribe what they should not read. His Excellency could prohibit them from reading any book at all, and he had the power to do whatever he liked. Their representatives in the Court were to have no voice whatever, and they must protest now, because they could not be sure that the Governor would act wisely and they could not tell what would be the idiosyncrasies of any Governor who might come to the colony later. The Governor and his advisers were not the fount of wisdom, and their wisdom might differ greatly from that of the majority of the citizens of the colony. The Bill was an attempt to govern the people, not by the laws passed in the Legislature, but by those passed by the Governor-in-Council. If they did not make an attempt to stop the Bill they would end in having a Crown Colony Government without really having a change in the Constitution. There was absolutely no necessity for the re-introduction of the Bill, and it should be withdrawn. No explanatory memorandum had been attached to the Bill and the Government had not put any because they had no reasons whatever to give for their action in bringing it forward. As there was no reason advanced for bringing it up, he thought that the Bill should not go through. (Applause.)

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RESTRICTING THE PEOPLE’S LIBERTY Mr. Palmer said that the Bill aimed at restricting the liberty of the people of the colony, and no good whatever was to be achieved from the introduction of the Bill. “The Negro World” and the “Clarion” were said to be the cause of the introduction of the measure, but he saw nothing seditious in those two magazines. Those magazines dealt with the upliftment of the Negro race and the advance made by the Negroes in America, and there was nothing wrong in that. Those magazines criticised the British Government to a certain extent, and the criticisms should be welcomed. The cause of the criticisms should be removed and when that was done a great deal of good would result. The people of the colony claimed British liberty and British justice, and the Bill should never have been re-introduced. The Bill in its present form might be milder than before, but it still interfered with the liberty of the subject and they all had a right to protest against it. NO NECESSITY FOR BILL Mr. Veerasawmy, in the course of his remarks said that he was opposed to the Bill the necessity for which, in his opinion, did not exist. He would, however, like to point out that the Bill in question did not only affect one section of the community. He knew of the publication of a lot of seditious literature in India as well as in other places, but the point he would like to make was that while it might be of advantage for responsible citizens to read literature that might be regarded as seditious, it might be harmful for their less educated brethren to read it. He would, therefore, enter his protest to the introduction of the Bill because he had a grievance. He felt that the Government ought to have had sufficient confidence in the ability of certain members of the community to discriminate between right and wrong. Personally he was of the opinion that the Bill was not being introduced for the purpose of keeping the coloured man or the East Indian man down, because from the experience he had gathered while travelling he would venture to say that the grievances of the Negro in Americ[a] and the Indian in India were not the grievances of the Negro in this colony and the Indian in this colony. Responsible people here, however, would like to know what was going on in other places in order to prevent, as he had stated before, their less educated brethren from doing what was wrong, and to meet such a case the Bill should have been framed differently. Although it was a much modified Bill when compared with the previous one, he saw no reason why the Government should have introduced it after the first one had been cast aside. In conclusion he said that he wished it to be clearly understood that he was not in favour of the Bill and that it would be sufficient if the leaders of the people were permitted to read literature of the kind the Government was seeking to prohibit.

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PEOPLE’S LOYALTY UNQUESTIONED Dr. Nichols, in a lengthy speech, asked why in a Christian community like this it should be necessary to bring a Bill of such a nature. They protested against it, because of all the peoples in the British Empire, they as Guianese and British West Indians claimed that they were second to none in loyalty and patriotism. The Bill was unnecessary because at the present time there was no cause for it; it was a wicked attempt to abridge their rights and liberties as British subjects. They protested against the Bill, too, because it was dangerous and mischievous—because it was wickedly partial. The Government was [focusing] attention especially on Negro papers, and so it became partial. Nothing was said with regard to Irish and other magazines, but “The Negro World” and “The Crisis” were banned. It made all other sections of the community say that the black people were humbugs and that it was against them the Government were aiming; and that but for them there would have been no necessity for the Bill. It was [focusing] attention upon one section of the community, and for this they were opposing it. FALSE PRESUMPTION It was also based on false presumption, that is, that in order to rule a section of the community that section must be kept in ignorance about its own Race. The Government by introducing the Bill had touched upon the race question and it was for them to raise their voices in solemn protest until they had banished it into oblivion. AN ATTEMPT AT SLAVERY Dr. Rohlehr said that he had said before, and he would again repeat[,] that the Bill which they were endeavouring to impose upon them meant to drive them back into slavery; but it was a hard task when once they had delivered a man from bondage for some time, to try and put him back. Once they had educated a man it was hard to attempt to take away that education from him. A Bill of this kind had nothing good in it; it was wicked. The whole motive of it was to keep the black man in ignorance. Many things that the people ought to know were kept from them. Some years ago he was trying to advocate the introduction in the schools of political economy and up to now nothing had been done. Mr. Campbell could tell them the virtue of political economy, how it would assist the people in bettering themselves. He had discussed the Bill with one or two members of the Combined Court and they told him that it was now considerably modied [modified?] and mild. But they did not want any mildness about it; they did not want the Bill at all. SUPPRESSING NEGRO PUBLICATIONS Mr. Hosannah in reading the resolution, said that the Bill aimed purely at subduing the “Negro World” and the “Crisis,” because six months ago at a meeting of the Combined Court the then acting Governor, Mr. Clementi, 552

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placed on the table a copy of the “Negro World” so that the members might read it. THE RESOLUTION He then read the resolution which was as follows:— Whereas the Statute Laws of the colony now in force make complete provision against sedition in any form; And whereas no opportunity was sought or taken advantage of during the war or at any other time to create disturbances or give trouble to the local Government—the inhabitants having been exceedingly loyal and eager to assist the Imperial Government to win the war at all times; And whereas the proposed Ordinance is only ostensibly to prohibit the importation of sedit[io]us newspapers, books and documents and is fraught with means of oppression to the masses whereby unrest and dissatisfaction are sure to result among the poorer inhabitants of the colony whose sole aim in all cases is to be loyal and peaceful; Be it resolved: That this meeting of loyal and peaceful inhabitants in the colony of British Guiana assembled in the Town Hall in the city of Georgetown, do enter solemn protest against the enactment of the said proposed Ordinance and respectfully request His Excellency the Governor of British Guiana to abandon all consideration of this Bill having regard to the obvious fact that there does not exist now or is there likely to arise any circumstance which will render this enactment necessary. The Chairman then put the resolution to the meeting and it was unanimously carried. Votes of thanks having been accorded the Chairman and speakers, the meeting terminated with the singing of the National Anthem. FEELING IN ESSEQUEBO AGAINST THE BILL The Hon. R. E. Brassington, who is at present indisposed, received a telegram yesterday from Mr. F. A. R. Sutherland, of Essequebo, informing him that the people of Essequebo were strongly opposed to the Seditious Publications Bill and instructing him to act accordingly. The Bill in question was to be considered at today’s meeting of the Court of Policy, but it is not ready to be taken. It is not likely that Mr. Brassington will be able to attend the meeting today. Printed in DC, 20 February 1920. 1. Dr. John Monteith Rohlehr was an Afro-creole medical doctor who, after petitioning for entrance into the government medical service in the 1880s, lobbied for improved health and sanitation in the colony. He belonged to the People’s Association and enjoyed considerable popular support. Along with A. A. Thorne, he acted as a spokesman for striking dockworkers in the 1905 Georgetown riot (Walter Rodney, A History of the Guyanese Working People 1881–1905 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981], pp. 118, 149, 210, 214). 2. J. A. Veerasawmy was an Indo-Guianese barrister whose grandparents had been indentured servants from India. Born in 1891, J. A. Veerasawmy was educated at the Roman Catholic Grammar school and at Queen’s College, Georgetown. He studied law in the Temple Bar, London, and

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J. R. Ralph Casimir to Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary, Black Star Line “THE DOMINICA BROTHERHOOD UNION” Roseau, Dominica, British West Indies February 21st. 1920 Dear Sir, Please find enclosed Money Orders value $//77.92// being //17// shares sold at $5 a share. Subscription Forms which are filled with the names and addresses of the different subscribers and the amount of shares subscribed by the said parties. I was compelled to send different Money Orders owing to the high rate of exchange and a certain stupid law passed by the Government here forbidding the issuing of not more than one Money Order value not more than £2 to any one person.1 The Dominica B[ro]therhood Union is an intended branch of the U.N.I.A. and is in communication with the President of the St. Vincent branch of the said Association. You will notice that most of the forms for Subscriptions are from the said President at St. Vincent. We have written to THE NEGRO WORLD in care of the Hon. Marcus Garvey for the necessary Charter and informations concerning the Universal Negro Improvement Association, but we have not received any reply to that effect yet. We have received no authority from your Company to collect shares, but we are so determined to play our part in helping this great and just cause that we took on ourselves to do so.2 Please address all communications to J. R. RALPH CASIMIR, c/o Cecil E. A. Rawle,3 Barrister-at-Law, P.O. Box 81, Chambers, Roseau, Dominica, B.W.I. Kindly send us the Prospectus of the Black Star Line and all necessary articles for collecting shares, and also all informations concerning THE BLACK STAR LINE.

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Wishing you, the Black Star Line and its Officers all success, and hoping to hear soon from you, Yours fraternally, J. R. RALPH CASIMIR (Solicitor’s Clerk) (A NEW NEGRO) Secretary, The Dominica Brotherhood Union (An intended branch of the U.N.I.A.) P.S. Please acknowledge receipt of monies and send the necessary certificates to shareholders here through me. [Handwritten note]: $10 note enclosed for balance which leaves balance of $3.11 [remainder cut off] JRRC. TLS, copy. 1. Casimir and the DBU saw this as a strategy used by the island administration to harass the movement. The administration of the colony was concerned with the poor state of the economy of the island and the limited cash in circulation. Investment in the BSL, much of whose activities would not directly benefit Dominica, was therefore viewed as something to control. It thus issued the following post office notice: “Money Orders on USA and Canada: [T]he Postal Administration of the Leeward Islands has decided that Money Orders on USA and Canada are not to be issued for a greater value than two pounds to any person within any period of two weeks” (V. P. Blanchard, Postmaster, Post Office, 12 January 1920, Dominica Official Gazette, 1920–1922, XLIII, no. 3, p. 8, TNA: PRO CO 75/14). 2. The membership lists dating from 3 January to April 1920 hold interesting information. They total 586 entries, although two of the entries are later listed as dead and eight as having left the island. By far the largest membership was in Marigot (254) in the northeast. One would have expected the largest to be in Roseau, the capital, but it barely accounted for more than half (129) the membership of Marigot. Marigot had a history that set it apart from other village communities: it was settled by Methodist slaves and was more English-speaking than other communities. The southwest coast of Dominica was more accessible than the southeast, and this is reflected in the memberships—eighty-five as opposed to twenty-two. 3. Cecil Edgar Allan Rawle (1891–1938) was born in Roseau, in the parish of St. George, on 27 March 1891. His father, W. A. Rawle, was superintendent of the local branch of the West India and Panama Telegraph Company. Cecil Rawle went to the Dominica Grammar School, then to Codrington College in Barbados, and finally graduated with honors from the Middle Temple as a lawyer at the age of twenty-two. He practiced law in Trinidad and Grenada before returning to Dominica in 1914. In 1917 he married an Englishwoman, a Miss Dalston, who died in childbirth within a year. He remarried, this time to Miss Sylvia Eva Shillingford, daughter of Albert Charles Shillingford, a prominent mulatto businessman in Dominica. Besides maintaining a very successful law practice, Cecil Rawle was an active political figure in the community. In 1916 he entered political life with his election to the Roseau Town Board and was reelected annually, except for one short break, until he left the island in 1937. He was elected chairman for the six years preceding his exodus. In March 1919 he joined the Dominica Representative Government Association (RGA) in response to the lack of democratic freedom that many Dominican planters and businessmen felt was the legacy of Crown Colony rule, which was imposed in 1898. On 29 September 1921 the Dominica RGA, under his leadership, passed a resolution condemning the undemocratic state of affairs and, together with the Dominica Chamber of Commerce and the Agricultural Society, gathered some two thousand signatures on a petition they presented to Major E. F. L. Wood when he made his official visit to the West Indies to inquire into West Indian political demands. The result was a new constitution in 1924 that provided for four elected members (a minority) in the local legislature. Nominated as an unofficial member of the legislature

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS in 1921, Rawle was also one of the four newly elected members, acting as the representative for Roseau. However, as the new system still did not work well, Rawle founded the Constitutional Reform Association in 1931 to agitate for greater representation. In 1932 he participated in the dramatic resignation of elected members as a protest, and he addressed the large crowd gathered that same evening, exhorting the people “to eradicate that blight on the prosperity of the West Indies known as Crown Colony Government.” In October 1932 Rawle also played an important role as chair of the West Indian Conference. This was a meeting in Roseau of seventeen of the most reform-minded leaders in the Caribbean to consider West Indian confederation and self-government. In response to this, the British government sent out the Closer Union Commission, the result of which was another constitution for Dominica in 1936, providing an equal body of electives in the legislature and linking the Leeward and Windward Islands in a loose association overseen by a governor. In 1937 Rawle accepted the post of attorney general for the Leeward and Windward Association. In his address to Rawle on his departure from Dominica, the administrator, A. A. Nicholls, lauded his oratory, his legal skills, and his sureness of purpose. Rawle died prematurely a year later. His bust stands in the center of the Goodwill roundabout on the outskirts of Roseau, unveiled by his second wife in the presence of many dignitaries on 3 November 1967 (Dominica Tribune, 13 February 1937, pp. 1, 7).

St. Lucia

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Wilfred Bennett Davidson-Houston,1 Administrator, St. Lucia, to George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands GOVERNMENT HOUSE, SAINT LUCIA,

23rd February, 1920 Sir, In order that Your Excellency may have full information regarding the recent Police Strike,2 and the general situation, here, I have the honour to submit the following Report for your consideration:— 2. On the 14th instant the Chief of Police received information that certain members of the Force in St. Lucia intended striking for higher pay, although they had recently received an increase of 15%. They were prompted to do this by a report that the Police in St. Vincent had struck on the arrival of Your Excellency in that Colony, and that you had agreed to their demands. This rumour was contradicted by Your Excellency in a cable sent in reply to one of mine on the 14th enquiring as to the truth of the statement. 3. The same evening Lieutenant-Colonel Deane3 spoke to the Non-Commissioned Officers on the subject, when they all denied knowledge of the threatened strike.4 On the 16th however, twenty-two constables out of a Force of 76 Non-Commissioned Officers and men refused duty, although the Chief of Police spent a considerable time pointing out to them the seriousness of their action and it’s probable consequences to themselves. They they admitted that they were well aware of Colonel Deane’s efforts to improve their conditions of service, but declined to await the Government’s decision regarding the recommendations that their Chief was putting forward. 4. That afternoon I cabled Your Excellency advising that a warship should visit St. Lucia at once. On the arrival of H.M.S. “Constance” on the evening of the 17th, and when there was no further risk of the remainder of the Force joining the strikers, it was possible to take drastic measures, and to dismiss the malcontents.5 The twenty-two constables, therefore, handed in their kits on the morning of the 18th February, and were dismissed [from] the Force under Section 5 (1) of Ordinance No. 77 (1916 Revision), as from 16th February, 1920. 5. The Government has decided to grant a sum of £5 to each Non-Commissioned Officer and Constable who remained loyal, and this fact, as well as the dismissal of the strikers, has had a good effect generally, though without the presence of one of His Majesty’s Ships the latter course would have been a somewhat risky one. 6. The twenty-two men in question are all young Policemen, none of them having three years’ service, and a large proportion of them are worthless, and associates of the worst characters in Castries. 7. Undoubtedly, there is a growing attitude of truculence towards the Police, and openly expressed contempt for the men, I regret to say a good deal 557

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of which is due to the local Press in the past, and to the ignorant comments on the Force by members of the better classes, who should have had more sense than to belittle their protectors, to whom they are only too ready to appeal when their lives, or their properties, are in danger.6 8. H.M.S. “Constance” sailed for Barbados 7 at 6 a.m. yesterday (22nd), leaving here a party of one Sergeant-Major and 6 men of the Royal Marine Light Infantry with a Lewis gun, at my request, as I considered it advisable, for the time being at any rate, to have a small reliable force to augment the Police, and to give the latter and the general public, a feeling of security when the warship sailed. Their presence will undoubtedly help to allay the tendency to get “wind up” on the part of the community. 9. Sergeant-Major R. S. Bray, R.M.L.I. is instructing a Lewis gun section, composed of better class young men, who have been sworn in as special Constables, so that when the Marines are picked up by their ship on her next call, we should have sufficient trained Lewis gunners to make good use of the gun, which Captain Kennedy is loaning this Government temporarily. It would be well however to obtain two of these guns for our permanent use, and I suggest that Your Excellency might cable the Secretary of State to have two Lewis guns shipped to St. Lucia as soon as possible. 10. The general situation on the 17th, before the arrival of H.M.S. “Constance,” was unsatisfactory, as a wave of strike fever seemed to have swept over the town, and affected among others the coal carriers,8 bread boys, and the crews of the Public Works Department Steamer “Midge,” and the Sanitary Sloop, as well as the employees of the Castries Town Board.9 With the arrival of H.M.S. “Constance,” all the above returned to work. The coal carriers being content to continue their duties at the original price of two pence a basket, which was fixed after a strike about a month ago. Their most recent demand was for four pence a basket. As one carrier, at any rate, was able to earn—at 2d a basket—£1 in a day this week, it is evident that the demand to double that price was an absurd one.10 11. Although the high cost of living is used as an excuse for the present unrest, I consider that the main cause is racial antipathy on the part of negro agitators against the white and coloured inhabitants of St. Lucia.11 12. There is no doubt that these strikes have all been the work of one organization of agitators, and every endeavour is being made to trace the leaders of the movement here. The same body is, I hear, endeavouring to bring about a domestic servant strike in order to make “the white and coloured people do their own work.”12 I am of opinion that the instigators of the present unrest throughout these Colonies are the promoters of the “Black Star” line of Steamships, and the owners of the “Negro World” newspaper. The movement is racial, and may become a serious menace to the peace of the West Indies if stern measures are not adopted on the first outbreak of trouble. One good lesson in any Colony would, I believe, scotch incipient trouble in any of the others for a generation or more. 558

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13. So long as there is one of His Majesty’s Ships here, or within easy call, there will be no trouble; but in the absence of a garrison there is always the risk of the inflammable element //in// an excitable race being set on fire by antiwhite agitators. 14. The prompt dismissal of the striking Policemen, and the promised reward to those who remained on duty, have I think had a good effect, as in the present state of unrest here any half measures are fatal. The feeling of discontent and truculence towards law and order, is unquestionably due to, and being actively fostered by, anti-white agitators. I only hope that it may yet be possible to lay these people by the heels. I am endeavouring to see if any counter propaganda work is feasible, as if so, the sooner the fallacy of Marcus Garvey’s doctrine can be exposed the better it will be for the peace of these Colonies, and the contentment of their people. 15. All the time I can possibly spare from my other duties I spend in mixing with the people and talking to them, both during my walks through the town, and rides in the country. Only once have I personally experienced any active disrespect on the part of either the crowd, or of individuals. At the same time I am aware that a lady was warned by two labouring women she met on the road on the afternoon of the 17th instant not to go into Castries that evening as “the white people were all going to be chopped with cutlasses” that night. There was a certain amount of excitement and shouting towards dusk the same day, but this died down at once as the “Constance’s” searchlights were thrown on the town as she came up the Harbour, and everything remained perfectly quiet throughout the night. 16. Your Excellency can rest assured that the situation, which is quiet at present, is being carefully watched by the Chief of Police and myself, but so long as the misnamed and misguided “Negro Improvement Association” is allowed to continue its operations in the United States of America there will always be discontent among the natives here, and antagonism on the part of the Black to the Coloured and White population. 17. There is no doubt that the reports in the News’13 cablegrams of unrest in other parts of the world are having a bad effect here, and I think a wise censorship of such news is advisable. I am also of opinion that information regarding the movement of His Majesty’s Ships should be curtailed. The agitators follow such news very carefully, and calculate what men of war are available, and where. When the cables announced the departure for England of the “Calcutta” from St. Thomas on the 13th instant the “gup” here was that now only the “Constance” was in these waters and consequently it was a good opportunity to “make trouble in several colonies at the same time.” 18. I am well aware of the objection to detaching small bodies of troops from their Unit but if matters become more menacing the stationing here of even a couple of officers and a Platoon of a European Regiment would render the risk of rioting negligible. As long, however, as it is possible to obtain the presence of one of His Majesty’s Ships so promptly as happened last week we 559

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can carry on alright. I have no desire to appear to be an alarmist, and am doing all I can to prevent the general public from becoming scared, but one cannot ignore a noticeable change for the worse recently in the usually respectful demeanour of the St. Lucia negro. 19. I attach a copy of a Report made to me by the Chief of Police on the 21st instant for Your Excellency’s perusal. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient Servant, WILFRED BENNETT DAVIDSON-HOUSTON Administrator TNA: PRO CO 321/310/02512. TLS. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Lt. Col. Wilfred Bennett Davidson-Houston (1870–1960) was educated at St. Edward’s, Oxford, and served in various capacities in Africa and Europe. He served as administrator of St. Lucia from 1918 to 1927, including several stints as acting governor of the Windward Islands in March 1923, November 1923 to July 1924, September to October 1925, and June to July 1926. Davidson-Houston retired from public service in 1930 (WWW). 2. The report of the police department for that year described the strike as “a so-called Police Strike,” with twenty-two constables dismissed for gross insubordination (Annual Report on the Police Force, 1920 [Castries: Government Printing Office, 1920], p. 1). 3. Lt. Col. Robert Deane (b. 1879) served in the South African War from 1900 to 1902, including the South African constabulary in 1901. After time in the South African police force, Deane served in the military in South Africa, Egypt, and France, before becoming St. Lucia chief of police in 1919, leaving the post in 1922 for the position of deputy inspector general of police in Mauritius (DOCOL). 4. Robert Deane was relatively new to the local force. He arrived in St. Lucia two months earlier, on 12 December 1919, to take over the duties of police chief. He replaced T. Ryan, who had been acting police chief since 1916, when G. J. Golding went on a secondment as head of the Grenada and St. Vincent units of the West Indian Overseas Contingent. This may itself have been an indication of instability in the force; Golding’s predecessor had remained in the post for about a year (Annual Report on the Police Force, 1911–12; 1913–14; 1914–15; 1915–16; 1916–17; 1917–18; 1918– 19; 1919; 1920; 1921; 1922). 5. Although the authorities responded with surprise and alarm, their own reports on the police force over several previous years gave ample evidence of their knowledge that all was not well. One of the greatest difficulties was finding people suitable for recruitment. Fifteen years earlier, Police Chief E. D. Laborde experienced “the usual difficulty . . . in getting suitable candidates.” He complained that “the natives never came forward and the force has to be recruited from men from other islands who are usually new-comers to the Colony,—from Barbados in the majority of instances,— seeking work and finding nothing else to do [but] fall back on the Police service as a last resort” (Annual Report on the Police Force, 1905, p. 1). This resulted in a high turnover rate, since these men immediately left the force at any chance of better employment. In 1905 only seventeen men out of a force of seventy-two had been in the service for five years or more, and by 1910 the situation had not significantly changed. Although the force received more local applicants, which showed that the “old local prejudices against the service is wearing off,” the “right sort” still did not come forward. Those who joined appeared to do so for their “immediate convenience and not with any intention of remaining in the service” (Annual Report on the Police Force, 1910, p. 1). To compound this situation, men from the neighboring islands sought opportunities in Panama and elsewhere instead of coming to St. Lucia. In the two years preceding the strike, the situation apparently worsened as the BWIR absorbed most of the young men eligible for the police force. “In many instances vacancies had to be filled with whatever could be picked up, and, needless to say, the result was not always satisfactory” (Annual Report on the Police Force, 1918–19, p. 1). 6. Contrary to this view, the negative attitude toward the men in the lower ranks of the police force was a long-standing one. The low educational level of the recruits undoubtedly contributed to the poor image of policemen. However, in a colonial society sharply polarized along race and class lines, this contempt might also have been resentment felt toward lower-class black men exercising a level of authority out of keeping with their social status.

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FEBRUARY 1920 7. St. Lucia is located just ninety miles north of Barbados. It was a common practice in the period for British forces stationed in the latter island to come to the assistance of civilian authorities in the neighboring islands at any sign of internal unrest. The local authorities in St. Lucia took particular comfort in the presence of naval vessels to help maintain internal tranquility at times of unrest (Michael Louis, An Equal Right to the Soil: Rise of a Peasantry in St. Lucia, 1838–1900 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981]). 8. Coal carriers played a pivotal role in the economic life of St. Lucia from the last decades of the nineteenth century to the first half of the twentieth century. During that period, coaling was the main economic activity. At a time when the sugar industry was in crisis, the loading and unloading of coaling ships in Castries provided the main avenue of employment. The Castries port became known as one of the fastest coaling ports in the British empire, and, by 1911, nearly 3.5 million tons of shipping entered and left the port. This was greater than that in any other port in the empire— with the exception of Victoria, British Columbia. Coaling merchants issued metal tokens to the carriers for each basket of coal carried to or from a ship. When workers received their tokens either daily or weekly, they exchanged them for cash at the employer’s store. Other businesses such as dry goods, provision dealers, and rum shops also accepted the tokens as cash. Local merchants involved in the coaling trade found it quite profitable. Coaling represented the largest single economic activity of the firm Minvielle & Chastanet between 1885 and 1940, and during the industry’s peak period the firm made annual profits of £40,000. However, the unsatisfactory rates paid to the carriers for each basket of loaded coal resulted in frequent agitations and strikes. There was a major strike of coal carriers in Castries on 19 April 1907, when “the strikers rushed the wharf and prevented a ship from being coaled by those carriers who were willing to work. Several persons were injured” (Charles Jesse, Outlines of St. Lucia’s History [Castries: St. Lucia Archaeological and Historical Society, 1962], p. 55); another strike among coal carriers in Castries continued from the beginning of May until 10 June, when work resumed at “slightly increased rates” (Jesse, Outlines of St. Lucia’s History, pp. 55–59; Charles Jesse, Peeps into St. Lucia’s Past [Castries, St. Lucia: University of the West Indies, 1979], pp. 95–100; Winville King, 125 Not Out! The M & C Story, 1864–1984, St. Lucia [Castries, St. Lucia, n.d.]). 9. The Castries Town Board preceded the present-day Castries City Council. Established by municipal charter in 1851, it is “the oldest elected municipality in the whole British West Indies” (Joseph Desir, Foreword, Historical Review of the Castries Municipality from 1785–1967, by Francis J. Carasco [Castries, St. Lucia, 1967], p. v). Disputes between the corporation and the government came to a head over control of the Castries wharf and in 1872 an ordinance created a Castries Town Board of only government-nominated members to replace the previously elected corporation. This board functioned until 1890, when an elected board comprising eight members was again able to assume office. Over the years the town board changed into the town council, and in 1967 it became the Castries City Council (Carasco, Historical Review, pp. 9–10, 21–30). 10. At the rate of two pence a basket, the coal carrier had to make 120 trips laden with a heavy coal basket to earn £1. If the claim is true, it was a physically punishing feat. 11. Although the police chief here identifies “racial antipathy” as the main cause for the unrest, his Annual Report for 1920 maintained that the strikers’ “foolish action was prompted and engineered principally by influences outside the Force” (Annual Report on the Police Force, 1920, p. 3). In his view, this was a scheme to force local authorities and employers into granting higher wages. The police chief also exonerated the authorities by asserting that at the time of the strike, steps had already been taken to improve the conditions of service; he provided reassurance that “the only result of their ill-advised action was that the ‘Strikers’ were dismissed from the Force” (ibid.) and that they would not be reenlisted under any circumstances. 12. This claim cannot be verified; however, it would have been unusual for domestic workers to have staged such a strike. 13. The “News” apparently referred to a regularly featured section in the Voice, captioned “Cable News,” which carried international news summaries from such cities as Paris, Rome, Brussels, and London.

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Enclosure: Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Deane, Chief, St. Lucia Police, to Wilfred Bennett Davidson-Houston, Administrator, St. Lucia Police Headquarters, Castries 21 February 1920 Sir, In connection with the recent strikes and general unrest in Castries, I have the honour to report as follows:— Since my arrival on 12 December 1919, I have become aware of a local organisation under the control of a native of Demerara named Norville,1 which appears to be a branch of the Negro Improvement Association of New York. This organisation is conducting its propaganda with a considerable amount of secrecy, but I have been able to gather the following facts and have no doubt as to their accuracy. 1. The organisation is actively supporting the principles of Marcus Garvey, the negro agitator of New York, who systematically preaches race hatred as between black and white in the pages of the newspaper “The Negro World.” 2. A local contribution of 3d per week is being collected from a large number of the labouring classes, ostensibly to support the Black Star Line of steamers, but they are told it will be used to help them if they go on strike. 3. Secret meetings,2 at which sedition is preached, are being held regularly in Castries and occasionally in the country. 4. At least one member of the local police force3 is actively supporting this movement. 5. The recent strikes of the coal carriers have been fostered and encouraged by Norville and his assistants. 6. The attitude of the lower classes has recently become markedly truculent and insolent to the Police when on duty in the town, especially to the Rural constables who are doing temporary duty as a result of the reduction in strength of the force, owing to the dismissals consequent upon the Police Strike. 7. Numerous remarks have been overheard which indicate an intention on the part of the malcontents to cause trouble when the warship has left. 8. There are many evidences of organisation amongst other sections of the labouring classes4 with a view to engineering strikes and compelling the payment of higher wages. 9. With the Police Force depleted owing to recent dismissals, and as a result of the activities of local agitators[,] there is no doubt that anything in the nature of a strike would in all probability become general and would in my opinion almost inevitably lead to public violence and loss of life.

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10. The local Defence Force has been in a hopeless condition of inefficiency for a considerable time and they cannot be counted upon to render any active assistance in the event of trouble. 11. The present strength of the Police Force is not sufficient to effectively cope with any general outbreak of disorder and it will be some time before the Force is again brought up to strength. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, (signed) R. DEANE Lt. Col Chief of Police, St. Lucia. TNA: PRO CO 321/310/02512. TL, copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. Wilberforce O. Norville was one of the moving forces in the formation of the first local branch of the UNIA in St. Lucia. He became the first president in 1920 and persuaded others, such as Samuel Ethan King, to join what was then regarded as a seditious organization. Little biographical information exists about Norville; however, his tenure was not without controversy, and his presidency was short-lived. By March 1921 a letter to the editor of the Voice of St. Lucia referred to a change in the presidency of the local branch. The writer, under the initials “A. Z. M.,” in an obvious reference to Norville and his team, claimed that “at first there was a great deal of misapprehension of the objects of this organization.” This was the result of “maladministration of the local branch and the mad expressions of wild enthusiasts” who not only hampered the cause they wanted to advance but produced an element of disturbance in the community just as unnecessary, as it is undesirable, in St. Lucia” (VSL, 16 March 1921). Such strong criticism from someone familiar with the UNIA branch reflected early local differences between those like Norville who seemed to challenge the established order and others who wanted to avoid conflict with the authorities by presenting a nonthreatening stance. Indeed, the article went on to reproduce the UNIA’s constitution with the hope of enlightening the public as to the organization’s aims. 2. Strong official opposition to the UNIA explains the need for secrecy. According to the testimony of Winville King and his older brother Collingwood, whose father served as secretary of the UNIA branch in 1920, “many people lost their jobs as a result of association in the UNIA” (Winville and Collingwood King, interview by Michael Louis, 15 December 1999, Ciceron, St. Lucia). 3. This is almost certainly a reference to Samuel Ethan King, a member of the police force. “Sergeant King,” as most people knew him, left the force subsequently, most likely in order to serve in the UNIA; he served as secretary of the local chapter at the unveiling of the UNIA charter in November 1920. The King brothers recall that their mother was very unhappy about the situation and was convinced that the “character” Norville had influenced her husband to leave his employment with the police force and join the UNIA (ibid.) 4. This probably refers to the coal carriers in Castries and to the sugar factory workers.

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Cables from Cyril Henry and William Stoute to Marcus Garvey and Allan Barker (Source: DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 4)

Cable from Nicholas Carter, 24 February 1920 (Source: DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 4)

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Major Norman Randolph,1 Department Intelligence Officer, Panama Canal Zone, to the Office of the Chief of Staff, U.S. Military Intelligence Division, Washington, D.C. Panama, Dated February 24, 1920 Ten thousand employees of the Panama Canal and the Panama Railway walked out this morning, the strike of all negro employees of these companies having commenced today. This is about seventy per cent of the entire negro force. As funds are lacking and the strike will probably not last more than a week, no trouble is anticipated. Neither the Canal nor the Railroad have ceased operating. Cyril Henry, of the United Negro Improvement Association, the local organizer, has sent a cable to Marcus Garvey telling him to be prepared to advance assistance to the strikers. Recommend that Garvey be watched, and that he be prevented from sending financial aid to the strikers. I believe that he can be prosecuted for sedition if he sends aid. RANDOLPH DNA, RG 165, MID 10634-672. TTG, recipient’s copy. On War Department, Office of the Chief of Staff, MID letterhead. Marked “CODE Milstaff, Washington.” 1. Major Norman Randolph (1891–1953) held the permanent rank of captain of infantry while serving in the Panama Canal Zone in 1920. Randolph’s military career included various officer postings in the Military Academy, Bureau of Insular Affairs, Twenty-eighth Infantry Regiment, Second Army, and Third Service Command. He retired with the rank of brigadier general in 1945 (Official Army Register, 1946 [Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1946], p. 1016).

Thomas F. Murphy, Assistant U.S. Postmaster, to the Negro World NEW YORK, N.Y.

February 25, 1920

Gentlemen: In accordance with instructions from the Post Office Department, you are hereby notified that copies of the “The Negro World” are unmailable to the Bahamas, as the importation of the publication in the Bahamas is prohibited. You are, therefore, advised that no copies of “The Negro World” should be mailed to the Bahamas.1 Very respectfully, T. G. PATTEN Postmaster per THOS. F. MURPHY Assistant Postmaster 565

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS DNA, RG 65, OG 185161. TLS. On U.S. Post Office letterhead. 1. Despite the postmaster’s instruction, copies were sent to the Bahamas, probably by relatives and friends of Bahamians living in New York. The prohibition of the Negro World lasted until 1924, when the “Act to Prohibit the Publication and Importation of Seditious Newspapers, Books and Documents (1919)” was repealed.

Article in the Evening News [Havana, Feb. 25, 1920]

S.S. YARMOUTH AT CUBAN PORT CAPTAIN AND OFFICERS WINED AND DINED BY UNIVERSAL IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION The Universal Improvement Association, Richard A. Bennett, president, have been entertaining the captain and officers of the Black Star Line vessel, the Yarmouth, since its arrival here last week. On Friday Captain Joshua Cockburn, the skipper of the vessel, and his officers attended a reception at the headquarters of the local branch of the association, at 54 Vevillagigedo [Revillagigedo] Street, and were enthusiastically welcomed by the members and friends assembled to greet the first colored captain who ever commanded a ship on deep water. Captain Cockburn is a native of the Bahama Islands, and is therefore a British subject. The Yarmouth is registered in Canada and flies the Union Jack and Maple Leaf flag. Yesterday the captain and officers tendered a luncheon to the officers of the local branch of the Universal Improvement Association and the vessel was inspected after the fest of reason and flow of soul had been concluded. The Yarmouth was pronounced the Ark of the Covenant of the colored people and a bright harbinger of better days. Mr. Edward Smith Green, of New York, was another guest of honor at the Friday banquet, and spoke in high terms of the efficiency of the captain and crew of the Yarmouth, as he had had opportunity to observe on the trip from New York. Reproduced from PS&H, 9 March 1920. In DNA, RG 185, 61-H-3/B. On Panama Canal periodical reference form.

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Cable from Nicholas Carter, 25 February 1920 (Source: DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 4)

Report by Major Norman Randolph, Department Intelligence Officer, Panama Canal Zone ANCON, C.Z.,

February 26, 1920

NEGRO LABOR SITUATION SUMMARY #2 The second day of the strike, February 25th, found practically no change in the number of employees out on strike. When reports from all departments in the Canal Zone were received, it was found that the percentage of strikers for the first day was 72% rather than 75% as at first reported. On the second day of the strike Pedro Miguel had more negroes walk out but Colon had some strikers return so that the percentage for that day for the entire Zone was 70%. Percentage of negro employees of the Army on strike on the second day was 44%, an increase of 4% on the first day. Of the Army employees on strike, it is believed that they were prevented from reporting for work by the threats of the strikers rather than from any intent to strike.

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DISORDERS No serious disorders of any importance took place on this day. Quite a few negroes were prevented from reporting for work by negro strikers who threatened them and, in many cases, beat them. Affidavits have been obtained by the Panamanian Police from strikers who were arrested for engaging in disorders that they were directed to beat up strike breakers by the General Chairman, William Stoute. The hand bills issued by the latter, on the contrary, caution all strikers to observe the law and maintain order. Representations will be made by the Panama Canal to the President of Panama requesting William Stoute be turned over to the Canal Zone Officials for deportation in view of the fact that he incited disorders. ATTITUDE OF PANAMANIAN GOVERNMENT The attitude of the Panamanian government towards strikers has undergone no perceptible change. Panamanian police are engaged in maintaining order in Colon and Panama and are meeting with more success in the latter place than in the former, due to the difference in the class of strikers. In Colon, most of the strikers are dock employees and are of a more unruly nature. Request was made by the Canal Zone Authorities to the Republic of Panama that nine organizers of the negro union be turned over to the Canal Zone Authorities for deportation. This request was denied by the President of the Republic as long as law and order were maintained. ACTION OF THE CANAL ZONE AUTHORITIES Preparations have been completed to eject all strikers from Canal Zone quarters on February 26th and notice has been issued by the government to all silver employees that all persons who are not at work on the morning of the 26th will be deprived of their quarters. Instructions have been issued to the Canal Zone police to break up all meetings of strikers, to arrest and hold for deportation all persons who attempt to address such meetings. All persons who deliver strikers daily hand bills or fly sheets on the Zone are to be arrested for deportation. Four to five hundred Panamanian laborers were imported to the Canal Zone to assist in the breaking of the strike. Most of these were used on the docks to restore shipping to as normal a condition as possible. OUTSIDE INFLUENCE The strike is being given publicity in Jamaica and in New York so as to solicit the sympathy and assistance of negroes in those places. The local organizer, Cyril Henry, of the United Negro Improvement Association, sent a cablegram on the 25th to a man named Wilson,1 37 Orange Street, Kingston, Jamaica, “Advise all labor on strike. Keep away.” Nicholas Carter, local organizer of the United Brotherhood sent cablegrams to the “Slib” and the “Negro World,” both of New York, stating that no increase had been given from the Panama Canal and that 17,000 negro unionists are on strike. As far as can be 568

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determined no financial aid has been received from the Grand Lodge of the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees and Railroad Shop Laborers in Detroit or from Marcus Garvey of the Black Star Line as was requested in cablegrams sent from this place on February 24. FUTURE SITUATION Attempt will be made by the unionists to prevent all servant girls, cooks, maids and washerwomen from going to work on the 26th. Post Office clerks will be exempted from the strike but all hospital attendants called upon to do other than their regular work will be called upon to walk out. It is expected that the force of strikers will split when the Canal Zone Authorities eject them from their quarters. There has been no representations made for arbitration either by the Canal Zone Authorities or by the strikers. At the present date, the end of the strike is not in view. NORMAN RANDOLPH Major, Infantry, Dept. Intelligence Officer DNA, RG 165, MID 10634-672. TDS. On Panama Canal Department Intelligence Office letterhead. 1. Wilfred Emanuel Wilson (b. 1873), a builder and contractor born in Kingston, Jamaica, was the general agent of the BSL in Jamaica.

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Cable from Henrietta Vinton Davis to Marcus Garvey (Source: DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 5)

Cable from Henrietta Vinton Davis to Marcus Garvey (Source: DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 5)

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Panama flyer (Source: Panama Canal Company, PCC-2-P-59/20)

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“Marshall” to James Wilson March 1st:, 1920 Dear Sir:— This will serve to confirm my telephonic message to J. W. no. 1, at about 10.45 P.M., last night. Yesterday, at the time when S. [William Stoute]1 had decided to instruct the men to return to work this A.M., as was duly reported to you, the men at the time manifested a strong desire to stay out on strike until their demands were met, etc. etc.[.] Morales even went so far as to phone to Panama to instruct the men the[re] not to obey S. order to return to work unles[s] they got what they struck for[;] at the same time he asked them how strong the men were over in Panama, and they answered over 100% strong. Notwithstanding the fo[r]egoing, S. made up his mind to tell the men to return to work. His reason being that they were then out of funds, and he said besides that fact, he knew the Gove[r]nor would do all in his power not to bow to S.’s demand for the men, as also the Gove[r]nor would not wan[t] any one to say that a bunch of colored men made him do what the[y] wanted him to do. Another reason was that S. believed that he would l[o]se this fight anyway, and wanted to make an honorable peace without it being said that he had lost his fight, furthermore the Gove[r]nor would prefer to treat with the Minister, as a diplomat, rather than with colored laborers. In conf[o]rmity with the above, S. went to the mass meeti[n]g and started in to tell the men to return to work, when [the?] word was sent him that Gov: Harding had said that if they returned to work, they woul[d] receive less pay than what they were receiving prior to the strike, in accord with his ultimatum. When same was told him (S.) he said since the Gove[r]nor has seen fit to treat us in this manner, then we will not return to work, but will stay out until our demands are met, even if we die of starvation. The men cheered the decision to stay out lustily, and to my best knowledge, every one is very determined to keep out until [they] can achieve their objective. The men are also very sore on Gov: Harding; they are at a boiling point, and may break loose any time. Miss H. Vinton Davis, International Organizer of the Universal Negro Improvement Assn:, etc., came to the mass meeting with Cyril Henry of the same organization who is here on the Isthmus with on behalf of said Assn:, an[d] declared that she had at that moment received a cable from Marcus Garvey, in the U.S., to the effect that he will give the strike all possible assistance in this strike, and that they should hold out as the Universal Negro Assn: will help them to the limit financially; this also served to instill much confidence in the strikers, and they are more determined yet, not to return to work until their demands are met. Garvey said that the strikers must hold out and not permit one man (Harding) to do as he like with over 15,000 colored people. A telephone message from the Walrond, of the “Workman” to S. yesterday P.M., told him that the “Workman” intended publishing an EXTRA today, to instill cour572

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age into the people, and that he should send in a contribution to same. The B. [British] Ministers statement is also to be published insame. I was informed by an Official of the local longshoremen Union, a branch of the I.L.S.,2 of the U.S., that Frank Morrison had written them a letter which is now on th[ei]r file to the effect that [remainder missing] DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 5. TL. Marked “Letter No. 277.” 1. Marshall often refers to William Stoute in his letters as “S.” 2. International Longshoremen and Stevedores Union.

Report by Major Norman Randolph, Department Intelligence Officer, Panama Canal Zone ANCON, C.Z.,

March 2, 1920

NEGRO LABOR SITUATION SUMMARY #4 Since Friday, February 27th, there has been little general change in the number of negroes on strike. As far as can be determined from incomplete Canal records about 62% of the original negro force is still out and in the military establishment 13% of the negro employees have failed to report. All utilities are in operation at a little over 50% capacity with the use of imported labor and shifting to the best advantage of white employees. Two hundred laborers are being imported from Colombia under contract for three months with return passage to their homes. Panamanian laborers, in spite of the warnings of their leaders to not assist in the breaking of the strike, are applying for work and to date over 2,000 have been employed. The Army bakery company of twenty men is operating the Canal Zone bakery. DISORDERS Only minor fights and disorders have taken place between strikers and loyal employees. No troops have been called to quell disorder but on the contrary the conduct of the strikers continues to be excellent. ATTITUDE OF THE PANAMANIAN GOVERNMENT This has changed very little. The Panamanian government at first refused to receive the evicted strikers but has retracted this stand and is permitting them to move into Panama City and Colon provided they pay duty on the household goods that they introduce into Panaman [Panamanian] territory. The labor unions have made deposits with the Panaman authorities to cover this revenue. All evicted employees have moved to these cities in spite of the 573

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fact that Canal officials have offered to house and feed these negroes until they can be repatriated to the West Indies. Stoute has a strong hold on the negroes and all who are evicted assume the attitude of martyrs and stated that they would rather starve in Panama than work under existing conditions in the Canal Zone. The great majority claim that they desire repatriation but to date none have volunteered to accept the offer of the Canal Zone officials to accomplish this. ACTION BY CANAL ZONE AUTHORITIES The stand taken by the Governor has in no way changed and he is determined to make this, the third strike of the negro employees, the last of its kind. The British Minister and the French Charge d’Affaires in Panama offered their services as mediators which were accepted by both Governor Harding and the labor leaders. The labor leaders agreed to mediation with two reservations: (a) That the time limit set for the strikers to ret[ur]n to work be extended to the morning of March 1st. (b) That all orders issued by the Governor for the arrest of the men connected with the strike should be withdrawn. Governor Harding declined to accept either one but imposed the following conditions: (a) That the men whose positions that had been filled would not displace present incumbents but might obtain other employment. (b) That the time within which the men should return to work without reduction of pay would not be extended beyond their first usual hour of reporting after midday, February 27th. The Governor conceded that the strikers returning to duty on time will be assigned to their quarters provided that they have not been assigned or promised to another employee at work. The labor leaders have not accepted these conditions and continued on strike March 1st. The Governor plans on reorganizing the various divisions and departments so as to employ white labor in many of the positions previously held by the negroes so as to cut down the negro labor about 40% and fill as many of these as possible by American citizens. OUTSIDE INFLUENCE The United Negro Improvement Association through its vice-president, Henrietta V. Da[vi]s, continues to solicit aid for the strikers and give publicity to the strike in Jamaica and New York. In reply to a cable from Davis on February 24th Garvey cabled, “Sympathy” and offered to do anything that he could; Davis replied this date, “Burden on us, immediate help needed.” Another cable sent to the Gleaner, Kingston, Jamaica, from the same party read, “Striking 574

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West Indians being evicted by Zone Authorities, help necessary, situation grave.” No assistance moral or otherwise has been cabled from Barker in reply to Stoute’s cable of the 24th requesting assistance. Stoute this date cabled George Seal, 27 Putnam Ave., Detroit, for immediate assistance and said he had no reply from Barker. It is not anticipated by authorities here that assistance will come from any outside source and it is believed that local funds are almost exhausted. Stoute has informed the strikers that he received $2000.00 from Garvey and $20,000. from Barker which has proven to be absolutely false which will ruin Stoute when it is discovered by the rank and file of the strikers. FUTURE SITUATION A collapse of the strike can be expected any day due to the lack of funds, lack of results after seven days strike and the exposure of Stoute’s false statements to the strikers the most flagrant of which was to the effect that he had been advised that Secretary of War was to arrive on the isthmus on Tuesday, March 2nd, to bring about an adjustment for the negroes. The negroes are beginning to see that the Canal Zone can function without them and they realize that the Governor intends to adhere to his policy. The next few days will find almost all of them trying to get back and those who are not will be deported as rapidly as arrangements can be completed with the Panaman Government. NORMAN RANDOLPH Major, Infantry, Dept. Intelligence Officer DNA, RG 165, MID 10634-672. TDS. On Panama Canal Department Intelligence Office letterhead.

Marcus Garvey to the Governor, British Guiana1 NEW YORK, U.S.A. Mar. 2nd, 1920 May It Please Your Excellency:— I am instructed by the membership of the Universal Negro Improvement Association to draw to your Excellency’s attention the following matter:— Information has reached us that one Samuel Duncan, who claims to be the Executive Secretary of the West Indian Protective Association, domiciled at New York City, with office at 178 West 135th Street, who is a naturalized American Citizen, but for reasons of his own tries to create the impression that 575

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he is a British Subject, has written to you and to several of the other Governors of the Colonies in the West Indies, stating that the Universal Negro Improvement Ass’n., Marcus Garvey, its President, and the Steamship Corporation known as the Black Star Line, Inc. are organizations formed for the purpose of creating disturbance in the various British West Indian Islands. The communication herein referred to, of which Samuel Duncan is author, has also //been// sent to you with the purpose of causing you to become suspicious and hostile to the said Universal Negro Improvement Association, Marcus Garvey, and the Black Star Line, Inc., and to have you and your Government hamper the success of these two Corporations which are legitimate business concerns. It is the intention of our Association to acquaint you of the fact that we have absolutely no purpose or intention, other than the peaceful development of the people of our race and that this man, Duncan, has written to you and the other governors of the Colonies through jealousy of the success of the Organization and individuals connected thereto, and the only reason that can be attributed to the writing to the Governors of the various Colonies is to use their offices as Government Officials to interfere with the success of a legitimate business concern, fostered by his rivals. I trust that your Excellency will take no notice of the communications sent to you by this man, as in so doing, it will cause our Association to take steps in laying the case before the British Parliament, the Government at large, and the people of the British Empire in General, as the majority of the Members of this Association are British Subjects who have been loyal to their Government in all crises. Should your Excellency desire, we can therefore supply you with information about this man, Duncan, so as to have you realize the true character of the individual, being a naturalized American Citizen, who for convenience at times claims himself to be a Britisher. I beg to remain Your Excellency’s obedient Servant, (Sgd) MARCUS GARVEY Pres. Universal Negro Improvement Ass’n. PRO, CO 111/630. TLS, transcript, recipient’s copy. 1. On 3 March 1920, Garvey sent an identical letter to the governor of St. Vincent (Records of Government House, SVGNA, secret 21/1919).

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“Marshall” to James Wilson [Panama Canal] March 3rd:, 1920 Dear Sir:— [. . .] It is claimed that Marcus Garvey sent $2,000.00. gold, but I am told confidentially that he sent only $500.00. gold. MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 6. TL. Marked “Letter No. 279.”

“Marshall” to James Wilson [Panama Canal] March 4th:, 1920 Dear Sir:— [. . .] The majority of the strikers are still on strike, they refuse to return to work under the present conditions, and have manifested their desire to be repatriated in preference to returning to work under the present conditions. [. . .] S. [William Stoute] is still very popular with the people; with one or two exceptions, no one blaims [blames] him for his telling the men to return to work. GREGOIRE, the Cuban agitator of the Universal Negro Improvement Assn: etc. etc., said that S. is a coward, and poor leader, as he is hiding, and told the men to return to work [when he] should have bee[n] out and around advising the men not to return to work, as well as leading them, but that insteand [instead] of so doing, he is hiding, which is poor leadership; he further said that S. could not tie Eugene Debs[’]1 shoestring, as also Emma Goldman’s.2 From the foregoing, it woul//d// appear that Gregoire has Bolshiviki ideas. Gregoire also said that Milliard is of the same opinion, or rather expressed the same opinion as himself re S. being a coward. Gregoire has a letter to deliver to S. from the Universal Negro Assn:, requesting him to return the money which Garvey sent him to aid the strike, as he has declared the strike off, and not used said money, and that if he does not return same, they will denounce him criminally. Jones and Morales is some of those who are sore on S. for calling the strike off, but the majority are for S. [. . .] DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 6. TL. Marked “Letter No. 280.” 1. Eugene Debs (1855–1926) was an American labor activist and the most prominent Socialist in the United States during the early years of the twentieth century. He ran for president in 1900 and again on the Socialist Party ticket in 1904, 1908, 1912, and 1920, receiving nearly one million votes in the 1912 race. At the time the author referenced Debs, he was serving a ten-year sentence, having been convicted under the Espionage Act in 1918 for antiwar comments made during a speech in Canton, Ohio. Originally charged with ten violations, he was eventually convicted of two. Throughout, Debs refused to let his lawyers mount a defense, vowing that he would stand by the

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS statements he made in his speech. In 1921 President Warren Harding commuted the sentences of Debs and twenty-three other political prisoners to time served, releasing them on Christmas Day (Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs, Citizen and Socialist [Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982], pp. 291–295, 327). 2. Emma Goldman (1869–1940) was known variously as the “Anarchist Queen” and, in the opinion of a young J. Edgar Hoover, one of the two most dangerous anarchists in America. Born in Russian-held Lithuania, Goldman’s family moved often in her childhood due to anti-Semitism and her father’s business failures. In late 1885 she left for New York with her older sister. Goldman’s political awakening, which had already begun in the ideological furor of late-czarist St. Petersburg, was further developed. She became a leading advocate of free love, birth control, free speech, and labor advances such as the eight-hour workday. The U.S. government had long been wary of Goldman’s activities. During World War I, government officials seized upon new legislation, including the Alien Immigration Act of 1917 and the Anti-Anarchist Act of 1918, to arrest Goldman for speaking out against the compulsory draft. The Justice Department argued that Goldman’s first husband had acquired his citizenship illegally, before the age of twenty-one. This opened the door to deny Goldman’s citizenship through this marriage, and on 21 December 1919 Goldman and her longtime friend Alexander “Sasha” Berkman joined 247 other exiles on a U.S. military ship bound for Russia. Disillusioned by the denials of freedom that followed the Russian Revolution’s initial idealism, Goldman later spoke out against the Soviet regime and was exiled from that country as well (Candace Falk, Love, Anarchy, and Emma Goldman [New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1984], pp. 1–19, 285–297).

Article in the Clarion [British Honduras, March 4, 1920] On Thursday last a meeting was held in the upper flat of the Oddfellows’ temple1 the second of a series that it is intended to hold. The purpose of the meeting was the formation of a branch of the Universal Negro Improvement Association whose headquarters are in New York. The organization is fraternal and is affiliated with the Black Star Line Steamship Co. of New York. Both concerns are supported by Coloured people or Negroes and the aim of the Association is the uplift and improvement of Negroes everywhere and their drawing together in a closer bond of fellowship. Allowance is made for assisting poor and disabled members and a death allowance will be granted. The meetings intended to be held every Thursday will be educational in character. A visit from headquarters is expected some time to place the organization on a substantial foundation. It is proposed to have a male and female branch. The membership is confined solely to people of negro blood[.] Printed in Cl, 4 March 1920. 1. Oddfellows Hall was the meeting house for several of Belize City’s masonic lodges and friendly societies, as well as large private gatherings (C. H. Grant, The Making of Modern Belize: Politics, Society and British Colonialism in Central America [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976], p. 103).

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Henry D. Baker, U.S. Consul, Trinidad, to the U.S. Secretary of State1 Trinidad, B.W.I. 5th March, 1920

TRINIDAD TO LEGISLATE AGAINST SEDITIOUS PUBLICATION//S// Sir: I have the honor to mention that an Ordinance has been introduced in the Legislative Council of Trinidad to provide for the punishment of seditious acts and seditious libel, to facilitate the suppression of seditious publications, and to provide for the temporary suspension of newspapers containing seditious matter.2 Under this Ordinance the Governor is given power to prohibit the importation of seditious publications. And it is clearly mentioned that—“This provision is especially aimed at certain newspapers published in the United States of America and apparently having no other object than to excite racial hatred.” It is understood that the newspapers referred to as being published in the United States, include the “Negro World” and the “Crusader,” to which I have referred in recent despatches to the Department, and have suggested are improper publications to be allowed the use of the United States mails for transmission to the West Indies. The former of these two publications especially is undoubtedly responsible in large measure for growing race feeling in the West Indies, and for the recent rioting in Trinidad and Tobago. The Ordinance also provides for the prohibition or temporary suspension of any local publication, which prints seditious matter, or that which is likely to lead to unlawful violence or to promote feelings of hostility between different classes of the community. The Ordinance as introduced, will probably pass the Legislative Council, although it is being bitterly opposed by persons in the Colony of radical sentiment, and especially by an evening publication, the “Argos,” which frequently contains editorials and other articles which might be classed as seditious, and thereby subjecting such publication to the penalties mentioned in the Ordinance in case the same becomes law. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient Servant, HENRY D. BAKER American Consul DNA, RG 28, B-398, Negro Propaganda, Miscellaneous. TLS, copy. 1. Robert Lansing resigned as U.S. secretary of state in February 1920. His successor, Bainbridge Colby (1869–1950), was President Woodrow Wilson’s third and final secretary of state, serving from 23 March 1920 until 4 March 1921. Originally a progressive Republican, he left the party in 1912 with Theodore Roosevelt to found the National Progressive Party. Colby served on the U.S. Shipping Board during World War I. Despite the short tenure of his Department of State service, Colby initiated many of the policies that became standard practice in the Republican administrations of the 1920s, including nonrecognition of Communist Russia, informal cooperation to restore a

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS peaceful German economy, cooperation with Britain to moderate Japanese behavior, and the beginnings of a policy of relaxation of U.S. control and hegemony in Latin America (Daniel M. Smith, Aftermath of War: Bainbridge Colby and Wilsonian Diplomacy, 1920–21 [Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1970], p. 154; “Colby, Bainbridge,” The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed. [New York: Columbia University Press, 2001]). 2. In Trinidad, the seditious publications ordinance was introduced in the legislative council on 5 March 1920. Arguably the most noxious of the laws passed in the aftermath of the 1919 dockworkers strikes, the ordinance was officially entitled An Ordinance to Provide for the Punishment of Seditious Acts of Libel, to Facilitate the Suppression of Seditious Publications, and to Provide for the Temporary Suspension of Newspapers Containing Seditious Matter (No. 10 of 1920). Although the strikes were initially triggered by depressed economic conditions, their racial overtones had been particularly disturbing to the government. The sedition law was therefore intended to muzzle any literature inciting racial feelings. The government was particularly concerned about the influence of the Negro World and the Argos newspapers, which they held to be responsible for creating the tension that led to the strikes and unrest. In moving the second reading, Aucher Warner, the attorney general, stated that the bill was intended to “save the less informed and ignorant among the community from being led away and poisoned by bad doctrines and teachings through the misleading and misguidance of agitators” (Debates in the Legislative Council of Trinidad and Tobago, 5 March 1920 [Port of Spain: Government Printing Office, 1921], p. 37). During the second reading of the sedition bill, Warner sought to convince members of the legislative council that: the Bill makes no difference in the law of sedition as it exists to-day, but it enters into some detail to interpret and define what is sedition so that people concerned in journalism and utterances of the kind referred to might be able to know what is, and be helped and guided to a knowledge of the limits within which they may go in their speeches and their publications. (Debates in the Legislative Council of Trinidad and Tobago, 5 March 1920 [Port of Spain: Government Printing Office, 1921], p. 37) However, by clarifying the gray areas of the Customs Ordinance of 1909 and the War Censorship Ordinance of 1914 as they pertained to sedition, the sedition bill was also attempting to plug existing loopholes in these laws.

Article in the Daily Chronicle [Georgetown, British Guiana, 7 March 1920]

EMBARGO ON “NEGRO WORLD” GOVERNOR ACTS UNDER POSTAL ORDINANCE POSTMASTER GENERAL AS POST WAR CENSOR It is announced that His Excellency the Governor has issued instructions for the detention by the Post Office authorities of all copies of The Negro World of New York (and certain other periodicals the names of which have not been disclosed as yet), which might come from time to time addressed to residents here. The Negro World, it will remembered, is edited and controlled by Marcus Garvey, the noted American publicis[t] who was recently indicted by the United States Attorney General. [S]ubsequently Garvey was shot at and wounded a few weeks ago by a coloured confrere, his seditious publications 580

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being resented by another class[,] an intellectual group of negroes in New York. Garvey has also started the Black Star Line of steamers, shares for which were liberally taken up both in Trinidad and here. POSTMASTER REFUSES TO TALK Yesterday Mr. N. Farrar, Postmaster General, when interviewed by a representative of the Daily Chronicle regretted that he was unable to say anything for publication. “Is it correct, Sir,” he was asked “that you have received instructions from His Excellency to stop the circulation throughout the Post Office of The Negro World?” Mr. Farrar refused to be drawn. “I’m sorry” was the reply, “but I am not supposed to give any information.” “And that besides the World two other newspapers whose alleged seditious tendencies are thought by the Government here to have a baneful effect—” “I’m sorry,” interrupted Mr. Farrar regretfully, “but I can say nothing.” “Would you mind stating, Sir”— Mr. Farrar shook his head, more in sorrow than in anger, apparently, at the persistence of our representative. “No,” he repeated, “I am not allowed to make any statement.” HIS EXCELLENCY’S P[R]EROGATIVE It was learnt, however, that the Ordinance under which His Excellency is acting is the same as the one recently brought into force in Trinidad. Ordinance 21 of 1893 section 66 sub-section 2, reads:— (1) If any officer of the Post Office, contrary to his duty, opens or procures or suffers to be opened, a postal packet, or willfully detains or delays, or procures or suffers to be detained or delayed, a postal packet, he shall, on summary conviction be liable to a penalty not exceeding $200 or to imprisonment, with or without hard labour, for any term not exceeding six months. (2) Nothing in this section shall extend to the opening, detaining, or delaying of a postal packe[t] authorised to be opened, detained, or delayed by or in pursuance of this Ordinance or in obedience to an express warrant in writing under the hand and seal of the Governor. It will be observed from the foregoing that while the Postmaster General is amply protected under the Ordinance the Governor does not appear so happily placed, the authority given to the latter being more implied than definite as the Ordinance appears silent over the conditions which shall govern the Governor in the issue of his “express warrant.” Possibly the weakness in this respect

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actuated the Government in its determination to push through the Seditious Publications Ordinance. Printed in DC, 7 March 1920.

Memorandum by R. Carter to Captain Guy Johannes, Chief, Panama Canal Zone Police and Fire Division Balboa Heights, C.Z. March 8, 1920 While it may be true that no great harm is done by Marcus Garvey in New York, with his NEGRO WORLD, because of the relatively small negro population there, here the situation is entirely different and THE WORKMAN should be eliminated, on account of the large proportion of ignorant and irresponsible negroes, who, as the events of the past few days have shown, can be so easily swayed by conscienceless and criminal agitators. How can the Editor of this sheet escape the penalties to be dealt out to the lesser agitators? R. [J.?] CARTER DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 6. TNS.

Maurice Peterson,1 British Embassy, Washington, D.C., to Frederick Watson,2 British Consulate General, New York [Washington, D.C.] March 10th, 1920 Dear Watson: With reference to your letter to Campbell of March 10th, 1919 regarding the West Indian Protective Society of America, this Society has sent in a long complaint to the Colonial Office concerning the activities of a rival organization known as the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, which apparently issues a publication called “The Negro World” published in New York. I propose to let the Foreign Office know that it is a case of the pot and the kettle as between the two Societies, but I should be glad first if you could let me know anything about the Universal Negro Improvement Association and if you could comply with the Colonial Office’s request by notifying us from

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time to time of any of its doings which seem of sufficient importance. Yours sincerely, M. P. TNA: PRO FO 115/2619/33396. TLI, recipient’s copy. 1. Sir Maurice Drummond Peterson (1889–1952) joined the Foreign Office in 1913, serving in Washington, Prague, Tokyo, Cairo, and Madrid. His foreign service also included posts as ambassador in Baghdad, Madrid, Ankara, and Moscow, and as under secretary of state for the Foreign Office (WWW). 2. Frederick Watson (1880–1947) was New York consul from 1919 to 1923. Educated at Cambridge, his consular service also included Valparaiso, Soulina, Odessa, San Francisco, and Philadelphia (WWW).

Weekly Situation Survey by U.S. Military Intelligence Division [Washington, D.C.] March 10, 1920

NEGRO SUBVERSION STRIKE OF NEGROES IN THE CANAL ZONE As a result of the strike of 12,500 negroes in the Canal Zone, February 24th, it is reported that 1,500 were evicted from the Canal Zone quarters on February 26th. This was accomplished with practically no disorder by twenty soldiers, and the remainder of the strikers //are// to be dislodged as fast as practicable. All strikers were immediately deprived of the use of the commissary, and although the strike leader states that the strike is backed by a fund of $20,000, and that more money is to come, it is not believed that the strike will be of long duration. Although all the strikers are members of the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees and Railway Shop Laborers, the organizer of the United Negro Improvement Association has cabled to its president, Marcus Garvey, for help, and the strike is being given great publicity in Jamaica and New York, where this organization is strongest, in order to create sympathy and to solicit assistance. No disorders have been reported, although the Panamanian Government still assumes the attitude of shielding the strikers. All strike agitators caught in the Zone, however, are to be deported. [. . .] DNA, RG 65, OG 377098 (Negro Subversion). TD.

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“Marshall” to James Wilson [Panama Canal] March 11th., 1920 [. . .] The new heads of the Universal Negro Improvement Assn: here, are as follows: W. A. Brooks, President, and one Pilgrim who owns a bookstore on 8th: St:, between Bolivar and Cash Sts:, this city, is Secretary. Ricketts has been kicked out, as also McCarthy, who is now Sec: to [their] Co//r//poration, at a salary of $75.00. gold per month. Respectfully, MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 6. TLS. Marked “Letter No. 283.”

Article in the West Indian [Grenada, 12 March 1920] “The Black Star Line,” the Negro shipping corporation of New York, has been recapitalised at ten million dollars, and even hostile sources admit that that cooperative effort is meeting with wonderful success through the electric personality of Marcus Garvey. He has just established the Negro Factories Corporation1 which will carry a capital of two million dollars to begin with, so that in time the ships of his people shall carry the manufactured goods of his people. Printed in WI, 12 March 1920. 1. The Negro Factories Corporation, business wing of the UNIA, was incorporated in the state of Delaware on 30 January 1920 by Garvey, William H. Ferris, and John G. Bayne. Amy Jacques Garvey was secretary of the corporation in 1920, and Cyril Henry was its treasurer. The stock corporation was created with the goal of constructing factories that would employ blacks and produce goods to be sold to black consumers. In May 1920 Garvey reported that the company had taken over the management of a Harlem steam laundry and was opening a millinery and a hat factory. By June 1920 the Negro Factories Corporation had opened the Universal Steam Laundry, with a Universal Tailoring and Dressmaking department, at 62 West 142nd Street. The laundry continued to operate until 1921, when the corporation became insolvent. The Negro Factories Corporation sponsored a fashion show at the 1922 UNIA convention that featured clothing made by UNIA dressmakers. The UNIA also operated three grocery stores, one on 135th Street and two on Lenox Avenue, and two restaurants, one on 135th Street and the other at Liberty Hall (MGP 2 and 4).

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Frederick Watson, British Consulate General, New York, to Maurice Peterson, British Embassy, Washington D.C. BRITISH CONSULATE GENERAL NEW YORK

March 18 1920

Dear Peterson,— With reference to your letter about the West Indian Protective Society of America, and the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, there has been a good deal of correspondence about these organizations recently. The former appears to have circularized the different Governors in the British West Indies pointing out the iniquities of the latter, and we have been asked our opinion. They have both written at length to this office endeavoring to obtain some expression of support. As they would use any such letter very widely, we have been extremely cautious in the form of our replies, which have amounted to little more than acknowledgments. I think that both Societies are probably doing good work of a kind, but they are both run by men who desire to get as much notoriety as possible from the fact that they are in charge. I think it would be injudicious to recognize either one or the other. I am getting hold of a copy of “The Negro World” which I hope to send you in due course, and shall endeavor to keep in touch with the situation generally, but I think that it is a case for a policy of laissez-faire. Yours sincerely, FREDERICK WATSON TNA: PRO FO 115/2619/33396. TLS, recipient’s copy.

R. C. Lindsay, Counsellor, British Embassy, Washington, D.C., to Earl Curzon of Kedleston, Secretary of State, Foreign Office BRITISH EMBASSY, WASHINGTON,

March 19, 1920 My Lord: With reference to your despatch No. 194 of February 20th ([A]472/443/ 45), I have the honour to state that, so far as can be ascertained through enquiries made by His Majesty’s Consulate General at New York, there is little to choose between the two societies referred to in the Colonial Office letter of February 5th, which are at present extensively engaged in defaming each other by circular letters to British authorities of all kinds. Both are probably doing 585

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good work of a kind, but are being run by men who are either agitators or at the least self-advertisers. In this connection I enclose copy of a despatch which I recently addressed to the Governor of Jamaica on the subject of the West Indian Protective Society. I agree with the Colonial Office view that no useful purpose would be served by representation to the United States Government in respect of one or other of these societies at the present time. But I have asked His Majesty’s Consul General at New York to report any of their activities which may seem in any way noteworthy. I have the honour to be with the highest respect, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble servant, R. C. LINDSAY TNA: PRO FO 115/2619/33396. TL.

Enclosure: R. C. Lindsay, Counsellor, British Embassy, Washington, D.C., to Leslie Probyn, Governor, Jamaica BRITISH EMBASSY, WASHINGTON, February 25th, 1920

Sir: In reply to your despatch No. 2859/2060 of February 10th last, I have the honour to inform you that enquiries into the composition of the West Indian Protective Society of America were made in March last (at which time Lord Reading felt compelled to decline an invitation to address a Mass Meeting of this Society in New York) as a result of which the following information was obtained. The Society is composed exclusively of coloured people of all nationalities and its objects appear to be chiefly to bring coloured races together and to promote the interests of coloured people generally. A representative of His Majesty’s Consul General at New York has attended some of the Society’s meetings without, however, being very much impressed by the value of the organization. Although the members themselves appear to be quite harmless their Executive Secretary, Mr. Augustus Duncan, who is a West Indian by birth but a naturalized American citizen, appears to be something of an agitator. On one occasion also a meeting was addressed by a man called Louis A. Yeppe, a native of the Danish West Indies, who was distinctly revolutionary in his utterances. I have the honour to be Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient, humble servant, (sd) R. C. LINDSAY TNA: PRO FO 115/2619/33396. TL.

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Vice-Admiral T. D. W. Napier,1 Commander in Chief, Bermuda, to the Secretary of the Admiralty Admiralty House, Bermuda. 22nd March, 1920 Sir, Be pleased to place before Their Lordships the following report:— March 8th. “CONSTANCE” arrived Trinidad with S.S. “ASSOUAN” in tow. She remained at Trinidad at the request of the Governor, during the passing of the “Seditious Publications Bill” by the House of Assembly, and left 21st March. She arrived at St. Vincent on 22nd March. DISTURBANCES AT ST. LUCIA In amplification of the brief report of these disturbances given in paragraph 2(b) of my last General Letter, 106/13 of 8th March, the following is a precis of fuller accounts since received. On February 14th the Chief of Police at St. Lucia learned that some of his Police intended to strike for higher pay, although they had recently received an increase of 15%. This was prompted by a false report that the Police at St. Vincent had had success in a similar move. On February 16th in spite of advice and warnings of the Chief of Police, 22 men out of a force of 76 refused duty. These men were all young policemen of under 3 years service. The Administrator thereupon cabled for a warship and “Constance” arrived on evening of 17 February. With the backing of the “Constance” the malcontents were dismissed [from] the Police Force, and handed in their kits. Loyal men are being granted a special bonus of £5 each by the Government. The Administrator states that in the interval prior to the arrival of “Constance,” a wave of strike fever passed over the town affecting coal-carriers, bread boys, crews of Government steamers and employees of the Castries Town Board. All returned to work on “Constance” arriving. On “Constance” departing on 22nd February she loaned the Colony a Lewis Gun and left behind a Sergeant and 6 Marines to aid the force of white special constables, which were enlisted for duty during the re-formation of the Police Force. The Authorities of St. Lucia trace in these disturbances the work of one organisation of agitators under a native of Demerara called NORVILLE, and whom they connect with the promot[e]rs of the Black Star Line of Steamships and the owners of the “NEGRO WORLD” Newspaper.

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The movement appears to be racial, and has such characteristics as an endeavour to cause a strike of domestic servants in order to make “the white and coloured people do their own work.” No further disturbances have been reported since “Constance” re-visited St. Lucia on 26th February. Governor of Trinidad asked for the presence of “Constance” at Trinidad during passing of “Seditious Publications Bill.” It has been reported that a certain amount of intelligence as to the numbers and positions of H.M. Ships in the West Indies passes between the revolutionary elements in the Islands. I have therefore drawn the attention of the Officers concerned to the importance of secrecy with regard to prospective movements of ships on this Station. (Signed) [T]. D. W. NAPIER2 Vice-Admiral Commander-in-Chief TNA: PRO CO 321/313/02542. TL. Marked “Confidential” and “No. 134/14.” 1. Vice-Admiral Sir Trevylyan Dacres Willes Napier (1867–1920) entered the Royal Navy in 1880. Having commanded light cruiser squadrons during World War I, he was appointed commander in chief of Bermuda in January 1920, at the end of the two-year term of Rear Admiral Sir Morgan Singer. He died at Admiralty House, Bermuda, on 30 July 1920. An official notice of his death in the Royal Gazette of 3 August 1920 cites him as the late Vice-Admiral Sir Trevylyan Napier, commander in chief of the North American and West Indies Station. His successor as commander in chief was Vice-Admiral Sir William Christopher Pakenham (b. 1861), who was president of the Royal Naval College at Greenwich (WWW). 2. The letter was signed I. D. W. Napier.

J. R. Ralph Casimir to the Editors of the Emancipator1 [Roseau, 27 March 1920] Gentlemen: Your Emancipator for March 13th has not been received. I am glad. That of March 27th received. I am sorry. I am sending back same. I refuse to sell same and the Negroes here will not buy them. Your //[dirty?]// article in the last number mentioned above will not discourage any well-wisher of [word illegible] shareholder in the B.S.L. I thank you for your worthless information on the B.S.L[.], and I don’t care for any of your information in regards to the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. nor of any person or thing connected with same. I am receiving enough information of more interest to me than yours, from other sources.

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The few lines printed under the heading “To Our Readers” on page four of your said paper, I beg to say that the Emancipator is giving and doing more bad things than good. I suppose you are quite as ignorant as the average negro in D/ca [Dominica] as to the ownership of the S.S. Yarmouth of the B//lack// S//tar// L//ine//. Your fifth section I believe is aimed at the “Negro World” which contains 12 pages and lengthy reports of speeches, which are not all verbosity as you mention in your paper. Your article on the B.S.L[.] and the one under the heading “The Potentate Flounders in the Deeps of Diplomacy” are more unnecessary than the reports of the speeches printed in the “Negro World.” The Negroes in D/ca are far more interesting [interested] in the “Negro World” than your one sheet worthless paper. Your paper is neither an Emancipator nor has it any good principle and purpose. [Because?] they knew the facts about the BSL [words cut off] and Powell were turned away from the U.N.I.A.2 [words cut off] about the B.S.L[.], did they not know the facts while they claimed to be [leaders?] [words missing]? [Why?] did they deliver great speeches in Liberty Hall and elsewhere on behalf of the U.N.I.A. and its enterprises asking Negroes to support the U.N.I.A. etc., and then turn out to be enemies of the cause? Well, they are real fools. Lord, how men do blunder! It is of no use sending your papers to D/ca with the hope of getting any subscriber. We New Negroes in D/ca do not wish to read nor will we pay a single cent for that kind of Emancipator which is printed by you. Your paper is not worth the name. The following appeared in the Dec//ember// number of the Crusader: “As to the honesty and ability of the officers and employees of the Corporation (meaning the B//lack// S//tar// L//ine//) we do not see how that is going to be satisfactorily decided without trial, though the former can be inferred by an outstanding quality in the characters of Mr. Garvey and most of his colleagues. When men are willing to die for a cause they are not likely to be dishonest to that cause. Mr. Garvey has suffered enough persecution in his fight for the race to earn himself the status of a martyr and a full-grown niche in Ethiopia’s hall of fame.”3 If the Hon//orable// Marcus Garvey ever proclaimed himself the leader of the race he has a right to do so, and not only 3,000,000 of the race proclaim him to be “leader of the race” but 5,000,000 including hundreds in Dominica. O God Almighty [Maker?] of the Universe and Leader of leaders, help Marcus Garvey in the great work which he has undertaken and [als]o Thou forgive his persecutors, the Negro Traitors, for they (traitors) know not what they do. Editors of the Emancipator (?) I thank you, may God help you to do good, or else your “Emancipator” will not exist for long. Believe me[.] Yours truly, A. N. N.4 JRRC. ALI.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 1. The Emancipator was a short-lived black socialist weekly—13 March to 24 April 1920—edited by the Jamaican Wilfred Adolphus Domingo (1889–1968), who had also been the editor of the Negro World from the paper’s inception in August 1918 until he resigned the editorship in July 1919 (MGP 2:40). Since Garvey initially had given him a free hand, Domingo used the Negro World to propagate socialist views. Domingo himself had already become a member of the Socialist Party’s Speakers’ Bureau in New York, and the manuscript of his projected pamphlet, Socialism Imperilled, had been seized in the Lusk Committee raid on the Rand School on 21 June 1919. Garvey responded to this by having Domingo “tried” before the executive committee of the UNIA on charges of writing and publishing editorials that were not in keeping with the UNIA program. As a result Domingo resigned as editor in July 1919. In his resignation statement, Domingo later claimed that he described Garvey’s methods as “medieval, obscure and dishonest,” while he also referred to the BSL venture as “bordering on a huge swindle”: In the summer of 1918 on the first appearance of “The Negro World,” Mr. Garvey engaged me to write two editorials for the paper every week. I consented on the distinct understanding that I should be free to express my personal opinions and not be a propagandist for the U.N.I.A. This Mr. Garvey agreed to, as I was not, and never was, a member of his organization. This does not mean that I disagreed with the programme advanced by Mr. Garvey at that time. I agreed with most of it for I believed then as I believe now, that every group of the human family has the right to desire a “place in the sun.” However, I did disagree with the wildness of many of Mr. Garvey’s statements, and insisted that I should have a free hand. Besides, I had known Garvey and had business dealings with him in Jamaica. I edited the paper for about eleven months. During that time Mr. Garvey became dissatisfied because I did not boost his ideas, so he used the front page of the paper for a signed article setting forth his personal propaganda. So much at variance were our views on the character of his propaganda, that he had me “tried” before the executive committee of the U.N.I.A. for writing editorials not in keeping with the programme he had outlined. I convinced the nine persons who composed the committe[e]s that I had not violated the terms of my engagement and they gave me a sustaining verdict. This happened a little after Mr. Garvey had launched his idea of the Black Star Line. Prior to this he had asked me to write editorials and speak on the street corners in support of the project, and I refused because I believed the undertaking unsound economically. A few weeks after my “trial,” I sent him my resignation and stated among other reasons that I differed wildly from his methods which were medi[eval], obscure and dishonest, even characterizing the Black Star Line as “bordering on a huge swindle.” That was in the summer of 1919 and I severed my connection with him and the organization. Be it understood that during that time I had my private business when I was not engaged in the U.S. Postal Service. Knowing something of the inside of the movement and of Garvey’s methods, training, competency and honesty, I took the stump and openly attacked his ideas in Harlem. In the spring of 1920, I published a weekly newspaper, “The Emancipator,” and devoted ten issues to exhaustive analyses and exposure of the philosophical and industrial foundation of the Garvey movement. So vigorous were my attacks that Garvey brought action against me for libel to the tune of $400,000! He did not dare go to trial and the case was thrown out of court last year. Among other things I published the official statement of the Canadian Government that the S.S. “Yarmouth,” first ship of the Black Star Line, was not owned by that company at the time Mr. Garvey was advertising all over the world that the boat was the property of his company. (W. A. Domingo to the Gleaner, New York City, 8 May 1925, printed as “Mr. W. A. Domingo’s Connection with the UNIA,” DG, 15 June 1925) After his split from Garvey, Domingo resumed his connection with Randolph and Owen, who made him a contributing editor of the Messenger magazine. In the spring of 1920 Domingo and the Barbadian-born Richard Benjamin Moore (1893–1975) teamed up to publish the short-lived Emancipator. Its ten issues were mainly devoted to criticizing Garvey and the finances of the BSL. After

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MARCH 1920 the Emancipator failed in late April 1920, Domingo joined forces with Cyril Briggs’s Crusader, at the same time that he became an active member of the African Blood Brotherhood (ABB). But unlike the majority of the key ABB leaders, Domingo never joined the Workers (Communist) Party. A frequent platform speaker for the People’s Education Forum, the main public outlet of the socialist radicals in Harlem, Domingo was forced nonetheless to end his affiliation with the Messenger group after Chandler Owen’s vitriolic attack on West Indians in 1923, issued in the course of advocating Garvey’s deportation from America (Richart Hart, “Notes of the Recollections of W. A. Domingo of Dr. Robert Love and S. A. G. Cox, Made in the Internment Camp, 1942–43,” unpublished manuscript; Interviews with the editor: Karl Domingo, Freeport, Long Island, N. Y., 1972; Eulalie Manhertz Domingo and Doris Domingo, New York, N. Y., 1978; and Mrs. Mabel Domingo, New Rochelle, N. Y., 1978; “Bolshevism Taught to Negroes,” NYT, 30 June 1919; “Mr. W. A. Domingo’s Connection with the U.N.I.A.,” Gleaner, 15 June 1925; A. M. Wendell Malliet, “My Contemporaries: W. A. You,” American Recorder, 16 February 1929). 2. Fred D. Powell resigned as general secretary of the New York division of the UNIA on 14 February 1920. Garvey claimed that he was dismissed (NW, 21 February 1920; New York News, 11 March 1920, 2:239–241). 3. “The Black Star Line,” Crusader 2, no. 4 (December 1919): 9. 4. Abbreviation for “A New Negro,” a signature used by J. R. Ralph Casimir.

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Emancipator, 27 March 1920

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Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary, Black Star Line, to J. R. Ralph Casimir UNIVERSAL BUILDING, 56 WEST 135TH STREET NEW YORK, U.S.A. 30th. March 1920

Dear Mr. Casimir, Your letter of the 21st. Feby. enclosing $77.92 in money order and $10.00 note, total $87.92 with subscription blanks for various persons have been received. The total of these blanks amount to $85.00 and we therefore due you $2.92. Enclosed please find Stock Certificates: #18504 18505 18506 18507 18508 18509 18510 18511 18512 18513 18514

Vivil St. Val1 Jeanviere Harry William Laurent2 Mary Jane E. Allen3 Samuel Wyke4 Norman Dejean5 Charles Phillips Leo Paul Deserve Maria Casimir J. R. Ralph Casimir Casimir Morancie

1 Share 1 ” 1 ” 2 ” 5 ” 2 ” 1 ” 1 ” 1 ” 1 ” 1 ”

with receipts attached; kindly have these receipts signed and returned to us at your earliest convenience. We are sorry to hear about the high exchange on money orders which is due to the decrease of trade between the different countries and we sincerely trust that the Powers could arrive at some adjustment as it is seriously interfering with business all round. We note you have written to Mr. Garvey for a charter, and information concer//n//ing the U.N.I.A. and we have no doubt that you will hear from him in due course. As requested we are forwarding you under separate cover some Prospectuses and Subscription Blanks, please distribute these out among your friends and neighbors and get them to subscribe as liberally as possible. We are very glad indeed to hear from you and hope you will write us from time to time so that we can keep in touch with each other. Yours very truly, BLACK STAR LINE INC. ED. D. SMITH-GREEN Per P.P. Secretary

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS [Addressed to:] Mr. J. R. Ralph Casimir, “The Dominica Brotherhood Union,” Roseau, Dominica, British West Indies JRRC. TLS, recipient’s copy. On BSL letterhead. 1. Vivil St. Val was from the village of St. Joseph, Casimir’s birthplace on the west coast. 2. William Laurent was from Salisbury. 3. Mary Allen was from the town of Balalou, on the outskirts of Roseau. 4. Samuel Wyke was from Roseau. 5. Norman Dejean was from Roseau.

Frederick Watson, British Consulate General, New York, to Maurice Peterson, British Embassy, Washington, D.C. BRITISH CONSULATE GENERAL, NEW YORK. March 30th, 1920 Dear Peterson:— With further reference to your letter of March the 10th last about two Negro Societies; I am sending you herewith a copy of the “Negro World.” The various Governors in the British West Indies are evincing considerable interest in the activities of these two Societies and queries are coming in from different sources. I hear that Thwaites’ Office1 dealt with this matter about three months ago at some length and that reports were sent home. However, no particular interest seems to have been taken in the matter. Unfortunately, the information then gathered has been to a large extent destroyed but, as I have told some of my enquirers, I can get specific questions answered if they will send me a questionnaire. It would probably take the whole time of one person over a considerable period to get a detailed report on these Societies and, when once obtained, it might amount to very little. Yours sincerely, FREDERICK WATSON TNA: PRO FO 115/2619/33396. TLS. 1. Lt. Col. Norman Graham Thwaites (1872–1956), a British intelligence officer, was sent to New York to serve as assistant provost-marshal with British military intelligence, and was promoted to a full provost-marshal in November 1919. He was in close correspondence with U.S. authorities involved in the investigation of alleged subversive activities in New York. In 1920 British military intelligence closed the New York office and Thwaites returned to England (Lusk Committee Papers, box 2, file 4; Times (London), 27 January 1956; Norman Graham Thwaites, Velvet and Vinegar: Autobiographical Reminiscences [London: Grayson & Grayson, 1932]; WWW).

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V. P. M. Langton1 to the Crusader [[Cha[g]uanas, Trinidad, B.W.I., ca. March 1920]] In your issue for November, page 9,2 you stated—speaking of you in America— “existing as we are in a hell on earth, where mob murder, court injustice, inequality and rank, widespread prejudice are the rule, it should be a comparatively easy matter for the American Negro, in particular (though God knows the West Indian Negro is not much better off, except in the freedom from lynching, which his numbers maintain), it should be a comparatively easy matter to pull up stakes from out of the hellish soil of American Mobocracy and answer the call to duty. . . .” The article containing this extract is one all Negroes should study and for which I thank you, and which leads me to question for which I will owe you further thanks. What are the ends of lynching? To kill by torture an oppressed member of a community for some accusation—imaginary or real—and for the murderers to get off “Scott free.” Is that not so? Now, if A. and B. of the oppressors torture C. of the oppressed, by fire or otherwise, to death and D.—investigators and administrators of the law—allows A. and B. liberty without enquiry or the practice of justice you say C. was lynched. That is how it is done in America? Now if A. and B. of the oppressors torture C. of the oppressed by blows or otherwise, to death also, and D—investigators or administrators of the law—allows A. and B. liberty and carry operations against E. F. [G]. H., etc., also of the oppressed, perhaps by arrests, prosecutions, persecutions to prove lies that A. and B are innocent or justified, what would you say was done to C.? I think here also C. was lynched. Where then is the betterment—great or small—between us? If there be any difference the balance falls on your side, because you know the alien who in supposed friendship places his hands in yours lies and is a hypocrite. We think he considers us equals and feel proud and elevated. You recognize all your exslave masters taught you—except for his uses—were wrong and all his teachings were degrading and detrimental to yourselves and you are educating yourselves right. We refuse to see this, refuse the attempt to get from the chains which bind us; we doglike, thank and lick the hands that chain us. You recognize organization amongst yourselves (Negroes), and though we know it to be the most powerful force used by our tyrants we laugh and scorn those of us who would co-operate with you for our common good. We even try to harm such. You are brave and may God bless you and keep within yourselves the Ideal— better every drop of Negro blood be shed in a bid for true freedom. We are cowards and qua[i]l at the “Blue Eyes” and straight hair. You are proud in being what you are (Negroes) and of the race to which such men as Euclid3 belongs. We curse fate that we are what we are and do not belong to the race to which such as Negro belongs. You know that unless you put light in your dens yourselves they will remain dark. You know how they were darkened and you 595

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are determined to brighten them. We refuse to do anything for ourselves and beg those who would keep us forever in the dark for light, and are thankful for the darkness which we recognize, etc. Where, then, is the betterment on our side? Liberia calls!4 It is difficult under present conditions for us to get there. My hope lies in the Black Star Line of steamships, and be assured the drop in the ocean of us without the mind of our ex-masters still controlling, who are not children or stool-pigeons will answer the call. Yours, with thanks, V. P. M. LANGTON Printed in the Crusader 2 (March 1920): 22. 1. V. P. M. Langton is listed among the members of the Chaguanas branch of the UNIA (Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad, 1912–1947,” in The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond [Dover, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1983], pp. 87–88). 2. “The American Negro’s Duty to the Negro Race,” Crusader 2, no. 3 [November 1919]: 9. 3. Euclid lived around 300 BC. He is best known for his treatise on mathematics, Elements, an introductory work on elementary geometry. Little is known of Euclid’s life except that he taught at Alexandria in Egypt. This is perhaps the basis on which Langton thought he was black. Langton’s belief comes at a time when educated people of African descent in Trinidad and Tobago were seeking to catalogue black achievement in history and were beginning to call upon the colonial government to include the teaching of black African history in the education system (Labour Leader, 17 February 1923; Carl C. Campbell, “Education and Black Consciousness: The Amazing Captain J. O. Cutteridge in Trinidad and Tobago, 1921–42,” JCH 18: 35–62). 4. A reference to C. Valentine, “Liberia, the Open Door to Liberty and Power,” Crusader 2, no. 3 (November 1919): 23–24.

“J. U. G.” to the Crusader [[Castries, St. Lucia, ca. March 1920]] Sir: It appeals to me to inform you a little of my island home, St. Lucia, which today is under bondage of Church and State. The island has a population of about 50,000 and an area of 233 square miles. About 90 per cent. of the population are Negroes, 4½ per cent. mulattoes, and 1 per cent. whites, and the latter rule through their stratagem. What a crisis! They are backed by Parliament and the British army and navy. As I have aforesaid, the priests are paid by the government to bribe the Negroes who know about themselves as I know about you. My people are brought up in blind poverty, illiterateness and oppression. A few white-washed Negroes (capitalists) are allowed a part in government, providing they agree with the Anglo-Saxon rules, and so the blacks are governed against their will. We were called to go to fight through the pulpit and press, but since we have returned no editor or parson has asked for us fair play. I am a victim of the vicious system who enlisted at the age of seventeen, and served two years in active service, returning July, 1919, and up to date have not been paid. Indeed, my own money out of the paltry 24 cents I was paid the

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authorities think hard to pay to me. Well, picture that and the hardships I went through, up to now I have not picked up myself. Now, then, it’s our opportunity, so send THE CRUSADER across to enlighten the people. Also give my address to any Negro editor who wishes a prompt agent abroad. I am willing to act for The Messenger. We opened a branch of the U.N.I.A. on November 24, 1919, and to the time of writing we are 500 strong. Fine record, isn’t it? Trusting a prosperous New Year. J. U. G. Printed in the Crusader 2 (March 1920): 22.

Article in the Negro World [[Colon, Panama, ca. 4 April 1920]]

COLON BRANCH HONORS U.N.I.A. DELEGATES An entertainment was held under the auspices of the Colon Branch of the U.N.I.A. at its headquarters on Saturday night April 4, as a token of appreciation of Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis and Mr. Cyril Henry. Addresses were made by Mrs. J. H. Seymour, local organizer, Mrs. A. McCain, Mrs. J. E. Louis Blades, who presented a bo[u]quet of flowers to the guests of honor, lauding the splendid work of Miss Davis and Mr. Henry, to which the latter two responded in thrilling addresses. A dainty repast marked the close of the entertainment. Printed in NW, 8 May 1920.

General James Willcocks,1 Governor, Bermuda, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, Bermuda 5th April, 1920 My Lord, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Lordship’s secret despatch of the 5th February 1920 relating to the activities of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League and the newspaper “The Negro World.” 2. The newspaper in question is distributed in this Colony openly and my attention has on more than one occasion been called to its character which is 597

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violent and inflammatory. I am however averse from attempting to suppress its circulation by forcible means as it would be impossible in my opinion to prevent it being introduced and circulated secretly, more especially in view of the constant communication between Bermuda and New York by ships containing a considerable percentage of coloured hands amongst their crews. It is preferable in my opinion to make no attempt to suppress it but to note the agents through whom it is distributed and their associates. 3. Endeavours to suppress such publications seem to me to be of doubtful wisdom unless they can be assured of fairly complete success, as such attempts result in driving their circulation into underground channels and adding to their harmful influence in proportion to the importance which the Government is by reason of its repressive action adjudged to attribute to their principles which they advocate. Should their writers advocate on any occasion open violence in a manner which brings them or their agents within the provisions of the criminal law legal proceedings may be desirable in order to show that the licence afforded them is not dictated by fear. 4. The Negro World so far as I have seen deals principally with conditions alleged to exist in the United States of America and while it is undoubtedly designed to excite and inflame race feeling generally the greater part of the newsmatter and articles are so plainly inapplicable to a Colony such as this,2 where existing conditions offer an obvious contrast to those complained of, that I doubt if its influence among Bermuda negroes is sufficient to cause anxiety. 5. I have had considerable experience with coloured British subjects and so long as their actions are carefully watched, the less notice that is taken of their vapourings on paper, the less chance there is of their doing anything to cause trouble. What they like best is to stir the authorities to some form of suppression so that they may find cause for a grievance. I have the honour to be, Your Lordship’s most obedient humble servant, JAMES WILLCOCKS General, Governor and Commander in Chief [Handwritten minutes:] M. Darnley ? Put by [R. B. G. D.?] 4/5 W.I. Governors differ as to the desirability of suppressing the “Negro World” E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley] 5/5 at once TNA: PRO CO 318/354/02554. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. General Sir James Willcocks (1857–1926), after being wounded while fighting in France during World War I, was appointed governor of Bermuda (1917–1922). He was largely responsible for securing the appointment of his close friend, Major (later Colonel) Thomas Dill, who during World War I commanded the black Bermuda Contingent of the Royal Garrison Artillery in France,

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APRIL 1920 as the attorney general of Bermuda. Dill, who would hold the position of attorney general for the next twenty-five years, had, in his capacity of ex-officio chairman of the Bermuda Immigration Board, a major hand in drafting the proscriptive immigration acts of 1920 and 1928 that severely curbed the entry of West Indians into Bermuda (Ira P. Philip, Blacks in Defence of Their Bermuda Homeland, unpublished manuscript; Lloyd Mayer, Colonel Tom Dill, O.B.E., Lawyer, Soldier, Statesman [Glasgow: Robert MacLehose, 1964], p. 99; WWW). 2. The standard of living among blacks in Bermuda was considered to be comparatively high, due mainly to the prosperity flowing from the naval and military establishments as well as the burgeoning tourist trade. The dominant white oligarchy boasted that Bermuda’s blacks were the best fed, best dressed, and best housed in the world. Some upper-class colored Bermudians also came to believe that they were not a part of the Caribbean and were different from black West Indians (Philip, Blacks in Defence of Their Bermuda Homeland).

H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company ALMIRANTE, R.P., April Ninth Nineteen Twenty Dear Sir: The Black Star Steamer Yarmouth arrived in Bocas Monday the 5th about 11 AM. A great many people from Bocas went on board and there was visiting and speeches until well on in the afternoon. The Yarmouth came up to Almirante, arriving at 6 PM in the evening. We had furnished trains for the people of the Division for a little more than cost, and a great many of them had come down to Almirante expecting to see the new steamer and have speeches and conferences in Almirante throughout the day. They were somewhat di[s]appointed because the steamer remained in Bocas while they were waiting here. A little shower of rain in the afternoon also helped to make them somewhat dissatisfied. However, when the steamer did arrive in the evening they all, or as many as could do so, went on board and later on assembled in the railway station where they had speeches and singing until about 11 o’clock. Tuesday morning about 9:30 the Yarmouth left Almirante for Bocas where she remained and the conference was continued until late in the evening. She left Bocas for your port at three AM Wednesday morning. In coming up to the dock here in Almirante the Yarmouth ran into a lighter which was placed where it was always kept, at the end of the dock. The lighter was considerably damaged. We therefore, had them make a deposit of five hundred dollars against repairs. We offered to do the repairing ourselves and charge them with it or allow their representatives here to repair the lighter to our satisfaction and refund the deposit. They have chosen to repair the lighter themselves. We will see that the work is properly done. Various persons who went on board the Yarmouth report that she is in very dirty condition. Several Latin-Americans who have taken passage on her 599

APRIL 1920 as the attorney general of Bermuda. Dill, who would hold the position of attorney general for the next twenty-five years, had, in his capacity of ex-officio chairman of the Bermuda Immigration Board, a major hand in drafting the proscriptive immigration acts of 1920 and 1928 that severely curbed the entry of West Indians into Bermuda (Ira P. Philip, Blacks in Defence of Their Bermuda Homeland, unpublished manuscript; Lloyd Mayer, Colonel Tom Dill, O.B.E., Lawyer, Soldier, Statesman [Glasgow: Robert MacLehose, 1964], p. 99; WWW). 2. The standard of living among blacks in Bermuda was considered to be comparatively high, due mainly to the prosperity flowing from the naval and military establishments as well as the burgeoning tourist trade. The dominant white oligarchy boasted that Bermuda’s blacks were the best fed, best dressed, and best housed in the world. Some upper-class colored Bermudians also came to believe that they were not a part of the Caribbean and were different from black West Indians (Philip, Blacks in Defence of Their Bermuda Homeland).

H. S. Blair, Division Manager, United Fruit Company, to George P. Chittenden, General Manager, United Fruit Company ALMIRANTE, R.P., April Ninth Nineteen Twenty Dear Sir: The Black Star Steamer Yarmouth arrived in Bocas Monday the 5th about 11 AM. A great many people from Bocas went on board and there was visiting and speeches until well on in the afternoon. The Yarmouth came up to Almirante, arriving at 6 PM in the evening. We had furnished trains for the people of the Division for a little more than cost, and a great many of them had come down to Almirante expecting to see the new steamer and have speeches and conferences in Almirante throughout the day. They were somewhat di[s]appointed because the steamer remained in Bocas while they were waiting here. A little shower of rain in the afternoon also helped to make them somewhat dissatisfied. However, when the steamer did arrive in the evening they all, or as many as could do so, went on board and later on assembled in the railway station where they had speeches and singing until about 11 o’clock. Tuesday morning about 9:30 the Yarmouth left Almirante for Bocas where she remained and the conference was continued until late in the evening. She left Bocas for your port at three AM Wednesday morning. In coming up to the dock here in Almirante the Yarmouth ran into a lighter which was placed where it was always kept, at the end of the dock. The lighter was considerably damaged. We therefore, had them make a deposit of five hundred dollars against repairs. We offered to do the repairing ourselves and charge them with it or allow their representatives here to repair the lighter to our satisfaction and refund the deposit. They have chosen to repair the lighter themselves. We will see that the work is properly done. Various persons who went on board the Yarmouth report that she is in very dirty condition. Several Latin-Americans who have taken passage on her 599

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for Limon and other ports got off at Bocas saying that it was impossible for them to go farther with the steamer in such a condition. The steamer left here with over three hundred passengers on board and I understand that a great many Jamaicans stowed away as well. The American Consul at Bocas states that the Yarmouth was short two bills of health from ports at which she has called and that she is liable to a fine of $5000. for each one of these on arrival at New York. I do not yet understand how she could have entered the port at Cristobal if she really was short in her bills of health. I will try to get further information on this subject later. So far as I can see the visit of the Yarmouth to this place has had no particular effect on the labor situation. All the speeches made by the visitors had in view the collection of money. They repeatedly urged the people to give money and to buy shares in the Black Star Line. They held up before them the idea of a black republic in Africa. By far the cleverest speaker of the lot was Henrietta Vinton Davis. There was a little emphasis made here on the race question, not any more than, in fact not so much, as appears frequently in the Negro World. I understand that it is the intention to d[i]vide this region into two districts having a head for the town of Bocas and another one for the rest. A man named Sanders [a] former schoolmate of Marcus Garvey’s is to be in charge of the district outside of Bocas. The representative for Bocas I believe has not yet been decided. It probably will be Williams or Samuda. I will get this information in detail and set it down. It seems that the members of the crew of this steamer are doing a considerable business in selling Green River Whiskey. We presume that this is liquor reserved from the cargo taken by the Yarmouth from New York to Havana. We understand that they were supposed to throw five hundred cases overboard. At any rate Green River Whiskey was offered here in Almirante by members of the crew for from a dollar to two dollars a bottle and a good deal of it was bought at these rates. I was also told that there was a good deal of drinking and disorder on the ship. This I cannot pr[o]ve. I know that the officers were very ind[e]pendent one to another, each one refusing to do any kind of work that was at all outside of his particular line. Very truly yours, H. S. BLAIR Manager cc to V. M. Cutter, Esq. UFC. TLS. On UFC letterhead, Panama Division.

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Article in the Negro World [[Bocas del Toro, Panama, ca. 10 April 1920]]

U.N.I.A. ENVOYS GET RECEPTION IN B[O]CAS DEL TORO BIG PARADE PART OF WELCOME PROGRAM TO MISS DAVIS, MR. HENRY AND CAPTAIN [AND] CREW OF THE “YARMOUTH” A scene quite without precedent in the memory of the oldest inhabitant of Bocas del Toro, Panama, marked the arrival of Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, international organizer; Mr. Cyril Henry, agricultural expert of the U.N.I.A. and Captain Joshua Cockburn and the crew of the S.S. Yarmouth there on April 5. An account of the reception given these envoys appeared in the Central American Express, a Bocas del Toro publication in its issue of April 10 from which we quote the following in part: The S.S. Yarmouth, owned by the Black Star Line Corp., arrived in Bocas del Toro with a crew of forty men and 280 passengers in transit, after spending several days in Colon. As the pilot, Mr. Samuel Mahcore, Jr., brought the boat through the channel into the harbor hundreds of spectators were already out in the stream in small boats and launches ready to board the ship the moment the port doctor granted permission. Mr. Alexander Williams, agent of the Black Star Line and local organizer of the U.N.I.A. Mr. T. B. Samuda, president, and Miss Marie Duchatelier, lady president, and other officers and members of the branch visited the ship and welcomed Captain Cockburn, the officers and crew of the Yarmouth, Miss Davis and Mr. Henry to the city. Thousands of people crowded the government pier where the party landed. An address of welcome was read by Mr. Felipe Oglivie, vice-president of the U.N.I.A branch here. Afterward a procession headed by the city band marched to San Miguel Hall, where a reception was tendered the envoys and welcome addresses made by the president and other officers. Among the government officials present were Senor Zenon Navalo, Circuit Court Judge of the province; Senor don Pacifico Melendez, attorney-at-law, and Senor Arcardio Pardo, captain-of-port. The hall was packed to overcrowding. Thousands of people visited the ship and were extended every courtesy by the officers and crew. The Yarmouth sailed for Almirante on the same day with as many visitors as were inclined to go. SPECIAL TRAINS FROM ALL POINTS Special trains were arriving at Almirante to await the arrival of the Yarmouth. The first train left Guabito at 10 o’clock that morning with fourteen cars packed to their utmost capacity, the doors, steps and roofs being also 601

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crowded. The train from Talamanca, with nineteen cars from a distance of over sixty miles, was compelled to leave passengers at intermediate stations, there being no space on the cars for more people. Before the Yarmouth reached her moorings some very enterprising young fellows who had gone to meet her in motor launches and other small crafts contrived to get aboard. Later thousands of people flocked aboard to view the ship. Captain Cockburn, Miss Davis and the delegation from Bocas del Toro were greeted with thunderous applause when they reached the pier. Captain Cockburn and Miss Davis addressed the tremendously large audience on the pier. There was not sufficient space on the pier to accommodate the huge throng. Headed by a band they resorted to the depot, where a temporary platform was raised for the visitors. MISS DAVIS AND CAPTAIN COCKBURN SPEAK Miss Davis addressed the people in her usual eloquent and masterly style. She literally stormed Almirante with her eloquence. Thunderous applause greeted her remarks. Enthusiasm ran high. Captain Cockburn made another address and was again greeted with vociferous applause. BACK UP THEIR ENTHUSIASM WITH GOLD Mr. J. A. C. McGaun, president of the Almirante Branch, was introduced to the envoys by Mr. Samuda. He extended a hearty welcome to them. Mr. T. H. Saunders, the energetic salesman for the Black Star Line Inc., in the lagoons, read a stirring address in which he asked Miss Davis to be custodian of $5,000 gold, which he asked to be handed over to Hon. Marcus Garvey as a “small remnant of shares sold for the Black Star Line Corporation.” A program including selections by the Almirante choir, addresses, recitation and a ball on the Yarmouth, marked the return of the ship to Bocas del Toro the next day. Printed in NW, 8 May 1920.

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Major John R. Chancellor, Governor, Trinidad, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office GOVERNMENT HOUSE, 14th April 1920 My Lord, I have the honour to transmit, for the signification of His Majesty’s pleasure, authenticated copy, in duplicate, of an Ordinance which has been passed by the Legislature of this Colony, entitled “An Ordinance to provide for the punishment of Seditious acts and Seditious libel, to facilitate the suppression of Seditious Publications, and to provide for the temporary suspension of Newspapers containing Seditious Matter.[”] A copy of the Attorney-General’s report on this Ordinance is enclosed. I have the honour to be, my Lord, Your //Lordship’s// most obedient humble servant, J. R. CHANCELLOR Governor [Handwritten minutes:] Mr. Ehrhardt1 Mr. Risley Mr. Grindle Mr[.] Darnley Mr. Wiseman (Note that L’ds have passed an Act based on the Straits Settlements Ord[inance] this has been sanctioned: see Gov/18641 L’ds.) [A. M. T.?] 17/5/20 This Ordce clearly expresses clearly the substantial Law on the subject & provides suitable & adequate machinery for its enforcement. I think it should be sanctioned. A. E. [A. Ehrhardt] 18/5/20 Sanction L.F. R[.] A[.] W[.] [R. A. Wiseman] 18/5/ 20 On the contrary I think that the Ordce as it stands destroys fundamental liberties & must certainly be amended. S. 3(1)(a) is too wide. “Any matter in the State by law established” should be replaced by “the government and constitution be” as in S. 3(1)(a)

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS S. 3(1)(c) “discontent or” should come out; and the remainder appears to add nothing to S. 3(1)(a) & might well come out also S. 3(1)(d) “ill-will” had better be replaced by “hatred” S. 4(1) purports to take away the right of free speech in private [illegible comment made in right margin], and is in its present form wholly inadmissible. I think that the Ordce had better be amended so as to restrict its scope to seditious publications //& documents// and the possession of such publications //& documents// and otherwise as suggested above[.] E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley] 20/5 Mr. Bushe2 I sh[ould] be glad to hear your o[bservations?] on this Ordce. There are apparently previous [pp?] on the subject as we are said to have approved legislation on the Straits model J. S. R. [J. S. Risley3] 25/5/20 Mr. Risley I should not be prepared to take any exception re this Ordce. The def: of sedition seems to be a good attempt to define the somewhat uncertain Common law offence. It is sedition in this country to speak as [words missing] publish seditious words. Sir G. Fiddes Mr. Grindle I agree with Mr. Bushe in accepting the ordinance as it stands. “Fundamental liberties” do not include [the] liberty to say and do things calculat[e]d to promote public disorder. That may be a “natural” liberty, but so Burke (I think) said, “You must sacrifice some natural liberty in order to secure civil advantages.” This is not an ordce which will prejudice any decent law-abiding citizen or diminish any liberties properly enjoyable in a community possessing the desiring to possess the “civil advantages” of peace order & good govt. ? Sanction as proposed. J. S. R. 3/6/20

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APRIL 1920 I agree. The ordce will be valuable in enabling the govt. to deal with publications that stir up race hatred. The W.I. are flooded with poisonous matter of this kind from the U.S.A. The S. of S. sanctioned the introduction of a law on the lines of the Straits Ordce. The T’dad Ordce is in several respects milder but will probably arouse violent opposition & efforts will probably be made to raise the matter in Parliament (The Grenada people are doing their best to get M.P.’s to take up the Question of the Grenada version of the Straits Ordce).4 G. G[.] [G. Grindle] 4.6.20 Lord Milner I agree G. V. F. [G. V. Fiddes] 5/6 TNA: PRO CO 295/527/02508. TLS, recipient’s copy. Letter is a form letter, with the italicized text added in type. Illegible minutes elided. 1. Albert Ehrhardt (1862–1929) was a temporary assistant legal adviser in the Colonial Office in 1920. Educated at Oxford, Ehrhardt was called to the bar in 1889. He entered colonial service as a district commissioner of Lagos in 1896, later rising to resident of Ibadan, treasurer, and attorney general. In May 1903 Ehrhardt was appointed attorney general of Fiji, where he would also serve as the colony’s acting chief justice and chief judicial commissioner of the western Pacific before becoming puisne judge of the British East Africa Protectorate in 1914 (DOCOL; WWW). 2. Henry Grattan Bushe (b. 1886) was called to the bar in 1909. After serving as acting assistant legal adviser from November 1917, he became assistant legal adviser in the Colonial Office on 1 January 1919 (DOCOL). 3. Sir John Shuckburgh Risley (b. 1867) was educated at Magdalen College, Oxford, before being called to the bar in 1893. He joined the Colonial Office and was appointed assistant legal adviser in 1901, becoming legal adviser on 19 May 1911 (DOCOL). 4. Strong public response to the passage of the ordinance resulted in the Labour Party in Great Britain passing an emergency resolution (W. F. Elkins, “Marcus Garvey, the Negro World, and the British West Indies: 1919–1920,” Science and Society 36, no. 1 [1972]: 69).

Enclosure: Report by Aucher Warner, Attorney General, Trinidad, on the Seditious Publications Ordinance [Trinidad] 6th April, 1920 An Ordinance to provide for the punishment of Seditious acts and Seditious libel, to facilitate the suppression of Seditious Publications, and to provide for the temporary suspension of Newspapers containing Seditious matter.

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ATTORNEY GENERAL’S REPORT This Bill was suggested by the Straits Settlements Ordinance No. 11 of 1915, the introduction of legislation on the lines of that Ordinance having been approved by the Secretary of State. On further examination the Straits Settlements Ordinance did not appear to be suitable for this Colony. While unnecessarily drastic in some respects (e.g. section 10 makes the offence of seditious libel punishable for with penal servitude for life), the Ordinance does not enable seditious newspapers to be suppressed, an important matter in this Colony. Moreover some of its sections seemed open to criticism on technical grounds and likely to excite opposition. Thus section 3 apparently makes the mere possession of a seditious document an offence, even though its possessor has no knowledge of its contents or any intention to publish it. And section 4 allows the Governor to prohibit the importation of all books, whether seditious or not. The Bill, was, accordingly, entirely redrafted. The definition of sedition was originally framed so that criticism of the Government or an intention to excite discontent etc, would only be seditious if based on a false statement or misrepresentation of facts or intentions or on a misleading inference. The definition also expressly included the advocacy of anarchy. The element of untruth, though not essential by the common law, seemed to be in accordance with modern idea[s] of justice, and to be likely to afford a sound criterion for juries which, as pointed out by Mr. Justice Cave in R. v Burns, 16 Cox. C.C., at pp. 360–361 is lacking in the common law definition as usually expressed. However, the opponents of the Bill in the Legislative Council expressed a preference for the definition contained in Stephen’s Digest of the Criminal Law, and as that definition imposes a lesser burden on the prosecution, it was adopted and incorporated in the Bill by amendment.1 Section 4 of the Bill making an act with a seditious intention but without a conspiracy punishable is, probably, an extension of the common law. In my opinion the Governor may properly assent to this Ordinance, which is sufficient for its purpose, and I humbly conceive that there is no reason why His Majesty the King should be advised to disallow it. (Sgd) AUCHER WARNER Attorney General TNA: PRO CO 295/527/02508. TD, copy. 1. The sedition bill was opposed by two nominated unofficial members of the legislative council, Stephen Laurence and Enrique Prada. The definition of sedition that they found most acceptable, according to the attorney general, was as follows: a seditious intention is to bring into hatred or contempt His Majesty’s, or to excite disaffection against the Government, or otherwise than by lawful means to alter established laws, or to raise discontent or disaffection among His Majesty’s subjects by promoting feelings of hostility or ill-will among different classes. (Debates in the Legisla-

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APRIL 1920 tive Council of Trinidad and Tobago, 5 March 1920 [Port of Spain: Government Printing Office, 1921], p. 79)

Wilfred Collet, Governor, British Guiana, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office GOVERNMENT HOUSE, Georgetown, Demerara, 14th April, 1920

My Lord, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Colonel Amery’s confidential despatch of the 13th of December, with regard to the possibility of discontinuing the censorship of the local press. In my opinion it is not necessary at present to exercise censorship of the local press and such a censorship has not been exercised for some time.1 2. With regard to contemplated legislation, a bill was introduced in the Legislature by Mr Clementi shortly before my arrival. Considerable protests were made against this, and the officer-in-charge of the Naval Wireless Station took fright and sent an S.O.S. message which resulted in H.M.S. “Yarmouth” suddenly appearing in Georgetown on the day when the bill was being considered in Court of Policy. There was absolutely no necessity for the presence of the man-of-war. At the time Mr Clementi did not proceed with the bill. 3. On considering the matter after my return to the Colony, it appeared to me that the proposed bill did not cover any ground that was not already covered by the law of the Colony, the law as to seditious libel being the same here as in the United Kingdom, and it appeared to me that any attempt to define the term “seditious” could only result in restricting its meaning. I therefore saw nothing to be gained in proceeding with this particular bill. 4. I am of opinion, however, that it might be convenient if the Government had more power in dealing with objectionable publications from other countries, and I therefore introduced in the Court of Policy a bill, of which I enclose a copy. Through a curious coincidence, this bill in the ordinary course of events was due for [a] second reading at a time when H.M.S. “Calcutta” was paying us a visit.2 On the morning when the bill was to be read a second time Mr Brassington saw me and asked me on behalf of elective members not to proceed further than the second reading. He said otherwise there might be an impression that His Majesty’s ship had arrived for the purpose of carrying this bill through the legislature, and that it might endanger the good relations at present existing between labour and employers. There is no immediate necessity for bringing such a bill into force, and consequently I did not proceed fur-

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ther than the second reading. I have the power of dealing with objectionable publications coming through the post, but when there is no regular mail censorship, it is possible that publications may get through which during the war would have been suppressed. I said that if my existing powers proved sufficient I would not proceed with the bill; but that if the reverse was the case, I would then bring it on at 36 hours’ notice and pass it through Court of Policy. The process of legislation in this Colony is very slow up to the point of the second reading, but now that the second reading has been passed, I could if it were thought desirable, pass the bill in a short time. 5. It would be impossible to say that there is no sedition in the Colony, but I think there is probably less than in other West Indian Colonies and less than in the United Kingdom. As a general rule, taking notice of seditious utterances only tends to make matters worse, unless the expressions are so gross as to cause general indignation. Unless considerable laxity were allowed, it would be necessary to suppress all three newspapers in the Colony,3 and the suppression would do considerably more harm than good. I do not think that any of the papers are worse than the average issue of certain daily papers published in London. 6. Mr Cannon, who is regarded as the labourer’s friend, and who supported the bill introduced by Mr Clementi, tells me that he thinks that the leaving of the bill in committee will have a more deterrent effect than passing it would have had. A large number of the working and political classes would prefer to be able to point to the fact that it was not thought necessary to enact this legislation, and the very dislike for its being passed may tend to prevent provocation for it from being given. 7. I think it inexpedient to suppress in this Colony any newspaper which is published in British territory. It is very seldom that a really dangerous statement made in a newspaper does not render the publishers liable to damages. I think it would do more harm than good to prohibit the importation into the Colony of the “African World” which recently was condemned to pay £400 damages to Mr Fitzpatrick. 8. A good deal of the unrest in the West Indies is simply in imitation of what has occurred and is occurring in the United Kingdom. When matters improve in the United Kingdom they will also improve here. A good deal of trouble was anticipated from the returned contingents, but as far as this Colony is concerned, I think 90% of the contingent were very decent men, and only about 5% of them wasters. I think that in some respects the action of the War Office has caused discontent; but that feeling is passing away, and it seems to have had very little effect on the contingent from British Guiana. 9. One reason which I have for not proceeding at once with legislation against seditious publications is that many people, including Government officials, have a wrong idea of what is meant by sedition, and excess of zeal might lead to just cause for complaint. I recently had sent to me a book found in the

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possession of a prison warder which it was submitted was seditious, and in which I could find nothing of a seditious character. 10. There also seems to be some kind of idea amongst certain people that when black people make complaints, this is seditious, but it is not if complaints are made by Europeans. In my opinion, at bottom the black population is more loyal than the European, although from their want of education and their temperament, there is more danger of dissatisfaction among the blacks taking the form of riots than there is among Europeans. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble servant, WILFRED COLLET Governor [Handwritten minutes:] Mr. Wiseman Mr. Darnley Mr. Grindle The Gov. does not ask us explicitly to recommend the Bill, so that it would probably be better not to meddle at present. As long as the Gov. has confidence in his people it would be a pity to restrict their liberties; there is less reason for this confidence in T’dad & so we need not, perhaps, recommend legislation on the same lines of //as the// T’dad Ord[inance] 10/1920 (sanctioned on 23008). ?put by [R. B. G. D.?] 17/6 This is one of the surest despatches I have read recently & I wish Sir G. B. Haddon Smith //& Sir J. Chancellor E. R. D.// had a little more of Sir W. Collet’s sangfroid. ?Ack & say that the S. of S. has every confidence in the Governor’s judgment & is content to be guided by his advice. R[.] A[.] W[.] [R. A. Wiseman] 25/6/20 I agree & I regret that the Sedition Ordce in Trinidad has been allowed & that in Grenada is likely to be. Observe Sir W. Collet’s very just remark that many people think that when black people make complaints, this is seditious, but it is not if complaints are made by Europeans. (par. 10) E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley] 26/6

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS But a lot depends on when, where, and how. G[.] G[.] [G. Grindle] 28.6.20 TNA: PRO CO 111/630/7345. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. It is not clear to what this statement refers. The last “draconian” press ordinance was the Newspaper Ordinance of 1839, which aimed, among other things, to “prevent mischiefs arising from the printing and publishing of newspapers and papers of a like nature, by persons not known, and for regulating the printing and publication of such papers in other respects and for establishing the liberty of the press on a just and proper basis” (David Granger, “Press Independence in Guyana,” unpublished paper, University of Maryland, 1996, p. 8). Another ordinance, the Slander and Libel Ordinance, was enacted in 1846. No related laws or ordinances on the subject of the press appeared until the Seditious Publications Bill in 1920. 2. A reference to the visit of the Prince of Wales to British Guiana on the HMS Calcutta on 21 September 1920 (Cecil Clementi, A Constitutional History of British Guiana [London: Macmillan, 1937], p. 346). 3. The three newspapers in the colony were the Daily Argosy, the Daily Chronicle, and the weekly Tribune. The Tribune, owned by Henry Britton, was established on 15 February 1918 and was in existence in 1920. The average circulations of the respective newspapers in 1920 were: the Daily Chronicle, two thousand to four thousand; the Daily Argosy, three thousand to four thousand; and the Tribune, twenty-seven hundred (weekly). Another newspaper, the Labourer Magazine, existed at this time, but it may not have been considered a mainstream newspaper (British Guiana Blue Book, 1922, section 18, p. 1).

Edward M. Merewether,1 Governor, Leeward Islands, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office GOVERNMENT HOUSE, ANTIGUA,

15th April, 1920 My Lord, In continuation of my Secret despatch of the 16th ultimo, I have the honour to transmit for Your Lordship’s information, a copy of a confidential report which I have received from His Britannic Majesty’s Consul General, New York, with regard to the West Indian Protective Society of America. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble Servant, E. M. MEREWETHER Governor [Handwritten minutes:] Mr. Darnley ? put by [R. B. G. D.?] 1/6 See on Gov/26726/Br. Hond. This inf[ormation] about D[.] Hamilton Jackson2 seems to be new. E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley] 7/6 TNA: PRO CO 318/354/02554. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.”

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APRIL 1920 1. Edward Marsh Merewether (1858–1938) was appointed governor of the Leeward Islands in 1915 and served until 1921. Traveling from West Africa to take up his position as Leeward Islands governor aboard the S.S. Assar, along with several other West African colonial officials going on leave, Merewether was captured by the Germans. In order to facilitate his release he had to guarantee that he would take no further part in the war. Since his position as governor included the office of commander in chief of the local armed forces, Merewether had to forgo taking up his position until after the armistice, thereby losing three years of his governorship (“Civil Establishment,” LIBB, 1916–1921, sections L and 12; Reginald St. Johnson, Strange Places and Strange Peoples or Life in the Colonial Service [London: Hutchinson, 1936], p. 192; WWW). 2. David Hamilton Jackson (1884–1946) was an important political leader in the Virgin Islands, particularly on the island of St. Croix, where he was the cofounder and leader of the St. Croix Labour Union, the first labor union in the Danish (later U.S.) Virgin Islands. He also founded a newspaper, the Herald, that contested elite control of opinion in the islands, and worked as a teacher, journalist, newspaper editor, lawyer, legislator, and, eventually, judge. An educated and ambitious black man, Jackson best represented the desire of the native black middle class to govern the Virgin Islands, and as such, he was seen as a threat and a challenge to white elite domination of political and economic affairs. In 1915, when the islands were still Danish, Jackson traveled to Denmark in an attempt to persuade the Danish king to improve the deplorable economic conditions in the colony and to grant more political rights to black islanders. It was upon his return to St. Croix that he helped found the St. Croix Labour Union. He organized a strike by sugar estate workers in St. Croix in January 1916 and secured an increase for cane cutters from thirty cents to thirty-five cents per day and overtime pay at four cents per hour, a remarkable victory against the planter class. The example of the sugar workers led to a strike by coal carriers in St. Thomas and the formation of a trade union there. The activities of Jackson were a source of great concern to the colonial administrations in the Leeward Islands. In 1915 Archibald Roger, acting administrator in St. Kitts, informed the governor that “a black man [Jackson] was inciting the labourers in the neighbouring island of St. Croix and, in all probability, the man would come to St. Kitts” (Roger to Bell, 8 December 1915, Despatches to the Governor, 1915, Basseterre, SKNNA 395/557/15). The harbor master was instructed to deport Jackson if he attempted to enter and Jackson remained persona non grata in the Leeward Islands for some time. Disappointed with the Danish response to his pleas to improve economic conditions, Jackson agitated strongly in favor of the sale of the islands to the United States. However, after the United States’ purchase of the Virgin Islands in 1917, Jackson found himself at odds with the officers of the U.S. Navy, which was given direct control of the administration of the islands. To the chagrin of the black middle class, the navy officers sided with the local elite in keeping intact the repressive features of Danish rule. In 1923, despite an extremely limited franchise, Jackson gained election to the colonial council of St. Croix, and he managed to keep his seat until 1926. While in the council, he joined a few other, primarily middle-class, members in protest against the navy government. In 1931, when the islands were transferred from the navy to the Department of the Interior, Jackson began to see the realization of some of his social and political expectations of American rule. The civilian governors advocated the expansion of the franchise and appointed a number of black men to important positions. In 1936 the U.S. Congress granted Virgin Islanders the right to elect their local legislators on the basis of universal adult suffrage. Jackson also benefited from civilian rule by his appointment to a local judgeship and, after the granting of universal suffrage, gaining election to the new municipal council (John W. Walters, “A Political History of the United States Virgin Islands, 1917 to 1967” [Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1979], pp. 58–95; Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants: The Growth of the Labour Movement in St. Christopher-Nevis, 1896– 1956” [Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1989], pp. 251–252; Gregory R. LaMotta, “The Americanization of the Virgin Islands, 1917–1946: Politics and Class Struggle during the First Thirty Years of American Rule” [Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1992], passim; Isaac Dookhan, “The Search for Identity: The Political Aspirations and Frustrations of Virgin Islanders under the United States Naval Administration, 1917–1927,” JCH 12 [May 1979]: 9–14; Project Introspection, “D. Hamilton Jackson,” in Profiles of Outstanding Virgin Islanders [St. Thomas: Government of the United States Virgin Islands, 1972], pp. 88–90; Glen Richards, “Friendly Societies and Labour Organisation in the Leeward Islands, 1912–19,” in Before and After 1865: Education, Politics and Regionalism in the Caribbean, ed. by B. Moore and S. Wilmot [Kingston: Ian Randle Publications, 1998], pp. 143–144; William W. Boyer, America’s Virgin Islands: A History of Human Rights and Wrongs [Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press, 1983], pp. 61–205; Isaac

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Dookhan, A History of the Virgin Islands of the United States [Kingston: Canoe Press, 1994], pp. 240–283).

Enclosure: Harry Gloster Armstrong,1 British Consul General, New York, to Edward M. Merewether, Governor, Leeward Islands BRITISH CONSULATE GENERAL, NEW YORK,

March 9, 1920

Sir, In reply to Your Excellency’s letter of February 21st regarding a communication received from the Secretary of the West Indian Protective Society of America, I have the honour to inform you that this Society is composed exclusively of colored people of all nationalities, and that it is trying to bring colored races together and to promote their interests generally. A representative from this office has attended some of their meetings and many of the members seem to be worthy and loyal. However, Duncan, the Secretary, and an individual named Yeppe, appear to be agitators, more especially the latter. Marcus Garvey, who is mentioned in Duncan’s letter, is secretary of a rival organization, the Universal Negro Improvement Associations and communications are frequently received from both of these organizations who appear to have no liking for one another. I have, &c., (Sd.) GLESTO ARMSTRONG Consul General TNA: PRO CO 318/354/02554. TL, copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Sir Harry Gloster Armstrong (1861–1938) was British consul general for Connecticut, New Jersey, and New York from 1920 until 1931 (MGP 2:409 n. 3; WWW).

Article in the Afro-American [[Bridgetown, B.W.I., 17 April 1920]]

WEST INDIANS MAD LEADING RACE NEWSPAPERS CONDEMN WHITE DUNDERHEADS IN HIGH OFFICE The Barbados Times in a hot editorial today condemns white dunderheads sent from England to rule the colored people of the B.W.I.

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According to the Times, Governor John Chancellor, white, of Trinidad and Governor Hadd[o]n Smith, white, of Grenada are “silly men of puny intellect.” The Times is especially bitter against white Governors because they have prohibited the circulation of colored American newspapers in the islands. In the same paper R. E. M. Jack who calls himself, a new “Negro,” rails against the British government for attempting to keep West Indians out of organizations like the N.A.A.C.P. and U.N.I.A. He says, “The day of retribution is near at hand for those whites who believe that God has made them the lords and masters over all the other races.” Printed in the Afro-American, 7 May 1920.

Article in the Emancipator [[Port of Spain, Trinidad, ca. 17 April 1920]]

TRINIDAD BURNS “NEGRO WORLD” WEST INDIAN CAPITALISTS FEAR RACIAL UPRISING NATIVES LOOK TO LABOR Considerable consternation and indignation was felt here when the government announced its amazing policy of disarming the population. It is felt that this is a culmination of the recent industrial unrest. Diligent efforts were made by the few white and would-be white1 capitalists of the island to trace our unrest to racial propaganda introduced from the United States. So fearful is the government of “radical” Negro literature that Negro crews on ships arriving from America are searched, the mail examined by a police inspector and every copy of the Negro World found is burnt. This all goes to prove that the fire behind the smoke of the Firearms bill is fear of Negroes rising to demand their long-denied rights.2 The East Indian population, which is about one third of the entire population of Trinidad, nods its head wisely and says that it reminds them of similar conditions in India where the natives are prohibited from carrying [words illegible] and knives and sticks larger than certain prescribed sizes.3 The more loyal, and they are usually the more stupid of our people, are being gradually disillusioned as to British justice, fairness and liberty. The Labor Union4 is still progressing and the people realize now that it is their mainstay against a state of despicable and increasing helotage.

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The recent letter of Mr. Arthur Henderson5 the Labor M.P., predicted to be the next Prime Minister of England, has indicated the need of allying our union with the big British Unions.6 Concurrently with that, steps are now being taken to co-operate with similar movements in other islands and Demerara. Shrewd leaders here think that the other islands make a tactical blunder in stressing the racial side of their organizations. They say that doing so beclouds the issue and is likely to alienate the sympathies of British Labor. These men are in the minority but they seem to have the best of the argument when our present racial impotency is considered. Printed in the Emancipator, 17 April 1920. 1. The term “would-be white” was a derogatory reference to nonwhite people who attempted to achieve some approximation to whiteness. Beyond fair or near-white skin color, it referred to what Daniel A. Segal has termed “achieved lightness” (Daniel A. Segal, “‘Race’ and ‘Colour’ in PreIndependence Trinidad and Tobago,” in Trinidad Ethnicity, ed. by Kevin A. Yelvington [Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1993], pp. 81–115). “Whiteness,” as a sociocultural construct, was seen as the ideal. The perceived characteristics of the ideal were emulated by the nonwhite individual and made manifest in such areas as dress, mores, and cultural forms. The term generally applied to people of mixed European and African ancestry, and to Syrians, Lebanese, and Chinese, who were believed to be striving for this ideal (Lloyd Braithwaite, Social Stratification in Trinidad [Mona: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1975], p. 138). 2. The islandwide strikes and increasing racial animus in Trinidad led to the proposed amendment of the Firearms Ordinance. Under the law anyone could obtain a license to own and operate a gun. The proposed 1920 amendment placed absolute discretionary powers in the inspector general of the constabulary, who had the authority to refuse permission to own a gun to anyone, even if they previously had a license. This gave the government the right to revoke gun licenses in the event that any violent action was planned. It had been rumored in the colony that the soldiers who returned from World War I were planning to unleash a violent revolution. The amendment was thus intended as a safeguard against a black uprising (Debates, 5 March 1920, p. 51). 3. After the Indian Mutiny of 1857, British colonial authorities sought to regain control through a number of methods. The strength of the Indian army was markedly reduced, and all “native” artillery regiments were abolished. Indians could no longer rise above the grade of noncommissioned officer, and the British altered their recruitment patterns, substituting members of the socalled “martial” races such as Muslims and Sikhs for the Brahmins and Rajputs who formerly composed the Indian army’s ranks (Claude Markovitz, A History of Modern India, 1480–1950, trans. Nisha George and Maggy Hendry [London: Anthem Press, 1994, 2002], pp. 351–357). Despite such alterations, however, the Indian populace had been awakened to the possibilities of nationalism, and upon his accession to the Indian viceroyalty in 1876, the future Lord Edward Robert Bulwer-Lytton (1831–1891) instituted a number of measures designed to quell dissent and forestall another armed uprising. One of these measures was the Vernacular Press Act of 1878, which attempted to muzzle the increasingly critical native-language press; the second was the Arms Act, also of 1878. This law, which exempted Europeans and Eurasians, compelled Indians to pay a licensing fee for possession of firearms and other weaponry. The ability of licensing authorities to refuse applicants not deemed “loyal” effectively removed these arms from Indian hands, although special concessions were provided for wealthy Indian landowners. The Arms Act was not abolished until 1959, when a new licensing act superseded the British colonial legislation (Abhijeet Singh, “Gun Rights in Modern India: Colonial Roots of Gun Control,” www.gunweek.com, 13 February 2005; Mrinalini Sinha, Colonial Masculinity: The ‘Manly Englishman’ and the ‘Effeminate Bengali’ in the Late Nineteenth Century [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995], p. 71). 4. The first working-class movement to emerge in the British West Indies was the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association (TWA). It was founded in 1897 by Walter Mills, a pharmacist who became the organization’s first president, and Alfred Richards, a chemist who held the position of secretary. At the time of its founding its membership included about fifty skilled workers drawn from various crafts including carpentry, masonry, tailoring, and others. Under the moderate leader-

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APRIL 1920 ship of Mills, the association adopted a constitutional approach, petitioning the colonial administration for improvements in social conditions. Mills testified before the Norman Commission of 1897, calling for a land settlement scheme and the introduction of a peasant proprietary based on cane farming, a reduction in taxation, the establishment of government savings banks, and an end to state-aided Indian immigration. The colonial government barely acknowledged the various petitions submitted to it by the TWA and the organization fell into inactivity after 1898, leading to Mills’s departure. In 1906 a revived TWA reconstituted its executive committee with Alfred Richards as president and Adrien Hilarion, a tailor, as vice president and secretary. The other committee members included: Charles Phillip, mason; Laurence Wilson, carpenter; W. A. Swanston, planter; and John Sydney de Bourg, commission agent. The TWA’s membership in 1906 stood at 240, drawn mainly from skilled artisans and government workers in the capital, Port of Spain. The TWA functioned as an industrial and a political union, serving to promote the norm of collective working-class action, as well as consolidating black middle-class and working-class interest. It petitioned the Colonial Office for wage increases and improved working conditions for railway workers, as well as for the termination of indentured Indian immigration, which it described as injurious to the interests of native labor. It also began an alliance with the British Labour Party in 1906 when, under the leadership of Richards and Hilarion, an application was made for the status of “corresponding” affiliate. As a result of this alliance, the member for Sunderland, Thomas Summerbell, raised the question of labor in Trinidad in the British Parliament—Summerbell was being kept abreast of developments via regular correspondence with the TWA—and the Labour Party lobbied the British Colonial Office on behalf of the TWA. In 1912 the TWA hosted a visit by Joseph Pointer, the British Labour Party’s parliamentary spokesman on Trinidad, who toured the island and addressed mass meetings organized by the TWA. At the end of Pointer’s tour, the TWA held a mass meeting in Port of Spain, which drew a crowd of about three thousand persons. The meeting passed resolutions calling for the restoration of an elected borough council for Port of Spain and the inclusion of elected members in the island legislature. Under Pointer’s patronage, new branches of the association were set up across the colony. In 1913 it established a Labor Bureau with nine branches in the colony to assist members in finding employment. In keeping with the conventions of agitation of the times, the TWA was seeking improvement for workers by making constitutional appeals to the local government. The official policy of the TWA was to seek to bring about change through petitions, delegations, and meetings. This strategy achieved little. Government officials in Trinidad were, with few exceptions, planters and merchants. The appointees of the Crown, including the governor, were often under their influence or sympathetic to their views. A faction of the association, led by John Sydney de Bourg, became dissatisfied with what was perceived as the executive’s complacency with regard to constitutional reform, believing that passive agitation had ceased to be effective in bringing about change and that more militant, aggressive agitation was necessary to move the British government. In 1914 the followers of de Bourg gained an opportunity to unseat the moderate leaders when Richards, Hilarion, and two other executive members were found guilty of failing to provide annual returns for the TWA’s insurance fund to the Registrar of Friendly Societies. Richards was sentenced to pay a fine of five pounds and the other three defendants two pounds each. Denouncing Richard’s “respectable” agitation, de Bourg organized an emergency meeting of the TWA at which Richards was expelled and a new executive constituted with de Bourg as secretary (Brinsley Samaroo, “The Trinidad Workingmen’s Association . . . ,” SES 21, no. 2 [1972]: 210). However, with the outbreak of World War I and the introduction of wartime measures designed to maintain order in the colony, the TWA was forced to temporarily abandon its plans for working-class agitation. Although plans for more militant agitation had to be suspended at the outbreak of World War I, the end of the war unleashed a wave of pent-up discontent in the colony that was intensified by the return of black recruits of the BWIR who had been stationed in Egypt. The experience of white racism directed at them by British and South African officers had served to deepen their racial consciousness. A new cadre of leaders, many of them proteges of de Bourg, rose to take over the executive committee of the TWA in 1918. They included Dennis Headley, a waterfront worker, who became the new president; James Braithwaite, a Barbadian waterfront worker, who replaced de Bourg as secretary; and Braithwaite’s successor, William Howard Bishop, a Guianese-born schoolteacher and journalist. In May 1919 the association negotiated a 33 percent wage increase and a reduction in working hours on behalf of striking workers of the Trinidad Lake Asphalt Company. On 15 November the port workers in Port of Spain commenced a three-week strike with the support of the TWA. It carried out a public campaign on their behalf, holding public meetings throughout the capital. It also submitted demands for an increase in wage rates and overtime pay to

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS the shipping companies on behalf of the striking workers. The employment of strikebreakers by the shipping agents and the outbreak of other strikes in the capital led to widespread labor disturbances in Port of Spain. Large crowds of urban workers and unemployed persons joined the port workers in driving off the strikebreakers and forcing most firms in the business section of the town to close. The strike was finally settled by a conciliation board comprising representatives of the shipping agents along with James Braithwaite and James Phillips, a stevedore, representing the waterfront workers. A 25 percent wage increase and a restoration of the jobs of the striking workers were agreed upon. A colonywide wave of strikes followed upon the settlement of the waterfront workers strike, leading to widespread panic in white business circles and among colonial authorities. By the end of January 1920 the colonial police had arrested ninety-nine persons, including James Braithwaite and James Phillips, assistant secretary of the TWA. British warships were stationed at Trinidad and three hundred and fifty soldiers from the Royal Sussex Regiment were landed. There were widespread accusations that the followers of Marcus Garvey were promoting a general strike in order to “create a general uprising against white rule” (Samaroo, “Trinidad Workingmen’s Association,” p. 216). Despite these arrests, the TWA led public opposition to the passage of the sedition ordinance of 1920. During the second reading of the bill, the attorney general presented the legislature with two TWA petitions opposing its passage. The first, dated 26 February 1920, was submitted by the Port of Spain branch, which denounced the bill as unnecessary and “un-English.” The petition warned that the passage of a sedition ordinance would cause “great dissatisfaction” among the people of Trinidad and hinted that it might provoke violence. It argued that a sedition ordinance threatened the freedom of the press and the freedom of the community at large. In the minds of the TWA membership, the government’s perceived need to enact a sedition law illustrated its “mistaken and misguided opinion of the nature of the people of the Colony” (Debates in the Legislative Council of Trinidad and Tobago, 5 March 1920 [Port of Spain: Government Printing Office, 1921], p. 79). The second petition, dated 2 March 1920, was submitted by the TWA’s Carapichaima branch. The petitioners felt the bill deprived Trinidadians of the liberty of ventilating their grievances in the press and was “narrowing to an immeasurable extent” their freedom as British subjects. The colonial authorities in Trinidad initiated a series of deportations of nonnative members or associates of the TWA: James Braithwaite and Bruce McConney were deported to Barbados; Brutus Ironclad to British Guiana; Rev. E. Sellier Salmon to Jamaica; and John Sydney de Bourg to Grenada. An ordinance was passed to prohibit their return. The efforts of the remnant of the radical leadership, David Headley and William Howard Bishop, the new secretary, to sustain a radical direction were frustrated by new colonial legislation, including the Strikes and Lockouts Ordinance, which sought to curtail strikes, and the Seditious Publications Ordinance, aimed particularly at Garveyite publications. After the rise to leadership in 1924 of Captain Arthur Cipriani, a former member of the BWIR and a white cocoa planter of Corsican descent, the TWA returned to a more constitutional path. Although the relationship between the TWA and the UNIA would appear to have been tenuous at first, there were members of the TWA who strongly supported the UNIA. Moreover, TWA and UNIA memberships often overlapped. Braithwaite and Bishop were both staunch Garveyites and leading members of the Trinidad TWA, with Braithwaite serving briefly as president during its first year. Bishop’s paper, the Labour Leader, the official organ of the TWA, published a letter to the editor from Percival L. Burrows, UNIA high commissioner, congratulating the Labour Leader for its vision and pledging UNIA support. The Labour Leader carried a column called “UNIA News,” which summarized meetings, social gatherings, and fundraising ventures carried out by the UNIA. Upon the death of Bishop, Garvey’s Blackman mourned the loss of a friend (Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad, 1912–1947,” in The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond [Dover, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1983], pp. 65–67; Richard Hart, “Origins and Development of the Working Class in the English-speaking Caribbean Area, 1897–1937,” in Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence, ed. Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman [London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1988], pp. 43–79; Bridget Brereton, A History of Modern Trinidad, 1783–1962 [Kingston: Heinemann, 1981], pp. 165–170; Sahadeo Basdeo, Labour Organization and Labour Reform in Trinidad, 1919–1996 [St. Augustine, Trinidad: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1983], pp. 51–55, 62–70; Kelvin Singh, Race and Class Struggles in a Colonial State, Trinidad 1917–1945 [Kingston: The Press, The University of the West Indies, 1994], pp. 10, 46–67, 98). 5. Arthur Henderson (1863–1935) was secretary to the British Labour Party and one of its leading figures. As a member of David Lloyd George’s war cabinet during World War I, Henderson

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APRIL 1920 served as Britain’s secretary of state for foreign affairs from 1929 to 1931, receiving the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1934 (F. M. Leventhal, Arthur Henderson [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989]; Chris Wrigley, Arthur Henderson [Cardiff: GPC Books, 1990]; ODNB). 6. By the time of the strikes of 1919, the British Labour Party was gaining ascendancy in the British House of Commons. Trinidad’s labor leaders believed that the Labour Party was likely to be supportive of labor interests in Trinidad and, as a result, the TWA worked toward formalizing and strengthening its ties to the party during the 1920s (Samaroo, “The Trinidad Workingmen’s Association”; Brereton, A History of Modern Trinidad, pp. 165–170; Basdeo, Labour Organization and Labour Reform in Trinidad, pp. 51–55, 62–70; Singh, Race and Class Struggles in a Colonial State, pp. 10, 46–67, 98).

Samuel A. Haynes,1 General Secretary, UNIA British Honduras Division, to Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras [[Belize, 20th April, 1920]] Your Excellency, I have the honour to inform you that I have been instructed by the Officers of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League to invite your E[x]cellency’s patronage at the “Unveiling of the Charter” of this Association at the C.Us Theatre2 on Thursday 22nd inst. at 7.45 P.M. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Sgd. S. A. HAYNES General Secretary, U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. Br. Hond. Branch Printed in Cl, 29 April 1920. 1. Samuel Alfred Haynes (1898–1971) grew up in Belize Town and apart from some elementary schooling was largely self-educated. He left British Honduras in 1916 to fight for “King and Empire” with the Second Contingent during World War I; while stationed in Mesopotamia with the BWIR, he kept a record of the various indignities and humiliations suffered by BWIR soldiers at the hands of white officers and troops. During the Belize riot in 1919, Haynes, along with Sgt.Major McDonald, did his best to restrain the rioting soldiery while sympathizing with their cause, if not their actions. He gave extensive evidence to the Riot Commission as to the men’s treatment in Mesopotamia and the commission commented on the value of this evidence and the intelligence of its author. However, the governor, in private evidence to the commissioners, expressed a different view, labeling Haynes as “a troublesome agitator.” Haynes was instrumental in the creation of the local Belize branch of the UNIA in 1920. Although he was only the secretary of the branch, he was its main inspiration and organizer. In 1921, when Garvey visited Belize to recruit and raise money for the BSL, it was Haynes who masterminded and arranged the visit, with the result that Garvey, recognizing his outstanding ability and commitment, recruited him for “higher things” in the United States. Haynes’s departure with Garvey to the United States in 1921, while enriching the parent organization in America, inadvertently deprived the Belize branch of its most able member; while it continued to exist in various forms well into the 1960s, its history after Haynes’s departure was one of division and dissension. Haynes served as the delegate for Belize at the UNIA convention in 1921. He went on to hold several key official posts in the United States, including field representative in New Jersey, registrar of the 1922 convention, commissioner of branches in Virginia, Maryland, and West Virginia, presi-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS dent of the Norfolk division, convener of the Pittsburgh division for twelve years, and president of the Pittsburgh division. In 1924 Haynes served for a short period as the traveling executive secretary to the president-general and in the summer of that year he toured the West Indies and Central America with Henrietta Vinton Davis for the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Company. Haynes was also a prolific contributor to the Negro World, while also occasionally contributing articles to the Clarion and the Independent in Belize. After the decline of the UNIA in the 1930s, he moved to Norfolk, Va., to work as the editor of the Afro-American. In December 1931 Haynes contributed an article called “Obstacles in Relief Work” to the Belize Independent, in which he commented on how tensions in the social structure of Belize were a cause of the posthurricane chaos of that year (Belize Independent, 9 December 1931). By 1953 he was living in Newark, N.J., and working for the United Negro College Fund. In the mid-1950s, with the awakening of the civil rights movement, Haynes became president of the Newark branch of the NAACP. In 1958 he was appointed administrative assistant to the New Jersey Commissioner for Labor and Industry, a post he held until 1970. By the 1960s he was something of a pillar of the African-American community in Newark, where he held several prestigious posts as well as running his own public relations consultancy and presiding as an elder in the East Orange Presbyterian Church. He died in East Orange on 1 July 1971 (NW, 21 March 1925; Peter David Ashdown, Garveyism in Belize [Belize City: Society for the Promotion of Education and Research, 1990], pp. 33–34). 2. The C.U.’s Theatre, Belize Town’s only cinema at the time, was situated at the intersection of Regent Street and Prince’s Street. It served as a venue for large public meetings and, on the night of 25 July 1919, was the scene of one of the more violent incidents of the Belize riot when a public meeting called on behalf of the “laboring classes” got out of hand. A naval squadron called in to quell the disturbance fixed bayonets and charged the crowd wounding two persons while attempting to arrest the “ring leaders” (Governor to the Secretary of State, 30 July 1919, TNA: PRO CO 123/295/48749; Belize Minute Papers, 1919, Belize Archive).

H. D. Curry,1 Private Secretary to the Governor, British Honduras, to Samuel A. Haynes, General Secretary, UNIA British Honduras Division [[Government House Belize, 22nd April 1920]] Sir, I am directed by the Governor to inform the British Honduras Branch of the Un[i]versal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League that His Excellency received, last evening, through the Acting Colonial Secretary, your letter of the 21st instant inviting His Excellency’[s] patronage to the “Unveiling of the Charter” of the Association at the C.Us theatre this evening. 2. His Excellency presumes that the invitation to extend his patronage was intended to convey to him an invitation to be present at the meeting this evening, I am to ask you to convey to the Association His Excellency’s thanks for their kind invitation, and to say that His Excellency will be unable to be present at the meeting.

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3. I am to say that His Excellency has had no opportunity offered to him of knowing and understanding the constitution of the parent Association in the United States of America and of its local branch, or of the methods proposed and adopted for the improvement of the people who are its Members. He is also unaware of the nature and aims and objects of the African Communities League. 4. His Excellency recognizes that the boundless ambition, on the part of the African peoples, to elevate their statue, is a world wide one. His Excellency has every sympathy in that ambition, especially where the method of cooperation is employed in furtherance of the economical and educational wants of the people, and he is prepared to support it in every way in his power so long as the methods adopted by those working to that end are legitimate ones. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Sgd.) H. D. CURRY Private Secretary [Addressed to:] Mr. S. A. Haynes, General Secretary, U.N.[I.]A. & A.C.L., British Honduras Branch Printed in Cl, 29 April 1920. 1. H. D. Curry (b. 1893) was educated at Dulwich College and served in Fiji from 1911 until 1915. After a time as acting second class clerk in the Colonial Office, he arrived in the Solomon Islands in 1915, serving as a cadet and later acting district officer of Gizo. After rising to the rank of lieutenant during military service in World War I, Curry occupied the post of private secretary to the governor of British Honduras in 1919 before resuming duty in the Solomon Islands in 1920 (DOCOL).

Samuel A. Haynes, General Secretary, UNIA British Honduras Division, to Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras [[Belize, 22nd April, 1920]] Your Excellency, I have the hon0ur to respectfully crave your Excellency’s permission to make the following appeal on behalf of the members of the Returned Soldiers at present in the Belize Prison undergoing terms of sentences inflicted for taking part in the deplorable riot 0f 22nd July, 1919. APPEAL This Committee desires to appeal to your Excellency for the liberation of these men on the following grounds:—

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(1) That the families of the majority of these men are solely dependent on them for their maintenance. (2) That since their admittance to the pris0n such families have only been able to earn their livelihood under the m0st hazardous and trying circumstances. (3) That certain sh0pkeepers and landlords have exhibited an unprecedented gener[o]sity in allowing credits to such families whos[e] dependent[s] already referred to are the sole guarantors. (4) That the splendid record of service coupled with the physical strain borne by these men for a worthy cause be taken into due consideration. It is my humble wish that your Excellency would be good enough to reconsider the circumstances under which the regretful occur[r]ence took place and should this appeal attain its desired purpose I shall have the honour to request your Excellency to appoint the 24th of May, 1920, (Empire Day), as the date of such liberation. I have the honour to be, Sir, Y0ur most obedient servant, S. A. HAYNES Hon. Secretary, Br. Hond. Contgts. Committee. Printed in Cl, 13 May 1920.

Article in the Workman [Panama City, April 24, 1920]

BOCAS NEWS Monday the 5th inst. was a red letter day at Almirante Bay, being the occasion of the arrival of the Black Star Line Steamer “Yarmouth.” There were special trains from all points to convey the public here, but in spite of all that, many were denied the privilege of taking a glance, owing to overfilled cars and coaches. Even doorsteps and housetops were crowded. A total of 37 cars were used for the purpose. It can be plainly understood that among those who came to see the ship were people of all conditions, ages and complexions. The crowd ran up in the thousands. On hearing the loud blast of her whistle, the eager crowd rushed to the dock. One of the whites present was heard to say, “I want to see that Capt. Cockburn. I have heard a lot about what a great captain he is.” I am sure that said party was not disappointed. Addresses were delivered by Capt. Cockburn, Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, Mr. Cyril Henry and others, including addresses by the President of the local branch of the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L.[,] the Secretary, and other officers. The Choir did their part splendidly. Space will not allow going into full details, but I am sure that Mr. C. Henry was kept quite busy selling shares and it can be 620

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said that the New Negroes are going strong. Information was given to the effect that we will be favored with a visit from the “Phyllis Wheatley” in the near future. At 10 o’clock on Tuesday morning the ship left Almirante returning to Bocas where we learnt that all the officers and others on the ship had a good time. Printed in the Workman, 24 April 1920.

J. R. Ralph Casimir in the Negro World [[Roseau, Dominica, B.W.I., April 26, 1920]]

WHAT AILS DOMINICA? DOMINICA IN UNREST Conditions in Dominica are going from bad to worse.1 Who and what are responsible for such unrest? Are the poor Negro laborers responsible? Is the circulation of the Negro World due to such unrest? Or is the recently established branch of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (commonly called Black Star Line Society by the majority of the people here) responsible?2 No, not at all! CAUSES FOR UNREST Unrest and bad state of affairs are due to Crown colony rule (one-man rule) which keeps the people in ignorance in regards to matters of government in the island otherwise; unnecessary prohibitive laws, high rates of exchange, high costs of living, low wages, profiteering, poor educational system, lack of steamship communication, need for a coastal steamer, inland communication, etc. CROWN COLONY RULE Much has been said in the past and is being said at present in regards to Crown colony rule, which is unsatisfactory throughout. Every Negro desires that this form of government be done away with. This can be proved by the recent agitations for representative government.3 Dominica, I believe, suffers the most under this (Crown colony) form of government. The cry everywhere now is, “Away with Crown colony rule!” The best thing is to let the Negro rule himself. We want a government of the people (Negro) by the people and for the people. The Negro is tired of being ruled by the pale-faced oppressors. The Negro must and will rule. Since he is denied his rights in America, the West Indies and other countries, which the white man claims to be white men’s 621

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countries, he must have Africa or death. Down with Crown colony rule! Down with white oppressors! THE POST OFFICE AND THE HIGH RATES OF EXCHANGE In regard to the high rates of exchange it is a great injustice on the part of the Post Office authorities to forbid the issuing of money and postal orders of the value of not more than £2 within a period of two weeks for any one person. If a man has to order certain books or other articles for about £2 10s. or more and is unable to pay the high rate of exchange what must he do? If he requires certain things which are unobtainable in the island and the said things are worth more than £2 he has to do without same, isn’t he? Is all this fair? The public is in doubt in regards to all these useless restrictions. Some say that all these stupid steps on the part of the Post Office authorities are to protect the interests of the banks (white) here. That may be so, but I believe that all this is done to hamper the Negroes in certain cases from giving the U.N.I.A., the Black Star Line, etc., any financial help to a great extent. No matter whether these steps are taken to protect the interests of the banks we don’t care. This is unnecessary. When a man asks for a postal or money order at the Post Office he is asked by the Postmaster or the Post Office clerk, “Where, when, to whom is it to be sent or for what purpose?” Why should any man relate his business to any Postmaster or Post Office clerk before that man can obtain a postal or money order? When any person asks for a postal or money order that person is sometimes told to return in about a quarter of an hour or half an hour’s time, and on returning that person is again told to return later. Why is all this nonsense? Generally when a steamer arrives with mails the letters are not delivered to the people before three hours’ time, and papers an hour later, although the people always go to the Post Office before the letters or papers have been assorted and wait for their letters or papers. Must not all these cause unrest among the people? THE LABOR QUESTION The labor question is a very serious one, and is not seriously attended to by those who employ the laborers. The poor laborers in Dominica, as everywhere else, are bound to demand higher wages owing to the high costs of living. If they cannot obtain higher wages when they demand same what can they do but strike? Are not the laboring classes of England and other countries demanding more wages even though their wages have sometimes already been raised? Don’t they strike almost every day? Are not there frequent labor riots in such places, particularly by the white laborers? What about if there should be a universal strike or labor riot in Dominica? Surely telegrams would be sent to England and other white man’s countries that there is a black peril in Dominica, Negro unrest, government house besieged, etc.

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The rise in wages in various occupations in England is shown in the following list, comparing rates in 1913–1914 with those prevailing in 1919:

Miners, per shift . . . Porters, weekly . . . Carting (1-horse drivers), weekly . . . Bakers (table hands), weekly . . .

1913–14. 8s. 5d. 20–26s. 24–27s. 28–38s.

1919. 18 s. 53–59s. 54–57s. 60–70s.

In Dominica the laborers get practically the same wages as in pre-war days. Khaki was then sold at 9d. to 2s. a yard; thread, 1½d. to 6d. a reel; sugar, 2½d. to 4d. a pound, and many other articles of clothing and foodstuffs were about 100 to 500 per cent. cheaper than now. Compare the costs of living nowadays: Khaki is now 4s. to 7s. a yard; thread, 6d. to 1s. a reel; sugar, 4d. to 8d a pound. White sugar is unobtainable. How can a poor man with wife and children live on a wee shilling and fourpence a day? Since the costs of living have gone up to 500 per cent. why not raise the poor laborers’ wages by even 100 per cent.? At a recent meeting of planters4 held at the Masonic Lodge here a certain Englishman, who is one of the largest estate owners, stated that miners in England work eight hours a day in the coal pits, endure all hardships without grumbling and give skilled labor comparing their industry with the indolence of the Dominica laborer.5 How absurd! English miners endure all hardships without grumble! What about all the strikes and riots for more wages? What about the destruction of coal mines? Compare the pay of the English miner with that of the Dominica laborer. Would any white laborer, whether skilled or unskilled, work for 1s. 4d. a day (nine hours)? Compare the pay of the English porter with that of the Dominica porter. White man, must the Negro laborer in Dominica starve, stay in rags or naked, while the pale face (white) laborer is well fed and clothed? Negro laborers of Dominica, be careful of the traps which may be set for you, fight for your rights, even if you have to shed your blood! You have demanded long enough for more wages and your demands have never been attended to. If it is necessary to strike so as to get more wages, strike! If you have to shed your blood, shed it! FEAR GOD AND KNOW NO OTHER FEAR! PROFITEERING Profiteering is carried on to a very large extent by some of the merchants and shopkeepers, who are all Negro crooks. Some of them have no sympathy for the poor Negroes, and think that because they have a little money they are white and are superior to the poorer Negroes, though their own skin is black.

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EDUCATION The educational system is one of the worst, if not the worst, in the whole West India Islands. Many parents cannot afford to send their children to school. The low wages the parents receive are not sufficient to maintain themselves, and in certain cases they are compelled to send their children to work for a living. In some cases the parents can afford to send their children to school, but fail to do so. Some parents send their children to school, but the children stay away from school without the knowledge of the parents or guardians. Compulsory education is not being enforced by the Government. This would be unnecessary in regards to the parents who cannot afford to send their children to school, but it would be necessary in the other cases. The educational system is even worse than 15 years ago. Now that every one should better his or her condition educationally and otherwise, why are no proper means adopted to educate the future men and women of the island? What shall become of the future generation in Dominica if conditions are not remedied now? I know of a certain pupil teacher who taught in the elementary school of a certain village in Dominica who is eligible to be sent to college and no steps have been taken by the Government in this matter. Is it because he is a Negro? Is not the Negro in Dominica living in the 20th century of light and progress just as any other race? THE BLACK STAR LINE AND THE LACK OF STEAMSHIP COMMUNICATION We Negroes in Dominica are much in need of the Black Star Liners, and the talk on every Negro’s lip is “When will a Black Star Liner come to Dominica?” There are only two lines of steamers which call regularly (more or less) at this island, viz.: The Quebec Line,6 trading between New York and the West Indies, and the Royal Mail Line,7 trading between Canada and the West Indies. The Quebec Liners usually call at Dominica once a month, and on many occasions arrive two to three days late both from North and South. Negroes when traveling to the States are not well treated. Sometimes they are refused as first-class passengers. Sometimes they have to wait as long as four months before they can obtain passage. On many occasions they are told by the agent (white) that there is no space for them to obtain passage while there is really space. Generally speaking, the treatment of Negro passengers is unsatisfactory. The Royal Mail steamers arrive usually late both from North and South for the past two months. We are tired with all these bad state of affairs. We require Negro ships, manned, owned and controlled by Negroes. The best and only means to remedy the lack of steamship communication and the bad treatment meted out to Negro passengers is for the Negroes in Dominica to buy shares in the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation and help the Corporation to float as many 624

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ships as possible. The population of the island is a little more than 40,000, and there are 200 Negroes to every white inhabitant. Negroes of Dominica, wherever you may be, support the Black Star Line! Buy one to two hundred shares, as much as you can afford, and encourage your friends at home and abroad to buy shares in the Black Star Line. The Black Star Line, the Black Star Line, Is our own dear Black Star Line. For every dollar in it has a black end to it— So it’s truly a Black Star Line. The Black Star Line Is yours and mine. For it’s not held by a white man’s twine. Negroes, support, support the Black Star Line. NEED FOR A COASTAL BOAT It is now over two years since we are without a coastal steamer. What have the Government authorities done, and what are they doing now to get a coastal steamer for this island? I say “Nothing.” People have to make long journeys on sea by means of small native canoes rowed by [word illegible] [these] men. Such long journeys in such small craft are very dangerous during storms. The island is 17 square miles larger than the islands of Barbad[os] and Antigua combined. When will there be a coastal steamer for Dominica? How long shall we stay without a coastal steamer? If the well-to-do Negroes in Dominica had invested their money in the Inter-Colonial Steamship and Trading Company for a coastal service, I do believe that a steamer would be doing coastal service around the island by now. What steps have the well-to-do profiteering Negroes taken, are taking and will ever take to remedy the present situation? Useless chatting, that’s all! The well-to-do Negroes here do nothing to better conditions in the island. They would rather squeeze the poor laborers and take more interest in piling up moneys which the poor laborers worked for than to help the poorer classes. Most of the well-to-dos, aristocrats and white man niggers are prejudiced against the poorer Negroes. INLAND COMMUNICATION8 I don’t know how to write and what words to use to describe the rotten state of inland communication. The island is mountainous indeed, but no effort is being made to keep the roads in proper order. More public money is being wasted than anything else. The Engineer (white) is not a competent one. There are many roads which are entirely abandoned, and these roads get ruined.

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Provisions and other produce of the island and many other things have to be transported by beasts of burden, and are also carried by the people on their head or back to long distances. THE NEGRO WORLD The intended suppression of the Negro World is causing much uneasiness among the inhabitants, and the sooner the Acting Administrator9 and his supporters leave the Negro World alone, the better. The Negro World is an up-to-date Negro paper, printed by Negroes for Negroes. Why should any Government (consisting of a few white rascals) or individual (white or black) try to prevent the Dominican Negro from reading the Negro World or any other Negro paper published for the interest of the Negro race? Do the white men think that all Negroes in Dominica are fools? Do they know what is a New Negro? What harm will a Negro do to any Government or individual just because that Negro reads the Negro World? What harm will a Negro do to any Government or individual if that government or individual does no harm to that Negro? Of all the races is it only among the Negro race that fools are to be found? Most certainly not! There are many foolish whites, even in Dominica. Show me the white man’s paper which tells the Negro of his capabilities, the good he has done in the past and the good he can do in the future! Show me any paper (other than Negro) published for the sole interest of the Negro race! Is it not necessary for the Negro to know of his capabilities, the history of his race in the past and the future? Must the Negro read papers published by the pale-face man only? What harm is in a paper which teaches the Negro to unite, teaches him about his race, and to better his conditions? Must the Negro stay in darkness in this age of civilization, Christianism and freedom? By jove, not as long as there is life in the Negro! What would the white man say if the Negroes in Dominica should make any attempt to prevent the few whites in Dominica from getting their white man’s papers? Would any white man in Liberia be satisfied if the Liberian Government should suppress the white man’s papers? White man, why don’t you think in the proper way before you act? Are you fully prepared to stand trouble in Dominica and other parts of the world where Negroes form the majority of the inhabitants? Do you think that you can always save your skin with the help of your warships, aeroplanes and tanks which the negro helped you to build and maintain with his money and by the sweat of his brow? Have you already forgotten that the Negro is a super-devil, and a super-devil he will always be as long as you continue to look on him as your inferior and don’t deal with him fairly? White man, be careful of the Negro World and everything Negro or you’ll have to face the universal Negro 400,000,000 strong, and not even with the help of a hell on earth will you be able to subdue him!

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The Negro World must come to Dominica and will circulate in Dominica as long as there is life in the Dominican Negro. It is better not to trouble trouble and not to play with fire. All around the world the Negro World is seen. Every Dominican Negro the Negro World should read. Long live the Negro World! THE UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION Some people (including Government officials) in Dominica say that the officers and members of the U.N.I.A. in Dominica are responsible for every unlawful act committed in Dominica. Recently there have been petty strikes on different estates in the island and there were rumors about that the U.N.I.A. was responsible. Who was or were responsible for the stevedores’, boatmen’s and porters’ strike in Dominica about two years ago? Who was or were responsible for every unlawful act committed by individuals in Dominica before any Negro in Dominica had ever dreamt or heard of the Universal Negro Improvement Association? The U.N.I.A. is an association for the betterment of the Negro race intellectually, educationally, financially, commercially and otherwise. It is an association to establish a universal confraternity among the race, to promote the spirit of race pride and love and to administer to and assist the needy; to work for better conditions among our people in Dominica; to promote industries and commerce in this island for the betterment of the Negroes. Can these cause any harm? Can these cause any unrest among the inhabitants and Government of the island? What proof can any one give that such an association is revolutionary or Bolshevik? Is it a crime for Negroes to ask for freedom and independence? If other races live in unity and better their conditions, is it a crime for Negroes to do likewise? Unless the Negro gets his due and be treated as a MAN, and is given all the privileges due to MAN, he will fight his way to get his due and to be treated as a MAN. The U.N.I.A. is there to enable the Negro to get all that is due to him and to make him enjoy the sweetness of life as any other man of whatever race enjoys the sweetness of life. The U.N.I.A. shall exist as long as the Negro exists. God bless the Universal Negro Improvement Association! J. R. RALPH CASIMIR (A Shareholder in the B.S.L.) Printed in NW, 24 July 1920. 1. Dominica had emerged from the war less prosperous as a result of a sharp drop in trade, increased prices of imports, and the effects of a series of devastating storms in 1915, 1916, and 1917 that seriously destroyed lime trees, cocoa, livestock, and peasant food crops. The administration responded by attempting to control everything. There was a prohibition on the export of currency and, in July 1920, of “livestock, meat, ground provisions or any other articles of food” (DC-D, 31 July 1920), which was extended to “every description of thing and live or dead animals” by an ordinance passed in the legislature on 23 April 1920 (Dominica No. 10 of 1920, Dominica—Authenti-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS cated Ordinances, 1901–1924, TNA: PRO CO 73/23). A wide array of price controls was also imposed. There was also concern regarding the state of labor on several estates and public criticism of Crown Colony rule. In a context of existing economic hardship, such issues took on added significance and may well have been understood as a deterioration of conditions in the colony (DC-D, 1 May 1920; Lennox Honychurch, The Dominica Story: A History of the Island [London: Macmillan Education, 1995], p. 157). 2. The concept of a black shipping company appears to have caught the local imagination, more than the more general black self-improvement concept of the UNIA. Merchants and planters, most of whom were colored, had long complained about shipping facilities—there was no direct shipping line between Dominica and Britain, the island’s major trading partner. 3. Incessant wrangling in the legislature between largely expatriate white administrators and planters and local colored merchants and planters led to the withdrawal of the electoral principle in 1898. There followed a period of constant recrimination that local Dominican interests were not being served, accompanied by petitions for reform. A. R. C. Lockhart, a member of the colored elite, resigned all his honorary offices in protest. In 1919 he formed the RGA, whose sole purpose was to restore a degree of representative government, presiding over it until his death in 1924. In April 1920, the time of the present reference, the association was poorly supported. But C. E. A. Rawle, the prominent colored lawyer for whom Casimir acted as solicitor’s clerk, was vocal in support of the association and galvanized its activity in 1921. The movement toward representative government was mostly middle class, representing the interests of local merchants, planters, and some professionals—A. R. C. Lockhart; Edgar Bridgewater (merchant and unofficial member of the legislature); S. Didier (unofficial member of the legislature); Rawle (attorney, acting chair of the Roseau Town Board); S. L. V. Green (senior elected member of the Roseau Town Board); C. G. Phillip (junior elected member of the Roseau Town Board); W. C. Winston, C. G. Harris, L. L. Corriette, Gerald Grell, and P. W. Bellot (justices of the peace); J. H. Steber; and T. P. Ettienne. The association held several meetings throughout the island in 1921 before the visit of Major E. F. L. Wood (DC-D, 5 October 1921; Patrick L. Baker, Centring the Periphery: Chaos, Order, and the Ethnohistory of Dominica [Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994], p. 136). 4. Unlike the former slaves in other West Indian territories, the great majority of Dominicans “had land.” There was, therefore, not the same reliance on wage labor to survive. This was evident at the time of emancipation, when the majority of former slaves no longer needed to work to survive and could garden for themselves. One of the planters, A. R. Lockhart, who came before the commission investigating labor on the plantations, said as much: “I give the people free gardens and so they are able to contribute to their livelihood that way. They could not live on the wages I pay them without having these gardens” (Official Gazette, 6 December 1920, TNA: PRO CO 75/ 14). 5. Wages were certainly low in comparison, but wage labor applied only to a minority of Dominicans and the concept of wage labor was far less prevalent in Dominica than it was in other Caribbean territories. Thus, while labor was necessary to survive in the plantation societies of the Caribbean, the majority of Dominicans practiced “jobbing”: they would work for wages to obtain the cash to purchase something, and then they would quit the job. As Lockhart, an estate owner and manager, put it when he was interviewed by the commission looking into labor problems on estates, “The laborers prefer to work by the task as they can come when they like and go when they like” (Official Gazette, 13 December 1920, TNA: PRO CO 75/14) (Baker, Centring the Periphery, pp. 109, 115). 6. A study of the first six months of 1922 indicates that two vessels of the Quebec Line called at Dominica, approximately monthly. During the same period, seven different vessels of the American Clyde Steamship Company called at Dominica, on fifteen separate occasions, which was more than twice as often as the Quebec Line. In total, there were twenty-five calls by vessels going to or coming from New York (DC-D, “Latest Telegrams,” 1922). According to the same source, there were some thirty-five scheduled sailings from Britain, whose vessels also called at Barbados and Trinidad. Besides the twenty-five vessels along the New York route, there were eleven other steamers that visited the island on occasion. In addition to calls by these steamers, there were thirty-six visits by sloops or schooners involved in inter-island trade. In total, sixty-seven ships were reported as visiting Dominica in the first six months of 1922. 7. Over the first six months of 1922, there were twenty-six calls by RMS vessels at Dominica (DC-D, “Latest Telegrams,” 1922). 8. Roads have been a perennial problem in Dominica, at least in part because of the very difficult topography of the island. In addition, the tendency was to build roads to plantations. When planta-

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Marcus Garvey in the Negro World [[New York, 27 April, 1920]]

THIRD SHIP OF THE BLACK STAR LINE TO BE LAUNCHED IN A FEW DAYS GREAT SUCCESS ATTENDING BIGGEST NEGRO ENTERPRISE NEGROES WILL SOON OWN FLEET OF THEIR OWN ALL SHOULD HELP BY BUYING SHARES Fellowmen of the Negro Race, Greeting: To you this day I write, hoping that that noble and chivalrous spirit you have exhibited in the past for the upbuilding of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its allied corporations, the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation and the Negro Factories Corporation, is still being manifest in the cause that has become so dear to us—the cause of the redemption of Africa. It is for me to say to you that the Universal Negro Improvement Association has become a world power. From the four corners of the world there comes a haughty response of race loyalty, race love and race pride. Negroes everywhere are stretching forth their hands in answer to the call of our association and are making it known and [word illegible] that the day is drawing near when Ethiopia will once more take her place among the nations of the world. Why the achievement of the Universal Negro Improvement Association seems a miracle. It is marvelous to contemplate when it is to be remembered that two years ago this association was but a struggling, despised movement, and today it numbers three million active members; that it has branches in every country in the world where Negroes live; that it owns property to the extent of millions at home and abroad; that it has been able to give birth to the first Negro steamship corporation in the world—the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation—that now owns two ships and is about to purchase the third which is to be launched on the 9th of May, when it is to be considered that this very organization has also given birth to the Negro Factories Corporation that is about to open on the 1st of May its first factory in New York, and to operate one of the best equipped and up-to-date laundries operated by any race. All these things to the ordinary optimist would seem a miracle, but all these things have been accomplished

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through the determination of the men and women who banded themselves together as members of the movement. Wherever there is a will there is a way, and the will of the new Negro is to do or die. Let us take consolation in the fact that other races, other nations have achieved success by their willingness so to do, and whatsoever others have done we also can do and must do. Looking back upon the days past we see the Negro, a despised lowly slave; we see him environed by ignorance and superstition after his emancipation, but today we behold him a new man with a new soul, with a new view of the things of life. He has caught a new inspiration, the inspiration that teaches him to go forward, upward and onward, and stopping not, but climbing and climbing until he reaches the pinnacle of human achievement and human glory. May I not, man who has lost courage, inspire you to go forward; may I not, woman who has lost the hope of a brighter future, inspire you also to go forward; may I not say to your children, there is a destiny for each and every one, and that destiny is shaped by your own lives. Let your life be such in the fullness of its action as to rise to the highest pinnacle, and there in all your achievement and in all your glory give a lesson to others, so that they likewise may follow in your footsteps. Now we may repeat the sober, thoughtful and inspiring words of Longfellow: “Lives of great men all remind us, We can make our lives sublime, And departing, leave behind us Footprints in the sands of time. Footprints, that perhaps another, Sailing o’er life’s solemn main A forlorn and shipwrecked brother Seeing, might take heart again.”1 May we not so live, so work and so achieve as to leave our footprints on the sands of time, so that succeeding generations of Negroes may take inspiration and courage from the achievement of their forefathers. Men and women of the Negro race, I say to you, go forward and conquer, go forward and achieve. Unite your racial forces so that the Universal Negro Improvement Association in the next two years may number in ranks twenty millions of black warriorsmen and women ready to die if need be for the redemption of Africa [words illegible] that calls us, that [words illegible] three hundred years separated to [words illegible] The convention of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is now drawing near. Thousands of delegates from all parts of the world will assemble at Liberty Hall, New York, from the 1st to the 31st of August, there to discuss the great problems that confront the race and to legislate for the race’s future government. May I not ask you, scattered members of the association and scattered members of the race, to do your very best now in supporting this great 630

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movement so as to make the convention a success? May I not ask you to send in your donations now to help raise the two million dollars asked for? May I not ask you to help float more ships in the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation so that the red, black and green with the black star in the center will fly over the seven seas? May I not ask you to buy shares in the Negro Factories Corporation and put up more factories in the great industrial centers of the world where our people live and move and long for their own in industry and commerce? I feel sure that every man and woman of the race who reads this message will send in immediately and donate to the convention fund or buy shares in these two corporations. Remember, the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation is not a private company. The ships that are owned by this corporation are the property of the Negro race. The Black Star Line Steamship Corporation stands ready at the beck and call of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. The Universal Negro Improvement Association stands for the economic, industrial, commercial, social and political liberation of the Negro peoples of the world. It stands for a free and redeemed Africa. So as to make the realization of these objects possible, we must control steamships, we must control factories, we must control great plants that will work and operate to the will and dictates of the race and not to be controlled by private enterprises. Hence it is up to every Negro, whether he be American, West Indian or African, to support the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation as a race movement and not as a private enterprise. Be not misled. Let no man, let no company of men swerve you from performing your duty to this great movement. Now the drive for the third ship of the Black Star Line is started. This ship must be launched on the 9th of May and I am asking that each and everyone who reads my message this week send in and buy more shares in the corporation. Buy five, ten, twenty, thirty, forty, fifty, one hundred or two hundred shares. You can buy them at five dollars each. Write or call at the office of the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation, 54-56 West 135th street, New York, U.S.A. With very best wishes for your success. Yours fraternally, MARCUS GARVEY Printed in NW, 1 May 1920. 1. “Psalm of Life,” a poem in Voices of the Night by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, published in 1839 (Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Poems and Other Writings, ed. by J. D. McClatchy [New York: Library of America, 2000]).

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Article in the Clarion [British Honduras, April 29, 1920]

THE UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION AND AFRICAN COMMUNITIES’ LEAGUE As previously announced the Unveiling of the Charter in connection with the above movement took place at the C.Us Theatre on Thursday evening last at 7.30 o’clock, before a crowded audience. As a matter of fact, never before do we think has the Theatre’s seating capacity, and standing room, been so taxed as it was on this occasion. The place was crowded. The platform, specially decorated, was reserved for the newly elected officers of the Association and League, composing the following Ladies and Gentlemen:— Ladies Division. Miss Ann R. McField, President. Mrs Uetta Campbell, 1st Vice President. Mrs Elizabeth Joe, 2nd Vice President[.] Mrs. Edza Lammy, 3rd Vice President. Miss Eva B. Cain, Secretary. Miss Vivian Seay,1 Treasurer. Male Division. Mr. C. H. Mortley, President. Mr. W. A. Campbell, 1st Vice President. Mr. Benj. Adderly,2 2nd Vice President[.] Mr. Calvert Staine,3 3rd Vice President. Mr. David Belizario, Executive Secretary. Mr. S. A. Haynes, General Secretary. Mr. B. Reneau, Associate Secretary. Mr. J. E. Vernon, Treasurer. Chaplain, Mr. J. N. Anglin. The Chair was occupied by the Revd. H. McField.4 The President declared the meeting open by the singing of “From Greenland’s Icy Mountains[.]” During the singing the Vice President, Treasurer, a member of the Advisory Board, a lady of the Female Division headed by Mr. Belizario, Executive Secretary, assisted in bringing the Charter to its stand where it was placed on an easel at the front of the platform. After a dedicatory prayer by Mr. J. N. Anglin the Charter was formally unveiled by the Revd. H. McField. While the veil was being slowly removed the Secretary Mr. S. A. Haynes, pointing to the Charter spoke as follows:— Unto you is given a new commandment. Under the Charter of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, which is a charitable, friendly, humanitarian and expansive Society, embodying the Brotherhood of Man and the Fatherhood of God, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, soul and mind, and Negroes throughout the universe as thyself, and the bells of Ethiopia may soon ring to gather children into her fold. The Charter reads as follows:—

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CHARTER The Executive Council of the Universal Negro Improvement Association Inc., Controllers of the African Communities League, Inc[.], under the Laws of the State of New York, United States of America. TO ALL WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME, GREETING: Know ye, that we, the Executive Council of the Universal Negro Improvement Association of the World, on this 15th day of March in the year of our Lord One Thousand and Nine Hundred and Twenty upon the application of Charles Henry Mortley, William Alexander Campbell, Isaiah E. Morter[,]5 John E. Vernon[,] F. A. Weir, Alfred Hornby, David Belezario have granted this Charter No. 38 for a Division of the Association to include the limits of the State, city or township of Belize, B.H. and this Charter shall hold good always, except revoked by the authority of the Potentate and Executive Council or the accredited representative of the parent body. Accordingly, we, by virtue of authority vested in us as members of the Executive Council, do hereby authorize and empower the above named persons and their duly accredited successors to constitute said division under the above stated, and we do confer upon them all the rights and privileges granted to a Division by the Constitution and Bye-Laws of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League. MARCUS GARVEY President General H. M. MICKENS6 Secy. General HENRIETTA VINTON DAVIS International Organizer WM H. FERRIS7 Chancellor J. [W.] H. EASON8 Chapl[a]in General The President[:] I have now very great pleasure in introducing the Chairman of the evening, the Revd. H. McField. Mr. McField was received with tremendous applause and addressed the audience as follows:— Mr. President, Officers and Constituents of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. Ladies and Gentlemen, 633

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The honour which your Association has conferred upon me by asking me to preside over this very large, representative gathering united for the purpose of furthering the object in hand is one which I highly appreciate, but for which I feel my incapability. However, I will try to do my very best especially as there is little or no speaking required of me. Nor should I have acceded to your request had I seen in your constitution any thing in its trend towards disloyalty, or even want of respect and submission to the powers that be, especially our beloved British Government. But when I read in your constitution that the members pledge themselves to do all in their power to conserve the rights of their noble race, and to respect the rights of all mankind—believing always in the [“]Brotherhood of man—and the Fatherhood of God.” Also that your Motto is “One Lord, One Aim, One Destiny”—therefore let justice be done to all mankind, realizing that if the strong oppress the weak, confusion and discontent will mark the path of many; but with faith and love towards all a reign of peace and joy, of success and plenty will be heralded into our world and the oncoming generations shall be the blessed of the Lord. Ladies and gentlemen, the great trouble with the world is, as has been, in the past, that so many individuals of every nation and people, and kindred and tongue profess Christ in the lives but do not believe in or practice his sublime doctrine of human brotherhood. They forget the Apostle’s declaration, and (that is) God hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth.9 Men forget that we are all of one common stock, one parentage, and to care for and protect and help each other. What then I ask will open up to the masses, the life they ought to live—the path they ought to walk in and the acts they ought to perform towards each other as races &c.—What will enable mankind be his nationality or complexion whatever it is to feel that all men are his neighbour, his brother. Will wealth, fame, pleasure, valour do it? A thousand voices answer No! What then? Will profession of religion do it? Hear Christ many will say unto me Lord Lord and nothing short of the righteousness of the Lord Jesus Christ. Nothing less than genuine religion[.] The religions must be segregated[,] the dross and defilement and tendency to sin emptied of malice and all uncharitableness and unworthyness and loving as Christ loves and commands us to love will we be enabled to live for the benefit of humanity and our race. Unless Christ and His religion be your guide[:] You may as well go stand upon the beach And bid the main flood bate his usual height You may as well use question with the wolf Why he hath made the ewe bleat for the lamb You may as well forbid the mountain pines 634

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To wag their high tops and to make no noise When they are fretted with the guests of heaven; You may as well do any thing most hard As seek to soften man’s heart without the help and power of his religion.10 Would you succeed in this your stupendous enterprise—would you see that brotherhood for which Christ bled and died and established before leaving the world—would you have the race live the golden rule—? Hold Christ up as the great beacon light point man to Him educate them intellectually, morally but the last and not least, Religiously[.] Teach frugality, but do not neglect to teach industriousness which will lean [lead] him up to independence. Then will your teaching, unity, and brotherly love be irresistibly successful. The Revd. McField having resumed his seat an African Ode was very beautifully rendered by the U.N.I.A. choir. Miss Florence Frazer accompanied. The solo part was taken by Miss Bowden. The Chairman called upon the President to present the Preamble and Constitution. Mr. C. H. Mortley spoke as follows:— Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen. I feel that I have had a great honour conferred on me in being privileged to address so large an audience under, shall I say, what to me represents the beginning of a New Era. I would like to tell you, before I deal with the Preamble and Constitution of this Association, how it first of all came into being. A short while back myself and a few other of my colleagues got together and discussed the question of forming a local branch of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League with a view to try and build up, educate and improve our race. Well, as I tell you about, ten of us got together to see how we could approach or tackle this matter. At the time someone remarked to me, “It is impossible, what are you going to worry with this thing for.” “You better be careful what you are doing, you remember what happened at the C.Us Theatre.”11 What I have got to say to you present here tonight is that we are not doing anything against the Government. We are looking after a just cause. By the assistance of my friends here on the platform, Mr. Campbell, Mr Bennett, Mr. I. E. Morter and others, I am able to tell you to-night that so far every success has attended our efforts. The gathering here tonight is an indication that we are going further on, striving to achieve those ideals in uplifting our race which we have set out to do. Since the inception of this movement we have been able to establish a Ladies Branch of the Association, and it is my pleasing duty to tell you 635

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that we have no less than 832 members on our rolls at the present time (Applause.) Mr. Campbell and Miss McField, along with others too numerous to mention, who have thrown in their lot, have worked hard, and to[-]night we are in the happy position of being able to unveil our Charter. I feel myself honoured in being placed as I am, Mr. Chairman, and to be chosen the first President of such a vast organization. I hardly feel capable of the task, but I am interested in my race; it is my ambition to see my fellow men advance in education, and to benefit from instruction received through our Universities, Colleges, Academies and Schools, which we hope to assist in the establishment of. For the advancement, and betterment, of humanity in our midst, we are working and we are determined to go ahead[.] From the time I started in I have always had the interest of the race at heart, and although I can safely say I have never been one of those to push myself in front I have always been mindful of the necessity of helping to advance my coloured race. You might be surprised when I tell you that since I arrived here I have always had the interests of my people at heart, and have continually looked forward to the day to come when they would get back to their Fatherland[.] That is why I feel it such an honour to be President of the local branch of this Association. We have got something to look forward to. What we have done during the last few months has not been in vain. Our aim is to go forward. What is your aim! Your aim should be to join this Association, and help us to uplift humanity. Listen while I read to you the Preamble:— The Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League is a social, friendly, humanitarian, charitable, educational[,] institutional, constructive, and expansive society, and is founded by persons, desiring to the utmost, to work for the general uplift of the Negro peoples of the world[.] And the members pledge themselves to do all in their power to conserve the rights of their noble race and to respect the rights of all mankind, believing always in the Brotherhood of Man and the Fatherhood of God. The motto of the organization is: “One God! One Aim! One Destiny!” Therefore, let justice be done to all mankind, realizing that if the strong oppress the weak confusion and discontent will ever mark the path of man, but with love, faith and charity towards all the reign of peace and plenty will be heralded into the world and the generations of men shall be called Blessed. (Applause). Now Ladies and Gentlemen, those are the principles we are endeavouring to copy, for the spiritual and intellectual upliftment of our race. Respecting the rights of all men, believing always in the Brotherhood of Man and the Fatherhood of God. Gentlemen, many people have failed, for they have never looked to the Brotherhood of Man. Now, my dear Brothers and Sisters, if you realise, and if you feel that these principles are 636

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worthy of your support I ask you in the name of this Association to join at once, and by so doing you will assist us in carrying out this noble work which we have pledged ourselves to do. It is o[u]r desire to assist the boys and girls in this community who, night after night, are walking about the streets doing no more or less than getting into trouble. We want to see the youngsters in Belize at our meetings. By the way someone told me—I believe quite friendly—that we were preaching sedition. Have any of you here seen anything seditious yet. It is not the mission of this Society to act in secret against the British or for that matter against any other Empire. We are out for the upliftment of the colored race. (Applause). For the Brotherhood of Man and the Fatherhood of God[,] Gentlemen, this is a new Era I give unto you. What are other races doing? They are trying to improve themselves[.] They are trying to educate their Children. They are trying to better their conditions. It is our duty to protect our girls and women. It is my ambition to help in the matter. Amidst all the unrest today we see some of the smaller nations of the earth being tossed about by the greater ones. As a race we have to see that we come into our own. We have a very important role to fill, and by believing in the Brotherhood of Man and the Fatherhood of God we can fill it. (Applause.) It is not my intention to keep you Ladies and Gentlemen long for we have a very long programme to get through. At this point I think it would be well to tell you something about our object and aim. Article 1 of the Constitution reads as follows[:]— SECTION 1. This body shall be known as the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League. Its jurisdiction shall include all communities where the people of Negro blood and African descent are to be found. In it alone, and through the Potentate and Supreme Commissioner, hereinafter spoken of, and his successors, are vested powers to establish subordinate divisions and other organisations, whose objects shall coales[c]e and be identical with those herein set forth[,] and its mandates shall be obeyed at all times and under all circumstances. To the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League, through the authority of the Potentate, is reserved the right to fix, regulate and determine all matters of a general or international nature as affecting the objects of the organization and the membership at large. Sec. 2. The right is reserved to re[-]establish jurisdiction over any division or subordinate organization whose affairs are conducted contrary to the welfare of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League12 shall be: to establish a Universal Confraternity among the race; to promote the spirit of pride and love; to reclaim the fallen; to administer to and assist the needy; to assist in civilizing the backward tribes of Africa; to assist in the development of Independent 637

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Negro Nations and Communities; to establish Commissioners or Agencies in the principal countries and cities of the world for the representation and protection of all Negroes, irrespective of nationality; to promote a conscientious Spiritual worship among the native tribes of Africa[;] to establish Universities, Colleges, Academies and Schools for the racial education and culture of the people; to conduct a world wide Commercial and Industrial Intercourse for the good of the people; to work for better conditions in all Negro communities. Now, here we have the object and we also have the aim. We know what to aim at every one of us. We certainly do need a higher education in Belize.13 We, the Universal Negro Improvement Association, are prepared to do what we can to bring about a better Education. We are prepared to advance ourselves, and to educate our children. We are prepared to sacrifice anything and everything to establish Colleges and Secondary Schools. We are prepared to do anything to establish Commerce. (Applause.) Ladies and gentlemen we have a good set of Rules for our guidance, and I would suggest to those who have not yet joined up to do so at once so as to be able to share in the advantages and blessings which the U[.]N[.]I. Association holds out. We have got the assurance of help from His Excellency the Governor, and we are going to ask him to help us. We are going to ask him to help us in our Educational matters. We invited His Excellency to be present at this meeting to-night, but he unfortunately could not come. He is, however, prepared to do all in his power for the advancement of this cause. (Applause). He is interested in the coloured race uplifting itself. (Applause). Ladies and Gentlemen, I need not detain you any longer. Before I sit down I would like to inform you of the good news which has come from Northern River, where some 30 to 40 members have joined the Association. Things are working splendidly at Stann Creek, and at Manatee[.] Mr. Bennett, who you all know so well, is doing what he can to advance the interests of this Association. As I have previously stated in Belize we have some 800 members, but they are not sufficient, we want more, and still more; in fact we want all of you here to[-]night to join. It is said you know that nothing goes on in Belize: that as you all know is the common talk, the street talk. Don’t be afraid of what has happened in the past. The Negro Improvement Association has come to stay. My friends on the platform are determined to see it go through to succeed, and as you all know to improve our children by helping to give them a better Education. There is no need for you to worry about anything. All is in safe keeping, take that from me. It is as safe as the rock of Gibraltar. You have got to help us in this big movement. The Association will do the rest[.] (Applause)[.] Printed in Cl, 29 April 1920. Some extracts were not extracted in original text.

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APRIL 1920 1. Vivian Wilhelmina Myvett Seay (1881–1971) was a founder and leader of the Black Cross Nurses Association of British Honduras, a branch of the Black Cross Nurses, the women’s auxiliary of the UNIA, from 1920 until her death. Seay’s nurses performed health services and benevolent community work. Many of them had been disqualified from regular training because they were married or too old, but from July 1921 they worked with Dr. K. M. B. Simon, a government medical officer, and Mrs. M. Clare George, a certified midwife, to learn the skills of nursing. Seay became the first woman on the Belize Town Board (1933), a Member of the Order of the British Empire (1935), the first inspector of midwives in Belize (1940), the first woman to be appointed a justice of the peace (1948), and a vice president of the National Party when it was founded in 1951 (C. H. Grant, The Making of Modern Belize: Politics, Society, and British Colonialism in Central America [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976], p. 148; Eleanor Krohn Herrmann, Origins of Tomorrow: A History of Belizean Nursing Education [Belmopan, Belize: Ministry of Health, 1985], pp. 40–42). 2. Benjamin Adderly (or Adderley), a vice president of the Belize branch of the UNIA, became a labor leader in the 1930s, along with other prominent Garveyites, including Antonio Soberanis Gomez, L. D. Kemp, and Calvert Staine (O. Nigel Bolland, “The Labour Movement and the Genesis of Modern Politics in Belize,” in Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence, ed. Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman [London: MacMillan Caribbean, 1988]). 3. Calvert M. Staine, a tailor and musician, became a prominent political figure in Belize in the 1930s and 1940s, despite the extremely narrow franchise restrictions based on literacy and property qualifications that would remain in force until 1954. An early supporter of Garvey, Staine became vice president of the Belize branch of the UNIA, and he remained loyal to Garvey and Garvey’s faction of the UNIA after the split occasioned by the litigation and disposal of the estate of Isaiah Emmanuel Morter, a wealthy black Belizean landowner. A leader of a creole middle-class group called the Progressive Party, Staine was elected to and became the chairman of the Belize Town Board, but he was defeated in 1942 by Lionel Francis, the Trinidadian leader of the official UNIA faction in the United States that earlier opposed Garvey, who had settled in Belize. Staine was nominated to the legislative council in 1942, where he helped push through the Employers and Workers Bill on 27 April 1943. (The Employers and Workers Bill, which had been defeated by the employers among the unofficial members of the Council in 1941, removed the breach of labor contract from the criminal code, and thus made it possible for the infant trade unions of Belize to struggle to improve the terms and conditions of work.) Staine, who remained a member of the council until 1947, was awarded the Order of the British Empire (OBE) from the British government. He was also a member of the Commission of Inquiry on Constitutional Reform that, in April 1951, recommended changes that still fell short of universal adult suffrage (Peter David Ashdown, “Marcus Garvey, the UNIA and the Black Cause in British Honduras, 1914–1949,” JCH 15 [1981]: 41–55; Bolland, “The Labour Movement and the Genesis of Modern Politics in Belize,” pp. 258–284; Grant, The Making of Modern Belize, pp. 87, 148). 4. The visible participation of prominent Methodists in the genesis of the UNIA Belize branch was a reflection of the dynamism of Methodism in Belize. Although only 14 percent of the Belizean population were Methodists, Methodism was prominent and influential. The support and religious context that Rev. Anglin and Rev. McField brought to the inauguration of the UNIA made it difficult for colonial officials to openly denigrate the association’s aims and leadership (Grant, The Making of Modern Belize, pp. 14, 47–48, 53, 299, 300). 5. Isaiah Emmanuel Morter (1860–1924), alias “Guinea Sigar” or “The Coconut King,” was a native of British Honduras. Marcus Garvey described Morter as “a Negro of lowly parentage, who grew up fighting the oppositions and difficulties generally surrounding one born to his condition, until he lifted himself to the highest pinnacle of service to his race and to his country” (Marcus Garvey, “A Tribute to the Late Sir Isaiah Morter,” in Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, vol. 2, ed. Amy Jacques Garvey [New York: Atheneum, 1977], p. 90). According to his relatives and his tombstone, Morter was born of “African parents” from “Asante royalty” (Peter David Ashdown, Garveyism in Belize [Belize City: Society for the Promotion of Education and Research, 1990], p. 22). He grew up in the northern district and became a peasant farmer after he was given a parcel of land by his godfather, “Old Sowden,” a fairly prosperous farmer. Morter’s agricultural endeavors proved successful and he was able to buy additional land including the small offshore island of Caye Chapel. He inherited a small fortune, mostly in cash, on the death of his godfather and purchased extensive property in the capital, Belize Town. Morter made most of his wealth investing in coconut production and he owned several large coconut plantations. Described as “The Coconut King” of Central America, he was a self-made millionaire, and his other nickname, “Guinea Sigar,” arose

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS from his habitual holding of a large cigar in his mouth. He married twice; his first wife, Jane King, died accidentally from fatal injuries after falling from a carriage. His second marriage to Elizabeth Longsworth ended in separation. Morter became a leading member of the UNIA division established in Belize in March 1920 and hosted Garvey after his arrival in the colony on 1 July 1921 during his first “West Indian” tour. Morter was a leading patron of the UNIA and was made Knight Commander of the Distinguished Service Order of Ethiopia. In 1921 he was to be officially presented at the UNIA convention in New York but was unable to attend due to ill health. During Morter’s illness, Garvey arranged for him to have a Trinidadian nursing aide, Isabella Lawrence, who nursed him until his death on 7 April 1924. Morter left the bulk of his estate—valued at approximately $100,000 in property—to the UNIA of New York to be placed in the fund for African Redemption. He left $25.00 for his estranged wife and nothing to his brothers and sisters, some of whom had returned to Belize Town from Spanish Central America during his final days. His wife contested the will on the grounds of Morter’s “insanity” and the claim that Garvey and the UNIA had exercised “undue influence” over Morter. The suit further claimed that Garvey had sent Lawrence to Belize in order to maintain that influence and to prevent his family from seeing him. The family also claimed that there had been a sudden deterioration in Morter’s health after Lawrence’s arrival. The litigation over Morter’s will lasted for twenty years. J. A. G. Smith, a member of the Jamaican legislative council and a leading barrister in the region, successfully represented the UNIA at the first hearing. In 1926 Mrs. Morter’s lawyers, in their appeal to the Supreme Court of Belize, argued that the will was invalid because the Belize UNIA branch was not the parent body of the UNIA and because the UNIA had been founded to espouse an illegal cause—“the redemption of Africa” and the end of colonialism in British Honduras (Ashdown, Garveyism in Belize, p. 23). The chief justice agreed with the latter argument and found for Mrs. Morter. The UNIA appealed his judgment to the privy council in England, which found in favor of the UNIA. In its legal decision, it noted that although the description of the beneficiary was vague, the UNIA was obviously the intended beneficiary. The privy council ruled, in addition, that although a prima facie case could be made for the “illegality” of the aims of the African Redemption Fund, Garvey’s bellicose speeches about African Redemption were not set out in the UNIA constitution and the U.S. authorities had not found the UNIA to be an illegal or seditious organization. The split in the UNIA after Garvey’s deportation from the United States back to Jamaica in 1927 meant that there were now two claimants to the settlement. The UNIA headquarters in New York had, in 1931, incorporated itself as the UNIA, Inc. Its new president was Lionel Antonio Francis, a Trinidadian doctor who had become a UNIA member in 1920 and had been president of the division in Philadelphia but resigned in 1924. Under his leadership the new body engaged in eight years of litigation to establish its right to the settlement. In 1939 the Supreme Court in Belize ruled that the balance of the estate, not already eaten up by legal fees, belonged to the UNIA, Inc. Francis came to Belize two years later to claim the inheritance on behalf of the UNIA, Inc., which, by this time, had no active members. He settled in Belize to administer the estate, giving a token sum to Morter’s surviving relatives. Francis became involved in local politics in Belize in the 1940s and 1950s but died by drowning during a tidal wave caused by the 1961 hurricane (Garvey, “A Tribute to the Late Sir Isaiah Morter,” pp. 90–92; Ashdown, Garveyism in Belize, pp. 18–24). 6. H. M. Mickens was an AME minister in Waterbury, Conn., and secretary-general of the UNIA. J. D. Brooks, Mickens’s successor as secretary-general, remarked in June 1920: “I was converted [to the UNIA] on the preaching of Dr. Mickens at New Haven.” In June 1921 Mickens had left his post in Connecticut and was pastor of an AME church in Huntington, W. Va. (Clarion, 29 April 1920; NW, 20 June 1920, 25 June 1921). 7. William Henry Ferris (1873–1941) was assistant president general of the UNIA as well as associate editor of the Negro World. After attending Yale Graduate School, 1895–1897 (M.A. 1899), Harvard Divinity School, 1897–1899, and Harvard Graduate School, 1899–1900 (M.A. 1900), he worked briefly as a correspondent for both the Boston Guardian and the Colored American in 1902–1903. He began lecturing on African history in 1905 and traveled extensively in the United States and Canada gathering material for his book, The African Abroad; or, His Evolution in Western Civilization: Tracing His Development under Caucasian Milieus, 2 vols. (New Haven, Conn.: Tuttle, Morehouse and Taylor, 1913). Ferris “first heard of Marcus Garvey in November, 1913,” as a result of Garvey’s article in the ATOR. “I heard no more of Garvey until the summer of 1914, when he wrote to me that he had organized the Universal Negro Improvement Association and desired to arrange for me a West Indian lecture tour under the auspices of the association,” he reported, “but the World War blocked his plans” (Philadelphia Tribune, 27 June 1940). Ferris

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APRIL 1920 recorded the details of his first meeting with Garvey thus: “I first met him in Chicago, Ill., in the late fall of 1916, when I was Associate Editor of the Champion Magazine, of which Fenton Johnson was editor, Mr. William M. Kelley, the business manager, and Mr. and Mrs. Jesse Binga, the patrons. Marcus Garvey impressed both Fenton Johnson and myself as being ambitious, wideawake and energetic, and we published his article in the January number. He lectured in Chicago and various western, eastern and southern cities” (ATT, Monroe N. Work Newspaper Clipping Files, William Ferris, “Duse Mohamed and Marcus Garvey,” n.p., n.d.; Yale University Obituary Record of Graduates Deceased during the year ending July 1, 1942, pp. 69–70). 8. James Walker Hood Eason (1886–1923) was perhaps the most prominent black American clergyman ever to become involved in the leadership of the UNIA. Named for one of the most distinguished AME Zion bishops, Eason was born in North Carolina, where he attended the denomination’s undergraduate institution, Livingston College. After graduating in 1912, he attended Hood Theological Seminary where he had James E. K. Aggrey (1875–1927) of the Gold Coast as one of his teachers. Eason completed his theological training in 1915 and served briefly as the pastor of a church in Charlotte, N.C., before moving to Philadelphia. He joined Varick Memorial Church in Philadelphia but withdrew in 1918. Eason took several of the church’s members with him to form the People’s Metropolitan AME Zion Church. At the time of the Philadelphia riot in July 1918, Eason participated with other black ministers in organizing the Colored Protective Association to protect black residents of Philadelphia from further violence. In August 1919 Eason joined forces with Garvey and the UNIA after becoming disillusioned with the NAACP which he had joined previously. However, Eason’s use of the People’s Church facilities in Philadelphia for UNIA organizational meetings led to a physical conflict with some church members and later an embittered legal battle. Shortly after joining the UNIA, Eason was elected the first UNIA chaplaingeneral, a post he held until he was elected to the position of “Leader of American Negroes” at the UNIA’s first International Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World in August 1920. 9. “[God] hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation” (Acts 17:26). 10. William Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice (1597–1598), act 4, scene 1. 11. A reference to the incident of 25 July 1919 (Peter David Ashdown, “The Background to the Ex-Servicemen’s Riot of 1919,” Belcast Journal of Belizean Affairs 2, no. 2 [December 1985]; Peter David Ashdown, “Coup d’Etat: Riot of 1919,” Belcast Journal of Belizean Affairs 3, nos. 1–2 [June 1986]). 12. The constitution is transcribed inaccurately here. This sentence should continue “as required by the Constitution and General Laws.” Section three then begins “The objects of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League shall be . . .” (MGP 1:256– 257). 13. Because Belize had no institution of higher education, the sons of the creole elite were sent to universities in the United Kingdom and the United States after graduating from one of the capital’s denominational high schools. In the 1920s and 1930s the Anglican and Methodist high schools were slowly being superseded in facilities and importance by the Jesuit-controlled Catholic institutions (Grant, The Making of Modern Belize, pp. 96–98).

Article in the Negro World [[Philadelphia, 29 April 1920]] [. . .] MR. SMITH-GREEN SPEAKS Mr. Smith-Green rose amid loud cheers and delivered a forceful speech. He expressed his sense of the great responsibility devol[v]ing upon him in going abroad to represent the interests of the U.N.I.A. and the Black Star Line, and then proceeded to relate in detail the incidents in connection with the voyage and the duties which he had been sent to perform. He spoke feelingly of the

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extremely cordial welcome given him by the people of Cuba and added: “The branch of the U.N.I.A. in Havana is going strong. They have sent across a message by me to be promulgated among the members of the U.N.I.A. in America. The people of Cuba have their eyes riveted on the United States of America, realizing that we stand as the emancipators of the fellowmen of our race, because of the fact that we occupy a central position. It is therefore up to us to show them by our moral conduct and financial support that we are prepared to save them from the oppression and yoke of the white man.” CUBA’S PRESIDENT FRIENDLY He then referred with pride to the royal manner in which he, together with the captain and officers of the “Yarmouth,” were entertained in the palace of the President of Cuba, on the invitation of the President himself; and also to the [military honors extended to him and?] his party when he was invited by the commanding officer of the Cuban army to inspect the troops. The President of Cuba, Mr. Smith-Green said, had expressed himself in favor of the U.N.I.A. and promised to do anything in his power to assist in its growth and development. “It is the ideal for which we stand, and which has been so wonderfully disseminated by our President-General, that has made the Republic of Cuba the first to acknowledge the U.N.I.A. as the power of black men and women. There have been other representatives who have gone abroad to the various countries of the world, and yet I believe, we have been the first who have really been recognized by a regularly constituted government. Why? Because we of the U.N.I.A. have proven to the world that we are acting in unison with no selfish motives, but are prepared to emancipate the race and to make every sacrifice, financial and otherwise, so that this race of ours shall be redeemed and that our hope that Africa shall be freed from the fetters of the white man may be realized. EMPLOYING OURSELVES [“]Wherever I have been I have found the U.N.I.A. going strong and a changed attitude on the part of nearly every Negro is evident. All over the world we have realized that this is our salvation; that the hour has at last struck when the right man and the right occasion have met, and all that is required is that black men shall show by their actions and by their support that they are determined to emancipate themselves. How shall we emancipate ourselves? The path has been blazed for us by the establishment of such organizations as the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation and the Negro Factories Corporation, because by entering the field of industry and commerce we are opening for ourselves those avenues which have been closed against us for all these years. We are preparing for ourselves, our children and our children’s children those things which we ourselves may not have enjoyed. It means this: that where the Black Star Line is concerned, we have already made a place for our people. We are supplying them with work: we are employing ourselves, and in a short time 642

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we hope to be employing thousands of our own race. Imagine yourselves full of energy and having capabilities, walking into the office of a white man and after telling him what you can do to be turned down because your skin is dark. Since that is the case, it is time for us to prove to the world, by backing up these organizations, that the black man is capable of doing things that the other races have always claimed that we could never do. [“]This is what it means for us: that from the President of the Corporation right down to the office boy; from the commander of the ship right down to the cabin boy; from the floor lady of a department store right down to the sweeper, we would all be Negroes; we would be catering to ourselves for ourselves. When that is accomplished, we are going to be feared and respected. Instead of educating your girl to be a stenographer and then after she leaves school, to go into somebody’s kitchen and ask for a cook’s or a scrubber’s job, she will be able to go to your office and demand that job which suits her capability; she would be able to go into the President’s office and speak to him like a woman and not feel herself an inferior being. If a man had the capability to be superintendent of a factory and he saw in the Negro World an advertisement calling for a superintendent, he would be able to take his credentials and walk right into the office, present them and be employed. That is what the Black Star Line, Negro Factories Corporation and the allied corporations mean to Negroes, and unless we are prepared to back them up with every penny we have, we had better die right now, because we will be slaves again. We are telling you to invest your monies to-day so that to-morrow you will be able to reap the benefits from them. Instead of taking $100 and placing it in the bank and getting 3½ or 4 per cent. interest, invest $100 to-day in the Black Star Line and in due time you will reap the benefits. We are calling upon you to invest your monies because we are perfectly sure that not only is it legitimate but it is safe. Other peoples of the world have by sound investment been able to ride in automobiles, live in palaces, and have servants at their command; is it not time that Negroes wake up and follow their example?[”] HON. MARCUS GARVEY SPEAKS Mr. Garvey’s appearance was greeted with tumultuous applause which lasted for several minutes. He said:— “Mr. President and Members of the Philadelphia Division, Ladies and Gentlemen:— I am very sorry that I have to make an apology to you tonight for not having the Yarmouth in port. We in New York were also disappointed a few days ago when we held a great meeting in the Manhattan Casino which was organized as a welcome to Henrietta Vinton Davis, Cyril Henry and Captain Cockburn and his crew. Unfortunately the Yarmouth was delayed in Jamaica for three days, and through that she is running three days late. I received a radio message this morning coming to us through the wireless at Fisherman’s Point, saying that the Frederick Douglass was making way for Philadelphia. (Cheers.) She being so far away, could not reach Philadelphia before Wednes643

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day evening or Thursday morning. Having also [booked Henrietta Vinton Davis and?] Captain Cockburn of the Yarmouth to be in Boston for the benefit of the Boston Division of the U.N.I.A. on Friday of this week and having been myself scheduled to speak in Tremont Temple, Boston, in order to have the ship there on Friday morning and make it possible for the Negro citizens of Boston to inspect their own ship as you will do in Philadelphia, I sent another radio to the ship this morning telling her to change her course from Philadelphia to Boston, since they would not reach here before Wednesday or Thursday morning—to Boston so as to reach there by Friday. She will leave Boston on Friday night for Philadelphia, to be here on Monday morning. (Cheers.) The good ship therefore will be in Philadelphia next Monday and she will leave next Monday night for New York to discharge her cargo and her passengers.[”] (Cheers.) HONDURAS NEGROES ANSWER TO TYRANNY “I am indeed pleased to be once more with you in the Academy of Music. I am pleased always to be in Philadelphia, but I do not want you to become too bigoted over your strength, because there are dozens of branches of the U.N.I.A. that are twice as strong numerically as you are. I have also a cable in my hand which came to me last night while I was presiding over the meeting at Liberty Hall, from one of the Central American countries—British Honduras. Those of you who have been reading the Negro World will remember that about six months ago the government of British Honduras, through its legislature, voted to suppress the Negro World to prevent it from entering into British Honduras, where it had a circulation of 500 copies weekly. We had not yet organized a branch of the U.N.I.A., but the moment that the government closed down on the Negro World the Negro people in British Honduras—in the city of Belize—organized a branch of the U.N.I.A.[”] (Cheers.) “And what happened? I received their cable last Sunday in Liberty Hall saying that there were 8,500 members of the Belize Division of the U.N.I.A.[”] (Loud cheers.) THE HAND OF DESTINY “The time is coming—and it is near—when the world will realize that the slavery that the American Negro and the slavery that the West Indian Negro suffered for over 250 years on the one hand and 230 years on the other hand was not a slavery that was borne for nothing; it was borne for something. That something is going to make itself manifest in this 20th century—so help Almighty God.[”](Loud cheers.) “Do you think that my forbears were brought into this Western Hemisphere to suffer and bleed and die for nearly 250 years that I might get the civilization that I have now and the Christianity that I have now—for naught? Somebody is making a mistake today, because I am alive today and you are alive also; and because we are alive—not as savages—not as pagans—not as barbar644

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ians, but as civilized Christian men, we say what is good in this present age for other civilized Christian men is also good for us.[”] (Cheers.) “If independence of government—if freedom of action and all other things are good for white men and yellow men, they are also good for the black man. If the yellow man has to strike out in the interest of Japan—if the white Briton has to strike out in the interests of things white and things English—if the white French are to strike out in the interests of things French and white, then the hour has struck for black men to strike out in the interest of things black and in the interest of Africa.[”] (Cheers.) “There is a greater hope for me; there is a greater hope for each and every Negro yet unborn. If we cannot see the entire African race freemen, our children yet unborn will see them. It is incumbent upon us to so work to-day as to create a future for ourselves and for our children. We think of the greatness of America—her power— the great influence she wields in the world to-day. And we go back down the ages to the time when America was inhabited by the Indians; when there were no Philadelphias, no Bostons, no New Yorks, no Chicagos. The Pilgrim Fathers came and worked and laid the foundation for the greatness that we see now— the inspirations that we have now. They laid the foundation of American independence, freedom and greatness. As they have done it for their race, so the Negro of to-day should, as the Pilgrim Fathers, lay the foundation for African freedom and Ethiopian greatness in the future. I am glad that there is a Liberia; I am glad that there is an Abyssinia still free and independent in Africa. The God that we worship and fear has never been asleep, and because He has never been asleep, He has ever been watching over the Negro, and He has brought him out of his trials and tribulations to see the light of a new day—the light of liberty for all people—the light of liberty when Ireland cries out for freedom— when Egypt cries out for freedom—when India cries out for freedom—when the Jew cries out to go back and to be restored to Palestine. We have lived to see the day when Ethiopia is stretching forth her hands unto God. (Cheers.) No power on earth can stop the great onward rush of the U.N.I.A. Two years ago we started in New York with 13 men and women; to-day we are 3,000,000 strong. Two years ago no policeman would pay attention to the U.N.I.A. After two years we are causing the crowned heads to say “Where are these Negroes going?” (Cheers). You the members of the U.N.I.A., are so important to-day that you have some of the greatest white statesmen of the world puzzled now. (Applause). But we do not want to puzzle them; and if they do not want to be puzzled, let them hand down to us the things that are ours; if they do not, then they will remain troubled for sometime. AN INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF NEGROES And here I want to tell you to bear in mind the great convention of Negroes called to assemble on the first day of August. The great Convention will be opened in New York; delegates will be sent from the far corners of the 645

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world to New York to represent our race; they will be coming from Africa, from Central and South America, from the West Indian islands and from the 48 States of the Union. For the first time in the history of the American Negro he will elect a leader for himself. (Cheers). Since we cannot elect a President we will elect a Negro man, a native born, American to lead 15,000,000 Negroes. And on the same day we elect a Negro for the American Negroes, we shall elect a leader for all the Negro peoples of the world; so that when England desires to speak to the Negro, or France or Germany desires to speak to the Negro, they will have to address their diplomatic note to the leader of the Negro peoples of the world, and we will debate the question and give them suitable reply. The black men of the world have fought the last war for others. We are now preparing when the clash of arms is again heard—when the war of the races takes place—as Josephus Daniels told us in New York about 15 months ago—we four hundred million blacks are preparing when that great day arrives, when Europe and Asia will be so engaged, that day will be the day of victory for African liberty and African independence. We will remember that 300 years ago [we were?] not be found in the [United States] of America nor in the [West Indies?] but we were to be found as [word illegible] in Africa. We were brought here [by the?] slave trade to get civilization [and to?] get christianity. That civilization and that christianity we have [word illegible] for, and civilized men as we are prepared to match our [word illegible] on against the other fellow’s [nation?] (Cheers.) If King George [can say?]: “In my higher civilization [and?] in my higher culture I [stand for things?] English”; and [Clemenceau of France?] can say: “I stand [for things French”?]; then I (a black man) [of my?] higher civilization and in [my higher?] culture say that I will stand [for things?] African and for things Negro.[”] (Cheers). The [meeting] was then dismissed after [the band] had played the Universal Negro Anthem. Printed in NW, 8 May 1920.

Article in the Negro World [New York, 1 May 1920] [. . .] MR. EDWARD SMITH-GREEN SPEAKS Mr. Edward Smith-Green, Secretary of the Black Star Line and Secretary of the New York Local of the U.N.I.A. said:— Mr. President, Fellow-Members and Officers:—It affords me great pleasure to be back with you after an absence of two months. First of all allow me to apologize for not being able to throw my voice any further because of the fact that I contracted a cold on my way from Key west, Florida, to New York. 646

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As it has been said, because of the fact that there was some publicity attached to the S.S. “Yarmouth” on account of the cargo which she carried, the President saw fit to send me abroad to supervise the landing of the whiskey and also to represent the U.N.I.A. and the Black Star Line. When I left here on the 15th of February I regretted very much that I could not have come to Liberty Hall on the previous evening to bid you good-bye. I had my reasons, which I shall explain later on. I can assure you that I feel myself a highly honored man here tonight because I have had the opportunity of being sent abroad as your servant—I will not say ambassador—to represent you. I have done so to the best of my ability, and I return here tonight to assure you that I have brought laurels for the U.N.I.A. (Cheers.) DISCUSSES HIS VOYAGE And now, if you will permit me, I will describe my voyage. I left the Pennsylvania Station at 6:20 sharp on the evening of the 15th of February. I traveled by express train. It took forty-eight hours to reach Key West from New York. And I want to tell you just a little incident which happened on the trip between New York and Key West. Apparently Southern white men are not accustomed to see a Negro travelling on a Pullman train. While on the train between Miami and Key West, I was in the smoking room when one of those gentlemen [(?)?] from the South came in while I was in conversation with some Northern white men. The Southerner stepped up to me and said: “Hey! Where is number 13?” I told him: “I do not know; ask the porter.” He replied: “Ain’t you the porter?” I said “No.” He then looked me full in the face and said “Hey! where do you come from?” [I] said “New York” and he added: “Where are you going?” and I replied “To Havana.” He then said: “Look here, fellow! you are getting into [back?] country now.” I inquired what he meant and he answered: “I mean that in this part of the world, we white folks are not accustomed to ride in a train with niggers.” I said: “You have made a mistake fellow, you happen not to be talking to a “nigger” this time [but?] to a Negro gentleman.[”] He got red [in] the face, and I believe if he had the opportunity, he would have struck me. But as he made a lurch toward me, I very deftly placed my hand in my hip pocket and asked him if he wanted to start something. He then coolly walked out while the other men jeered at him. I arrived at Key West and seven hours after I boarded the [steamer] leaving for Havana. During my absence from this country I received news that there was a good deal of grumbling about the hold up of the Yarmouth in Havana. Some persons in New York have seen fit to say a lot of calum[ni]ous things about the Yarmouth. But the real cause of the holdup was that when the Yarmouth arrived in Havana the longshoremen were on strike. There were dozens of ships tied up in the harbor. [We?] arrived there just about the time that the strike was about to be broken or we would have been held up [there?] for a longer period. When I arrived in Havana I found that the branch of the U.N.I.A., was well organized and the members of that branch made representa647

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tions that unless the [cargo] was immediately discharged thy themselves would go on board and get the cargo off. (Cheers.) Because they were so determined, the Yarmouth was given a berth within ten days after she was in Havana, although she came fully one month after the [others?] were there. Her whiskey [was?] charged and so [words illegible] cargo; and although in New [York?] it was said she was consigned to [no one,?] yet there were representatives of consignees in Havana, who came and presented their bills of lading and claimed their cargo. I want to emphatically say here that the Yarmouth was not held up by the government at all and that we had no hitch where the discharge of the cargo was concerned; that the only thing which prevented her from leaving Havana earlier was because of the strike conditions. HAVANA BRANCH GOING STRONG I was in Havana not twenty-four hours when I was in touch with members of the U.N.I.A., down there; and I can assure you that they are going strong. (Loud cheers.) As soon as it became known that I was in Havana, newspaper reporters began pouring in on me at my hotel eagerly asking for reports of exactly what we were doing in New York; but I did not, for perhaps four days, give out the information that I intended to give because there was too much rivalry between the newspapers; and moreover I learned that the biggest newspaper had not yet sent its reporter. I played a waiting game and eventually came a reporter from the paper which has the biggest circulation in Havana. This paper is called “El Mundo,” (a white newspaper) and through it the Black Star Line and the U.N.I.A., was given the widest publicity it has ever had in any part of the world. Because of that, and because I was able to express myself in the meetings of the U.N.I.A., one morning there was a knock at the door of my room and on opening a man in the uniform of the Cuban Republic approached me and asked if I was Mr. Smith-Green. I said “Yes”; he thereupon handed me a letter which he said required an immediate reply. The letter read: INVITED TO VISIT PRESIDENT “Dear Sir: I have been instructed by the President of this republic1 to ask you to visit him at his palace two days from today, accompanied by the captain of the Yarmouth and his officers.” (Cheers.) I can assure you that inasmuch as I was prepared for no such invitation that was the greatest shock of my life. I did not realize that we were so keenly watched; I did not realize that the propaganda was taken even to the palace of the President of the republic. In spite of the shock I made up my mind since the opportunity presented itself that I would appear and present in the strongest language I could the aims and objects of 400,000,000 black men. (Cheers.) On the morning mentioned the captain in his uniform and officers and men of the Yarmouth got into some automobiles sent for us by the captain of the port. When we reached there we found the harbor police drawn up. As we approached they came to salute. We were there for about five minutes when the 648

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captain himself with some other gentlemen and important citizens—representatives of the Cuban Republic—escorted us to the palace of the President. When we arrived there we found a guard of honor drawn up at the gate and as we alighted from the automobiles they came to a salute and we saluted. We entered the elevator and were taken up a few flights. After waiting in the antechamber for a few minutes a man appeared dressed in uniform and announced in Spanish that the President required our presence immediately. We marched in, I heading the procession. I found the President, the Colonel of the Camp and other Cabinet officers in the Cabinet chamber, seated around a table. As we approached they rose and the President came forward and asked who I was. I told him and then I introduced him to the captain and other officers. The President then addressed us. I am not able to tell you what he said, but he welcomed us to Cuba. My reply was as follows:— LAUDS CUBAN REPUBLIC “Mr. President:—I feel myself extremely honored to be in your presence here, and I can assure you that I have brought a message from the greatest Negro this world has ever produced to the President of the Greatest Republic in this World—great not because her resources are great; great not because of the martyrs she has produced; great not because of her history; but because of the fact that having us here in your presence you have at least established and shown to the world that the brotherhood of man does exist.” (Cheers.) He was extremely satisfied and gratified and he had his photograph taken with us. This photograph I have brought with me and I will give it to the Negro World for publication. When I was leaving the palace the President told me:— “As long as you are in Cuba, and whenever you go away and return—you or any representative of the U.N.I.A., or Black Star Line—you are welcome here, and as long as I am President of this Republic, see me for anything you want.” (Loud cheers.) This message I have brought from the President of the great Republic of Cuba. Before we left the palace we were also invited to visit the soldiers’ camp, which we did a week later. When we reached Camp Colombo there was another great surprise awaiting us. The Colonel took us in charge and not only showed us around the camp, but we found a part of the army on parade. The band was in attendance and as we approached and after the formalities had been gone through, the National Anthem was struck up and, my friends, I can assure you that those men were in earnest—because the major part of the Cuban army consists of Negroes. And when they saw Negroes with the uniform of a steamship line, they thought they would go wild with enthusiasm. We were royally entertained in that camp, and I also made a speech in the Officers’ Club, which you have probably read in the Negro World. We were given the best time of our lives in that camp and we were asked to return to attend the field sports, but we could not. We left and went back down to the 649

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boat and there we had the opportunity—as some of the camp officers came down with us—to show them what Negro efficiency stood for. They were entertained on board and the waiters were able to treat them just as nicely as they treated us. They found the Yarmouth in splendid condition; because by the time she arrived in Havana the chief officers had her looking like a yacht. I have no doubt since she has been under the tropical sun, when she arrives in New York you will be exceedingly pleased, for she has been repainted beautifully. Because of that, when those officers came on board and inspected her they felt satisfied that Negro efficiency stood for something since they could produce that which they saw on board. When I explained to them and showed the photographs of Hon. Marcus Garvey and Frederick Douglass, and told them what they had achieved for our race, they were extremely proud because they realized that we were in dead earnest—that we did not intend any longer to be dominated by alien races. (Cheers.) The Cuban Negro has at last got the vision. It strikes me that he has been waiting all these years for something like this to be taken to him, because although he is in the majority like all over the world he has been kept in the same state of slavery. When through the newspapers and in public gatherings I was able to expound the principles of the U.N.I.A. and the Black Star Line they threw their lot in and there was no time I spoke or appeared in public that the hall or building was not crammed to its full capacity, and they had sworn, as it were, that as long as Negroes in New York representing the U.N.I.A. and the Black Star Line will lead the way for them they intend to follow until such time—if it is necessary—to die for the cause. (Cheers.) CARVES U.N.I.A. IN TREE Because of some business in Cuba I could not go on the Yarmouth when she left for Jamaica. But leaving Havana I went to Santiago de Cuba. While there I took the opportunity to visit San Juan Hill—that place made famous in American history because of the valor and bravery of Negroes. As a Negro I thought it would have been a sin not to visit the spot where members of my race had made such a glorious past. I therefore went to the summit of San Juan Hill, and there by the guide I was shown the spot where Roosevelt and his Rough Riders2 were engaged in the heaviest fighting, and there I saw the “Peace Tree” under which the Spanish and American treaty was signed.3 I took the opportunity to carve in the tree beside the “Peace Tree” the letters U.N.I.A., for I wanted it to be known in the future that the cause for which we stand had at one time sent a representative down there and that he had pluck enough to leave imprinted on that tree right beside the “Peace Tree” the letters of the greatest movement in the world today. Going over to Jamaica, I visited the office of the Black Star Line and the U.N.I.A. Over there they are going strong also. They have also sent a message

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to you that “we on this end are determined to carry on the work [and to back you to the limit.”] And now, in conclusion, I want to assure you that today the U.N.I.A. and the Black Star Line have been firmly planted in Cuba, and all we must do now is to carry on the work and give the lie to those who believe that we are not in earnest, so that those abroad shall not be made to feel ashamed. In Havana there is a very great statue of a Negro—his name is Antonio Maceo—a man who shed his blood so that Negroes should be liberated. It [is] said of Hannibal that when he drew the sword the very world oscillated upon its point. But it has been said of Antonio Maceo that when he drew the sword the very stars stopped in their space. It might be a myth; but the Cuban will tell you that Antonio Maceo was the greatest man in Cuba. In that huge statue he is represented sitting astride a horse rampant, the reins held in his left hand and a drawn sword in his right hand; his head to the sun and his eyes beaming with fire. Although he died before victory was proclaimed because of his valor his name is memorialized in Cuban history and his statue has been erected as a memento to give an inspiration to those who came after him. On my way from Jamaica I had the opportunity of stopping off in Hayti for a few hours and there I remembered that that land had produced a great Negro in the person of Toussaint L’Ouverture. And as I looked on the flagstaff and saw the flag of Hayti I doffed my hat in reverence, because having been sent by you, I had the opportunity of seeing with my own eyes the people of Hayti and of treading the soil which produced Toussaint L’Ouverture. But my friends, although I felt great abroad I feel greater now. I have mentioned great men, but in this modern age the greatest man the Negro race has produced is our own president—the darling of our race—Marcus Garvey. PREPARED TO FOLLOW THE SIGN After having gone abroad and having all those honors heaped upon me, this is what I want to tell you: That with this sign I have conquered. With the sign of the red, black and green, I was admitted to the presidential palace; with this sign I was admitted to a camp and given military honors; with this sign I was recognized all over the world; and because of that fact I am prepared to follow this sign as long as life lasts; and I call upon you men and women of this race to vow that as long as breath remains in us—as long as we remain upon this earth—we shall do everything to uphold the sign which we have created in the red, black and green—no matter what others may say. Since other races have established empires; since they have produced republics; since they have flags, we are determined that this shall be our sign and because of that let us love it as we love our lives. I am calling upon the young men of our race particularly to nerve yourselves, because the day is not far distant I believe when we will be called on, and we must be prepared to die for the honor of our race and the honor of our women. And I hope when the time comes that we will go forward manfully. 651

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That we will have with us some Toussaint L’Ouvertures and Hannibals, and I know we will have Marcus Garvey. And when that day comes let us not falter but go forward unerringly and unfalteringly wearing the sign of the red, black and green. I believe that one day upon the shores of Africa we will drive the enemy from the soil of our forefathers. On that day perhaps we shall see the great African eagle soaring to the mountain top of Ethiopia and there planting for eternity the flag which the Negro has been able to produce and maintain even at the cost of his blood. (Cheers.) Printed in NW, 1 May 1920. 1. Mario García Menocal y Deop (1866–1941), known simply as Menocal, was born in Jagüey Grande, Cuba, before spending his childhood in exile in Mexico and the United States during the Ten Years’ War (1868–1878). His work as administrator of the Central Chaparra, an enormous plantation complex owned by the Cuban American Sugar Company, epitomized his close ties with United States capital. A leader of the Conservative Party, he was president of Cuba from 1913 to 1921. (Hugh Thomas, Cuba: The Pursuit of Freedom [New York: Harper & Row, 1971], p. 467). 2. The First United States Volunteer Cavalry Unit, popularly known as the “Rough Riders,” became the most famous regiment to fight in the Spanish-Cuban-American War. The Rough Riders were under the command of Leonard Wood (who first became governor of Oriente Province and then governor of Cuba during the U.S. military occupation until 1902) and Theodore Roosevelt (who later became president of the United States). Although the attack on San Juan Hill in July 1898 has been identified most closely with the Rough Riders, other units, including the black regular troops of the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry and Twenty-fourth Infantry, also participated. In the important battle at Las Guásimas in late June 1898, the Tenth Cavalry effectively saved the Rough Riders from a Spanish ambush, an act which later became confused with the battle of San Juan Hill (Willard Gatewood, “Smoked Yankees” and the Struggle for Empire: Letters from Negro Soldiers, 1898–1902 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), pp. 41–43; Graham A. Cosmas, An Army for Empire: The United States Army in the Spanish-American War [Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1971], p. 134). 3. Spanish and American commissioners negotiated for the Spanish surrender of Santiago underneath a ceiba tree just outside of the city in July 1898. The final signing was on 16 July and a formal ceremony of surrender took place on 17 July in the same place. The tree is now designated as the “peace tree” (Richard H. Titherington, A History of the Spanish-American War of 1898 [New York: D. Appleton, 1900], pp. 294–330; Willis Fletcher Johnson, The History of Cuba [New York: B. F. Buck, 1920], pp. 115–116; John S. Bowman, ed., Facts about the American Wars [New York: H. W. Wilson, 1998], pp. 359, 361).

“C. M. S.”1 in the Belize Independent [Belize, British Honduras, 5 May 1920]

SEDITIOUS MATTER ONCE MORE Once more unto the breach dear Mr. Editor or close the wall up with our people dead. For some time I have been pondering the advisability of agitating for the raising of the ban placed on the Negro World, a Newspaper devoted in the interests of the negro and the official organ of the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. and have now reached the decisive point. Rumor has it that further legislative measures are to be introduced regarding these “Seditious Publications,” but this cannot happen for it must be 652

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allowed that the Gov[ernment] is thinking now, as perhaps it never did before, and moreover, Mr. Walter our pious benefactor & fount of this particular blessing has fortunately (for himself) been assigned to another field. This therefore, is in the nonentity. But to return to the existing & malignant ulcer, the suppression of the N[egro] W[orld], let us summon up every determination to have this act repealed. Now that the local Branch of the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. is an established fact, it is ridiculous that its spokesmen should remain banned. Our administrative head has expressed his sympathy with the ambition of the African Peoples the World over & evinces a disposition to deal square in this matter. Now is the opportune time to have this wrong righted. It beho[o]ves us to seek, to ask, yea, to knock. It has been seriously enjoined upon the wise and good men in these parts, natives and others, to do nothing that would incite racial ill-will and it follows as a matter of course that we see to the undoing of all such things as have been and are the source of prevailing [(?)] discontent repeatedly expressed. The London Observer is very forcible on this matter of the suppression of journals devoted to the interest of a people or race, and on general principles states inter alia that:— “Crime itself should always be pursued with uncompromising rigour, but the suppression of newspapers has always proved the weakest, most self-defeating course on which an administration could embark. As for coercion for general purposes, there is no hope in it. It is the hoariest, crudest device of seven centuries. It has been tried in every form and failed in every form.[”] The Observer seems truly to be abreast of the times and in perfect rapport with the general feeling for it continues: “The contemplated suppression of journals devoted to the interests of the Negro race is the most effective policy which could well be for the manufacture and production of racial bitterness in the West Indies.” We are anxious that there should be no racial strife in these climes, but there is growing determination among W[est] Indians of every land to make an end of complexional discrimination in all its forms and the just claim of the Negro for equality of opportunity in all spheres of labour can no longer be denied. Printed in BI, 5 May 1920, transcript. 1. “C. M. S.” was probably Calvert M. Staine.

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Vice-Admiral T. D. W. Napier, Commander in Chief, Bermuda, to the Secretary of the Admiralty Admiralty House, Bermuda, 8th May 1920

RACIAL DISTURBANCES—SITUATION AT BELIZE, BRITISH HONDURAS The Rear Admiral Commanding 8th Light Cruiser Squadron after his visit to Belize on 4th to 6th April has forwarded a report on the unsatisfactory state of affairs in that Colony. The Rear Admiral gathered that the feeling of the coloured community towards the White Residents was antipathetic to a marked degree. It appears that British Honduras is much open to and influenced by propaganda of the “NEGRO WORLD” style. The Governor has not, he considers, sufficiently reliable means to enforce a Seditious Publications Bill if passed. The coloured population has already tasted blood, beaten white men, looted stores in the riots of July 1919 and are to be considered the more inflammable on that account. The proposed withdrawal of the company of the Royal Sussex Regiment at Belize is causing much alarm amongst those who have heard of it. I have submitted a letter on this subject to Their Lordships under a separate cover. (signed) T. D. W. NAPIER, Vice Admiral, Commander in Chief, North America and West Indies TNA: PRO CO 318/358/33396. TD, copy.

C. W. Dixon,1 Principal Clerk, Colonial Office, to the Secretary of the Admiralty Downing Street, //8th// May 1920 Sir, With reference to previous correspondence regarding the unrest in the British West Indies and the movements of His Majesty’s ships, I am directed by [Viscount] Milner to transmit to you, to be laid before the [Lo]rds Commissioners of the Admiralty, the accompanying [copy of a] despatch from the Governor of the Windward [Islands] reporting on the present position in St. Lucia [and th]e recent Police strike. 654

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2. Lord Milner desires to express his appreciation [of th]e valuable services rendered by His Majesty’s Ship [Consta]nce as described in the despatch and its enclosure. I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant, (sgd.) C. W. DIXON [Handwritten minutes:] Mr Grindle Sir G. Fiddes. Mr Darnley, Copy to Admiralty L.F //expressing appreciation of the services of the Constance G[.] G[.]// and Gen[eral] Wilson should see [later] as to par[agraph] 9. R[.] A[.] W[.] [R. A. Wiseman] 23/4/20 also 17063 par. 3 of 1st enc[losure] & par[.] 1 of 2nd enc[.] note the evidence that all these strikes are the work of agents of the Negro Improvement Association of New York. I think we had better send a desp to the other W.I. Colonies telling them of this & asking whether they have any evidence of similar activities in their Colonies. The desp to J’ca may have to be in other terms if we have any report on the visit of the Black Star liner. We have applied to [General] Kell2 for inf[ormation] & he agreed to send it, but so far none has arrived. He should be reminded. E[.] R[.] D[.] [E. R. Darnley] 28/4 Done on C.O. 23090 W. Indies [remainder missing] Sir Basil Thomson should also have a copy. One more instance of the general unrest & racial ill-feeling in the W.I., but steps are being taken to improve the conditions of service of the police. G. G. [G. Grindle] 29.4.20 As proposed G. V. F. [G. V. Fiddes] 30/4 The urgent thing is to strengthen the police by good officers & [nco’s?] [noncommissioned officers?], good men— if possible recruited over not too narrow an area—and good pay. [initials illegible] 30/4

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Lord Milner has seen. As proposed. (Dept: please return pps to Lord Milner after action.) H. C. T. [H. C. Thornton] 1/5/20 TNA: PRO CO 321/310/02512. TLS. Marked “Confidential.” Stamped “C.O. 17064.” 1. Charles William Dixon (b. 1888) was educated at Clifton and Balliol College, Oxford. He was appointed Colonial Office second-class clerk on 11 October 1911 and began serving as private secretary to George V. Fiddes on 8 July 1917. Dixon was promoted to first-class clerk on 1 January 1920 and principal on 1 April 1920 before joining the Dominions Office as assistant secretary on 4 September 1929 (DOCOL). 2. Col. Sir Vernon George Waldegrave Kell (1873–1942), political intelligence officer, was the director of the Special Intelligence Bureau of British Military Intelligence (MI 5) from 1914 until his retirement in 1940 (ODNB; WWW).

Enclosure: George Basil Haddon-Smith, Governor, Windward Islands, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Grenada, 6th March, 1920 Forwarded. 2. I fear that the Police of St Lucia have got very much out of hand during the last four years. There was no alternative during the war but to appoint Mr Ryan1 of the Prison Department to act as Chief of Police: he is neither the class of man, nor has he the energy or tact, for such an appointment, but during the war Your Lordship was unable to select an Officer for the Police. I have every hope, from what I have seen of Colonel Deane, that he will make the most of the Police, but, as in most of the Colonies, the material to work with is inferior. 3. Of the three Islands, the situation in St Lucia is worse than either of the others. The behaviour of the returned soldiers of this Island was bad, fortunately I was able to persuade 60 of them to go to Cuba. 4. There are three or four evil disposed men in St Lucia who are poisoning the minds of the others, and, as most of the labourers are employed in carrying coal or doing work in the town, the action of these agitators whom it is very hard to bring evidence against, bears fruit. In the other Islands owing to the labourers being chiefly employed in agriculture and away from the town, the work of the would be agitator has not so great an effect. 5. From personal observations I am of opinion that the situation in all three Islands is slightly better at present than it was three months ago. The men of the British West Indies Regiment have been appeased by their gratuities, and wages have been increased all round. I am hopeful that the conditions will go on improving.

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6. I am dealing in Executive Council this week with the Seditious Publications Bill referred to in Your Lordship’s Secret despatch of 10th September, 1919, and hope that the Council will support the Bill being brought before the Legislative Council. I purposely postponed any action until the completion of my visit to the other Islands. 7. I am not in favour of any troops being sent to St Lucia, each Island must rely upon its own Police Force and any of the local inhabitants who are prepared to help in cases of emergency. His Majesty’s Ships are within easy call. 8. I have urged the Administrator if possible to obtain evidence against Norville so as to deport him from St Lucia. 9. Colonel Deane’s remarks as regards the local Defence Force are perfectly accurate, and apply to the three Islands. The best men of the Volunteers went to the front, many of those who returned will not rejoin and the Officer problem is difficult of solution. Major Smith, the late Staff Officer, saw the uselessness of the present force in Grenada. Any change in the system was postponed pending the termination of the war, and when the new defence scheme was consid[e]red. Personally I am in favour of disbanding the Volunteer Force as at present constituted in each of the Islands, and in place simply have in each Island a machine gun or two and just sufficient men to form teams for the working of these guns. In this way we would be able to get a good class of men to enlist for the teams and would have no difficulty in keeping up the numbers. The proposed scheme would be more economical and decidedly more efficient and useful, but until I am aware what is contemplated as regards the defence scheme of these Islands I am reluctant to put before Your Lordship any definite proposal as regards the disbandment of the present Volunteer Forces of the three Islands. 10. I cannot close this despatch before bringing to Your Lordship’s notice the prompt action taken by Admiral Sir A. F. Everett,2 K.C.M.G., C.B., H.M.S. “Calcutta”: within six hours of my request H.M.S. “Constance” which was in Trinidad had arrived at St Lucia. It is the ready support which is given by the Officers of His Majesty’s Navy that helps to quell what might otherwise be a serious position in these Islands. G. B. HADDON-SMITH Governor TNA: PRO CO 321/310/02512. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” Stamped “C.O. 17064.” 1. T. Ryan was the keeper of the royal gaol, St. Lucia, in 1920 (DOCOL). 2. Admiral Sir Allan Frederic Everett (1868–1938) was commander of the Eighth Light Cruiser Squadron for North America and the West Indies from 1919 to 1921 (WWW).

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Article in the Workman [Panama City, May 8, 1920]

BOCAS NEWS The following address was delivered to Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis and Mr. Cyril Henry on the 5th ult. at a reception held at San Miguel Hall[,] Bocas. Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen:—Permit me, on rising, to congratulate you on this most happy and momentous occasion. This gathering today will, I am sure, be mentioned in the history of our race in its struggles for better conditions and juster recognition. I look behind, before and after, and the assemblage of the happy faces before me is a vision, yea, an inspiration of hope, of strength, of victory. We are here today for the specific purpose of welcoming the delegates of the [Universal] Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, Vice President and International Organizer of the League, I regard it a special privilege to bid you welcome! Mr. Cyril Henry, you are also equally welcome! Honored delegates, Bocas-del[-] Toro welcomes you and will line up herself with our Brethren elsewhere to stand by the Universal Negro Improvement Association and its product the Black Star Line. Depend upon it, Bocas-del-Toro will do her utmost to bring about the conditions for which we yearn and strive. Bocas has pledged herself. “For the cause that lacks assistance ’Gainst the wrongs that need resistance, For the future in the distance, And the good that she can do.”1 She is arrayed in earnest and will not shrink from the conflict. Ladies and Gentlemen,—The Negro’s past was one of splendor, of glory, of renown; his present is one of sadness, humiliation and degradation; and his future whatever that future will be lies with him in the making. In our efforts as an oppressed race, we lift ourselves, we have, within the past few years, made astonishing strides in the various fields of action. Let us not forget this fact. And although we are still passing through the night of obstruction and weeping, let us with set purpose, take courage, for soon ours will be the bright morning of triumph and joy. In the good old Book it is written—“Behold, I make all things new!” and among the many things that has just been made new or is in the making, is the New Negro. The New Negro has been awakened to self consciousness. And this self con[s]ciousness has, in great measure, been brought about by the genius, the patience and the unconquerable will of a woman; and this woman[,] the embodiment of noble and dignified womanhood in its matchless grandeur, is, I am proud to say, among us to-day. [S]he, my friends, is no other 658

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than the lady who now claims our homage, and whom we have all assembled here to honor. Sons and daughters of Afric’s sunny land united for one common purpose, let us stand shoulder to shoulder. Let us advance and educate ourselves. Let us enter every avenue of human endeavo[r]. Let us reach forth and live up in truest fashion to the height of our manhood and our womanhood. Let us again take our place, first and, foremost, among the various races of the human family. Again, illustrious delegates of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, a thrice royal welcome! Printed in the Workman, 8 May 1920. 1. George Linnaeus Banks (1821–1881).

Article in the Negro World [[Hamilton, Bermuda, ca. 8 May 1920]]

BERMUDIANS ORGANIZE U.N.I.A. BRANCH A Branch of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and Africa[n] Communities’ League was organized on Friday evening, April 16, at a big mass meeting in the St. George’s High School1 of which Prof. R. Hilton Tobitt2 is the principal. Prior to this meeting, Professor Tobitt made a canvass of the island and found that Negroes were anxious to form a branch of the association here. At the insist[e]nce of Prof. Tobitt several Negroes banded themselves into a branch and app[l]ied to headquarters in New York city for information relative to obtaining a charter. Coincident with the organization of the branch here was a visit to the island by Mr. James Gibson of the Montreal Division of the U.N.I.A. Mr. Gibson immediately got busy and co-operated with Prof. Tobitt and Rev. E. B. Grant,3 in whom was found a most willing and efficient worker in pushing the movement to a successful issue. Mr. Gibson not only aided in the work of the association, but was instrumental in putting on a better footing a recently organized labor union for Negroes in Bermuda.4 Prof. Tobitt presided at the St. George’s meeting and made a stirring opening address. Rev E. B. Grant and Mr. Gibson also made stirring addresses. The latter tendered the greetings of the Montreal division. A resolution to organize a branch of the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. was unanimously adopted. Several persons enrolled their names and paid their entrance fee as active members. Enthusiasm ran high during the meeting. The sentiments expressed by the speakers were greeted with thunderous applause. 659

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Printed in NW, 8 May 1920. 1. St. George’s High School was founded in St. George’s Parish, Bermuda, in 1912, with an initial enrollment of sixty pupils. Its founder, Rev. C. A. Stewart, a native of Antigua, was in his first year as pastor of the AME Church and the Mission Church at St. David’s Island, both in St. George’s Parish. St. George’s High School was one of only two government-aided high schools for blacks in the country. In 1912 Rev. Stewart introduced the Boy Scout movement to Bermuda. He later requested to be transferred to the Nova Scotia Conference, where he became a presiding elder. He returned to the Bermuda Conference and in 1926 was pastor of Bethel AME Church (Minutes of 27th Annual Bermuda Conference of the AME Church, J. D. Smith Collection, BA). 2. Rev. Richard Hilton Tobitt (b. 1873) was educated and became a schoolmaster in his native Antigua before migrating to Canada and the United States in 1910 for further education. He moved to Jamaica, where he attended and graduated from Mico’s Teachers College and enjoyed an outstanding career as a student athlete, before migrating to Bermuda in 1912, where he was appointed principal of St. George’s High School. That same year Rev. C. A. Stewart introduced Tobitt to the Twenty-Seventh Annual Bermuda Conference of the AME Church, and Tobitt became a lay preacher at the Mission Church at St. David’s Island. At the conference in 1913, the presiding elder of Bermuda, Rev. W. E. Walker, reported that Tobitt achieved a degree of success along all lines at St. David’s, adding “[He] is an excellent scholar and a diplomat[.] I believe success awaits him in the Church, if he will join the Conference and put himself in [a] position where God and the Church could use him” (Minutes of the 1913 Annual Bermuda Conference of the AME Church, J. D. Smith Collection, BA). At the conference in 1914, he was appointed Deacon in Charge of St. David’s (Minutes of the 1914 Annual Bermuda Conference of the AME Church, J. D. Smith Collection, BA). Tobitt became founder and first president of the Bermuda Union of Teachers and in March 1920 he began organizing a division of the UNIA. At the UNIA convention in 1920 in New York, where he represented Bermuda, Tobitt signed the Declaration of Rights and was elected an executive member with the position of Leader of the Eastern Province of the West Indies, which included the islands of the Lesser Antilles and British Guiana. The colonial government mounted an investigation into his activities and he was forced to resign his position as pastor. During Marcus Garvey’s West Indian tour in 1921, Tobitt traveled to British Guiana to meet with him. The colonial authorities in British Guiana attempted to bar Tobitt’s entry but could find no legal basis for doing so. While in British Guiana, Tobitt promoted and sold shares in the BSL and helped to found a UNIA division in the colony with the assistance of Hubert Critchlow and the British Guiana Labour Union. On 4 June 1921 Tobitt traveled to Trinidad but the authorities there prevented him from landing. Tobitt subsequently left Bermuda and resettled in New York. There he became a pastor in the AME church. Tobitt maintained a life-long dedication to the welfare of peoples of African descent and, in the 1940s, became chaplain of the Pioneer Negroes of the World, a Garveyite grouping organized by George Weston and based in New York. He also wrote texts on a variety of topics, including “Behold the Man; or Marcus Garvey on Trial” (poem), “Struggling Upwards” (drama), and “Africa’s Contribution to the Civilization of the World” (essay) (NW, 20 October 1923; MGP 2:496 n. 1; MGP 3:3). 3. Rev. Edward Byam Grant, B.D. (1878–1941), was born in Antigua, the son of two prominent schoolteachers. He was educated at the Mico College in Antigua. He entered the ministry at age seventeen and arrived in Bermuda in 1900 after obtaining his divinity degree in the United States. In 1905 he began the Church of God Reformation Mission in the island, which was for several years a mere tin church among Bermuda’s black working class, under authority of the Church of God with international headquarters in Anderson, Indiana, A scholar of distinction, Rev. Grant expressed great concern about moral decline, government promotion of birth control measures, black history, hereditary transmission of behavior, colonialism, religion, and politics. He also worked hard to support the Workingman’s Club in Smith’s Hill. Rev. Grant was one of the few leaders to speak out on black issues in Bermuda, defending black West Indians against ridicule, and was a founding member of the Garvey movement in Bermuda, supporting its philosophy and emphasis on black pride. Writing in the Bermuda Recorder, he declared: The issue that is facing the world today, cannot be evaded. To be plain, it is a decided fact, that the white world is opposed to the Ethiopian (Negro) race everywhere, in national rights, social rights and in religious rights the Negro is blockaded. (Quoted in Dale Butler, ed., Our Heritage, A Tribute to Rev. E. Byam Grant [Hamilton, Bermuda: Bermuda’s Writer Machine, 1979])

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MAY 1920 In 1910, as his mission work gradually prospered, Rev. Grant purchased a city plot and erected a commodious three-story multipurpose edifice, which served as both a hall and as residential quarters. His influence among the working class, particularly the West Indian segment, did not endear him to the ruling oligarchy, and the governor-in-council declined his petition to have “the ‘Church of God’ . . . declared a Christian Body for the purposes of the Marriage Act, 1905.” It was advised that “the petition be not acceded to” (Executive Council Minutes, 9 November 1921, book 5, p. 6, BA). Rev. Grant was one of the leading contributors to the Bermuda Recorder, the influential blackowned newspaper, which in 1925 began as an outcrop of the Garvey movement in Bermuda; Rev. Grant’s byline was “As I See It.” The Recorder folded in 1975, just two weeks short of its fiftieth anniversary. The “sermons, lectures, and writing” of Rev. Grant were privately published in a book edited and compiled by Reginald A. Leevy entitled Echoes from the Edifice, 1905–1934, Volume 1 (Arnott C. Jackson, “Politics and Public Life—An Overview,” in Blacks in Bermuda: Historical Perspectives: A Lecture Series of the Bermuda College Extension Programme, February–May 1980, ed. W. Michael Brooke [Hamilton, Bermuda: Island Press/Bermuda College, 1980], pp. 63–68; Butler, Our Heritage, A Tribute to Rev. E. Byam Grant). 4. The Bermuda Union of Teachers was formed in 1919. It was the first successful effort to form a labor union in the colony. Its three primary members were Rev. Tobitt, who became its president; fellow AME minister Rev. Rufus J. Stovell, secretary; and Adelle Tucker, treasurer. It was reported that “the decision to form the union was taken in a graveyard at the funeral of a teacher who was one of a number of colleagues who died in quick succession, early in life, through overwork and stress” (Bermuda Times, 4 March 1987).

Samuel A. Haynes, General Secretary, UNIA British Honduras Division, to the Clarion Belize, 10th May, 1920 Sir, The following is a list of the Members of the Honorary Advisory Board of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities’ League. The seven ladies were selected and unanimously elected. In the case of the male members the number of votes are recorded against each name. LADIES Mrs. ” ” ” ” ” Miss

Blockley, Christobell Pitts, Mary Usher, Christiline Tucker, Elsie Lind0, Lillian Cain, Jestine Bull, Annie

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GENTLEMEN Mr. ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ” ”

Cain, Hubert Hill Campbell, Sydney Reneau, Joseph Griffiths, George Frazer, Samuel O. Griffiths, George Washington Craig, Walter Allen, Frederick Menzies, J. O. B. Vargas, Aurelio Gill, Hildebrand Cain, Ernest Young, Wilfred Osling, James Young, W. V. Pilgrim, William Williams, Henry Flowers, Peter

NO. OF VOTES. 93 85 80 77 76 73 72 71 70 66 62 61 59 57 56 56 55 52

It should be observed that Messrs E. Cain, Wilfred Young, and Aurelio Vargas, are members of the Wesley Old Boys Brigade Association,1 which speaks highly for that Body. S. A. HAYNES, General Secretary Printed in Cl, 13 May 1920. 1. Wesley College is one of the more prestigious Protestant secondary schools in Belize; it contributes in an important way to the social formation of the Creole elite. The other schools are St. Michael’s College and St. Hilda’s College. The prestigious Catholic schools are St. John’s College and St. Catherine’s Academy. The Wesley Old Boys Brigade Association had as its objects “the encouragement of spiritual, social and speech evenings, lectures, discussions and debates. The club presented to the public a number of Shakespeare’s plays and also published The Methodist Record, a monthly magazine . . . some of the country’s best orators made their first speeches in the club room of the WOBBA . . . among them . . . Samuel A. Haynes” (Edward A. Laing Sr., “Methodism in Belize,” National Studies 2, no. 1 [Jan. 1974]: 3–7). The purpose of such organizations was partly recreational, but they also fostered a sense of patriotism and self-improvement (Karen H. Judd, “Elite Reproduction and Ethnic Identity in Belize” [Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1992], p. 204; C. H. Grant, The Making of Modern Belize: Politics, Society, and British Colonialism in Central America [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976], p. 97).

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Major E. E. Turner,1 Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas Police Orderly Room, Nassau, N.P. [New Providence] 13/5/20 Sir;— I beg to report that I understand that a number of the issues of “The Negro World” a newspaper that is forbidden to be brought into the Colony are being received by a large number of natives through the medium of the Post, being enclosed in plain envelopes and sent here from New York.2 The Postman Brown states that he receives his in this way[.] [T]his information was given to a person who I sent to make enquiries from him, he not being aware that I sent the person. [A]nd there are others as follows, C. C. Smith,3 Gardiner, Dr Knight[,]4 Sergt Jordon of the Police Force[,] and a number of others. I would therefore suggest that The Postmaster would endeavour to ascertain when these papers come in and advise me when I could take what action The Hon Act Attorney General advises. I have the honour to be Sir Your Obedient Servant, E. E. TURNER Major Commandant [Addressed to:] The Honourable Act[.] Colonial Secretary DAB/PRO. TLS. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Ernest Edgar Turner (b. 1880) worked as post office clerk in Sheffield, England, before serving in the South African War and South African constabulary, where he was honored with a medal and five clasps. From 1908 to 1916 he held the position of depot sergeant-major in the Canadian mounted police, earning a coronation medal in 1911. In 1916 Turner served as lieutenant of the Bahamas police and defense force, achieving the rank of captain in 1917. By June 1919 he had risen to major and was the officer commanding local forces, commandant of police, provost marshal, and inspector of prisons. He was appointed St. Lucia chief of police in May 1923 and Grenada chief of police in 1927 (DOCOL). 2. Supporters of Garvey in the Bahamas maintained close contact with Bahamians who had migrated to or were living temporarily in New York, and the latter group probably supplied their contacts in Nassau with copies of the Negro World. Those sending the Negro World from New York would probably have included Dr. C. R. Walker, a physician trained in the United States, who settled in Grant’s Town and ran a night school for young people. Walker, along with several other Bahamians who supported Garvey—H. A. Tynes, B. G. Johnson, and Theo Farquharson—founded the Bahamas Rejuvenation League in New York in January 1920. The objectives of the organization were to interest the “scattered people of the Bahamas in things Bahamian,” to encourage the retention of British citizenship by Bahamians abroad, and especially to assist them in the areas of education and industry. The league offered scholarships to young men to study in the United States in “those branches of knowledge best suited for our development, scientific agriculture, teaching and Business” (President of the Bahamas Rejuvenation League, New York, to Colonial Secretary, Minute Paper No. 145, 1921).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 3. C. C. Smith was born in the Bluff, North Eleuthera, to a very poor family. He immigrated to Nassau and lived at the top of East Street opposite the police barracks. He became the owner of two shops (dry goods and groceries) on Bay Street and Elizabeth Avenue and also owned the Magnolia Hotel. Smith was a director and member of the Union Mercantile Association in Nassau, which, prompted in part by concerns over the treatment of black women on the boats from Miami operated by whites, aimed to provide proper and comfortable transportation for passengers traveling between the Bahamas and Florida, regardless of their creed or color, as well as to import goods at a lower rate than those supplied by white merchants. It is likely that the inspiration for the association came from Garvey’s Black Star Steamship Line. Like Garvey’s UNIA, only people of African origin were eligible for membership in the Union Mercantile Association (MGP 1:515). 4. Dr. C. H. Knight, a Jamaican physician, worked in the Bahamas in the early part of the twentieth century. He and other West Indian professionals stimulated several Bahamians to establish a Bahamas Literacy Association in 1918, which was comprised of almost all black members. Meetings debated such issues as whether Crown or representative government was better for the Bahamas. A supporter and shareholder in the Union Mercantile Association, Dr. Knight would have been interested in the Negro World. He encountered a great deal of discrimination in Nassau (his daughters were accepted into a predominantly white school, but they were ostracized) and he eventually left the Bahamas (D. Gail Saunders, “Social History of the Bahamas, 1890–1953” [Ph.D. diss., University of Waterloo, 1985], p. 214).

Reports of Mass Meetings against Passage of the Seditious Ordinance Legislation [St. George’s, Grenada, 19 May 1920]

MOBILISATION OF EFFECTIVES, THAT’S ALL! We were present at the Mass Meetings held in St. Andrew’s,1 St. John’s2 and St. Patrick’s 3 to record protest against the passing of the Bill to make Grenada safe for Sedition,4 the least vestige of which there is not in Grenada, whose loyalty to the British Throne and Constitution is centuries old, and is the same today as it was yesterday. The spirit of the people in those parishes is the spirit of an awakening, the spirit of a determination of resistance to the measure, and the spirit of all that is qualified by the word Spartan, or by the greater word British. After all, out of evil cometh good! Nothing short of this dastardly, cowardly blow against the British rights of our people might have been able to produce the present highly gratifying results. It is now proved beyond the shadow of a doubt that our people are welded together in this great cause. It is emphatically evident that never in the history of Grenada has there been such a common wave of common consciousness flowing from the minds of our people. And it is written, so that he who runs may read, that Grenadians, never, never, shall be slaves! One of the speakers at the meeting in Grenville5 said that the fight has just begun. But the fight has not yet begun. All that has been done, so far, has been in the way of a mobilisation of our effectives. That’s all.

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We have taken inventory of our resources, and have been bringing our forces together. That’s all. The fight, the fight of mind, of soul, of spirit, may begin at no distant date, if we are called upon to subscribe our loyalty to the belief that we have no right to think for ourselves in a question which is nothing less than that of Freedom or Slavery. The object of those Mass Meetings was solely a calling of men to the colours forthwith. The call was sounded by men who are trusted by the people. Those same men sounded the call to arms in Recruiting Meetings, and, being trusted, men came forward and offered their lives. They are not called now to offer their lives in the meaning of the Greater Sacrifice, but to offer their enlightened spirits in bloodless war against the forces of evil in our midst. Just as those men roused the people to a high pitch of sacrifice during the war, they are capable of doing the same thing in this other kind of war which requires their moral and financial support; their determination to devote all their powers to conquer the enemy; and, within the fortified field of the British Constitution, the dedication of their intellects to the destruction of those hateful principles which the Ordinance seeks to establish in this colony. The Ordinance is aimed at “The Negro World” outside, and in a special way at the local Press. It is very true, as the Governor has said, that during the five years of his administration of the government of the colony, he had never seen anything seditious in a Grenada newspaper, but it is also true that some men in high places find that they cannot pursue their course of wickedness in peace so long as The West Indian and The Federalist 6 are governed and controlled by British law. That is the reason why it is being sought to put the Press out of commission by the introduction of un-British creations among the most loyal people in the British Empire. We have every right to mobilise our effectives and to issue the call to all units, be they far or be they near. If the Press is gagged in Grenada, every man of this colony in whose veins courses the blood Afric will become more or less a serf or a bootlicker, be he black or colored labourer, artisan, clerk, merchant, planter or professional man, no matter his intellect, no matter his money, no matter his character. The old observation made in a great book still bears the hall-mark of truth: Men whose minds are evil crave darkness rather than light. There are solid reasons why some men feel that the light of publicity is a bit too uncomfortable for the deeds they have in mind, and a practical way of going about their private desires is shown in a measure to have evil done with profit and all on “the quiet.” But the fight has not yet begun. Let us mobilise our effectives and get in “war paint.” The pledge is for a fight to the finish for the principle of self-determination. Let us all say: We will never sheathe the sword until Grenada recovers all, and more than all, that she may lose by this Ordinance; until the British rights of our people are respected; until Liberty and Justice are placed upon an

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unassailable foundation; and until the menace of Crown Colony Government is totally and finally destroyed. [St. George’s, Grenada, 20 May 1920]

ST. MARK’S7 JOINS THE OTHER PARISHES IN PROTEST AGAINST THE SEDITIOUS ORDINANCE The little parish of St. Mark’s started its protest campaign on Tuesday afternoon. When the cars which brought visitors from the other parishes drew up, they found the people all ready to greet them. The muster was an appreciable one considering the size of the place. Mr. Hosten8 opened the meeting by introducing Mr. Donovan to the Chair. He said that the new law which had been engaging the attention of the entire island was one which required very deep thought. It was in order that the people of St. Mark’s should understand the matter fully why the meeting was called. Mr. Donovan was pleased to meet the people of St. Mark’s in a public way. They were advised to give all their attention to what would be told them. The moment was one which required seriousness, as a cruel attempt had been made to deprive the loyal, sturdy and hardworking people of dear Grenada of their dearest rights. A law had been made which deprived them of their liberty of free speech and their rights of criticism. He called upon Mr. F. Newman Bonaparte9 to move the Resolution. Mr. Bonaparte said that the Ordinance was certainly obnoxious to a place like Grenada: and, in order to avoid its terrors, [it] was their duty to assist in having it removed from our law books. He knew that the people would be glad to hear all about the matter. Mr. F. W. R. Cruickshank10 seconded and expressed himself as being heartily in accord with the protest which was being made. He liked the saying of Mr. Fleming11 of Gouyave12 that the Bill had lighted a candle which would not be put out. He endorsed that statement. The people were sensible to the wrong which had been done them and were thinking of the best means to avoid its impending severities. That was why they had organised and were engaged in a heart to heart exchange of ideas with one another. We had done nothing to merit the treatment which we had received at the hands of our law makers; and since they did not wish to hear us on our own behalf, it was our duty to take upon ourselves the responsibility of appealing to the highest authority for right and justice. He instanced the case of Judas who had sold Christ for 30 pieces of silver. In the same way our legislators had sold us and he hoped their consciences would smite them for what they had done. Mr. Lucas, after a full explanation of the provisions of the Ordinance, said that it was the right of the people to protest. Those who had undertaken the task, because their case was a just one, were determined to exhaust every constitutional means at their disposal to have the law removed. Just imagine, he said, 666

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if Mr. Donovan or Mr. Marryshow, in either of their papers wrote advocating increase of pay for labourers, they ran the risk of having their Press closed or being sent to prison. As to the prevention of papers coming to the people, he said The Negro World was the chief paper against which the law was made. Seeing that it was not a seditious paper, the law was so arranged that the Governor could simply say that it must not come to Grenada and that was final. The Negro World was run by a West Indian, Marcus Garvey. He believed that that man was divinely raised up as a leader to teach his people to have faith in themselves as men, and not to accept the degrading position that had been prescribed for them all these years. Garvey had undertaken a very big task but one which, if successful, would be beneficial to Negroes all over the world. So far he had managed to enlist the support of millions of persons who were not ashamed to own that they were of that struggling race with wonderful possibilities before it. Garvey had also managed to establish a line of steamship. He had become so prominent that various Governments had taken notice of his work. They were trying to prevent the people from reading the newspaper because it was written in the interest of Negroes. Perhaps the Imperial Government really feared the introduction of Sedition here from abroad and that may be the real reason why they wanted a law against it. But that was the reason on the Imperial side was not the reason by the local Government. Their object was entirely different, and the Ordinance, now on our Books, if allowed to remain, would be used to crush the people of Grenada. He was sure all of them were willing to shut up any man who came here and advised them to be disloyal to or to disobey the Government of the land. No one would tolerate such a thing. If the law had provided against such persons, the people would not have been protesting. Instead of that, a law was brought from Penang,13 not from England, and was thrown upon us. It was a dangerous law to our peace and happiness and we should not allow it to remain in Grenada. He asked them to consider the matter as true lovers of freedom. Mr. T. Albert Marryshow said that the law was never wanted here. While people were fighting for the rights and improvements of Grenada, the Government had offered them an insult by the introduction of a Seditious Publications Ordinance. On his part, such a law could not kill his undying spirit to work for his people. It was well that people should come here and make such laws. Those persons would go away; and, when they were gone, it was those who remained here who were to suffer the hell which had been created. The Government had passed the law and when they discovered that people were crying out against it and were determined to carry on the fight they started off to issue pamphlets asking the people to trust the Government. It was the same Government that passed the law in face of the public opposition to the annoyance given them. They were coming with sweet words but the people should not be fooled in that way. Like the cur which was sold to the Brahmin for a sheep, the Ordinance was a cur and no sheep at all, and the people should have nothing to do with it. He advised them to go home and consider all that they had heard. 667

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They should talk the matter with one another and resolve to fight with their leaders until success had come their way. They should not take it that their duty was ended with the meeting. All that was being done was a mustering up of their forces. The fight was to begin shortly, and they would have to give the struggle the utmost of their support. Mr. R. S. Hewitt14 spoke in the name of Gouyave and brought a welcome message from the people there to the people of St. Mark’s. Like other parishioners they were to protest against the iniquity, and show by their loyal support that they would not be kept down as a people, no, never! The law was passed over our heads and as law-abiding subjects of the British Empire we were extremely hurt by it, so we were telling the Government that we considered we had been wronged. If they were unable to hear us we would carry our fight to England, to the Colonial Office, and to the British people. Mr. George E. Marecheau felt that the trend of our legislative measures for the past five or six years had reflected the fact that unofficials were prepared to serve their interests most of all. They were creatures, the creation of Crown rule and there was no doubt about it every one of them considered himself part of the Government. Since that was so, they were not competent to speak in the name of the inhabitants of Grenada. Still less should they have been found participating in a debate, the object of which was to enquire whether a Seditious Ordinance was necessary as a protection for Grenadians. Except that most of them lived here and owned properties, their position as legislative advisers was foreign to that of the people. One did not mind persons being prejudiced, but by all means let that prejudice be shown openly. The unofficials in considering the Ordinance had shown that they were detached from the public, and it was in order to show their act in consenting to the passage into law of the Ordinance was not recognized by the thinking members of the public why the campaign of protest was initiated. If the Government sincerely desired to keep sedition out of Grenada, they should have adopted enlightened methods. In England where, during the war, espionage went on a disastrous scale, thinking men had not thought repressive measures the best means of avoiding infection. After the war, Sir Rider Haggard,15 Mr. Rudyard Kipling16 and other prominent men had devised a scheme by which they hoped to instruct Englishmen how to keep pure from seditious diseases which were so prevalent in these days. Even in the United States, a country in danger of being over run with sedition, such a law was thought to be unnecessary, and public opinion simply disarmed those who were attempting to strike such a deadly blow at the American constitution. It had been said that those who were protesting had nothing to lose. He desired to give it as his opinion, gathered from familiar knowledge, that ownership of money or land was no evidence of capacity to think in public matters. Indeed most of the people who had that qualification cared little or nothing about the rest of Grenada so long as they could sit down and make more money. What they were very quick to join in doing was to speak ill things of their neighbours, and to parade as though they were among those who were 668

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exercising their brain power for the advancement of their island home. In the midst of the present campaign several discoveries would be made which would surprise the public. Grenadians had worked hard for bread and were justified in resenting a service of stone which was dangerous to their digestion. While the new Ordinance would not subject us to all the terrors of the institution which Hawkins and the Portuguese helped to inflict upon our forefathers, it certainly introduced a part of the old system. We did not ask for unrestricted liberties; but we certainly were not going to accept a form of liberty to be prescribed by the men who controlled the legislative body in Grenada. There were still those among us who did not want to see the people thinking for themselves. That was a mistake. To him it was not that the people had made such rapid progress as to be able to discriminate between one thing and the other, but their growth had come about purely from the influence of environment. What the people of St. Mark’s, like the people of other parishes in Grenada, were required to do, was to begin thinking wisely from then onwards. On behalf of the meeting he desired to thank them heartily for their attendance and was sure that they understood what the matter that had brought them together was all about. Here followed the ceremony of burning in utter disgust the Ordinance which gave power to the Government to do us so much injury. The people cried “Burn it! Burn it!” A collection amounting to £2.3.1. was taken up after which the last stanza of Rule Britannia17 was sung lustily. The singing of the National Anthem brought the meeting to a close. [St. George’s, Grenada, 27 May 1920] The Trinidad Government have pronounced “The Crusader” and “The Messenger” seditious publications and their future importation into that colony is prohibited. Like “The Negro World,” “The Crusader” and “The Messenger” are published in the interest of Negroes, by Negroes, graduates of Harvard University. Their policy is to teach the Negro to stand up as a man. He is advised by them to educate himself, become thrifty, own property[,] engage in business. Moreover they claim for their race equality of opportunity[.] For these things they have grievously offended, not the big American Government where they are published and where the Negro population is 12 millions strong. It is left for others to discover that they are injurious to those that read them. Printed in WI, 19 May 1920, 20 May 1920, and 27 May 1920. Reproduced from the WI (mail edition), 4 June 1920. 1. St. Andrew’s is a parish on the northeastern portion of the island, where most of the agricultural estates were located, thus making it a bastion of planter power. 2. St. John’s is a parish on the western portion of the island. 3. St. Patrick’s is a parish on the northern portion of the island. Its major town of Sauteurs is well-known as the location from which the native Caribs leapt off a cliff into the sea to their deaths rather than submit to French rule. 4. Termed “An Ordinance to Provide for the Punishment of Seditious Publications, and to Provide for the Temporary Suspension of Newspapers Containing Seditious Matter,” the act (Ordi-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS nance No. 6 of 1920) was passed by the legislative council on 5 May and received the governor’s assent two days later. According to the terms of the ordinance, persons found guilty of contravening the law faced punishment of £200 or two years’ imprisonment. It evoked considerable opposition from various individuals and constituencies on the island. The local press, headed by T. Albert Marryshow and William Galway Donovan, led the campaign against the ordinance, which they perceived as constituting a major infringement of their rights. The parochial boards, organs of semipopular antigovernment opinion, staged a number of mass meetings at which various resolutions were passed in opposition to the ordinance. Indeed, some individuals even saw in the ordinance a veiled attempt to reintroduce a new form of slavery. 5. Grenville, a seaport town, is located in the parish of St. Andrew’s. 6. Founded in 1896 by William Galway Donovan as the successor to the Grenada People, the Federalist’s full name in 1920 was the Federalist and Grenada People. The paper’s slogan, “Unity is Strength; and Liberty is Life, is Progress, is Prosperity,” reflected its main goal at the time of its founding, namely, to promote a federation of the Windward Islands and Trinidad. To this end, Donovan traveled extensively to Trinidad and other islands seeking support for his venture and mission. By 1906 the paper assumed the additional role of champion of working-class rights and became a staunch critic of government policy and of Crown Colony government (St. George’s Chronicle and Grenada Gazette, 23 November 1895; Federalist and Grenada People, 4 September 1906; Howard S. Pactor, comp., Colonial British Caribbean Newspapers: A Bibliography and Directory [New York: Greenwood Press, 1990], p. 54). 7. St. Mark’s was a parish on the northwestern part of Grenada. Census figures indicate that the population of 3,461 in 1911 represented barely 5 percent of the island total. The parish with the next smallest population was St. David’s with 5,600 (9 percent of the overall population). The meeting was probably held in the town of Victoria (G. W. Smith, comp., Report and General Abstracts of the Census of 1911 [St. Georges, Grenada: n.p., 1911], p. 10). 8. Pilton G. Hosten was a merchant and proprietor with offices in St. Mark’s. As owner of the Belair and Bocage estates, he also grew and exported cocoa, nutmeg, and nutmeg’s by-product, mace (E. Gittens Knight, comp., The Grenada Handbook and Directory 1946 [Bridgetown, Barbados: n.p., 1946], p. 108). 9. As a member of one of the island’s district boards, F. Newman Bonaparte was engaged in the operation of local government at the parochial level. He was also one of the signatories of the petition that the Grenada RGA sent to Britain asking King George V to authorize the abolition of the Crown Colony form of government and the reintroduction of a fully elective legislative council; the letter to the governor forwarding the petition was dated 11 November 1920. In the original petition, his name is spelled “Buonaparte” (Haddon-Smith to Milner, 25 November 1920, TNA: PRO CO 321/309; Supplement to the Federalist and Grenada People, 20 November 1920). 10. F. W. R. Cruickshank was politically active, especially at the parochial level, as a member of one of Grenada’s district boards. In addition to his participation at the mass meeting held in St. Mark’s to advocate constitutional change, Cruickshank identified closely with the goals of the Grenada RGA. Like Bonaparte, he was a signatory to the Grenada RGA petition asking for constitutional change (Haddon-Smith to Milner, 25 November 1920, TNA: PRO CO 321/309). 11. John H. Fleming, a jeweler by profession, was politically active as a member of both the Grenada Workingmen’s Association (later the Grenada Labour Party) and the island’s legislative council, to which he won a seat as representative for the combined parishes of St. John’s and St. Mark’s in 1928. He served in the legislature until 1951. Fleming was one of the candidates that the West Indian endorsed in the 1928 election, and he subsequently forged an alliance with Marryshow in calling for political reform. At the meeting of the legislative council in April 1929, Fleming introduced a resolution calling for the elected members to be given temporary veto power over local legislation (Minutes of Legislative Council, 30 April 1929; Patrick Emmanuel, Crown Colony Politics in Grenada, 1917–1951 [Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), University of the West Indies, 1978], p. 81; George Brizan, Grenada, Island of Conflict: From Amerindians to People’s Revolution, 1498–1979 [London: Zed Books, 1984], pp. 355– 357). 12. Gouyave is the major town in the parish of St. John’s. 13. Formerly Prince of Wales Island, Penang is an island off the west coast of the Malay Peninsula. It was the first British settlement in Malaya when it was acquired in 1786 from the East India Company and became part of the Crown Colony of Straits Settlement in 1867. Penang was later bombed and occupied by Japan during December 1941 before becoming part of the independent

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MAY 1920 Federation of Malaya in 1957 and a state of Malaysia in 1963 (Webster’s New Geographical Dictionary [Springfield, Mass.: G. & C. Merriam Company, 1977]). 14. R. S. Hewitt, a signatory to the 1920 Grenada RGA petition, was a member of one of the island’s district boards and a justice of the peace. 15. Sir Henry Rider Haggard (1856–1925) was among the most famous British writers of his time. His sixty-eight novels and nonfiction accounts included King Solomon’s Mines (1885), She (1887), The People of the Mist (1894), Ayesha (1905) and Child of Storm (1913). Haggard was especially noted for his friendship with Rudyard Kipling, whom he met for the first time in 1889 at the Savile Club in Piccadilly, an establishment patronized by a number of writers including Thomas Hardy, Henry James, and H. G. Wells. After World War I, looking for scapegoats to explain the horrors of his day, Haggard became prone to anti-Semitic outbursts connecting Jews to Bolshevism—although he was himself part Jewish. In 1919 he allowed himself to be recruited by H. Wickham Steed, editor of the London Times, into a short-lived anti-Bolshevik organization that became known as the Liberty League. The league, according to a Haggard-drafted letter that appeared in the London Times on 3 March 1920, “desire[d] in a clean and open fashion to fight, what we believe to be a great and terrible evil, by means of letting light into its dark places.” Bolshevism, the letter stated elsewhere, “is the reverse of all that mankind has built up of good by nearly two thousand years of effort. It is the Sermon on the Mount writ backward” (Times [London], 3 March 1920). Haggard signed on as president of the league—with Kipling as the second signature on the published document. Privately, Haggard expressed the league’s intention to “split the Labour Party in two and . . . separate the Constitutional sheep from the Bolshevist goats.” While the League received good press initially from the Times—unsurprising given Steed’s involvement and the newspaper magnate Lord Northcliffe’s role in funding the organization—but it was lampooned by the Daily Herald and quickly fell prey to the unscrupulous accounting practices of one of its members. On 10 May, Northcliffe repudiated all ties to the organization, a move Haggard wryly commented in his diary would be “pleasant for Wickham Steed.” The League was officially disbanded on 14 May 1920 (Morton Cohen, ed., Rudyard Kipling to Rider Haggard: The Record of a Friendship [Rutherford, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickenson University Press, 1965], pp. 111–115; D. S. Higgins, ed., The Private Diaries of Sir H. Rider Haggard, 1914–1925 [New York: Stein and Day, 1980], pp. 186, 189–196, 285–286; Tom Pocock, Rider Haggard and the Lost Empire [London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1993], pp. 79, 225–226). 16. Joseph Rudyard Kipling (1865–1936) was one of the outstanding writers and chief imperial icons of his day. His stature was such that an Edwardian children’s book, Stuwwelpeter Alphabet, used drawings of Kipling and Lord Kitchener, commander in chief of India, to illustrate the letter K, rhyming “When the Empire wants a stitch in her / Send for Kipling and for Kitchener.” Born in Bombay, Kipling would live on four continents over the course of his life and write about six. His novels, collections, and nonfiction works included The Jungle Books (1894), Captains Courageous (1897), Kim (1901), The Just So Stories (1902), and They (1905). Kipling was a major critic of U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, but with his own party forming the bulk of Lloyd George’s coalition in the wake of World War I, Kipling turned to organizations of the far right for political solace. He supported the Diehards of the short-lived National Party in 1917 and was strenuously opposed to the Armistice and terms of the German peace treaty in 1919, frustrations likely made more painful by memories of the combat death of his son, John. In 1920 he joined the short-lived Liberty League headed by his close friend Sir H. Rider Haggard (David Gilmour, The Long Recessional: The Imperial Life of Rudyard Kipling [New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2002], pp. ix, 271–275). 17. “Britannia” was the name given by the Romans to the province that comprised what are now England and Wales. Over the centuries, the term fell into disuse, but as the British empire grew Britannia regained stature as representing the spirit of Britain herself. Anthropomorphized by the late seventeenth century as a woman wearing a helmet and carrying a shield and trident, Britannia was immortalized in verse by James Thompson (1700–1748). Thomas Augustine Arne (1710–1778) set Thompson’s poem to music ca. 1740: When Britain first at Heav'n's command Arose from out the azure main; This was the charter of the land, And guardian angels sang this strain; Refrain: Rule, Britannia! Britannia, rule the waves:

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Britons never will be slaves. The nations not so blest as thee, Shall in their turns to tyrants fall; While thou shalt flourish great and free, The dread and envy of them all. (refrain) Still more majestic shalt thou rise, More dreadful from each foreign stroke; As the loud blast that tears the skies, Serves but to root thy native oak. (refrain) Thee haughty tyrants ne’er shall tame, All their attempts to bend thee down Will but arouse thy generous flame; But work their woe, and thy renown. (refrain) To thee belongs the rural reign; They cities shall with commerce shine; All thine shall be the subject main, And every shore it circles thine. (refrain) The Muses, still with freedom found, Shall to thy happy coast repair; Blest Isle! With matchless beauty crowned, And manly hearts to juide the fair. (refrain) (“Rule Britannia,” www.britannia.com, 15 February 2005).

Kenneth Solomon, Acting Attorney General, Bahamas, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas [Bahamas,] 20–5–20 Hon. Ag. Col. Secy. If it is thought desirable to prohibit the “Negro World” to be imported or brought into the Colony, an Order in Council should be made under section 4(1) of The Seditious Publications Prohibition Act 1919.1 But I do not recommend that this should be done. It would appear to be wiser to instruct the Postmaster to detain any copies of the newspaper in question which come through the post and which, upon examination, in his opinion should not be delivered to the addresse//e//, and to forward the same to the Colonial Secretary. (See Section 9).2

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And the Comptroller’s attention should be called to section 8 and he should be authorized by the Administrator to make the detention and search as provided by section 8.3 K. S. Ag. A.G. [Handwritten minutes:] H.E. The Administrator Submitted F. C. W. D. [F. C. Wells-Durrant] Ag CS 20.5.20 A.C.S. Ag. A.G.’s recommendations approved. H. E. W. G. [H. E. W. Grant] [Adms?] 22.5.20 The Comptroller The Postmaster To note and for necessary action. F. C. W. D. Ag CS 25.5.20 DAB/PRO. TNI. 1. Section 4 (1) of the Seditious Publications Prohibition Act of 1919 stated that “the Governor in Council may by order in Council publish in the Gazette [to] prohibit to be imported or brought into the Colony any newspaper, book or document” (Act to Prohibit the Publication and Importation of Seditious Newspapers, Books and Documents, 9 & 10 Geo. 5, 18 December 1919; Bahamas Acts Passed in the Fifth and Sixth Years of King George V [Nassau, Bahamas, 1915]). 2. Section 9 of the Seditious Publications Prohibitions Act of 1919 provided for the detention by the postmaster of articles transmitted by post suspected of containing seditious or prohibited publications. Any such articles or books were then to be delivered to an officer appointed by the governor, and the materials disposed of as directed by the governor. 3. Section 8 of the Seditious Publications Prohibitions Act of 1919 provided for the detention and search of imported packages suspected to contain seditious or prohibited publications by an officer authorized by the governor. The person bringing such material into the colony could be arrested and charged. Penalties included “penal servitude for ten years or imprisonment with or without hard labor for a term of two years, or a fine of £500, or to both such imprisonment and fine.”

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Sergeant J. S. Straun, Leeward Islands Police, and J. H. Bryan,1 Constable, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders,2 Inspector, Leeward Islands Police Police Station, Sandy Point, 21st. May 1920 Sir, I have the honour to report for your information that a meeting was held at the Union Hall on the night of 20th[.] instant by Sebastian,3 Nathan and Harris4 of Basseterre and one De Bourg5 of Trinidad, there was a large gathering[.] Sebastian firs[t] spoke asking everybody to come in the Hall whether they be Union Members or not. Who were outside then went ins[i]de the Hall. Sebastian then said, I want ever[y]body to listen attentively to what is going to be told to you to-night[.] Put away all laughing and talking and be serious. We have a stranger here with us to-night, his name is Mr. De Bourg. He is a native of Trinidad Grenada but was residing in Port-of-[S]pain, Trinidad; carrying on the same organization as here. He is now on his way to America. He has got a wide experience so he is going to talk to you all, but before he begins Mr. Harris is going to say something to you all first. Harris got up and bid the people good night and said[:] This is my second visit to Sandy Point but one thing I am sorry for, all who was her[e] the last time is not here to-night and that comes from disobedience of orders. If they had consulted us before, better business could be done, they did the wrong thing from first so better could not be done now.6 Four has gone to prison, the others awaiting their trial. The four that was sent to prison were unfai[rl]y tried. I say already and I will say it again. There was a strike in Basseterre and I was the leader of the strike and we got more wages and if those men of Sandy Point had strike intelligently they would be congratulated also and get more wages. Years ago the people had been asked to join this organi[z]ation but they are doing it in their own time. Now I am goin[g] to tell you all something, there is mischief maker in the midst of you. All what we spoke about the last time was rehearsed over again and that person is nothing more than a mischief maker and a news carrier[.] That person is dressed up looking nice going along the street in somebody else clothes and not his own beware of that person. I won[’]t call that person name but you all will know who he is. I did not thought I would reach Sandy Point to-night because I was to be arrested but thank God I am not arrested as yet I don[’]t know if I will be arrested when I go back. I have more to say but I am advised not to say much as we have a new speaker to-night, he then sat down. De Bourg then got up and said, officers, sisters and brothers, I am proud to be among you all to-night although a stranger not strange for I am one of the leader of an organization as this in Port-of-[S]pain[,] Trinidad. I only drop 674

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in here to spend a short time as I am on my way to America to see my fourth wife. When the organization was first started in Trinidad, we had a lot of trouble, anyway we went on nicely when the time become stiff and the wages was small we advised the people to strike and they struck. We stood by them until they get more wages. I visited the other branches in Barbados and Dem[e]rara and all are working to-gether. Now I am going to tell you all something no white man [at] all have any good feel[i]ng for any Negro who want to make themselves something and come out of this slavery. In the way how they keep down the Negro they as it is were afraid to even talk to them. They count Negro to be the biggest thief known; the white man is never known as a thief the Negro is always known to be. They mistrust themselves so much that they [ca]nnot trust others. Now there are three men who are Negro, the overlooker, driver and the watchman you all must be very careful with them; they are mischief makers and dangerous.7 Now what can a poor labourer steal, a few peas, corns and canes is that anything to put labourers in Gaol for, you all get very little wages so you are compelled to steal. Now the bank is carried on by white men that’s a place where large amount of money is you think thievery does not go on there? [B]ut so as not to let the white man found stealing they give an amount annually for shortage. Now a business place that is carried on by black men and the head man is a white man there is no shortage given when the time comes for the accounts to be audited and if there is a mistake the black man is exposed to be a thief and put out of employment, so how can a black man live[?] I am going to tell you all something now, how, I was kept down by a white man. I was once in charge of a certain quantity of a cocoa in Grenada and a woman who always buys cocoa from me came to buy cocoa one day[.] I was busy so I sent my monitor; the woman received her cocoa, she saw her cocoa weighed and she paid her money and she left[.] [A] white man met the woman with the cocoa and asked her where she bought the cocoa and how much she paid for it. She told him and he then said to her you are robbed; never you trust these young boys for they are robbing, you do not get sufficient cocoa for your money. Now do you think that woman ever come back [and] buy any more cocoa from me? [N]ot she, she never came back again that only show you how a black man is kept down by a white man. I am going to tell you another thing. There were a large building to be built at Port-of [S]pain, Trinidad, an amount of money was put down for that building and before the building was half way finished the white man gave an account that the money was finish he then applied for nearly half of what he had at first, the amount was given him, now this is to show you how the white people are working together, now suppose every member was to throw up about two thousand pounds to erect a building, before the building was finished you were asked again to throw up another thousand would you all throw up or say that the money was stolen now here we are we must learn to trust ourselves and then trust others. Now people put your trust in your officers and believe that they are doing good for you all. It is quite 675

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time now that the Negro race to put away foolishness and get to be intelligent and not to be a slave all the days in your lifetime for a white man. Take for example the cattle, the mules are living in unity no now if you drive a flock of cattle out of the pen one must lead first there must be a leader in everything and everyone of you that join this Union keep together and follow your officers for they are your leader[.] Now you will see a dead cockroach wing on the ground an ant came along and met it up he would stop and say something to another one they continue so until they pick up a swarm before they will remove it and put it in a hole that is what we are working for, unionism and that is what [t]hese gentlemen are trying to do. I arrived here on Sunday last and on Monday I received a Notice to leave the Island as quick as possible and to-morrow at 11 o’c I have to appear before the Governor to show cause why I should not be ordered to leave the Island[.] Anyway [i]f I am not put in prison I will be able to go to America to see my fourth wife. With these few remarks I will not say any more as it is nearly time for you all and us to go. Nathan8 got up and said, just a few words to you all to-night. Those four that is sent to prison they were unfairly tried, I say so openly[.] Everyone that gave evidence against those men are liars. The white, the pro-white and the black white everybody lied. It mean then if you don[’]t cut my canes or do what I tell you to do you must [go] to gaol. I have more to say but not until the case is finished. Sebastian again said, you all have heard what Mr. De Bourg have said[.] I hope it is clearly understood by everybody. Now I am going to tell you all something. A gentleman had three sons one said he wanted to be a doctor he was sent to study medicine and he became a doctor, the next one said he want to be a lawyer he was sent to study and he became a lawyer, the other one said father I want to be a big, big man the father said, a parson? [H]e said no, the father said a doctor, a lawyer he said no he wanted to be a Policeman to walk up and down the streets that when I tell a man lookout he must remove at once else I will lock you up. [N]ow those three men that Mr. De Bourg tell you about and the Policeman you all must beware of them for they are dangerous. The meetin[g] was then closed. The meeting begin at 8.40 p.m. and closed at 10.30 p.m. music was in attendance. The meeting was attended by myself and Pte. Bryan. I have &c. (Sd) J. S. STRAUN Sergt. ” J. H. BRYAN Police Constable [Handwritten endorsement:] His Honour The Administrator For you Honour’s information W. Wilders [Insp?] 26.v.20 SKNNA, 736/142. TL, recipient’s copy.

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MAY 1920 1. Sergeant J. S. Straun and Constable J. H. Bryan were two of the native black police officers who made up the rank and file of the local police force. The Leeward Islands Blue Book did not include police officers below the rank of sergeant-major in the list of the civil establishment. 2. W. E. Wilders was inspector of police in St. Kitts from 1909 to 1923. In 1914, at the commencement of World War I, he was appointed commander of the local defense force, a position which he held up until 1917, when he was promoted to the rank of major (LIBB, 1909). 3. Joseph Matthew Sebastian (1893–1944), printer and newspaper publisher, founded the UNIA chapter in St. Kitts in 1920 and served as its first president. He was born in St. Mary’s Parish, Antigua, the son of John and Sarah Sebastian, née Joseph. His ancestral surname came from two Sebastian brothers who had journeyed to Montserrat from Spain apparently in the nineteenth century. One brother married an Antiguan woman, Lillian Humphreys, and the couple relocated to Antigua. At age fifteen, Joseph Matthew Sebastian won a scholarship to Mico Teachers College in Jamaica, where he graduated in first place in the final examinations with first-class honors in mathematics, English, Scripture, and music. On his return to the Leeward Islands, he was appointed headmaster of the St. George’s Anglican school, an elementary school for boys, in Basseterre, St. Kitts, in 1911. He later taught at the St. Peter’s and Estridge Anglican schools. Sebastian was a raceconscious individual and his ideas brought him into regular conflict with the Anglican school authorities. The ideas of racial pride and black consciousness that he tried to inject into his teaching, according to his daughter, included: —The idea of pride in Blackness. —The idea that poor Black people possessed sacred human rights which should not be violated by anyone. —The idea of pride in education. —The idea that the duty to respect others implied the right to be respected. —The idea of responsibility to excel and to attain the highest in this world. (Elise Sebastian Marthol, Meet My Father: A Short Walk through the Life of Joseph Matthew Sebastian [Basseterre, St. Kitts: Elise Sebastian Marthol, 1993], p. 14) Sebastian joined the St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union and Benevolent Association (UBA) but did not initially assume a prominent role, knowing that to do so would provide an easy opportunity for the Anglican Church to dismiss him from his teaching position. However, he resigned as headmaster of Estridge Anglican school in October 1917 after the UBA decided to publish a newspaper and offered him the position of managing editor. When Sebastian, who established a private printing company, The Progressive Printery, decided to acquire a printing press, an emergency meeting of the local executive council was convened on 6 September 1918. The council introduced emergency wartime regulations designed to “restrict publication of any newspaper, pamphlet, news sheet or other matter with certain exceptions” (Minutes of the Executive Council of St. Kitts-Nevis, 6 September 1918, SKNNA). The regulations stipulated that the printing or distribution of any printed matter not registered under the Newspaper Surety Ordinance of 1909 was a criminal offense and persons found guilty were liable on summary conviction to a fine or six months’ imprisonment with or without hard labor. The 1909 ordinance required newspaper publishers to post a bond of £200 guaranteed by one or more sureties and imposed a penalty of £25 for each day that a newspaper was published or sold without meeting the requirements of the law. The emergency regulations were, however, unconstitutional and, in 1919, the colonial legislature passed an amendment to the Newspaper Surety Ordinance that redefined a newspaper as any publication or periodical published at regular intervals of less than three months. Major Burdon, the colonial administrator, justified this legislation by reference to a speech made by Joseph Nathan of the UBA that had accused the administrator of collecting a premium on imported flour from Portuguese retailers. Burdon noted that if such accusations were made in print, they would be accepted as true and widely believed by the laboring population. He protested: “It is sufficiently serious that these ignorant labourers should be told from platforms that the head of government is taking bribes and stealing his household necessities” (Burdon to Acting Governor Mahaffy, 11 October 1918, enc., Merewether to Milner, 8 July 1919, TNA: PRO CO 152/364). The amended ordinance was further strengthened by the passage of the Seditious Publications Act of 1921 as part of a general wave of such legislation being introduced into the British West Indian colonies during this period, legislation aimed particularly at the publications of the UNIA. Sebastian was ultimately able to secure the necessary guarantee and commenced publication of the Union Messenger in 1921, three years later than planned (Statutes of the Presidency of St. Christopher and

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Nevis (Leeward Islands) [London: Waterlow & Sons, 1922], pp. 344–345; Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants: The Growth of the Labour Movement in St. Christopher-Nevis, 1896–1956” [Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1989], pp. 234–236). Throughout this period, Sebastian continued to be active in the UBA and, on the premature death of the UBA’s first leader, W. Frederick Solomon, he was elected UBA president in 1918. He retained the office until 1940, when the UBA was dissolved after the formation of the newly formed St. Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union. Sebastian, a Garveyite, also founded the local branch of the UNIA in 1920, serving as its first president until he was replaced by the returning migrant and UNIA activist, W. J. E. Butler, in 1924. Sebastian acted as master of ceremonies at the public meeting held in the UBA hall on 5 October 1924 to unveil the charter of the local UNIA. He also hosted Marcus Garvey during his visit to St. Kitts in November 1937. Although a strong believer in the cause of African redemption, Sebastian was skeptical about schemes for repatriation and told Garvey during his visit that the idea of Africa should be spread throughout the Caribbean through education to dispel the ingrained beliefs about African savagery and cannibalism. Deeply involved in the fight for constitutional reform and self-government, Sebastian, along with George Wilkes and Joseph Nathan, signed a St. Kitts Representative Government Association (RGA) petition, dated 17 September 1919, calling for the introduction of an elected majority in the local legislature. In 1927 Sebastian became secretary of the St. Kitts Taxpayers Association, formed five years earlier in opposition to the introduction of income tax legislation by the colonial government. He was also a member of the founding executive of the St. Kitts Workers League, holding the position of assistant secretary before being elected president in 1943. The Workers League was a middle-class political organization formed in October 1932 with the aim of securing self-government, West Indian federation, and an improvement in the living and working conditions of the working-class population. Sebastian’s increasing political moderation apparently failed to convince the colonial authorities and planters in St. Kitts. During the 1935 labor disturbances, Sebastian, along with Thomas Manchester and Joseph Nathan, sought to forestall the outbreak of the riot by appealing to the striking workers and onlookers gathered in front of Buckley’s estate to follow the magistrate’s instruction and disperse peacefully before the reading of the Riot Act. Nonetheless, he appears to have been a target of the planter-dominated defense reserve that was called in to put down the riot. Among the three persons killed by the defense forces in the riot on the afternoon of 29 January was one Samuel, an Antiguan worker at the Basseterre sugar factory, who was not a participant in the riot but was riding home from work on his bicycle. He was a tall man of similar build to Sebastian and it was widely believed that he had been mistaken for the Antiguan labor leader, who was accused by the planters of fomenting the labor unrest. A female onlooker reported that Herbert Boon, the member of the defense reserve who shot Samuel and who would later become an administrator of St. Kitts, exclaimed on shooting him: “The B ! I got him . . . We got Sebastian; we’re now going for Manchester” (Elise Sebastian Marthol, Meet My Father, p. 25). At the time Sebastian and Manchester were at the Governor’s House, having failed in their efforts to disperse the crowd of laborers. They had been invited by the governor for tea to discuss the situation before the reading of the Riot Act. In 1940 and again in 1943, Sebastian was elected as a Workers League candidate to the legislative council under the new Leeward Islands constitution of 1936. He was also a leading figure in the newly legalized trade union and, in 1940, was elected a member of the first executive committee of the St. Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union. He was elected president of the trade union in 1943, cementing his position as the principal leader of the St. Kitts labor movement. As a political moderate, Sebastian was forced to resign his office in February 1944 because of his opposition to a general strike called by a more radical faction in the union. He died four months later on 25 June 1944. Sebastian, who had married Inez Hodge, a native of St. Kitts, had eight children. His son, Dr. Cuthbert Sebastian, a medical doctor, was appointed governor general of St. Kitts in 1995 (Burdon to Best, 9 October 1917, Despatches to the Governor, 1917, SKNNA; Petition of the St. KittsNevis Representative Government Association, 17 September 1919, enc., Merewether to Milner, 1 October 1919, TNA: PRO CO 152/366/442; Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants,” chaps. 4–5; Daily Bulletin, 9 September 1926; Union Messenger, 12 September 1944; Report of the West Indian Sugar Commission [London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1930]; Sir Probyn Inniss, Whither Bound, St. Kitts-Nevis? [St. Johns: Antigua Printery, 1983], p. 62; Washington Archibald, Reflections on an Epic Journey [Basseterre, St. Kitts: W. Archibald, 1993], p. 83; Elise Sebastian Marthol, Meet My Father; James W. Sutton, A Testimony of Triumph: A Narrative of the Life of James W. Sut-

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MAY 1920 ton and Family in St. Kitts–Nevis–Anguilla, 1920s–1940s [Scarborough, Ontario: Sutton Publishing, 1996], p. 176). 4. Anthony Harris, chief boatman at the port in Basseterre, St. Kitts, was a leader of the St. Kitts porters and boatmen, as well as a founding member of the UBA. In 1917 his boatman’s license was suspended after an allegation of insolence was made against him. Harris’s suspension was the occasion for a one-day strike in September of that year by the porters and boatmen of the port. Harris and George Brady, another prominent member of the UBA and a boatman, organized the strike and, although it failed to win the reinstatement of Harris or an increase in wages, the UBA was able to pay a one penny strike benefit to each striker. In May 1920 Harris’s application for the renewal of his license was refused on the ground that he had made addresses at public meetings of the UBA which “contained attacks on the police and foul abuse of white people” (Burdon to Merewether, 29 September 1920, Despatches to the Governor, SKNNA, 509/427/20). The suspension of Harris’s license was revoked in 1920, and in that year he organized a petition on behalf of the “Passenger Boatmen” to the local administrator, calling for an upward revision of the tariff in view of cost of living increases. The petition was successful, and the rates of boatmen and porters were increased (Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants,” pp. 223–224). 5. John Sydney de Bourg (b. 1851), a native of Grenada, moved to Trinidad in 1881 and lived there for thirty-seven years. He worked as a schoolmaster but was dismissed by the Board of Education on charges of falsifying the school’s register. After his dismissal, he migrated to Venezuela before returning to Trinidad to become a commission agent. There he dedicated himself to correcting, in his own words, the “gross denials of justice particularly where the interests of the poor members of my race are in conflict with the rich and wealthy fair skin” (Brinsley Samaroo, “The Trinidad Workingmen’s Association and the Origins of Popular Protest in a Crown Colony,” SES 21, no. 2 [1972]: 212). In 1892 de Bourg testified to the Constitutional Reform Committee, calling for the franchise in Trinidad to be given to poor peasants. He was also one of the founding members of the TWA and spearheaded the ouster of the association’s president, Alfred Richards, in 1914. Elected as secretary of the TWA that year, a position he held until 1918, he was also active in the labor strikes in 1919 that eventually led to the landing of British troops, as well as arrests and deportations of striking workers and leaders of the TWA. On 23 May 1919 de Bourg sent a petition to the colonial secretary, Viscount Milner, that detailed the “judicial persecution and official antagonism” de Bourg underwent as a result of his activism, criticized the operation of the executive and judicial arms of Trinidad and Tobago’s administration, and named several Supreme Court judges whom he believed guilty of abuse of office. (It should be noted that de Bourg went against the convention that correspondence coming out of a particular colony should be first sent to the governor of that colony, who would forward the second and third copies to the Colonial Office in Britain. The second copy would be filed at the Colonial Office and the third forwarded to the secretary of state. De Bourg claimed that he did not observe the protocol because he could not afford the cost involved in producing the petition and supporting documents in triplicate, as was the convention. However, despite his insistence that the document was sent directly to the secretary of state solely because of his “impecunious state,” it is also likely that de Bourg’s action was motivated by a fear of persecution from those whom he criticized in the document. He may also have been concerned that Governor Sir John Chancellor might not have forwarded the petition to the secretary of state since it accused him of negligence, corruption, and partisanship.) The petition described the legal system as “the most defective in all the British West Indian Colonies” and argued that in cases of rich versus poor or black versus white, the poor and black tended to be the victims of “gross denials of natural justice.” De Bourg was particularly critical of the prevailing system of appeals, arguing that people were so suspicious of the legal system that they preferred to serve time rather than appeal unjust rulings (“Petition of J. S. de Bourg to Viscount Milner, Port of Spain, 23 May 1919,” TNA: PRO CO 295/521/41199). The petition provoked a response from the colony’s authorities. The attorney general, Aucher Warner, summarized de Bourg’s petition as “an attack upon the conduct of the Executive, the Judges, two of the principal Magistrates, the Police and others.” He denied the allegations of class or color prejudice in the judicial system, and added that he was confident that de Bourg was “universally discredited, and carries no weight, except possibly with dissatisfied litigants like himself” (Attorney General Aucher Warner to Colonial Secretary, 4 June 1919, TNA: PRO CO 295/521/ 41199). The inspector general of constabulary, Colonel G. H. May, reported de Bourg to be “just as disreputable in appearance as he is in character” (Copy of Minute by Colonel G. H. May, Inspector General of Constabulary, 12 June 1919, TNA: PRO CO 295/521/41199). In another police report, Detective Inspector M. Costelloe claimed that de Bourg had been arrested and imprisoned

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS in Venezuela on counterfeiting charges but managed to escape and returned to Trinidad. Costelloe also revealed that de Bourg was suspected of illegally practicing obeah but had “escaped the vigilance of the Police” (Obeah is an ethnomedical system in which practitioners use their knowledge to heal, protect, and harm, as well as to help clients settle personal scores. The practice of obeah was forbidden on the island from the time of slavery, and therefore went underground. In this period, the word “obeah” was used by the ruling class as a term of derision to refer to what they believed was a system of sorcery and witchcraft (Jerome Handler, “Slave Medicine and Obeah in Barbados, circa 1650 to 1834,” New West Indian Guide/Nieuwe West-Indische Gids [Netherlands] 74, nos 1–2 [2000]:57–90; Barry Chevannes, ed., Rastafari and Other African-Caribbean Worldviews [New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1998]); M. Costelloe, Detective Inspector, to the Hon. I. G. C.: Report on John Sydney De Bourg, 12 June 1919, TNA: PRO CO 295/521/41199). When, in 1920, de Bourg left the colony to attend the founding conference of the British Guiana Trades and Labour Union on behalf of the TWA, he was refused entry back into Trinidad and Tobago and was deported to Grenada, from where he journeyed to the United States, arriving there on 28 July 1920 and eventually declaring his intention to become a citizen of the United States before the Supreme Court of New York County on 14 February 1921. At the time of this address, de Bourg was therefore visiting St. Kitts on his way to New York, and he may already have received his invitation from Marcus Garvey to represent Trinidad at the UNIA Convention in August 1920. De Bourg attended the convention, signing the UNIA’s Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World, and was also elected “Leader of the Negroes of the Western Province of the West Indies and South and Central America” (Tony Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad, 1912–1947,” in The Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond [Dover, Mass.: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1983], p. 68). De Bourg subsequently began a tour of the Caribbean region with the aim of resuscitating waning branches of the UNIA, selling BSL stock, and negotiating with governments on behalf of the UNIA. Starting his tour in Cuba, where both he and Henrietta Vinton Davis made speeches urging Cubans to purchase shares in the BSL, de Bourg later joined with Marcus Garvey in Jamaica. By 1922 de Bourg had fallen out with Garvey and resigned his executive position at the convention in August 1922. In 1923 de Bourg sued the UNIA for $8,000 in back pay for his twenty-two months of service to the UNIA, eventually winning the lawsuit. He also appeared as a prosecution witness at Garvey’s mail fraud trial, accusing Garvey of prematurely announcing the sailing of the S.S. Yarmouth in order to manipulate the stock price upward, as well as of luxurious living while touring Jamaica (William W. Russell, Despatch No. 741 from the Dominican Republic, 24 February 1922, DNA, RG 59, 839.4016/1; “Record of Sydney de Bourg,” TNA: PRO CO 295/527; Garvey v. United States, no. 8317, Ct. App., 2nd Cir., 2 February 1925, pp. 917–953; W. F. Elkins, “Black Power in the British West Indies: The Trinidad Longshoremen’s Strike of 1919,” Science and Society 33 [Winter 1969]: 71–75; Martin, “Marcus Garvey and Trinidad, 1912–1947”; Richard Hart, “Origins and Development of the Working Class in the English-speaking Caribbean Area, 1897–1937,” in Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence, ed. by Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman [London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1988], pp. 43–79; MGP 4:292, 581, 919). 6. In 1920 the workers on La Vallee estate near Sandy Point carried out a one-day strike to press for higher wages. The owner of the estate, Frederick Burt, was regularly in conflict with his estate workers. During a brief strike on another of his properties, Pump Bay estate, in 1917, the conservative newspaper, the Daily Bulletin, criticized his treatment of his workers, observing that “such a system of commandeering labour savours of semi-serfdom and should be stopped by the government immediately” (Daily Bulletin, 3 May 1917). Burt prosecuted the striking workers of La Vallee estate for “breach of contract” under the Masters and Servants Act, and four workers were sentenced to one month’s imprisonment each. A petition organized by Harris and the UBA was sent to the government on 11 February on behalf of the porters and boatmen. It secured a significant increase in rates and the fixing of the hours of work for porters. Harris is probably using the word “strike” liberally to refer to the sending of the petition for there is no record of a strike by port workers during the dispute (Minutes of the Executive Council, 8 March 1920, TNA: PRO CO 241/49; Wigley to Harris et al., 3 March 1920, No. 375/18, Local Letters, 1920, SKNNA; Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants,” pp. 221–222; Daily Bulletin, 3 May 1917). 7. The overlooker, the driver, and the watchman were supervisory and security personnel on the sugar estate who were, by the twentieth century, usually black men. The word “overlooker” is a creole version of the English word “overseer.” An overseer supervised several gangs of workers on the sugar estate and, during the slavery and immediate postslavery period, was usually a young white man. Black slaves were also used as overseers during the slavery period, and by the early twen-

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MAY 1920 tieth century black men had largely replaced whites in this position. The role of overlooker or overseer was a trusted position of considerable power; as the planters’ representative in the cane fields, it demanded a level of loyalty that often placed the holder in direct conflict with the workers under his command. 8. Joseph A. Nathan migrated to the United States shortly after the labor disturbances of 1896 in St. Kitts. While resident in New York City, Nathan, along with his close associate George Wilkes, developed close contacts with Samuel Gompers and the AFL. Nathan returned financially independent around 1912 and established a small retail business, the International Supply Association. Along with Frederick Solomon and J. G. Adams, Nathan held social dances for the urban laboring population and became increasingly involved in bringing about improvements in their living and working conditions. In January 1916 he organized a petition to the local administration calling on the government to set fixed and uniform wage rates and the hours of work for agricultural workers. The administrator met with the leading estate proprietors who agreed to increase wage rates, but advised Nathan that the setting of rates was a matter in which the government could not interfere. In November 1916 Nathan and several associates announced the creation of the St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union and Benevolent Association, with Frederick Solomon as president and Nathan as vice president. The union declared its objective as “promoting unity among all classes of labourers” and obtaining “the payment of fair wages by all employers” (Constitution of the St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union and Benevolent Association, enc., Best to Long, 10 January 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/354/108160). After the prohibition of the newly formed trade union by the passage of the Trade and Labour Unions (Prohibition) Ordinance in December 1916, the union organizers formed the UBA, which was registered as a friendly society in 1917. Nathan became the secretary and, using his American contacts, was able to smuggle a letter to Samuel Gompers that enclosed a copy of the Trade and Labour Unions (Prohibition) Ordinance, which was described as “the most drastic law ever made by civilised man for keeping his brother in bondage.” Nathan’s letter appealed to Gompers to bring the ordinance to the attention of the British TUC and secretary of state for the colonies (F. Solomon, J. Nathan, G. Wilkes to S. Gompers, 22 January 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/357/108212). Gompers contacted the British TUC, which arranged for a parliamentary question about the ordinance to be raised in the British House of Commons. As secretary of the UBA, Nathan became the public voice of the organization. On 6 October 1917 Nathan wrote to the colonial administrator calling for the repeal of the Masters and Servants Act of 1849. The administrator rejected Nathan’s argument that the act had outlived its usefulness, noting that it had been recently used to punish estate workers involved in a strike fomented by the UBA. As the UBA’s second president, J. M. Sebastian, began devoting greater attention to his commercial printing activities, Nathan became the chief organizer of the UBA and the driving force behind its efforts to organize workers, promote strikes, represent workers in industrial disputes, and arrange a variety of benefit activities. With a steep decline in membership and finances, the UBA became less influential by the start of the 1930s. In January 1935, at the commencement of a period of extensive labor unrest in St. Kitts, Nathan sought to revive the influence of the UBA by organizing a mass meeting of estate drivers and headmen to discuss wage rates in the upcoming sugar crop. The public meeting of 20 January 1935 attracted a large and representative group of estate workers, many of whom called for a strike. However, Nathan argued that since sugar prices remained depressed and planters were in no position to grant a wage increase, the laborers should accept whatever was offered. Many persons left the meeting making accusations that the union had been bribed. Although Nathan subsequently claimed that the meeting had agreed that the UBA should represent the interests of agricultural laborers on the question of wages and that a hundred new members had signed up, this meeting marked the end of the UBA’s influence as a working-class organization. Nathan continued as secretary of the UBA until its dissolution in 1940, with the legalization of trade unions and the founding of the St. Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union in the same year. He was a member of the new union’s first executive. Nathan was also involved in other progressive civic activities, being one of the cosigners of the 1918 petition organized by the RGA calling on the British Crown to introduce an elected majority to the island legislature. He was also an executive member of the Workers League formed in 1932. The colonial administration regarded Nathan as a dangerous radical and race agitator. Although not an active member of the local UNIA branch, he demonstrated a deep commitment to pan-African ideals and an unwavering belief in Black Power. He is reported as declaring in a public speech that “God said Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hand. That means the black race shall stand.” Point-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS ing to Ethiopia, he expounded, “Ethiopia, a place in Africa, is governed by the black people only. The King, Governor, and all persons in head office are black people.” He was open in his attack on colonial rule and white domination and warned his listeners that “every white man or woman has a hatred in their heart for the coloured race.” He openly stated his goals: “It is not today since we have been suffering under the oppression of the whites . . . The black people must reign and the black people are going to reign in St. Kitts” (Burdon to Best, 7 September 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/356/108212). During World War I, Nathan was accused of going around the island in advance of recruiting meetings and actively dissuading potential recruits from joining the BWIR. Burdon, the administrator, complained that he was only able to recruit fifteen out of the St. Kitts quota of thirty recruits during the draft. Nathan was also accused of describing the atrocities in the Belgian Congo at public meetings as a tool to discourage possible recruits. Major W. E. Wilders described Nathan as “a waster and pro-German” (Wilders to Roger, 14 November 1916, enc., Best to Long, 10 January 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/354/108160). Wilders reported him on several occasions for pro-German utterances. Nathan was an open admirer of German militarism but was more anti-imperialist than pro-German. In 1940 he was again accused of harboring “pro-German” sentiments and was actually brought before the magistrate’s court charged, under the Defence Regulations Ordinance, with making public statements on the war likely to cause despondency. He was found guilty and sentenced to pay a fine of £2 or serve twenty-one days in prison. By then in his sixties, he chose to pay the fine after failing to win the support of his former colleagues in the UBA or any other sector of society. Nathan disappeared from public life after this period (Patrick Lewis, “A Historical Analysis of the Development of the Union-Party System in the Commonwealth Caribbean, 1935–1968” [Ph.D. diss., University of Cincinnati, 1974], p. 49; Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants,” chaps. 4– 5; Archibald, Reflections on an Epic Journey, p. 96).

Advertisement: John Sydney de Bourg (Source: NN-Sc)

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Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office, to Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados Downing Street, //25th// May, 1920 Sir, With reference to my Secret despatch of the 5th February last, I have the honour to inform you that there are strong indications that the recent Police strike and other strikes in St. Lucia were instigated by agents of the body calling itself the “Universal Negro Improvement Association” of New York.1 2. I should be glad to be informed whether you have any evidence of activities on the part of this organization in the Colony under your Government. I ha[v]e the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, MILNER [Handwritten minutes:] Hon Col Secy. We know that certain people have tried to work up interest but apparently with little success. Will you please ask I.G. Police in strict confidence for a report. C[.] O’B [C. O’Brien] 22.6.20 Hon. Col. Secy. The other papers referring to this matter are in the Govt [House?] Secret File dealing with Labour unrest in W. Indies. I send the despatch from Sec. of State for yr perusal. It does not require reply as my despatches of 24 June and 10 [August] contain my full comments on the local branch of the //Universal// Negro Assocn. I am in accord with views of Governor Hutson that to take steps against the Assocn. would assist the movement, at same time we must watch any new developments. I think if the central funds die down or if squabbles arise the whole movement may collapse. We must have Mr. Wilson watched [o]n his return from the Convention. The grandiloquence of titles & general tone of the American meeting is likely to bring the Assocn. to ridicule. So far as Barbados is concerned there are no grounds for apprehension. Please return for filing. C[.] O’B 18.9.20

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS His Excy Seen thank you Sir. I notice that the Nigerian Press which is for the most part influenced by a Gentleman of Yoruba extraction named Kitoyi Ajasa,2 has ridiculed the whole movement naturally enough in so far as it relates to “Africa for the Africans.” The so called “White-Capped-Chief of Lagos”3 who was present at this Conference in the U.S. and described as a “Royal Highness” is a man of no substance whatever. There are several of them and they would doubtless all doff their “white caps” to Mr. Ajasa. [initials illegible] 18/9/20 BDA, GH 3/5/4. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. A draft version of this circular letter was marked for dispatch not only to Barbados but also to British Guiana, Trinidad, the Leeward Islands, Jamaica, British Honduras, and the Bahamas (TNA: PRO CO 321/310, 02512). 2. Kitoyi Ajasa (1866–1937), Nigerian lawyer and journalist, was born in Lagos and claimed connection to the Lagos royal family. The veracity of these claims is unclear, in that details of Ajasa's early life are obscure and contradictory. His father, Thomas Benjamin Macaulay, may have been a Mahi from northern Dahomey who was sold into slavery in Sierra Leone, but was then recaptured, finally settling in Nigeria in the 1860s. Ajasa went to England to study at the age of fourteen. He later studied law, qualifying in 1893. He returned to Nigeria and became a great friend to Europeans in Lagos, as well as an attorney for many European firms. His close friendship with Governor General Frederick Lugard may have resulted in his decision to found the Nigerian Pioneer, a newspaper he operated from 1914 to 1936 to propound the philosophy of cooperation between whites and blacks. He urged gradual change and long-term tutorship under Great Britain to prepare for self-government. Ajasa’s political views made him unpopular with many Africans, just as they won him the friendship of Europeans. He was rewarded for his pro-British loyalty with appointments to the legislative council from 1906 to 1914 and to the Nigerian Council from 1914 to 1922. He was also an unofficial member of the legislative council from 1923 to 1933. Ajasa was knighted in 1928. Ajasa's career has been subjected to varying interpretations. One scholar has seen him as a “thoroughgoing, uncritical proponent of British colonialism” (Robert W. July, The Origins of Modern African Thought: Its Development in West Africa during the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries [New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967], p. 431). Others have argued that he should best be compared to Booker T. Washington, as one who “preached moderation and worked for change behind the scenes” (Fred I. A. Omu, Press and Politics in Nigeria, 1880–1937 [London: Longman, 1978], p. 46). In any case, Ajasa had the ear of colonial officials and advocated recognition of Africans in the civil service. He was also known to take an occasional independent stand in opposition to colonial policy, as when he spoke out strongly against the Empire Resources Development Committee while a member of the Nigerian Council (Records of the Nigerian Council, 28 December 1917, TNA: PRO CO 583/65; Nigerian Pioneer [Lagos], 4 August 1922). 3. The representatives of the landowning lineages on Lagos Island were known as Idejo chiefs and wore a white cap as a symbol of office. Chief Oluwa was the senior white-cap chief; with Herbert Macaulay as interpreter and J. Egerton-Shyngle as legal representative, he traveled with his son to London in 1920 to contest a land case with the Nigerian government before the privy council, the highest court of law in the British empire. Oluwa subsequently won this historic battle—known as the “Apapa land case”—thereby ensuring African land rights as well as winning substantial compensation. At this time, all the white-cap chiefs were illiterate and had poor command of English, and Oluwa was the first to travel abroad. It appears that no white-cap chief ever attended a UNIA convention (SLWN, 7 July 1921; New York Tribune, 19 August 1921; Taklu Folami, A History of Lagos, Nigeria [Smithtown, N.J.: Exposition Press, 1982], pp. 43–44, 47; HDN).

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St. Kitts–Nevis Benevolent Association circular notice (Source: SKNNA, 736/144)

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Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders, Inspector, Leeward Islands Police L.I. Police Basseterre 25th. May 1920 Sir, I have the honour to report for your information that a meeting of the St. Kitts Benevolent Society was held in the yard of one Sarah Benjamin of Haynes’ Smith Village on afternoon of the 23rd May instant. About 350 persons were present. Sebastian opening the meeting said, members and friends we are all glad to see such a large gathering here this afternoon. I am asking you all to listen very attentively to our new speaker Mr. De Bourg who is sitting on my right. He is the founder of the Labour Union Society in Trinidad and for 36 years he was busily eng[a]ged in that work at Trin[i]dad and will tell you all that which you would like and be glad to hear but before Mr. De Bourg addresses you I am asking Mr. Harris the Chief boatman in this Island to say a few words to you. Anthony Harris said, boatman said, my friends I am very glad to be here with you all this afternoon so as to say a few words to you all and please listen to me very carefully for what I am going to tell you all is true. You all have a parson here giving out cards to the black girls to go about and beg and it is a shame for him to take such an advantage of the Negro class. He has[n’]t given any white girls card to go and beg, he gives the black girls only. He has money to keep himself and wife for it is only a family of two. He has rifle and revolver. He has some six cats and several dogs and has money and it is unfair and a piece of disgraceful business for him to treat the Negro race so badly as to be sending out those girls with cards to beg for money to put ele[c]tric light in the Anglecan [Anglican] church. If they want ele[c]tric light in the Anglecan Church, why Mr. Caunt1 don[’]t take his own money and put light in the Church. The Anglecan Church here has the most white people and the richest white people and why they do not throw up between themselves and put ele[c]tric light in the Anglecan church. Do you know why they send out the Negro girls to beg, it is because they wanted to see the Negro go from bad to worst. Do you know what going to happen to those Negro girls? I am sure you all know what going to happen to them and it is this, everyone of them that is begging with that card to get money for Mr. Caunt going to get in the family’s way and the man all of you call minister will be the cause of those girls getting in the family’s way for whenever they beg me or any of you a penny for the card we are going to beg them for something too and they will sure to get with child and when those children born the minister will be the first one to say he is not going to christen any bastard children in his church wherein he is the cause of the down686

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fall of those Negro girls for if he did not give them cards to beg they would never get in the family way. I want all of you to stop supporting those ministers for they are white men and not a white man has any love for the Negro class. Why Mr. Caunt did not send the white girls to beg with cards as how he has sent the Negro girls? No, he would never have done so for the white girl is his colour and cannot send them to beg about, but he takes the black Negro and make slaves of them to go about and get themselves in the family way to beg money for him. It is full time for you all to hold one head and stop supporting the Ministers and let us all take turn to preach to one another. One Sunday I will preach and another Sunday another one will preach and so on. If we do that the Ministers of religion will bound to go and look work to do. I want all of you to come and join this society and be one in unity, and believe you will all benefit a lot by it. You all know what happened the other day in the Square, but I must again remind you of the occurrence and it is this, a gentleman from England named Mr. Anderson gave an address in the Square and when he said [something] bad about the Negroes all of the white people laughed heartily but when he said the white people in St. Kitts were a worthless bad set for they are treating the Negroes badly here all of the white people got vex with him and put up their faces like mules and did not want to see him in their eyes any more.2 I am now going to say it and it is true all of the white people in St. Kitts are a worthless good for nothing bad set of people. All of you can go and tell them that I say so for I don[’]t care. I want all of you to stop calling them Massa and missis for these are not the days of slavery when we were compelled to call them Massa and Missis and to answer them yes Sir and no Sir, yes Maam and no Maam. Everyone of these white people are against us and doing everything to crush the Negro race and to prove it to you, listen to what I am going to say. The other day we had a gentleman from Antigua came here to help the society and he takes a great interest in everything concerning this society, his name is Mr. Martin and what do you see happen to hi[m]. The Administrator and the other white ones //like// like himself join together and send him out of the land3 so that we could not get much help from him in this society here and now this other intelligent man Mr. De Bough [De Bourg] in Trinidad society is here telling us now to get on in life the white people and the Administrator are trying their best to send him away or to send him to gaol, what for and why so because we are all Negroes and should not get on in life. [T]he white people doing everything in their wicked power to prevent us getting on in life. I must again tell you all that they are a worthless set of white people we have in this land. They are trying to gaol me too but they cannot catch me for I am not in their way. I am going to follow these (pointing to Sebastian and others) sensible and intelligent men advice and if all of you will follow the advices of these men who are our leaders the white people will never overcome us in this Island and we are bound to win in everything we do for we are more than they. If you all will let us unite we are bound to get higher wages for our work for these are

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not the days of slavery. We are all free subjects and can govern our own affairs for we have intelligent men leading us. Mr. DeBourg said, as your President told you I am a stranger in your midst, so I am but I am glad to be able to state that I am not a stranger to the socie[t]y. I am now going to tell you who I am and ask the kind attention of you all for a few minutes. I am 66 years of age and was born in Grenada but for 36 years now I am with the Labour Union society in Trinidad. I am the founder of that society and I must tell you my dear goo//d// people I had hells at the hands of the white people in Trinidad when I started that society but thank God I have overcome them all and to-day the society in Trinidad is daily making wonderful progress through life. I have bee//n// married four times and my last wife i[s] now in Am[er]ica and I am on my way to try and reach [L]ondon as I want to make the members of the house of commo[n]s know what we the negro class in these British West Indies Islands are putting up with. The white people (Governors, Administrators and all of the other high public officials) have said all kind of thing against the Negro Class to the people of London. They have painted us out as the worst kind of people that have ever existed. They have said that we are like savages for whenever the //wh//ite girls and white or white woman //going a//long the streets we hold them ravis//h// them an//d// lynch them. You all don[’]t know and cannot imagine how the white people painted u//s// ou//t// to the members of Parliament and in the house of Lords. We the West Indies Negroes are bearing the worst name on earth in the e//y//es of the people in Europe especially in our mother countr//y// in Europe England and I am going to London to have all matters settled there in the house of commons. It was a long time my earnest desire is to reach London and thank God I am now on my way to reach there. If I die it will be all over, if not I am bound to reach and hav//e// everything about the Negro settled with the home government. I am only here a short time and your white people and Administrator are trying to either gaol me or get me out of the land, but I don[’]t care whatever they choose to do with me. If they gaol me I would be comfortable there for one, two or three months as they choose to give me but I am sure they must one day let me out of gaol. If they send me away I will go but not to Grenada or Trinidad for I am Determine to reach London. They can send me to Cuba, America, Porto Rico or England or anywhere (pointing to the West) this side but not to Grenada, there I won[’]t go for I am not on my way to my native land, I am on my way to reach the house of commons in the City of London. This book you all see here (holding up a green cover book in his right hand) was written by one of the governor who was once living amongst the Negroes in the West Indies Islands and that G[ov]ernor has taken a keen interest in the Negro class which caused him to write this book. He (the governor) said the only thing the Negro race is totally against is to tell them anything about slavery or to do them anything which will lead them to believe they are still slaves to the white people if so they will be angry with you the white but otherwise the Negro class are good people to deal with[.]4 Here is a sister of 688

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the Trinidad society (pointing to a black woman sitti[ng] on his right) who can tell you all about the wonderful progress of the Trinidad society and can tell you all what I have met up with, with the white people in Trinidad and how I came out conqueror over them all[.] This sister can also tell you that I am a respectable and law abiding man not only myself alone but my whole family. Neither myself or family have ever been before any court of justice. I have children all over the world and they are all peaceable men in every community wherever they live. My determination is to see that the Negro race are fairly dealt with by the white people for God Made us all in this world and I mean to carry out my aim so long as I am alive. Now let me tell you all something, that is, you all have a law here which is called the Master and Servant Act, it is a perfect shame for such a law to be in exist[e]nce. That is a real law for slaves. Such a law never should never be in your midst. It is worst than the law which they have in Trinidad years ago governing the Coolies5 and which law is now abandon by us in that Island. I am sure the Secretary of State knows nothing about that law you Negroes of this Island are working under. I cannot help [say]ing that you are all still under slavery here to the white people. This beautiful Island of yours is called St. Kitts and it is known as the mother of the West Indies Islands and it is a shame for things to be so bad amongst the Negro race here. This is the first Island Europe[a]n ever lived on in the West Indies and several of those white men from Europe came here single and cohabit with the black woman and get children with them and it is a shame for you all Negro like myself to allow so much advantages to be taken of you all here by the white people. It is over 229 years now since the first white Europe[a]n people came here and look around you every day and what you see more negroes than white and I cannot understand how you all are still in slavery days here[.] It should never be allowed for you all have intelli[gen]t black men here to govern your affairs satisfactory enough to keep things going without any white man at the head of you all. This society has four enemies to fight against they are called (1) the white man (2) the black white man which is known as mulatoes [mulattos] (3) the big black man (4) the small or low black man The white man as you know is at the head of affairs but cannot manage his affairs without having help from the Negro class. He (the whiteman) get the black white man (mulato [mulatto]) which is his son by the Negro woman and make him a manager or pu//t// him in a responsible position on his estate or in his business so as to get him to assist him with the Negro and on finding that both of them are not sufficient to go with the Negro they get the big black man (Negro) and make him a manager or overseer on the estate and the small or 689

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low black man (Negro) they make watchman or driver on the estate and all four of them hold one head and curs[e] the poor Negro to the ground and I am openly telling you that you all should get rid of those enemies from amongst you for those enemies are doing all in their power to keep the Negro in slavery. The white man always call the Negro thief. What can a black man thief? He (the black man) can only steal a piece of cane or a breadfruit or a cocoa and after all what is that f//or// a white man to call a Negro a thief and to gaol him for such nonsense. There is never a thief like the white man and the more he steals the more he gets on in life. The white man steals thousand of pounds when he steals but the negro steals a penny. Now you all see for yourselves, who is the biggest thief if it is not the white man. The more the white man steals the more he gets on with the other white man like himself and I am now going to explain to you all about a case which happened in Trinidad. I//n// Trinidad all white men were en[ga]ged in keeping books and dealing in money the property of the government and when we hear from ourselves ten thousand pounds were missing from the Government money. This matter was reported to Head Quarters in England and they send out another white man [fr]om there for £500 a year to find out what became of that ten thousand pounds and all that th//at// whiteman found out was enjoyment of all kind such as dinner, party, breakfast, lunch and all kind of pleasure and sports that was given to him by the other white people in Trinidad and more to that the said white man from England also put several hundred pounds of the the tax payers money in his pocket return to England and report[ed] that the ten thousand pounds were spent in providing things for the government use in that Island and that everything was quite alright as far as that money was concerned. Another case happened in Trinidad the other day which is a whit//e// man was given several thousand pounds to build a large building in that Island and before he was half way in the work the money was finished and when the government officials (white men like himself) went through the books twelve thousand pounds were missing and what they did, they account for it by saying that this white man who was in charge of the money is suffering from bad sight and it is the Negro labourers always steal the money from him on pay days for as his sight was bad he could not see too well, and how do you all think all of the white people end up that matte//r// by giving the same white man several thousand pounds more to complete the building and putting the same white man son to work with him at the building saying that will prevent the people from stealing any more of the money. Now my good people if what money you all are working for cannot keep you, you must get more money to keep you and let me tell you the only //way// to do that is to steal. You all should steal but not a cocoa or a penny or a piece of cane but whenever you do steal you must steal thousands of dollars or thousands of pounds the same as the white man and I will applause you highly for your action. [Y]ou people in this Island talking about white people from Europe now let me tell you all something, the white people from Europe you see coming out to these West Indies are only the scum of London. They 690

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are no good. They are only scums of London Street which the government send here to rule the Negroes. They are all no good. They cannot even govern themselves much less to govern people here or elsewhere in these West Indies Islands. As I have already told you all that I am going to London and whenever I reach there it will be a sudden change of things amongst the Negro race in the West Indies. The Bible say we must honour and obey our father and mother. Now let me tell you all something that is the British government is to us as a father and mother and how can we honour and obey the government whilst it is every day crushing us under its feet[.] Can you honour and obey one that is causing you to feel that you are a living sacrifice to yourself and your family all the days of your life[?] When oppression comes on you, you are bound to resent it and that is just what is going on amongst the Negro race in these Islands. We are called on to pay taxes for our [dogs], horse, cow, cart and everything we must pay tax. Let me ask you all, what are we paying taxes for? Is it right that we should take our own money to pay the government for our own property? Why so? I have seen some Policemen here I don[’]t know if they come to lock me up, if so I am ready to go with them. (laughter) This book (holding book in hand) which was written by a white man who was a good governor once in the West Indies also speaks of the black Policemen in the West Indies but let me tell you all my dear good people don[’]t give the Policemen no trouble, if you should pass them by give them a glass of rum and let them go about their business (laughter)[.] The Policemen cannot help doing their duty for if they don[’]t the white man will stop their money and turn them away. I am fully acquainted with all the black Police in Trinidad Force and oh poor Policemen they meet hells all the times. Some work and when time for pay no money for them all stopped for something that the white man say they have done. They carry them to drill and the white man drill them until their clothes stick to their backs and when they return to barracks the Inspectors and Sub-Inspectors rest the government horses because they say the horses are tired from drilling but the poor Negro Police must night and day continue with their hard task before them. What pay are these men getting? [N]ext to nothing. A policeman when out of the Force (retired or dismissed) is always a very good man but whilst a member of the Force they are real hell [on] earth, but I am asking you all to treat them right for they are bound to do their duty or else the white Inspectors and Sub-Inspectors will stop all their money or reduce them or turn them away and as you all know every man must look after his bread and butter. The government take a dirty advantage of the black Policemen in the West Indies. In Trinidad they have all white men as Inspectors and Sub-Inspectors over the Negro Police and let me tell you something that is all the work the Inspectors and Sub-Inspectors does is to go and play bill[i]ard at club and get drunk all times whilst the black Police have to be in rain sun and dew and to do all kind of work for his few pence which they call salary. The white Inspectors and SubInspectors always do their best to fool the poor black Policemen by filling up 691

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their arms with pieces of braid or cloth which they call stripes, some have on from one to six stripes on their hand and say that is promotion, some of the Policemen are called Corporal, Sergeants and Sergeant-Major but you never in these West Indies Islands hear of a black Inspector or Sub-Inspector. [N]o, no that post and upwards is for whitemen only o no black man. My friends you all must not get drunk and give the Police any trouble and then they will not trouble you or lock you up and if you do anything and they come for you go with them. If a Policeman come for me with a warrant and he behaved good towards me certainly I will go with him, but if he hold me by my throat or waist or buttock I will fight him and someone must get the worst but if he behave good towards me I won[’]t give him any trouble at all for if he don[’]t do his work properly the white Inspector will dismiss him because he is black but they won[’]t dismiss the white man who does nothing but play bill[i]ard &c. I must say something about our brother Mr. Harris the chief boatman address to you all this afternoon and what he says about the parson is true. Every Sunday you all go to church and the parsons read something out of the Bible to you but he never read what I am going to read to you now whic//h// is also a passage from the Bible—The general Epistle of James Chapter 56—(that he read to the people.) He continued saying I do not see why the black people should allow the white parsons to continue robbing them of their money at all times. Some of the parsons trying to fool you all by saying we are the desendance [descendents] of Ham who laughed at his father’s nakedness and that is why we are black but if that is so Jesus Christ came and redeem us from sin but Cain who was a white man is a murderer and that stain is still on the white man and will ever remain on him. The white man do everything in this world to kill us the Negro. They go so far as to say we are not to eat ham and bacon[,] neither are we to drink champagne for such things are for white people only. The time is here now when we are no longer slave an[d] let us all unite together and rise from the dust and look for our race[.] I cannot say how long I might be amongst you for perhaps to-night I might be placed in the gaol but I am delighted to be with you all and hope [I] will again have the pleasure of meeting you all. Before closing let me advise you all to try to save some money for before long these white people will be selling out their estates by the acres and you all must buy over their estates and get the rid of them from amongst you and let them return from whence they came. Nathan said I am glad to see you all here to-day and hope you all hav[e] benefitted by Mr. De Bourg lecture. Let me advise you all to stop this amount of rum drinking about the place especially in the manner in which you all carry your money in the rum shops on Saturday’s night and squander it there. If any of you want to drink rum by all means drink but buy your rum and take it home with you and drink it at your home[.] Another thing I want to tell you people is this if any of you[,] you who are working on estate money[,] stopped by the manager for anything [at all] come to us and we will pay you what ever money the manager stop from you and we will take up the case and put the 692

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matter in Court. There is a woman living in this village who was worki[ng] at Buckley’s estate7 gathering fodder for the animals on that estate and Mr. Dobridge [Dorbridge] stop her money 8 and we take up the case for her and we are prepared to do the same for all our members. We are here to protect you all and will not allow those half scalled mulatoes to do as they like with any of you. About the Policemen I am sorry I cannot agree with all Mr. De Bourg says of them for we have some here that are all liars and does everything to get the black Negroes like themselves in gaol. I cannot forget one of them who lied on me before the Court and let the advantageous Magistrate fined me 40/- or to go to Gaol for one month. I quite agree that Trinidad Policemen might be good Policemen but not these things we have here wearing uniform. Everyone is against their own colour for the white people but we are always sure to see the goings of them. I am sure a plenty of you were in the Circuit Court and see what happened there to the men from Sandy Point who was wrongly sent to gaol by the lying testimony of the white people and the Police however, we will see it out. I want all of you people to come and join us as quick as possible for the more we get together the better we get on through life. Wilkes9 said I am glad to be here and I thank Mr. De Bourg for his address to you all and hope that all of you listen carefully to him and will follow his advice for the whole of what he has said is truth itself. I will //not// say much about the race question to-day but let me tell you all some thing the white never like the black and that will continue until the world come to an end. About the Policemen I have heard some of them say that they are going to join our Odd Fellows society so as to find out what is going on in that society but whenever they are ready they can come. I have the honour to be Sir Your obedient servant HENRY JAMES GEEN Sergt. Major of Polic[e] [Handwritten endorsement:] His Honour The Administrator Submitted for yout Honour’s information. W. Wilders [Insp?] 26.v.20 SKNNA, 736/143. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Caunt was archdeacon of the Anglican Church in Basseterre, St. Kitts. There was a running feud between Caunt and the leaders of the UBA interrupted by periodic rapprochement. An editorial written in the mid-1920s by J. Matthew Sebastian in the Union Messenger commented on an Anglican procession led by Archdeacon Caunt through the streets of Basseterre with the following composition (sung to the tune of “Onward, Christian Soldiers”): “See the mighty host advancing, Satan leading on, . . . ” (Elise Sebastian Marthol, Meet My Father: A Short Walk through the Life of Joseph Matthew Sebastian [Basseterre, St. Kitts: s.n., 1993], p. 14). 2. Rev. George Anderson was paying a return visit to St. Kitts. He had visited the island on a lecture tour on behalf of the Lady Jellicoe Fund in April 1918 and had departed “with the avowed intention of publicizing to the British public through the Labour members, the injustice, tyranny

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS and oppression which in his opinion characterized the British empire in the West Indies.” He was hosted during his 1918 visit by Major John Burdon, the British administrator of St. Kitts, who requested that he not “bring the colour question into his lectures.” Anderson, according to Burdon, angrily rejected the administrator’s request and “persisted in railing about oppression, etc., of the negro before my servants.” Anderson apparently met with the leaders of the UBA, for Burdon reports that he “entered into communication with our disloyal agitators while my guest, and in spite of my having told him of their true character” (Burdon to Best, 26 April 1918, enc., Best to Long, 15 May 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/354). The acting Governor T. A. V. Best, who subsequently met Rev. Anderson, observed that he “was highly incensed with Major Burdon for asking him to keep local politics out of his lecture and that he thought popular government of the negro by the negro should at once be established in the West Indies.” Best concluded that Anderson was on the “verge of a nervous breakdown” (Best to Long, 15 May 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/354). 3. In response to an inquiry from the colonial governor about Martin, the administrator, Burdon, advised that “I deported him for mischief causing utterances and I respectfully submit that he should not be allowed to return” (Burdon to Best, 21 September 1918, confidential telegram, “Despatches to the Governor, 1918,” SKNNA). This was probably Charles Martin of All Saints, Antigua, a member of the Antigua Ulotrichian Universal Union Friendly Society (UUU), who played a leading role in the labor disturbances there in March 1918. He agitated among the peasant cane farmers, urging them to demand a higher price for their cane from the Antigua sugar factory. When a party including acting governor T. A. V. Best and the family of a leading Antiguan planter, R. S. D. Goodwin, were on an excursion to Nelson’s dockyard at English Harbour, they encountered Martin addressing a large crowd of workers at the All Saints crossroad. Martin, recognizing the acting governor, shouted a loud call for higher prices for cane farmers. Best sent one of his horse guards to take Martin’s name and address but did not arrest him. After the riot in St. Johns, Martin got word that his name was on a list of men to be arrested by the police and he stowed away on a boat to St. Maarten, before journeying on to St. Kitts in the hope of sailing from there to Santo Domingo. On entering St. Kitts, he apparently posed as a returning emigrant from Santo Domingo and informed Sgt.-Major Geen that he had a wife in Santo Domingo and would be returning there. Awaiting passage to Santo Domingo, Martin was unable to stay out of the labor politics of St. Kitts and soon drew the attention of the colonial authorities. He was probably deported back to St. Maarten and apparently migrated subsequently to Santo Domingo. He had returned to Antigua by 1920 after political calm had been fully restored, but most likely migrated permanently after this period (Kiethlyn B. Smith and Fernando C. Smith, To Shoot Hard Labour: The Life and Times of Samuel Smith, an Antiguan Workingman, 1877–1982 [Scarborough, Ontario: Edan’s Publishers, 1986], pp. 130–131; Kiethlyn Smith, No Easy Push-o-ver: A History of the Working People of Antigua and Barbuda, 1836–1994 [Scarborough, Ontario: Edan’s Publishers, 1994], p. 29). 4. Almost certainly a reference to Sydney Olivier’s White Capital and Coloured Labour, first published in 1906 by the Independent Labour Party. A progressive thinker, Olivier helped to found the Fabian Society in 1885 along with Sidney Webb (later Lord Passfield), George Bernard Shaw, and Graham Wallas and served as honorary secretary from 1886 to 1889. In White Capital and Coloured Labour, Olivier was critical of labor conditions in the British empire. Discussing economic conditions in Barbados, Antigua, and St. Kitts, Olivier noted: “It is the circumstance that land has been so monopolized, and that the descendants of the slaves have therefore been compelled to work on the estates for such wages as the estates would give, that alone maintained the sugar industry in these islands” (Sidney Olivier, White Capital and Coloured Labour [London: Independent Labour Party, 1901], pp. 31–32). On the subject of the color line in the British empire, he argued: “The colour line is not a rational line, the logic neither of words nor fact will uphold it. If adopted, it infallibly aggravates the virus of the colour problem . . . It is not possible, either as a working political formula, or as an anthropological theorem, to justify a generalisation that there is any political or human function for which coloured persons are by their African blood disqualified” (Olivier, White Capital and Coloured Labor, p. 59). After George Alexander McGuire’s election as chaplaingeneral in 1920, he initiated a study program for the children of UNIA members. The required texts for the “Cadets” class of young trainees aged thirteen to sixteen included Olivier’s White Capital and Coloured Labour, as well as J. A. Rogers’s From Superman to Man and Hubert H. Harrison’s When Africa Awakes. A revised edition of White Capital and Coloured Labour, published in 1929 by Leonard and Virginia Woolf of the Hogarth Press, was dedicated by Olivier to “African peoples from members of whose race the author has learned much of the nature of man.” Olivier’s other publications include Fabian Essays in Socialism (1880), which was described by The Dictionary of National Biography as “perhaps the most important of the [Fabian] Society’s publications”

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MAY 1920 (DNB), The Anatomy of African Misery (1927), The Myth of Governor Eyre (1933), and Jamaica, the Blessed Isle (1936) (Richard Lobdell, “Socialism, Imperialism and Sydney Olivier” [paper presented at the Fifteenth Conference of Caribbean Historians, University of the West Indies, Mona Campus, Jamaica, 1983]; Paul Rich, “Sydney Olivier, Jamaica and the Debate on British Colonial Policy in the West Indies,” in Labour in the Caribbean: From Emancipation to Independence, ed. Malcolm Cross and Gad Heuman [London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1988], pp. 208–233; Randall Burkett, Garveyism as a Religious Movement [Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1978], p. 31). 5. Commencing in 1844, a series of immigration ordinances were passed to regulate both Indian immigration into Trinidad and the Trinidadian system of indentured servitude. These laws carried various penalties to compel labor from the indentured immigrants. Absence from work was a criminal offense punishable by a fine or one month’s imprisonment. The various laws regulating Indian immigration and indentured labor were consolidated into one law in 1899. It provided for the housing, health care, and rations that the employer should provide, prescribing that not more than six cents should be deducted from the daily earnings of the indentured laborer as the cost of these rations. The law fixed the working time of the indentured laborer as six days a week, nine hours a day, with a half-hour for rest. The legal daily wage was fixed at a minimum of twenty-five cents for male laborers and sixteen cents for females. Any indentured laborer who was absent from work without a reasonable excuse or who refused or neglected to perform work to the employer’s satisfaction was liable, on first conviction, to a fine of $4.80 or fourteen days’ imprisonment, or, on a second or subsequent conviction, to a fine of $9.60 or one month’s imprisonment. Indentured laborers found drunk or who were guilty of fraud or willful deception in performing their duties or who used insulting or abusive language would be guilty of a criminal offense punishable by a fine of $4.80 or fourteen days imprisonment. Indentured laborers who were convicted of using threatening language to their employers or of in any way challenging their employer’s authority or by negligence or carelessness, endangered their employer’s life or property or hindered or sought to persuade other laborers from performing their work would be fined $24 or serve two months’ imprisonment. Indentured laborers were bound to reside on their estate and the penalty for desertion was $24 or two months’ imprisonment. The system of Indian immigration and indentured servitude was finally abolished in Trinidad in 1917 (Eric Williams, History of the People of Trinidad and Tobago [Port of Spain: PNM Publishing Co., 1962], pp. 103–105; Hugh Tinker, A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830–1920 [London: Oxford University Press, 1974] p. 195). 6. The epistle of James, chapter 5, reads: “Now listen, you rich people, weep and wail because of the misery that is coming upon you. Your wealth has rotted and moths have eaten your clothes. Your gold and silver are corroded. Their corrosion will testify against you and eat your flesh like fire. You have hoarded wealth in the last days. Look! The wages you failed to pay the workmen who mowed your fields are crying out against you. The cries of the harvesters have reached the ears of the Almighty. You have lived on earth in luxury and self-indulgence. You have fattened yourselves in the days of slaughter. You have condemned and murdered innocent men, who were not opposing you” (Holy Bible: New International Version [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan Corporation, 1984], p. 688). 7. Buckley’s Estate was a 918-acre, absentee-owned sugar estate bordering on the capital town, Basseterre. Owned by Earl Hugh Buckley Matthew-Lannowe, it was managed by E. D. B. Dorbridge, a local planter and member of the island’s legislative council, from 1904 to 1910. Buckley’s Estate would be the starting point for the islandwide public demonstrations and strike by sugar workers in St. Kitts in January 1935, as well as the site for the public riot and shooting of workers by the members of the island’s Defence Reserve force, made up predominantly of planters. Dorbridge was still manager of the estate at this time (Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants: The Growth of the Labour Movement in St. Christopher-Nevis, 1896–1956” [Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1989], pp. 283–291; Katherine Burdon, A Handbook of St. Kitts-Nevis: A Presidency of the Leeward Islands Colony [London: West India Committee, 1920], pp. 203–206; “Councils and Assemblies,” LIBB, 1904–1910). 8. The UBA supported Mary Roberts in bringing a case against Edward Dorbridge for detention of wages. The case held on 15 February 1918 was heard and dismissed by the magistrate, Wilfrid Wigley. Nathan protested the magistrate’s findings to Burdon, the administrator, who advised him to instruct Roberts to appeal her case to the Supreme Court (Burdon to Nathan, 2 March 1918, “Local Letters, 1918,” SKNNA).

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 9. George Wilkes, a barber by profession, returned to St. Kitts from the United States in 1916 and opened a barbershop in Basseterre. He was a close associate of Joseph Nathan and both men had resided in New York City, where they developed contacts with Samuel Gompers and the AFL. Wilkes was a founding member of the UBA, serving as its first treasurer. He was also involved in the earlier attempt in 1916 to form the banned St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union and had held the position of assistant secretary. In January 1917 Wilkes was appointed the vice president of the newly formed Juvenile Mutual Improvement Society. A self-taught musician, Wilkes conducted the musical band that accompanied the funeral procession of Frederick Solomon, the founding president of the UBA, in July 1918. Wilkes was one of the most militant leaders of the UBA and was described by the local inspector of police as “bitterly antagonistic to the white population” (Wilders to Roger, 14 November 1916, enc. Best to Long, 10 January 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/354). He was reported by Major Burdon, the administrator, as declaring in public speeches, “When we have formed ourselves into one body, we shall have no use for the whites.” Wilkes blamed the white population for the low moral standards of the society, observing to his black audience that “immorality among the black people was sown in them by the white people.” He accused the colonial authorities of planning to use force against the UBA and its supporters, claiming, “A white man in the Defence Force told the members of the force that . . . they are to shoot us down.” While keeping up his antiwhite agitation, Wilkes denied that he was preaching race hatred, cautioning his listeners that “we are not telling you to hate the white man . . . but he robs you” (Burdon to Best, 7 September 1917, enc., Best to Long, 19 October 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/356/108212). He returned to the United States in the late 1920s and continued his involvement in militant West Indian politics in New York. He became a member of the St. Kitts-Nevis Labour Defense Committee formed in 1935 and chaired by Hope Ross Stevens, a Nevisian lawyer. The committee circulated an appeal to the “Natives of the British West Indies in general and particularly to those of St. KittsNevis” that condemned the violent suppression of the general strike organized in St. Kitts in January of that year. It also called for contributions to a defense fund to provide legal representation to workers arrested during and after the labor protests. Wilkes cosigned the appeal and it was widely circulated in New York and the British West Indies (St. Kitts-Nevis Labour Defense League, “An Appeal to Natives of the British West Indies in general and particularly to those of St. Kitts-Nevis,” enc., Stewart to St. Johnson, 27 March 1935, “Despatches to the Governor, 1935,” SKNNA; Patrick Lewis, “A Historical Analysis of the Development of the Union-Party System in the Commonwealth Caribbean, 1935–1968” [Ph.D. diss., University of Cincinnati, 1974], p. 49; Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants,” p. 205; St. Kitts-Nevis Daily Bulletin, 2 February and 24 July 1918).

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St. Kitts–Nevis Benevolent Association circular notice (Source: SKNNA, 736/144)

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J. R. Ralph Casimir to Marcus Garvey P.O. Box 81, Roseau, Dominica, B.W.I., May 28th 1920 Dear Mr. Garvey, I beg to inform you that we have started //established// a branch of the U.N.I.A. here since Jany last and have been continually writing to you since and have not received a single reply from you. I would be much obliged if you would ask the Editors of the Negro World for letters received by them from Dominica. I am sending another letter per [space left blank] please ask him for same. Please find enclosed my photo as an act //mark// of of my appreciation of good and great work which are performing so carefully & successfully. The U.N.I.A. here has over 600 members. I am the Secretary for the Roseau Branch. //([words illegible] in Dca)// Kindly send us all necessary informations and Charter //which we have been asking so long for in [writing]// & I am communicating frequently with Mr. Jack the President General of the U.N.I.A. of St. Vincent. We regret very much that we have not yet heard from you. We hope that one of the Black Star Line boats will soon pass here. She would get many passengers as the Negroes here who are desirous of leaving for the States cannot easily obtain passage in the white mans steamers. The cry on every one’s lips is “When will a Black Star Liner come to Dominica.” Wishing you, Mrs. Garvey[,] the U.N.I.A. & its allied corporations all success & hoping to hear soon from you. I have the honour to be Sir Your obedient Servant J. CASIMIR JRRC. ALS, copy. Marked “Personal.”

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas Nassau N.P., 39[29]/5/20 Sir:— I have the honour to attach hereto a Form of agreement issued by the “Union Mercantile Association Ltd” whose Head Office is in the Elks Hall, Blue Hill Rd. Nassau. N.P. and whose intention it is to get a Motor Boat large enough to run between Nassau and Miami for the use of The Coloured People of the Bahamas. 698

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A Meeting of the Coloured People was held in the Elks Hall on Thursday the 27th inst. Mr. McKinnon, Carpenter[,] President S. Tinker, Vice President (Carpenter) Gibson, Tailor, (Treasurer) E[.] Duvallier[,] (Released Murderer) Secretary[,] Rueben Bethel, Tailor, Dr Knight[,] C. C. Smith, Oscar Johnson, Tailor[,] and a number of other[s] spoke and stated that Four Hundred Shares had been sold although very little money had been paid in as yet, the rule from now on was that each person wishing to purchase shares should deposit ¼ cash when application was made for shares. [A]t the close of the meeting a number of shares were purchased[.] [T]here were about 100 persons present. Each of the speakers stated that this was a movement to enable the Coloured People of the Colony to be independent of the Whites and that it was their intention of importing Goods at a lower rate than those supplied by The White Merchants. Rueben Bethel1 also stated that if this proved successful that this was only the forerunner of other movements to make the Coloured people more independent and that he would not divulge what those movements would be at present. Submitted for information. I have the honour to be Sir Your Obedient Servant. E. E. TURNER Major Commandant [Typed and handwritten minutes:] H.E. the Administrator: Submitted. F. C. W. D[.] [F. C. Wells-Durrant] Ag: Col: Secy 8.6.20 A.C.S. I am much obliged to the Commandant for his report in regard to this matter, & shall be glad if he will keep me informed as to its progress. H. E. W. G. [H. E. W. Grant] Adms. 9.6.20 The Commandant To note F. C[.] W[.] D. I believe these persons approached Mr Chas E[.] Bethel and had [intended] purchasing a Boat in Cuba, which they wished to have consigned to him, he refused, but I believe could give more information on the Sub-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS ject, if I may suggest Hon Wells-Dur[r]ant could interview him. Please see Blue 4–5. E. E. T. [E. E. Turner] Commandant. HE the Administrator Submitted F[.] C[.] W[.] D[.] Ag[.] C[.]S[.] 12[.]6[.]20 A.C.S. Conferred. It does not appear that any advantage would be gained in following this matter up at present in the direction suggested. H. E. W. G. Adms. 15.6.20 [HO?] for any further developments F[.] C[.] W[.] D[.] Ag[.] C[.]S[.] 16[.]6[.]20 From Commandant, June 18/20—Blue 6– 10. H.E. the Administrator, Submitted for your information L[.] A[.] Servio is apparently identified with the movement F[.] C[.] W[.] D[.] Ag[.] C[.]S[.] 18[.]6[.]20 A.C.S. It does not appear to me that this Association is engaged in an illegal movement, but I should be glad to have the observations of the Ag. Attorney General in the matter. H. E. W. G. Adms. 21.6.20 Hon. Ag. Atty. Genl. For your observations F. C[.] W[.] D[.] 22/6/20 Hon. Ag. Col. Secy. There is nothing illegal in the movement and I do not think any action should be taken. But the Commandant might have a representative at the meetings heretofore. K. S. Ag. A.G. 22.6.20 DAB/PRO. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” Extraneous minutes elided. 1. Reuben Monsel Bethel was born in 1889 on the island of Eleuthera in the Bahamas. His parents were Letina Albury Bethel, who hailed from Harbour Island, and Gilbert Perkins Bethel of Cupid’s Cay, Eleuthera. Reuben was the eldest of nine siblings. In his early twenties, he traveled to the island of Abaco to participate in a boom in the timber industry. It was here that he met his

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MAY 1920 future wife, Francina Roberts of Abaco. Later he moved to Nassau, where he apprenticed with a Chinese tailor and subsequently established a successful business as a master tailor, his principal clients being wealthy winter residents in the Bahamas and the local economic elite. His business was located in the commercial area of Nassau, on the corner of Market Street and Trinity Place, near Bay Street, the heart of the business district. Over the course of time, as his tailoring business prospered, he was able to purchase several prime properties in this vicinity. Initially, he and his family attended St. Agnes Anglican Church on Blue Hill Road in the Overthe-Hill area of Nassau. This church was founded for black people. His children were all christened at St. Agnes Church, but later he moved his family to St. Mary’s Anglican Church on Virginia Street, which was attended largely by members of the colored and white population. Reuben was determined that he and his family would thrive in a highly divided racial society. He was an active member of the UNIA and the Free Masons Lodge in Nassau and a founding member of the Union Mercantile Association Ltd. When his second son was born on 13 June 1920, he named him “Marcus” after Marcus Garvey. Reuben Bethel died on 3 January 1941 of tuberculosis at his home on Nassau Street in Nassau.

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Prospectus of the Union Mercantile Association (Source: DAB/PRO 7/11/2)

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Doris A. Richardson, UNIA Colon Division, to the Workman [[Colón, R.P., 30 May 1920]]

LADY MEMBER OF U.N.I.A. MAKES STATEMENT IN DEFENSE OF STOUTE Sir:— Permit me space in your valuable columns to reply to a statement made by Miss Vinton Davis, International Organizer of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League in the Negro World of May 22, regarding William Stoute, the strike leader. Miss Davis affirms that as soon as she handed him the $500.00 sent by Mr. Garvey for the people’s relief, he folded that money up and put it in his pocket and he is gone to parts unknown. She further expressed her sorrow for him when they eventually locate him, etc.[,] etc. Now I challenge such statements as incorrect. He did no such thing with the money, and for Miss Davis’s information and the good of the reading public I further add that Mr. Stoute is here in Colon. ’Tis true that after the strike was called off Miss Davis might not have been informed where to locate him, but that should not justify such a hasty conclusion. Mr. Cyril Henry, Assistant Treasurer of the Black Star Line Co., told me that he was informed by Mr. Stoute the evening before the strike was called off that he had sent half the amount which is $250.00 to officers in Panama to be distributed among the sufferers at that end, and that he went there and found Mr. Stoute’s statement to be correct. Mr. Henry also had an interview with Miss Amy Morgan, Assistant Treasurer of the Branch of the U.N.I.A. here in Colon, to whom Stoute gave the sum of $150.00 to be distributed among the women sufferers, and she showed him in writing that she had discharged her trust. Another error is that the people would have won the strike, but for their leader. Now this is uncharitable, for Miss Davis was here and ought to have known that it was after the people were evicted from the Canal Zone by the American authorities and on seeking refuge in the cities of Panama and Colon, found that the Panama Government would not allow them to enter until they had paid duty on their old household belongings and that President Lefevre1 of Panama prohibited the holdings of meetings that they had to return to work for their oppressors. These are the days when we preach Negroism, and no honest Negro can stand silently by and see the reputation of any other honest Negro, man or woman, ruined. I trust Miss Davis will in the near future repair this breach; remembering the words of Shakespeare, “He who steals my purse, steals trash, but he who

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robs me of my good name, robs me of what enriches him not, and leaves me poor indeed[.]”2 Yours for Justice to my Race, DORIS A. RICHARDSON Active Member of the Universal Negro Improvement Association & African Communities League Printed in the Workman, 8 June 1920. 1. Ernesto Tisdel Lefevre (1876–1922) was acting president of Panama from 30 January 1920 to 1 October 1920. 2. Othello (c. 1603), act 3, scene 3, 155–161.

Guatemala

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Article in the Negro World [[Puerto Barrios,1 Guatemala, 31 May 1920]]

GUATEMALA GETS ON THE MAP U.N.I.A. BRANCH, WITH C. S. BOURNE2 AS LOCAL LEADER, HOLDS ENTHUSIASTIC MEETING—ONE MAN BUYS 200 SHARES The ceremony of the unveiling of our charter No. 34 came off on the 16th in the most enthusiastic, patriotic and respectful manner, and it is worthy of note the true 100 per cent. Negro spirit existing among the Negroes of this section since the doctrine of the U.N.I.A. is being so strongly preached to them by the officers of our local branch. On the 16th inst at 6 p.m. precisely the doors of the Cosmopolitan Church were opened and Negroes filed in masses to see the exhibition of their “Magna Charta” at 7 p.m. Rev. J. E. Manderson (chaplain of our association) announced the singing of the hymn, “From Greenland’s Icy Mountains.” Although the colored population of Puerto Barrios proper doesn’t exceed 500 people there were not 20 left to be present at this grand occasion, and the high spirited voices so characteristic in the new Negroes vibrated through the town of Puerto Barrios. After the singing of the hymn prayer was said by the chaplain, who then introduced the president of the association, Mr. C. S. Bourne, to the chair for the evening. Mr. Bourne, on accepting the chair, said: “Ladies and Gentlemen—I have no wish to disparage your judgment this evening, although I feel the same could have been exercised to greater advantage by electing some of these able gen[tle]men I see before me, but I appreciate the same, knowing conscientiously that the deep interest taken by me in the sublime cause of the U.N.I.A. has been the sole factor in the appointment.” He then outlined clearly the object of the meeting and the importance of the occasion. He stated that we the new Negroes have just launched out on a new era in Negro history and that, as the Tyrians’ 3 and the Canaanites’ 4 names were written down in history, so we, the Negro under the leadership of our captain, the Hon. Marcus Garvey, will indelibly set our names down to posterity. He then called on the secretary of the association, Mr. S. B. Martin, to proceed with the lifting of the lovely veil of our colors, Red, Black and Green, which was donated to the association by a member, Miss Hannah Gale, for the occasion. Secretary Martin then called on Miss Josafina Davis and Miss Amy Piper, two young ladies selected for the lifting of the veil. These young ladies proceeded with that grace which is characteristic of our fine West Indian girls. Secretary Martin said: “Friends, unto you is given today a new command, thou shalt love all men as thyself, but Negroes first.” Here the church shook with cheers and applause on seeing our charter exhibited to public view for the first

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time. Mr. Martin continued a very spirited address, during which he said, “We must all join and assist our leader, the Hon. Marcus Garvey, whom we his tributaries are following.” He advocated financial aid to the Black Star Line and the Negro Factories Corporation and also spoke of the obligation toward sending our president, Mr. C. S. Bourne, to represent us at the August convention. Finally he shouted: “Brethren, let’s go forward and conquer!” An excellent choir was selected for the ceremony, under the leadership of Mrs. Martinez and Mr. Arthur Haynes; some fine selections were nicely rendered especially the anthems and solos, which were unexcelled. Mr. L. A. Davis, vice-president, was the speaker that followed our secretary. This gentleman, in his usual easy manner, held the attention of the audience for a good while. In his remarks he said that, as a race, we depend on others too much and too little on ourselves. The old negro made his head a cold storage warehouse for the white man’s advices, instead of standing up for and encouraging any attempt made by the people of our race, but the new Negro intends to go forward and have confidence in the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the Hon. Marcus Garvey. Our charter, he said, was a door to the temple of light, and we must be guided by what it aims for as a race. One God, one aim, one destiny, and with such a purposeful trinity, as a race, we will rise to the hill-tops of glorious achievements. (Great applause). There were several other speakers for the evening. Messrs. George E. Smith, Samuel E. Taylor, H. A. Chandler and C. A. Drummond, all these gentlemen gave stirring addresses, [advocating] true fell[ows]hip among the [members] of our ra[ce.] Chairman Bourne, in his opening speech, took as his subject, “Jesus Christ’s Affiliation with the Negro.” He drew the attention of his gathering to the fact that, as a race, we have more to be proud of, historically, than the palefaced man who tries to tell the world that we have never done anything. He brought out biblical facts to show that Jesus came from the tribe that sprang from Ham. He also showed that, in the generation of Jesus, we have the blood of several Negro Women, and that the best piece of masonry recorded was done by the Negro and our present laws governing the civilized world was given by Moses by his father-in-law (a Negro).5 Our chairman was at his best and kept the audience spellbound for a time amid great applause. The ceremony came to a close at 10.15 p.m. We registered over 40 new members, and a wealthy merchant, a member of our association, promised to purchase 200 shares of stock in the Black Star Line, which he did the following week, and I hope ere this reaches your hands his check for $1,000 will be in Mr. Garvey’s possession.6 Printed in NW, 28 August 1920. 1. Puerto Barrios had the highest concentration of people of African descent in Guatemala, with an estimated population of twenty-four hundred at the time. The five hundred people in attendance were mostly West Indians who went to Guatemala in search of the employment opportunities offered in the banana industry. It is significant that nearly every member of the black community attended the meeting in support of the UNIA.

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MAY 1920 2. Clifford Stanley Bourne (ca. 1881) was born in Barbados and educated at St. Steven’s Grammar School and Combermore High School. After working in England for two large commercial houses, he was employed in Guatemala as an accountant for a wholesale firm from 1906 to 1913. He then opened his own business as a “commission merchant” and became an honorary pro-consul for West Indian migrants. He remained in Guatemala until 1923, organizing the first UNIA branch in that country in February 1920 and later serving as president. The organization began with eleven members in February and grew to two hundred and fifty by August 1920. In September 1921 Bourne was appointed commissioner for Guatemala. In 1923 Garvey selected Bourne as one of a trio of high chancellors to run the UNIA during his incarceration. When Garvey split with the New York faction of the UNIA in 1929, Bourne remained with the American-based group; beginning in 1931 he served for one year as its president-general (NW, 29 September 1923; MGP 2:525). 3. Tyre was the leading city of Phoenicia during much of the first millennium BC. The city was located off the coast of southern Lebanon on a small island, which has been connected to the mainland since Alexander the Great constructed a ramp to reach the city in the fourth century BC. Through a trade agreement with Israel’s King Solomon, Tyrians supplied cedars, pine, and craftsmen for the construction of the First Temple. Tyre also supplied Jezebel, the storied wife of the Samarian King Ahab. The Tyrians were also noted explorers, founding the North African city of Carthage ca. 850 BC. (“Tyre,” Harper’s Bible Dictionary, ed. by Paul J. Achtemeier [San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1985], pp. 1101–1102). 4. Canaan is the ancient name of a territory and its inhabitants that includes parts of what are now Israel and Lebanon. The region’s precise boundaries cannot be determined, and its distinctiveness has been blurred in modern times, with “Canaanite” now serving as an adjective for any aspect of the pre-Israelite, Semitic culture of the Holy Land. According to the Bible, Canaan was the son of Ham and grandson of Noah. Israel was hostile to Canaan, loathing much of Canaanite religion and regarding Canaanite ways as abominable—although it also absorbed significant chunks of Canaanite culture (“Canaan,” Harper’s Bible Dictionary, pp. 151–153). 5. When the Israelites first left Egypt and began their forty-year sojurn in the desert, Moses alone heard all the disputes of his people. In the eighteenth chapter of the book of Exodus, Moses’s father-in-law, Jethro, is recorded as observing his son-in-law’s fatigue from this monumental task. Jethro counseled Moses to teach the people statutes and instructions, making known to them the way they should behave. Furthermore, he instructed Moses to look for able men among the Israelites and appoint them to serve as judges. Important cases would still be brought to Moses, but the judges could settle smaller disputes on their own. Jethro was careful to tell his son-in-law to follow his advice only if “God so commands you,” but evidently God did—Exodus 18:23 records that “Moses listened to his father-in-law and did all that he had said.” 6. George C. Reneau, a merchant in Puerto Barrios, bought the two hundred shares. The size of the purchase is significant, since $1,000 was equivalent to several years’ worth of salary for a plantation worker.

V. P. M. Langston to the Crusader [[Chagu[a]nas, Trinidad, B.W.I., May, 1920]] Dear Sir: YOU pioneers have already staked the road center of the dense, dark forest which we—the Negro—have to traverse before we reach our birthright (freedom). Many fell to the ferocious animals (the alien robbers—the Negro-haters), but many survi[v]ed and one great part of the great work is done. It is now for us (the masses) to open the road. Shall we allow bush to regrow into the trace opened by our great, brave, sacrificing men and women and the stakes they set to mark the center to rot? or, shall we organize ourselves into well707

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equipped gangs; some directing, some with tools, some with destructive weapons—each to a calling and each called to that in which he will be most useful. I speak to you in America though I know the educated section and much of the uneducated of you are doing your “bit,” and without us (the dog of a West Indian) you will succeed, but I speak to you because I know it is only by speaking to you in America I can talk to my degraded self in the West Indies. Where in Trinidad, and as for that, anywhere in the British West Indies you can get a body of West Indies Negroes to co-op[erat]e and start a fearless press for its people? Trinidad once had a J. J. Thomas1 and an E. Maresse Smith,2 but we do not think such examples worth emulating, and their works have gone down in the bowels of the worms which destroyed the carcas[s] after the spirit was gone, and not assimilated by us. Grenada has its Dunavon [Donovan],3 but these rare solitary jewels in a sty, but your press is fearless. Your press is true. Ours are bias and are suppressors, if not direct liars.4 You are trying to educate a variety of people and yet one people—the Negro of all nationalities—those who are willing to learn and those who know and refuse to admit, and may God help you carry on in spite of us—the worthless ones. Continue to tell our people to guard against those subtle, coldblooded murderous treacheries as was practised on the Ammadankee clan of the Kaffirs on the west bank of the Great Fish River in 1770.5 Continue to tell them ours will be the fate of the American Indian or a return to slavery, except we “meet fire with Hell Fire,” as Garvey puts it. Continue to tell them to go through the pages of the history of any or all the nations and they will find no Caesar or William, no Napoleon or Washington, no T[ou]ssaint or Bolivar, won respect of nations for their followers by politics or talk. No U.S.A. obtained independence by any method but the sword. No Hayti lost independence by any method but weakness in the sword, and continue to tell them to prepare for the victory or the grave. We have had leaders in the past scattered all over the world as we have today, but the aims of the old Negro leader seemed vague, and we did not qu[i]te understand them. Further, they too often quarreled amongst themselves and left us with a spirit of doubt, though there were less traitors among them. The traitors in our ranks now are numerous chiefly in the B.W.I[.], but it seems to me the aim of the new N[eg]ro—whether led by a Hercules or a Garvey or a Messenger, or a Crusader, etc., has the definite purpose of Freedom. True, some of our leaders propose a passive method of procedure and some an active, yet the desired end is common. You on that side realize that a “bid for freedom,” those who bind you, will put up a fight—they will make laws. They will invent false pretenses, make false imprisonments, commit murders and practice other methods to intimidate you, and you, you will keep together and eventually succeed! With us—the dog-minded West Indian Negro, and in particular the British Negro—our tyrants will obtain their end with but the struggle of a talk—a debate. What is more, we will endeavor to be connected with moves for our freedom, but to 708

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betray them in the hope of a reward, and when caught and held up to shame our defense will be “loyalty” to nationality. Granting such defense to be based on truth, is it truth or wisdom to regard nationality first, race after? Leave alone the fact that the nationality we claim deals with us on the principle of race first nationality after, or that it is madness to be loyal to a nationality which scorns and is unjust to us, or to disregard race first nationality after? Ye the West Indian Negro is treacherous to and will not aid in the redemption of his race. In the majority of cases his presence in the midst of conscientious Negroes is but to betray. Yet, through nationality he will volunteer to fight for his oppressor against another oppressor for which he will receive not even thanks. In our present state necessity tell us we shoul[d] join our oppressed people to fight our oppressions for which we will earn our freedom, yet we will not. It is not cowardice; it is dog-mindedness. Yours fraternally, (Signed) V. P. M. LANGSTON Printed in the Crusader 2 (July 1920): 29. 1. John Jacob Thomas (ca. 1840–1889) was born in the village of Chaguanas in central Trinidad. Thomas’s achievements led his contemporaries as well as successive admirers to begin their praise of him by declaring that he was “of pure African descent.” He was educated in the first system of education in post-emancipation Trinidad, after which he attended teachers’ training school in Port of Spain. He taught at various primary schools in rural Trinidad. From 1870 to 1879 he was appointed secretary to the Board of Education and to the College Council which governed the prestigious secondary schools, Queens Royal College and St. Mary’s College. From 1884 to 1887 he was headmaster of the San Fernando Borough School. In 1874 he acted as the stipendiary magistrate of Cedros (a village in southwestern Trinidad), becoming the first Afro-Trinidadian to be appointed to the magistracy. Thomas is celebrated for the publication of two major works, The Theory and Practice of Creole Grammar (1869) and Froudacity: West Indian Fables by James Anthony Froude (1888). Creole Grammar celebrated the rich linguistic interaction of Amerindian, African, Spanish, French, and English in Trinidad. The book was inspired by Thomas’s observations that people who spoke in the Creole dialect (i.e., working-class people who were not schooled in standard English) were at a disadvantage in the courts because they were neither completely understood nor accurately translated. The book was also motivated by his belief that teachers and Creole-speaking children needed to understand their language in order for them to be taught standard English. Froudacity was Thomas’s stinging rebuttal of The British in the West Indies by James Anthony Froude. Froude had argued that the West Indians were unfit for self-government, an argument he based on the prevailing racist notions of black inferiority; he also scoffed in his book at the 1887 reform movement that was fighting to have some form of representative government established in Trinidad. When he died in 1889, J. J. Thomas left an unfinished manuscript in which he attempted to record the history of emancipation (Faith Smith, “John Jacob Thomas and Caribbean Intellectual Life in the Nineteenth Century” [Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1995]; Michael Toussaint, “AfroWest Indians in Search of the Spanish Main: The Trinidad-Venezuela Referent in the Nineteenth Century” [Ph.D. diss., University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 2000]; Emmanuel Kwaku Senah, “Trinidad and the West African Nexus during the Nineteenth Century” [Ph.D. diss., University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 2001], esp. chap. 7; Gordon Rohlehr, “Froudacity: A Reexamination,” New World [Black Power Special Issue, 1971]: 17–20, 35–38; Bridget Brereton, “John Jacob Thomas: An Estimate,” JCH 9 [1977]: 22–42; Rupert Lewis, “John Jacob Thomas and Political Thought in the Caribbean,” CQ 36, nos. 1–2 [June 1990]: 46–58; Selwyn R. Cudjoe, “C. L. R. James and the Trinidad and Tobago Intellectual Tradition, Or, Not Learning Shakespeare under a Mango Tree,” New Left Review 223 [1997]: 120–123; Faith Smith, “A Man Who Knows His Roots: J. J. Thomas and Current Discourses of Black Nationalism and Canon Formation,” Small Axe 5 [March 1999]: 1–13; Selwyn R. Cudjoe, Beyond Boundaries: The Intellectual

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Tradition of Trinidad and Tobago in the Nineteenth Century [Wellesley, Mass: Calaloux Publications, 2003]; DCB, pp. 102–103). 2. Edgar Lionel Vincent Maresse-Smith (1861–1905), an activist lawyer, was known for his fierce pride in his African heritage. Maresse-Smith was of mixed African and European ancestry. He became a lawyer in 1887 and used his knowledge of the law to agitate for representative government in Trinidad and Tobago. He was one of the leaders of the Constitutional Reform Movement from 1892 to 1895. In 1888, along with his colleagues, he petitioned the governor for a public holiday in commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the British West Indies. The petition was turned down, but Maresse-Smith organized a grand public dinner in celebration of the event. In 1901 he joined the Pan-African organization founded by H. S. Williams, and in 1903 he was among those charged with inciting the water riots of that year; he spoke at the public meetings which sought to raise public indignation about the proposed increase in water rates and was among those addressing the crowd when it attacked the building of the legislative council. The jury acquitted him (and two others) at his trial (William Adam Smith, “Towards a Working Paradigm for Understanding the Socio-Political Dynamics of Crown Colony Trinidad, 1880–1920” [paper presented to the Staff-Graduate Seminar Series, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 10 December 1996], “Sir H. A. Alcazar, K.C., 1860–1930: A Liberal Reformer Resourceful in Expedients” [paper presented to the Staff-Graduate Seminar Series, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 16 December 1997], and “Advocates for Change within the Imperium: Coloured and Black Upper Middle Class Reform Activists in Crown Colony Trinidad, 1880–1925” [Ph.D. diss., University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, 2000]; DCB, p. 74). 3. William Galway Donovan. 4. A reference to the Port of Spain Gazette and Trinidad Guardian. Both were owned and edited by wealthy businessmen, who were also their primary target audience, and generally reflected the views of employers and Crown officials during this period. 5. European colonists used the term “Kaffir,” a pejorative Arabic term meaning “infidel or unbeliever,” to refer to the Xhosa people, a cluster of related peoples living primarily in Eastern Cape province, South Africa, and forming part of the southern Nguni group of the Bantu-speaking peoples. In ca. 1730, smaller clans within the Xhosa kingdom engaged in civil war, initiating the southwestward movement of different Xhosa chiefdoms retreating from upheaval, overpopulation, and land shortage. One of these clans was the Mdange, alternately known as the “imiDange” or “Imidanki,” the chiefdom of the uncle of Phalo, last king to rule over the Xhosa as a whole people. The southwestward movement of the Xhosa coincided with the northeastward movement of colonizing Dutch Boer migrant farmers, or “trekboers” (Dutch trek meaning “to migrate” and boeren meaning “farmer”), attracted to the abundant cattle herds and fertile lands in the area known as the Zuurveld between the Great Fish and Boesmans rivers. During the 1760s, the Xhosa, trekboers, and a third indigenous kingdom, the Khoikhoi, encountered each other in the frontier zone between the Gamtoos and Great Fish rivers. Although the Boer Council of Policy declared the Gamtoos River, west of the Great Fish River, the official frontier line between the trekboers and Xhosaland, boundaries were considered by all groups fluid and contested. Interaction in the open frontier was characterized by violent conflict and coercive power, as trekboers tried to impose their system of racial supremacy, and all groups vied for control of land, livestock, and labor. By the period of 1770–1771, trekboers had advanced as far west as the Great Fish River, beginning a period of war for the Great Fish River frontier zone that would continue through the next hundred years. In the 1770s the Mdange were being driven westward across the Great Fish River by a rival Xhosa chiefdom, the Rharhabe. According to the historian J. B. Peires, “Rharhabe had driven [the Mdange] across the Fish, killing their chief, Mahote. In their retreat, they intruded on the territory of the Boers of Agter Bruintjes Hoogte, who attacked them” (J. B. Peires, The House of Phalo [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982], p. 50). In general, despite the strength of their military training, the Xhosa suffered from brutal attacks by the trekboers throughout the frontier zone. While all sides conducted regular raids on each other’s livestock and killed their rivals’ cattle, the Boers, who had instituted racial slavery in their South African colonies by the seventeenth century, also slaughtered men, abducted women and children, and mutilated corpses. The Kaffir/Frontier Wars between the Xhosa, Boers, and eventually the British, officially began in 1779 and ended in 1879, when the remaining Xhosa territories were incorporated into the British Cape Colony (E. K. Mashingaidze, “The Impact of the Mfecane on the Cape Colony,” in General History of Africa XI: Africa in the Nineteenth Century until the 1880s, ed. by A. Adu Boahen [London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1985], pp. 124–143; Hermann Giliomee, “The Eastern Frontier, 1770–1812,” in The Shaping of South African Society, 1652–1840, ed. by Richard Elphick and Hermann Giliomee

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MAY 1920 [Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1989], pp. 421–471; Susan Newton-King, “The Enemy Within,” in Breaking the Chains: Slavery and Its Legacy in the Nineteenth-Century Cape Colony, ed. by Nigel Worden and Clifton Crais [Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1994], pp. 225–270; William Shaw, The Story of My Mission in Southeastern Africa: Comprising Some Account of the European Colonists; with Extended Notices of the Kaffir and Other Native Tribes [London: Hamilton, 1860]; A. M. Duggan-Cronin, The Bantu Tribes of South Africa [Cambridge: Deighton, Bell, 1939]; A. J. Smithers, The Kaffir Wars, 1779–1877 [London: Leo Cooper, 1973]; Kevin Shillington, History of Southern Africa [Harlow: Longman, 1987]; Noel Mostert, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa’s Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People [London: Jonathan Cape, 1992]; Les Switzer, Power and Resistance in an African Society: The Ciskei Xhosa and the Making of South Africa [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993]; P. J. Van der Merwe, The Migrant Farmer in the History of the Cape Colony, 1657–1842 [Athens: Ohio University Press, 1995]; EB).

British Cabinet Office Report on St. Lucia [London, May 1920]

STA. LUCIA During February there was unrest in the island of Sta. Lucia. [T]he first body to be affected was the Police; about 30 per cent. of the younger men struck for an increase of 15 per cent. in their wages. These were dismissed, and loyal men will have a special bonus of £5. During the short time the Police was affected, the strike wave involved coal carriers, bread boys, crews of Government steamers and the employees of the Castries Town Board. The Administrator of the Island asked for a British man-of-war. On her arrival all returned to work. The trouble would appear to be racial rather than economic. The authorities trace the disturbances to an organisation of agitators, the leader of whom, Norville, is a native of Dem[e]rara, and connected with the Universal Negro Improvement Association. A local contribution of 3d. per week is already being collected from the labouring classes in Sta. Lucia, ostensibly to support Marcus Garvey’s Black Star Line, but also in aid of revolutionary efforts. Secret meetings are being held and one or two of the police have been abettors. The propaganda has made the natives markedly truculent towards the authorities. From the Barbad[os] press [it] appears that large tracts of fertile land in Santa Lucia remain undeveloped,1 so that the labourers, attracted by higher wages, are emigrating to Cuba. The press urges more thorough development as a remedy. TNA: PRO CAB 24/107, CP 1406, Report No. 19, file 15/D/155. PD. 1. These large tracts of undeveloped fertile land in St. Lucia became a flashpoint of conflict between the government and landowners on the one hand and landless agricultural workers on the other. At the beginning of the nineteenth century there was an estimated 158,600 acres of land in St. Lucia. These consisted of Crown Lands (i.e., lands belonging to the state) and abandoned estates. The Crown owned the majority of these properties (113,600 acres) while only 45,000 acres (28 percent) were in private hands. Many small cultivators occupied these abandoned lands without any legal title and ran into conflict with the authorities who were against the “evils of squatting”

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS (Michael Louis, “‘An Equal Right to the Soil’: The Rise of a Peasantry in St. Lucia 1838–1900” [Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1981], pp. 213–226).

“Marshall” to James Wilson [Panama Canal] June 1st:, 1920 Dear Sir:— [. . .] I am sending you under separate cover a copy of the Negro World, N.Y.//,// of May 22nd: ulto: which contains an article [on?] Miss Vinton Davis, and Cyril Henry’s trip on behalf of the Universal Negro Improvement Assn:, and Black Star Line Corpn:, to the West Indies, and Panama. On page 4, paragraphs 3, //and// 4, you will find some very interesting reading, parts of which concerns her landing here, and detention by a Zone Detective on board the Yarmouth, until fireb//rand// Eduardo Morales came and released her; and W. Stoute’s running away with the $500.00. gold, the Hon: Marcus Garvey sent him to assist the strike. Stoute is very much peeved over this article[.] I have never seen him so worried before, but he intends to refute same, and at the same time roast Miss Davis//,// in one or two of the other Negro papers published in the U.S.//,// who are in opposition to the Negro World, etc. [. . .] Respectfully, MARSHALL DNA, RG 185, PCC-2-P-59/20, part 7. TLS. Marked “Letter No. 297.”

William Walter Hendy to the Workman [[Colon, June 2, 1920]]

ANOTHER REFUTATION OF MISS DAVIS’ MALICIOUS STATEMENT Sir:— Permit me space for comment through your valuable paper, in reply to Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, International Organizer of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, on charging the Negro leader of the U.B.M.W.E. & R.S.L., William Stoute, as being weakkneed and having strolled off to somewhere unknown, after folding and putting $500.00 (sent by Marcus Garvey) into his pockets, a most dastardly deed for a Negro to do, as mentioned in the Negro World newspaper, dated May 22 1920.

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I am saying frankly that Miss Davis has made herself the goat, and has openly accused an innocent and great man of theft and cowardice. I am also surprised to see that a man like Mr. Cyril Henry has allowed such a charge to be published; because when the rumor went out that the leader had disappeared, I went up and told Mr. Cyril Henry, that I had received $250.00 from the Leader; [(]part of what Marcus Garvey sent) to which Miss Davis referred for the other leader at the Panama end. Receipt for same is in the hands of Dr. Hamlett. It was also shown to Mr. Cyril Henry; he took my name and told me that it was alright; because there was some unrest about the money I would advise Miss Davis to make some apology, as it is indeed a very horrible thing that such an error was made by this woman. I believe she is not the originator of the scandal, and by the time she reads this letter, she will know at once that the people she associated with and listened to, are the very ones who wish her evil. I hate to think that the very woman who impressed me so much with the love of my race is the very first woman I have to openly call down; all on account of her listening to a bunch of deceitful, prejudiced and insular motivated people, I wish she knew the West Indian people on the Isthmus of Panama a little more—from the professional to the lowest individual. Since there is an unguarded moment for each and every one of us, I will say: “With all your faults I love you still.” But I think I have a right to defend this innocent man; and if you knew as much about this incident as I do, I know you would have held the world breathless in his defense. I have the honor of informing Miss Davis that the leader she spoke of is right in Colon, like a Napoleon, and she can write him for information if she cares. She can also enquire of Mr. Reid, attorney-at-law, because he made investigations and claimed that everything was satisfactory. By this it can be seen that Miss Davis must not bear all the blame, as it is on account of some unscrupulous individual (I wish I would call him by his right name, a ——) who has caused her to make such an awful blunder. Thanking you for space, I am Very Respectfully Yours, WILLIAM WALTER HENDY Active member of the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. Printed in the Workman, 12 June 1920.

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William Stoute to the Workman [[Colon, June 3, 1920]]

STRIKE LEADER REFUTES DAMAGING ACCUSATIONS BY

MISS HENRIETTA VINTON DAVIS IN UNITED STATES

Dear Sir:— Permit me through the medium of your periodical to prove myself innocent of certain charges brought against me by one whose avocation is said to be the unifying of the Negroes who are now scattered all over the face of this mundane sphere of ours. In the Negro World of May 22, Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, International Organizer of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League is reported as having made the following statements before an audience of five thousand persons who gathered at the New Star Casino, New York, to welcome her on her return from Panama. She said in part:— “But unfortunately they (silver employees of the Panama Canal and Panama Railroad) did not win in their strike because of the weak-kneed leader who, after I had handed him the $500.00 cabled me by the Hon. Marcus Garvey for the relief of the strikers, folded that money up and put it in his pockets, and he is gone to parts unknown, a most dastardly deed for a Negro to do. I should be sorry for him when they eventually locate him. But for the paltry sum of $500.00 that was sent to buy milk for the babies and bread for the women, that man would sell his race.” I have stated the charges made by Miss Davis, and now, Mr. Editor, I will present the facts in the case so that the reading public may be able to intelligently decide t[o] what extent her statements are correct. My name is William Stoute. On or about March 1st, Miss Davis, in the name of the New York Branch of the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L., handed me $500.00 to be used in supporting the 16,000 silver employees who were then on strike. On March 2nd, I sent to the leader in Panama, by W. Hendy, $250, of this amount, to assist the sufferers over there. E.V. Morales received $20, for the relief of the Spanish speaking strikers, $5 was paid to J. Small for janitor service at Skating Rink. A. Mottley received $30, for the relief of the non-unionists who were on strike. $150 was handed to Miss Amy Morgan, Assistant Treasurer of the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L., to be distributed among the female strikers. M. Callender, of Local No. 2504, received a loan of $5, thus making a total disbursement of $460, leaving a balance of 40, which I used to assist me in defraying my personal expenses. This amount of 40 I will remit to Miss Davis as soon as practicable. The receipts verifying the above mentioned disbursement were exhibited by me, and scrutinized by several persons at a mass meeting held in the Skating Rink, May 16th. I hope that Miss Davis phonograph records which were loud714

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est in echoing and re-echoing the statement that I sold my race for $500 will be equally loud and ardent in retracting the scandalous remarks; but I fear they are not honest enough for that. Now that we have gotten rid of the $500, we’ll turn our attention from Stoute’s pockets, and focus our mind’s eye upon his weak knees. The words “weak kneed leader” imply that I called off the strike and withdrew myself, not merely because I saw the chance to make myself a “semi thousandaire,” but because I was a coward who feared jail or physical ill [t]reatment at the hands of the Canal authorities who were exasperated in their search for means whereby the strike would be broken. Well, I’ll set forth the reasons why I withdrew so suddenly, and without appearing in person to call off the strike. The Canal authorities, I was informed, having failed to break the strike, had planned to seize and deport me, thus eliminating me forever from the future activities of my suffering people; for as you know, to return after deportation means walking into jail. My citizenship papers, declaring me to be a Panamanian citizen, although signed by the President and other officials, and bearing the seal of the Republic, were pronounced to be “no good,” and as the Superior Judge was on vacation, the Supreme Court was not in session. This meant that I would have no one to whom I could appeal to prevent such illegal deportation; and because it is my desire and purpose to stand by my people to the bitter end, I withdrew myself until a fighting chance presented itself when the Superior Judge returned from vacation, so I am here again on the firing line trying to get my people to see the benefits to be derived from Cooperation, so you see that Miss Davis was wrong to call me “weak-kneed;” and really she will have no cause to be sorry for me when the people eventually locate me. If Miss Davis has cause for sorrow, it should be occasioned by remorse of conscience when she remembers that she has hurled a poisonous dart which may reach the heart of my mother, who is now 78 years of age, and who could withstand anything else except the statement that her only boy has turned out to be a thief and a coward. Among the old songs that gray-headed mother of mine used to teach me as I sat upon her knee was, “Of All Crimes, Stealing is the Worst of All.” May God, help even if it be by death, that she may never read or hear the disparaging statements made by Miss Davis relative to my honesty and courage which by this time have been read by thousands of Negroes all over the world. Because of the recent racial awakening[,] I dare not at this time go to the West Indies through fear of being despised as a traitor; and with the Canal authorities seeking to deport me from Panama, I am between the devil and the deep sea, a man without a country. I can well imagine the fiendish glee of the malevolent ones who seem to forget that “it is hard to keep a good man down” but I care not, for I know that time is impartial, and I feel sure that the stain thrown upon my reputation will be transmuted into a polish which will add lustre to my renown.

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And now, Mr. Editor, feeling that I have rel[ei]ved the anxiety of my many friends, who know me true, and have added to the chagrin of my enemies, I must thank you for the space given, while I remain, Yours for Right, W. STOUTE Printed in the Workman, 5 June 1920.

Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders, Inspector, Leeward Islands Police L.I. Police Basseterre 5.6.20 Sir, I have the honour to report for your information that a meeting of the St. Kitts-Nevis Benevolent Association Society was held at Cherry Garden, Newtown on Sunday the 6th. instant. It commenced at 5.30 p.m. and closed at 7 p.m. About 160 persons were present. Sebastian opening the meeting said[,] We are here with you again once more to tell you all that we are still growing stronger and stronger and to ask all of you to continue to help this very good work which is going on in your midst. It is now three years and six months since this society commenced its work and daily everything with this society is increasing rapidly. I must now ask you all, out of race and nation which you prefer and the answer to this I will leave for you to answer yourselves when you go home. Moses was in a good position as a Prince in the King’s house and one day he saw how they were taking an advantage of one of his race which was an Israelite and he (Moses) took a stone and killed one of the men who attacked his race and if you search the Bible from beginning to end you will never find in that book that Moses was ever called a murderer, because God was pleased with the action of Moses and therefore every man and woman should take up for his or her race. They have good men in Europe but will not send them here to rule us, they are always sending someone in these Islands who is no good. Lord Kitchener1 was a good man, Lloyd George and Austin Chamberlain2 and all of these men are good men but they keep them in England and send us some useless white people who they don[’]t want in Europe. You will not give away your good fish and eat sprat, neither will you give away your good big potatoes and eat pickings and that is just what they are doing in England; they keep all the good men there and send us those who are no good and I don[’]t think that is fair. The government is doing no good for our people and if they even give any of our people here a position that is nothing for the place here belong to us and we are entitled to all the good

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things here, but the white people come here and do as they like with us. If any of us were taken to England and given a position there then we could say that the white people have done something for us because England belong to the white people. The white people speak very degrading of Africa but a lot of them are there making their living. They take all the good things from the Negro race and make themselves happy in Africa. If Africa was good enough for the son of God to born and live I don[’]t see why we should[n’t] be proud to belong to Africa. They have white people here over the Post Office, over the Treasury and over the Police and in everything you will find white people at the head of affairs, and I say that you all will soon see a change. Nathan said, You all will soon see the Black Star Line steamer here3 an[d] whenever any of that line steamer arrive here you will see all black men on board and no Police will be able to go on board and say to you [all] “go off the Buckraw steamer; they are not searching eyes to-day. I am now goin//g// to read something to you all out of this paper (holding up paper in one of his hands) which is entitle[d] the Negro World and dated 8th. May 1920. He (Nathan) read from the paper that there were six successful strikes in St. Kitts under the leadership of the Union, viz:—the boatmen’s strike, the Factory strike, the printer’s strike, the labourers’ strike and a Police strike the latter of which was badly conducted and became a failure.4 He said all are receiving increase of wages this year through the leadership of the Union. The Secretary of the Society (Mr. J. A. Nathan) was fined 40/- by the Magistrate who is a mulat[t]o but although he is taking up for the white people yet they will not invite him to their club &c. The speaker continued saying, I want you all to come and join us and let us be as one body of people and to look after our rights &c. Wilkes said[,] When this society first started we meant that by now all of our members would have had their own houses but you have all [been] lead by the white people who fool out all of you saying we are going to rob your money &c. It is now over three years since this society is going on with its work and we hav[n’t] rob any of you[r] money as yet. I am not satisfied with the condition of things here especially about the little children. They are not properly cared for and I must see their condition better and will not rest until I see a change in the children’s condition. Harris (boatman) said[,] You all take my advice and come and join this society and let us all be one for if we are strong we will not be afrai//d// of anyone. I am deprived of my license for my living but we will see how it will end. I am asking you all to help poor Mr. Knowles out of his trouble. We all sorry for him and we are asking you all to come and put whatever you can afford and let us make up his fine and pay for him. We the Negro race should all hold one head and keep together in everything we do. It is the war that brings us all together my dear people[.] God bless King George, the King of Belgium, and the French General,5 for it is the unity of the Allies that bring the war to a close

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but don[’]t let us forget to say God bless the Kaiser for if it was[n’t] for him we would be still in darkness. George Ward said[,] I am lately from America and can tell you all that the white people never like the black. The factory I was working in, in New York[,] had a black engineer and five white ones working in it and one day the white men said that they are not going to work with a black man no more and do you know that the owner of the factory [had to] dismiss that black engineer from his employ. Don[’]t care what no one say my friends, the white never like the black. You will find this society all over the world. Let me ask you all to keep to this society and please to believe that you all will gain a lot from it. I have the honour to be Sir, Your obedient servant HENRY JAMES GEEN Sergt. Major of Police [Handwritten endorsement:] His Honour The Administrator This copy is submitted for your Honour’s information. W. E. Wilders [Insp?] 10.6.20 SKNNA, 736/144. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Field Marshal Lord Kitchener of Khartoum (1850–1916), conqueror of the Sudan at the Battle of Omdurman, commander in chief during the South African War, and secretary of state for war at the beginning of World War I, was the most acclaimed soldier in Britain. His successful recruiting campaign for the British army, highlighted by the famous poster “Your Country Needs You,” brought forth nearly three million volunteers, a scale unprecedented in British history that became a symbol of the British will to victory. He died in 1916 while en route to Russia, when his ship struck a mine and sank (Philip Montefiore Magnus, Kitchener: Portrait of an Imperialist [New York: Dutton, 1959]; Philip Warner, Kitchener: The Man behind the Legend [London: Hamilton, 1985]; Peter Simkins, Kitchener’s Army: The Raising of New Armies [Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988]; George H. Cassar, Kitchener’s War: British Strategy from 1914–1916 [Washington, D.C.: Brassey’s, 2004]; ODNB). 2. During World War I, Sir Joseph Austen Chamberlain (1863–1937), leading Conservative politician, was secretary of state for India from 1915 to 1917 and a member of the War Cabinet from 1918 to 1919. In 1919 he was appointed chancellor of the exchequer, a post he occupied through 1921. He also served as British foreign secretary in Stanley Baldwin’s second government between 1924 and 1929. As foreign secretary, Chamberlain was instrumental in forging the Locarno Pact of 1925, a group of treaties intended to eliminate border disputes with Germany in western Europe and thus reduce the prospect of war, for which he was awarded, jointly with U.S. Vice President Charles G. Dawes, the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1925 (Keith Middlemas and John Barnes, Baldwin: A Biography [New York: Macmillan, 1970]; EB; ODNB). 3. At the time of Nathan’s speech, the BSL’s Frederick Douglass had already sailed to Central America, Cuba, Haiti, and Jamaica on two different voyages, and had set out on its third and final trip in May 1920. The BSL never sailed to St. Kitts. 4. On 2 September 1917 the porters and boatmen of Basseterre went on a one-day strike for increased wages. The UBA organized the strike and paid a strike benefit of two dollars to each worker. The striking workers successfully prevented the unloading of the royal mail steamer Caraquet. The strike followed a public meeting on 24 August organized by the UBA, at which George Wilkes informed the port workers that the organization intended to carry out an inquiry into the condition of port workers and advise them about the wage rates that they ought to demand. The suspension of Anthony Harris for insolence provided a grievance for the strike. The factory workers’ strike at the Basseterre sugar factory occurred in August 1917 in a period in which the factory manager, Walter Conacher, was absent. The workers demanded a 100 percent wage increase on top of a 50 percent increase that had been granted voluntarily by the management at

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JUNE 1920 the start of the year. The three “ringleaders” of the protest were fired and the factory manager reported on his return that the workers had “settled down [and] were working willingly after their little indiscretion” (George Moody Stuart to G. Grindle, 3 January 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/ 357). In March 1920 printers working in the St. Kitts Printery owned by a Portuguese businessman, A. M. Losada, who published the St. Kitts-Nevis Daily Bulletin, staged a brief strike for higher wages. The strikers also formed a short-lived “Printers Union.” The strike was settled with the workers winning a significant wage increase; no more was heard of their union. Strikes on three individual estates occurred at the commencement of the sugar crop in 1920. These were Ponds and Needsmust estates, owned by Joseph Farara, and La Vallee estate, owned by Frederick Burt. The strike on La Vallee estate occurred during the period of anticipated labor unrest and telephone cables were deliberately cut in several areas. The attempted police “strike” in July 1920 proved a failure and apparently involved only one disgruntled member of the police force who was advised by the UBA. The strikes of 1920 had been anticipated by Inspector Wilders, chief of the local police force, who wrote to the local administrator that “the labour unrest in the island was such that disorder was imminent on the Monday coming” (Minutes of the Executive Council, 8 March 1920, TNA: PRO CO 241/49). An emergency meeting of the island executive council found that these fears were unfounded since most sugar workers were at work, and the council concluded that the presence of a British warship outside of Basseterre had a “tranquilising effect on the population,” ensuring that there were no widespread disturbances (Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants: The Growth of the Labour Movement in St. Christopher-Nevis, 1896–1956” [Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 1989], pp. 121–122). 5. A reference to Marshall Ferdinand Foch (1851–1929). Appointed supreme allied commander of military forces in the closing months of World War I, he was credited with being the leader most responsible, ultimately, for the Allied military victory against Germany (Sir B. H. Liddell Hart, Foch, the Man of Orléans [1937; reprint., Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980]; Michael S. Neiburg, Foch: Supreme Allied Commander in the Great War [Washington, D.C.: Brassey’s, 2003]).

Lieutenant-Corporal Frank D. Kelly, Bahamas, to Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police Nassau N.P., 11th June 1920 Sir, I have the honour to report to you on a meeting held on the 9th June in the Congo No.1. Society’s Hall,1 by the Union Mercantile Association Ltd. The meeting began about 7.30 p.m. as I was informed by Pte Barrett. I arrived at the hall about 8.15 p.m. Mr. C. C. Smith was the chairman for the night[.] Mr. Forde who was then speaking told the crowd that the Asso. was formed by the greatest of the coloured men in the city, among whom were one that was worthy of all praise for framing the rules for the Asso. and that was is Mr. A. F. Adderley.2 And that he (Mr Forde) was glad to speak at such an occasion to express himself with the idea of forcing unity among them by so doing they will soon be able to better their conditions[.] Mr Forde then spoke about a Steam boat that the company would like to purchase and that any coloured man who wanted to be a share holder can do so by [purchasing] shares at 20/each.

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Several gentlemen spoke at the meeting namely:—Oscar Johnson, T. Lunn, C. J. Gibson[,] S. Tinker, Wm. Neely, Nathaniel Rolle and Reuben Bethel, who began his address by saying that at such a gathering of his race he can’t sit down and have nothing to say, he said that it was first purposed that (12) coloured men would buy the boat but that some of them thought that it would be selfish, so then it was decided by them that a union should be formed & to call it The Union Mercantile Association Ltd. and that it is registered, and that they were assembled for the purpose of selling shares of £1 //each// for the purpose of purchasing a boat for about £4000. The boat he said to be solely the property of negroes for conveying them & their freight back and forth from Miami to Nassau.3 He said that we are out of our place on the white man’s boats, our women he said are being carried to & back from Miami like cattles. He says that he knows that no white man would invite him to sit down in his parlour, and if he was invited & should he go, he would feel out of his place, so we are he said on their boats going to Miami. He came to conclusion by saying I appeal to you to get busy & get in line with the opposite race, you can do not[h]ing better than buying a share of £1 from the Asso. he said that they wanted 100 shares sold for the night & anything over 50 to make up 100 he would do it. Nearly 300 were sold for which £121.50 were collected. The meeting closed at 11.15 p.m. FRANK D. KELLY No. 82 Lt. Corpl DAB/PRO. ALS. 1. The Congo Number 1 Society was an ethnically based friendly society that existed until the early twentieth century. 2. Alfred Francis Adderley graduated from St. Catharine’s College, Cambridge University. As a member of the Middle Temple, he was called to the English bar in May 1919 and to the Bahamian bar in August 1919. He was first elected to the House of Assembly in 1923 for the island of Eleuthera. He was appointed to the legislative council in 1938 and the executive council in 1946. In 1951 he was awarded with the honor of MBE. Although a conservative by today’s standards, Adderley was nonetheless a person of undoubted racial pride, as reflected in his serving as attorney for the Union Mercantile Association. A brilliant lawyer, he was respected by white and black alike. He died on his return from London, where he represented the Bahamas at Queen Elizabeth II’s coronation in 1953 (Benson McDermott, “A. F. Adderley: Giant Strides across the Bahamian Stage,” in Bahamas Handbook and Businessman’s Annual [Nassau, 1980], pp. 22–24). 3. Black Bahamians have a long familiarity with the southern Florida coast. In fact, many black Bahamians first arrived in the islands as the slaves of 3,200 British loyalists who fled from Florida after the American Revolution. Others came when British Bahamian officials in the mid-nineteenth century made sporadic attempts to recruit black immigrants from the U.S. South. In the early nineteenth century, Bahamians worked on Key West and the southern coast as fishermen, wreckers, seamen, spongers, and traders with the Seminole Indians. By the mid-nineteenth century, agricultural labor was in demand in the region, and with environmental degradation in the islands as a push factor and economic opportunities as a pull, black Bahamians began to make seasonal journeys to the mainland to work as migrant laborers. The construction of Miami beginning in the 1890s brought additional migrants to the region to work in building trades and in the region’s burgeoning tourism industry. By 1920, Miami was home to 29,571 residents, one-quarter of whom were foreignborn. More than 4,800 immigrant blacks lived in the city of Miami alone. It is important to note that throughout this period, black Bahamian migration was fluid and bidirectional. During economic downturns, more Bahamians might leave Florida than arrive there,

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JUNE 1920 as in 1915 and 1917. In these years before effective immigration restrictions, black Bahamians moved between the islands and the mainland with relative ease. Even after 1924, when quotas were put in place, Bahamians’ British citizenship continued to allow them easy entry under Britain’s extremely high national quota. Despite south Florida’s economic opportunities, however, black Bahamians often chafed under the segregation and racism of the American South. They suffered additional discrimination because of their foreign citizenship. One Bahamian immigrant was recorded as refusing to seek American citizenship in protest against American racism. This gentleman later joined the UNIA, which was first organized in the region in 1920 (Raymond A. Mohl, “Black Immigrants: Bahamians in Early Twentieth-Century Miami,” Florida Historical Quarterly 65 [January 1987]: 271–297).

Marcus Garvey to J. R. Ralph Casimir UNIVERSAL BUILDING, 56 WEST 135TH STREET NEW YORK, U.S.A. June 12, 1920

Dear Mr Casimer [Casimir], I have before me your kind favour of the 28th. May for which please accept my thanks. I have read with interest both your letters of May 27th. and 28th. and have carefully noted the conten//t//s. You have already started a branch of our Association, in Roseau, I see by your letter and you now apply to us for the necessary supplies and instructions. The first thing that is necessary after you shall have had your members, is to apply for a Charter: this Charter costs $25 and will be sent to you upon receipt of your remittance. The other supplies such as Cons[t]itutions, Dues Cards, Membership Certificates, etc., will be sent to you, upon receipt of the amount for Charter, and you can pay for the supplies, as soon as your branch gets sufficiently strong to meet its obligations. Whatever information you need other than contained in our Constitution hereto attached, you can apply to me or the Secretary General for same[.] We want you to establish a strong Branch of the Universal Negro Improvement Ass[ociation], in Roseau rea[li]zing that you are not working for the Universal Negro Improvement Asso., alone, but for the upli[ft]ing and welfare of your four hundred million brothers and sisters scattered all over the world. We are at this time preparing for a great Convention of our Association, which will assemble here in New York from the 1st. to the 31st. of August of the present year and all our branches are requested to send Delegates to represent them at this world-wide movement. Please therefo//r//e, so organize your branch as to have them elect, a President, Vice President, Treasurer and Secretaries. See that you have as officers men who are honest, straight-forward and interested in our movement, remem721

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bering that it is only men who possess these qualities [who] will be able to handle the situation with success. Wishing to hear from you soon, and trusting that you will do all you possibly can re. the establishing of your branch, I beg to remain, Yours fraternally, UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSO., MARCUS GARVEY Per President General [Addressed to:] Mr. J. R. Ralph Casim[i]r, Box 81, Roseau, Dominica JRRC. TLS, recipient’s copy. On UNIA and ACL parent body letterhead.

Executive Council Minutes, St. Vincent [St. Vincent, 12 June 1920]

EXECUTIVE COUNCIL SATURDAY, 12TH JUNE 1920 PRESENT:– His Honour S. J. Thomas,1 Acting Administrator The Honourable J. S. Rae, Attorney General ” ” W. C. Hutchinson, Colonial Treasurer ” ” Digby Hadley ” ” Lewis L. Punnett

NO. 187. CONFIRMATION OF MINUTES The minutes of the meetings of the 19th May and the 1st June 1920 were confirmed. [. . .]

NO. 190. PUBLICATION KNOWN AS THE NEGRO WORLD (MINUTE PAPER 731/1920) Under Section 5 (1) of the Seditious Publication Ordinance 1920 the annexed Order in Council prohibiting the importation into the Colony of the newspaper “The Negro World” was made. SVGNA, 91002-11/2. TD. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Sir Samuel Joyce Thomas (b. 1875) was educated at King’s College, London, before being called to the bar in 1898. He enlisted in the military in 1915, serving in France, Flanders, and Italy. Invalided in 1919, Thomas became chief justice of St. Vincent in October of the same year. Between February and December 1920 and on three subsequent occasions, Thomas served as acting colonial secretary for the colony (DOCOL).

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Enclosure: St. Vincent Order in Council [St. Vincent, 12 June 1920]

PROHIBITING THE IMPORTATION INTO THE COLONY OF A PUBLICATION CALLED “THE NEGRO WORLD” (GAZETTED 17TH JUNE, 1920) Whereas by section 5 (1) of The Seditious Publications Ordinance, 1920, it is enacted that the Governor in Council may by order published in the Gazette prohibit the importation into the Colony of any publication. And whereas it is deemed expedient to prohibit the importation into the Colony of the publication known as “The Negro World.” Now THEREFORE I have thought fit, by and with the advice of the Executive Council, to order and do hereby order that the importation into the Colony of the publication known as “The Negro World” is prohibited. S. J. THOMAS Acting Administrator Made by the Governor in Council this 12th day of June, 1920. J. H. OTWAY Clerk of Councils SVGNA, 91002-11/2. TD. Marked “Confidential.”

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St. Vincent Order in Council (Source: SVGNA, 91002-11/2)

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Article in the Negro World [[Talamanca, Panama, ca. 13 June 1920]]

PANAMA U.N.I.A. ORGANIZES NEW BRANCH AT TALAMANCA1 On Sunday, June 13, the Talamanca Branch of the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. was organized by the officers of the Guabito Division, U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. On this memorable evening expectation reached its zenith when Father Sol obscured his lustrious rays from the expectant throng and Brother Fluvius seemed poised in mid-heaven ready to descend with mighty force, but there was a mightier force than that which made the inclemency of the weather a partial thing. Providential Hand, seeing the interest and enthusiasm depicted by the 200 members, to say nothing of the many friends, who since have daily been enrolling, stayed the seeming veil which enshrouded the evening, and ultimately a glori[o]us time was spent, as the following will show. All roads led to the Sheroll Church, where this organization should take place, and at an early hour many could be seen wending their way thither in order to procure seats. Precisely at 3:30 P.M. the officers of Guabito Division— Dr. A. N. Willis, president Guabito Division; Mrs. Annie Wright, lady president; Mr. A. B. Ashley, ex-secretary, and others—headed by banners of red, black and green bearing the following insignias, “God Bless Marcus Garvey,” “U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. and B.S.L. Co.” and “Africa Our Home,” marched up the aisle of the edifice while the famous ode, “From Greenland’s Icy Mountains” was rendered by the choir and crowds that thronged the building. A magnificent programme was presented to the chairman, Mr. A. B. Ashley. In a concise manner the chairman outlined to the audience the purport of the evening’s function. Among some of the things, he said: “Be loyal to the UN.I.A. and A.C.L. for on your loyalty hinges the ultimate glory that awaits us. Do not sleep the sleep of Rip Van Winkle, but be up and doing so that our enemies now arrayed against us may find it too late to prevent our advance to Africa.” The organization was then proceeded with and the following officers elected and installed: Mr. G. A. Smith, president; Messrs. A. Forbes and C. Harris, first and second vice-presidents respective; Mrs. L. M. Keane, lady president; Mrs. S. Gordon, first lady vice-president; Mrs. B. S. Woodburn Thompson, general secretary; Mrs. B. Montague, assistant secretary; Mr. T. Scarlet, treasurer; Miss L. Martin, assistant treasurer; Mr. H. Allen, chaplin. The following members constitute the honorary advisory board: Messrs. I. R. Watson, J. A. Duncan, J. C. Smith, J. Bernard, G. G. Tulloch, I. McCarty, S. Watson, H. Dixon, G. Grant, H. Grant, S. Davis, N. Hoates, C. Noble, William Ames, John Ramsay, Misses E. Grant and I. Walker. Organist and choirmaster of the branch, Mr. G. Grant.

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Mrs. Annie Wright, lady president of the Guabito Division, outlined to the lady officers their duty, and very warmly did she do it. Addressing them, she said: “My voyage to these parts shall be often, so that we may know each other more and more, and my message to you this evening is worthiness and efficiency in this most sublime cause of linking us to Afric Main. (Cheers.) Let us be not traitors to this glori[o]us cause, and as officers we may fulfil[l] our mission in doing our duty to our children and race. Educate them and hence liberate them from the thral[l]dom of serfdom. Go forward, remembering [the?] banner of red, black and green. [It’s?] through your efforts we shall hail Afric’s shore.” She continued speaking for some time and so roused her hearers that deafening applause greeted her on completion of her address. Dr. A. N. Willis, president of the Guabito Division, U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. then addressed the male officers of the branch saying: “I am indeed greatly pleased to see how you have comported yourselves and so worked as to be privileged to have a branch of the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L. in your midst, and in confirming the positions awarded each officer. I sincerely hope that you may so continue to work that you and the branch form a swivel of link of chain in that great chain that links us to Africa.” He spoke for some time on unity, and in conclusion said: “Look to Hon. Marcus Garvey for guidance and protection, and do not fail to heed advices that tend to the ameliorator of this branch and the race in general.” (Cheers.) The duties of the members of the honorary advisory board were outlined to them. These proceedings being interspersed with songs, recitations and duets brought a very successful function to its close. Many members were enrolled. All repaired homeward enthused. Much praise must be given to the members who energetically responded to the call of procuring an organ. V[o]luntary contributions enabled them to procure a $75 organ in time for the organization of the Talamanca Branch, U.N.I.A. and A.C.L., which remains the property of the association. Printed in NW, 17 July 1920. 1. The area of Talamanca straddles Panama and Costa Rica (Theodore S. Creedman, Historical Dictionary of Costa Rica [Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1991], pp. 264–265).

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Eyre Hutson, Governor, British Honduras, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, Belize, 16th June 1920 My Lord, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Lordship’s Secret despatch of the 25th ultimo on the subject of the Universal Negro Improvement Association of New York, and to refer you to my Secret despatch of the 10th ultimo. 2. I have nothing further to report on the subject, beyond the fact that the local Branch of the Association has selected Mr H. L. Bennett, a negro, to represent them at the forthcoming Convention of the Association to be held in New York. They are now soliciting subscriptions towards Mr Bennett’s expenses. I was approached to subscribe but declined to so. Mr Bennett is a frequent contributor to the local press. His articles are signed either “Mannatee correspondent” or by his initials. These articles are at times objectionable as tending to keep alive racial feeling. I had occasion, some months ago, to request him to call and see me, which he did, and I warned him that his writings were not assisting me to forget the happenings in July 1919. He pretended to see my point of view and he promised me to be careful. He is, I fear, not to be trusted and one to be carefully watched. Mr S. A. Haynes has resigned his temporary post in the Public Service, and is now touring the country in the interests of the Association. He is also a “snake in the grass.” 3. The Honourable W. C. F. Stuart, a Member of the Legislative Council[,] has obtained leave to proceed to the United States, and I am informed that he intends to attend the Universal Negro Association Convention. He is accompanied by his wife. They are both of the negro race. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient humble servant, EYRE HUTSON Governor TNA: PRO CO 318/355/6964. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.”

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J. R. Ralph Casimir to Anthony Crawford P.O. Box 81, Roseau, Dominica, B.W.I. June 17th 1920 Dear Mr. Crawford, Your letter of May 21st received and I thank you very much for same. So far as I understand from your letter you believe that we West Indians are being imposed upon. By Whom? I am not misled so far as the U.N.I.A. and its leaders are concerned. I am sorry to know that you too are against Mr. Garvey and that you and others indulge in what I consider to be unfair criticism. I don’t believe a word of what the “Manseparator” has said [are] the business methods of the different organizations controlled by the recognised “African Potentate.” I did not write to Mr. Domingo alone but to all the Editors of the “Emancipator(?).” Very often highly educated men are mis[led] and think that they are the most educated. Mr. Domingo cannot given me sufficient reasons to make [me?] disbelieve the doctrines of the U.N.I.A. I would like to know the whole facts why Mr. Domingo left the staff of the NEGRO WORLD.1 I find it quite strange for over 5,000,000 Negroes to be deceived by Mr. Garvey. Do you mean that Mr. Domingo is so highly educated that he is more educated than all the men and women connected with the U.N.I.A.? That’s a farce. I need not be in New York City to believe or disbelieve or see for myself relative to the U.N.I.A. Would I be able to see more than the thousands of members of the U.N.I.A. in New York City? I don’t believe in sc[h]ism and unfair criticism. I never remember of the British Government prohibiting the ent[r]ance of the CRUSADER nor the MESSENGER in the West Indies. I do believe that they fear projects that are purely racial. I don’t know much about the other islands in regards to racial projects but the whites //inhabitants &// officials here are in fear of the racial movement here and want to stop the entrance of the NEGRO WORLD in this island. In St. Vincent and a few other islands the Government has prohibit[ed] the entrance of the NEGRO WORLD and that paper alone is mentioned on the prohibition law.2 Many thanks for cut of black child which was very much appreciated. The people here are anxious to learn about the Inter Colonial Steamships. If the MESSENGER, CRUSADER & EMANCIPATOR mean to “Knock” the NEGRO WORLD they will fail miserably indeed. I cabled you (Ancraw) on or about the 16th ultimo re codfish and the Cable office here informed me that they were informed by the office in New York City that the address “Ancraw” is unregistered and therefore the message was undelivered. There is a new administrator here now but old Dr. N—n3 is I believe adviser to him. 728

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With very best wishes and hoping to hear soon from you, Believe me to be, Yours for Negro progress, J. RALPH CASIMIR “A New Negro” P.S. I am sorry you did not send me LIFE & WORKS of P. L. Dunbar as I requested and Life of Frederick Douglass 4 as promised by you. //Please deliver enclosed letter to Mr. Briggs personally or [by?] some reliable person.// J. RALPH CASIMIR [Addressed to:] Anthony Crawford Esq., 198 Broad Way, New York City. JRRC. TLS, copy. 1. W. A. Domingo resigned as editor of the Negro World in July 1919. The resignation followed a meeting of the UNIA executive committee at which he was accused by Garvey of writing editorials in the Negro World that were not in keeping with the program of the UNIA. The accusation followed the New York State Lusk Committee’s raid on the Rand School of Social Science, in the course of which the manuscript for Domingo’s pamphlet Socialism Imperilled was seized (“Mr. W. A. Domingo’s Connection with the UNIA,” DG, 15 June 1925; MGP 1:529). 2. The way to a similar prohibition was laid by the ordinance Dominica No. 2 of 1920. This was “An Ordinance to declare legislation with regard to printing, publication and importation of seditious newspapers, books and documents to be within the competency of the Legislature of the Colony.” It passed the legislative council on 4 February 1920 (Dominica—Authenticated Ordinances, 1901–1924, TNA: PRO CO 73/23). 3. This is probably a reference to the Hon. A. A. Nicholls, who was a medical doctor as well as a member of the legislature and acting administrator for a period (Lennox Honychurch, The Dominica Story: A History of the Island [London: MacMillian Education, 1995], pp. 146–147). 4. Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave [Dublin: Webb and Chapman, 1845].

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas Police Orderly Room, Nassau N.P., 18/6/20 Sir:— I have [the] honour to forward herewith a statement of a Meeting held in Tannarao Hall on the evening of the 16th inst by The Mercantile Association of Nassau. Submitted for the information of His Excellency[,] The Administrator. I have the honour to be Sir Your Obedient Servant. E. E. TURNER Major Commandant

729

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS DAB/PRO. TLS. Marked “Confidential.”

Enclosure: Lieutenant-Corporal Frank D. Kelly, Bahamas, to Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police Nassau N.P., 17th June 1920 Sir, I have the honour to report to you on a meeting held by the Union Mercantile Association Co. Ltd, in the Victoria & Alexandra Hall in Grants Town, on Wednesday night, the 16th Inst. The meeting was opened by the President, Mr. Mckinney at 8.15 p.m., accompanied by John Robins’ band. The president said that this meeting was in continuation of previous meetings held by the Association, for the purpose of raising the //[sum]// of £4000, by purchasing shares of £1 each, to buy a steam boat to ply between Nassau & Miami taking passengers & freight and to be owned by the negroes only. The president further said that there were movements of this sort in other West Indian Islands, and that the Asso. also intends having their own bank, and carry//ing// on their own banking business, but what is wanted first, is a boat, that should be here by October. He then appointed Mr. C. C. Smith as Chairman for the night[.] Mr. Smith then arose from his chair and said that we meet here tonight to sell shares for the purpose of buying a Steam boat to be the property of the negroes only, & that no less than 200 shares were expected to be sold before the meeting close. The chairman then introduced Dr. Knight to the audience & said that he would say something about the movement. Dr. Knight said that I am here tonight not for the good of myself //only// but for the good of my race, & that had I not he did not think that the scheme that the Asso was trying to put forth was //not// an opposing one, but one that was absolutely necessary to help the poor negro people, who only 80 years ago were liberated from the bonds of slavery, but, today there [were?] coloured professionals, & mechanic[s] as well good as the white. Now, that a few well thinking negroes have thoug[h]t of this scheme, he wished to see it prove a success & if it did not, he would feel better to know that a negro stole from him & not a white man. Mr. Reuben Bethel was then asked to speak by the chairman, who introduced him to the assembly as the Hon. Marcus Garvey. Mr. Bethel said that he did not think that he was as famous as Marcus Garvey, but that he loved his race and would try his utmost to see them rise on an equal with their pale faces, who have up to the present is keeping down the negro by stealing from them all they can work for, this he said that he could prove. Our government today [isn’t] worth its name. I heard a certain gentleman said to night that he did not mind 730

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so much if a coloured //man// stole his money but he did not want a white to steal from him. I do not want you all to have this idea of //that// your monies will be stolen, this Asso is as firm as a rock, what we want you to do, is to purchase your shares, & let us get our boat as quickly as possible, then we could put on our doe skin pants, & blue serge coat get in an easy chair on the upper deck & go to Miami without getting our clothes soil, like the white people are now doing. At present men women & children all have to go in the //[same?]// hole of the white men boats huddled up together like pigs. Mr. Tom Lunn was the next speaker, on seeing a large assembly of boys asked them if it were their intention of coming to meeting to buy shares or to hear the band play? to which most of them said to hear the said to hear the band play, he them advise them to form [classes?] of 20 boys & contribute a shilling each a week, for 20 weeks, so that they could buy a share each, & keep to buy the boat. Mr. Forde the next speaker gave a long address as to commercial trading of the Association, & asked that the coloured people to be united & not to be as a coloured man who he tried to buy some wood from during the day, who had arranged to sell it to a white man, even though he offered him more money than the white man did. The next address was given by Mr Oscar Johnson, who the chairman introduced as Marcus Garvey II, his address was similar to that of Mr Bethel’s. Mess[rs] L. A. Jervis, W. L. Neely & Stuart [Heastie?], the latter a man from Acklins, also gave addresses. [Heastie?] said that he was both heart & hand with the movement, but that he did not know anything about it, but that his presence was due to the sound of the band, & that he had no more than 4/- which could not buy him a single share of which he felt so sorry. Mr W. F. Neely gave him a shilling & he bought a share by allotment. He said that he would not fail to advertise what is going on in Nassau when he gets home. The Chairman then announced that he was pleased that they had sold 35 shares for the night, but no mention was made of the sum collected, they then sang the doxology, & the meeting closed at a quarter past eleven. I have the honour to be Sir You Obedient servant FRANK D. KELLY No. 82 L. Corpl. DAB/PRO. ALS.

Miss W. P. to the Editor of the Negro World [[New York, June 21, 1920]]

A SILENT PROTEST FOR HAITI I have been reading of the treatment accorded our people in Haiti, Santo Domingo, and the Island of St. Thomas. I would suggest that we hold a silent protest parade on July 5. My opinion is that we will at least be able to expose 731

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the hypocrisy of our so-called Christian government. It is high time that something be done to make the people practise what they preach. I would suggest that every Negro on the above date wear a black band around his or her sleeve on the left arm. If you approve of the same, you may answer me in the Negro World. Respectfully yours, MISS W. P. Printed in NW, 3 July 1920.

Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary, Black Star Line, to J. R. Ralph Casimir UNIVERSAL BUILDING, 56 WEST 135TH STREET NEW YORK, U.S.A. June 22nd, 1920 DEAR MR. CASIMIR:—

Your letter of the 30th of April and 29th of May enclosing $20.28 and $55.28 respectively total $75.56, have been received, for which please accept our best thanks. According to the subscription blanks you sent us, enclosed please find Stock Certificates:— Cert. # 20856 20857 20858 20859 20860 20861 20862 20863 20864 20865

Names1 Nixon A. Michael Talbert Lawrence John Alexander Elmira Timothy Virginia Valrose Adolphus G. Prevost Joseph Benjamin Payne James Faustin McPhail Birmingham Peter F. John-Lewis

No. of shares One One One One One Two One One One Five Total 15

with receipts attached. Kindly get these signed and return to us as soon as possible. Many thanks for the 26¢ balance due by Emanuel Felix on two shares and 13¢ balance due by Mr. Henry Elwin. After dealing with your account there still remains a balance due you of 17¢ which we have added to the $2.92 (See your letter of the 30th of March), making a total of $3.09, part payment receipt for which also please find enclosed herewith. 732

JUNE 1920

We have read with interest your recommendations about sending one of the Black Star Line boats to Roseau, Dominica and we cannot give you any definite answer as to whether this will be done or not. Mr. Garvey no doubt will write you about same as we are referring that part of your letter to him. Relative to photo post cards and officers of the U.N.I.A. etc. we regret that we have not advanced so far as yet. You are not the only inquirer in this respect, as we have had to write and tell others the same thing. Perhaps when our Organization grows and spreads out a little more, we may have all of these things. Thanking you for the continued interest you have manifested in the Organization and for the good work you are doing. Yours very truly, BLACK STAR LINE, INC. [signature illegible] Secretary //per P. P.// [Addressed to:] MR. J. R. RALPH CASIMIR Roseau, Dominica, B.W.I. JRRC. TLS, recipient’s copy. On UNIA and ACL parent body letterhead. 1. Elmira Timothy, Virginia Valrose, Adolphus Prevost, Emanuel Felix, and Henry Elwin were from Roseau. McPhail Birmingham was from Grand Bay.

Editorial in the Herald1 [[Barbados, 22 June 1920]]

THE “NEGRO WORLD” READ BY HIGH BARBADIAN OFFICIALS BARBADOS A FREE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE CAN READ WHATEVER THEY LIKE, SAYS “HERALD” We have learnt of the horrified facial contortion exhibited and the comment of alarm uttered by the acting Head of a very important Government Department on seeing one of the senior Clerks enjoying a copy of the Negro World last week. He was nearly bowled over by shock, and suggested to the clerk—who by the way is not of ulotrichous origin—that it would be dangerous if the Colonial Secretary came across him with the paper in possession. Not at all, Mr. acting Head of Department! Not at all! There is no Seditious Publications Bill in vogue here. This is a free community and men here are free agents; fully capable of selecting their own literary fare for consumption and in the position of being able to extract the wheat from the chaff in any publication. And, by the 733

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way, what’s wrong with the Negro World? And what’s wrong with you? And the same comment applies to a senior clerk who out paled his paleness on seeing a junior officer reading the Crisis. Why not look horrified when you see some other reading the Hearst publications all crammed with anti-British stuff. The Heads of Departments read the New York American & Evening Journal and others of similar strain. But no one turns up the whites of his eyes with Phar[i]saical stage effect. Mind your business! Reproduced from the Workman (Panama City), 26 June 1920. 1. The Barbados Herald was started in 1919 by C. A. Inniss and edited by Clennell Wickham, who later joined forces with the political movement started by Charles O’Neale in 1924. The Herald became the established mouthpiece of the Barbados working class (Keith Hunte, “The Struggle for Political Democracy: Charles Duncan O’Neale and the Democratic League,” in The Empowering Impulse: The Nationalist Tradition of Barbados, ed. by Glenford Howe and Don Marshall [Kingston: Canoe Press, 2001], p. 134).

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, to Viscount Milner, Secretary of State, Colonial Office Government House, June 24th. 1920 My Lord, In reply to your Secret despatch of the 25th of May asking to be informed whether there is any evidence of the activities of a body calling itself the “Universal Negro Improvement Association” in this Colony I have the honour to transmit herewith a copy of a Memorandum by the acting I.G.P. //InspectorGeneral of Police.// 2. A careful watch is being kept on the doings of this Association, but, in my opinion, it is likely to discredit itself in the eyes of the class of people which it desires to attract by appealing to them for funds.1 The manner in which the money so collected is applied is regarded fairly generally with suspicion. 3. I do not consider that the affairs of this Negro society are in the hands of persons who could be considered dangerous nor do I think the movement has taken any hold so far on the people of Barbados. The local Police are now well paid and generally contented.2 The rowdy classes are very much “up against” the Police but this is a tribute to their doing their work satisfactorily. The general public have considerable confidence in the Police Force and I think they are on the whole a deserving, reliable body of men. Up to the present I see no sign of unrest due to this organization. It’s machinations are under careful observation. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient humble servant, CHARLES O’BRIEN Governor 734

JUNE 1920 TNA: PRO CO 318/355/6964. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Secret.” 1. Money was raised from dances at the hall on Westbury Road and from members’ contributions (John [Goldhead] Francis, interview by David Browne, 1986). 2. Barbados had a long tradition of being a heavily policed society. Governor Smith established the police force in 1835 during the period of the apprenticeship system; he feared that in the event of disorder the local militia would be prone to acts of brutality toward blacks. From its inception more than one-third of the Bridgetown police force was composed of men of color (Woodville K. Marshall, ed., The Colthurst Journal: Journal of a Special Magistrate in the Islands of Barbados and St. Vincent, July 1835–September 1838 [Millwood, N.Y.: KTO Press, 1977], pp. 58–59; Claude Levy, Emancipation, Sugar and Federalism: Barbados and the West Indies, 1833–1876 [Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 1980], p. 36).

Enclosure: Report on the UNIA by C. H. R., Acting Inspector General, Barbados Police [Barbados] June 22nd. 1920

ENCLOSURE IN SECRET DESPATCH 24.6.20 The Universal Negro Improvement Association have a branch here and hold meetings regularly in Bridgetown and occasionally in the country districts. These meetings are attended by detectives. Reports of the proceedings are filed. The speakers generally tell the people who assemble at these meetings that the objects of the association are as follows:— 1. To bring about unity of the Negroes. 2. To assist and advise them how to obtain the best wage possible for their labour. 3. To keep them out of the Police Courts where they part with much of their hard earned wages. 4. To collect money for the Black Star Line of steamers a line owned and run by negroes in U.S.A. 5. To raise money to run their own shops and stores and kindred objects. Many of the speakers at the meetings refer to the white man in anything but compliment[a]ry terms as bloodsucking capitalists, who try to get their labour for little or nothing and they try to work up ill feeling between the two races, but attain little suc[c]ess in this. It seems to be understood by these people that the black or coloured man who is an employer of labour is not as good an employer as the white man and this sort of speaking does not seem particularly popular. There has been a split in the Association recently over the Presidency and as a result three or four of the most powerful members no longer take an active interest in it. The remainder spend most of their time in quarreling over the funds control of the funds and in frantic appeals to the people to become con735

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tributing members, pointing out the great advantages that they and their children will derive from its suc[c]ess. There have been a few small strikes1 within recent months each time confined to one class of workman[,] e.g. ship’s carpenters, lightermen, porters, and although individual members of the U.N.I.A. have been known to advise these strikers, there is no evidence of the Association as a whole taking any active part. These strikes have always ended without trouble, the men behav[ing] well during the strike and usually getting an increase of wages, when they resume work. With reference to the Police, there had been some slight evidence of discontent before their pay was last raised but there is no sign of anything of that sort now.2 I think I can report with confidence that the Police are loyal and contented; there is no demand to speak of to enter the Force and indeed some leave it to better their positions, but in view of the high wages that labouring men can earn in Cuba, as seamen and ships labourers in the harbour of Bridgetown, this is not to be wondered at. It is noticeable that the speakers of the Association abuse the Police. I consider that the U.N.I.A. is weaker than it was three months ago; that it does not reach any large number of the working people; that the collection of subscriptions from members for which they app[a]rently get nothing in return makes it unpopular with the average negro; and that, providing they do not become more aggressive, if they are left to themselves they will have little influence. I think, however, it should always be borne in mind that some leader may arise in the Asscn. who might make it a real danger in the community, however harmless it may be now and for that reason their activities should be kept under careful observation. (signed) C. H. R. Ag. I.G. Police TNA: PRO CO 318/355/6964. TL, copy. 1. There were occasional haphazard stoppages by workers on the waterfront in 1919. These were not prolonged strikes and never threatened the state of industrial relations on the island. 2. The issue of police wages reached a peak in late April and early May 1924, when a large number of constables stationed at Bridgetown, the harbor police (who formed a special unit), and the fire brigade sent petitions to the government asking for wage increases. The governor stalled by simply appointing a committee to look into the matter. However, when no report was made, the police staged a demonstration on 17 June 1924, declaring that their wages were unacceptable (Acting Governor, 4 July 1924, BDA, GH 3/6/1–8).

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Honduras

William P. Garrety, U.S. Consul, Honduras, to Bainbridge Colby, U.S. Secretary of State AMERICAN CONSULATE, Ceiba,1 Honduras, June 28, 1920

SUBJECT: Political Disturbances. SIR: I have the honor to report herewith present political conditions in Ceiba. [. . .] The negroes have organized a benevolent society in connection with an ambitious attempt to organize a worldwide negro empire, to have a fleet of merchant ships known as the Black Star Line. The movement which is said to be spreading among the negroes all over the world is called the Black Star Line. Several meetings of this society have been held in Ceiba, at which violent speeches were made against the whites, particularly against the whites in the 737

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United States. I am told that race troubles in the United States and elsewhere are due to this “Black Star Line,” both during the war and recently. There is a considerable negro population here, and they and the Hondurans hate each other.2 The present party in power is said to have promised to rid the country of all negroes, leaving all the work, and, more important, all the pay to the Hondurans.3 The negroes are mostly of British nationality, from Belize, Jamaica and Grand Cayman. They are too much inclined to stand upon their supposed rights as British subjects, and I frequently receive requests from them for assistance against the Hondurans, there being no British Consul here. In worthy cases I give what advice I can and refer them to the nearest British Consuls. There have been instances in which the negroes have been ill-treated, but they are not easy to get along with at the best.4 Just what would happen if there should be a negro uprising here I don’t know, but their agitation is adding to the general unrest.5 I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, WM. P. GARRETY American Consul DNA, RG 59, 815.00/2201. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “No. 155.” 1. La Ceiba was founded in the 1860s with a population of five hundred and by the 1920s had become the most important port city in Honduras with a population of approximately fifteen thousand people. It represented the broad racial mixture of much of coastal Honduras. The Standard Fruit Co., known then as the Vaccaro Brothers Co., based in New Orleans, located there early in the century. By the mid-1920s Standard Fruit employed nearly twenty-four hundred workers (about 18 percent of all banana company employment), many of them of African descent and imported by official permit from Belize, Jamaica, and other British West Indian colonies. In 1917 about two thousand workers declared a general strike near La Ceiba, one of the first strikes against the foreign-owned banana companies. In the 1920s La Ceiba remained subject to workers’ strikes and emerged as an important site of nationalist resistance (“Informe sobre las condiciones generales de La Ceiba y Tela, Honduras,” Revista Comercial 17 [1 December 1928]: 17–22; Thomas L. Karnes, The Tropical Enterprise: The Standard Fruit and Steamship Company in Latin America [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1978], pp. 65–67; Mario Posas, Breve Historia de La Ciudad de La Ceiba [Tegucigalpa: Alin Editorial, 1990], p. 50). 2. The first major black resident population of the coastal regions dates to the late eighteenth century, when Black Caribs, or Garifuna as they are known today, were deported there by the British. Descended from those Africans who had escaped from slavery and who intermixed with indigenous Caribs in the eastern Caribbean, the Garifuna had resisted the British and French in the Windward Islands. After a defeat in 1796, however, several thousand were shipped across the Caribbean to the Bay Islands in the Gulf of Honduras. From there they migrated and created many communities on the Caribbean coasts of Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, and southern Belize. About five thousand arrived in Honduras in 1797 from St. Vincent. Between the early nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, the Garifuna represented the majority black population, though it lacked roots in the earlier black population imported as slaves by the Spaniards. Unfortunately, Honduran census data between the 1890s and the 1920s did not distinguish between Garifuna and black settlers from the British colonies. The total British resident population climbed substantially between 1887 and 1926; in 1887 census data registered 1,017 “ingleses”; by 1926 that had climbed to 3,977, a figure which represented almost 50 percent of the non–Central American foreigners recorded by the census data. Most of these “ingleses” were undoubtedly black workers on the banana plantations. However, it would appear that the census data undercounted the population of black workers because other sources registered much greater numbers of British workers. British government documentation in 1929 reported ten thousand British blacks in Honduras and that about 75 percent of plantation laborers consisted of imported blacks (Elisavinda Echeverri-Gent, “Labor, Class and Political Representation: A Comparative Analysis of Honduras and Costa Rica” [Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1988], vol. 1, pp. 22–25; William V. Davidson,

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JUNE 1920 “Etnohistoria Hondurena: La llegada de los Garifunas a Honduras, 1797,” YAXKIN 6, nos. 1 and 2 [1983]: 88–105; Marvin A. Barahona, La hegemonía de Los Estados Unidos en Honduras (1907– 1932) [Tegucigalpa: Centro de Documentación de Honduras, 1989], pp. 59–64; Darío A. Euraque, Estado, Poder, Nacionalidad y Raza en la Historia de Honduras: Ensayos [Tegucigalpa: Centro de Publicaciones, Obispado de Choluteca, 1996], pp. 56–61). 3. The Liberal Party came to power in the aftermath of a civil war with the National Party in 1919–1920. In the early 1920s the Liberal Party’s leadership, deeply influenced by the radicalism of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1917), not only promoted a broad nationalist program of anti-U.S. imperialism but also racialized this project. This involved promoting popular hostility against the officially sanctioned black imported laborers on the banana plantations owned by the UFC and the Standard Fruit Company. By 1923 Liberal Party parliamentarians introduced legislation to control imported black labor. The United States and British governments opposed these measures. However, by the late 1920s the National Party joined earlier Liberal Party efforts. In 1929, when the Liberal Party returned to power, it pressed for new immigration legislation that excluded not only black labor but newer categories, including Arabs and Chinese (Darío A. Euraque, “The Banana Enclave, Nationalism and Mestizaje in Honduras, 1910s–1930s,” in At the Margins of the NationState: Identity and Struggle in the Making of the Laboring Peoples of Central America and the Hispanic Caribbean, 1860–1960, ed. by Aviva Chomsky and Aldo Lauria [Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1998], pp. 151–168; Darío A. Euraque, “The Threat of Blackness to the Mestizo Nation: Race and Ethnicity in the Honduran Banana Economy, 1920s and 1930s,” in Banana Wars: Power, Production and History in the Americas, ed. by Steve Striffler and Mark Moberg [Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003], pp. 229–249; Mario Posas, Luchas del movimiento obrero hondureño [San José: EDUCA, 1981]; Mario R. Argueta, Historia de los sin historia [Tegucigalpa: Editorial Universitaria, 1992]). 4. Hostilities between black immigrant laborers from the British Caribbean and more mixed populations of the Honduran coastal regions apparently predated the confrontations of the 1920s. Little published research exists on this issue. However, a famous case began in 1910, when a Honduran police official in the town of La Masica, about thirty miles west of La Ceiba, killed three “antillanos” who had been employed by the Vaccaro Brothers banana company. The Honduran authorities failed to prosecute the incident to the satisfaction of the families of the men killed; they in turn appealed to British diplomats, who intervened, and eventually the Honduran government agreed to mediation by the Spanish king. In 1917 he decided the case in favor of British claims (Elisavinda Echeverri-Gent, “Forgotten Workers: British West Indians and the Early Days . . . in Costa Rica and Honduras,” JLAS 24 [May 1992]: 299–300). 5. In July 1920 labor unrest erupted into another general strike led by nonblack Hondurans against the Standard Fruit Co. near La Ceiba. The strike and unrest extended to all towns on the coast, including La Masica, where Honduran officers had murdered the three “antillanos” in 1910. Between July and September 1920, different military leaders on the coast began to curry favor by supporting not only the nationalism expressed by the strikers but also racialization, contrary to the official agreements made by previous governments. This translated into localized decrees controlling the importation of black labor, which, by the 1920s, developed into national legislation along these lines (Thomas L. Karnes, The Tropical Enterprise, pp. 65–67; Víctor Meza, Historia del movimiento obrero hondureño [Tegucigalpa: Editorial Universitaria, 1981], pp. 25–27; Thomas O’Brien, The Revolutionary Mission: American Enterprise in Latin America, 1900–1945 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996], pp. 80–106).

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Report of Legislative Council Meeting1 in the St. Lucia Gazette [[St. Lucia, 28th June, 1920]]

PRESENT: His Honour Lieutenant-Colonel W. B. DAVIDSON-HOUSTON, C.M.G., Administrator, The Hon. J. E. M. SALMON; Acting Attorney General, ” G. D. MACKIE, Treasurer, ” Dr. D. M. MACPHAIL, Medical Officer, No. 1 District, ” GEO. BARNARD,2 ” HENRY DE MINVIELLE,3 ” W. P. DEACON, ” JAMES PLUMMER, ” GREGOR MCG. PETER.4

THE SEDITIOUS PUBLICATIONS ORDINANCE The Acting Attorney General moved the second reading of the Bill for “An Ordinance to provide for the punishment of Seditious acts and Seditious libel, to facilitate the suppression of Seditious Publications, and to provide for the temporary suspension of Newspapers containing Seditious Matter.” Continuing, the Acting Attorney General said that the object of the Bill was fully set out in the title. Section 3 enumerated the acts which would be regarded as seditious and Section 4 prescribed the punishment which would follow their commission. In this connection he desired to direct Hon. Members’ attention to the fact that proceedings would be by indictment, that is, trials would take place before a jury. Section 5 empowered the Governor in Council to prohibit the importation of publications. The expression publication was defined in Section 2 and the power was therefore limited to publications coming within that definition. Section 6 provided for the suspension of newspapers containing seditious matter. Such suspension could only be effected by the Court, application therefor[e] having to be made by the Attorney General acting under the authority of the Governor in Council. Section 7 dealt with the prohibition of the circulation of seditious publications and Section 9 provided for punishment not otherwise specified in the Bill. The Bill was identical with measures passed in Grenada and St. Vincent and, he believed, in Trinidad. In a British Colony one was brought up to believe in and cherish the British traditions of liberty of speech and thought and he, personally, did not believe that the Government had any intention of interfering with the legitimate exercise of those privileges. A great deal, of course, depended upon the manner of administration of laws, and a bad law well administered was better than a good law badly administered. He would be 740

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sorry to think that he was assisting in passing any measure which would interfere with a man’s right to read and think what he pleased but he should not in doing so act contrary to the interests of the community and of law and order. It was to be remembered that one of the outstanding features of the recent war was the power of propaganda. Men of strong minds did not allow themselves to be swayed by whatever they might read or hear: such men thought for themselves and could be trusted to act sensibly. But unfortunately in all communities there was an element which was liable to be swept off its feet by erroneous and dangerous ideas and specious argument and views and it was necessary, where possible, to prevent harm arising from such a tendency; that, he believed, was what was contemplated in this Bill. Prevention was indeed better than cure and he took it that it was a preventive measure intended to prevent designing persons from influencing others otherwise than within the law. He did not understand that it was aimed at curtailing the liberty of the Press in matters of interest and benefit to the community and he did not believe that it was the intention of any British Government to interfere arbitrarily with the liberty of the subject. There was no more law-abiding community than this one and none more loyal to the Crown, but it could not be gainsaid that a spirit of unrest prevailed all over the world at the present time and there were individuals who went so far as to advocate that it would be a good thing if there was no Government at all. To cope with this situation and its possibilities was the object of the administration. The principle of liberty and freedom of thought was so well recognised and so necessary that no administration should in its own interest act in any way contrary to that principle as properly understood. The law would be directed against lawbreakers, and law-abiding persons need have no fears about it. Progress could be achieved by constitutional means, but associations and bodies of persons existed who were spending money in the propagation of doctrines, even outside their own country, which were detrimental to the peace of society. It was against propaganda of this kind that the law would be directed, not the law-respecting Press. Criticism of the Government such as the Press provided was generally recognised as desirable and so long as such criticism was fair he did not believe it was the intention of any British Government to prevent or interfere with it. The Bill was naturally much discussed and as was usual in such cases perhaps more was read into it than it was meant to contain. The law might be given a trial and if injustice and wrong occurred the Throne and the Secretary of State were there and could be petitioned and appealed to. Besides, the Imperial Parliament still stood for the rights and privileges of British subjects all over the Empire and there was no doubt that as in the past Members of Parliament would be willing to take up the cause of liberty in these parts if it was encroached upon and see to it that if any wrong were done in the carrying out of the law it would be redressed. In view of all these considerations he hoped

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that the fears which were entertained in regard to this Bill would prove groundless. Motion seconded by the Treasurer and Bill read a second time. On motion similarly made and seconded Council went into Committee on the Bill. Section 3 (b). During the discussion of a question by Mr. Barnard as to whether the words, motives or intentions of the Government in the second and third lines were not rather [wide?] which, after discussion, was not pressed by the Hon. Member. Mr. Peter asked whether a public meeting in favour of the introduction of representative Government, for instance, would be considered seditious.5 The Acting Attorney General replied that he did not think so. He added that in any case the procedure laid down in the Bill would have to be followed and a decision as to guilt in any proceedings would lie with a jury. He pointed out also that under Section 8 no person would be prosecuted without the consent of the Attorney General and he did not think that officer’s consent would be given without sufficient cause. With further reference to Mr. Peter’s question the Treasurer said he took it that if a public meeting passed a resolution to the effect that Crown Colony Government was not suited to St. Lucia that action would not constitute an offence against the proposed law. The Administrator expressed himself as being of the same opinion. The Treasurer added that an attempt to overthrow Crown Colony Government by violence would, however, constitute an offence. The Administrator drew attention to the bearing of sub-section (c) on the point under discussion. He added that he could see no objection to the holding of public meetings such as that referred to. On completing the consideration in Committee of the Bill Council resumed on motion by the Acting Attorney General seconded by the Treasurer, and on motion similarly made and seconded the Bill was read a third time and passed. Printed in the St. Lucia Gazette, 4 September 1920. 1. The St. Lucia legislative council consisted of the administrator (sometimes called officer administering the government, who was subordinate to the governor of the Windward Islands) and official and unofficial members. The principal public officers such as the attorney general, colonial treasurer, colonial secretary, etc., constituted the official members, who formed a majority in the council. The administrator also nominated a number of “unofficial” members from the wealthier class. These arrangements reflected the Crown Colony status of St. Lucia; indeed, St. Lucia and Trinidad were the two models of complete Crown Colony government in the Caribbean. As a result, the St. Lucia legislative council itself did not have the confidence or trust of the population. As explained in a petition which some citizens dispatched to the British government, the citizenry viewed the system of selecting advisers to the local government as obsolete; moreover, they felt that the unofficial members, whom the administrator selected on the advice privately obtained from a few persons, were “not really and truly representatives of the general body of taxpayers,” and as a result “the Legislative Council and its proceedings are treated by the bulk of the inhabitants with an amount of unconcern and indifference scarcely distinguishable from contempt” (VSL, 12 February

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JUNE 1920 1921; J. H. Parry and Philip Sherlock, A Short History of the West Indies, 3rd ed. [London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1971], p. 216). 2. Not much is known about George Barnard except that he was undoubtedly a man of considerable economic power in St. Lucian society. A Samuel Barnard (probably his father) had gone into partnership with William Peter in a venture in the coaling industry in the late nineteenth century. When the venture dissolved, each went on to establish his own business. George Barnard was most likely either the head of, or closely connected to, the firm Barnard and Sons. According to a local lawyer who was familiar with St. Lucian property holdings, “there were three families who owned the bulk of St. Lucia and who [were] largely responsible for agricultural development in St. Lucia” (Vernon Cooper, St. Lucians Past and Present [Castries, St. Lucia: St. Lucia National Archives, 1995], p. 196). These were the Barnards, the Devauxs, and du Boulays—but the Barnards are reputed to have owned the most impressive properties located in all parts of the island (Winville King, A Century of Service, 1891–1991 [Castries, St. Lucia: Peter & Company, n.d.]). 3. Henry Detcheparre Dieudonne de Minvielle (1873–1939) entered business in the local firm of Minvielle and Chastanet, of which his father Henry was founder. He remained there for several years, until he branched out on his own after the destructive Castries fire of 1927. Like his other colleagues in the legislature, Minvielle was quite visible in public life. In the 1920s and 1930s he served as chairman of the Castries Town Board, as a member of various advisory boards and committees, and as a nominated member of both the executive and legislative councils. He also served as French and Netherlands consular agent in St. Lucia (Winville King, 125 Not Out! The M & C Story 1864–1989 [Castries, St. Lucia: St. Lucia National Trust, n.d.], app., p. 30). 4. Gregor McGregor Peter (1878–1955) was the eldest son of William Peter, who was born in St. Lucia of Scottish parents. The son followed closely in the footsteps of the father. As was the practice of the time, William completed his schooling in Scotland and returned to St. Lucia, where he embarked on a business career. In time he played a leading role in the business life of the country, with investments in coaling, insurance, shipping, and dry goods. The elder Peter is perhaps best known as the founder of the firm Peter & Company, which he started as a single partner in 1891 and that has continued in business for more than a century. William Peter later admitted Gregor and another son Alan as partners in the firm. Gregor became managing director of the business after his father’s death in 1933. Both father and son were important figures in shaping community life in the period. William Peter served as an unofficial member of the legislative council for twenty-seven years and a member of the executive council for ten years. In 1951 authorities named the center of the capital city, Castries, “William Peter Boulevard.” Gregor Peter, too, served for several years, as member of both the legislative and executive councils. He was either chairman or member of several of the local boards and committees, and was a main figure in sports as captain of the St. Lucia Cricket Club for over twenty years. It is difficult to infer, however, whether his social interaction extended to the nonwhite population. He served as president of the Castries Club, a body that excluded nonwhites. At his death in 1955, the Voice newspaper felt St. Lucia “mourned the loss of a man who was probably the most outstanding figure in political, commercial, social and sporting life of this Island over the past 40 years” (“Notable St. Lucians” [St. Lucia National Archives, unpublished]; King, 125 Not Out!; King, A Century of Service, 1891–1991, p. 14). 5. This observation was hardly a casual one. A St. Lucia RGA, which wrote a petition for the introduction of representative government the following February, was probably already in existence. The petitioners complained, among other things, that education had made noticeable strides, that there were enough persons educated locally or abroad “who were fit for the exercise of the franchise,” and that after over one hundred years of British rule, they were still deprived of the elementary political privilege of choosing who should represent them “in the body charged with [the] making of laws they have to obey and the imposition of the taxes they have to pay” (VSL, 12 February 1921).

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Luc Dorsinville to the Crusader [[Haiti, June 30th, 1920]]

BLACK STAR LINE, INC. Editor CRUSADER: Please put this letter in your publication to advise the American Negro people that the management of the Black Star Line cannot do any good business. Very truly yours, L. DLLE. (COPY) Captain C. E. Dixon, Master Steamship “Yarmouth,” now in port: Dear Sir:— On receipt of advice from New York on June 24 re the calling of the steamship “Yarmouth” here, I advised my sub-agents at Goanives, Port de Paix and Cape Haiti[e]n, who have all prepared freight for this boat. On your arrival you asked for 150 tons of coal which at present cannot be had in Haiti.1 We proposed wood, but after agreed to your proposal for a letter of credit to proceed to Guantanamo2 to get coal. Some time after you came to my office and stated you had a friend who could get you fifty tons of coal. This was on the eve of getting the letter of credit. We, therefore, cancelled the question of wood. We were surprised to see you coming into the office to inform us you had failed in the attempt to get coal. This was late in the evening; nothing was done; a day lost. Nevertheless, we went to get wood and succeeded in getting twenty tons, which we put alongside the ship. On you[r] arriv[a]l I informed you in conversation to take 1,000 tons logwood along with other cargo which you refused, specifying the kind of cargo you will take. My contract with the head of the Black Star Line did not so specify, and from such action the company loses money and the confidence of the people. Before the arrival of the boat there were booked for New York seventyseven passengers from this port.3 Some refused to go with the boat, stating that the boat was not clean. We got only twenty-seven who paid their fares and are now waiting for the steamer. I understand you are proceeding to Kingston, carrying twenty passengers for that port from Havana and to take coal. Passengers booked here are waiting for the return of the steamer to take them to New York. In order to keep up the integrity of the line in Haiti, I request that you return as soon as possible for these people. Some are foreigners and arranged their business to leave, and therefore cannot afford to lose time and money. Please take this letter seriously, as it is written in the best int[erest] of the company. Very truly yours, (Signed) LUC DORSINVILLE, (Signed) L. DLLE.

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P.S.—Freight and passengers at the ports named above awaiting the arrival of the boat. They give us only six days. (Signed) LUC DLLE. At the time of signing this letter there arrived at this office a lawyer with a letter of claim from a passenger. We also received another cable from Cape Haitien that the mails are waiting on the boat. What other steps to be taken is left to be seen. We insist that the boat must be here in six days’ time. We are doing our best to subdue the temper of the people. (Signed) LUC DLLE Printed in the Crusader 3 (September 1920): 29–30. 1. Coal could not be purchased on the open market in Haiti at this time. Each shipping service maintained its own sources. 2. Guantánamo Bay, located close to the city of Santiago de Cuba, possessed significant port towns as well as the U.S. naval base that had been leased to the United States in 1903 as a condition of the Platt Amendment, which governed U.S.–Cuban relations after the U.S. occupation of 1898. French refugees had settled in Guantánamo city and Santiago soon after the Haitian revolution, leaving their influence on local architecture and surnames. As the Cuban sugar industry expanded eastward in the early twentieth century, Haitian agricultural laborers migrated to the region, located less than fifty miles from Haiti across the Windward Passage (Lélio Laville, La traite de nègres au XXe siècle, ou les dessou de l’emigration haïtienne à Cuba [Port-au-Prince: Imp. Nouvelle, 1933], pp. 1–24). 3. As Port-au-Prince expanded under United States control, it lured wealth and population away from the provincial towns. Shipping lines found the smaller ports less profitable, and passengers bound for New York, London, Paris, or even Havana found it difficult to board ships from these provincial ports (John M. Street, Historical and Economic Geography of the Southwest Peninsula of Haiti [Berkeley: Department of Geography, University of California, 1960], pp. 397, 429).

Article in the Daily Chronicle [Georgetown, British Guiana, 3 July 1920]

BLACK STAR LINER YARMOUTH MR. SIMON MOORE APPOINTED CHIEF ENGINEER Mr. Simon Moore late engineer of Messrs. Sprostons Ltd.1 and the Col. Steamer Service writing to his nephew, Mr. Cecil Moore, states that he has secured an appointment as Chief Engineer of the s.s. Yarmouth of the Black Star Line, which steamer will shortly be travelling around the British West Indian Islands. It will be recollected that Mr. Moore left these shores some months ago by the Q.L.S. Manoa, having failed to receive what he deemed satisfactory treatment from the Government in respect of his position in the Colonial Steamer service.

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Influenced it is alleged, by Sir Walter Egerton,2 into leaving Sprostons Ltd. with a view to securing lucrative employment with the Colonial Steamer Service, Moore was eventually side-tracked into a minor position. This drew from him a series of spirited protests to the Government, but with no satisfactory results, and he was forced to seek employment abroad. Printed in DC, 3 July 1920. 1. Founded by Hugh Sprostons, Sprostons Ltd. was the dominant engineering and shipping company in British Guiana by the late nineteenth century. Joining with Demerara Bauxite Company, Sprostons Ltd. controlled the Demerara river and much of the colony’s economy (Walter Rodney, “Masses in Action,” in New World: Guyana Independence Issue, ed. by George Lamming and Martin Carter [Georgetown: New World Group Associates, 1966], p. 30; A. R. F. Webber, A Centenary History and Handbook of British Guiana 1831–1931 [Georgetown: Argosy, 1931], pp. 311, 318; Walter Rodney, A History of the Guyanese Working People 1881–1905 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981], p. 125). 2. Sir Walter Egerton (b. 1858) was educated at Tonbridge School and served in various capacities throughout Asia and Africa. He was appointed governor of British Guiana on 5 July 1912 and retired “due to ill-health” in March 1917 (Webber, Centenary History and Handbook of British Guiana, pp. 336, 341; DOCOL).

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas Police Orderly Room, Nassau N.P., 5/7/20 Sir:— I have the honour to forward herewith a report rendered by Corpl Kelly of The Police Force who acting under my instruction attended a Meeting of the Mercantile Association the 2nd inst. Submitted for information. I have the honour to be Sir Your Obedient Servant. E. E. TURNER Commandant DAB/PRO. TLS. Marked “Confidential.”

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Influenced it is alleged, by Sir Walter Egerton,2 into leaving Sprostons Ltd. with a view to securing lucrative employment with the Colonial Steamer Service, Moore was eventually side-tracked into a minor position. This drew from him a series of spirited protests to the Government, but with no satisfactory results, and he was forced to seek employment abroad. Printed in DC, 3 July 1920. 1. Founded by Hugh Sprostons, Sprostons Ltd. was the dominant engineering and shipping company in British Guiana by the late nineteenth century. Joining with Demerara Bauxite Company, Sprostons Ltd. controlled the Demerara river and much of the colony’s economy (Walter Rodney, “Masses in Action,” in New World: Guyana Independence Issue, ed. by George Lamming and Martin Carter [Georgetown: New World Group Associates, 1966], p. 30; A. R. F. Webber, A Centenary History and Handbook of British Guiana 1831–1931 [Georgetown: Argosy, 1931], pp. 311, 318; Walter Rodney, A History of the Guyanese Working People 1881–1905 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981], p. 125). 2. Sir Walter Egerton (b. 1858) was educated at Tonbridge School and served in various capacities throughout Asia and Africa. He was appointed governor of British Guiana on 5 July 1912 and retired “due to ill-health” in March 1917 (Webber, Centenary History and Handbook of British Guiana, pp. 336, 341; DOCOL).

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas Police Orderly Room, Nassau N.P., 5/7/20 Sir:— I have the honour to forward herewith a report rendered by Corpl Kelly of The Police Force who acting under my instruction attended a Meeting of the Mercantile Association the 2nd inst. Submitted for information. I have the honour to be Sir Your Obedient Servant. E. E. TURNER Commandant DAB/PRO. TLS. Marked “Confidential.”

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Enclosure: Lieutenant-Corporal Frank D. Kelly, Bahamas, to Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police Nassau N.P., 3rd July 1920 Sir, I have the honour to make a report to you on a meeting held by the United Mercantile Association Co. Ltd, in the Elk’s Hall situate[d] on Blue Hill Road, on Friday 2nd July 1920. The meeting was opened as usual by the President at 8.30 p.m. [H]e said that the object of the meeting was to collect money by selling shares to coloured people desir[ous] of becoming part owners in a Steam Ship that the Co. was is about to purchase. Mr. C. C. Smith as on former occasions was appointed chairman for the evening, who after a brief discussion called upon Mr. Samuel Tinker who said that though there were some folk[s] who were engaged putting stumbling blocks in the way of the Asso. he was quite satisfied to see what rapid progress it was making towards its object. There being a large number of boys present he urged on them to save th[ei]r money by the pennies to aid in purchasing the boat. Dr Knight who was introduced to the audience as an interested speaker by the chairman was the next to speak, his address was similar to one that he gave on 16th June at the Victoria & Alexandra Union Hall. A generation he said is 20 years and that God said that he will visit the sins of the fathers on the children that did not keep his commands to the third & fourth generations, now he said its about 80 years since th[ei]r fo[u]rth parents who were let loose from the bonds of slavery which is in the fourth generation & that the [words missing] is now about to stretch forth their hands. I attended a meeting he said held by some of our people who where, discussing about education, secondary education was strongly spoken for, I cannot see said he //the use// of the negro people going to the trouble to give their children this education, no white man he said, is going to let negroes stand behind his counter with a pen or pencil behind their ear, what you all want to learn now is unity, & by commercial trading so that we can get on equal with the whites. He said that the company do[es] not only inten[d] to buy a boat, but it is expected that they will buy boats, build wharves, have motor trucks, a general merchandise store, and a bank, build road [word illegible], & what he wants the coloured people to do is to put away the idea that the directors are going to rob them out of their money. Mr. J. S. Gibson just from Miami, but a native of Savannah Sound Eleu1 was the next speaker, he said that the people on the East Coast of Florida have heard of what the coloured people are about doing over here, and that they are anxiously awaiting an official call of the officers of the Association. He also told the au[di]ence of something that happened in Miami only a few days ago, seven 747

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coloured men he said who had paid their passage on the S.S. Ballymena, were left just at the point of leaving that port by the captain to make room for white people. He said that it is high time to put a stop to things of this sort, & that he hoped that all would hear from him with favourable //returns// as soon as he reaches his native home. Mr. Chas Forde then spoke to the audience. Mr Forde gave a long address, telling the people what could be done if they could be united, he said that he understands making sugar, and if the company would invest a sum of money in this industry he could put sugar on the market 15 months after the cane is planted. The board of Agriculture he said advised people to plant tomatoes last year, which proved a great failure. Owing to want of proper transportation the poor coloured people were the worst sufferers. He also urged on the people to make haste and get their boat. Mr. William A. Mather was then asked to speak[.] [H]e said that he strongly agreed with what Dr. Knight had said, and that it was little left for him to say. The chairman then said that it was only about 35 days since the Asso. had begun having meetings, and that that they had sold over 2,000 shares and has collected over £800.0.0. Robin’s band in attendance then played a selection, and the meeting came to a close about 10.45 p.m. I have the honour to be Sir, Your obedient servant FRANK D. KELLY No. 82 L. Cpl. DAB/PRO. ALS. 1. This is a reference to the Savannah Sound settlement on the island of Eleuthera.

Report by J. R. Ralph Casimir Roseau, 5th July 1920

DOMINICA REPORT Government:1

The Form of The form of Government here is that of Crown Colony Rule. This a on[e]-man rule. The Administrator appointed as the representative of the King in Dominica rules supreme, what he is says is law. The people have no voice in the government of the Island. There are a few non-officials who sits at the Legislative Council. They are appointed by the Administrator, and whenever they oppose to anything in the Council, the Administrator rules. The system of Government is a rotten one based on a form of slavery. The people do not get their due rights in the Courts. Even Negro officials help the Government in oppressing the poorer ones. It would really require days, gallons of ink, and reams of paper to explain the form of Government in Dominica. The Government has instructed the Post Office Authorities to forbid the issuing of Money and Postal Orders of the value of not more than £2 within a 748

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period of two weeks to any one person. Surely it is not every one who can afford to pay the high rates of exchange to forward monies through the Bank. In this case many persons who require certain articles from abroad have to stay without same. When anyone demand a Money order from the Post Office officials the said officials ask that person what is that person sending for? To whom is the money //being// sent? etc. etc. In many cases that person is told to return, and on returning he is told to wait, and they are so unjust to refuse [se]lling any Money Order. Is not all this bound to cause uneasiness among the people? There is a bill passed in the Legislative Council to empower the Government to prohibit the importation and publication of seditious newspapers, books, and printed documents which is causing much uneasiness among the inhabitants.2 The Governor in Antigua has assented to the Bill and George V. of England [word illegible] approved of it. I am sorry that I am unable to lay my hands on a copy of the Bill at present. It is similar to that of the other islands. So far as I can remember Police officers will be authorize to search in anybody’s premises who they may suspect of having in his or her possession any such seditious matter. The fine is £100 or 10 years imprisonment or both imprisonment and fine. No further steps re Bill have been taken by the Government; but we are prepared for same at any time. I shall try my level best to send copy of Bill. There is also another Bill passed: A Bill for the deportation of undesirable persons.3 The names of the Pres-Gen., Secy-Gen., and two other of the Officers have been forwarded to the Secretary of State in England as persons [fom]enting race riots and hatred towards whites in the island. This is a false accusation. Sometime in December 1918 certain men of the well-to-do class of Negroes here started a movement for Representative Government, but this movement fell flat and nothing has been done up to now. These are the class of Negroes who are afraid of their own shadow.4 The educational system is worse than 15 years ago. I believe it is the worse in the entire West India Islands. Many parent[s] cannot afford to send their children to school owing to the high cost of living and low wages. The Government takes no interest, and does not encourage education. There are many useful lessons which are no longer taught in the Government schools[.] The children are taught such stupid lessons as “Tom Thumb,” Aladin, etc. There is a Government Grammar School in Roseau which is even worse than the elementary schools. The Labour Question: Wages are very low. Male labourers are getting 1/[3] and female labourers 9d. a day (9 hours). The majority of the Estate owners are Negroes who take interest in things for their own personal benefit. They want to unite with the few whites to oppress the poorer classes (all Negroes).5 The laboure[rs] are bound to demand higher wages owing to the high costs of living. There have been petty strikes on various Estates by the labourers recently. The cost of living have raised from 100% to 500% since the Great War, and the labourers are getting practically the same pay as in pre[vious] days. The labour question is a very serious one.6 The whites and the well-to-do Negroes are 749

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causing dissen[s]ion among the labouring classes, and this cause the labourers to suffer as a whole. There is no Labour Uni[on] here and therefore the Labourers are not organized. A Planter Association was recently established here. Its members are white and //rich// Negro Planters. I understand that their aim is to prevent the labourers from organizing and to get more labour from the same pay. Most of the labourers are compelled to leave for Cuba, New York, and other foreign parts, owing to the high costs of living and low wages. The Government is not giving any work to the labourers on any large scale and cannot afford to keep them employed owing to the lack of finance, yet the Government want to prevent the people from leaving the island. Steam[s]hip Communication: The lack of steamship communication is another serious matter. There are only two lines of steamers coming to Dominica, regularly, more or less, and they usually arrive after their schedule time. They are the Quebec Liners running between New York and the West Indies and four Royal Mail Liners running between Halifax and the West Indies. Negroes when travelling in these steamers are not well treated, they are refused any passage, and on many occasions that have to wait as long as 12 months before getting a pass[a]ge to New York by the Quebec boats. They are told sometime[s] by the agent (white) of the Quebec boats here that there is no room for passengers while there is really room. Preference are given to white passengers. All these ill treatments make the Negroes feel more anxious for the Black Star Liners and the cry everywhere is when will a Black Star Liner come to Dominica? I have let the Negroes of Dominica know through the columns of the Dominica Guardian of April 29th last that the best and only means to remedy t[he] lack of steamship communication, and the bad treatment meted out to Negroes is for the Negroes in Dominica to buy shares in the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation to float as many ships as possible. The well-to-do Negroes don’t worry to invest in the Corporation as they are all Negr[o] crooks and tools of the white man.7 Some who would like to invest cannot afford, some would like to invest and can afford to do; but they are living Thomases and are also being influenced by Negro crooks and whites. The Officers of the U.N.I.A. here are doi[n]g their utmost endeavour to get the Negroes to buy shares. The great drawbacks are the high rates of exchange and the restrictions which the Post Office authorities have put on the Money Order service. All this prevent us from forwarding monies in any [great] amount to the Corporation. We would be much obliged if the Convention could relieve us in this matter, and give us full instructions. The Black Star Line is really needed in Dominica and surely Dominica will give the Black Star Liners her support. The Negro World: The seditious Bill is no doubt aimed at the Negro World and the U.N.I.A. The first time the Negro World was ever sold in Dominica was in December 1919 when it had a circulation of 25. The Bill was passed sometime in March 1920 when the paper had a circulation of 50. Since the introduction of the Bill the circulation has increased to over 400 being more than the combined circulation of the Dominica Chronicle (white)8 and the 750

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Dominica Guardian (Negro) in the Island. The Messenger, Crusader, and Emancipator had a small circulation here, but they are no more sold in this Island, except the Crusader whose circulation is only 60. The Negro World is the most popular paper in Dominica. The Negro World must come and will circulate in Dominica as long as there is life in us. The U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. After reading the Negro World from time to time, Messrs Casimir Morancie, F. L. Gardier and myself agreed to start a branch of the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. here and apply to headquarters for Charter and necessary instructions. In June 1919 I wrote to the Negro World re instructions and half year subscripti[on] to Negro World. No reply was received for sometime. Early this year I caused enquir[ies] to be made at the Post Office at New York through the Post Office here and I got a reply from the Negro World in regards to subscription for paper; and inquir[ies] from me [i]n September 1919 but no instructions re U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. From Oct. 1919 to April 1920 we have been communicating regularly to the Hon. Marcus Garvey, The Negro World and the U.N.I.A. and the B.S. Line without getting any reply. Sometime in December 1919 Mr. Morancie and myself went on board one of the Royal Mail boats and met a certain gentlem[a]n by the name of Dr. C. C. Ligoure who gave us certain instructions re the U.N.I.A. During the said month of December Mr. Elwin and myself wrote to Mr. R. E. M. Jack of St. Vincent separately and thanks to Mr. Jack’s advice from then until now which said advice has help the U.N.I.A. in Dominica to make much success. Our first meeting was held late in December, when we informed the people of our intention to establish a branch of the U.N.I.A. in Dominica. The speakers were Messrs F. L. Gardier, H. D. Severin, C. Morancie, H. J. Elwin, J. R. Roberts and myself. On the 11th of January this year we started a branch of the U.N.I.A. with about a dozen members beside ourselves. We have been all obstacles from then up to now. The Government is against the movement. The Man at the head of the Government being a white Englishman, there is no surprise that he should be against our movement. The enemies of the cause are giving out all false reports against the U.N.I.A. Well-to-do Negroes, poor Negroes, educated as well as uneducated are against the movement, and I am glad to say that many who were against are now for. Sometime in February a division of the U.N.I.A. was started at the Village of Marigot. [In April] a Division was started at the Village of Grandbay.9 There are members in many villages where divisions has not yet been established. Those who have travelled to different villages to plant the doctrine of the U.N.I.A. are Messrs Gardier, Roberts and myself and have continually travelled on our personal expense. I beg to say that the officers belong to the poor class of Negroes and are not of the most educated class. We have collected shares for the Black Star Line and funds for the Convention which have been forwarded to the proper authorities. On the 27th and 28th May last I wrote to the Hon. Marcus Garvey. On the 19th of June we forwarded $25.00 for Charter and an extra $35.00 to the Secretary General of New York. On the 30th June I received 751

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a letter from the Hon. Marcus Garvey and the Sec-Gen. of New York in reply to my letters of May 27th & 28th. On the 2nd of June the President General Mr Gardier sent a cable to the [Hon.] Marcus Garvey and on the 28th of the said month he received a letter from the Cable Office here that the New York Cable Office informed them that the message was undelivered as Hon. Marcus Garvey was unknown. On the 18th of July we sent the address to the cable office in New York but up to the 4th July we had received no reply from Headquarters. We could not p[o]ssibly send a delegate owing to lack of communication from Headquarters and therefore was compelled to arrange with Mr. R. E. M. Jack the West Indian Organizer to represent Dominica at Convention. We are getting on fairly well. I forgot to mention that on the 13th of June Mr. F. L. Gardier was elected by the members as President General of the Dominica Branch of the U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. Our number is now over 800. The officers are working for the U.N.I.A. without any pay. The Well-to-do Negroes: The majority of the well-to-do Negroes in Dominica are all crooks. They don’t care a pin about the U.N.I.A. but are clamouring for Agency of the Black Star Line. They are in favour of the Prohibition Bill and the Deporta[tion] Bill. They only do things for their own personal benefit. The poor people are making hats with cocoa-nut straw and corn straw and the merchants (Negroes) want the Government to make the poor people pay license for making their hats. Many of them make the hats for their own personal use and free for friends. There is much profiteering carried on by the merchants and shopkeepers. Most of the articles of clothing and foreign food-stuffs are sold as high as 200% more than cost price. Typed by HENRY J. ELWIN Sgd J. R. RALPH CASIMIR Secretary-General U.N.I.A. & A.C.L. Dominica P.S. Since writing the above a Division of the U.N.I.A. has been establish at the Village of Point Michel10 by the President-General and the Secretary-General. JRRC. TDS, copy. 1. Unlike the other headings, this and the last heading (“The Well-to-do-Negroes”) were not underlined in the report. For consistency, all headings have been italicized here. 2. The bill was passed on 20 March 1920 (DmG, 17 July 1920; Dominica Laws 1961 6, Subsidiary Legislation 182–338, chap. 254, p. 1505). 3. Ordinance No. 13, passed by the legislative council on 2 June 1920, declared that legislation with regard to the expulsion of undesirable persons was within the competency of the legislature of the colony. A minute to the attorney general states: “In my opinion His Excellency may properly assent to the Dominica General Legislature Competency (Expulsion of Undesirable Persons) Ordinance, 1920” (Leeward Islands 1920—Despatches, vol. 3, July–August, TNA: PRO CO 152/371). An anomaly arose regarding the validity of this piece of legislation. The secretary of state commented: “Dispatch No 276 of 16 July 1920 on the act was received after the Act had been passed, but before it had received assent. . . . There may, moreover, possibly be a question as to whether the Federal Council can properly provide that the Act shall be deemed to have come into operation

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JULY 1920 on a date previous to the passing of the Presidential Ordinances declaring the subject matter of the Act to be within the competency of the council (Despatch 398, Leeward Islands 1920—Despatches, vol. 3, July–August, TNA: PRO CO 152/371). 4. Casimir’s assertion that the leaders of this movement—Rawle, for example—were fearful was grounded in a view typical of the time; persons of color were expected to associate with the Negro race against the white colonials. However, important class differences existed among the nonwhites of the island, and the mulatto elite operated in terms of its class rather than its “race” interests (Patrick Baker, Centring the Periphery: Chaos, Order, and the Ethnohistory of Dominica [Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994], p. 129). 5. Dominica has always had a significant proportion of influential colored planters and merchants. Hesketh Bell, who attempted to change this somewhat, was convinced that the prosperity of the island could be increased if new plantation lands were opened up in the interior and “that the right people to develop these new lands would be the same class of young men from Home, who have been such a success in Ceylon, Burma, and Malaya” (quoted in Lennox Honychurch, The Dominica Story: A History of the Island [London: MacMillian Education, 1995], p. 152). But the scheme was a complete failure, and within a few years the English families abandoned their estates and those who remained “gave up any hope of profit” (ibid.). In those cases where ownership of estates passed, usually wealthy colored merchants bought them. 6. Casimir’s discussion of wage labor was linked to two factors. First, although individuals could usually find subsistence in the village context, they became destitute and vagrant when they came to the capital. The number of such people had increased, and the government was attempting to deal with the problem. In many instances, wages for labor were insufficient for survival. Second, there was an extant concern among planters, including many colored planters, regarding the adequacy of rural labor. This concern was coupled with the poor economic status of the island. Hon. Penrice asked in the legislative council in 1920: “Does the Government realize that the labor supply of the Island is altogether inadequate for present requirements and can nothing be done to remedy this state of affairs?” (DC-D, 17 March 1920). A committee of inquiry into the question was set up. The minutes of its meetings present varied accounts of the labor situation. Some planters indicated no shortage; others indicated that there was a shortage. The problem of estate labor was the same that faced planters at emancipation, and although some of the comments in the minutes of the commission of inquiry identified poor health, poor education, praedial larceny, and population migration as causes, there were indications that the same reasons continued to haunt estate labor as before. These issues had their origin in the emergence after emancipation of a widespread peasant village economy that was strongly subsistent, operating beyond and independently of the capitalist economies of the planters and merchants (Official Gazette, 6 December 1920, pp. 297, 299, and 20 December 1920, pp. 313, 314, 315, TNA: PRO CO 75/14). 7. The observation reflects the considerable class difference between the elite and the petit bourgeoisie and peasantry in Dominica. Insofar as the mulatto elite was striving for power and status within the colonial system, it was important to bolster their identity as legitimate players by distancing themselves from those considered to be outside the system. They would, therefore, have been very wary of associating with the forces of the UNIA in the island, who were members primarily of the petit bourgeoisie. Second, although there was a generally recognized need for improved shipping in Dominica by all elements of the elite, presumably shares in the Intercontinental and Black Star Lines were judged insufficiently strong investment opportunities for them to support. 8. The Dominica Chronicle was edited by Rev. Filion, a Catholic priest. 9. This statement is borne out by twenty entries in Casimir’s membership list. Grand Bay is located on the southeast coast of Dominica. 10. Point Michel is a fishing village on the southwest coast of the island.

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UNIA pamphlet, ca. July 1920 (Source: TNA: PRO CO 318/355/6964)

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Filogenes Maillard to the Negro World [[Central Hershey (Prov. Havana), Cuba, 5 July 1920]]

PEOPLE OF FRENCH WEST INDIES ANTI-AMERICAN Sir:— In your issue of June 19 last I read the suggestive heading of “French Professor Urges Sale of Colonies,” an article in which Monsieur Charles Gide,1 professor of political economy at the University of Paris, proposes that France shall wipe out her debts to the United States by turning over to this country some of her colonial possessions. As I am a native of the French West Indies, it behooves me to state that the French possessions of the new world have never desired nor will ever desire to be placed under the domination of Uncle Sam. We can never give up the tricolor flag for the Star Spangled Banner. In so saying I wish to constitute myself the spokesman of the 426 thousand people highly cultured who inhabit territories representing an area of 73 thousand square kilometres. We are, furthermore, not so fond of the Yankee as to be desirous of an annexation of French America to Uncle Sam, known to be a hater of the darker races. French America is composed of the group of islands St. Pierre-et-Miquelon, south of Newfoundland, of Martinique, of Guadeloupe and Dependencies; these Dependencies consist of the smaller islands of St. Barts, Marie Galante, Sainteo, Deoirade and St. Martin F.D.; on the South American continent, French Guyana. The 92 per cent. of the whole population are Negroes of a fine type, hospitable, courteous, honest and far-seeing. The ill treatment to which are subjected the worthy inhabitants of the Virgin Islands, Dominican Republic and Haiti should be a lesson to other peoples. Your sincerely, FILOGENES MAILLARD Printed in NW, 31 July 1920. 1. Charles Gide (1847–1932), French economist and professor at the Universities of Bordeaux, Montpellier, and Paris, specialized in international monetary problems as well as the development of the cooperative movement. His best-known works are Consumers’ Co-operative Societies (1904; trans. from French 3rd ed., 1921), Principles of Political Economy (1884; trans. from 23rd ed., 1924), and, with Charles Rist, History of Economic Doctrines (1909; trans. from 2nd ed., 1915) (Walter Karl, Co-operation and Charles Gide [London: P. S. King , 1933]; Henri Desroche, Charles Gide (1847–1932): trois étapes d’une creátivité, cooperative, sociale, universitaire [Paris: Cooperative d’information et d’édition mutaliste, 1982]; Marc Pénin, Charles Gide, 1847–1932: L’esprit critique [Paris: L’Harmattan, 1997]).

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Charles Osborn Anderson,1 Postmaster, Bahamas, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas Bahamas, 7th July 1920

POSTAL PACKET ADDRESSED TO MR. ALFRED F. ADDERLEY— RETENTION OF Herewith is a letter2 addressed to Mr. Alfred Francis Adderley received in this morning’s mail from New York which is suspected to contain a copy of the “Negro World.” C. O. A. P. M. [Additional handwritten minutes:] HE the Administrator The MPs on this subject are with you. F[.] C[.] W[.] D. [F. C. Wells-Durrant] Ag CS 7[.]7[.]20 A.C.S. Herewith. H. E. W. G. [H. E. W. Grant] Admns 8.7.20 Hon Ag AG To advise the Postmaster what action to take in the matter. F. C. W. D. Ag CS 9.7[.]20 The Postmaster To detain the letter in question under section 9 of the Seditious Publications Act 1919 if you suspect that it contains a seditious or prohibited publication. K. S. [Kenneth Solomon] Ag A.G. 10.4.20 Hon. Ag. Col. Secy. I have opened the letter and find that it contains a copy of the “Negro World” and though it may not be a seditious publication within the meaning of the Seditious Publications Act 1919 yet its circulation in a mixed community may have a mischievous effect by fostering a spirit of unrest and discontent.

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS The paper is retained and I await directions under authority of Section 9 of the Act. C. O. A. [C. O. Anderson] P.M. 14 July 20. The Postmaster. Please forward the paper to me. See Actg Attorney General’s minute of 20.5.20. F. C. W. D. Ag C.S. 15/7/20 Hon. Ag. Col. Secy. Paper herewith. C. O. A. P. M. 15 July 20 H.E. The Administrator Section 9(b) of the Seditious Publications Act 1919 provides that all articles detained shall be delivered to such Officer as the Governor appoints in this behalf to be disposed of in such manner as the Governor in Council directs. 2. I recommend that the Colonial Secretary be appointed for this purpose. F. C. W. D. Ag C.S. 17/7/20. A.C.S. With reference to your minute of 17.7.20 on Blue 12, I appoint the Colonial Secretary to be the officer for which provision is made by section 9(b) of the Seditious Publications Prohibition Act 1919. H. E. W. G. Admns 31.7.20 DAB/PRO. ANI. Marked “Confidential.” On minute paper. Extraneous minutes elided. 1. Charles Osborn Anderson (b. 1868), a mulatto, was born in Nassau and educated at the Nassau Grammar School between 1881 and 1885. He started as a clerk in the public dispensary and post office and rose to become the examining officer of customs in 1906 and the auditor of public accounts in 1908. He was appointed postmaster in 1913 and was elected to the House of Assembly for the Western District of New Providence (1896–1902). He was elected for the Southern District in 1908 and served until 1919; he was then reelected for the Western District, where he served until 1924. In the latter year he was appointed to the legislative council and served there until 1940. It is clear from these minutes that Anderson was aware of the feelings of discontent of some of the colored and black population, even though he himself was acceptable to the establishment. It was unusual at the time for a man of color to rise to the position of postmaster and to be appointed to the legislative council (D. Gail Saunders, “Social History of the Bahamas, 1890–1953” [Ph.D. diss., University of Waterloo, 1985], pp. 80, 149; Bahamas Blue Book, 1901–1902, 1913–1940). 2. This document has not been found.

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“Black” to the Negro World [[Castries, St. Lucia, July 9, 1920]]

BLACK, WHITE AND “MIXED” IN ST. LUCIA Dear Mr. Editor:— After brief consideration, would you kindly allow me space in your paper concerning the suppression of the Negro World in the West Indies? Why is it that the negroes should be so kept down? Are we not the same flesh and blood? All around the world papers have been published without the slightest opposition, and why then, should the Negro World be suppressed? It’s all a very unworthy fact. Since the year 1832 our blessed Queen Victoria abolished slavery in the West Indies. Today, we stand man to man, no longer governed by the cat-’o-nine tails, by which our forefathers suffered; and, truthfully speaking, I think the opposite side to black have had things their own way long enough, and it’s quite time for the Negro to come to the front. Wherever Negroes turn they are treated badly by the Caucasian. They volunteered to go forward and fight for their king and country, they returned disgusted to the core, prepared never to fight again if they can help it. And as to the type between black and white, (camouflage that belongs to no breed directly), they ought to keep silent in this matter, not knowing to which side they belong. I think they had better come to some decision and not blind their eyes any longer to the fact that they are Negroes once, twice and forever. When some of them go to America they then find out their mistake. Even in slavery the backs of the m[u]lattos were more severely cut than the real Negro. Very soon you will find we will be having our black ministers. No more white men that are not converted, simply working for their living as any other tradesmen, handling the word of God deceitfully; even trying their hand at horse racing, after administering Sacrament. All that’s required in us is unity, which is strength; without that nothing can be done. However, Mr. Garvey has made a fine move in the whole matter. So far as the white race is concerned they cannot beat the Negro educationally. I don’t say at times after hard study they may do a little, but really there is no comparison. Whenever there is a situation to be filled the Negro, however intelligent, is pushed aside, and some Caucasian is given the preference only because (you know why) he is white. Poor, down-trodden Africa, with all her wealth, has been robbed and kept down[.] Even now in some parts of America the poor Negro is lynched and is told to his face that he is ten degrees below a dog. However, every dog will have his day, and the day is not too far distant when we will rise in a body never to fall again[.] We know that there is a Heaven, where there will be no distinction made with either creed or color as long as we are washed in the blood of Jesus. There we will be made whiter than

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snow. The writer of this is a Negro to the backbone and hopes to see the Negro World, Mr. Garvey and his esteemed associates succeed. Yours, Mr. Editor, BLACK Printed in NW, 17 July 1920.

Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police, to F. C. Wells-Durrant, Acting Colonial Secretary, Bahamas Police Orderly Room, Nassau N.P., 10/7/20 Sir:— I have the honour to forward herewith for your information a report of a Meeting of the Mercantile Association held on the 8th inst in Grants Town and taken by Corpl Kell// y.// I have the honour to be Sir Your Obedient Servant. E. E. TURNER Commandant DAB/PRO. TLS. Marked “Confidential.”

Enclosure: Lieutenant-Corporal Frank D. Kelly, Bahamas, to Major E. E. Turner, Commandant, Bahamas Police Nassau. N.P. 9th July 1920 Sir, I have the honour to make a report to you on a meeting that was held in on the 8th instant by the Union Mercantile Association Co. Ltd in the St Andrews Burial Society Hall in Market Street south. The meeting was called to order by the president about 9.15 pm. The attendance at this meeting was very small, however the president expressed to those present, as on former occasions the object of the meeting, adding that he was very much disappointed at the very small gathering. He also encouraged the other officers of the Association that though they find that their task was getting hard, they must try, try again. The president then appointed Mr. C. C. Smith to act as chairman for the evening[.] He said that he was sorry to see so few present at the meeting, and urged those present to

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come forward and buy their shares, and that they need not be afraid of their money being stolen, the man who steals from the Asso will sure go to prison. He then introduced to the meeting Mr. C. J. Gibson as an interested speaker, and one who would interest them about them about the scheme. Mr. Gibson said that the scheme is a gigantic one and one that should be encouraged by the negro population of the Bahamas. He then illustrated to them on the united burial societies, one poor person he said can not bury his or her dead & in times past used to incur enormous expenses on the government and the bereaved one would have great hardship before they could get their dead bur[ie]d what your forefathers have done to make it easier for each other was to unite together and form these societies, and by paying a fee of 1/- per month a member is decently buried when he or she dies. Now, he said your fore-parents formed something to bury their dead which is still kept up by you. I ask you now to help to form something to keep you while alive. Mr Tom Lunn was then asked by the chairman to address the audience, he said that he did not have very much to say only he was sorry to see some of the negro people, as it were asleep to the movement of today, and he warned those present to be aware of people who would tell them that the scheme is going to be a failure[.] If I wanted a girl he said and I did not have any opposition I would not have have her. Dr. Knight was the next speaker, he was also very sorry that the crowd was so very little, and that although he was not [a] director, yet he was very much interested in the movement, and that he has taken out several shares and is going to take out some more. With the exception of the above mentioned his address was similar to that in my report of the 2nd instant. Elijah Smith was then called upon by the chairman to speak, he said that this meeting was a surprise on to him and that he was not in position to purchase a share. Mr Smith further said that he would like to see the coloured people surprise the whites, he said that he some time during the week over heard the conversation of some white men, and that they said that nothing is coming out of this movement. Now he said what I would like to be done is to have a special meeting at this hall next week and to summon all the members men and women //of this [society?]// to attend, and we will show you them what St Andrews Burial society can do. Mr. H. Bradford agreed to what Mr. Smith had said. The chairman then said that the meeting was open to any one who wanted to say anything and several other gentlem[e]n spoke, but never said anything of much consequence. During the whole while the mee[t]ing was going on I did not see any one go up to the table and purchase a share and no mention was made of any money collected. The meeting closed at 11.15 p.m. I have the honour to be Sir Your Obedient servant FRANK D. KELLY L. Cpl. DAB/PRO. ALS.

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Article in the Barbados Weekly Illustrated Paper [Barbados, 10 July 1920]

THE UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION UNVEILING OF THE CHARTER OF THE BARBADOS DIVISION We understand that the unveiling took place on the 29th ultimo at their Headquarters (Corner of Raid and Tudor Streets)[.] The following are instrumental in the application for the Charter:— Harold T. Wilson.1—Editor of The Times.2 John Beckles.3—Prop[r]ietor of the Barbados Dye Works. Clement Inniss.4—Editor of the Barbados Herald. Clennel Wickham5—Sub-Editor of the Barbados Herald. Reginald Wilson—Sub-Editor of the Times. Edgar Morris—Paint and Picture Dealer. J. D. Chrichlow—Local preacher. J. Ramsay6—Carpenter. William Marshall—Engineer. Edmund Edwards—Motor Mechanic. James Dummett—Coach Painter. S. W. Clarke—(—). Douglas Haynes.—Tailor. Printed in WIP, 10 July 1920. 1. Harold T. Wilson, a Barbadian, was an active Garveyite who represented Barbados at the UNIA’s first international convention in New York. He migrated to Antigua in 1923 and rapidly became the center of radical politics on the island, helping to found an Antiguan branch of the UNIA shortly after his arrival. In 1923 he launched the Antigua Magnet, a daily newspaper that reflected his own radical outlook and became a medium for the expression of progressive views. (Notice of the launch of the paper appeared in the 10 May 1923 issue of the Dominica Guardian.) Wilson served as the Antigua Magnet’s editor until his retirement in 1941, and the newspaper continued in publication until 1961, when it had a circulation of three hundred copies. Wilson also joined the UUU and, as the Brown brothers retired from public life, took over its leadership. He was president of the Antigua Agricultural Association Ltd., a peasant organization that represented the small cane farmers in their negotiations with the two central sugar factories in Antigua over the price of peasant cane. Wilson was a West Indian nationalist and, in 1932, became deeply involved in the campaign for a self-governing West Indian federation of the British colonies in the eastern Caribbean. He attended the Dominica conference in 1932 convened by Cecil E. A. Rawle and the Dominica Taxpayers Reform Association. In his closing address to the conference Wilson stated his views on the desirability of responsible government in the region: “One man wanted to know whether I would like a coloured man to be Governor. I contend that every man or woman irrespective of class, colour or creed, whether he or she may have kinky hair or straight hair should have equality of opportunity” (“Closing Address by Harold Wilson, 2 November 1932,” in West Indian Conference, Roseau Report, ed. Cecil Rawle, TNA: PRO CO 950/483). In 1933 Wilson founded the Antigua Workingmen’s Association and became its first president. By 1937 a more radical faction had ousted Wilson from his leadership role and Albert Mathurin, an Antiguan who was a printer by profession, was elected the new president. During this period Wilson became politically more moderate and used the pages of the Magnet to criticize Mathurin and the Antiguan Workingmen’s Association for supporting a port workers’ strike staged in May 1937.

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JULY 1920 Earlier in the year Wilson had rejected a call from Vere Cornwall Bird, an early trade union leader and a future prime minister of Antigua, in a request for Wilson and Alex Comacho, a Portuguese businessman, to “stand as candidates representing specifically the interest of labourers [and] peasant proprietors” (Antigua Magnet, 11 January 1937). Bird was appealing to Wilson to stand as a labor candidate in the general elections in April 1937, under the new constitution of 1936 that provided for an elected minority in the island legislature. The property qualifications for election to the legislature required either a net annual income of £200, ownership of property with a net value of £500, or occupation of land with a net annual rental value of £50. Wilson was one of the few sympathetic individuals who could meet these steep property qualifications. However, he was also a member of the Merchant’s Association and actively supported their slate of candidates. Wilson saw no need for a separate electoral platform advocating the special interests of labor and used the pages of the Magnet to oppose the candidacy of Reginald Stevens, who was seen as the “People’s” candidate. He did, however, prove instrumental in the formation of the Antigua Trades and Labour Union. He chaired the meeting on 1 January 1939 that marked the founding of the union and featured an address by Sir Walter Citrine, secretary-general of the British Trade Union Congress and a member of the West India Royal Commission of 1938–1939 (the Moyne Commission). Wilson was one of the individuals who had made submissions before the Moyne Commission when it visited Antigua at the end of 1938. Commenting on the legislative system as it operated under Crown Colony rule, Wilson observed: The system of appointment in the Council has operated against having men of progressive views nominated as members of Council. The policy has been to select safe men who will not embarrass the government by asking questions and prying into matters. The composition of the Council under the Old Constitution always gave the government the balance of power, and even today with a semblance of representative government, the working of the Council is not very much different to what it was under pure Crown colony Rule. Wilson called for “a more equitable system of taxation” that did not weigh on the poor peasant more heavily than it did on the sugar proprietors, the installation of scales throughout the island so that the peasant cane farmer would have an accurate measurement of the amount of cane sold to the sugar factory, the introduction of an agricultural loan bank that would provide loans to peasant farmers and planters alike, and the introduction of vocational schools since “cotton is grown on a fairly large scale and yet not even a yard of cloth is spun even on a hand loom” (“Memorandum of Evidence of Harold T. Wilson,” 31 December 1938, TNA: PRO CO 950/483). In 1940 Wilson was elected to one of the minority elected seats in the reformed Antiguan legislature, serving for one three-year term. He also hosted Garvey during his 1937 visit to Antigua and chaired the public meeting addressed by Garvey on 1 November (Antigua Magnet, 7 February 1934–26 February 1940; Cecil Kelsick, “The Constitutional History of the Leewards,” CQ 6, nos. 3–4 [May 1960]: 197; Novelle Richards, The Struggle and the Conquest: Thirty Five Years of Social Democracy in Antigua [Portsmouth: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1967], pp. 3–17, 29; Howard S. Pactor, Colonial British Caribbean Newspapers: A Bibliography and Directory [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1990], p. 7). 2. The Times newspaper was established in January 1862. It was published by Messrs. Marshall and Tudor under the motto: “Sworn to no party, of no sect am I; I can’t be silent, and I will not lie” (BMHS 31, no. 2 [May 1963]: 90; see also BMHS 29 [1961]: 55). 3. John Beckles established the Barbados division of the UNIA in 1919. A political activist, Beckles was often at the forefront of radical Barbadian politics in the 1920s and 1930s. In 1924 he joined with Charles Duncan O’Neale, the black Barbadian radical politician, in a delegation to the governor calling for the prohibition of child labor. He supported O’Neale’s political party, the Democratic League, formed in 1924, and his UNIA branch worked closely with O’Neale’s Barbados Workingmen’s Association, formed in 1926. On 7 August 1933 both organizations held a demonstration to commemorate the centenary of William Wilberforce for the role he played in the abolition of slavery and to pay tribute to Marcus Garvey. Both organizations were under close police surveillance. In 1936 John Beckles joined with Chris Brathwaite of the Democratic League to organize a mass rally at Queen’s Park in Bridgetown, the capital, to collect the signatures of the unemployed for a petition to the governor. The petition, bearing eight hundred signatures, pushed the government to appoint an official commission to inquire into the causes of the high levels of unemployment in Bridgetown and the parish of St. Michael (Rodney Worrell, “Pan Africanism in

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Barbados,” in The Empowering Impulse: The Nationalist Tradition of Barbados, ed. by Glenford Howe and Don Marshall [Kingston: Canoe Press, 2001], pp. 196–220; Keith Hunte, “The Struggle for Political Democracy: Charles Duncan O’Neale and the Democratic League,” in The Empowering Impulse, pp. 133–148; Hilary Beckles, A History of Barbados: From Amerindian Settlement to Nation-State [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990], pp. 156–158). 4. Clement Inniss (d. 1928) was proprietor and founder of the Herald newspaper, established in 1919. Inniss was described as “a man of great charm and ability, whose career was cut short by death at the early age of 34” (F. A. Hoyos, Grantley Adams and the Social Revolution: The Story of the Movement that Changed the Pattern of West Indian Society [London: Macmillan, 1974], p. 21). According to Keith Hunte, Inniss’s newspaper provided a medium through which the editor “poured trenchant criticism on the political behaviour of the local oligarchy and called attention to social ills that needed to be remedied” (Hunte, “The Struggle for Political Democracy,” p. 134). 5. Clennell Wilsden Wickham (1895–1938) served in World War I, where he became impressed by and committed to the militant advance of socialism. His embrace of socialist ideology was what enabled him to grow into a popular radical after the war. As editor of the Herald newspaper, which he developed into a vigorous independent journal, he sought relentlessly to prove that Barbados deserved to enjoy “free institutions and the full flower of democratic development” (Hoyos, Grantley Adams and the Social Revolution, pp. 23–24). Wickham also unleashed his fiery tongue on Barbadian society through his publication Pen and Ink Sketches by a Gentleman with a Fountain Pen. According to Hilary Beckles, Wickham “did most to provide the working classes with a theoretical framework for political agitation. He did this by articulating working-class interest and frustrations within the context of an aggressive and incisive criticism of planter-merchant elitism” (Beckles, A History of Barbados, p. 155; John Wickham, ed., A Man with a Fountain Pen: Clennell Wilsden Wickham, 1895–1938 [Bridgetown, Barbados: Nation Publishing, 1995]). 6. Possibly J. T. C. Ramsey, the first working-class politician for the parish of St. Peter.

Report by John M. Russell, First Provisional Brigade, U.S. Marine Corps, to the U.S. Department of State Headquarters, First Provisional Brigade, U.S. Marine Corps,1 Port au Prince, Republic of Haiti, July 12, 1920

DAILY DIARY REPORT July 6, 1920. A Corporation having the name of the “Negro Factories Corporation” and organised under the Laws of the State of Delaware has commenced operations in Haiti. This Corporation, I understand, is connected with the “Black Star Line” which line recently had a steamer at Port-au-Prince. It is my belief that this Corporation will bear watching as I have heard that they already have started to sell stock at $5 per share and a few of the Haitians connected with it have not the best of reputations. JOHN M. RUSSELL DNA, RG 59, 838.00/1651. TDS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.”

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JULY 1920 1. During the period from 1915 to 1934, the U.S. Marine Corps maintained intelligence and surveillance operations to monitor political dissidents. These included the preparation of general intelligence information as well as specific reports on individuals. Once the gendarmerie became operational in 1916, many of these functions were taken over by the national police force, the senior officers of which were preponderantly American until the reorganization in the 1930s of the U.S. administration in Haiti (Records of the Gendarmerie of Haiti, United States Marine Corps Historical Center, Washington, D.C.).

Edward M. Merewether, Governor, Leeward Islands, to John Alder Burdon,1 Administrator, St. Kitts-Nevis GOVERNMENT HOUSE, ANTIGUA

12th July, 1920 Sir, I have the honour to request that Your Honour will be good enough to inform me whether you have any evidence of recent activities in St. Kitts-Nevis of the “Universal Negro Improvement Association” of New York or the “Black Star Line,” both of which bodies are organized and directed by one Marcus Garvey. 2. In this connection I would refer Your Honour to Mr Wigley’s confidential despatch of the 10th March last, on the subject of the “West Indian Protective Society of America,”2 which professes to be, and I believe is, hostile to Garvey and his associations. Augustus Duncan, the Secretary of the Society, visited St. Kitts not long ago, and it would be interesting to know what his attitude is towards the St. Kitts Universal Benevolent Association, the leaders of which are no doubt working in concert with Garvey, who appears to have agents all over the West Indies. If Duncan is hostile to Garvey, it would seem only natural that he should also view the Universal Benevolent Association with disfavour, and I shall be glad to know if Your Honour has any information on this point. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient Servant, E. M. MEREWETHER Governor SKNNA, 878/12. TLS. Marked “Secret.” 1. Sir John Alder Burdon (1866–1933) was a military officer in the Niger-Sudan campaign of the 1890s and occupied a series of British administrative offices in Northern Nigeria from 1900 to 1910 before being transferred to the Caribbean. He was appointed colonial administrator of St. Kitts in 1916, and his administration was in continuous conflict with the leaders of the UBA, whom he described as “disloyal agitators.” Burdon claimed that if the UBA was “solely a peaceable attempt to obtain better pay I could have nothing to say against it. But no such singleness of purpose is possible in a country where labour is entirely negro. It is impossible to dissociate a labour movement from a colour movement. And the past history of many West Indian islands shows how colour movement lead[s] to riots and negro risings.” Although expressing a doubt that the leaders of the UBA were preparing for a “colour war,” he issued a stern warning that “the Government is fully prepared and ready to take prompt and if necessary drastic action to suppress disorder” (Burdon to

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Best, 11 September 1917, enc., Best to Long, 19 October 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/356). Burdon asserted his belief that “the raising of the negro race is a noble aim” and claimed that “it was my constant ideal during my thirteen years of service in Nigeria and . . . one of my chief desires in this Presidency.” However, he admonished, “it is not going to be attained by instilling the negro labourer with hatred of his white employer nor by egging him on to rise against the white government” (Burdon to Best, 7 September 1917, enc., Best to Long, 19 October 1917, TNA: PRO CO 152/356). In an attempt to stem growing working-class discontent and curb the influence of the UBA, Burdon introduced a policy of social amelioration with the establishment of a public health department in 1917 and the initiation of a campaign to clean the slum areas of Basseterre. In 1921 he founded the St. Kitts Baby Saving League, under the direction of his wife Kathleen, with the aim of reducing the abnormally high levels of infant mortality in the island, the highest in the British West Indies. Shortly before his departure from St. Kitts in 1924, he praised the league for bringing the lower classes into “beneficial contact with members of the upper and educated classes and so conducing to sympathy and the breaking down of suspicion on both sides” (Burdon to Fiennes, 2 February 1924, Despatches to the Governor, 1924, SKNNA). Despite his reformist policies, Burdon is alleged to have remarked: “There are two kinds of colonial administrators. One makes for progress and the other is a drag on the wheels of progress. And I thank God that I am one of the drags on the wheels of progress” (Bryan King, interview by Glen Richards, 27 January 1984). Burdon was subsequently appointed governor of British Honduras in 1925. He was the editor of Archives of British Honduras, 3 vols. (London: Sifton Praed, 1931–1935) (Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants: The Growth of the Labour Movement in St. Christopher-Nevis, 1896–1956” [Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1989], chap. 4; Gordon Lewis, The Growth of the Modern West Indies [London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1968], pp. 103–104; MGP 7:135 n. 1). 2. This document has not been found. Wilfrid Murray Wigley first entered the colonial civil service as a clerk in the registrar’s office in St. Kitts in 1895 and was appointed a district magistrate in Anguilla by 1905. He was appointed senior district magistrate in St. Kitts in 1915 and Crown attorney in the following year. He was nominated to the legislative council in 1916, made a member of the executive council in 1918, and served in the general executive council of the Leeward Islands from 1925 to 1935. In the latter year, he was appointed chief justice of the Supreme Court. A member of a prominent local white family, his father, Francis Spencer Wigley, was senior district magistrate in St. Kitts from 1874 to 1909, and his grandfather, P. S. Wigley, was acting administrator at the time of his death in 1872. Wilfrid Wigley’s eldest son, Francis, was appointed inspector of police in 1939. Another son, Captain Jack Wigley, became the leading pro-planter politician in the 1950s during the period of intense rivalry with the labor leaders of the St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union. While not directly involved in sugar planting, the family owned two abandoned medium-sized estates in the arid southeast peninsula of the island (Richards, “Masters and Servants,” p. 205; LIBB, 1880–1940; Sir Probyn Inniss, Whither Bound St. Kitts-Nevis? [St. Johns: Antigua Printery, 1983], p. 65).

Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders, Inspector, Leeward Islands Police L.I. Police Basseterre, 15th July 1920 Sir, I have the honour to report for your information that a meeting of the St. Kitts-Nevis Benevolent Association Society was held in the Society’s yard, Newtown. The meeting commenced about 5 o’clock and ended at about 5 minutes to 7. About 400 persons were present.

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Professor Newton1 addressing the gathering said. I am glad to be once more amongst you all again. Some time ago I left Barbados and went to Antigua and one Bell, who said he was Chief-Inspector2 prevented me landing and had taken a great deal of liberty with me. I have written to the Secretary of State a complaint against the said man and the matter is now undergoing inquiries and soon you all will hear the result of that man’s action towards me. I am now going to tell you all something about the Black Star Line and to show you all that it is by unity that company came about. One man put £500 and head the list and soon several others came together and join him in that good work and that is how that Company came about. I want you all to be in unity with each other throughout the whole of these West Indian Islands and let me remind you all of the old saying, that unity is strength. In these West Indies Islands too much of the black people put their money to bad use, some live bad lives, some put it in rum shops, and some make a perfect squander of their labour. Porters, Boatmen and labourers should all live together in unity with each other for we are all black people and should always stick together for unity was instituted by Christ. Look on all the angels how they live together in heaven in unity and it is just because Christ commanded them to do so and they obeyed him and it should be the same thing with us and we must all live together and do as those that are more sensible advise us to do. A part of the scripture say “Sound the loud timbrel o’er Egypt dark sea, Jehovah hath triumph and his people are free.”3 Therefore as you all will see clearly my good people that we are all free. He said one of the Black Star Line Steamers is out in the West Indies and is expected around here about the end of this [present] month.4 Let me advise you men and women who can read and write to take proper notice of what you read. Some of you only take up a book and pay no attention whatever to what you read in so doing you can never get any further than where you commenced for you hav[n’t] learn to digest what you read. I have travelled all about and must say that you people in the West Indies do not live in peace and unity with each other as you all should. Look at Mr. John the dispenser and all those young butcher men in the market, they all should be members in this society. You all have a beautiful piece of land on which we are standing and a beautiful house and land in Cayon Street and you all no doubt should have been mor//e// ahead in your business. The great hindr[a]nce here is because you all wil//l// not keep together and live in unity with each other. You all should be importing your own cargo here and not to be waiting on the white people and portugues[e] to do it for you for by their doing so they are still going ahead and keeping you the negroes down. What are you all [d]oing here to better your position? what keeping you all back from going ahead? of all the Islands I have travelled you are still behind hand here. What are you all doing so as to help your children in future days? nothing [at all]. Let me advise you all strongly to keep to this Society and prepare for your coming generation. The law cannot interfere with any man or woman for looking up his or her rights in this life for we are all entitle[d] to look up our 767

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rights and future welfare. I remember some time ago I was in Demerara and saw a black woman going along the sidewalk with her umbrella hoisted and a Policeman who was there standing took away the black woman umbrella smashed it and threw it in the drain[;] soon after a white woman passed with her umbrella hoisted and the police man allowed her to pass and never interfere with her and if I had the will of that Policeman I would have broken him in pieces. Now my good people the action of that Policeman on the occasion referred to will just show you how the black is treated differently to the white in all things. The black is always crushing the black and that is why we cannot get on, but the black will do all he or she can to //h//elp build up the white and leave his or her colour on the ground in the mud. The portugu[es]e will help each other and trust each other but we the negro class will not trust or help our colour and that is the reason why we cannot get on through life as we should. I must tell you all something about the parsons, it is this my good people, the parsons are telling you about the next world but we are telling you all about this world and let us all take an interest in looking after our affairs in this world and now is the time to do so, we are all here and it is for us to get the best thing here. By tremendous perseverance and hard work you will be able to go ahead in spite of all you are meeting up with. A coloured man should always try to better his condition and remember that whether the man is coloured or black he is still from the negro race and you all I am sure know that. When last any of you attempt to help your brother? if you all would only have the real love for one another you all will be better off. To get the best of nature you must consider how to protect one another. Unity must be kept intact and not in revenge. How horrifying it is when you lost your chance and opportunity. In St. //K//itts you all shoul//d// unite t[og]ether but it seem that you are all in want of th//e// unity and let me ask you all to agree with each other and have a better organization amongst you. If all your principles are of a right sort then you all w[il]l be successful and the best man is the man. The principle is to love and cherish the good work that these men are doing for you all and to stick to them for they are your leaders. The negro goes into the wood and hue down the wood and get no pay. I want [y]ou all to search your mind and say to your self whether that is right or wrong. There are no people in the world to surpass the negro race and there is no law against a negro looking for his right but he should do so properly and decently[.] Take an ordinary Jandam5 and a soldier and see the difference between them. You should all go and tell the rest that you are all preparing [to be] one of the first to build the bullwalk for the coming generation. Wilkes said, ladies and gentlemen I would like to know what you all gather from the professor’s lecture. I take it a pleasure to listen to him and if you all will take his advice and join this organization you all will be better off. Would[n’t] all of you like to see this yard fill with lumber so as to build a house

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for each of you? [I]f so take my advice and join our association now. I have the honour to be Sir Your obedient servant HENRY JAMES GEEN Sergt. Major of Police [Handwritten endorsement:] His Hon The Administrator This copy of a report from Sergt Major Geen is submitted for your Honour’s information. W. E. Wilders [Insp?] 16.7.20 SKNNA, 736/148. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. “Professor” S. Arlington Newton of Barbados toured the islands of the northeastern Caribbean before World War I and first visited Antigua in 1913 on his way from St. Croix. Edward Bell, the chief inspector of the Leeward Islands police, described Newton as a “Barbadian negro calling himself ‘Professor’. . . of doubtful antecedents, who has lived much in the United States and, according to his own account, in Egypt” (Edward Bell to Acting Colonial Secretary, undated confidential report, enc., T. A. V. Best, Acting Governor of the Leeward Islands, to Walter Hume Long, Secretary of State for the Colonies, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/358/108353). In an interview with Bell in 1916, Newton asserted that “he had been educated in America and had been to South Africa and Egypt. In the latter country . . . he was for some time a teacher at a Coptic college” (Bell to Acting Colonial Secretary, 21 July 1916 confidential report, TNA: PRO FO 141/ 817). In response to an investigation by the political office in Cairo, the British Residency was informed that during Newton’s time in Egypt he frequented a school in Cairo called “the University College of Africa” (G.M. to the Residency, 23 January 1917 report, enc., Reginald Wingate to Arthur James Balfour, 17 February 1917 report, TNA: PRO FO 141/817). According to Reginald Wingate, high commissioner of the British Residence in Cairo, this school was run by a British subject named Eleasar Isaac Goldreich, also calling himself “‘Prince Emanuel of Jerusalem, LL.D.’, who, before he came to Egypt was for five years headmaster of a British school in Palestine. In August 1909 he applied for, but did not obtain, a post in the Egyptian Ministry of Education” (Wingate to Balfour, 17 February 1917 report, TNA: PRO FO 141/817). Goldreich also published a journal out of the university called The African University College Journal, “bearing a portrait of ‘Prince Emanuel’ and certain information regarding the school . . . which . . . is described as ‘an affiliation of the “Temple of Wisdom” (Universal University)’” (ibid). “Prince Immanuel of Jerusalem” would also be the name given as the author of at least three other works: Postcards of Palestine (n.p. [Egypt], 1912–1913); Criminals of Chicago (Boston: Roxburgh, 1921); and Chaos: Written for the Illiterati, Not the Literati (Columbia City, Indiana: World Press, 1947). Further information provided by the Ministry of the Interior to the Residency in Cairo indicates that Newton “also used to visit the Coptis (sic) Cathedral in Ezbekieh and the Printing Office of Ekladios Bey Labib, which used to be opposite the cathedral” (G.M. to the Residency, 31 December 1916 report, enc., Wingate to Balfour, 17 February 1917 report, TNA: PRO FO 141/817). In a translated statement to the Ministry of the Interior dated 16 January 1917, Claudius Labib, proprietor of the Ein Shams Printing Press in Darb el Wassih, located opposite the Coptic cathedral, claimed that “some four years ago . . . one of the persons who were (sic) just coming out from the church after prayers, looked into the printing office while the printing [m]achines were at work. The description of this man was: Black, wearing a straw hat and dressed in European . . . I remember that his surname was NEWTON . . . Subsequently he used to pass by the printing office just to see the place and speak with me” (translation transcript, 16 January 1917, enc., Wingate to Balfour, 17 February 1917 report, TNA: PRO FO 141/817). Newton again visited Antigua as well as St. Kitts on another lecture tour in May 1916, but was expelled from Antigua and prohibited entry by St. Kitts under the Defence Regulations Ordinance. The acting governor of the Leeward Islands, T. A. V. Best, accused Newton of seeking to “imitate the very lucrative agitation of [Hamilton] Jackson in Santa Cruz [St. Croix].” He further observed that although Newton had been banned from entering the Leeward Islands, “his adherents contin-

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS ued to spread his tenets and . . . helped to add racial feeling and a weak organisation to the prevailing discontent.” Bell, the police inspector, claimed that “his views and opinions seem to be flavoured largely with the methods and principles avowed by Indian agitators” (Bell to Acting Colonial Secretary, undated confidential report, enc., Best to Long, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/358/108353). According to Best, the friendly society established by the Brown brothers in Antigua was “a branch of Newton’s Society, the ‘Ulotrichian Universal Union’” (Best to Long, 28 March 1918, TNA: PRO CO 152/358/108353). Newton registered the UUU as a friendly society in Barbados on 30 January 1917, where it was known as the “Ulotrichian World Order Union.” The society was also the inspiration for the UBA, formed in St. Kitts in 1917. Both Leeward Islands societies were accused by Edward Bell of “keeping up correspondence through devious channels with ‘Professor’ Newton in Barbados” (ibid). According to Bell, “the local people who are at the head of the movement in this island are the brothers Brown, proprietors of ‘The Bargain House’ provision shop in St. John; Charles Martin, carpenter, and James Henry, foreman water works, City Commissioners, both of them St. John. In the country Cyril Oscar Shepherd, All Saints, an employee of the Antigua Sugar Factory, and Emanuel Samuel Charles, Liberta. The headquarters of the society is at the Brown’s house in the city . . . and it would seem that the organisation seeks to become, or purports to be, a very widely spread one with headquarters abroad” (Bell to Acting Colonial Secretary, 9 September 1916 confidential report, TNA: PRO FO 141/817). Before his expulsion from Antigua in September 1916, Newton was indeed working with the Brown brothers to establish an Antigua branch of the UUU, known in its early stages as the “Johannes League Benefit Society,” or simply the “Johannes League.” As Bell suggested to the acting colonial secretary in 1916, “It will be seen from the title of the society, or league, as given on the membership card, that a racial character is clearly indicated” (ibid). It is possible that the reference to “Johannes” in the title alludes to Emperor Yohannes IV of Ethiopia, who was emperor from approximately 1871 to 1889 and was known for efforts to combat foreign invaders, reunite and modernize the country, before he was fatally wounded at the Battle of Metamma in March 1889. Further evidence suggestive of a “racial character” may be gleaned from the active membership card and a draft “Rules of the Johannes League” contained in Bell’s report. For instance, on the active membership card Newton is referred to as “Modir Addunya,” likely stemming from the Arabic “Mudir Ad-dunya,” literally translated as “governor of the earthly world,” or perhaps more colloquially as president-general. Similarly, Robert Brown is conferred the title of Local “Betwedet,” which could be a reference to the Amharic word “Betweded,” the royal title for the king’s or queen’s most favorite of lieutenants, or at times also given to Ethiopian regents or heirs. The active membership card also locates the UUU’s general headquarters in “Abbysinia, Egypt,” and “Occidental Headquarters” in Chicago, as well as central bureaus purportedly in Paris, London, and Rome. Additional leaders recorded on the membership card include Dr. Jas. E. McCornell, “Universal Director of Research, Occidental Headquarters, Chicago.” (McCornell’s name does appear on a list of Chicago physicians [R. W. Coleman, comp. and ed., The First Colored Professional, Clerical and Business Directory of Baltimore City 1925–1926 (Annapolis: Maryland State Archives, 2002), vol. 488, p. 78], with his office address listed as S. E. 37th Street in Chicago.) In 1916 the membership of the society was comprised of “well over one thousand people, mostly of the labouring class. Women are accepted, and domestic servants, among others, are enrolled . . . The leaders propose to procure, if possible, land for co-operate working, and to establish a co-operative store” (Bell to Colonial Secretary, 9 September 1916 confidential report, TNA: PRO FO 141/ 817). According to the Rules of the Johannes League Benefit Society, one of the chief objectives of the organization was to raise money to pay sick and death benefits to its members. In February 1917 rural leaders defected from the organization to form the Antigua Progressive Union. The remaining faction, led by the Brown brothers, registered as the UUU Friendly Society in Antigua on 2 April 1917, with a reported membership of 4,174 people by the end of that year. (“Saving Banks and Friendly Societies,” Barbados Blue Book, 1918–1919; ACLM, “Father of Antiguan Liberation,” Outlet, 26 May–9 June 1977; Susan Lowes, “The 1918 Riots: ‘Them Planters Got Well Shook Up’” [paper presented to the Antigua and Barbuda Museum, 1995]; Glen Richards, “Race, Class, and ‘Moral Economy’ in the 1918 Antigua Labor Riots” [paper presented at the Antigua and Barbuda Country Conference, November 13–15, 2003]; Keith Hunte, “The Struggle for Political Democracy: Charles Duncan O’Neale and the Democratic League,” in The Empowering Impulse: The Nationalist Tradition of Barbados, ed. by Glenford Howe and Don Marshall [Kingston: Canoe Press, 2001], p. 134; Coleman, The First Colored Professional, Clerical and Business Directory of Bal-

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JULY 1920 timore City 1925–1926, vol. 488, p. 78; “Yohannes IV,” www.ethiopianhistory.com, 16 February 2005; “Emperor Yohannes IV (1872–1889),” www.ethiotreasures.plus.com, 16 February 2005). 2. Lt. Col. Edward Bell, an Irishman, was chief inspector of the Leeward Islands’ police force from 1907 to 1940. He was appointed an official member of the general executive and legislative councils of the Leeward Islands in 1915 and 1923, respectively. Under his command, the Leeward Islands’ police force was reorganized and there was a concerted effort to recruit young British policemen and the sons of prominent white families into the officer corps of the police on individual islands. The islandwide general strikes and the urban riots of 1918 in Antigua and 1935 in St. Kitts occurred under his command. Bell was well aware of the tense racial situation that had developed in the Leeward Islands. One night after the quelling of the St. Kitts riot of 29 January 1935, he reported to the governor that he had reliable information that “attempts were going to be made to burn down the town of Basseterre” and that the black rural laborers “were going to descend on Basseterre and exterminate the white people” (St. Johnston to Cunliffe-Lister, 31 January 1935, TNA: PRO CO 152/454/12). Bell posted an armed patrol in the town and on the rural approach roads to prevent such a possibility. His son, Edward P. Bell, who had been appointed a district magistrate in St. Kitts in 1934, was the official who read the Riot Act preceding the quelling of the riot (Glen Richards, “Masters and Servants: The Growth of the Labour Movement in St. Christopher-Nevis, 1896–1956” [Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1989], chap. 5, p. 22; LIBB, 1906– 1924). 3. A quote attributed to “Sound the loud Timbrel” by Thomas Moore (John Bartlett, Familiar Quotations, 10th ed. [Boston: Little, Brown, 1919]). 4. In May 1920 the S.S. Frederick Douglass sailed to Bocas del Toro and Almirante in Panama, and Puerto Limón in Costa Rica. It then sailed to Santiago de Cuba, Port-au-Prince, Haiti, and Jamaica. After sailing to Jamaica, where it assisted in refloating a Japanese vessel that had run aground on the Serrana Banks about five hundred miles from the island, the ship sailed to Philadelphia and Boston before returning to New York, where it was later taken out of service (Tony Martin, Race First: The Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association [Dover, Mass.: Majority Press, 1986], p. 156; Judith Stein, The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986], pp. 92–93). 5. The French word gendarme (or armed policeman), expressed in the Creole of the Englishspeaking Caribbean.

Sergeant-Major Henry James Geen, Leeward Islands Police, to Major W. E. Wilders, Inspector, Leeward Islands Police L.I. Police Basseterre, 15th July 1920 Sir, I have the honour to report for your information that a meeting of the St. Kitts Benevolent Association Society was held in their Hall in Cayon Street on night of the 13th instant. It commenced at 8 p.m. and closed at 10.30 pm. About 350 or 400 persons were present. Professor Newton addressing the meeting said, I am glad to see such a gathering here to-night and let me tell you all that every living soul on the face of the earth to-day are looking for themselves and this is also the time for us black people to look for ourselves. I would like to find out from you all if each of you individually are looking after yourselves. In Demerara, Trinidad and Bar771

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bados the people are all lookin[g] after themselves and what are you people in St. Kitts doing for yourselves. They are preparing to meet the difficult times in the other Islands but are you people here preparing to meet such difficult times? I don[’]t think so. This Island has not done anything on behalf of the Black Star Line Steamer which is expected here soon. Why should you black people of St. Kitts keep yourselves behind hand in all important matters concerning your own welfare. Why don[’]t you all follow these three men and keep paying up your sixpence and three pence for your subscriptions. You people ought to pay up regularly and keep to this society. No one in world can look after you better than these three men. We are now preparing to order our own flour, rice and corn and require the assistance of each and everyone of you. The white man and portugues[e] are ahead of you all and doing everything in their power to keep you all down. I am here to tell every black man and woman to be watchful and try to better your position in life. The cost of living to-day are very high indeed and every day it is going up higher therefore it beh[oo]ves you all to look after your own interest. Hundreds of men and women from these Islands are to-day members of this same society in New York which is for their own good for by so doing they are making a comfortable living over there also let me advise you all to try and join the Black Star Line Company[.] Put in as many shares as you can in that Company for you will sure to reap a big profit from it. Look on the ship[s] that are coming here from New York and what do you see, all white people going to America and the black or coloured man or woman is left behind and God alone only knows when you who want to go there will reach. If you all will become subscribers and share holders to the Black Star Line the white people will feel funny for we will all go wherever we want to go and leave them behind. We have our home which is being prepared for us now and that is Liberia in Africa and I do hope we will soon be there and away from these advantages &c which is being taken of us by the white and portugues[e]. I am leaving you all soon and hope I will hear good news from these gentlemen about you all. I have heard you all were getting 10 and 15 dollars per week here and to-day several of you are in want of pennies[.] Let me ask you all to put away the cigarettes and drinking also keep away from the law and you all will be better men and women. I want every black man and woman in this Island to join this universal association society which is for your own good. [E]veryone of you must stick to this society. I want the whole negro race to be in unity with each other[.] Mr. Nathan and other officers of this society [are] now going to order your goods from foreign places by which means you will get everything cheaper than when the portugues[e] and white people order it and sell it to you. Mr. Nathan went to look after ordering lumber &c from Halifax and according to the figures you will all gain 75% on goods that will be ordered from foreign places by this society. I want all negroes to be united and throw away slavery from amongst us. Mrs. Williams of Sandy Point and lately from America said, My reason here is to look up ladies to enroll their names and become shareholders in the 772

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Black Star Line. As soon as you become shareholders &c in that Company you will be taken from here in that Company ship to New York where you will be able to better your condition in life. I am sorry for many of you young women here who are living out as servants because you are all badly paid and badly treated by the white people who are employing you. I am expecting letters by the next American Steamer which will give me [all] particulars about my business in [the] Company’s matter and I must send back report to that Company as soon as I can and say how much members [h]ave been enlisted here in that good work. I must tell you all that we [m]ust all hold one head and keep to these three gentlemen and we will soon be at the head of affairs. As soon as I receive my reports &c from the Black Star Line Company I will ask these three gentlemen to have a meeting and at that meeting I will be able to give you all information &c relative the steamers movements in the West Indies. I want every man and woman here to give no less than 5 dollars each to the Black Star Line Company. I don[’]t mind who you are and what you are I want every negro to give even 5 dollars to the good work in which the Black Star Line Company has undertaken. Victor John1 said, I was in doubt to join the Black Star Line but as far as I have heard now I am going to join the Company. I am very glad to see a lady with such nerve to address us all here to-night about the Blac//k// Star Line Company also I am very please to have professor Newton with us who so kindly explained everything to us. I am now determine to hold on to the Benevolent society for I see it is reaping good things amongst us. I thank the professor for all that he has said and explained to our people here about our present and coming generation and how to live in unity with each other. I will be glad to be a member in the Black Star Line Company and the Benevolent society. Friends and countrymen let us all put our heart and hands together and be united in everything that will bring us success. Let us all join the Black Star Line Company and the Benevolent society. I hope at the next meeting of this society I will hear that all the black and coloured people in this Island are united as one body. Wilkes said, on Sunday last when the lecture was over and we were coming out of our yard at Newtown I heard one said “of course those men does rob us out of our money.” A fellow who was in the Black Star Line Company run away with 15000 dollars but that did not prevent the other men in the Company going on with their business and to-day the Company is as strong as ever you could expect and let me tell you all that only come through unity with perseverance. I want you all to join us so as to let us order our own goods. I thank you all for coming and glad to see suc//h// a large gathering here to-night. I hope all who are only friends here to-night will soon become members. We are sorry to keep you all so late but we were trying to get through [t]he whole of our business[.]

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Sebastian said, I only hope the professor will be with us for a long time or to be with us for the balance of his life so as to bring the negroes here together in unity and let us all be as one body. Nathan said, when I am going to have another meeting for the professor to give you all a lecture I will try and let you all know in time and hope to get a larger gathering. The gathering on Sunday last in the yard at Newtown was a good one and this to-night is better and I hope the next will be the best. (National Anthem.) I have the honour to be Sir Your obedient servant HENRY JAMES GEEN Sergt. Major of Police [Handwritten endorsement:] His Honour The Administrator This copy of a report from the SergtMajor is submitted for your Honour’s information. W. E. Wilders [Insp?] 16.7.20 SKNNA, 736/147. TLS, recipient’s copy. Marked “Confidential.” 1. Victor John (d. 1938), son of a Vincentian, was a pharmacist who owned the Paragon pharmacy, the largest on the island. He was deeply involved in radical politics in St. Kitts. In addition to his involvement with the UBA, he was an active member of the St. Kitts Taxpayers Association formed in 1922, as well as a founding member and first vice president of the Workers’ League established in 1932, for which he continued to serve as vice president until his death. At a public meeting organized by the newly formed Workers’ League on 5 October 1932, John moved a resolution condemning the federation of the Leeward and Windward Islands with Trinidad that the British government was seeking to impose as a cost-cutting measure. The resolution called instead for some form of representative government to be introduced and for two delegates to be selected to attend the Dominica conference called by C. E. A. Rawle’s Dominica Taxpayers Association to discuss the proposed federation. John was also involved in various innovative business enterprises, including the St. Kitts-Nevis Transportation Company Ltd., founded in 1917, which sought to provide regular freight and passenger service between the islands of St. Kitts and Nevis. He sat as vice president on the company’s board of directors, which also included W. A. H. Seaton and his brother, William Tapley Seaton. They attempted to raise capital by selling shares but a lack of support led to the abandonment of the enterprise (Daily Bulletin, 27 September 1917, 6 October 1932; Union Messenger, 4 April 1938).

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Article in the Central American Express [[Bocas del Toro, Panama, ca. 17 July 1920]]

CENTRAL AMERICA ENTHUSED OVER U.N.I.A. CONVENTION DELEGATES ELECTED AT ALMIRANTE— VISITORS FROM BOCAS AND BASTIMENTOS Shortly after nine o’clock on Saturday night, the 29th ulto., the electors the delegates of the Bocas and Bastimentos (Old Bank) branches of the Universal Negro Improvement Association arrived at the Almirante Mechanic Lodge Hall. The whisperings and smiles which greeted Miss Marie Duchatilier as she took a seat on the platform spoke plainly of popularity of the divisional lady president. Among other well known persons present were Messrs. Henry Ogilvie, divisional president; A. Williams, agent of the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation; T. H. Saunders, divisional organizer; Mrs. Jeffery, Almirante’s famous songstress; Mrs. De Lisser and others. Mr. J. A. C. McGhann, the divisional vice-president, in the chair, called the meeting to order, explained the importance of electing proper persons to the greatest convention ever held by the Negro race and impressed upon the electors the solemnity of the arduous duties which these delegates must undertake, that of setting up a government of African peoples 400,000,000 strong. The electors presented their credentials and were welcomed. Next was the presentation of the nomination of delegates. The six candidates were as follows:—Messrs. Henry Ogilvie, T. B. Samuda (T. H. Saunders), and Miss Marie Duchabatilier, Bocas branch; Mrs. A. Harvey and Louis Atkins, Almirante. The electors were seated, these representing Old Bank, Bocas, Almirante, Farm 2, Farm 4 and Sixaola Costa Rica. Messrs. Russel from Bocas and Williams, Almirante, were appointed returning officers. The count of the ballot resulted as follows: Miss Duchabatilier, 19; Mr. Henry Ogilvie, 13; Mr. T. H. Saunders, 12; Mr. T. B. Samuada, 4; Mrs. A Harvey, 2; Mr. L Atkins, 2[.] The declaration of the election of Miss Marie—as she is generally known—at the top of the poll was applauded lengthily. The lady said: “I thank my electors one and all.” Mr. Ogilvie returned thanks in a short but telling address, in which he promised to do his duty and his best in proportion to his ability with God’s good help. It was gratifying to note the welcome given the Sixaola Costa Rica electors who were seated at the election. As a consequence those representatives have returned to promote the policy of adhesion to the provincial charter idea[.]

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It is to be hoped that the Guabito loyal Negroes will early appreciate the unity which will allow of no loophole whatever for the cause of a true and redeemed Africa. After the serving of refreshments the Bocas and Bastimentos visitors returned by launch to their respective homes, which was in the early hours of the following day. Printed in NW, 17 July 1920.

Editorial in the Dominica Guardian [[Dominica, ca. 17 July 1920]]

DOMINICA DENOUNCES LOCAL D.O.R.A. In our last issue we [p]ublished the text of the Seditious Publications (Prohibition) Act, 1920. Newspaper editors of this colony as such, can have no particular cause for complaint of the Act. We boast of our loyalty to Our Sovereign Lord King George, and yield place to none in that respect. We have not and have never had, the slightest desire to change our allegiance, or own overlordship to any other power than the British throne. We firmly believe that with the sole exception perhaps of the French Republic, no other power provides so large a share of liberty as can be found under the British Crown and that no earthly power can secure an equal amount of safety and protection to its subjects as can be secured by the Union Jack. Hence the government of this colony need fear nothing about its security from revolutions or internal strife, having as their object the downfall of British rule and the establishment of a Republic or the acceptance of a new allegiance to any foreign power. We are aware that many things have happened during the last few years, but we have not seen or heard of any occurrence so nerve wracking, as to occasion this attack of nervousness, inspiring West Indian governments to think it necessary to take measures to secure themselves the legislation tending to create doubts in the minds of foreign powers, of the loyalty of these ancient and dutiful outposts of the British Empire. To expect such an explosion in the West Indies, and to anticipate it by preventative legislation is merely to stamp the League of Nations as a farce and the document establishing the same, as a mere scrap of paper possessing no authority, and the signatures of the high contracting powers no more sacred than the Belgian treaty.1 To accept this theory which is in the circumstances inevitable, exhibits the Nations as a band of conspirators having no confidence in each other’s plighted troth, and expecting that at any opportune time any one may be expected to rob any other one of the property which on its sacred oath, it has promised to guarantee. This we opine is indisputable, and no colony could hope to overthrow British rule without the help of a strong naval power. And the suggestion of 776

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establishing a republic, as was suggested in the case of Trinidad is ludicrous in the extreme. The necessity for this Act No. 9 of 1920 therefore, in our opinion, does not exist.2 If however the Government through loss of nerve thinks this legislation necessary while dissenting on the slur it casts on the loyalty of the colony, we have no objection to the form of words used, provided the Act is operated with fairness, impartiality, and clear insight as to the feelings and aspirations of the communities in these Islands. In a word, we hope it will not be used as a vehicle of oppression of one of the races which go to make up these communities. We have had in late years articles in “The Times” which could easily fall within the scope of the provisions of this Act, but we are ready to accept any reasonable odds that no article in “The Times,” however offensive the tone might be, will be considered sufficiently so, to place a bar upon its importation into the colony. Negroes here are apprehensive that this Act is particularly aimed against the importation into the Islands of certain American papers. We trust this view will be dispelled by a wise and moderate application of executive authority. The aim of what is known locally as “The Black Star Line” is, so far as we can understand, the improvement of the Negro race morally, intellectually and financially, all of which aims are highly desirable. With the Negro race forming the overwhelming majority of the communities, the more moral intellectual and financial the race becomes, the better off the community will be, and every government should welcome a propaganda having such worthy objects. For ourselves we welcome any help towards the improvement of our race. The American papers preach no revolution in these Islands. They urge Negroes to improve themselves, to educate themselves more, to lead lives of temperance and morality. They endeavor to drive home the principle which Aesop ennunciated in his fables, namely, that in unity alone can we find strength. They urge on the attention of members of the race a fact which has been patent to all the ages through, that the man of money commands more respect in a community than the waster, and that where means is limited it is only by combination that wealth can be obtained. None of these doctrines are seditious. These papers do not urge revolutions in these Islands and secession to the United States; if they did we believe that our people would have none of them. Let us therefore hope, that wisdom, impartiality and justice will guide the exercise of the executive authority in the operation of this act. Reproduced from NW, 17 July 1920. 1. Belgian neutrality in World War I was often referred to as a “scrap of paper,” which was the phrase that the German chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg used to characterize the neutrality of Belgium guaranteed at the London conference between 1831 and 1839. The British ambassador reported that the German chancellor “said the step taken by His Majesty’s Government was terrible to a degree, just for a word ‘neutrality,’ a word which in wartime had so often been disregarded— just for a scrap of paper, Great Britain was going to make war on a kindred nation who desired nothing better than to be friends with her.” In the course of the final interview with Sir E. Goschen, the British ambassador in Berlin, before the outbreak of World War I, the statement had a considerable effect on world public opinion when it was published, persuading many in Britain to support that country’s declaration of war against Germany on 4 August 1914 (Daniel H. Thomas, The Guarantee of Belgian Independence and Neutrality in European Diplomacy 1830’s–1930’s

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS [Kingston, R.I.: D. H. Thomas Publications, 1983]; David Fromkin, Europe’s Last Summer: Who Started the Great War in 1914? [New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004]). 2. This appears to refer to the Seditious Publications Prohibition, which was Dominica Ordinance no. 2 of 1920 (Dominica Authenticated Ordinances 1901–1924, TNA: PRO CO 73/23).

Memorandum by Lieutenant-Colonel Charles O’Brien, Governor, Barbados, in Reply to Query Regarding the Race Question [Barbados,] 19.7.20 I have not seen the extraordinary document you mention printed in New York dealing with a Negro constitution,1 but I have seen copies of the paper “Negro World” from time to time[.] My people here refused to consider the prohibition of this paper in this Colony, as Mr. Reece,2 K.C., (Solicitor General), a coloured man, put it, “it is well for the Barbadian Coloured Man to see the disabilities of the Negro in America as he should be the better contented with his position here.” A Sedition Bill, I was informed by my Executive Committee,3 would never pass in the House. I do not wish to take up [s]imilar position to that of Colonels of Sepoy Regiments prior to the Indian Mutiny 4— that I have confirmed belief in the loyalty and good behaviour of the Barbadian coloured man, but at the same time I do believe that he is a better conditioned fellow than in other West Indian Islands. His sense of religion (quaint but deep) and his wonderful personal loyalty to the Crown all constrain him to be less the tool of agitators. Then there is the anomaly that, whereas the colour line is more strictly drawn as regards social intercourse in Barbados than in any other Colony, men-folk of both races mix and work in school and at games and in commerce and in public life in a fairly happy manner. All Barbadians are very keen on spor//t// of any kind and music, particularly hymn tunes, are their great joy. After a funeral, a revival meeting is their greatest happiness, even exceeding a bout of rum drinking. Thus it comes about that agitators have to commence a meeting with a prayer and to interlude with hymns and, though they may get off a lot of hot air and seditious things may be said and disparaging remarks about the white man, frequently such meetings will end with “God save the King” or “Now the day is over.” They are a quaint people in a way, theyb take so little interest as individuals in their Government, large numbers of voters will not register, few who register ever record a vote fearing it will be known and do them harm. No Barbadian white or black quite trusts his neighbour, each plays a lone hand in business [and] public life, though they will combine for a purpose against [a] Governor or over-seas person.

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We have our agitators and I am inclined to think that one of our newspapers is subsidised by the American “Negro World.” An attem[pt] has been made to start a branch of the “Universal Negro Improve[ment] Association,” but already there has been a split over the presiden[cy?] and squabbles over the funds. We are bound to have a Labour Uni[on] in time, but it will probably lack cohesion for same causes as [above?] If only employers of labour will be reasonably generous to their employees serious labour trouble could be kept far off. We have [a] redundant population and a very patient lot of labourers, take [them?] all round. I think employers have been a little more generous and dock labourers are well paid,5 but field labour6 and more regular [work?] for the greater number throughout the year is still lacking. From the middle of July to the middle of October are always difficult months and will be worse this year owing to long drought7 and consequent delay in planting foodstuffs and the high price and scarci[ty] of food, rice etc. This may lead to an outbreak anytime and I do believe, if ever we get trouble, we may have it in a serious degr[ee.] In the meantime this year is a record one as regards the small number of cane fires.8 Our Police has had its pay increa//sed// 45% and they are a fine body of men and I hope would render a good account of themselves if trouble came, but of course this is never certain when blacks have to use force against their own folk. I get shorthand notes of any meetings held and so far there is no indi[cation] of serious trouble brewing. Jenkins and I are always keenly on the look out. Naval Officers bear me out in the opinion that our black people are generally more happy looking and civil than in most of t[he] other West Indian Islands they visit. The Barbadian white or blac[k] has an intense love for his Island and the arti[s]an class would be ag[ainst] any riotous manifestation, anyway in spirit. There are however a num[ber] of hooligans in Bridgetown and some in the country who might welcome trouble as a chance of looting. The main crimes of the lower class[es] are praedial larceny and abuse of one another. CHARLES O’BRIEN [Handwritten at top of document:] memo in reply to query re the Black & White question in yr. letter of 22 June— TNA: PRO CO 318/355/6964. TDS. 1. A reference to the “Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World” that would be promulgated at the first international convention of the UNIA, held in August 1920 in Liberty Hall in Harlem. In the run-up to the convention, Garvey explained the reasoning behind the document: At this convention the Magna Charta of Negro rights will be written. A constitution will be given to the world by which the present and future generations of Negroes shall be governed. The constitution to be written in the month of August is one that will be so sacred to the Negro as to cause him to pledge his very life, his very last drop of blood in its defense. As men of other races and nations regard their constitutions with a holy sense of respect, so will [all?] Negroes of the world, after the 31st of August, regard the new constitution of the Negro Race as a sacred epistle to be protected by their very life blood. (NW, 26 June 1920; MGP 1: 390–391)

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS 2. H. Walter Reece was solicitor general of Barbados in 1920 and “the only self-acknowledged person of Negro blood” in the colony’s House of Assembly (John Wickham, ed., A Man with a Fountain Pen: Clennell Wilsden Wickham, 1895–1938 [Bridgetown, Barbados: Nation Publishing, 1995], p. 9). 3. Under the old colonial system, executive power in Barbados was vested in the governor, who was advised by a nominated council. The Executive Committee Act of 1881 required the governor, at the opening of each legislative session, to appoint one member of the legislative council and four members of the House of Assembly to form, together with the governor and the executive council, the executive committee. Henceforth money bills and resolutions could only be introduced in the House of Assembly on the responsibility of this body, which was also required to prepare annual estimates of revenue and expenditure. In practice, the executive committee was the body that dealt with all matters of government policy involving legislation (“Editorial: The Executive Committee Act 1881,” Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society 36, no. 3 [1981]: 193–195; see also F. A. Hoyos, The Road to Responsible Government [Bridgetown, Barbados: Letchworth Press, n.d.], pp. 39–40). 4. The Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 had its origins in a number of unpopular British decisions in India. The Bengal army, largest of the East India Company’s three armies, had been discontented since its involvement in a disastrous Afghan expedition in 1842. In 1856 two British military decisions prompted rumors that colonial officials intended to make native soldiers lose their caste, then force them to convert to Christianity. The first decision removed the exemption from overseas service granted to sepoys, service that meant violation of religious prohibitions. The second was the decision to introduce new Enfield guns to the Bengal army. British military regulations required soldiers operating these rifles to take cartridges from cases using their teeth, an action that could force sepoys into contact with impure substances—cow grease for Hindus and pig grease for Muslims. Revolt broke out at Meerut near Delhi on 10 May 1857. Three sepoy regiments mutinied because eighty-five of their comrades had been imprisoned for rejecting the new Enfield cartridges. The regiments marched on the Meerut prison, released their fellow soldiers, and massacred the officers. They then marched on Delhi, where local garrison sepoys joined them. Because Delhi had no European troops, the sepoys easily captured the city, and the mutiny spread like wildfire in the northern and central regions of India under the control of the Bengal presidency. The revolt did not, for the most part, extend to the armies of the presidencies of Madras and Bombay, which lacked the homogeneity of the Bengal troops. Even so, British authority over the greater part of north India was almost completely overturned for several months. The British finally regained control of Delhi in November, and the rest of north and central India by June 1858 in campaigns of violent repression. The episode ended the career of the East India Company, with the Crown taking on direct administration of India. Indian nationalist history has interpreted the mutiny as marking the start of India’s independence struggle. While scholars have debated this point, the mutiny did bring the age of great conquests in India to a close. Other than minor border adjustments, the British made no further territorial expansions in the region (Claude Markovitz, A History of Modern India, 1480–1950, trans. by Nisha George and Maggy Hendry [London: Anthem Press, 1994, 2002] pp. 283–293). 5. Dock laborers were employed to load and offload ships. While they worked long, hard hours, their jobs were at best sporadic. Although this category of worker was critical to the Barbadian economy of the 1930s, wages on the waterfront were kept low (Francis Mark, The History of the Barbados Workers’ Union [Bridgetown, Barbados: Union, 1965], p. 26). 6. Agricultural workers, particularly sugar cane workers. 7. A protracted drought that resulted in even worse conditions—such as increased unemployment and the sale of bankrupted estates—plagued the period (David Browne, “The Rumblings of a Social Volcano: Precursors to the Disturbances in Barbados,” Bulletin of Eastern Affairs 21, no. 1 [1996]: 15). 8. Cane fires were a popular form of protest used by blacks during and after slavery. The limited amount of cane fires in this year should be viewed in the context of the emergence of other forms of popular protest throughout this period (ibid., pp. 15–21).

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D. E. Nanuthon-Smith to the Crusader [[1240 Grand Rue, Port au Prince, Haiti, 30th July, 1920]] Dear Sir:— I beg to state that I am a constant reader of “The Crusader.” They are so interesting that those I received after reading them I usually hand them over to my friends, and owing to this I am always sought after for the same. These are lots of us here who are stockholders in the U.N.I.A. and the Black Star Line, Inc., therefore the articles in the May number about the U.N.I.A.1 and in the July number about “Garvey’s Joker” and “Those Responsible”2 are giving us much concern. We became suspicious owing to the way the agency of that line was treated after the departure of the “S.S. Yarmouth” on her first trip here. I hope one day I may be able to expose to you in an unprejudiced way the impressions left here of the “S.S. Yarmouth’s” first arrival at this port. I thank you so much for your frank criticism and showing up the bad administration. We do suspect it. Please accept my best regards and trust to hear from you soon, I am, Very truly yours, (Sgd.) D. E. NANUTHON-SMITH [Addressed to:] Mr. Cyril V. Briggs, Editor, “The Crusader,” 2299 Seventh Avenue, New York City, N.Y. Printed in the Crusader 3 (November 1920): 29–30. 1. “The Universal Negro Improvement Association” and “A Treacherous Attack,” Crusader 2, no. 9 (May 1920): 6, 8. 2. “Garvey’s ‘Joker’” and “Those Responsible,” Crusader 2, no. 11 (July 1920): 8–9, 11.

J. R. Ralph Casimir to Edward D. Smith-Green, Secretary, Black Star Line P.O. Box 81, Roseau, Dominica, B.W.I. July 30th, 1920 Dear Sir, Your letter of [2]2nd June with stock certificates received for whi[c]h accept my best thanks. Please find [returned] receipts enclosed herewith. I am sorry that the Corporation cannot see its way to send one of the Black Star Line boats here soon. What a pity the majority of the Race fail to give the Corporation the help which it deserves. I would not like the boats of 781

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the Inter[-]Colonial S.S. & Trading Co to call here before the Black Star Line because this would re[sult] //in [more] success// for the Inter-Colonial and less for the Black Star Line.1 The presence of a Black Star Liner in our harbour would cause more people to join our Association and more support to the Corporation. Please find enclosed Money Order value $9.74 being one share $5.00 from Donald Armanstrading and add balance ($4.74) to $3.09 on a/c of two shares for myself. Please find Subscription Blanks enclosed herewith. I noticed in the Negro World that “Foreign monies from wherever sent in future, must be drafts on banks of Inter[n]ational Exchange, or same will not be received.” I had already taken the Money Order enclosed herewith before I had seen the Notice in NEGRO WORLD. I have more monies on hand for shares but I am holdin//g// same till I hear from you as to whether I can send Money Order or must send bank draft. The rate of exchange is very high and this will mean much hindrance to the poor people who would like to buy shares. I would ask the Officers of the Corporation to think over this matter seriously and see whether you would be able to accept Money Orders from here. Re forms of proxy sent to shareholders here same were only receiv[ed] by us on the 23rd instant the date which same should reach your office, so I advised those who consulted me re same //n//ot to return theirs as I believe it is too late. I may add here that since receiving said form no steamer has passed here going to the States. Steamship communication is very scarce and irregular. Mr. Jack of St. Vincent passed here on the 2//6//th on his way to Conv// en//tion via Canada or Bermuda. Wishing the Convention, the B.S.L. & yourself all Success and hoping to hear soon from you, Believe me, dear Sir, Yours for the Race & Africa, Secy-Gen. U.N.I.A. D[omini]ca [Addressed to:] The Secretary, THE BLACK STAR LINE, INC., 56 West 135th Street, New York City, U.S.A. JRRC. TL, copy. 1. Although Casimir appeared to support the BSL over the Inter-Colonial S.S. and Trading Company, he was an active agent in procuring the purchase of shares for the latter. In a letter to the assistant secretary of the Inter-Colonial, he wrote, “I hope the Company will see its way soon to send one of its boats this way. . . . Wishing the Company and yourself all success” (J. Casimir, Solicitor’s Clerk, to Assistant Secretary, Inter-Colonial S.S. and Trading Company, JRRC).

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Program for a UNIA event at Liberty Hall, Roseau, Dominica, 2 August 1920 (Source: JRRC)

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Article in the Jamaica Times [Kingston, July 31, 1920] FOLLOWING THE STRIKE ON THE ISTHMUS STOUTE REPELS MISS DAVIS’ CHARGES CORRESPONDENT CONDEMNS “NEGRO WORLD” The “Workman,” Panama, contains a good deal of matter relating to a dispute that has arisen out of events connected with the recent strike on the Isthmus. Mr. William Stoute who was the strike leader, writes indignantly repelling a statement reported in the “Negro World,” as made in New York before an audience of 5000 by Miss Henrietta Vinton Davis, the International organiser of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League who recently visited Jamaica from Panama. Speaking of the strike she said, as reported in the World:— “But unfortunately they (silver employees of the Panama Canal and Panama Railroad) did not win in their strike because of the weak-kneed leader who, after I had handed him the $500 cabled me by the Hon. Marcus Garvey for the relief of the strikers, folded that money up and put it in his pockets, and he is gone to parts unknown, a most dastardly deed for a Negro to do[.] I should be sorry for him when they eventually locate him. But for the paltry sum of $500 that was sent to buy milk for the babies and bread for the women, that man would sell his race.” Mr. Stoute in absolutely contradicting these charges, writes:— “Miss Davis handed me $500 to be used in supporting the 16,000 silver employees who were then on strike. On March 2nd, I sent to the leader in Panama by W. Hendy, $250, of this amount, to assist the sufferers over there, E. V. Morales received $20, for the relief of the Spanish speaking strikers, $5 was paid to J. Small for janitor service at Skating Rink. A. Mottley received $30, for the relief of non-unionists who were on strike. $150 was handed to Miss Amy Morgan, Assistant Treasurer of the U.N.I.A. and A.C.L., to be distributed among the female strikers. M. Callender, of Local No. 2504, received a loan of $5, thus making a total disbursement of $460, leaving a balance of 40, which I used to assist me in defraying my personal expenses. This amount of 40 I will remit to Miss Davis as soon as practicable.” He then regrets the other charges, and points out that instead of disappearing he is there in Panama. What he did about the strike was in the best interests of the people. If he had gone on and suffered deportation he could not have helped them further. The “Workman” in an editorial is satisfied that Mr. Stoute is innocent of the charges brought against him. Miss Amy Morgan, assistant treasurer U.N.I.A. states that Mr. Stoute handed her $150 for the women sufferers. An account of the distribution was examined by Mr. Cyril Henry, assistant trea784

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surer of the Black Star Line, and Miss Morgan produces a written order from Miss Davis that the balance of the money in her hands was to be distributed to the women and children most in need. In another letter Mr. Stoute in calling on Miss Davis to apologize says that otherwise he will make arrangements to file a criminal suit against her. At the same time he thinks that she has been misled by badly disposed persons on the Isthmus, and to these persons he addresses the following:— “You poisonous snakes who are angry because I did not, during the recent strike, lead my people or allow you to lead them to violate law and order as desired by you, you vile miscreants who under pretence of being interested in the cause of humanity, but really for filthy lucre and cheap notoriety, would have me create a riot with its concomi[t]ant shedding of blood, etc. You double-dealers who make the pronoun ‘I’ work overtime, you who do not realise that it is honourable to lose fighting class while to hit below the belt and still lose is not only dishonourable but agonizing—yes, if you have a spark of honesty left in you, cease.” Other letters are printed defending Mr. Stoute, Mabel Dadier in her letter says:— “Is it any wonder therefore that in nearly every Island of the West Indies where the ‘Negro World’ has been introduced steps are being taken to suppress it? And it is because of this same rabid spirit which these men have shown towards everything which does not conform to their way of thinking. And I think that it is time to teach them a lesson. Let us look at the figures given in the article[.] In Cuba, Jamaica, Panama and Costa Rica membership in the Association is approximately 25,000 and it is natural to conclude that they are all with but few exceptions West Indies. In Harlem and Brooklyn (in fact I take the President-General to mean in the United States) the membership does not exceed 20,000 and these I know, are composed of a good many West Indians who are now living in the States, and we should not stand for any insults ruthlessly thrown into our faces by a gang whose only better qualification for the position they occupy is that they happen to find themselves living in the United States of America. I say down with such outrage, away with the Negro World![”] In Trinidad, the Negro World has been forbidden entrance into the Colony under the new Seditious Publications Act. Printed in the Jamaica Times, 31 July 1920.

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Negro World, 31 July 1920

786

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APPENDIX

Table 1: West Indian Emigrants in the U.S., 1900–1930 Birthplace

1900

1910

1920

1930

Anguilla Antigua Bahamas Barbados Barbuda Bermuda British Guiana British Honduras British West Indies Danish Virgin Islands Dominica Dutch West Indies French West Indies Guadeloupe Grenada Grenadines Haiti Jamaica Martinique Montserrat Nevis St. Croix St. Kitts St. Lucia St. Martin St. Thomas St. Vincent Surinam Tobago Trinidad Virgin Islands West Indies

1 31 2,952 157

1 101 64 215 33 192 7 1 372

104 1,402 9,224 10,414 715 1,804 718 106 9,661 1 251 208 113 238 447 133 345 10,224

60 749 5,751 7,077 530 1,870 585 25 3,929

Total

3,564 20 6 195 61 13 21 2 1 4

32 16 74 9

107 508 17 2 7 32 23 3 5 44 11

40 566

4 18 32 3,399

3 14

11,240

34 70 21 112 2 3 124 3

358 301 52 192 422 160 422 8,185 286 274 593 6,141 338 50 65 3,720 148

21,669

514 1,398 12,680 1,952 113 181 2,795 377 2 576 1,041 2,974 25,795

635 975 12,918 32,171

23,778

96,506

88,982

Sources: Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T623, 1,854 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2004); Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T624, 1,178 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2006); Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T625, 2,076 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2010); Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T626, 2,667 rolls (Ancestry.com database on-line, Provo, Utah, 2002).

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Table 2: Origins of West Indian Emigrants in New York City, 1920 Origin

Brooklyn

Manhattan

Total No. of West Indians in New York State

22 45 1,711 6 198 117 1,209 7

717 280 5,559 366 942 460 7,935 11 174 142 618 179 222 54 23 162 3,629 91 352 539 380 156 1,903 104 199 524 258 7 389 718 1,115 18,825 47,063

Antigua Bahamas Barbados Barbuda Bermuda British Guiana British West Indies British Honduras Danish Virgin Islands Dominica Dutch West Indies French West Indies Grenada Grenadines Guadeloupe Haiti Jamaica Martinique Montserrat Nevis St. Croix St. John St. Kitts St. Lucia St. Martin St. Thomas St. Vincent Surinam Tobago Trinidad Virgin Islands West Indies

59 121 99 4,416

645 248 3,898 333 794 445 6,225 10 1 125 396 39 177 34 20 89 2,899 63 315 464 213 23 1,675 77 107 271 153 2 376 688 1,003 14,313

Total

9,115

36,145

6 164 10 26 12 3 29 569 4 6 38 15 1 79 22 8 35 75

Source: Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T625, 2,076 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2010).

790

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Table 3: Origins of Male Participants in UNIA, 1917–1920 Name

West Indian

Isaac B. Allen William Allen Reynold Fitzgerald Austin Thomas E. Bagby Alfred Bailey John Thomas Bailey Herbert G. Bain John Banton Rev. Peter Edward Batson John Gordon Bayne David Benjamin James Benjamin Lee Bennett James Benjamin Pope B. Billups Clifford Stanley Bourne Stedman Allenton Bradley Irvin Brathwaite Isaac Newton Brathwaite Isaac Samuel Bright Joseph Douglass Brooks Rev. E. Ethelred Brown John E. Bruce Arden Ambridge Bryan Bryan C. Buck Ben E. Burrell David Thomas Cardwell Schuyler Cargill Clarence A. Carpenter Eliezer Cadet Jeremiah Certain Clement M. Clarke Capt. Joshua Cockburn Walter Johnson Conway Gerald Frederick Cox Rev. Joseph Josiah Cranston Lee Crawford George A. Crawley Cyril Askelon Crichlow Robert Cross Arnold S. Cunning Clarence Benjamin Curley J. A. Davis John Sydney De Bourg

Barbados

African American

Virginia Barbados Virginia Jamaica Native-born British West Indies Jamaica Barbados British West Indies St. Kitts St. Kitts British Honduras St. Kitts Georgia Barbados St. Kitts Barbados Barbados Native-born Connecticut Jamaica Maryland Barbados Jamaica Jamaica North Carolina Jamaica/America Antigua Haiti Florida Barbados The Bahamas New York St. Lucia Pittsburgh New York New Jersey Trinidad Jamaica Jamaica-Cuba Tennessee South Carolina Grenada

791

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Table 3: Origins of Male Participants in UNIA, 1917–1920 Name Charles Dickerson Henry D. Dolphin Wilfred A. Domingo George Alexander Donaldson Henry Douglas Samuel A. Duncan Benjamin Dyett Rev. J. W. H. Eason Rev. Francis Wilcolm Ellegor Ernest Evans Walter Farrell Reynold R. Felix William H. Ferris Arnold J. Ford Daniel Ford Henry Emmanuel Ford Lionel Antonio Francis Napoleon J. Francis E. L. Gaines Eli Garcia John Garrett Marcus Garvey John M. George Joseph Deighton Gibson Rev. Edward M. Gilliard Abraham Goddard Terence Joseph Golden Rev. John Dawson Gordon Walter Lee Green Lionel W. Greenidge Edgar M. Grey Columbus L. Halton Venture R. Hamilton Hubert H. Harrison Rev. Thomas Samuel Harten James Haynes Phillip Hemmings Cyril Henry James Festus Hercules John Solomon Heron William Albert Hester Allen Hobbs John Philip Hodge Robert Jessup Hodge

West Indian

African American Massachusetts

British Guiana Jamaica Antigua St. Kitts St. Kitts Dutch West Indies North Carolina British Guiana The Bahamas Barbados Louisiana Connecticut Barbados British West Indies British West Indies Trinidad British West Indies/Haiti Virginia Haiti Louisiana Jamaica Connecticut French West Indies Louisiana Barbados St. Croix Georgia Virginia Barbados Antigua Georgia St. Kitts Danish Virgin Islands South Carolina British West Indies Jamaica Jamaica British Guiana Jamaica Connecticut Virginia Antigua Antigua

792

APPENDIX

Table 3: Origins of Male Participants in UNIA, 1917–1920 Name

West Indian

Cecil Hope Innis Abel Horsford Allen Elcock Howard John Eli Hudson William Ines William Isles John Edward Ivey Ratford E. M. Jack Anselmo Jackson John P. Jasper Adrian Fitzroy Johnson Joseph E. Johnson William Henry Johnson Alphonso A. Jones Oliver Kaye Oscar C. Kelly Howard William Kirby William Musgrave LaMotte Louis Aurelius Leavelle Berthol Dudley Levy James E. Linton Charles Benjamin Lovell Rev. Jesse Wells Luck William Samuel McCartney Prince Alfred McConney Rev. George Alexander McGuire Frederick George Malbra Richard Marks William Clarence Matthews Rev. Hilton H. Mickens Rev. George Frazier Miller

Barbados Danish Virgin Islands Barbados Jamaica

African American

Native-born St. John Jamaica St. Vincent St. Croix Danish Virgin Islands Jamaica Native-born Virginia New York South Carolina Georgia Virginia Grenada New York Jamaica Barbados Barbados Virginia The Bahamas British West Indies Antigua Bermuda British West Indies/Cuba Alabama St. Croix New York/South Carolina

Uriah Theophilus Mitchell Hugh Mulzac Emanuel E. Nelom Richard C. Noble Frederick A. Ogilvie Edward Arnold Orr Chandler Owen

Jamaica St. Vincent Surinam

Philip E. Paul James Hamble Perkins Charles A. Petioni William Philips

Trinidad Barbados Trinidad Barbados

Virginia Jamaica-Cuba Antigua New York/North Carolina

793

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS

Table 3: Origins of Male Participants in UNIA, 1917–1920 Name

West Indian

Randolph Phillips Henry Vinton Plummer Fred D. Powell Hudson Pryce Frank O. Raines Asa Philip Randolph William D. Rankin Andrea P. Razafkeriefo George C. Reneau Adrian Richardson Frederick Samuel Ricketts Norman Albert Robinson Louis Alexander Schenck John Smith Scott John Frederick Selkridge Charles C. Seifert Rev. Matthew Albert Neil Shaw Derby Disraeli Shirley Rev. Thomas Simon Walter Hubert Simpson Rudolph Ethelbert Smith Sidney Smith Thaddeus Smith Wilford Smith E.D. Smith-Green Edward Steele Gabriel Stewart Edward Alfred Taylor George S. Taylor Robert Howard Taylor Richard Hilton Tobitt George Tobias Frederick Augustus Toote George Tyler Philip Van Putten

British Guiana

Dugald Augustus Wade William Offley Waith William A. Wallace W. A. Walters William Ware Richard E. Warner Harry R. Watkis James Samuel Watson

African American

Washington, D.C. Alabama Antigua Tennessee New York/Florida British West Indies Washington, D.C. Puerto Barrios, Guatemala St. Martin Colón, Panama New York North Carolina Tennessee British West Indies Barbados Jamaica North Carolina British West Indies Grenada British Guiana New York Indiana Mississippi British Guiana British West Indies Jamaica Grenada British West Indies Virginia Antigua Grenada The Bahamas Virginia St. Martin/Dominican Republic British West Indies Barbados Maryland Illinois Ohio St. Kitts Jamaica Jamaica

794

APPENDIX

Table 3: Origins of Male Participants in UNIA, 1917–1920 Name

West Indian

Frederick B. Webster William Wells George A. Weston John Thomas Wilkins Arthur Williams Henry Balfour Williams James D. Williams Shedrick Williams Vernal J. Williams Andrew N. Willis Edward Sterling Wright James Benjamin Yearwood James Young

West Indies British West Indies. Bermuda British West Indies

African American

Washington/Mississippi Jamaica New Jersey Ohio Jamaica Bocas del Toro, Panama Barbados Barbados Pittsburgh Total

123

63

Sources: Robert A. Hill et al., eds., The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Vols. 1 and 2 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); New York Passenger Lists, 1820-1957, DNA, RG 36 (Records of the U.S. Customs Service), Passenger and Crew Lists of Vessels Arriving at New York, New York, 1897–1957, Microfilm Publication T715, 8,892 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2010); World War I Draft Registration Cards, 1917–1918, DNA, RG 163 (Records of the Selective Service System, World War I), Microfilm Publication M1509, 4,582 rolls, (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2005); U.S. World War II Draft Registration Cards, 1942, DNA, RG 147, Microfilm Publication M 1939, 66 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2010); Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T624, 1,178 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2006); Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T625, 2,076 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2010); Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T626, 2,667 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2002).

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Table 4: Origins of Female Participants in UNIA, 1917–1920 Name Ida Ash Connie M. Ashford Amy Ashwood Agnes Babb Sarah Branch Mattie Byrd Irene Callender Gwendolyn Campbell Annie Carrington May Clarke Ethel Oughton Clarke Nettie Clayton Eva F. Curtis Serena E. Danridge Evelyn R. Donawa Gertrude Davis Henrietta Vinton Davis Marie Duchatelier Daisy Dunn Ella M. Foley Roxanne Green Amy Haynes Elizabeth Hendrickson Revella E. Hughes Elizabeth Jackson Amy Jacques Adina Clem. James Florida Jenkins Janie Jenkins Mariana Johnson Mary Johnson Emily Christmas Kinch Dorothy Lawson Enid Hasel Lamos Carrie Leadett Francis Lee Pauline Lee Helen McAllister Granzaline Marshall Marie Madre Marshall Estelle Matthews Carrie B. Mero Irena Moorman-Blackstone

West Indian

African American New York Pennsylvania

Jamaica Jamaica Virginia Mississippi Barbados Jamaica Trinidad Jamaica Jamaica Pennsylvania Connecticut South Carolina Dominica Georgia Maryland Panama Jamaica Georgia Virginia Barbados Virgin Islands West Virginia St. Kitts Jamaica St. Thomas Georgia Maryland Kentucky Native-born New Jersey Louisiana Jamaica Vermont Virginia Maryland Kansas Jamaica Maryland Virginia Massachusetts Virginia

796

APPENDIX

Table 4: Origins of Female Participants in UNIA, 1917–1920 Name

West Indian

Hannah Nicholas Mrs. Georgie L. O’Brien Alice O’Garo Minnie Robinson R. Harriet Rogers Julia E. Rumford Lucy Sands Lizzie B. Sims Addie Still Iolanthe Storrs Dorothy Trotman Lillian Trotman Madam C. J. Walker Lelia Coleman Walters Ida B. Wells-Barnett Nellie G. Whiting Ellen Wilson Louise Wilson Irene W. Wingfield Geraldine Woodford Louise Woodson

West Indies Barbados West Indies

African American

Ohio South Carolina New York Virginia Georgia Pennsylvania Alabama St. Kitts St. Kitts New York Native-born Illinois Virginia St. Thomas British West Indies Bermuda Maryland Virginia Total

25

39

Sources: Robert A. Hill et al., eds., The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Vols. 1 and 2 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); New York Passenger Lists, 1820-1957, DNA, RG 36 (Records of the U.S. Customs Service), Passenger and Crew Lists of Vessels Arriving at New York, New York, 1897–1957, Microfilm Publication T715, 8,892 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2010); World War I Draft Registration Cards, 1917–1918, DNA, RG 163 (Records of the Selective Service System, World War I), Microfilm Publication M1509, 4,582 rolls, (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2005); U.S. World War II Draft Registration Cards, 1942, DNA, RG 147, Microfilm Publication M 1939, 66 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2010); Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T624, 1,178 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2006); Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T625, 2,076 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2010); Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930, DNA, RG 29, Microfilm Publication T626, 2,667 rolls (Ancestry.com database online, Provo, Utah, 2002).

797

INDEX A Note on the Index A page number followed by “n.” with a digit (e.g. 598 n. 1) indicates that the subject appears in the note cited. Asterisks (*) precede biographical annotations (e.g., *160 n. 3). Some pages contain more than one complete document, each with its own sequence of notes. On these pages, where two notes occur with the same number, the symbol “§” indicates the lower note with that number (e.g., 233 n. 1§ refers to the n. 1 in the second sequence of notes on page 233). A subject who appears both in the text and in a note on the same page is indicated by the page number only, except in the case of a biographical annotation. Captions of illustrations are indexed as text. Bibliographical information cited in the notes is not indexed. When there are variant spellings of a name, the spelling that seems most nearly correct or is most often used in the cited sources is given. Married names are enclosed in parentheses, e.g., “Ashwood, Amy (Garvey).” References are included for persons who are unnamed on a page but are otherwise identified by title or position. Topics of speeches and writings are indexed according to the wording used in the document. “A Grenadian,” 366–367 “A Nation,” 24–25 ABB. See African Blood Brotherhood (ABB) Abbensetts, John A. (lawyer), 101 Abbott, Robert, clxii, clxiv Abolition of slavery: African Methodist Episcopal Church on, 464 n. 3; apostles of human rights and, 45; Clay on, 46 n. 2; Garrison on, 46 n. 6; Phillips on, 46 n. 5; Sumner on, 46 n. 4; Webster on, 46 n. 3; in West Indies, 4–5, 43, 45, 52, 60, 759; Wilberforce and, 4, 6 n. 4, 43, 60, 96 n. 2, 763 n. 3 Abolition of Slavery Act (1833), 5, 6 n. 8, 52, 57 n. 15, 523, 528 Aborigines Protection Society, 96 n. 2 Abrahams, Roger D., lxxxviii Abyssinia, 68, 181, 645 Adams, J. G., 681 n. 8 Adderley, Alfred Francis, cxlv, cxlvi, 299 n. 10, 702, 719, *720 n. 2, 757 Adderly (Adderley), Benjamin, 632, *639 n. 2

Adenyi-Jones, Dr. C. C., 55 n. 1 AFL. See American Federation of Labor (AFL) Africa: “Africa for the Africans,” lix, lxxxii; Ali’s business ventures in, 54 n. 1; ambition of peoples in, 538–539, 619, 653; ancients’ views of, 70–71; Balfour Declaration and Garvey’s program for, lxxxiv; Bible on, 69– 70, 71–72; Black Star Line’s passage to, lxxiv; changing Western perceptions of, ccxxi; civilization of, 210–211; Cockburn on potential of, cxxx; as cradle of civilization, 71; establishing black nation in, lxxi; exports of, 469; former German colonies in, lxvii, cxxviii, 99, 100 n. 5, 101, 118, 119, 140, 151 n. 2, 154, 154 n. 1, 158–164, 181–183, 191, 257, 421, 423 n. 2; Garvey on German rule in, 79–80; Garvey’s intended move to, lxxxiii; Garvey as provisional president of, lxxxvii; Garvey on redemption of, lix, xcvi n. 94, cxxxi, ccxxix, ccxxxv, ccxxxviii, 378, 629, 630; Garvey on sufferings of, 174–175; Garvey on Waterloo for whites in, 389;

799

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Africa (continued): Garvey’s colonization scheme and, lxxv– lxxvi; as Garvey’s ultimate objective, lix; Gibbons’s letter to George V on, 219–223; history of the world and, 69; as homeland of blacks, 315, 372–374, 468–469, 725; Jamaican missionaries to, 45, 47 n. 7; modern civilization as surpassing, 467; postwar reconstruction of, cxxvii, cxxix, cxxxi, 97, 100–108, 111–114, 116–117, 118, 119, 128, 140, 158–164, 181–183, 191, 420, 421; self-determination for, cxxviii, cxxxi, 98–99, 99 n. 2, 118, 128, 140, 191, 211, 423 n. 2; unlimited possibilities of, 401; West, 45; West India Regiment in, 47 n. 8; World War I and demands for nationhood for, cclxxv. See also “Back to Africa” movement “Africa for the Africans,” lix, lxxxii African Americans: African emigrationist sentiment among, lxxiv; British regiments off limits to, cclxxvii; in Canal Zone, ccxliii; in Communist Party, 202 n. 4; conditions of, 467–468; emigration to Brazil by, clxii– clxiii; emigration to Haiti by, ccxx, ccxxii n. 7; Garvey as cultural broker between West Indians and, lxiii–lxiv; Garveyism and nationalism of, lxxvii–lxxviii; Garvey’s comparison of West Indian blacks with, 88– 90; Garvey’s imprisonment and, lxxvi– lxxvii; interethnic tension with West Indians of, lxvii–lxix, lxxvii; Jamaican blacks compared with, 61, 431; Jim Crow laws and, 386, 387 n. 2, 412 n. 1, 468; Liberty League of Negro Americans, cxxvi, 341 n. 8; lynching of, ccxvi, ccxvii n. 11, ccxxxiv, 175, 192, 208, 333, 334, 386, 387 n. 3, 399, 400, 406, 421, 468, 502, 595, 759; The Messenger, 293 n. 5; “New Negro” movement and, 341 n. 8; Powell’s call of the race to, 467–469; in UNIA, lxii–lxv, lxxiii– lxxviii, xci n. 17; U.S. Virgin Islanders’ selfperception and, cclxxii–cclxxiii; West Indian blacks’ attempt to connect with, 292, 315; West Indian blacks contrasted with, 595– 596. See also African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) African Association, 425 n. 1 African Blood Brotherhood (ABB), ccii, ccxxxv, 201–202 n. 4, 205, 591 n. 1 African Communities League (ACL). See Universal Negro Improvement Association

and African Communities League (UNIA and ACL) African League, 280 n. 4 African Legion, clxviii, cclxvi–cclxvii, 510 n. 5 African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church: Anderson in, 91 n. 5; in Bermuda, clvi, clvii; Bruce in, 90 n. 2; Christian Recorder, 91 n. 3, 200, 203 n. 5, 204, 206, 213, 286, 462, 463; in Dominican Republic, ccii; Eason in, 641 n. 8; formation of, 464 n. 3; in Haiti, ccxx, 462– 463; Tobitt in, 660 n. 2; Wright as bishop of, 91 n. 3 African Orthodox Church, ccxxxv, ccxxxvi, 237 n. 1 African Orthodox Church Evangelical Mission, ccxxxvi African Progress Union (APU), 54 n. 1, 279 n. 2 African Telegraph (Society of Peoples of African Origin), 280 n. 4, 454, 479, 494, 495, 498 African Times and Orient Review, cxxi, 49–53, 53–55 n. 1, 57, 83, 90 n. 2 Afro-American, 612–613, 618 n. 1 Afro-West Indian Round Trip Association, 156 n. 1 Agbebi, Mojola, 90 n. 2 Aggrey, James E. K., 90 n. 2, 641 n. 8 Aguilar Barquero, Francisco, 453 n. 2 Aguilera, Salomón Zacarias, 19 n. 2, 451, 452 n. 1 Agustine, A., 186 Ajasa, Kitoyi, 684, *684 n. 2 Alexander, Henry Lethbridge, 167, *168 n. 1 Alexander, John, 732 Ali, Dusé Mohamed. See Dusé Mohamed Allardyce, Sir William Lamond, 171, 297, *298 n. 6, 431–432, 440, 494, 495 Allen, Captain (Panama), 503 Allen, Frederick, 662 Allen, H., 725 Allen, H. T., 206, *207 n. 2, 348, 376 Allen, Isaac B., 124 n. 1, 791 Allen, Mary Jane E., 593, 594 n. 3 Allen, Richard, 463, *464–465 n. 3 Allen, William Elby, 147, *147 n. 1, 791 Alleyne, Conrad, 525 Alleyne, John, cliii Alpha Suffrage Club, 91 n. 6 Alsace, 189 AME Church. See African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church America-Asia Association, 55 n. 1 American African Oriental Trading Company, 54 n. 1

800

INDEX American Anti-Slavery Society, 46 n. 5, 47 n. 6 American Clyde Steamship Company, 628 n. 6 American Colonization Society, 46 n. 2 American Federation of Labor (AFL): Jamaica Trades and Labour Union and, 64 n. 1; Jamaica Typographical Union and, cxix; Nathan and Wilkes and, 681 n. 8, 696 n. 9; in Panama and Canal Zone, ccxliv; Randolph and Owen and, 293 n. 5, 294 n. 5; Roosevelt’s denunciation of Gompers and, lxxix; Trade and Labour Unions (Prohibition) Ordinance protested by, 263 n. 2; unskilled workers rejected by, 270 n. 9 American Negro Labor Congress, 202 n. 4 American Society of Free Persons of Colour, 464–465 n. 3 Amery, Leopold S., 131 n. 1, 488, *488 n. 1, 533 Ames, William, 725 Amsterdam News, lxxxiv, xc n. 15, 200–201 n. 4 Anarchism, 389, 454, 485, 578 n. 2 Anderson, Charles Osborn, 757–758, *758 n. 1 Anderson, Rev. George, 687, *693–694 n. 2 Anderson, Rev. J. C., 89, *91 n. 5 Anderson, Walter, 352 Andrews, George Hy., 210 Andrews, Robert Hy., 210 Anglin, J. N., 632, 639 n. 4 Angola, 219, 220, 222 Anguilla: labor migration to Dominican Republic and, cci, ccxlviii n. 4; Leeward Islands and, ccxxix, 260, 355; map of Caribbean, cxlii; in presidency with St. Kitts and Nevis, 265 n. 4; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789 Anthony, Michael, 311 n. 2 Antigua: British naval base at, 350 n. 2; Browns’ organizing of labor in, cxxii; cane cutters’ organizing in, cxxviii; drought in, ccxxxiv, ccxl n. 25; Garvey’s visit (1937) to, ccxxxvii, 763 n. 1; Johannes Society, cxxv, cxxvi, 770 n. 1; labor conflict (1918) in, cxxviii, ccxxxi–ccxxxii, ccxxxvii; map of Caribbean, cxlii; maps of Leeward Islands, 260, 355; population decline due to emigration from, ccxxxv; postwar unrest in, cclxxv, 771 n. 2; racial tensions in, ccxxxiv; St. John’s, cxxviii, ccxxxii, ccxxxiii; seditious publications ordinance in, cxxxix; UNIA in, cxli, ccxxix–ccxl; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789 Antigua Agricultural Association, Ltd., ccxxxvi, 762 n. 1 Antigua Magnet, ccxxxvi, 762 n. 1

Antigua Progressive Union (APU), cxxvi, ccxxxiii, ccxxxiv, ccxxxix n. 17, 770 n. 1 Antigua Workingmen’s Association (AWA), ccxxxvii, 762 n. 1 Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, cxxvii, cxxix, 95, 96 n. 1, 96 n. 2, 97–98, 181–183 Anti-Slavery Reporter and Aborigines’ Friend, 96 n. 1 Anti-Slavery Society, cxxii, 6 n. 4, 6 n. 5, 96 n. 2 Antonio Maceo, S.S., cxc–cxci, 272 n. 3 APU (Antigua Progressive Union), cxxvi, ccxxxiii, ccxxxiv, ccxxxix n. 17, 770 n. 1 Arbenz, Jacobo, 255 n. 14 Archer, F. C., 550 Argos (Trinidad), cxxxv, cxxxvi, cclxvi, 300, 302, 304–305 n. 2, 308, 309, 312, 579, 580 n. 2 Argueta, Mario, ccxxiii Arias (lawyer), 435, 449 Armanstrading, Donald, 782 Armatrading, Clementina, 380 Armbrister, Percy William Duncombe, 297, *298 n. 9 Armstrong, Sir Harry Gloster, 612, *612 n. 1 Army Council (Great Britain), cxxii, cxxviii, cxxix, cclxxvi, 134, 138, 167 Army Order 1/1918, cxxvii, cxxxiv, cclxxviii, 125 n. 3 Arne, Thomas Augustine, 671 n. 17 Arthurton, James, 186 Arthurton, Ruth, 186 Artisans and Labourers’ Union, cxix, cxx, cxxi, 409 n. 1 Artisans’ Union, 64 n. 1 Ash, Ida, 796 Ashanti Wars, 47–48 n. 8 Ashby, Harry, 160 Ashford, Connie M., 796 Ashley, A. B., 725 Ashwood, Amy (Garvey), *93–94 n. 1; Garvey’s plans for, 92–93; censored correspondence of, 115–116; Garvey’s marriage to, 93 n. 1; on Adrian Johnson, lxxii–lxxiii; Joshua on accomplishments of, 445–446; letter to people of Panama from, 283–285; origins of female participants in UNIA and, 796; on planned visit to New York, 94–95; at UNIA meeting (30 October 1915), 80, 81 Ashwood, Michael, 81, 92, 93 n. 1, 94, 95 Asian nationalism, 151 n. 4, 174 Asociación Nacional para el Progreso de los Costarricenses de Color, clxxxvi Aspinall, Sir Algernon Edward, 419, *420 n. 1

801

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Asquith, Herbert, 113 n. 1 Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, 90 n. 2 Association of Universal Loyal Negroes: “Back to Africa” plan of, 100, 101–108, 116–117, 158, 162–163; petition on former German colonies in Africa from, 158–164; telegram on Allied victory from, 114. See also National Association of Loyal Negroes Atkins, Louis, 775 Atlantic Fruit Company, 254 n. 14 Atlantic Monthly, 96 n. 3 Atlantic Ticket and Tourist Agency, 126 Augustine, Joseph, 439 Austin, Reynold Fitzgerald, 791 Austin, Vlurt, 187 AWA (Antigua Workingmen’s Association), ccxxxvii, 762 n. 1 Aytoun, William Edmondstoune, 36 n. 3 Babb, Agnes, 796 Babb, Samuel, 28 n. 1 Bachelor, Richard H., cxc, cxcii, cxciii Back to Africa Association, 283 “Back to Africa” movement: Association of Universal Loyal Negroes’ plan, 100, 101– 108, 116–117, 158, 162–163; Davis on, 501; Dominicans put off by, cciii; Du Sauzay on, 397–402; as essence of Garvey movement, lxxv; National Association of Loyal Negroes support for, cxxxi; Randolph and Owen on, 294 n. 4 Báez, Mauricio, cciii–cciv Bagby, Thomas E., 791 Bahamas, cxlix–cl; Admiralty report on unrest and, 350; black shipping connection to New York planned for, 698–699, 719–720, 747– 748; colored middle class of, cxlvi, cxlix n. 5; emigration to United States from, cxlv, cxlvi–cxlvii; Garvey’s visit (1928) to, cxlviii; islands of, cxlix n. 3; Liberty Hall, cxlviii; map of, 296; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Nassau, cxlv, cxlvi, cxlvii, cxlviii, cxlix n. 5; Nassau Riot (1942) in, cxlv; Negro World prohibited in, cxxxix, cxlvi, 565, 663, 672– 673, 757–758; Negro World smuggled into, 663; race consciousness in, cxlv, 298 n. 2; seditious publications ordinance in, 278 n. 1, 296–298, 432, 672–673, 757–758; South Florida connections to, 720–721 n. 3; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from,

789. See also Union Mercantile Association (Bahamas) Bahamas Rejuvenation League, cxlvii, cxlviii, 663 n. 2 Bailey, Alfred, 791 Bailey, John Thomas, 791 Bain, Herbert G., 791 Bain Alves, A., 64 n. 1, 156 n. 1, 246 n. 8 Baker, Henry Dunster, 389–390, *390 n. 1, 454, 479–480, 483–484, 547–548, 579 Baker, Lorenzo Dow, 254 n. 14 Balfour, Arthur James, *113 n. 1; Association of Universal Loyal Negroes victory telegram and, 114; Balfour Declaration of, lxxxii– lxxxiv, cxxvii, cclxxv; Gibbons’s letter to George V and, 218, 219; National Association of Loyal Negroes petition to, cxxix, 111–113; plan for German colonies in Africa and, 116– 117, 194–195, 198; statement on former German colonies by, 154 Balfour Declaration, lxxxii–lxxxiv, cxxvii, cclxxv Ball-Greene, George, 204 Baltimore Afro-American, lxxi, cxxxi, clxiii Banana industry: in Costa Rica, clxxxi, clxxxii– clxxxiii, clxxxiv, clxxxv, clxxxvi, 352 n. 2§, 471; Cuyamel Fruit Company, ccxxv–ccxxvi, 254 n. 14, 436 n. 1; in Guatemala, ccxiv, ccxv, 255 n. 14; in Honduras, ccxxiii–ccxxvi, 255 n. 14, 738 n. 1, 739 n. 3; in Panama, clxxxviii n. 8, ccxli, ccxlv, 255 n. 14, 353 n. 4, 471; racial differences exploited by, ccxxiv; Standard Fruit and, ccxxv, ccxxvi, 254 n. 14, 353 n. 3, 738 n. 1, 739 n. 3, 739 n. 4. See also United Fruit Company (UFC) Bande Mataram, clxxi Banfield, C. K., 113 Banfield, Fred, clxiv Bank Hall Cultural Club (Barbados), cli Banks, George Linnaeus, 446 n. 1 Banton, John E., 416–417, *417 n. 1, 791 Baraguá Sugar Company, 275 Barahona, Marvin, ccxxiii Barbados, cliv; Admiralty’s suggestion to station white troops in, 347, 348, 349, 351; assistance to St. Lucia from British forces in, 561 n. 7; Black Star Line’s launch and, 363, 364; Bridgetown, clii, 237 n. 1, 422–423 n. 1, 735 n. 2, 763 n. 3, 779; British Cabinet report on unrest in, 496–497; British West Indies Regiment veterans return to, 179; Clarke’s recommendations for, 420–422; Confederation Riots (1876) in, cli, 245 n. 3; Democratic League, cliii, 763 n. 3; drought

802

INDEX (1919) in, 231, 234 n. 2, 780 n. 7; executive power in, 780 n. 4; former soldiers emigrating from, 234 n. 1; governor’s address to Representative Employers of Labour, 489–490; governor’s report on race question in, 778–779; as heavily policed society, 735 n. 2; history of black protest in, cliv n. 3; labor migration to Dominican Republic from, cci; map of, 129; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Negro World’s circulating in, 376, 497, 733–734, 777, 778; O’Brien’s speech to planters in, 239–244; Orca mutineers disembark in, cxxxvii; Panama Canal laborers from, lxxviii, ccxlii, 243, 246 n. 10; Prescod’s movement for equality in, cli; railroad workers in Brazil and, clxiv; remittances in economy of, 243, 246 n. 11; Representative Employers of Labour, 489– 490; S.S. Santille disturbances in, cxxxiv, 233 n. 1, 300; seamen in World War I, 245 n. 5; seditious publications ordinance considered in, 375–376, 445, 778; slavery in, 245 n. 3; social disturbances (1937) in, cli, cliii; strikes (1919) in, 736; sugar industry in, 245 n. 2; threat of postwar disturbances in, 230–232; trade unions in, 242, 245 n. 6, 246 n. 8, 422, 779; UNIA in, cli–cliii, 241, 734– 736, 762, 763 n. 3, 779; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789 Barbados Advocate, cliii Barbados Herald, cliv n. 5, cliv n. 9, 733–734, 762, 764 n. 5 Barbados Labour Party, cliii Barbados Labour Union, cliv n. 5, cliv n. 9 Barbados Progressive League, cliii Barbados Standard, clii Barbados Times, 612–613 Barbados Workingmen’s Association, cliii, 763 n. 3 Barbuda, 187, 260, 355, 789, 790 Barclay, Arthur, 68, *74 n. 4 Barclay, Hubert, 86 Barker, Allan, 564, 575 Barnard, George, 740, *743 n. 2 Barnard, Samuel, 743 n. 2 Barnard, Walter, 514 n. 2 Barnett, Ferdinand L., 91 n. 6 Barrow, Reginald Grant, 237 n. 1 Bartley, Jonathan, 187 Bass, Charlotta, 203 n. 4 Basseterre Daily Express, 200 n. 4 Basseterre Sugar Factory, 264 n. 2

Basseterre Weekly Advertiser, 200 n. 4 Batson, Rev. Peter Edward, 462–464, *464 n. 1, 791 Baud, Michiel, ccvi n. 7 Baxter, Sergeant (Caribbean League), 136 Bayley, Benjamin Hamilton, 210, *210 n. 1 Bayne, John Gordon, 584 n. 1, 791 Beckles, Hilary, 245 n. 2, 764 n. 5 Beckles, John, 762, *763 n. 3 Bedward, Alexander, 10 n. 4, 12, *13 n. 3 Beer, A. H., ccii, ccv Belgian Congo, 181–182, 183, 219, 220, 222 Belizario, David, 632, 633 Belize. See British Honduras (Belize) Belize Estate and Produce Company, 254 n. 12 Belize Golf Club, 259 Belize Independent, clxxvi, clxxviii, 41 n. 1, 250, 257, 618 n. 1, 652–653 Bell, Lt. Col. Edward, 767, 769 n. 1, 770 n. 1, *771 n. 2 Bell, Edward P., 771 n. 2 Bell, Hesketh, 753 n. 5 Bellot, P. W., 628 n. 3 Bell Smythe, J. A., 311 n. 2 Belmont Road Military Hospital (Liverpool), cxxix, cxxxvii, cxlix n. 1, 234 n. 1 Beltrán Rentas, Antonio, ccl Benevolent societies, lxxxiv–lxxxvi, 246 n. 7 Benjamin, David, 791 Benjamin, James, 791 Benjamin, Sarah, 686 Bennett, G. S., 352, 353 n. 5 Bennett, H. L., 635, 638, 727 Bennett, Lee, 791 Bennett, Richard A., 362, *362 n. 1, 396, 429–431, 546, 566 Berkman, Alexander, 578 n. 2 Bermuda, clix; Admiralty’s suggestion to station white troops in, 347; black leadership of, clvi; Crown colony government in, 42 n. 4; Garvey visit banned by, cxlviii, clviii; Immigration Board, 599 n. 1; map of, 346; map of Caribbean, cxlii; racial disturbances of 1920, clviii n. 2; St. George’s High School in, 659, 660 n. 1; standard of living among blacks in, 599 n. 1; strategic location of, clv, 350 n. 2; UNIA in, clv–clviii, 597–598, 659; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789; white minority domination of, clv Bermuda Recorder, clv, 660 n. 3, 661 n. 3 Bermuda Union of Teachers, clvi, 660 n. 2, 661 n. 4

803

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Bermuda Volunteer Rifle Corps, cclxxvi Bernard, J., 725 Best, Thomas Alexander Vans, 213 n. 1, 264 n. 2, 694 n. 3, 769–770 n. 1 Bethel, Charles E., 699 Bethel, Reuben Monsel, 699, *700–701 n. 1, 702, 720, 730–731 BGLU. See British Guiana Labour Union (BGLU) Bible, 69–70, 71–72 Biddle, Lt. Col. Nicholas, 115, 122 Bielaski, A. Bruce, 147 n. 1, 147 n. 2 Billups, Pope B., 791 Bird, Vere Cornwall, 763 n. 1 Birkbeck College (London), 49, 58, 63 Birkes, Captain, 478 Birmingham, McPhail, 732, 733 n. 1 Bishop, Jaime A., ccl Bishop, William Howard, cclxv, 615 n. 4, 616 n. 4 “Black,” 759–760 Black, Clarence, 113 Blackburn, Charles, 187 Black Cross Navigation and Trading Company, lxx, lxxvi, 618 n. 1 Black Cross Nurses, clxviii, clxxvi, clxxviii, cclxvi, cclxvii, 510 n. 5, 639 n. 1 “Blackie,” 363 Black Man (Garvey’s), cclxviii, 616 n. 4 Black nationalism: in British Guiana, clxix; Bruce as supporter of, 90 n. 2; of Du Bois, 74 n. 8; Garveyism and African American nationalism, lxxvii–lxxviii; Garveyism in West Indian nationalism and, lxvi–lxvii; in Grenada, ccx, ccxxi; in Haiti, ccxix; internationalization of, by migration of World War I veterans, cclxxx; West Indian as outlet for, 176 n. 1. See also PanAfricanism Black power movement, clxxvii Black Star Line (BSL): allegations of financial impropriety against, 358, 406; Antonio Maceo, cxc–cxci, 272 n. 3; Ashwood on purchasing shares in, 283; attitudes toward West Indians in U.S. affected by, lxx; band of, 492; Barbadian response to, 363, 364; Batson on, 463; Bryan’s role at, 211 n. 1; Casimir’s promotion of, cxcviii, cxcix, 510 n. 5, 588–589, 624–625; Chicago Defender announcement concerning, 224; Davis as director of, 442 n. 2; de Bourg’s promotion of shares in, 680 n. 5; Domingo on, 590 n. 1; Dominica Guardian editorial on, 529–530;

Dominica’s desired service from, 698, 733, 750, 752, 753 n. 7, 781–782; Dorsinville as agent for, cxl, ccxx, 744–745; Duncan on, 576; Du Sauzay on, 315–316, 398, 399; Emancipator on, 588, 589, 592; failure of, ccxxxvi; first ship launched by, cxxxvii, 317, 402–403; first ship purchased by, 394; Garvey’s announcements concerning, cxlviii, 629–631; as “get rich quick” scheme, 471; Henry’s role at, 460 n. 1; incorporation of, cxxxiv; Langton’s hopes vested in, 595; launching of, cxxxiii; Liberian headquarters of, 501; maiden voyage of, cxxxviii; Newton on unity in creation of, 767; NicholsonNicholls’s poem “Onward” to, 361; Panamanian response to, 368–370, 518; Panama Star and Herald notice concerning, ccxlvi, 358, 359; passage to Africa advertised by, lxxiv; Phyllis Wheatley, lxxiv, 441, 442, 501, 621; poster for rally for, 273; projected number of ships for, 441, 516; propaganda effect of, ccxxxvi, 513, 534–535; as property of black race, 631; racial troubles in Honduras concerning, 737–738; rates of, 482; recapitalization of, 516, 517, 584; receipt for stock purchase in, 427, 428; St. Kitts’s desired service from, 717, 718 n. 3; share purchases promoted by, 395; share purchases promoted in Barbados by, 735; share purchases promoted in Dominica by, 554– 555, 593, 732–733, 751, 781–782; share purchases promoted in Guatemala by, 706; share purchases promoted in Panama by, 271, 283, 314, 345, 446, 477, 481, 496, 500, 600, 602, 620; share purchases promoted in St. Kitts-Nevis by, 772–773; Smith-Green’s representation of, 641–643; song of, 503; Steber on, 523–524; Stoute on, 517; subagencies opened by, cxl; Tobitt’s promotion of, 660 n. 2; UNIA meeting in Colón concerning, 291; Union Mercantile Association’s boats as inspiration for, 664 n. 3; United Fruit Company’s concerns about money collection and, 536; unrest blamed on promoters of, 558, 587; U.S. Virgin Islands’ response to, 365; vessels laid up by, cliii; weekly collections in St. Lucia by, 562; West Indian on inauguration of, 442–443; West Indians’s views of, lxxiii; Workman article on inauguration of, 531–532; Yearwood on importance of, 379. See also S.S. Frederick Douglass/Yarmouth Blade, Mrs. J. E. Louis, 597

804

INDEX Blair, H. S., 435, 449, 451–453, 476, 477–479, 496, 599–600 Blake, William, 42 n. 6 Blockley, Christobell, 661 Blogg, Lieutenant G., 249 Blyden, Edward Wilmot, 68, 74 n. 6, *75 n. 9, 90 n. 2 Bobb, Herbert, 187 Boers, 710 n. 5 Bogle, Paul, 52, *56 n. 10, 56 n. 11 Bols, Sir Louis Jean, clviii Bolsheviks, cxxvii, 97 n. 1, 152, 268, 269 n. 4, 269 n. 5, 276, 319, 537, 577, 627, 671 n. 15 Bonadie, Joseph Burns, 124 n. 2 Bonaparte, F. Newman, 666, *670 n. 9 Bonney, Joseph H., 402–403 Booker McConnell, 322 n. 3 Booth, Henry, 86 Bose, Rash Behari, 549 n. 4 Boston Fruit Company, clxxxii, ccxv, 254 n. 14 Boston Guardian, 640 n. 7 Bottomley, Horatio William, 257, *257 n. 3, 321 Boulin, H. S., 85 Bourne, Clifford Stanley, 705, 706, *707 n. 2, 791 Bourne, Henry Richard Fox, *96 n. 2 Bowden, Miss (soloist), 635 Bowen, Major A. S., 311, 312 n. 2 Bowen, Alfred, 187 Bowen, Constantine, 186 Box, S. C., 86 Boyce, Jonathan, 187 Boyce, Leapold, 187 Boyer, Jean-Pierre, ccxxii n. 7 Bradford, H., 761 Bradley, Stedman Allenton, 791 Brady, George, 679 n. 4 Braithwaite, Chris, 763 n. 3 Braithwaite, H., clxiii Braithwaite, James, cclxv, cclxvi, 615 n. 4, 616 n. 4 Brathwaite, Isaac Newton, 791 Braithwaite, Newton, xciv n. 63 Branch, Sarah, 796 Brassington, Robert Edward, 329–332, 334, 338– 339, 340, *340 n. 2, 340 n. 7, 553, 607 Brathwaite, Irwin, 791 Bray, R. S., 558 Brazil, clxiii–clxvi; African contacts in, clxv n. 6; “Brazil for Brazilians,” clxv; Frente Negra Brazileira, clxv; largest population of African diaspora, clxi; “Order and Progress” motto, clxii Brazilian American Colonization Syndicate, clxiii

Bridges, William, 230, *230 n. 2 Bridgewater, Edgar, 526 n. 2, 628 n. 3 Briggs, Cyril Valentine, ccxxxv, 199, *200–203 n. 4, 591 n. 1, 729, 781 n. 1 Bright, Isaac Samuel, 124 n. 1, 791 Brisbane, Robert, x–xci n. 17 British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 96 n. 1, 96 n. 2 British East Africa, 181–182 British Guiana (Guyana): African League plan for, 280 n. 4; campaign for wage increase in, cxxvii, cxxxii; colonial history of, clxxiii n. 1; Demerara, 45, 108 n. 2, 141 n. 5, 328, 337, 340 n. 7, 341 n. 10, 364, 375, 383, 390, 391, 454, 483–484, 537, 554 n. 2, 562, 587, 614, 768, 771; East Indians in, clxx–clxxi, 336, 341 n. 13, 553 n. 2; Garvey’s visit (1937) to, clxviii, clxxii; Georgetown, clxvii, clxviii, clxix, clxxii, 141 n. 4, 197, 205, 210, 279, 322 n. 3, 340 n. 2, 340 n. 4, 341 n. 9, 553 n. 1, 607; government crackdown on African American publications in, 199–200, 204, 205–206; labor migration to Dominican Republic from, cci; map of, 196; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Negro World prohibited in, cxxxiv, clxxi, 200, 204, 209–210, 215, 286– 287, 363–364, 414–415, 432 n. 1, 537, 538, 580–582; Negro World seized in, cxxxiv; nonwhite middle class in, clxvii–clxviii; postwar unrest in, cclxxv; Princes of Wales’ visit (1920) to, 610 n. 2; seditious publications act in, cxxxvii, clxxi, 320–322, 328–340, 375, 377, 390–391, 414–415, 448, 497, 534, 537–539, 550–553, 581–582, 607– 610; strikes and labor unrest in, clxvii, 341 n. 9, 553 n. 1; sugar industry in, 322 n. 3; UNIA in, clxvii–clxxiii, 197–198, 228–229, 279, 660 n. 2; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789 British Guiana Labour Union (BGLU), 322–323 n. 3; de Bourg and, 680 n. 5; formation and legal recognition of, cxxxii, clxvii, clxxiii n. 5; seditious publications bill and, 320, 333, 334, 338, 364, 550; UNIA and, clxx British Guiana Workers’ League, 141 n. 4, 322 n. 3 British Honduras (Belize), clxxx; Admiralty’s suggestion to station white troops in, 347, 351; Belize City, clxxv, clxxvi, 41, 152 n. 4, 578 n. 1, 618 n. 2; Belmopan, 153 n. 4; colonial history of, 152 n. 2; Creoles in, clxxv, clxxviii; Crown colony government in, 42 n. 4; early labor movement in, clxxvii;

805

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS British Honduras (Belize) (continued): education in, 638, 641 n. 13, 662 n. 1; Garifuna in, clxxv, ccxv; Garvey’s impressions of, 37–41; Garvey’s visits to, cxxi, clxxvi, 617 n. 1, 640 n. 5; Liberty Hall, clxxvi; map of, 153; map of Caribbean, cxlii; martial law in, cxxxv, 251–252; Methodism in, 639 n. 4; Negro World banned in, cxxxii, cxxxiv, cxxxv, clxxvi, ccxix, 251, 257, 644, 652–653; Negro World circulated in, clxxv, 109, 654; People’s United Party, clxxviii, clxxix, 152 n. 2; race riots (1919) in, cxxxv, clxxvi, 247–252, 253 n. 3, 617 n. 1, 619, 654, 727; racial and cultural pluralism in, clxxv; recruitment suspended in, 189 n. 3; riots (1918) in, cxxix; St. George’s Cay, 39, 43 n. 8, 254 n. 12; sanitation in, 40–41; seditious publications law considered in, 652–653; Stann Creek Town (Dangriga), 39, 42 n. 7, 638; UNIA in, clxxv–clxxix, 109, 578, 617, 618–620, 632–638, 644, 661–662, 727; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789 British Honduras Independent Labour Party, clxxvii British West Indies: West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789. See also West Indies British West Indies Regiment (BWIR), 125–126 n. 3; Army Order 1/1918 and, cxxvii, cxxxiv, cclxxviii, 125 n. 3; Belmont Road Military Hospital disturbances in, cxxix, cxxxvii, cxlix n. 1, 234 n. 1; in British Honduras disturbances (1919) in, cxxxv, clxxvi, 247– 252, 253 n. 3, 619–620; Caribbean League formed in, cxxxi, cclxxix, 130, 132 n. 3, 134–138, 166; commissions for “slightly colored persons” in, cxxviii; deaths from disease in, 125 n. 3; discrimination experienced by, lxxxii, cclxxviii, 125 n. 3, 131 n. 3, 251, 415, 417–420, 617 n. 1; disturbances after demobilization in, cxxxiv, cxxxv, cxxxvi, cxxxvii, clv, clxxvi, 233–234 n. 1, 656; in East African Expeditionary Force, cxxv; enlistment suspended in, 189 n. 3; exclusion of, from frontline action, cclxxvii; formation of, cxxiv, cclxxvii; government’s preparations for demobilizing of, 165–166; leave for, 419; Nathan’s disruption of recruiting for, 682 n. 8; Orca mutiny, cxxxvii, cclxxviii–cclxxix, 131 n. 3,

233 n. 1; pay for, 418; racial consciousness in, clv, clxxvi, 347; Returned Soldiers and Sailors Council and Organization formed by, cxxxvi; returned soldiers in Barbados from, 231, 376, 496; returned soldiers in British Guiana from, 608; return to West Indies of, cxxxiii, cxxxv, cxxxvi, clxxxviii n. 8, 179; Seaford strike and, cxxiv; size of, cclxxvii; soldiers embittered by their treatment in, clxxxiv; Taranto mutiny and, cxxxi, clxxxviii n. 8, cclxxviii–cclxxix, 130, 131 n. 3, 138– 139, 171, 233 n. 1; Trinidad disturbances (1919) of, cxxxv, 301, 303–304 n. 1, 306, 309, 351, 498, 615 n. 4; veterans of, in Panama, clxxxviii n. 8, ccxliv; veterans of, in St. Vincent, cclix; veterans of, in UNIA leadership, cclxxx British Workers’ National League, 131 n. 1 Britton, Henry, 610 n. 3 Brodie and Company, 248, 253 n. 7 Brooks, James D., 201 n. 4, 640 n. 6 Brooks, Joseph Douglass, 791 Brooks, Preston, 46 n. 4 Brooks, W. A., 564, 584 Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, 293 n. 5, 294 n. 5 Brown, Andrew Benjamin, 139, *141 n. 5, 336– 337, 338, 340 n. 7 Brown, Rev. E. Ethelred, lxix, lxxvii, 791 Brown, Sergeant H. L., cclxxix, 134, 137, 169 Brown, Harriett, 187 Brown, James, cxxii, cxxv, cxxvi, ccxxix–ccxxx, ccxxxi, ccxxxiv, ccxxxvi, ccxxxvii, 770 n. 1 Brown, Philip Nat., 340 n. 7 Brown, Robert, cxxii, cxxv, cxxvi, ccxxix–ccxxx, ccxxxi, ccxxxiv, ccxxxvi, ccxxxvii, 770 n. 1 Bruce, John E. (Bruce Grit), 53 n. 1, 54 n. 1, 89, *90–91 n. 2, 123, 124 n. 1, 201 n. 4, 511 n. 5, 518–520, 791 Bryan, Arden Ambridge, 210–211, *211 n. 1, 791 Bryan, J. H., 674–676, *677 n. 1 Bryan, Leonard, cxciv Bryan, Louis B., 160 Bryan, William Jennings, 407–408 n. 1 BSL. See Black Star Line (BSL) Buck, Bryan C., 791 Buckley, Thomas, 439 Bull, Annie, 661 Bulwer-Lytton, Lord Edward Robert, 614 n. 3 Bunyan, G. H. A., 197 Burchell, Rev. Thomas, 56 n. 8, 60 Burdon, Sir John Alder, ccxxxii, 264 n. 2, 677 n. 3, 682 n. 8, 694 n. 2, 694 n. 3, 695 n. 8, 765,

806

INDEX *765–766 n. 1 Burdon, Kathleen, 766 n. 1 Bureau of Investigation (U.S.), 147, 326–327, 357, 546–547 Burke, Edmund, 18, 19 n. 5, 38, *41 n. 2, 42 n. 5 Burke, Frank, 325–326, *326 n. 2, 326–327, 357, 546–547 Burkett, Algernon, 304 n. 1 Burleson, Albert Sidney, 318, *318 n. 1, 357, 388, 405 Burns, James, ccxxxix n. 22 Burrell, Benjamin E., 201 n. 4, 791 Burrell, Theophilus, 201 n. 4 Burrows, Percival L., ccxxxiv, cclxvii Burt, Frederick, 680 n. 6, 719 n. 4 Burton, Richard D. E., lxxxvi, lxxxvii Bushe, Henry Grattan, 604, *605 n. 2 Butler, T. U. B. (“Buzz”), cclxv Butler, W. J. E., ccxxix, ccxxxvi, ccxxxvii, 678 n. 3 Butterfield, Vernon, 186 Buxton, Sir Thomas Fowell (1776–1845), 4, *6 n. 5, 30 n. 1, 60, 96 n. 2 Buxton, Sir Thomas Fowell (1837–1915), 96 n. 2 Buxton, Travers, 95–96, *96 n. 1 BWIR. See British West Indies Regiment (BWIR) Byrd, Mattie, 796 Byron, Lord, 20, 22 n. 1 Byron-Cox, M., cclix, 290 n. 4 Cable censors, 110 n. 2 Cabo Miel (Revivalists), 9–10, 10 n. 4 Cadet, Eliezer, cxxxii, cxxxiii, 118–120, *120 n. 1, 147, 148–151, 190–191, 192–194, 207– 208, 791 Cadogan, M. L., 197 Caesar, Julius, 53 Cain, Ernest, 662 Cain, Eva B., 632 Cain, Hubert Hill, clxxvi, clxxviii, 41 n. 1, 257, 662 Cain, Jestine, 661 Cakobau, King (Fiji), 253 n. 10 Calcutta, H.M.S., cxxxix, 559, 607, 657 California Eagle (Los Angeles), 203 n. 4 Callaway, Lawrence W., 462 Callender, George, 187 Callender, Irene, 796 Callender, M., 714, 784 Callender, Walter E. S., cxlvi, 494 Cameroon, 47 n. 7, 48 n. 7, 159, 182, 183, 211

n. 1, 220 Campbell, Aldred, 86 Campbell, Grace P., 201 n. 4 Campbell, Gwendolyn, 796 Campbell, Jabez, 203 n. 5 Campbell, James, 202 n. 4 Campbell, S. A., 550, 552 Campbell, Simon, 187 Campbell, Sydney, 662 Campbell, Uetta, 632 Campbell, William Alexander, clxxvi, 257, *257 n. 1, 632, 633, 635, 636 Canal Zone. See Panama and the Canal Zone Cannon, Nelson, 141 n. 1, 335, 338, *341 n. 10, 608 Cardwell, David Thomas, 791 Carey-Bernard, Brigadier-General, cclxxx, 233 n. 1 Caribbean League: draft program of, 132 n. 3; formation of, cxxxi, cclxxix, 132 n. 3; general strike planned by, cxxxii, 132 n. 3; government’s response to, 130, 134–138, 166–171; Jack thought to be associated with, 268; Jamaica-oriented nature of, cxxxii, cclxxix, 132 n. 3, 138, 170; racial animosity in, 307; report on uprising discussed by, 227– 228 Carlyle, Thomas, 42 n. 3 Carpenter, Clarence A., 791 Carpenters’, Bricklayers’, and Painters’ Union, 64 n. 1 Carrington, Annie, 796 Carter, Nicholas, 230 n. 1, 411, *412 n. 2, 414, 543 n. 1, 564, 567, 568 Carter, R., 582 Casely Hayford, Joseph E., 53 n. 1, 90 n. 2, 511 n. 5 Casimir, Joseph Raphael Ralph, *509–511 n. 5, 524–525; Black Star Line promoted by, cxcviii, cxcix, 510 n. 5, 588–589, 624–625; correspondence concerning Black Star Line of, 554–555, 732–733, 593, 781–782; correspondence with Garvey of, 509–510 n. 5, 698, 721–722, 751–752; correspondence with other UNIA leaders of, ccxl n. 33, ccxcix; creation of Dominica branch of UNIA and, cxcviii, 510 n. 5; Inter-Colonial Steamship and Trading Company supported by, 782 n. 1; letter to Anthony Crawford from, 728–729; papers of, cxcviii; Pledge of the Negro to Help the Negro, 509; report on Dominica by, 748–752; on Thompson in Trinidad, 292 n. 1;

807

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Casimir, Joseph Raphael Ralph (continued): in variety show in Roseau, 783; “What Ails Dominica,” 621–627; World Bibliographic Series entry on, cc n. 4 Casimir, Maria, 593 Catch-My-Pal Society, 48 Caterson, George N., 539–542 Caunt, Archbishop (St. Kitts), 686–687, *693 n. 1 Cave, Mr. Justice, 606 Celestino del Rosario, Pedro “Tolete,” 506 n. 2 Censorship: Postal Censorship Committee, 109– 110, 110 n. 2, 115–116, 118–122, 148–151, 172–173, 184–185. See also Seditious publications ordinances Central America: Jamaican emigration to, 60, 61 n. 4; West Indian emigration to, clxxv, clxxxi, ccxiii, ccxiv. See also British Honduras (Belize); Costa Rica; Guatemala; Honduras; Panama and the Canal Zone Central American Congress of Labor, ccxxvi Central American Express (Panama), 449, 478, 601, 775–776 Central Consuelo, ccii–cciii, cciv Centro Cultural AfroCostarricense, clxxxvi Centro Progresista Costarricense, clxxxvi Certain, Jeremiah, 791 Céspedes, Miguel Angel, cxcii CFLU (Colón Federal Labor Union), cxxv, ccxliv, 217, 409, 517 Challenge (magazine), 230 n. 2, 510 n. 5 Chamberlain, Sir Joseph Austen, 716, *718 n. 2 Chamberlin, George Ellsworth, 199–200, *200 n. 1, 204, 205–206, 209, 210 Champion Magazine, lxxx, cxxvi, 87–90, 641 n. 7 Chancellor, Sir John R., cxxxvi, cclxv, 213 n. 1, 299–300, *300 n. 1, 303 n. 1, 305 n. 4, 348, 349, 603–604, 613, 679 n. 5 Chandler, H. A., 706 Chandler, Sir William Kellman, 232, *234 n. 3, 244 Chaparra Sugar Company, 237 n. 1 Chapman, Sergeant (Caribbean League), 169, 170 Charles, Emanuel Samuel, 770 n. 1 Chase, Ashton, 323 n. 3 Chatterton, Thomas, 18, *19 n. 6 Chicago Defender, clxii, clxiii, clxiv, 224, 387 n. 4 Chicago race riot (1919), cxxxv, 386, 387 n. 4, 388 n. 4, 388 n. 5 Child labor, 236, 238 n. 4, 422, 423 n. 5 Chiquita Brands International, Inc., 255 n. 14 Chisholm, J., 439 Chittenden, George Peters, 352, *353 n. 3, 435,

436 n. 1, 449, 451–453, 471, 472–474, 476– 479, 496 Chrichlow, J. D., 762 “Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race” (Blyden), 68, 75 n. 9 Christian Recorder, 91 n. 3, 200, 203 n. 5, 204, 206, 213, 286, 462, 463 Christian Science Monitor, 78 Churchill, Marlborough, 110, 184–185, *185 n. 1, 488 n. 1 Churchill, Winston, clvii, clxxi, ccii Church of God Reformation Mission (Bermuda), 660 n. 3 Cipriani, Andrew Arthur, cclxv, cclxvi, cclxviii, cclxxx, 233 n. 1, 616 n. 4 Citrine, Sir Walter, 763 n. 1 Civil service examinations, cclxxvi, 5, 7 n. 13, 52, 57 n. 16 Clair, Matthew S., 460 n. 1 Clarim da Alvorada, clxiv Clarion (British Honduras), 36–43, 250, 578, 632– 638, 661–662 Clarion (New York), 333, 341 n. 8, 414–415, 551 Clarke, Anitta, 187 Clarke, Sir Charles Pitcher, 130, *132 n. 6 Clarke, Clement M., 420–422, 791 Clarke, Ethel Oughton, 796 Clarke, Sir Frederick James, 130, *132 n. 4, 232, 244 Clarke, G. S., 232, 244 Clarke, H. A., 48 Clarke, May, 796 Clarke, S. W., 762 Clarkson, Thomas, 4, *6 n. 6, 60 Class: differences in Dominica, 753 n. 7; divisions in West Indies, lxix; divorced from race, ccxxxvi–ccxxxvii, ccxl n. 34; ethnicity and, ccxxiv; Garvey on dismantling barriers of, ccliv, 57; UNIA and conflict based on, ccii; white racial attitudes and, ccxxxiii Class consciousness: in Leeward Islands, ccxxx, ccxxxvi, ccxxxvii; in Puerto Rico, ccxlix; Times of London on, 448 n. 2 Clay, Henry, 45, *46 n. 2 Clayton, Nettie, 796 Clemenceau, Georges, 145, *145–146 n. 3, 221, 268, 276 Clementi, Sir Cecil, clxviii, 205–206, *206 n. 1, 286–287, 375, 377, 537, 538, 539, 552–553, 607, 608 Closer Union Commission, 556 n. 3 “C.M.S.,” 652–653 Cobbett, William, 336, *341 n. 12

808

INDEX Cockburn, Captain Joshua, *394 n. 1; Black Star Line promoted by, 481; as captain and commander of Frederick Douglass/ Yarmouth, cxl, ccxx, cxxxviii, 394, 455, 456, 459, 461, 501, 516, 529, 531, 566, 601, 602, 620, 643, 644; Garvey assisted by, cxxxiii; Garvey’s criticism of, cxlviii; origins of male participants in UNIA and, 791; potential wealth in Africa and, cxxx Cocolos, cci–ccii, cciv, ccv Coker, Daniel, 464 n. 3 Colby, Bainbridge, *579–580 n. 1, 737–738 Collet, Sir Wilfred, cxxix, clxxi, 101–102, *102 n. 1, 104, 107, 108, 139, 215, 250–251, 322 n. 3, 607–610 Collins, Joseph, ccxxxviii n. 9 Collman, Sergeant C. H., cclxxix, 134, 137 Colón Federal Labor Union (CFLU), cxxv, ccxliv, 217, 409, 517 Colonial Office: on Caribbean League, 132 n. 3; concern’s over UNIA and Negro World of, 533–535, 548; in Crown colony government, 42 n. 4; Labour Party’s efforts on behalf of Trinidad Workingmen’s Association and, 615 n. 4; Milner and policies of, 130–131 n. 1; seditious publications ordinances approved by, cxxxvii, 278 n. 1; on Trade and Labour Unions (Prohibition) Ordinance, 263 n. 2; on wages, 488, 489–490; on West Indian desire for military contingent overseas, cxxii, cxxiii, 125 n. 3, 189 n. 3 “Colonial Union of Coloured People” movement, cli Colon Independent Mutual Benefit Cooperative Society, 411 n. 1 Colored American Review: A Magazine of Inspiration, 201 n. 4, 640 n. 7 Colored Comrades of the Great War, lxxii Colored Protective Association of Philadelphia, 91 n. 3, 641 n. 8 Columbus, Christopher, 50, 55 n. 2, 58 Colyard, Joseph, 187 Comacho, Alex, 763 n. 1 Comet (newspaper), 55 n. 1 Committee on Public Information (CPI), 110 n. 5 Communist Party (U.S.), 74 n. 8, 202 n. 4, 591 n. 1 Compagnie Nouvelle du Canal, ccxlii Compagnie Universelle du Canal, ccxli Compromise of 1850, 46 n. 2, 46 n. 3, 46 n. 4 Conacher, Walter, 718 n. 4 Confederación Nacional Obrera de Cuba, cxciii Confederation Riots (1876), cli, 245 n. 3

Connell, Dr. (Panama), 519, 520 Connell, Mrs. (Panama), 519, 520 Conniff, Michael, ccxlii, ccxliii, ccxlv Connor, Bishop, clvii Constance, H.M.S., cxxxv, 248, 249, 252, 258, 350–351, 557, 558, 559, 587, 588, 657 Constitutional Reform Association (Dominica), 556 n. 3 Constitutional Reform Committee (Trinidad), 679 n. 5, 710 n. 2 Conway, Walter Johnson, 791 Coppin, Edward, 187 Corcoran, Sir John A., 167, *167 n. 1 Cordeaux, Sir Harry, 298 n. 9 Cornell, Dr. A. G., 500 Correspondencia de Puerto Rico, La, ccl Corriette, L. L., 628 n. 3 Cose, Malachi, 450, 451 “Cosmopolite,” 26, 27 n. 2, 29, 30, 31, 32 Costa Rica, clxxxviii; Afro-Hispanic organizations in, clxxxvi; banana industry in, clxxxi, clxxxii–clxxxiii, clxxxiv, clxxxv, clxxxvi, 352 n. 2§, 471; Davis’s attempts to visit, cxxxix, 471, 472–475, 476–477, 485–487; S.S. Frederick Douglass/Yarmouth in, 771 n. 4; Garvey’s visit (1910–11) to, cxx, clxxxi, clxxxiii–clxxxiv, 450, 451; Garvey’s visit (1921) to, clxxxv; importation of Negro World prohibited in, ccxix, 357, 449, 452, 453, 471, 507; Jamaican emigrants in, 61 n. 4, 476; Liberty Hall, clxxxvii; Limón, cxx, cxxi, clxxxi, clxxxii, clxxxvii n. 6, 10 n. 2, 408, 453, 471, 474, 771 n. 4; Maceo’s settlement in, 404 n. 3; map of, 11; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Negro World circulated in, 352, 406, 471, 474; Negro World confiscated in, cxxxvi, 319; railroad to Limón, clxxxi– clxxxii; religious sects in, 9–13; Siquirres, 24 n. 1, 26–27, 29, 31–32; Sixaola, 353 n. 4, 775; UNIA in, clxxxi–clxxxvii, 408–409, 425, 450–451 n. 3, 476, 485, 785; West Indians in, clxxxii, clxxxiii, clxxxvii n. 3 Costelloe, Detective Inspector M., 679–680 n. 5 Council on African Affairs, 74 n. 8 Cox, Frank, 453, *453 n. 1 Cox, Gerald Frederick, 791 Cox, M. L., 34 Cox, Solomon Alexander Gilbert, cxix, 3, *3 n. 2, 591 n. 1 Craig, Walter, 257, 662 Cran, Lieutenant Colonel, 247, 250–251 Cranston, Rev. Joseph Josiah, 791 Craton, Michael, cxlv

809

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Crawford, Anthony, 524, *526 n. 10, 527, 728– 729 Crawford, Lee, 791 Crawley, George A., 791 Creese, George, clxiii Creolization, lxxxvi Crichlow, Cyril Askelon, lxxvi, xciv n. 63, 201 n. 4, 460, 791 Crisis, cxxv, clxii, clxiii, 74 n. 8, 320, 323–324 n. 4, 326, 334, 414–415, 510 n. 5, 537, 551, 734 Critchlow, Hubert Nathaniel, cxxvii, clxvii, clxx, clxxiii n. 5, *322–323 n. 3, 550, 599–600 Cromwell, Oliver, 51, 56 n. 6, 58 Crooks, Mrs. (Panama), 314 Cross, Robert, 79, 791 Crossman Commission, 143 n. 2 Crown colonies, 38, 42 n. 4, 142 n. 1, 290, 366– 367, 621–622, 748 Crozier (Nebraska Episcopal dioscese), 203 n. 5 Cruickshank, Mr. (Dominica), cxcviii, 511 n. 5 Cruickshank, F. W. R., 666, *670 n. 10 Crusader (New York), cxxx, 199, 200–201 n. 4, 204, 206, 213, 286, 291, 510 n. 5, 579, 589, 591 n. 1, 595–597, 669, 707–709, 728, 744– 745, 751, 781 Crusader News Agency, 202 n. 4 Cruse, Harold, xciv n. 70 Cuba, clxxxvi–clxxxviii, cxciii–cxcv; AfroCaribbean immigrants to, clxxxix–cxc; Davis’s and de Bourg’s visit to, clxxxix, 156 n. 1, 680 n. 5; S.S. Frederick Douglass/ Yarmouth in, cxl, 428 n. 1, 515, 566, 642, 650, 771 n. 4; Garvey’s tour (1921) of, clxxxix, cxci–cxcii; Guantánamo, 744, 745 n. 2; immigration from Leeward Islands to, ccxxxv; Liberty Halls, cxc; Maceo, cxc, 403, 404 n. 3; map of, 274; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Morúa Law, 546 n. 1; myth of racial equality in, cxcii; Negro World circulated in, 275, 281; organized labor in, cxciii; St. Lucia emigration to, 711; San Juan Hill, 650, 652 n. 2; slavery abolished in, 4, 7 n. 12; Smith-Green’s visit (1920) to, 646–651; Spanish-speaking blacks in, cxc–cxci; sugar industry in, clxxxix, 237 n. 1, 275; UNIA in, clxxxix–cxciv, 275, 362 n. 1, 396, 545–546, 566, 642, 647–648, 651, 785; U.S. occupation of, 275 n. 2; World War I veterans’ immigration to, cclxxx, 234 n. 1 Cuban American Sugar Company, clxxxix Cubitt, Sir Bertram Blakiston, 134, *134 n. 1, 138–139

Cuffee, Paul, lxxiv Cumberbatch, Charles B., 211 n. 1 Cunning, Arnold S., 791 Curley, Clarence Benjamin, 791 Curry, H. D., 618, *619 n. 1 Curtis, Eva F., 796 Curtis, Lionel, 131 n. 1 Curzon, George Nathaniel, earl of Kedleston, 158, *158 n. 1, 194–195, 198, 218, 533, 585–586 Cush, J. M., 197 Customs Ordinance of 1909, 213 n. 1 Cutter, Victor Macomber, 435, *435–436 n. 1, 476–477, 536, 600 Cuyamel Fruit Company, ccxxv–ccxxvi, 254 n. 14, 436 n. 1 Czechoslovakia, 187 Dadier, Mabel, 785 Daily Argosy (British Guiana), clxvii, 279, 320, 322 n. 2, 328, 333, 537–539, 610 n. 3 Daily Bulletin (St. Kitts-Nevis), 680 n. 6, 719 n. 4 Daily Chronicle (British Guiana), clxix, 139–141, 141 n. 1, 197–198, 228–229, 320–321, 332, 340 n. 5, 550–553, 580–582, 610 n. 3, 745– 746 Daily Clarion (British Honduras), 36–43, 250, 578, 632–638, 661–662 Daily Express (London), 393 n. 1 Daily Gleaner (Jamaica): Black Star Line notice in, 358, 359; on concert and debate, 48; on elocution contests, 7–9, 49; formation of UNIA advertised in, 450; on S.S. Frederick Douglass in Jamaica and, 516; Garvey cables about Panama strike (February 1920), 574– 575; Garvey on aims of UNIA and, 80–83; Garvey’s reply to Father Raphael, 87; Garvey’s reply to Hinchcliffe, 65–66; Hinchcliffe’s criticism of Garvey in, 63; Hinchcliffe’s obituary in, 64 n. 1; in Limón, Costa Rica, 10 n. 2; notice of Garvey’s return to Jamaica in, 63; on UNIA meeting on German rule in Africa, 79–80 Daily Herald (London), 671 n. 15 Daily Mirror (London), 494 Daily News (Jamaica), 3 n. 2 Daniel, Thomas, 186 Danish Virgin Islands: West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789. See also U.S. Virgin Islands Danridge, Serena E., 796 Darling, Sir Charles, 57 n. 13

810

INDEX Darnley, E. R., 252, *255 n. 15, 277, 287, 303, 376, 549, 603, 609, 610, 655 Da Rocha, Moses, 90 n. 2 Dartmouth, H.M.S., cxxxv, 301, 307, 351 Davidson, Dave, 365–366 Davidson, William V., ccxxvi Davidson-Houston, Wilfred Bennett, 557–560, *560 n. 1, 562–563 Davies, William, 525 n. 2 Davis, Gertrude, 796 Davis, Henrietta Vinton, *441–442 n. 2; British Guiana UNIA charter signed by, 633; Costa Rica’s denial of entry to, cxxxix, 472–475, 476–477, 485–487; Cuban visits of, clxxxix, cxci, 156 n. 1, 680 n. 5; first voyage of S.S. Frederick Douglass and, 455–456, 530; Haynes’s travels in Central America with, 618 n. 1; Henry as assistant to, 460 n. 1; Jamaica visit of, 442 n. 2, 784; on launching of Black Star Line, 224; at Madison Square Garden meeting (October 1919), 440; Manhattan meeting for return of, 643, 714; origins of female participants in UNIA, 796; Panama strike (February 1920) and, 517, 543 n. 1, 570, 572, 574; Panama visit of, cxxxix, cxl, 217 n. 2, 471–473, 478, 492, 493–494, 496, 500–502, 503, 528–529, 532, 542, 597, 600, 601, 602, 620, 658–659, 712; passport of, 471–472, 473; Stoute charged with theft by, cxl, 703–704, 712–716, 784–785; United Fruit Company’s opposition to Central American trip of, 471–472 Davis, John A., 186, 791 Davis, Josafina, 705 Davis, L. A., 706 Davis, S., 725 Davis, Thomas, 186 Davis, Rev. Webster, 155 “Dawnist,” 15 Day, Benjamin M., 184, 185 Dayal, Har, 549 n. 4 DBU (Dominica Brotherhood Union), 509 n. 1, 510 n. 5, 522, 524, 525, 554, 555 n. 2 Deacon, W. P., 740 Deane, Robert, 557, *560 n. 3, 560 n. 4, 562–563, 657 “Death tax,” lxxxv, xcvi–xcvii n. 102 de Bourg, John Sydney, *679–680 n. 5; accusations of UNIA bolshevism refuted by, ccii–cciii; Cuba visit of, clxxxix, 156 n. 1, 680 n. 4; “de Bourg’s Rheumatica” advertisement, 682; deportation from Trinidad of, cclxvi, 616 n. 4, 680 n. 5;

emigration to U.S. of, ccxxx, ccxxxv; at First International Convention of Negro Peoples, cxli; Garvey’s break with, 680 n. 5; Leeward Islands visit of, ccxxxiii; origins of male participants in UNIA, 791; as peripatetic activist, ccxxx; petition to Milner by, 679 n. 5; Puerto Rican visit of, ccl; at St. Kitts Benevolent Association meeting and, 686, 687, 688–693; at St. Kitts’s UNIA meeting, 674–676; in Trinidad Workingmen’s Association, ccxxx, cclxv, 615 n. 4, 616 n. 4, 679 n. 5, 686, 688 de Bourg, Osiris, 427, 428 Debs, Eugene, 293 n. 5, 577, *577–578 n. 1 Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World (UNIA), cclxv, 680 n. 5, 779 n. 1 Defence of India Act (1915), 269, 270 n. 10 Defence of the Realm Act (DORA, 1914), 278 n. 1, 338, 341 n. 14, 356, 776 Defence Regulations Ordinance, 682 n. 8 Dejeane, Norman, 593, 594 n. 5 del Castillo, José, cci, ccvi n. 4 De Lisser, Mrs. (Panama), 775 Delph, Noel, 141 n. 1 de Mena, M. L. T., 451 n. 3 Demerara. See British Guiana (Guyana) Demerara Bauxite Company, 746 n. 1 Demerara Daily Chronicle, 141 n. 1 Demerara River, 746 n. 1 Demeritte, Johnny, cxlix n. 1 de Minvielle, Henry Detcheparre Dieudonne, 740, *743 n. 3 Democracia, La (Puerto Rico), ccl Democratic Club (Panama), 115, 283 Democratic League (Barbados), cliii, 763 n. 3 Deserve, Leo Paul, 593 Désir, Ephraim, cclvii Dessalines, Jacques, 68, *74 n. 3, 379 De Suze (Sauzey), Victor, cxxv, 283 de Verteuil, C., *311 n. 2 Devonish, Edith, cclxvii Devonshire, Victor Christian William Cavendish, duke of, 101–102, *102 n. 2, 104 Dial (Dominica), 525 n. 2 Dias, Francis, clxviii, 332–333, 338, 339, *340 n. 6, 340 n. 7 Dickerson, Charles, 792 Didier, S., 628 n. 3 Digsby, Mr. (purser), 459 Dill, Thomas, *598–599 n. 1 Dillet, Stephen, cxlviii Dillon, Sergeant (Caribbean League), 169–170 Dilú, Eligio, cxciii

811

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Dingwall, Rev. John D., 101, 279, *280 n. 3 Discharged Soldiers Central Authority, cxxxvi Dispatch (Panama), 313–314, 359, 368–372, 378–380, 397–402 Divine, Father (George Baker), cciv–ccv Dixon, A. N., 81 Dixon, Charles William, 654–656, *656 n. 1 Dixon, H., 725 Dole Corporation, 254 n. 14 Dolphin, Henry D., 792 Domingo, Wilfred Adolphus, *590 n. 1; in African Blood Brotherhood, 201 n. 4, 202 n. 4; Casimir’s criticism of, 728; as editor of Emancipator, 590 n. 1; as literary editor of Negro World, 189 n. 1, 590 n. 1, 728, 729 n. 1; origins of male participants in UNIA, 792; pro-Bolshevism of, 270 n. 5; resignation from Negro World of, 729 n. 1; “The Struggling Mass” and, 3 n. 1; West Indian criticism of Garvey and, lxviii, xcii n. 40 Dominica: Casimir’s report on, 748–752; Casimir’s “What Ails Dominica,” 616 n. 4, 621–627; Constitutional Reform Association, 556 n. 3; Crown colony rule in, 621– 622, 748; Deportation Ordinance, 749, 752 n. 3; economic controls in, cxcix, 627 n. 1; education in, 624, 749; Garvey’s visit (1937) to, cxcviii, 511 n. 5; Grand Bay, 510 n. 5, 751, 753 n. 8; inland communication, 625– 626, 628 n. 8; labor migration to Dominican Republic from, cci; labor question in, 622– 623, 749–750, 753 n. 6; map of, 508; map of Caribbean, cxlii; map of Windward Islands, 355; Marigot, 510 n. 5, 555 n. 2, 751; money order restrictions in, 554, 555 n. 1, 593, 622, 748–749, 750, 782; mulatto elite in, cxcvii, cxcviii, cxcix, 753 n. 4, 753 n. 7; Negro World circulation in, 750–751; Negro World suppressed in, 621, 626–627, 728, 729 n. 3; as part of Windward Islands, 269 n. 3; Planter Association, 750; population of, 625; Representative Government Association (RGA), cxcvii, 511 n. 5, 555 n. 3, 628 n. 3, 749, 753 n. 4; Roseau, cc, 510 n. 5, 526 n. 4, 555 n. 2, 698, 721, 733, 749, 783; St. Joseph, 509 n. 5; seditious publications ordinance in, 728, 729 n. 2, 749, 750, 752 n. 2, 776–777; social equality in, cc; social order of, cxcvii; Soufriere, 510 n. 5; steamship service to, cxcviii–cxcix, 624–625, 628 n. 6, 733, 750; UNIA in, cxcvii–cc, 509–511 n. 5, 554, 593, 621, 627, 698, 721–722, 728–729, 750, 751– 752, 753 n. 7, 782, 783; variety entertain-

ment in, 783; wages in, 623, 628 n. 5, 749; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789 Dominica Brotherhood Union (DBU), 509 n. 1, 510 n. 5, 522, 524, 525, 554, 555 n. 2 Dominica Chronicle, 750, 753 n. 7 Dominica Conference (1932), 762 n. 1 Dominica Guardian, 522–525, 529–530, 750, 751, 762 n. 1, 776–777 Dominican (Dominica), 525 n. 2 Dominican Republic, ccvi–ccvii; emigration from Leeward Islands to, ccxxxiv–ccxxxv; French West Indian views of, 756; as labor market for West Indians, cci; map of, 505; map of Caribbean, cxlii; racial discourse in, ccii; religious conflict in, ccii; Sánchez, ccii, cciv; San Pedro de Macorís, ccii, 506 n. 2; sugar industry in, cci, cciv, ccvi n. 4; Trujillo regime in, cciii, cciv, ccv, ccv n. 2; UNIA in, cci–ccv, 505; U.S. military occupation of, cci, ccii, ccv, 506 n. 2; West Indian migration to, cci, ccv n. 2 Dominica Taxpayers Association, 511 n. 5, 762 n. 1, 774 n. 1 Donaldson, George Alexander, 792 Donawa, Evelyn R., 796 Donnelly, H. J., 425 Donnelly, Ignatius, 442 n. 2 Donovan, William Galwey, ccx, ccxi, 142, *143 n. 2, 666, 667, 670 n. 5, 670 n. 6, 708, 710 n. 3 DORA (Defence of the Realm Act, 1914), 278 n. 1, 338, 341 n. 14, 356, 776 Dorbridge, Edward D. B., 693, 695 n. 7, 695 n. 8 Dorsinville, Hénec, cxxxii, 147, *147 n. 3, 148– 151, 151 n. 1 Dorsinville, Luc, cxl, ccxx, 744–745 Doubleday, Frank N., 96 n. 3 Douglas, Henry, 792 Douglass, Frederick, 68, *74 n. 7, 88, 203 n. 4, 379, 441 n. 2, 650, 729 Dragten, Frans R., 36 n. 1, 249–251, *253 n. 8 Drake, Sir Francis, 51, 56 n. 4 Drummond, C. A., 706 Dube, John L., 90 n. 2 Du Bois, W. E. B., 68, *74 n. 8; Ali on, 55 n. 1; Bruce on Garvey and, 90 n. 2; Cadet mission and, 207–208; as editor of Crisis, 323–324 n. 4, 334; on evolution of UNIA, lxxiii–lxxiv; Garvey and, 74 n. 8, 324 n. 4; Garvey’s visit to, cxxv; at Pan-African Congress, cxxxii, 145, 146 n. 3, 146 n. 4; Pilgrim’s letter to, 127–128, 145

812

INDEX Duchatellier, Marie (“Etta”), 518–520, *520 n. 1, 775, 796 Duhaney (friend of Garvey), 92 Duke, E. Mortimer, 550 Dummett, James, 762 Dunbar, Paul Laurence, 441 n. 2, 522, *526 n. 6, 729 Duncan, Ernest P., 85 Duncan, J. A., 725 Duncan, Samuel Augustus, *124 n. 1; Atlantic Ticket and Tourist Agency of, 126; on black delegation to Paris Peace Conference, 123, 140; in communication with Universal Benevolent Association, ccxxx, 765; Garvey’s response to, 575–576; in Leeward Islands, ccxxxiii; on minimum wage, 123; origins of male participants in UNIA, 792; on pan-Africanism, 123, 140; Universal Benevolent Association addressed by, 261– 263; Universal Negro Protective and Cooperative Association of, 124 n. 1, 126; as vice president of UNIA, ccxxxv; in West Indian Protective Society of America, ccxxx, 124 n. 1, 575, 586, 612, 765; writings about UNIA of, cxxxix, 513–514, 515, 534–535, 547 Duncan, Sara L., 520 n. 1 Dunn, Daisy, 796 Dunn, John M., 115, 122, 185, *185 n. 3 Duntin, Sarah Jane, 237 n. 1 Dupree, William H., 441 n. 2 Dupuch, Etienne, cxlvi Dupuch, Eugene, cxlvi Durant, H. D., 197 Durie, W. R., 31 n. 5 Du Sauzay, George M., 161, 315–316, 379, 380, 397–402 Dutch West Indies, lxi, 789, 790 Duvalier, Louis W., 702 Duvallier, E., 699 Dyett, Benjamin, 792 Eason, James Walker Hood, 633, *641 n. 8, 792 East African Expeditionary Force, cxxv East Indians: in British Guiana, clxix–clxxi, 336, 341 n. 13, 553 n. 2; in Jamaica, 60, 61 n. 3; Negro World on, 338; in Panama and Canal Zone, 225, 226; racial unity of, 229; in Trinidad, ccix, cclxiii, 292 n. 4, 310–311, 480 n. 1, 613, 689, 695 n. 5; in Windward Islands, ccix Easton, William Edgar, 442 n. 2

East Queen Street Baptist Literary and Debating Society, 93 n. 1 East St. Louis race riot of 1917, cxxvii Echeverri-Gent, Elisavinda, ccxxiii, ccxxiv–ccxxv, ccxxvi, ccxxvii n. 5 Education: Bermuda Union of Teachers, clvi, 660 n. 2, 661 n. 4; in British Guiana, 141 n. 4; in British Honduras (Belize), 638, 641 n. 13, 662 n. 1; claims of black intellectual superiority and, 759; Duncan on, 262; free textbooks in Panama, 378–380; Institution St.-Louis de Gonzague (Haiti), 118, 120 n. 3, 120 n. 4; Mico Teachers’ College (Jamaica), 29, 30 n. 1, 677 n. 3; in Philadelphia, 464 n. 3; St. George’s High School (Bermuda), 659, 660 n. 1; in St. Vincent, 236; Yearwood’s school (Panama), 105 n. 1 Edward VII, King, 25 n. 7 Edward VIII, King, 392, *393–394 n. 2 Edward, Sarah, 186 Edwards, Dr. Clarence, 503 Edwards, Edmund, 762 Edwards, Musgrave M., 526 n. 2 Edwards, Sergeant (Caribbean League), 169–170 Egerton, Sir Walter, 746, *746 n. 2 Egerton-Shyngle, J., 684 n. 2 Egyptian Expeditionary Force, cxxxiii Ehrhardt, Albert, 603, *605 n. 1 Elaine, Arkansas, race riot of 1919, 387 n. 4 Elizabeth I, Queen, 55–56 n. 1 Elkington, Sergeant (Caribbean League), 169 Elks Lodge (Nassau, Bahamas), cxlv Ellegor, Rev. Francis Wilcolm, 792 Elwin, Henry J., 509, 525, 732, 733 n. 1, 751, 752, 783 Emancipation Day, lxxxvi, lxxxvii–lxxxviii, cxix, cxx, cxc, 61, 83 Emancipator (weekly), 588–589, 590–591 n. 1, 592, 613–614, 728, 751 Employers and Workers Bill (1943), 639 n. 3 “Enid,” 20–22 Ere Roosevelt Came (Ali), 55 n. 1 Ervine, Thomas, 187 Essor, L’ (Haiti), 147 n. 3, 148, 149, 440–441 Essor Quotidien, L’ (Haiti), 190–191, 207–208 Ethiopia, clxx, ccxix, cclx, 68, 69, 70, 104, 371, 398, 421, 682 n. 8, 770 n. 1 Ethiopianism, 54 n. 1 Ettienne, T. P., 628 n. 3 Euclid, 595, *596 n. 3 Evangelista, Vincent, 506 n. 2 Evans, Ernest, 792 Evening News, 566

813

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Everett, Sir Allan Frederic, 657, *657 n. 2 Eyre, Edward John, 52, 56 n. 9, *57 n. 13, 57 n. 14 Fabian Society, 694 n. 4 Faith, George, 439 Fanning, Joseph P., 201 n. 4 Farara, Joaquim, 265 n. 3, 719 n. 4 Farnham, Roger L., 407–408 n. 1 Farquharson, Theo, cxlvii, 663 n. 2 Farrar, N., 581 Farrell, Walter, 792 Father Divine (George Baker), ccv Fauset, Jessie Redmon, 323 n. 4 Faustin, James, 732 Fearon, Miss (soloist), 503 Federal Council of Churches, 91 n. 4 Federalist and Grenada People, 142 n. 2, 665, 670 n. 6 Felix, Emanuel, 732, 733 n. 1 Felix, Randolph, cclvii Felix, Reynold R., 792 Fell, Thomas Edward, 130, *132 n. 5 Ferris, William Henry, lxx–lxxi, lxxiii, lxxiv– lxxv, 90 n. 1, 511 n. 5, 584 n. 1, 633, *640– 641 n. 7, 792 Fiddes, Sir George Vandeleur, 346–350, *350 n. 1, 377, 605 Fiji Islands, 251, 253 n. 10, 253 n. 11 Filion, Rev. (Dominica), 753 n. 8 Firearms Ordinance, 613, 614 n. 2 First Annual Convention of People of Colour (1830), 465 n. 2 Fleming, John H., 666, *670 n. 11 Fletcher, H. L., 161 Fletcher, Sir Murchison, cclxviii Flint, Andrew Lewis, cxxxvii, 325–326, *326 n. 1, 326–327, 357, 358 Flowers, J. L., 412, 413, 414 Flowers, Peter, 662 Foch, Ferdinand, *719 n. 5 Foley, Ella M., 796 Foley, Thomas, 271 Forbes, A., 725 Ford, Arnold Josiah, xciv n. 65, cclxxx, 792 Ford, Daniel, 792 Ford, Henry Emmanuel, 792 Ford, J. C., 106, 107 n. 1 Forde, Charles, 719, 748 Fourteen Points, cxxviii, cclxxv, 113–114 n. 3 Fowler, T. H., 318–319, *319 n. 2, 408, 453, 472, 476

France, Joseph Nathaniel, 264 n. 2 Frances, Philip, 19 n. 5 Franceschi, Víctor, ccxlii Francis, Dorris, 313–314, 345, 359–360 Francis, Lionel Antonio, clxxvii, 639 n. 3, 640 n. 5, 792 Francis, Napoleon J., 792 Frank, Rev. (Berbice, British Guiana), 101 Fraser, Mr. (Trinidad), 483–484 Frazer, Florence, 635 Frazer, Samuel O., 662 Frazier, E. Franklin, lxxvi–lxxvii Frederick Douglass/Yarmouth, S.S.: black ownership of, 429–430, 442, 460, 461, 531, 589; blacks encouraged to travel on, 523–524; Bonney’s poem to, 403; Cockburn as captain of, cxxxviii; delay in New York of, 548; delays in Jamaica of, 643–644; depiction of, in Black Star Line leaflet, 395; distress signal reported from, 528; Domingo on ownership of, 589, 590 n. 1; final voyage of, 718 n. 3, 771 n. 4; launch of, cxxxvii, 272 n. 3, 427, 440, 441, 442, 443; maiden voyage of, cxxxviii–xcl, 404 n. 1, 444, 455–460, 463, 529–530; missing bills of health and, 600; premature announcement of sailing of, 680 n. 5; propaganda value of, 513, 535, 547; purchase of, 394, 404 n. 1; rates of, 482; renaming of, cxxxviii; specifications of, 478, 482; whiskey cargo of, 548, 600, 647–648 Fredericks, M. E. F., 279, *279–280 n. 2 Free African Society, 464 n. 3 Freedom’s Journal (New York), 464 n. 3 Free Hindustan, clxxi, 341 n. 13 French West Indies, lxi, 756, 789, 790 Frente Negra Brazileira (Brazilian Black Front), clxv Friendly societies, lxxxiv–lxxxvi, 246 n. 7 Friends of Negro Freedom, 202 n. 4 “From Greenland’s Icy Mountains” (anthem), 116, 117 n. 1, 492, 503, 632, 705, 725 Froude, James Anthony, 709 n. 1 Fruit Dispatch Company, 254 n. 14 Fuller, Alexander McCloud, 47 n. 7 Fuller, Joseph Jackson, 47 n. 7 Furlong, John, ccxxxii, ccxxxviii n. 9 Gaines, E. L., 792 Gale, Hannah, 705 Galindo, Rogelio, cxci “Gallo del Monte,” 23–24 Gandásegui, Marco, ccxli, ccxliii

814

INDEX Gandhi, Mahatma, 270 n. 10, 488 n. 1 Garcia, Elie, ccxxi, 792 García, Luís, 408–409, 474–475, 485, 486 Gardier, Francis Louis, 509, *509 n. 3, 510 n. 5, 522, 524, 525, 751, 752 Gargill, Schuyler, 791 Garifuna: in British Honduras (Belize), clxxv, ccxv, 42 n. 7; in Guatemala, ccxiii–ccxv; in Honduras, ccxxiii, ccxxvi, 738 n. 2 Garner, D. D., cliii Garraway, Thomas William Saville, 270 n. 8 Garrett, James, 186 Garrett, John, 792 Garrety, William P., 737–738 Garrick, David, 42 n. 5 Garrison, William Lloyd, 45, 46 n. 5, *46–47 n. 6 MARCUS GARVEY Amy Ashwood and, 92–95; assassination attempt on, 402, 404 n. 2, 419–240, 430, 580–581; birthplace of, 33 n. 5; Caribbean culture of play and, lxxxvii–lxxxviii; as cultural broker between West Indians and African Americans, lxiii–lxiv; elocution contests and, cxix, 8 n. 1, 9 n. 4, 36–37, 49; first public lecture in America by, cxxv; first speaking success in New York by, xc n. 12; letter to Wilson on Negro emancipation from, cxxxi, 116; marriages of, cliii, 93 n. 1; in La Nación–The Times/El Tempio controversy, cxx, 17–36; origins of male participants in UNIA and, 792; Panama Canal Zone strike (February 1920) and, cxxxix, 543 n. 1, 564, 565, 569, 570, 572, 574–575, 577, 583, 703, 712, 714, 784; procapitalist outlook of, 74 n. 8; pugnacity of, lxxxviii; tutelary relationship with America sought by, lxxviii–lxxxiv; as United Fruit Company employee, clxxxiii, ccxlv ON AFRICA Africa and America combined in rise of, lix–lx; “Africa for the Africans,” lxxxii; Africa as homeland for blacks, 501; intended move of, to Africa, lxxxiii; “Back to Africa,” lxxv; German rule in, 79–80; links between people of African descent, clxxv; redemption of Africa, lix, xcvi n. 94, cxxxi, ccxxix, ccxxxv, ccxxxviii, 378, 629, 630 LEGAL PROBLEMS OF arrest on libel charge of, 362 n. 2, 396, 474; Bureau of Investigation concern about, 546– 547; deportation to Jamaica of, 640 n. 5;

imprisonment of, lxxvi–lxxvii, 707 n. 2; indictment of, 580; in mail-fraud case, lxix– lxx, lxxvi–lxxvii, 394, 680 n. 5; U.S. Postal Censorship report on, 109 METAPHORS, QUOTATIONS, AND EXPRESSIONS USED BY “fourth estate,” 38; “heart of oak,” 39, 42 n. 5; Longfellow’s “Psalm of Life,” 630 OFFICES AND TITLES OF as “Father of Nationalism,” lxvi; as president of UNIA, 80, 82, 109, 474; as Provisional President of Africa, lxxxvii OPINIONS OF OTHERS ON African American opposition to, lxvii–lxix; Banton on, 416–417; Batson on, 462–464; Bruce on, 90 n. 2; Canal Zone authorities on, 357, 358; Casimir on, 589; Domingo on, lxviii, xcii n. 40; Duchatellier on, 519; Ferris on, 90 n. 1; Henry on, 493; Joshua on, 445, 446; Ligouri on, 522; Lucas on, 667; Messenger’s opposition to, 294 n. 4; Morgan (Father Raphael) on, 83–86; as “Moses,” lix, 155, 463, 525; Nicholson-Nicholls’s poem “Onward” to, 361; Oskazuma on, ccxlix–ccl; Powell on, 468; race hatred attributed to, cclviii n. 17, 109, 562; Randolph on, lxvii, xci n. 34; reply to Father Raphael, 87; Steber on, 523; Stoute on, 229–230; Thorne on, 386– 387; Toussaint L’Ouverture compared with, 651; United Fruit Company report on, 450– 452; Washington compared with, 461, 463, 522; Wells-Barnett on, 91–92 n. 6; West Indian on, 173–174, 516; West Indian Crusader on, ccliii; Workman on Black Star Line and, 461, 531 PUBLICATIONS OF “Blackmen All over the World Should Prepare to Protect Themselves; Negroes Should Match Fire with Hell Fire,” 297, 298 n. 8; “British West Indies in the Mirror of Civilization: History Making by Colonial Negroes,” cxxi, 49–57; “Conspiracy of the East St. Louis Riots,” cxxvii; “The Evolution of the LatterDay Slaves: Jamaica, A Country of Black and White,” cxxii, 58–61; “The Progress Made by the People of Jamaica—What Freedom Had Done for the Natives of This Island,” 64 n. 3; The Struggling Mass, cxix, 3; A Talk with Afro-West Indians: The Negro Race and Its Problems, cxxii, 66–73; “West Indies in the Mirror of Truth,” lxxx–lxxxi, cxxvi, 87–90

815

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS MARCUS GARVEY (continued): RELATIONS OF, WITH OTHER BLACK LEADERS Ali, 54–55 n. 1; Briggs, 201 n. 4, 202 n. 4; Bruce, 90–91 n. 2; Casimir correspondence from Dominica, 554, 593, 698, 721–722, 751– 752; Cipriani, cclxv, cclxviii; Domingo, 590 n. 1; Du Bois, cxxv, 74 n. 8, 324 n. 4; Duncan, 124 n. 1, 547, 612, 765; Hercules, 280 n. 4, 479; Hinchcliffe, 64 n. 1; Washington, 83; Wells-Barnett, lxxxi TOPICS IN SPEECHES AND WRITINGS OF American and West Indian blacks compared, cxxvi, 87–90; Balfour and former German colonies, lxxxiv, 154; black business enterprises, cxxxii; black emancipation, 116; black man’s past and future, 44–46; blacks’ demand for justice from oppressors, 109; blacks matching fire with hell fire, 298 n. 8, 433, 708; British Honduras, 37–41; colonization scheme in Liberia, lxxv–lxxvi; coronation of George V, cxxi, 24–25, 34–36; crown government, 38–39; debate on liquor traffic in Kingston, 48; Duncan’s letters on UNIA, 575–576; evolution of black Jamaicans, 58–61; future of the black man in West Indies, 43–44; Hearst, 393 n. 1; history making by colonial Negroes, 49–53; Industrial Farm and Institute for Jamaica, lxxxi, lxxxiii, 64 n. 1, 82, 87, 91 n. 6; Jamaican blacks, 65; League of Nations, cxxxiii; Negro race and its problems, 66–73; opportunities of the Young Negro, lxxxiii, cxxviii; political impact of World War I, lxvii; progress of blacks in U.S., 440–441; race and civilization, 75 n. 17; readiness of people to cooperate, cxxxii; reconstruction of West Indies, 142, 187–189; religious sects in Limón, 12–17; Theodore Roosevelt, lxxix–lxxx; Selassie, cclxviii; selfdetermination, 175; struggle for freedom, 174–76; third ship for Black Star Line, 629– 631; Waterloo for whites in Africa, 389; West Indian services to U.S., lxxviii; World War I, cclxxv, 76–77 TRAVELS OF Antigua (1937), ccxxxvii, 763 n. 1; arrival in New York, cxxiv, 83; Bahamas (1928), cxlviii; Birkbeck College, 49, 58, 63; British Guiana (1937), clxviii, clxxii; British Honduras, cxxi, clxxvi, 617 n. 1, 640 n. 5; as Caribbean migrant, clxxxi; Central America (1910–11), cxx–cxxi; Costa Rica (1910–11), cxx–cxxi,

clxxxi, clxxxiii–cxlii, clxxxv, 450, 451; Cuba (1921), clxxxix, cxci–cxcii; decision to remain in U.S., lxxxi–lxxxii; Dominica (1937), cxcviii, 511 n. 5; as editor of Nation/ Nación in Limón, cxx, cxxi, clxxxiii, 10 n. 1, 19 n. 2, 450, 451, 452 n. 1; Europe (1913–14), cxxi, 57, 58; exclusion from Bermuda, cxlviii, clviii; exclusion from Canal Zone, cxxxvii, 325–327; Jamaica (1921), cliii; Panama, lxxxviii, ccxlv, 411, 413, 528–529; St. Kitts (1937), ccxxxvii; St. Lucia (1937), ccliii– ccliv, cclvi; St. Vincent (1937), cclx, cclxi; Trinidad, cclxvi, cclxvii–cclxviii, cclxix n. 11; West Indian tour (1921), 660 n. 2 AND UNIA, ITS AUXILIARIES, AND ITS OFFICERS on aims of UNIA, 80–83; Black Star Line launched by, cxxxiii, 224, 394; dedication to cause, 493, 500; on first voyage of Frederick Douglass, 456, 530; on members as British subjects, lxiv–lxv; Morter estate and, 640 n. 5; on organizing by Adrian Johnson, lxxii– lxxiii; Philadelphia division addressed by, 643–646; sacrifices made for, 81; split in Panama UNIA and, 409–410; telegram to A. W. Williams in Panama, 470; UNIA formed in Jamaica by, 450 Garveyism: African American nationalism and, lxxvii–lxxviii; in Bahamas, cxlv–cxlix; in Barbados, cli–cliii; in Bermuda, clv–clviii; in Brazil, clxiii–clxiv; in British Guiana, clxvii– clxxiii; in British Honduras, clxxv–clxxix; in Costa Rica, clxxxi–clxxxvii; in Cuba, clxxxix–cxciv; in Dominica, cxcvii–cc; in Dominican Republic, cci–ccv; in Grenada, ccix–ccxi; in Guatemala, ccxiii–ccxvii; in Haiti, ccxix–ccxxi; in Honduras, ccxxiii– ccxxvi; in Leeward Islands, ccxxix–ccxxxviii; in Miami, cxlv; in Panama and the Canal Zone, ccxli–ccxlvi; in Puerto Rico, ccxlix– ccli; in St. Lucia, ccliii–cclvii; in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, cclix–cclx; in Trinidad and Tobago, cclxiii–cclxviii; in U.S. Virgin Islands, cclxxi–cclxxiii; in West Indian nationalism, lxvi–lxvii Gazette Extraordinary (British Honduras), 256 Geen, Henry James, 261–263, *263 n. 1, 686–693, 694 n. 3, 716–718, 766–769, 771–774 George V, King: accession of, 25 n. 7; coronation of, cxxi, 450, 451; Dominicans’ loyalty to, 776; on Dominica’s seditious publications

816

INDEX act, 749; Gibbons’s petitition on former German colonies in Africa and, 219–223; Grenada Representative Government Association petition to, 670 n. 9; West Indian regiment supported by, cxxiii, cclxxvii, 125 n. 3 George, John M., 792 George, Mrs. M. Clare, 639 n. 1 German East Africa, 101, 104, 107, 108, 159, 182, 183, 220 German South West Africa, 101, 104, 107, 108, 159, 182, 183, 220, 221, 222 Germany: on Belgian neutrality, 777 n. 1; Britain’s declaration of war on, cxxii; former African colonies of, lxvii, cxxviii, 99, 100 n. 5, 101, 118, 119, 140, 151 n. 2, 154, 154 n. 1, 158–164, 181–183, 191, 257, 421, 423 n. 2; Garvey on German rule in Africa, 79–80; interests in Haiti of, 191 n. 1; in Triple Alliance [Entente], 99 n. 1 Gerold, Mr. (Trinidad), 312 Ghadar, clxxi Ghadar Party (U.S.), 548, 549 n. 4 Gibbons, William Henry Pauton, 219–223 Gibbs, Alexdrian, cliii Gibson, Caleb J., 297, *298 n. 7, 699, 702, 720, 761 Gibson, J. S., 747–748 Gibson, James, 659 Gibson, Joseph Deighton, 792 Gide, Charles, 756, *756 n. 1 Gilkey, L. L., 438–439 Gill, Hildebrand, 662 Gill, Wilfred, 197, 279 Gilliard, Rev. Edward M., 792 Gittens, A. G., 246 n. 9 Gladstone, William Ewart, 68, *75 n. 10 Glasspole, Rev. T. A., 64 n. 2 Glinton, Harry, 299 n. 10 Goddard, Abraham, 792 Goethals, George, ccxliii Golden, Terence Joseph, 792 Golding, G. J., 560 n. 4 Goldman, Emma, 293 n. 5, 577, 578 n. 2 Goldreich, Eleasar Isaac, 769 n. 1 Gómez, Maximo, 404 n. 3 Gompers, Samuel, lxxix, 264 n. 2, 681 n. 8, 696 n. 9 Gonzales, William E., 275, *275 n. 2, 281 Gonzalez, Nancie, ccxxvi Goodall, Ethel M., 314 Gooding, C. E., 232 Goodwin, R. S. D., 694 n. 3

Gordon, Sir Arthur Hamilton, 253 n. 11 Gordon, E. F. (“Mazumbo”), clvi Gordon, Fred, 319 n. 1, 452, 453, 470, 472, 476 Gordon, Gabriel, 186, 439 Gordon, George William, 52, *56 n. 9 Gordon, Rev. John Dawson, 792 Gordon, Mrs. S., 725 Gordon, William Montgomerie, 212–213, *213 n. 1, 214, 215, 300–303, 306, 307–308, 309– 311, 312–313 Gordon-Tennant, H., 81 Goschen, Sir Edward, 777 n. 1 Government Medical Service (British Guiana), clxvii Govin, Dillon C., cxxix, 100, *100 n. 1, 101–108 Graham, Cyril A., 161, 410, 424, 492, 500 Graham, E. N., 186 Graham, J. A., 113 Graham, J. W., 83 Grant, Miss E., 725 Grant, Rev. Edward Byam, clvi, 659, *660–661 n. 3 Grant, G., 725 Grant, H., 725 Grant, Rev. H. W., 139 Grant, Henry Eugene Walter, 296–298, *298 n. 1, 673, 699, 757 Grant, J. M. N., 81–82 Grant, Muriel, 186 Grant, Thomas Geddes, 448 n. 1 Grant, Ulric, cliii Great Britain: Abolition Act (1833), 5, 6 n. 8; Army Council, cxxii, cxxviii, cxxix, cclxxvi, 134, 138, 167; Balfour Declaration, lxxxii– lxxxiv, cxxvii, cclxxv; Crown colonies of, 38, 42 n. 4, 142 n. 1, 290, 366–367, 621–622, 748; Garveyism in Cuba opposed by, cxcii– cxciii; Hearst’s anti-British papers and, 392, 393 n. 1; Labour Party, 97 n. 1, 131 n. 1, 614, 615 n. 4, 617 n. 6, 671 n. 15, 694 n. 4; mining strikes in, 262, 265–266 n. 8, 333, 429; Nationality Act (1981), 42 n. 4; proposal to cede West Indies to U.S. for war debts, 430– 431; race riots (1919) in, cxxxiv, cxxxv, cclxxviii, 241, 245 n. 4, 280 n. 4, 304 n. 2, 351; in Triple Entente [Alliance], 99 n. 1; UNIA opposed by, clxxxiv; wages in, 623; War Office, cxxii, cxxiii, cxxv, 125 n. 3, 189 n. 3; war on Germany declared by, cxxii. See also Colonial Office Great Fish River (South Africa), 710 n. 5 Greek Orthodox Church of the Diocese of the West Indies, 237 n. 1

817

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Green, Roxanne, 796 Green, S. L. V., 628 n. 3 Green, Walter Lee, 792 Greenidge, Lionel W., 792 Gregoire, F., 216–217, *217 n. 2, 313, 409, 410, 577 Grell, Gerald, 628 n. 3 Grenada, ccxii; black middle class in, ccix, ccx; Crown Colony government in, 42 n. 4, 366– 367; economic contribution to war effort, 189 n. 2; map of, 382; map of Caribbean, cxlii; map of Windward Islands, 355; Negro World banned in, ccxi, 665, 667; Negro World circulated in, 426–427; People’s Revolutionary Government, 176 n. 1; political structure of, ccix–ccx; popularly elected parochial boards in, ccx; Representative Government Association, cxxvi, ccxi, 142 n. 1, 143 n. 3, 176 n. 1, 670 n. 9, 670 n. 10, 671 n. 14; St. George’s, cxxii, 142, 384 n. 1; seditious publications ordinance in, cxxxvi, cxl, 278 n. 1, 657, 664– 669, 740; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789 Grenada Company, cciv Grenada Labour Party, 670 n. 11 Grenada People, ccx, ccxii n. 7, 143 n. 2, 670 n. 6 Grenada Workingmen’s Association, ccxi, ccxii n. 9, 142 n. 1, 670 n. 11 Grenadines. See St. Vincent and the Grenadines Grey, Edgar M., lxviii, xc n. 16, 224, 362 n. 2, 792 Griffith, Elton George, 237 n. 1 Griffiths, George, 662 Griffiths, George Washington, 257, 662 Grindle, Gilbert E. A., 206, *207 n. 3, 286–287, 299–300, 303, 347, 349, 376, 377, 533–534, 603, 605, 609, 610, 655 Guadeloupe, cxcvii, ccxlii, 355, 756, 789, 790 Guatemala: “Africanization” feared in, ccxvi; assimilation in, ccxiii–ccxiv; banana industry in, ccxiv, ccxv, 255 n. 14; Garifuna in, ccxiii–ccxv; Garvey in, 450; Ladinos in, ccxiii; Livingston, ccxiv–ccxv; Los Amates, ccxv; map of, 704; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Mayans in, ccxiii; Morales, ccxv; Puertos Barrios, ccxiv, 705, 706 n. 1; as transit point on Central American coast, ccxvii n. 6; UNIA in, ccxiii–ccxvii, 705–706, 707 n. 2 Guridy, Frank A., cxcv n. 12

Haddon-Smith, Sir George Basil, cxxxvi, 143 n. 3, 268, *269 n. 2, 276–279, 288–290, 342–344, 356, 360, 380, 381 n. 1, 384, 557–560, 613, 656–657 Hadley, Digby, 722 Haggard, Sir Henry Rider, 668, *671 n. 15 Haiti, ccxxi–ccxxii; African Americans in, ccxx, ccxxii n. 7; delegation to Paris Peace Conference from, 151 n. 3; Dessalines, 68, 74 n. 3, 379; English-speaking community in, ccxix; as first black republic, ccxix; S.S. Frederick Douglass/Yarmouth in, cxl, 744– 745, 771 n. 4, 781; French West Indian views of, 756; German interests in, 191 n. 1; Institution St.-Louis de Gonzague, 118, 120 n. 3, 120 n. 4; Jamaican community in, ccxix, ccxx; labor migration from, cxcv n. 13; labor migration to Dominican Republic from, cci, ccv, ccvii n. 15; map of, 190; map of Caribbean, cxlii; mulatto elite in, ccxx, 151 n. 3; Negro Factories Corporation, cxli, 764; Port-au-Prince, cxl, cxli, 120 n. 1, 745 n. 3, 771 n. 4; Protestantism in, ccxix–ccxx; revolution in, 4, 52, 408 n. 2; silent protest suggested for, 731–732; Smith-Green’s visit to, 651; Toussaint L’Ouverture, 4, 7 n. 11, 52, 68, 379, 421, 461, 522, 531, 651, 708; U.S. military occupation of, ccxix, 120 n. 1, 147 n. 3, 151 n. 2, 407–408 n. 1, 764, 765 n. 1; West Indian immigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian immigrants in U.S. from, 789 Hall, Otto, 202 n. 4 Halton, Columbus L., 792 Hamblin, R. A., 287, *288 n. 5 Hamilton, Venture R., 792 Hamitic League of the World, 201 n. 4 Hamlett, Dr. (Panama), 713 Hannibal, 44, *46 n. 1, 68, 379, 467, 469–470 n. 1, 652 Harcourt, Viscount Lewis Vernon, cxxiii, 75–76, *76 n. 2 Harding, Chester, cxxv, cxxxix, 217 n. 1, 217 n. 3, 325, 326, *326 n. 3, 327, 358, 411, 439, 444, 572, 573 Harding, Warren G., ccii Hardinge, Charles, 195, *195 n. 3, 549 n. 4 Hardy, Nonie Bailey, 442 n. 2 Harlem, lxi–lxii, lxiv, lxviii, lxxxiv, cxxvi, cxxvii Harlem Pilot-Gazette, 124 n. 1 Harper, Henry H., 86

818

INDEX Harrel, Melville D., 130, 232, 244 Harris, Anthony, ccxxxiii, 674, *679 n. 4, 686– 687, 717, 718 n. 4 Harris, C., 725 Harris, C. G., 628 n. 3 Harris, Charles E., 186 Harris, George Wesley, *84 n. 1 Harris, Seymour F., 320, *324 n. 5 Harrison, Alfred, 186 Harrison, Hubert H., lxi, lxix–lxx, xc n. 12, cxxvi, 124 n. 1, *341 n. 8, 792 Harry, Jeanviere, 593 Hart, Francis Russell, 436 n. 1 Harten, Rev. Thomas Samuel, 792 Harvey, Mrs. A. (Panama), 775 Harvey, B., 462 Hasdrubal, 467, 469 n. 2 Hawkins, Sir John, 50–51, *55–56 n. 4, 59 Hay-Herrán Treaty, ccxlii Haynes, A. P., 232, 244 Haynes, Amy, 796 Haynes, Arthur, 706 Haynes, C. W., 232, 244 Haynes, Douglas, 762 Haynes, James, 792 Haynes, R., 232, 244 Haynes, Samuel A., *617–618 n. 1; appeal for imprisoned veterans by, 619–620; in Belize UNIA, clxxvi, clxxvii, clxxviii, cclxxx, 632, 661–662; in British West Indies Regiment, clxxvi, cclxxx, 253 n. 3; colonial governor’s opinion of, 727; governor’s response to invitation, 618–619; letter to colonial governor on unveiling of UNIA charter, 617; in Pittsburgh UNIA, clxxvii Hazlitt, William, 42 n. 3 Headley, David, 497, *499 n. 2, 616 n. 4 Headley, Dennis, 615 n. 4 Headley, H. G., 230 Headly, E., 115–116, 492, 616 n. 4 Heald, S. W., 438, 443, 490 Hearst, William Randolph, 342 n. 1, 392, *392– 393 n. 1, 734 Heastie, Stuart, 731 Heber, Richard, 117 n. 1 Hellwig, David J., lxvii, xcii n. 42 Hemmings, Phillip, 86, 792 Henderson, Arthur, 97 n. 1, 218 n. 1, 614, *616– 617 n. 5 Hendricks (Communist), 202 n. 4 Hendrickson, Elizabeth, 796 Hendy, William Walter, 712–713, 714, 784 Henry, Cyril, *460 n. 1; Davis’s charges of theft

against Stoute and, 703, 713, 784–785; on first voyage of S. S. Frederick Douglass, 455–460; Manhattan meeting planned for, 643; origins of male participants in UNIA, 792; Panama Canal Zone strike (February 1920) and, 517, 543 n. 1, 564, 565, 568, 572, 703; Panama visit of, cxxxix, cxl, 492–493, 496, 500, 502, 503, 518, 532, 597, 601, 620, 658–659, 712 Henry, James, 770 n. 1 Henry, Mr. (Boston), 105 Henry, Patrick, 176, *177 n. 5 Herald (Virgin Islands), 611 n. 2 Herald-Dispatch (Los Angeles), 203 n. 4 Herard, Marcel, 118–120, *120 n. 3 Hercules, Boatswain (S. S. Frederick Douglass), 459 Hercules, F. Eugene Michael, *280 n. 4; attempted deportation of, 390 n. 1, 454, 479–480, 483– 484; authorities’ views of, 347, 454, 479; British Guiana UNIA meeting addressed by, 279; Langton on, 708; as Society of Peoples of African Origin founder, 280 n. 4, 304 n. 2; strikers in Jamaica addressed by, cxxxiv; Trinidad speech (1919) by, 304 n. 2 Hercules, James Festus, 792 Heron, John Solomon, 792 Herradora, Marco Aurelio, 409, *409 n. 1 Hester, William Albert, 792 Hewitt, R. S., 668, *671 n. 14 Hibbert, Nathaniel H., 405, 406, 408–409, 425 Higgs, Richard, cxlvii Highliger, Elijah, cciii Hijos de Borinquen, ccxlix Hilarion, Adrien, 615 n. 4 Hilary, R. J., 277, 376 Hillier, Alice, 493 Hinchcliffe, Walter George, 63, *64 n. 1, 65, 79 Hinds, John, cliii Hinkson, Joseph, 187 Hitchcock, Edward B., 110 Hoates, N., 725 Hobbs, Allen, 792 Hobson, Rev. (Panama), 410 Hodge, Inez (Sebastian), 678 n. 3 Hodge, John Philip, 792 Hodge, Robert Jessup, 792 Holder, John, clxxii Holder, Reuben, 282 Holly, Alonzo P., ccxix, ccxxi Holly, James Theodore, ccxix Holly, Theodora, ccxx Holstein, Casper, cclxxii

819

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Honduras, ccxxiii–ccxxviii; banana industry in, ccxxiii–ccxxvi, 255 n. 14, 738 n. 1, 739 n. 3; La Ceiba, 737, 738 n. 1; Cuyamel Fruit Company in, 436 n. 1; Garifuna in, ccxxiii, ccxxvi, 738 n. 2; general strike (July 1920) in, ccxxvi, 739 n. 4; Liberal Party, 739 n. 3; map of, 737; map of Caribbean, cxlii; La Masica, 739 n. 4; racial conflict in, 738, 739 n. 4; UNIA in, ccxxiii–ccxxvi, 737–738 Hoover, Herbert, cclxxii Hoover, J. Edgar, 578 n. 2 Hope, Cecil, 184, 793 Hope, Captain Herbert W. W., 301–302, 351 Horsford, Innis Abel, 793 Hosannah, W., 550, 552–553 Hosten, E. R., 161 Hosten, Pilton G., 666, *670 n. 8 Hosten, S. B., 161 Howard, Allen Elcock, 793 Hudson, John Eli, 793 Huggins, George F., 309–311, *311 n. 2, 312, 313, 448 n. 1 Huggins, Horatio N., 360, 381–382 Hughes, Langston, 293 n. 5, 511 n. 5 Hughes, Revella E., 796 Huiswood, Otto E., 202 n. 4 Human rights, 45, 57, 667 n. 3 Hunte, F. S., 197 Hurley, William L., 181, *181 n. 1, 546–547 Husbands, Albertha, cclxvii Husbands, W. W., ccxxxv Hutchinson, W. C., 722 Hutson, Sir Eyre, 247–252, *252 n. 1, 258, 259, 617, 619–620, 683, 727 Huyler, Prince A., 702 Huyler, Theophilus C., 702 Hyde, Evan X, clxxvii, clxxix Hylton, Henry, 26–27, *27 n. 1, 29–30 Hyphell, Mr. (Panama City), 283 Ilanga lase Natal, 90 n. 2 Independent Political Council, 293 n. 5 Indian independence movement, 151 n. 4, 189, 270 n. 10, 488 n. 1, 549 n. 4, 613, 614 n. 3 Indian Mutiny (1857), 614 n. 3, 778, 780 n. 4 Industrial unionism, 226 Industrial Workers of the World (IWW; Wobblies), ccxliv, 263 n. 2, 268, 270 n. 9, 293 n. 5 Ines, William, 793 Influenza pandemic, cxxix Ingenio Angelina, cciv

Inland Water Transport Section (Royal Engineers), cclxxvii, 253 n. 4 Inniss, Clement A., cliv n. 5, 370, 734 n. 1, 762, *764 n. 4 Institution St.-Louis de Gonzague, 118, 120 n. 3, 120 n. 4 Inter-Colonial Corporation, 54 n. 1 Inter-Colonial Steamship and Trading Company, cxcix, 526 n. 10, 527, 782 Inter-Colonial Supply Company, 291–292, 295 International League of Darker Peoples, xci n. 34 International Longshoremen and Stevedores Union, 573, 573, n. 2 International Supply Association, 681 n. 8 International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, 202 n. 4 International Uplift League, 202 n. 4 Ireland, 189 Ironclad, Brutus, 616 n. 4 Issac, James, 186 Isaacs, Sir Rufus Daniel, 152, *152 n. 3, 154 Isles, William, 793 Isthmian League of British West Indians of Panama City, 283 Italo-Ethiopian War (1935), cclx Ivey, John H., 34 IWW (Industrial Workers of the World), ccxliv, 263 n. 2, 268, 270 n. 9, 293 n. 5 Jack, Ratford Edwin McMillan, *236–238 n. 1, 268; call for black lawyer in St. Vincent and, 447; Casimir’s correspondence with, 510 n. 5, 698, 751, 752; on compulsory education for St. Vincent, 236; in Cuba, cclxi; departure from St. Vincent of, cclx, cclxi; in Dominica, 782; origins of male participants in UNIA, 793; petition of support for, 360, 381–382; on prohibition of Negro World, 374–375, 380, 381, 437; St. Vincent UNIA chapter led by, cclix, cclx, cclxi, 268, 356, 360, 374–375, 521; on white rule, 613 Jackson, Anselmo, 793 Jackson, David Hamilton, cclxxiii, 610, *611 n. 2 Jackson, Elizabeth, 796 Jacobs, V., 521 Jacquelin, M., 120 n. 1 Jacques, Amy (Garvey), clviii, 93 n. 1, 584 n. 1, 796 Jagan, Cheddi, clxx Jamaica: Afro-Jamaican non-orthodox Christian groups, 10 n. 4; all-island elocution contest (1910) in, cxix, 7–9; blacks deprived of rights

820

INDEX in, 386; British naval base at, 350 n. 2; capitalists of, 431; Caribbean League oriented toward, cxxxii, cclxxix, 132 n. 3, 138, 170; Caribbean League thought to be planning uprising in, 227; civil service examination in, cclxxvi, 5, 7 n. 13, 52, 57 n. 16; Collegiate Hall, Kingston, 8 n. 3; colonial history of, 51, 56 n. 7; colored population of, 52–53; compulsory enlistment in, 189 n. 3; Crown colony government in, 42 n. 4; Davis in, 442 n. 2, 784; debate on liquor traffic in Kingston, 48; elocution contests in, 49; Emancipation Day, 61, 83; emigration to Central America from, 60, 61 n. 4; emigration to U.S. from, lx; expatriates in Haiti from, ccxix, ccxx; former soldiers’ emigration from, 234 n. 1; S.S. Frederick Douglass/Yarmouth in, cxxxix, cxl, cxli, 515, 516, 523, 530, 643, 771 n. 4; in Garvey’s “The British West Indies in the Mirror of Civilization,” 49–53; in Garvey’s “The Evolution of the Latter-Day Slaves,” 58–61; Garvey’s visit (1921) to, cliii; Haitian exiles in, ccxix; immigrants in Costa Rica from, 61 n. 4, 476; Indians in, 60, 61 n. 3; Industrial Farm and Institute sought for, lxxxi, lxxxiii, 64 n. 1, 82, 87, 91 n. 6; Kingston, cxxii, cxxxii, cxxxv, cxxxvii, cxxxix, 48, 319 n. 3, 515, 516, 523, 530; Legislative Council, 61; Maceo and Little War (1879–80), 404 n. 3; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Mico Teachers’ College, 29, 30 n. 1, 677 n. 3; missionaries to Africa from, 45, 47 n. 7; Morant Bay Rebellion, ccxix, 52, 56 n. 10, 57 n. 13; National Club, cxix, 3 n. 1; Negro World seized in, cxxxvi, ccxix; Panama Canal laborers from, lxxviii, ccxlii, 60, 62 n. 5; as “Pearl of the Antilles,” 58; population of, 52, 60, 431; Port Royal, 51, 56 n. 5; postwar unrest in, cxxxvii, cclxxv, 319; printers’ strike (1908) in, cxix; Royal Commission in, 242; rum produced in, 51, 59; St. Ann, 33 n. 5; seditious publications ordinance for, 448; slave revolts in, 51–52, 56 n. 8, 60; slavery in, 51–52, 59–60; stationing of white troops in, 347, 351, 521; suffrage in, 62 n. 6; sugar industry in, 51, 59; Trade Union Law (1919), 246 n. 8; UNIA in, lx, cxxii, 156 n. 1, 650–651, 785; UNIA’s first meeting in, lx, cxxii, 450; wages for laborers in, 60; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789; women given

right to vote in, cxxxiv Jamaica Baptist Missionary Society, 47 n. 7 Jamaica Federation of Labour, 64 n. 1, 246 n. 8 Jamaica Native Baptist Free Church, 13 n. 3 Jamaica Reform Club, 156 n. 1 Jamaica Times, 31 n. 5; on Davis-Stoute controversy, 784–785; on Garvey in Europe, 49, 57, 58; Garvey’s “The Struggling Mass” in, 3; on Hinchcliffe, 64 n. 1; in Limón, 10 n. 2; Morgan’s criticism of Garvey in, 83–86; teacher as subeditor at, 29; Umbilla’s “Looking to the Future” in, 43–45 Jamaica Trades and Labour Union, 64 n. 1 Jamaica Tribune and Daily Advertiser, 29, 31 n. 4 Jamaica Typographical Union, cxix James, Adina Clem., 796 James, Charles Lionel, ccxxxv, *ccxl n. 29 James, Job E., cclvi James, Winston, xc–xci n. 17 Jardine, Charles Kennedy, 141 n. 1 Jasper, John P., 793 Jeffrey, Mrs. (Panama), 775 Jehovah’s Witnesses, 13 n. 1 Jemmott, B., 283, 378 Jenkins, Florida, 796 Jenkins, Francis, *244 n. 1, 779 Jenkins, Janie, 796 Jervis, L. A., 731 Jethro, 707 n. 5 Jim Crow laws, 386, 387 n. 2, 412 n. 1, 468 Jiménez, Carlos U., 485, 487 Joe, Elizabeth, 632 Johannes, Guy, 271, *271 n. 1, 413–414, 582 Johannes Society (League), cxxv, cxxvi, 770 n. 1 John, Victor, 773, *774 n. 1 John Bull (weekly), 257, 321 John-Lewis, Peter F., 732 Johnson, Colonel Adrian Fitzroy, lxxii–lxxiii, 793 Johnson, B. G., cxlvii, 663 n. 2 Johnson, Charles S., 388 n. 4 Johnson, Elijah, 68, 74 n. 5 Johnson, Fenton, 509 n. 2, 641 n. 7 Johnson, G. M., lxxxvii Johnson, Gabriel, 460 n. 1 Johnson, Hank, 202 n. 4 Johnson, Hilary R. W., 68, *74 n. 5 Johnson, J. Rosamond, 177 n. 3 Johnson, James Weldon, 177 n. 3, 323 n. 4 Johnson, John S., 320–321 Johnson, Joseph E., 793 Johnson, Manning, 202 n. 4 Johnson, Mariana, 796 Johnson, Mary, 796

821

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Johnson, Oscar, 699, 720, 730 Johnson, William Henry, 793 Johnstone, Robert, 106, *106 n. 1, 108 n. 1 Jolly, Mr. (musician), 492, 501 Jones, Sergeant A. P., cclxxix, 134, 137 Jones, Absalom, 464 n. 3 Jones, Alphonso A., 793 Jones, “Captain” (truck driver), 455 Jones, Edward E., 186 Jones, Edward F., 186 Jones, Ernest K., 85 Jones, N., 113 Jones, Rev. S. M., ccvi n. 8 Jordanites, clxvii Joseph, Anderson, 353–354 Joseph, William, 187 Josephs, Hector, 8 n. 2 Joshua, Ellen, 445–446 “J.U.G.,” 596–597 Julien, Mrs. (soloist), 500 “Junius Junior,” 139–141, 141 n. 2, 332 Juvenile Mutual Improvement Society (St. Kitts), 696 n. 9 Kaye, Oliver, 793 Keane, Mrs. L. M., 725 Kedleston, Earl of. See Curzon, George Nathaniel Keene, Mrs. F., 314 Keith, Minor Cooper, clxxxi–clxxxii, 254 n. 14 Kell, Sir Vernon George Waldegrave, 655, *656 n. 2 Kellener, J. J., 496 Kelley, William M., 641 n. 7 Kelly, Frank D., 719–720, 730, 746–748, 760– 761 Kelly, Oscar C., 793 Kemp, L. D., clxxvi, clxxvii, clxxviii, 41 n. 1, 639 n. 2 Kennedy, Arthur W., 413–414 Kennedy, Captain Edward C., 249, 252, 351, 558 Kerr, Theo, 82 Ketelhodt, Baron Maximilian Augustus von, 52, 56 n. 12 Kila, Second Mate (S.S. Frederick Douglass), 459 Kilroe, Edwin P., 362 n. 2, 406 Kinch, Emily Christmas, 796 King, C. D. B., 54 n. 1 King, Collingwood, 563 n. 2 King, Jane (Morter), 640 n. 5 King, Samuel Ethan, 563 n. 1, *563 n. 3 King, Winville, 563 n. 2

Kipling, Joseph Rudyard, 668, 671 n. 15, *671 n. 16 Kirby, Howard William, 793 Kitchener, Lord, 716, *718 n. 1 Knaggs, Samuel William, 213 n. 1 Knatchbull-Hugessen, Sir Hughe Montgomery, 192, *193 n. 2, 195 Knibb, Rev. William, 47 n. 7, 59, *61 n. 2 Knight, Dr. C. H., cxlv, cxlvi, 663, *664 n. 4, 699, 730, 747, 748, 761 Knights, Lillian, 186 Knox (missionary), 59, 60 Knox, Philander, 407 n. 1 Kornweibel, Theodore, Jr., 293 n. 5 Kress, Samuel, 352 Ku Klux Klan, cxlvii, 201 n. 4 Kydd, Thomas, 117, 160, 163, 164 Labib, Claudius, 769 n. 1 Laborde, Edward D., 383, *384 n. 2, 560 n. 5 Labor unions. See Trade unions Labour Leader (Trinidad Workingmen’s Association), cclxv, 616 n. 4 Labour Party (Great Britain), 97 n. 1, 131 n. 1, 614, 615 n. 4, 617 n. 6, 671 n. 15, 694 n. 4 Ladinos, ccxiii Laidlow, Henry, 187 Lal, Brij V., 254 n. 11 Lammy, Mrs. Edza, 632 Lamos, Enid Hasel, 796 Lamoth, Mr. (purser), 459 LaMotte, William Musgrave, 793 Lange, Elizabeth, 546 n. 1 Langton, V. P. M., 595–596, *596 n. 1, 707–709 Lansing, Robert, 199–200, *200 n. 2, 209, 318– 319, 357, 388–389, 393 n. 2, 405–406, 408 n. 1, 454, 470–472, 475, 479–480, 483–484, 547–548, 579 n. 1 Laughter, J. F., 82 Laurence, Stephen, 606 n. 1 Laurent, William, 593, 594 n. 2 Law, Bonar, cxxiii Lawrence, Isabella, cclxvii, 640 n. 5 Lawrence, T. B., 528 Lawrence, Talbert, 732 Laws, Mr. (doctor), 28 Lawson, Dorothy, 796 Layne, A., 186 Leadett, Carrie, 796 League of Justice of the Afro-Asian Nations, 54 n. 1 League of Nations, cxxviii, cxxxii, cxxxiii, 113

822

INDEX n.women given right to vote in, cxxxiv; 2, 181, 218 n. 1, 220–222, 421, 423 n. 2, 423 n. 3, 776 League to Promote the Progress of Blacks in Puerto Rico, ccl Leavelle, Louis Aurelius, 793 Lee, Francis, 796 Lee, Pauline, 796 Lee Lum, George Aldric, 304 n. 2, 312 Lee Lum, John, 304 n. 2 Leeward Islands, ccxxix–ccxl; emigration from, ccxxxiv–ccxxxv; as federation, ccxxxviii n. 1; formation of colony of, 265 n. 4; map of Caribbean, cxlii; maps of, 260, 355; police force in, 771 n. 2; seditious publications ordinance in, 278 n. 1, 349; standard wage rates in, 265 n. 5; sugar industry in, ccxxxi, ccxxxii–ccxxxiii, ccxxxiv. See also Antigua; St. Kitts-Nevis Leeward Islands Blue Books, ccxxxii Lefevre, Ernesto Tisdel, cxxxix, 379, 703, *704 n. 1 Leite, José Correia, clxiv Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich, 268, 269 n. 4, 276 Leopold II, King (Belgium), 96 n. 1 Lesseps, Ferdinand de, ccxli “Letters of Junius,” 18, 19 n. 5 Levy, Berthol Dudley, 793 Levy, J. H., 81 Lewis, D. B., 109 Lewis, J. L., 550 Lewis, Lancelot, ccxliii Lewis, Sir Samuel, 68, *74 n. 6 Liberal (Barbados), cli Liberal Party (Barbados), cli Liberal Party (Honduras), 739 n. 3 Liberator, 47 n. 6 Liberia: Black Star Line and, 501, 596, 772; in communication with the world, 69; Davis in, 442 n. 2; Father Raphael in, 86 n. 1; as foundation for African freedom, 645; Garvey’s colonization scheme, lxxv–lxxvi; Henry in, 460 n. 1; Johnsons of, 68, 74 n. 4; Mayor G. M. Johnson of Monrovia, lxxxvii; proposed merger of Sierra Leone with, 128, 182, 183; Radway in, 156 n. 1; UNIA’s criticism of exploitation in, ccxxi; UNIA’s wish to strengthen, 73 Liberty League, 671 n. 15, 671 n. 16 Liberty League of Negro Americans, cxxvi, 341 n. 8 Libraries, 39 “Lift Every Voice and Sing” (anthem), 177 n. 3

Lightbourne, Charles C., cxlvi Ligouri, Dr. C. C., 509 n. 1, 522–523, 524–525, 529, 751 Limón Friendly and Literary Society, 24, 25 n. 3 Lincoln, Abraham, cclvi, 4, *7 n. 9, 46 n. 5, 316 n. 2, 421 Lindo, Lillian, 661 Lindsay, Sir Ronald Charles, 124 n. 1, 548–549, *549 n. 2, 585–586 Linton, James E., 793 Literary Club of Colon, 283 Livingstone, David, 70, *75 n. 13 Lloyd George, David, *100 n. 3; Association of Universal Loyal Negroes’ petition to, 158– 164; Association of Universal Loyal Negroes’ telegram on Allied victory to, 114; Balfour and, 113 n. 1; Cadet’s letter to, 192–194, 195; Garvey’s identification with, lxxxviii; Kipling as critic of, 671 n. 16; National Association of Loyal Negroes’ petition to, cxxx, cxxxii; Negro World on, 268, 276; at Paris peace conference, 141 n. 6; Sebastian on, 716; on security required for peace, 100 n. 4; on selfdetermination, cxxviii, 99 n. 2, 100 n. 5, 112 Lobb, Reginald Popham, 268–269, *269 n. 1, 278– 279, 288–290, 356 n. 1, 380, 381, 437 Lockhart, Alexander Rumsey Capoulade, 525 n. 2, 628 n. 3 Lockhart, L., 548 Lockhart, Randolph, ccxxxvii Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth, 630, 631 n. 1 Longshoremen’s Union (Panama), cxxxiii, 413, 573 Longsworth, Elizabeth (Morter), 640 n. 5 Lord, Christine, 462, 464 Lord, Samuel Ebenezer Churchstone, ccxx, *464 n. 2, 466 Losada, A. M., 719 n. 4 Love, Robert, 591 n. 1 Lovell, Charles Benjamin, 793 Lovell, Israel, cliii Lowe, Charles, 186 Lowe, Dr. (Panama City), 283 Loyal Knights and Ladies of Malachite, 442 n. 2 Lucas, C. H., 142, *143 n. 3, 666–667 Luck, Rev. Jesse Wells, 793 Luckhoo, Joseph A., 340 n. 7 Lugard, Frederick, 684 n. 2 Lunn, Tom, 720, 761 Luther, Martin, 421 Lynching, ccxvi, ccxvii n. 11, ccxxxiv, 175, 192, 208, 333, 334, 386, 387 n. 3, 399, 400, 406, 421, 468, 502, 595, 759

823

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Macaulay, Herbert, 55 n. 1, 684 n. 3 Macaulay, Thomas, 42 n. 3 Macaulay, Thomas Benjamin, 684 n. 2 MacDermott, Thomas Henry (“Tom Redcam”), 31 n. 5 Maceo, Antonio, cxc, 403, *404 n. 3, 404 n. 4, 651 Machado, Félix, cxciii Machado, Gerardo, cxcii Mackie, G. D., 740 Macmillan, Margaret, 141 n. 6 Macphail, Dr. D. M., 740 Madeira-Marmoré Railroad, clxiv Mahcore, Samuel, Jr., 601 Mahon, E. W., 232 Maillard, Filogenes, cxci, 756 Malbra, Frederick George, 793 Mallet, Sir Claude Coventry, 108, *108 n. 1§, 114, 116–117, 158, 195, 198 Malliet, Arnold M. Wendell, lxii, lxv, xc n. 15 Maloney, Gerardo, ccxlvi Manchester, Thomas, ccxxxvii, 678 n. 3 Manderson, Rev. J. E., 705 Manly, Sergeant (Caribbean League), 169–170 Manning, Sir William Henry, 75–76, *76 n. 1, 83, 108 n. 1 Marahan, Muse, 94 March, Peyton C., 110 n. 3 Marchant, C. W., 141 n. 1 Marcus Aurelius, 23, *24 n. 2 Marecheau, George E., 668–669 Maresse-Smith, Edgar Lionel Vincent, 708, *710 n. 2 Marhol, Elise Sebastian, 677 n. 3 Marks, Richard, 793 Marryshow, Theophilus Albert, *142–143 n. 1; banning of Negro World and, ccxi; Fleming and, 670 n. 11; Grenada Workingmen’s Association and, ccxii n. 9; at mass meeting in St. George’s, 142; popular issues publicized by, ccx; in Representative Government Association, 142 n. 1, 143 n. 3; on seditious publications ordinance, 667– 668; West Indian launched by, 176 n. 1 Mars, Jean Price, ccxxi “Marshall,” 216–217, 409–412, 516–518, 521– 522, 528–529, 532, 542, 543, 572–573, 577, 584 Marshall, Granzaline, 796 Marshall, Marie Madre, 796 Marshall, William, 762 Martí, José, 404 n. 3 Martin, Charles, 687, 694 n. 3, 770 n. 1

Martin, Miss L., 725 Martin, R. C., 510 n. 5 Martin, S. B., 705–706 Martin, Tony, clxviii, ccxlv, cclxiii, cclxvi, 271 n. 11, 390 n. 1, 510 n. 5 Martinez, Mrs. (Guatemala), 706 Martinique, clv, ccxlii, 355, 756, 789, 790 Marvin, Louisa, 186 Masonic Quarterly Review, 90 n. 2 Masters and Servants Act (1849), ccxxxix n. 21, 262, 264 n. 2, 265 n. 7, 680 n. 6 Mather, William A., 748 Mathurin, Albert, 762 n. 1 Matthews, Estelle, 796 Matthews, William Clarence, 793 May, Major Cecil, 200 n. 3 May, G. H., 306, 308, 312–313, 454, 497 Mayers, Mr. (Panama), 494 Mays, Benjamin E., lxxvii McAdam, M. M., 319 n. 1 McAllister, Helen, 796 McArthur, Joseph Sydney, 333–335, 338, *340– 341 n. 7 McCain, Mrs. A., 597 McCarthy, Edgar, 113, 184, 185–187, 410, 424, 439, 532, 584 McCartney, William Samuel, 793 McCarty, I., 725 McClean, A. H., 311 n. 2 McCollough, David, ccxlii McConney, Prince Alfred, 793 McConny (McConnie), Bruce, cclxv, cclxvi, 616 n. 4 McCornell, Dr. James E., 770 n. 1 McDonald, Sergeant-Major (British Honduras), 617 n. 1 McField, Ann R., 632, 636 McField, Rev. H., 632, 633–635, 639 n. 4 McGaun (McGhann), J. A. C., 602, 775 McGregor, G. (Costa Rican Coronation Committee), 34 McGregor, Jim, 93 McGuire, Bishop George Alexander, ccii, ccxix, ccxxxv, 201 n. 4, 237 n. 1, 694 n. 4, 793 McKay, Claude, 201 n. 4, 202 n. 4, 233 n. 1, 388 n. 4 McKennon, David A., 699, 702, 730 McKinley, William, 393 n. 1 McKinstry (Acting Colonial Secretary), 248–249 Mc[.]Lean, William, 187 McMillin, Stewart Earl, 470–472, *472 n. 1, 472– 475, 485, 486, 487 McNaught, A., 415, 417–420

824

INDEX McPherson, Samuel C., cxlvi Meade, C. A., 94 n. 2 Medford, Aaron, 187 Melendez, Pacifico, 601 Mends, Alfred A., 156 n. 1 Menocal, Mario García, 275 n. 2, 648–649, *652 n. 1 Menzies, J. O. B., 662 Merewether, Edward Marsh, 610, *611 n. 1, 612, 765 Mero, Carrie B., 796 Merrick, Joseph, 47 n. 7 Messenger, lxvii, lxviii, 292, 293–294 n. 5, 590 n. 1, 597, 669, 708, 728, 751 Meza, Victor, ccxxiii MI5, cxxx Michael, Nixon A., 732 Mickens, H. M., 633, *640 n. 6 Mickens, Rev. Hilton H., 793 Mico, Lady Jane, 30 n. 1 Mico Teachers’ College, 29, 30 n. 1, 677 n. 3 MI 4B, 185 n. 4 Millennial Dawnist Bible Students Association, 12, 13 n. 2, 15, 16, 18, 26 Miller, Rev. George Frazier, 793 Miller, Kelly, lxxiv–lxxv Milliard, Dr. P. McD., 283, 314, 410, 577 Millner, Chief Officer, 459 Mills, Walter, 614–615 n. 4 Milner, Alfred, Viscount Milner, 129–130, *130– 131 n. 1, 133, 165–166, 179–180, 205–206, 212–213, 227–228, 230–232, 247–252, 276– 277, 286–287, 296–298, 300–303, 307–308, 332–333, 356, 375–377, 431–432, 440, 445, 489, 534–535, 597–598, 603–604, 607–610, 654–655, 656–657, 679 n. 5, 683–684, 727, 734 Minimum wage, 123, 156 n. 1, 238 n. 5, 243, 246 n. 9 Minor, Robert, 202 n. 4 Mintz, Sidney W., lxviii, lxxxvi Missionary Searchlight (Selma, Alabama), 520 n. 1 Missouri Compromise of 1820, 46 n. 2, 46 n. 3 Mitchell, Uriah Theophilus, 793 Mohamed, Dusé, *53–55 n. 1, 90 n. 2, 100, 105, 116, 158 Monitor (Omaha), 200, 203 n. 5, 204, 213, 286 Monk, Charles Vinton, clvi Monroe, Victor, 86 Montague, Mrs. B., 725 Montalvo y Morales, Juan, 281, *281 n. 1 Montgomery, E. B., 318–319

Montgomery, James, 43 n. 9 Montieth, H. B., cclxxix Montserrat, cxlii, ccxxix, 260, 355, 789, 790 Moore, John, 86 Moore, Richard B., lxxxvii–lxxxix, 201 n. 4, 202– 203 n. 4, 590 n. 1 Moore, Simon, 745–746 Moorman-Blackstone, Irena, 124 n. 1, 796 Morales, Eduardo V., cxc, 410, 411, 439, 500, 502, 518, 532, 572, 712, 714, 784 Morancie, Casimir, 509, *511 n. 6, 525, 593, 751 Morant Bay Rebellion, ccxix, 52, 56 n. 10, 57 n. 13 Moravia, Charles, *120 n. 2, 148, 151 n. 3 Moret Law (1870), 7 n. 12 Morgan, Amy, 543 n. 1, 703, 714, 784–785 Morgan, Sir Henry, 51 Morgan, Philip D., lxxxvi Morgan, Robert Josias (Father Raphael), 83–86, *86 n. 1, 87 Morrillo, Matthew, 187 Morris, Commissioner (Panama City), 378 Morris, Edgar, 762 Morris, George D., lxxi Morrison, Frank, 573 Morrison, William, 8 n. 2, 8 n. 3 Morter, Isaiah E., clxxvi, clxxvii, 530 n. 1, 633, 639 n. 3, *639–640 n. 5, 635 Mortley, Charles Henry, 632, 633, 635–638 Morúa Law (1910), 546 n. 1 Mosaic Templars of America, 34 Moseley, W. P., 113, 128 Moses, 69, 707 n. 5, 716 Moton, Robert Russa, *127 n. 1, 127–128, 145, 145 n. 2, 208, 209 n. 6 Mottley, A., 714, 784 Moyne Commission, 238 n. 4, 242, 305 n. 4, 763 n. 1 Mudgal, Hucheshwar, cclxvii Mulatto elites: in Dominica, cxcvii, cxcviii, cxcix, 753 n. 4, 753 n. 7; in Dominican Republic, cci, ccii; in Haiti, ccxx, 151 n. 3; in Puerto Rico, ccxlix Mulzac, Hugh, 793 Murdock, J. R., 80, 81 Murga Frassinetti, Antonio, ccxxiii–ccxxiv Murphy, M. (sergeant), 132 n. 3 Murphy, Thomas F., cxxxix, 565 Musa, Said, clxxix Muschett (informer), 216–217 Musson, Nellie, clv Myers, Fred L., 79

825

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS NAACP. See National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Nanuthon-Smith, D. E., 781 Napier, Sir Trevylyan Dacres Willes, 587–588, *588 n. 1, 654 Napoleon, 43–44, 421 Nassau Guardian, 298 n. 4 Nassau Riot (1942), cxlv Nassau Tribune, 298 n. 4 Nathan, Joseph, *681–682 n. 8; in banana workers’ strike in Costa Rica, cxx; on black rule in St. Kitts, ccxxx–ccxxxi; colonial administrator accused of corruption by, 677 n. 3; in constitutional reform movement, 678 n. 3; St. Kitts Garveyism and, ccxxix, ccxxx; in St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union’s formation, cxx, cxxiv, ccxxxvii, 696 n. 9; secularism and militancy of, ccxxxvi; speech at Sandy Point mass meeting, 674, 676; speeches at Universal Benevolent Association meetings, 692–693, 717, 772, 774; in Universal Benevolent Association, 263 n. 2 Nation (La Nación) (Costa Rica): Englishlanguage newspapers in Limón, clxxxvii n. 6; on fire in downtown Limón, 27 n. 2; Garvey as editor of, cxx, clxxxiii, 10 n. 1, 19 n. 2, 450, 451, 452 n. 1; Times controversy, cxx, 17–36 Nation, Gerald, 450, 451 Nation, Samuel, 450, *450–451 n. 3, 451 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP): on blacks fighting back, 387–388 n. 4; British government attempts to keep West Indians out of, 613; Crisis, cxxv, clxii, clxiii, 74 n. 8, 320, 323–324 n. 4, 334, 537, 551, 734; Du Bois in formation of, 74 n. 8; march protesting East St. Louis race riot, cxxvii; Pilgrim’s letters to Du Bois and Moton, 127– 128; Times of London on agitation by, 448 n. 2; UNIA’s debate with African Americans through, lxviii; at United Negro Front Conference (1923), 202 n. 4; Washington and formation of, 84 n. 2 National Association of Loyal Negroes: formation of, cxxix; letter from Govin on movement for independent African state, cxxix; letters to Du Bois and Moton, 127– 128, 145; motto of, 181; Peace Aims pamphlet, 181–183; petition on African selfdetermination redrafted by, cxxxi, cxxxii; petition to Balfour on former colonies in

Africa, cxxx, 111–113; Pilgrim’s letter to Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, 97–99. See also Association of Universal Loyal Negroes National Baptist Convention (Inc.), 91 n. 4 National Club, cxix, 3 n. 1 National Equal Rights League, 202 n. 4 National Independence Party (British Honduras), clxxix Nationalism: Asian, 151 n. 4, 174. See also Black nationalism Nationalist-Negro Movement and African Colonization Association, 211 n. 1 Nationalist Party (British Honduras), clxxviii Nationality Act (1981), 42 n. 4 National Party (Great Britain), 671 n. 16 National Party (Honduras), 739 n. 3 National Race Congress, 202 n. 4 National Singing Company, 156 n. 1 Navalo, Zenon, 601 Navarro, Domingo, 304 n. 2 Navas, Luis, ccxlii Neely, William F., 720, 730 Negro Champion, 202 n. 4 Negro Factories Corporation, 584; first factory of in New York, 629; Garvey’s promotion of share purchases in, 631, 706; Henry and, 460 n. 1; operations in Haiti begun by, cxli, 764; Smith-Green on, 642, 643 Negro Fellowship League, 91 n. 6 Negro National Anthem, 174, 177 n. 3, 492, 646 Negro Progress Convention (NPC) (British Guiana), clxxi–clxxii Negro Society for Historical Research, 53 n. 1, 90 n. 2, 520 n. 1 Negro Worker, 202 n. 4 Negro World: advertisement for, in St. Vincent Times, 239; advertisements of sailings of Phyllis Wheatley in, lxxiv, 441, 442, 621; African Telegraph compared with, 479; agents tracked in Bermuda, clv–clvi; aim of, 777; Ali as contributor to, 55 n. 1; Ashwood’s letter to people of Panama in, 283–285; Bahamas’ prohibition of, cxxxix, cxlvi, 565, 663, 672–673, 757–758; on Balfour and former German colonies, 154, 154 n. 1; Banton’s article on Garvey in, 416–417; Barbados circulation of, cliii, 376, 497, 733– 734, 777, 778; Batson’s defense of Garvey in, 462–464; Beltrán Rentas on racial prejudice in Puerto Rico, ccl; Bennett’s letter on black racial progress to, 429–431; Bermuda circulation of, 597–598; on Bermuda UNIA

826

INDEX branch, 659; “Black” on “Black, White, and ‘Mixed’ in St. Lucia” in, 759; Bonney’s article on launch of S.S. Frederick Douglass, 402–403; in Brazil, clxii, clxiii, clxiv–clxv; on Briggs, 202 n. 4; British Guiana’s prohibition of, cxxxiv, clxxi, 200, 204, 206, 209–210, 215, 286–287, 363–364, 414–415, 432 n. 1, 537, 538, 580–582; on British Guiana seditious publications act, 414–415; in British Guiana seditious publications debate, 333, 337, 338, 551, 552–553; British Guiana’s seizure of, cxxxiv; British Honduras circulation of, clxxv, 109, 654; British Honduras (Belize) prohibition of, cxxxii, cxxxiv, cxxxv, clxxvi, ccxix, 251, 257, 644, 652–653; Bruce as writer and editor at, 90 n. 2; Bryan’s letter on Africa to, 210–211; on Cadet, 190, 207–208; Cadet and, 120, 149; Casimir and, cxcviii, 509 n. 5, 510 n. 5, 621–627; cessation of publication of, cclxxiii; Clarke’s recommendations for Barbados in, 420–422; Colonial Office concern over, 533–535; on Colón meeting to honor UNIA delegates, 597; on conditions in Panama, 224–227; consciousness-raising effect of, ccxxxvi; Costa Rica circulation of, 352, 406, 471, 474; Costa Rica’s confiscation of, cxxxvi, 319; Costa Rica’s prohibition of, ccxix, 357, 449, 452, 453, 471, 507; Cuba circulation of, 275, 281; Cuba’s halted distribution of, cxcii; Davidson’s letter on UNIA to, 365–366; Davis’s charges of theft against Stoute in, cxl, 703–704, 712, 714, 784, 785; dispersed communities of West Indians linked by, cxciii–cxciv; distribution to West Indian troops pf, 233 n. 1; Domingo as editor of, 189 n. 1, 590 n. 1, 728, 729 n. 1; Dominican circulation of, 750–751; Dominica’s suppression of, 621, 626–627, 728, 729 n. 3; Duncan and, 124 n. 1, 534; “Echo from the [Isth]mus” letter to, 155–156; Emancipator on, 589; Ferris as associate editor of, lxx, lxxiii, 640 n. 7; Fowler as agent of, 318–319, 408, 453, 472; front page of, on 31 July 1920, 786; “Gala Day at the Oval,” lxxxvi– lxxxvii; Garvey’s announcement of third Black Star Line ship in, 629–631; Garvey’s editorial on reconstruction of West Indies in, 142; governors’ request to exclude, cxxxvi; Grenada’s prohibition of, ccxi, 665, 667; Grenadian circulation of, 426–427; growing dissemination in 1919 of, ccxix; on

Guatemalan UNIA meeting, 705–706; Harrison as editor of, 124 n. 1, 341 n. 8; Haynes as contributor to, clxxvii; Henry’s account of first voyage of S.S. Frederick Douglass, 455–460; Holder’s letter to, 282; Holly as editorial writer at, ccxx; incitements to racial antagonism attributed to, 231, 268, 408, 425, 562, 598, 600; issue of, on 11 October 1919, 298 n. 8, 431–432, 433; issue of, on 25 October 1919, 397–402, 434, 462; Jack as agent in St. Vincent, 236 n. 1, 360, 374, 437; Jamaica’s seizure of, cxxxvi, ccxix; Jemmott’s letter on free textbooks for Panamanian children, 378; Johnson’s defense of, 320–321; Joseph’s article on U.S. Virgin Islands, 353–354; Labour Leader articles reproduced in, cclxv; Lansing sent copy of, 470–471; Leeward Islands circulation of, ccxxxiv; Maillard as contributor to, cxci, 756; McNaught’s article on racism in British Army, 415, 417–420; Milner sent copy of, 440; Mudgal as editor of, cclxvii; on navy rule in U.S. Virgin Islands, cclxxii; Panama Canal Zone strike (February 1920) and, 543 n. 1, 567, 568; Phillip’s article on Africa as black Fatherland in, 372–374; Powell’s call of the race to African Americans in, 467–469; prohibition as advertising for, 391–392; publication begun by, cxxix; on reception for UNIA delegates in Panama, 601–602; on religious conflict in Dominican Republic, ccii; on St. Kitts strikes, 717; St. Lucia’s prohibition of, cclv; St. Vincent’s prohibition of, cxxxvii, cxxxviii, cclix–cclx, cclxi, 236 n. 1, 268–269, 288–290, 342–344, 356, 374– 375, 380, 381, 383, 385, 390, 426, 429, 430, 437, 447, 521, 722–724; Sampson’s poetry sent to, 172–173; silent protest for Haiti suggested in, 731–732; on Smith-Green and Garvey in Philadelphia, 641–646; on SmithGreen’s trip to Cuba and Haiti, 646–652; smuggling into Bahamas of, 663; Spanish section, cxc; on split between African Americans and West Indians, lxiv, lxv; on Talamanca, Panama, branch of UNIA, 725– 726; Trinidadian circulation of, 484, 497; Trinidad’s prohibition of, cxxxiii, ccxix, cclxvi, 212–213, 268, 303, 389, 579, 580 n. 2, 613–614, 785; Trinidad strikes (1919) and, 497–498, 535; United Fruit Company’s complaints about, 405–406; unrest blamed on, 521–522, 558, 587, 654; U.S. postal authorities’ concern with, 318–319;

827

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Negro World (continued): Walter and, 152, 154; Watson and, 594; on West Indian emigration to U.S., lx–lxi; on West Indian nationalism, lxvi–lxvii; West Indian Protective Society of America on, 582; Windward Islands’ prohibition of, cxxxvi, ccxix, 269 n. 2, 276–277, 278 n. 1; Workman articles reprinted in, 346 n. 1; Workman contrasted with, 582 Nelom, Emanuel E., 793 Nelson, Horatio, 42 n. 6, 79, 421, *422–423 n. 1 Nevis. See St. Kitts-Nevis New Daily Chronicle (British Guiana), 141 n. 1, 341 n. 10 New England Anti-Slavery Society, 46 n. 6 New Negro: Ashwood as example of, 283; Bennett on, 430; Black Star Line associated with, 531, 621; Bocas-del-Toro address to Davis and Henry on, 658; Bourne on, 705; Casimir on, 589; Dominica Brotherhood Union on, 525; Gardier pledge on, 509; Harrison and, xc n. 12, 341 n. 8; Jack as, 613; Joshua on, 445; Langston on, 708; Negro World for, 626; Powell on, 468; Seymour on, 425 New Negro (magazine), 341 n. 8 Newspaper Ordinance (1839), 610 n. 1 Newspaper Surety Ordinance (1909), 677 n. 3 Newton, “Professor” S. Arlington, *769–771 n. 1; deportation from Leeward Islands of, cxxv, ccxxxi; emigration of, ccxxxv; Johannes Society formed by, cxxv; lecture tours by, ccxxx, ccxxxiii; police surveillance of, ccxxxviii n. 2; Ulotrichian Universal Union formed by, cxxiv, cli, ccxxx; Universal Benevolent Association addressed by, 767– 768, 771–772, 773, 774 New York Age, 323 n. 4 New York American, 393 n. 1 New York Amsterdam News, lxxxiv, xc n. 15, 200–201 n. 4 New York City: Harlem, lxi–lxii, lxiv, lxviii, lxxxiv, cxxvi, cxxvii; UNIA in, lx, lxvii, lxix, lxxxvii, 440, 463, 785; West Indian emigrants in, 790 New York Evening Mail, 441 New York Morning Journal, 393 n. 1 New York News, 83, 84 n. 1 Nicholas, Hannah, 797 Nicholls, A. A., 556 n. 3, 728, 728 n. 3 Nicholls, Sir Henry Alfred Alford, *629 n. 9 Nichols, Theodore Theophilus, 279, *279 n. 1, 550, 552

Nicholson, Sir Reginald Popham Lobb, 268–269, *269 n. 1, 278–279, 288–290, 356 n. 1, 380, 381, 437 Nicholson-Nicholls, C. L., 361 Nieman, Juan, cciii–cciv “Niger,” 3–5 Nigerian Daily Telegraph, 55 n. 1 Nigerian Daily Times, 55 n. 1 Nigerian Pioneer, 684 n. 2 Noble, C., 725 Noble, Richard C., 793 Noel, Peter, 34, 450, 451 Noel-Baker, Philip John, 218, *218 n. 1 Northcliffe, Lord, 79, 671 n. 15 Norville, Wilberforce O., cclv, 562, *563 n. 1, 587, 711 Nosworthy, Richard, *106–107 n. 2 Now (magazine), 203 n. 4 Nunan, Joseph, 330, *340 n. 3 Obeah, 680 n. 5 Obisesan, J. Akinpelu, 54 n. 1 Oblate Sisters of Providence, 546 O’Brien, Charles Richard Mackey, 129–130, *131 n. 2, 133, 165–166, 179–180, 227–228, 230– 232, 239–244, 375–377, 445, 488, 489–490, 533, 683–684, 734, 778–779 O’Brien, Mrs. Georgie L., 797 O’Connor, D. H., 502–503 Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI), 110 n. 1 Official Gazette (British Guiana), 538, 539 n. 1 Offley, William M., 147, *147 n. 2 O’Garo, Alice, 797 Oglivie, Felipe, 601 Ogilvie, Frederick A., 793 Ogilvie, Henry, 775 O’Hern, M. C., 496 Olivier, Sir Sydney, ccxxxix n. 22, 5 n. 1, 340 n. 1, *694–695 n. 4 Oluwa, Chief (Nigeria), 684 n. 3 O’Neal, Charles Duncan, cliii, 423 n. 5, 734 n. 1, 763 n. 3 Opportunity: A Journal of Negro Life (Urban League), 323 n. 4 Orage, Alfred Richard, 53 n. 1 Orca mutiny, cxxxvii, cclxxviii–cclxxix, 131 n. 3, 233 n. 1 O’Reilly, Lennox, 448 n. 1 Orlando, Vittorio, 141 n. 6 Ormsby Gore, William, 131 n. 1 Orr, Edward Arnold, 793 Oskazuma, Prince, ccxlix–ccl, *ccli n. 5

828

INDEX Osling, James, 662 Otway, J. H., 437 n. 1, 723, 724 Our Own (National Club), 3, 5 n. 1 Outlook (British Guiana), 141 n. 4 Ovington, Mary White, 145, *145 n. 1 Owen, Chandler, lxvii, *293–294 n. 5, 590 n. 1, 591 n. 1, 793 Page, Walter Hines, 95–96, *96 n. 3 Pagganini, Mr. (Panama), 492, 501 Paine, Thomas, 336, *341 n. 12 Pakenham, Sir William Christopher, 588 n. 1 Palmer, H. L., 550, 551 Pan-African Association (PAA), cclxiv, 425 n. 1, 499 n. 2 Pan-African Congresses: London in 1900, cclxiv, 425 n. 1; Paris in 1919, cxxxii, 74 n. 8, 145, 146 n. 3, 146 n. 4, 208 n. 5 Pan-Africanism: African League promotion of, 280 n. 4; of African Times and Orient Review, 54 n. 1; Du Bois as supporter of, 74 n. 8; Garvey’s vision of uniting scattered race, 53; Grenadians influenced by, ccx; in Haiti, ccxix, ccxxi; in Leeward Islands, ccxxix, ccxxx, ccxxxiii, ccxxxiv, ccxxxv, ccxxxvii, ccxxxviii; migration of World War I veterans and, cclxxx; of Nathan, 681–682 n. 8; National Association of Loyal Negroes support for conference, 128; in Trinidad, cclxiv; United Black Association for Development and, clxxvii; Williams in, 425 n. 1; Wilson’s views of, 208 n. 5 Panama and the Canal Zone, ccxli–ccxlvii; Almirante, cxl, 353 n. 4, 436 n. 2, 477–478, 599, 601–602, 620–621, 771 n. 4, 775; Amazon compared with, clxiv; Ashwood’s letter in Negro World to people of, 283–285; attempted denial of entry to Garvey, 411, 413; banana industry in, clxxxviii n. 8, ccxli, ccxlv, 255 n. 14, 353 n. 4, 471; Barbadian emigration to, 243, 246 n. 10; Bastimentos, 775; Black Star Line shares promoted in, 271, 314, 345, 446, 477, 481, 496, 500; Bocas del Toro, cxl, 353 n. 4, 436 n. 2, 478, 599, 600, 601–602, 620, 658, 771 n. 4, 775; campaign to expand union membership in, ccxliv–ccxlv; Canal Zone strike (February 1920), cxxxix–cxl, ccxliv–ccxlv, 217 n. 2, 543, 544, 564, 567–569, 570, 571, 572–575, 577, 583, 703–704, 712, 714, 784–785; Caterson’s calls for black unity in, 539–542; Colón, cxxx, ccxli, 185–187, 313–314, 502–

503, 516, 567, 573; colonial AfroPanamanians’s views of West Indians, ccxlii; Cristobal, 97, 110 n. 2, 127, 145, 155, 181, 185, 186, 229, 230, 271, 359, 435, 438, 439, 443, 444, 460, 462, 477, 478, 481, 491, 496, 520, 528, 531, 539, 600; Davis’s visit to, cxxxix, cxl, 471–473, 492, 493–494, 496, 500–503, 528–529, 532, 542, 597, 600, 601, 602, 543 n. 1, 620, 658–659, 712; Democratic Club, 115, 283; East Indians in, 225, 226; S.S. Frederick Douglass/Yarmouth visits to, cxl, 438–439, 443, 444, 452, 460–462, 477–479, 481, 491, 493, 500, 515, 516, 531–532, 599– 600, 601–602, 620, 771 n. 4; free textbooks for black children in, 378–380; Garvey’s exclusion from Canal Zone, cxxxvii; Garvey’s visits to, lxxxviii, ccxlv; government of Canal Zone, 532 n. 1; Guabito, 725, 776; independence from Colombia declared by, ccxlii; Jamaican emigration to, 61 n. 4; Joshua’s message to women of, 445– 446; labor unrest at United Fruit Company in, clxxxviii n. 8, 435, 436 n. 2; land and resources available to blacks in, 370–372; longshoremen’s strike in Canal Zone, cxxxiii, 156 n. 1; map of, 157; map of Caribbean, cxlii; National Association of Loyal Negroes, Panama Republic, cxxix, cxxx, cxxxi, cxxxii, 97–98; Negro World on conditions in, 224– 227; Panama City, cxxx, ccxli, ccxlv, 93 n. 1, 105 n. 1, 116, 283, 379, 413, 414, 500–502, 519, 560, 573; policing West Indian labor in, ccxliii; racial segregation in, ccxliii, 412 n. 1; “silver” workers’ strike in, cxxv; Talamanca, cxl, 602, 725–726; UNIA in, cxxx, cxl, clxxxiv, ccxli–ccxlvi, 185–187, 216–217, 271, 291, 313–314, 345, 359–360, 409–412, 424–425, 470, 492–494, 500–502, 517, 518– 519, 521–522, 528–529, 532, 541, 543, 564, 565, 568, 572, 574, 577, 583, 584, 597, 601– 602, 658–659, 703–704, 714, 725–726, 775– 776, 785; U.S. control of Canal Zone, ccxlii Panama Canal: completion of, cxxi, ccxliii; dockworkers’ strike (1919), cxxxiii, 156 n. 1; gold and silver rolls, ccxliii, 225, 412 n. 1; Jamaicans’ work on, 60; Labor Day parade (1919), cxxxvi, 319 n. 4, 411, 413; Republic of Panama created for, 225; strike (February 1920), cxxxix, ccxliv–ccxlv, 217 n. 2, 543, 544, 564, 567–569, 570, 571, 572–575, 577, 583, 703–704, 712, 714, 784–785; West Indian labor on, lx, lxxviii, ccxli–ccxliii, 62 n. 5, 225, 226, 324, 325, 540

829

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Panama Railroad Company, cxxxix, ccxli, 62 n. 5, 326 n. 3, 438, 443, 444, 482, 540, 543 n. 1, 565 Panama Star and Herald, ccxlvi, 358, 359, 368, 481, 482, 492–494 Pardo, Arcardio, 601 Paris Peace Conference, 141 n. 6; Association of Universal Loyal Negroes’ petition to Lloyd George concerning, 158–164; Baker at, 218 n. 1; on former German colonies in Africa, 112, 423 n. 2; Haitian delegation to, 151 n. 3; League of Nations’ constitution drawn up by, cxxxii; on self-determination, 112; UNIA delegate to, 119, 120 n. 1, 123, 139– 141, 148, 149, 173, 190–191, 207–208; UNIA on aims of, 117–118; Wilson at, cxxxi Park, Mungo, 70, *75 n. 12 Parker, George Wells, 201 n. 4 Parks, Rev. William G., 89, *91 n. 4 Partido Comunista de Cuba, cxciii Partido Independiente de Color, 546 n. 1 Partridge, J., 448 n. 1 Pasea, H. H., 311 n. 2 Patsides, Nicholas, xciii n. 62 Patten, T. G., 565 Patterson, Lt. Col. John, 233 n. 1 Patton, William A., 702 Paul, Philip E., 793 Payne, Clement, cliii Payne, Joseph Benjamin, 732 Peace Mission Movement, ccv Pear, John, 423 n. 5 Peck, Mr. (Panama), 477 Penfield, Walter Scott, *405 n. 2, 405–406, 425 People (Trinidad), cclxviii, cclxix n. 11 People’s Action Committee (British Honduras), clxxix People’s Advocate, 124 n. 1 People’s Association (British Guiana), clxviii, 141 n. 4 People’s Committee (British Honduras), clxxvii People’s Education Forum, 591 n. 1, 592 People’s Nationalist Committee (British Honduras), clxxvii People’s Republican Party (British Honduras), clxxvii People’s United Party (PUP) (British Honduras), clxxviii, clxxix, 152 n. 2 Perez Zeledon, Pedro, 453 Perkins, James Hamble, 121–122, 793 Perkins, Winifred D., 121–122 Peter, Gregor McGregor, 740, *743 n. 4 Peter, William, 743 n. 4

Peterkin, Charles, 186 Peterson, Sir Maurice Drummond, 582–583, *583 n. 1, 585, 594 Petioni, Charles A., cclxvi, 793 Petras, Elizabeth McLean, ccxli Phelps, O. W., 319 n. 3 Philips, William, 793 Phillip, C. G., 628 n. 3 Phillip, Charles, 615 n. 4 Phillip, E. Theo, 372–374 Phillips, Charles, 593 Phillips, Dixon E., ccii Phillips, James, 497, *499 n. 3, 616 n. 4 Phillips, M., 616 n. 4 Phillips, P. B., 82 Phillips, Randolph, 794 Phillips, T. S., 48 Phillips, Wendell, 45, *46 n. 5, 47 n. 6 Phillips, William (U.S. attorney), 405, 405 n. 1 Phillips, William Lambert Collyer, 228, *228 n. 1 Phyllis Wheatley, S.S., lxxiv, 441, 442, 501, 621 Phypher, John R., ccii Pickens, William, lxxvii Pieres, J. B., 710 n. 5 Pile, Sir George Laurie, 232, *234 n. 4, 244 Pilgrim, John H., 97–99, 111–113, 127–128, 145, 584 Pilgrim, William, 662 Pindar, W. A., 113 Pioneer Development Corporation, 124 n. 1 Pioneer Negroes of the World, ccxxxvi Piper, Amy, 705 Pirates (buccaneers), 50, 51 Pitcairn (St. Lucia leader), ccliv Pitt, William, 1st earl of Chatham, 36 Pitts, Mary, 661 Plaatje, Solomon, 90 n. 2 Planter Association (Dominica), 750 Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), 387 n. 2 Plummer, H. Vinton, lxxi, xcii n. 49, 794 Plummer, James, 740 Podd, A. St. Clair, ccxxxi Pointer, Joseph, 615 n. 4 Poland, 175, 177 n. 4, 189 Popular Party (British Guiana), 141 n. 1 Populist Party (U.S.), 442 n. 2 Porras, Belisario, 519, *520 n. 2 Port of Spain Gazette, 390–391, 710 n. 4 Portuguese West Africa, 181–182, 183 Posas, Mario, ccxxiii, ccxxiv, ccxxvii n. 25 Postal Censorship Committee (U.S.), 109–110, 110 n. 2, 115–116, 118–122, 148–151, 172– 173, 184–185

830

INDEX Posts and Telegraphs Ordinance (1893), 286, 287 n. 1 Pouchet, Sergeant (informant), cclxxix, 168, 169, 170 Powell, Fred D., 467–469, *469 n. 1, 589, 591 n. 2, 794 Prada, Enrique, 606 n. 1 Prejudice, racial: in British Guiana, clxx; Garvey on, 37–38; in Jamaica, 5. See also Racism Prensa, La (Panama City), ccxlv, ccxlvii n. 31 Prescod, Samuel Jackman, cli, 246 n. 10 Preston (pirate), 51 Preston, Andrew, 254 n. 14 Prevost, Adolphus G., 732, 733 n. 1 Price, George, clxxix Price, J. Mannaseh, 156 n. 1 Price, Sonny, ccxxxviii n. 9 Prince, Alfredo, ccl Pringle, Sir John, 83, *84 n. 3 Pritchard, Sir Asa, 299 n. 10 Probyn, Sir Leslie, 107, *108 n. 1, 124 n. 1, 246 n. 8, 586 Profiteering, 623–624, 752 Progresso (Brazil), clxiv Promoter (periodical), 510 n. 5 Pryce, Hudson, 794 Public libraries, 39 Public works, 243–244 Puerto Rico, ccxlix–ccli; de Bourg’s visit to, ccl; labor migration to Dominican Republic from, cci; map of Caribbean, cxlii; map of Leeward and Windward Islands, 355; migration from Leeward Islands to, ccxxxv; racial discourse in, ccxlix Punnett, Lewis L., 722 Pyramids, 44, 71 Quebec Line, 525, 624, 628 n. 6, 745, 750 Questelles Society, 236 n. 1 Race: Cadet’s forecast of race war, 119; class divorced from, ccxxxvi–ccxxxvii, ccxl n. 34; colored population, 52–53; as common bond of West Indians, clxxxv; Garvey on breaking down differences in Colour, 57; Garvey’s association of civilizations with, 75 n. 17; loyalty to country vs. loyalty to, 284; used to confront working-class unity, ccxxiv; in whites’ actions, 262–263. See also Mulatto elites; Race consciousness; Racial prejudice; Racial segregation; Racism

Race consciousness: in Bahamas, cxlv, 298 n. 2; Black Star Line seen as raising, 394; in black Trinidadian policemen, 499 n. 4; in Brazil, clxi, clxv; in British Guiana, clxvii, clxix; in British Honduras (Belize), clxxvii; Caterson’s calls for black unity in Panama, 539–542; in Cuba, cxc–cxci; Garvey on race pride, 68; Garvey’s comparison of American and West Indian, 88; in Grenada, ccx; Hercules’ promotion of, 280 n. 4, 304 n. 2, 480; in Leeward Islands, ccxxx, ccxxxi, ccxxxiii, ccxxxiv, ccxxxv, ccxxxvi, ccxxxvii, ccxxxviii; Negro World seen as raising, ccxxxvi; in Puerto Rico, ccxlix; of Sebastian, 677 n. 3; in Trinidad, cclxiv; Ulotrichian Universal Union and upsurge in, cxxv; UNIA’s attempts to develop, 469; Universal Benevolent Association’s promotion of, 264 n. 2; war service and, lxxxii, clv, clxviii, clxxvi, ccxliv, cclxxv, 347. See also Black nationalism Race riots: in Bermuda (1920), clviii n. 2; in Britain (1919), cxxxiv, cxxxv, cclxxviii, 241, 245 n. 4, 280 n. 4, 304 n. 2, 351; in British Guiana (early 1920s), clxvii–clxviii; in British Honduras (1919), cxxxv, clxxvi, 247– 252, 617 n. 1, 619, 654, 727; in Chicago (1919), cxxxv, 386, 387 n. 4, 388 n. 4, 388 n. 5; in East St. Louis (1917), cxxvii; in Trinidad (1919), cxxxv, cxxxviii–cxxxix, clxxvi, 299–313, 351; in U.S. (1919), 386, 387–388 n. 4 “Race Riots in the U.K.” (Cain), clxxvi Racial equality: in Cuba, 546 n. 1; Amy Garvey’s meetings on, clviii; Monk in struggle for, clvi; myth of, in Cuba, cxcii; National Equal Rights League, 202 n. 4; Phillips on, 46 n. 5; U.S. Virgin Islanders on, cclxxiii Racial prejudice: in British Guiana, clxx; Garvey on, 37–38; in Jamaica, 5. See also Racism Racial segregation: in American South, 721 n. 3; in Canal Zone, ccxliii, 412 n. 1; Jim Crow laws, 386, 387 n. 2, 412 n. 1, 468; UNIA resolution (November 1918) condemning, 118; during U.S. occupation of Haiti, ccxix Racism: of American Federation of Labor, 293 n. 5; in American South, 721 n. 3, 759; in British military, lxxxii, cclxxvii; in Canal Zone, ccxliii; of European world, cclxiv; Garvey’s initial reluctance to challenge, lxxviii; in Guatemala, ccxiii, ccxvii n. 7; in Honduras, ccxxiv; in St. Kitts-Nevis, ccxxxiii; Ward on depth of, 718;

831

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Racism (continued): toward West Indian soldiers, lxxxii, cclxxviii, 125 n. 3, 131 n. 3, 251, 415, 417– 420, 617 n. 1 Radway, Samuel Percival, cxciii, 155, *156 n. 1, 313, 314, 345, 410, 411, 502, 503, 504, 532 Rae, J. S., 722 Raines, Frank O., 794 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 51 Ramnarine, Tyran, 341 n. 13 Ramsay, John, 725 Ramsey, J. T. C., 762, 764 n. 6 Randolph, Asa Philip, lxvii, lxviii, xci n. 34, 120 n. 1, *293–294 n. 5, 590 n. 1, 794 Randolph, Norman, 565, *565 n. 1, 567–569, 573–575 Rankin, William D., lxxi, 794 Rawle, Cecil Edgar Allan, *555–556 n. 3; Casimir and, cxcviii, 509 n. 5, 510 n. 5, 554, 628 n. 3; in Dominica Representative Government Association, cxcvii, 628 n. 3, 753 n. 4; Dominica Taxpayers Association formed by, 511 n. 5, 762 n. 1, 774 n. 1 Raymond, Arthur, 304 n. 2 Razafkeriefo, Andrea P., 794 Read, Sir Herbert James, 195, *195 n. 2 Reading, Lord, 586 Reddock, Rhoda, cclxvii Reece, H. Walter, 778, *780 n. 2 Reed, Francis Ernest, 83, *84 n. 4 Reid (attorney), 713 Reid, Arthur, 201 n. 4 Reid, E. A., 409, 519–520 Reid, Mrs. E. A., 519–520 Reid, Percival, 186 Remittances, 243, 246 n. 11 Reneau, B., 632 Reneau, George C., 707 n. 6, 794 Reneau, Joseph, 662 Rennie, E. W., 161 Renwick, C. F. P., 143 n. 3, 176 n. 1 Representative Employers of Labour (Barbados), 489–490 Representative Government Association (RGA): in Dominica, cxcvii, 511 n. 5, 555 n. 3, 628 n. 3, 749, 753 n. 4; in Grenada, cxxvi, ccxi, 142 n. 1, 143 n. 3, 176 n. 1, 670 n. 9, 670 n. 10, 671 n. 14; in St. Kitts-Nevis, 678 n. 3; in St. Lucia, 743 n. 5; in St. Vincent, cclix, cclxi n. 5, 124 n. 2 Returned Soldiers and Sailors Council and Organization, cxxxvi Reyes Bueno, Maria “Reyita” de los, cxci

RGA. See Representative Government Association Rharhabe, 710 n. 5 Rhodesia, 222 Richards, Æmelius, 447 Richards, Alfred, ccxxx, 614–615 n. 4, 679 n. 5 Richards, Rhoda, ccxxx Richardson, Adrian, 794 Richardson, Doris A., 703–704 Richardson, Sir William Wigham, *234 n. 5 Ricketts, Frederick Samuel, 410, *411 n. 1, 424, 438, 439, 444, 532, 542, 584, 794 Ringwood, Mr. (wireless operator), 457, 459–460 Riots. See Race riots Risley, Sir John Shuckburgh, 604, *605 n. 3 Rob, Dr. A. deC., 81 Roberts, J. R., 751, 783 Roberts, Mary, 695 n. 8 Robertson, Aliela, lxxii Robertson, Sylvester Victor, lxxii Robins, John, 730, 748 Robinson, Archdeacon (Costa Rica), 34 Robinson, E. D., clvii Robinson, Minnie, 797 Robinson, Norman Albert, 794 Rodney, George Brydes, 58, *61 n. 1 Rodriguez Tamayo, J., 275, 281 Roger, Archibald, ccxxxix n. 22, 611 n. 2 Rogers, J. A., 694 n. 4 Rogers, R. Harriet, 797 Rohlehr, Dr. John Monteith, 550, 552, *553 n. 1 Rolle, Nathaniel, 720 Roosevelt, Theodore, lxxix–lxxx, 225, 650, 652 n. 2 Roper, Captain C. L., 233 n. 1 Rosario, Conrado, ccl Rose, A. M., 439 Rose, Lillian, 186 Rosemond, Chrysostome, ccxx Ross, Dr. Isaac Nelson, 463, *465 n. 4 Rough Riders, 650, 652 n. 2 Roumain, Jacques, ccxxi Rowe, William, 186 Rowland, Wilfred E., ccii, cciii, cciv, ccvii n. 15 Rowlatt Act (1919), 270 n. 10 Royal Bank of Canada, ccxx Royal Mail Line, 93, 94, 624, 628 n. 7, 750 Royal Orders-in-Council, 270 n. 7 Royal Sussex Regiment, cxxxviii, clviii n. 2, 616 n. 4, 654 Ruane, Patrick, 263, *266 n. 9 Ruch, George F., 326, *326 n. 4 “Rule, Britannia,” 253 n. 3, 669, 671–672 n. 17 Rumford, Julia E., 797

832

INDEX Russell, A. D., 497–499 Russell, Charles Taze, 12, 12 n. 1, *13 n. 2, 13 n. 4, 15–16 Russell, John M., 764 Rutherford, Joseph Franklin, 13 n. 1 Ryan (St. Lucia UNIA leader), ccliv Ryan, T. (St. Lucia police chief), 560 n. 4, 656, 657 n. 1 St. Andrews Burial Society, 761 Saint-Barthelemy, 260 St. Clair-Jones, A., 144 St. Croix, ccxxix, ccxxx, 611 n. 2, 789, 790 Saint Croix Labour Union, cclxxiii, 611 n. 2 St. John, cclxxi, ccxxix, 790 St. Kitts Baby Saving League, 766 n. 1 St. Kitts-Nevis: Basseterre, 261, 264 n. 2, 265 n. 3, 677 n. 3, 679 n. 4, 686, 693 n. 1, 718–719 n. 4, 766 n. 1, 771 n. 2; “Black” on “Black, White, and ‘Mixed’ in,” 759; Buckley’s Estate in, 695 n. 7; Garvey’s visit (1937) to, ccxxxvii; labor conditions in, 261–263; labor migration to Dominican Republic from, cci; labor strife in, 265 n. 6, 678 n. 3, 680 n. 6, 681 n. 8, 717, 718–719 n. 4, 771 n. 2; land tenure system in, ccxxxix n. 21; map of Caribbean, cxlii; maps of Leeward Islands, 260, 355; population decline due to emigration, ccxxxv, ccxl n. 30; porter and boatman strike (September 1917) in, ccxxxii, 264 n. 2, 679 n. 4, 718 n. 4; in presidency with Nevis and Anguilla, 265 n. 4; racial intolerance in, ccxxxiii, ccxxxix n. 22; Representative Government Association, 678 n. 3; St. John, 770 n. 1; Sandy Point strike (1920) in, 674, 680 n. 6; seditious publications ordinance in, cxxxix; sugar industry in, 681 n. 8, 719 n. 4, 766 n. 2; UNIA in, cxxxii, ccxxix–ccxl, 674–676, 678 n. 3, 754–755, 765; West Indian immigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian immigrants in U.S. from, 789 St. Kitts-Nevis Benevolent Association. See Universal Benevolent Association (UBA) St. Kitts-Nevis Daily Bulletin, 680 n. 6, 719 n. 4 St. Kitts-Nevis Labour Defense Committee, 696 n. 9 St. Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union, 681 n. 8, 766 n. 2 St. Kitts-Nevis Transportation Company Ltd., 774 n. 1 St. Kitts Printery, 719 n. 4

St. Kitts Taxpayers Association, ccxxxvi, 678 n. 3, 774 n. 1 St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union, cxxiv, ccxxxi, 264 n. 2, 677 n. 3, 678 n. 3, 696 n. 9 St. Kitts Workers League, 678 n. 3, 774 n. 1 St. Lucia, cclviii; Admiralty’s suggestion to station white troops in, 347, 348, 351; British Cabinet Office report on, 711; British naval base at, 350 n. 2; Castries, ccliii, 269 n. 3, 557, 559, 561 n. 9, 562, 587, 711, 743 n. 3; coal carriers strike in, 561 n. 8, 562, 711; Garvey’s visit (1937) to, ccliii–ccliv, cclvi; “J.U.G.” article in Crusader on conditions in, 596–597; large tracts of vacant land in, 711; legislative council of, 742 n. 1; map of, 556; map of Caribbean, cxlii; map of Windward Islands, 355; Negro World banned in, cclv; police strike in, 557–560, 587, 656–657, 683, 711; postwar unrest in, cclxxv; racial tensions in, ccliv–cclv; Representative Government Association, 743 n. 5; seditious publications ordinance in, cxl, cclv, cclvii n. 17, 278 n. 1, 740–742; UNIA in, ccliii–cclvii, 559, 562, 563 n. 1, 563 n. 2, 597, 683, 711; West Indian immigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian immigrants in U.S. from, 789 St. Lucia Gazette, 740–742 St. Martin, 260, 789, 790 St. Thomas, cclxxi, 611 n. 2, 789, 790 St. Val, Vivil, 593, 594 n. 1 St. Vincent Agricultural Credit and Loan Bank, 124 n. 2 St. Vincent and the Grenadines, cclxii; Clare Valley, 521; colonial government in, cclxi n. 5, 514 n. 1; compulsory education for, 236, 238 n. 2; H.M.S. Constance in, 587; Garvey’s visit (1937) to, cclx, cclxi; Kingstown, 124 n. 2, 236 n. 1, 238 n. 2, 290 n. 4, 375, 446–447; labor unrest (1919) in, cclix, cclx; Lowmans, 268, 270 n. 6; map of, 235; map of Caribbean, cxlii; map of Windward Islands, 355; Negro World burned in, 437; Negro World prohibited in, cxxxvii, cxxxviii, cclix–cclx, cclxi, 236 n. 1, 268–269, 288–290, 342–344, 356, 374–375, 380, 381, 383, 385, 390, 426, 429, 430, 437, 447, 521, 722–724; Representative Government Association, cclix, cclxi n. 5, 124 n. 2; seditious publications ordinance in, 278–279, 722, 723, 724, 740; Stubbs, cclix, cclx, 239 n. 6, 375; UNIA in, cclix–cclxi, 236, 239 n. 6, 268, 356, 360, 374–375, 426, 447, 521; wages in, 236, 238 n. 3, 360, 381, 447;

833

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS St. Vincent and the Grenadines (continued): West Indian immigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian immigrants in U.S. from, 789 St. Vincent Government Gazette, 342–343 St. Vincent Trading Company, 375, 426 Saker, Alfred, 47 n. 7 Salmon, Rev. E. Sellier, 616 n. 4 Salmon, J. E. M., 740 Sam, Vilbrun Guillaume, 408 n. 1 Sammerville, John, 186 Sampson, E. A., 172–173 Samuda, T. B., 600, 601, 602, 775 Samuel, Rev. B. A., 449 n. 1 Samuel, L. V. D., 8 n. 2 Sanches, Private (Taranto mutineer), 131 n. 3 Sànchez Gonzàlez, Rafael, 505, *506 n. 1 Sanders (Panama UNIA member), 478, 600 Sands, Lucy, 797 Santille, S.S., cxxxiv, 233 n. 1, 300 Santos, João Pedro, 335–336, 338, 339, *341 n. 11 Saunders, Gail, cxlv Saunders, T. H., 602, 775 Scarlet, T., 725 Schenck, Louis Alexander, 794 Schomburg, Arthur, 53 n. 1, 90 n. 2, 201 n. 4 School of Home Economics (British Guiana), clxxii Schuyler, George S., 294 n. 4 Scipio, Publius Cornelius, 467, 469 n. 2 Scott, Bernard, cciii Scott, Emmett J., 116 Scott, John Smith, 794 Scott, Samuel, 187 Scott, Sir Walter, 16 Seaford strike, cxxiv Seal, George, 575 Seale, Herbert, cliii Searchlight/La Linterna (Costa Rica), 450, n. 3 Seaton, E. M., 550 Seaton, W. A. H., ccxxxi, 263 n. 2, 774 n. 1 Seaton, William Tapley, 774 n. 1 Seay, Vivian Wilhelmina Myvett, clxxvi, clxxviii, 632, *639 n. 1 Sebastian, Dr. Cuthbert, 678 n. 3 Sebastian, John Matthew, 677 n. 3 Sebastian, Joseph Matthew, *677–679 n. 3; correspondence of with other Garveyite leaders, ccxl n. 33; deference to middle-class leaders by, ccxxxvii; at Sandy Point mass meeting, 674, 676; in UNIA, ccxxix, ccxxxiv, ccxxxvi; as Union Messenger

publisher, ccxxxiv, 264 n. 2, 693 n. 1; in Universal Benevolent Association, cxxxii, ccxxxiv, ccxxxvi, 681 n. 8, 686, 687, 716– 717, 774 Second plantation system, clxxv Second West India Regiment, cxxxiii, cclxxvii, 233 n. 1 Seditious publications ordinances: in Antigua, cxxxix; in Bahamas, 278 n. 1, 296–298, 432, 672–673, 757–758; in Barbados, 375–376, 445, 778; in British Guiana (Guyana), cxxxvii, cxxvix, 320–322, 328–340, 375, 377, 390–391, 414–415, 448, 497, 534, 537–539, 550–553, 581–582, 607–610; in British Honduras (Belize), 652–653; Colonial Office’s approval of, cxxxvi, 278 n. 1; in Dominica, 728, 729 n. 2, 749, 750, 752 n. 2, 776–777; in Grenada, cxxxvi, cxl, 278 n. 1, 657, 664–669, 740; in Jamaica, 448; in Leeward Islands, 278 n. 1, 349; in St. KittsNevis, cxxxix; in St. Lucia, cxl, cclv, cclvii n. 17, 278 n. 1, 740–742; in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, 278–279, 722, 723, 724, 740; in Trinidad, cxxxiv, cxl, 214, 278 n. 1, 304–305 n. 2, 330, 391, 448, 579, 580 n. 2, 587, 588, 603–607, 616 n. 4, 669, 740, 785; in Windward Islands, cxl, 269 n. 2 Segal, Daniel A., 614 n. 1 Segregation, racial. See Racial segregation Seifert, Charles C., 124 n. 1, 794 Selassie, Haile, cclxviii Self-determination: as applied everywhere but Africa, 175; Association of Universal Loyal Negroes on, 118; Bryan’s calls for African, 211; Cadet’s calls for African, 191; Du Sauzay on, 397; fight against Grenada’s seditious publications ordinance and, 665; “Junius Junior” on African, 140; Lloyd George’s support of, cxxviii, 99 n. 2, 100 n. 5; National Association of Loyal Negroes plan for African, cxxxi, 98–99, 128; Wilson on, cxxviii, 99 n. 2, 128, 423 n. 2 Selkridge, John Frederick, 794 Semper, Maud, 187 Serjeant, B. N., 313, 314 Servio, L. A., 700 Severin, Herbert David, 509, *509 n. 4, 525, 751 Sewel, Alexander, 187 Seymour, J. Henry, 156 n. 1, 186, 271, 283, 291, 314, 409, 410, 411, 424, 425, 532, 542 Seymour, Mrs. J. H., 597 Shackleton, Henry, cxciii Shakespeare, William: Davis’s dramatic readings

834

INDEX from, 441 n. 2; quoted, 19, 634, 703 Sharpe, Sam, 56 n. 8 Shaw, Dr. Matthew Albert Neil, 202 n. 4, 794 Shaw, William, 186 Shaw-Davis, G. A., 449, 452 Sheppard, Cyril Oscar, ccxxxiii, ccxxxiv, ccxxxv, ccxxxvi, ccxxxix n. 17, 770 n. 1 Sherrill, William, lxiv Shillingford, Albert Charles, 555 n. 3 Shillingford, Sylvia Eva (Rawle), 555 n. 3 Shirley, Derby Disraeli, 794 Shoman, Assad, clxxix Sierra Leone, 42 n. 4, 47 n. 7, 68, 69, 86 n. 1, 128, 182, 183, 269 n. 2 Sievier, Robert Standish, 321, *324 n. 6 Silver Employees’ Association of La Boca, 283 Simon, Dr. K. M. B., 639 n. 1 Simon, Rev. Thomas, 794 Simon, Uriah, 186 Simon of Cyrene, 68, 71–72, 74 n. 2 Simons, Dr. (Panama), 411 Simpson, H. A. L., cxix Simpson, Walter Herbert, 142, 176 n. 1, 794 Sims, Lizzie B., 797 Singer, Sir Morgan, 171, 350–352, *352 n. 1 Sisnett, Sir Herbert Kortwright McDonnell, 328, *340 n. 1 Skeete, T., 232, 244 Slavery: Angola as source of slaves, 222; “Back to Africa” movement as response to, 398; in Bahamas, 720 n. 3; in Barbados, 245 n. 3; as “borne for something” to Garvey, 644; in Brazil, clxi–clxii; in British Guiana, clxix; British Guiana’s seditious publications bill compared with, 552; in British Honduras, clxxv; dancing on the tread-mill, 59; in Dominica, cxcvii; Emancipation Day, cxc, 61, 83; in first plantation system, clxxv; German victory in World War I as threat of return to, cclxxv; in Grenada, ccix; in Guatemala, ccxiii; Hawkins’s introduction to British Isles of, 55 n. 1, 59; in Jamaica, 51– 52, 59–60; mutual suspicion as feature of, cclv; Our Own essay on, 3–5; in Panama, ccxli; revolts in Jamaica, 51–52, 56 n. 8, 60; Roman, 4, 5 n. 2; Spaniards’ introduction to West Indies of, 50; stigma of, 467; in Trinidad, cclxiii; in U.S. Virgin Islands, cclxxi; wage labor compared with, 261–263. See also Abolition of slavery Small, J., 714 Small, R. R., 141 n. 1 Smith, Charles C., 663, *664 n. 3, 699, 702, 719,

730, 747, 760–761 Smith, Effie, 314 Smith, Elijah, 761 Smith, G. A., 725 Smith, George (antiquarian), 70, *75 n. 14 Smith, George (Colón UNIA member), 187 Smith, George E., 706 Smith, J. C., 725 Smith, James Alexander George, 530, *530 n. 1, 640 n. 5 Smith, Major Maxwell, 132 n. 3, 134–135, *135 n. 2, 136, 169–171, 230, 302, 306, 307, 498, 657 Smith, Rudolph Ethelbert, 794 Smith, Sidney, 794 Smith, Thaddeus, 794 Smith, Theodore, 450–451 n. 3 Smith, Dr. Uriah, 85 Smith, Wilford, 794 Smith-Green, Edward D., *427–428 n. 1; Casimir’s correspondence with, 554–555, 593, 732–733; letter to Osiris de Bourg on Black Star Line, 427; origins of male participants in UNIA, 794; shooting of, 519, 520 n. 3; speech at New York UNIA meeting by, 646–652; speech at Philadelphia UNIA meeting by, 641–643; at UNIA banquet for Yarmouth officers, 566 Smith-Green Bohne, Rosaline, 520 n. 3 Smuts, Jan, 423 n. 2 Soberanis Gomez, Antonio, clxxvii, 639 n. 2 Socialism: of Barbados Herald, cliv n. 5; of Critchlow, 323 n. 3; of Debs, 577 n. 1; of Domingo, 590 n. 1; of Du Bois, 74 n. 8; of Emancipator, 590 n. 1; of Industrial Workers of the World, ccxliv; of Messenger, 293 n. 5, 388 n. 4; postwar unrest and, cclxiv; Russian attempt to convene world conference (1917), 97 n. 1; UNIA associated with, 406, 408; of Wickham, 764 n. 5 Socialist Party (U.S.), 577 n. 1, 590 n. 1 Social Physical Cultural Club (Barbados), cli Society of Free People of Color for Promoting the Instruction and School Education of Children of African Descent, 464 n. 3 Society of Peoples of African Origin (SPAO), cxxxiv, 280 n. 4, 304 n. 2, 495 Solomon, Sir Aubrey Kenneth, 297, *299 n. 10, 672–673, 757 Solomon, W. Frederick, cxxiv, ccxxxi, 263 n. 2, 678 n. 3, 681 n. 8, 696 n. 9 Somerset, Henry, cxxiv South Africa, 118, 142 n. 1, 191, 221, 710 n. 5

835

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS SPAO (Society of Peoples of African Origin), cxxxiv, 280 n. 4, 304 n. 2, 495 Sperling, Sir Rowland Arthur Charles, 548–549, *549 n. 1 Sprostons Ltd., 745, 746 n. 1 Staine, Calvert M., 632, 639 n. 2, *639 n. 3, 652– 653 Standard Fruit, ccxxv, ccxxvi, 254 n. 14, 353 n. 3, 738 n. 1, 739 n. 3, 739 n. 4 Steber, Joseph H., 523–524, 526 n. 2, 526 n. 5, 628 n. 3 Steed, H. Wickham, 671 n. 15 Steele, Edward, 794 Steggall, Septimus, 24, 25 n. 2 Stein, Judith, ccxl n. 34 Stephens, A., 439 Stephens, M., 257 Stephenson, Alfred, 186 Stephenson, Mrs. J. E., 82 Steven, Charles, 187 Stevens, Mr. (Panama), 492 Stevens, Hope Ross, 696 n. 9 Stevens, Reginald, ccxxxvii, 763 n. 1 Stevenson, Ricardo, 216–217 Stewart, Rev. C. A., 660 n. 2 Stewart, Gabriel, 794 Still, Addie, 797 Stokes, Rose Pastor, 202 n. 4 Storrs, Iolanthe, 797 Stoute, William, *230 n. 1; Canal Zone police agent reports on, 413–414, 517, 532; correspondence of with Garvey, 229–230; Davis’s charges of theft against, cxl, 703– 704, 712–716, 784–785; deportation of, cxxxix, ccxliv–ccxlv; joins UNIA, 517; “Negro Workers in Panama Underpaid,” 325; “Poverty and the West Indian,” 324; in strike (February 1920), cxl, ccxliv–ccxlv, 217 n. 2, 543 n. 1, 544, 564, 568, 571, 572, 575, 577, 411–412 Stovell, Rev. Rufus J., 661 n. 4 Strachey, Sir Charles, 192, *193 n. 1, 218 Straits Settlements Ordinance No. XI (1915), 213, 214 n. 4, 215, 216, 286, 287 n. 3, 297, 312, 330, 331, 375, 497, 603, 606 Straun, Sergeant J. S., 674–676, *677 n. 1 Strikes: of Artisans and Labourers’ Union against United Fruit Company, cxix, cxx, 409 n. 1; in Barbados (1919), 736; in British Guiana (Guyana), clxvii, 341 n. 9, 553 n. 1; British mining, 262, 265–266 n. 8, 333, 429; in Canal Zone (February 1920), cxl, ccxliv– ccxlv, 217 n. 2, 543, 544, 564, 567–569, 570,

571, 572–575, 577, 583, 703–704, 712, 714, 784–785; Caribbean League’s plans for general, cxxxii, 132 n. 3; Duncan on, 261; in Honduras (July 1920), ccxxvi, 739 n. 4; of Jamaican printers (1908), cxix; in Leeward Islands, ccxxxi–ccxxxii; postwar, cclxxv; in Sandy Point, St. Kitts (1920), 674, 680 n. 6; of Trinidadian dockworkers and railway workers (1919), cxxxviii–cxxxix, cclxiv, cclxviii n. 1, 304 n. 2, 480 n. 1, 490, 497–499, 513–514, 547, 615–616 n. 4, 679 n. 4 “Strolling Scribbler,” 364 Stuart, James L., 113 Stuart, W. C. F., 727 Sudre Dartiguenave, Philippe, ccxx, 147 n. 3, 151 n. 3 Sugar industry: in Barbados, 245 n. 2; in British Guiana, 322 n. 3; collapse of West Indian, lxi, xc n. 13; in Cuba, clxxxix, 237 n. 1, 275; in Dominican Republic, cci, cciv, ccvi n. 4; Forde’s suggestion to introduce to, Bahamas, 748; in Jamaica, 51, 59; in Leeward Islands, ccxxxi, ccxxxii–ccxxxiii, ccxxxiv; in St. Kitts-Nevis, 681 n. 8, 719 n. 4, 766 n. 2; Spaniards’ introduction to West Indies of, 50; in Trinidad, cclxiv, 311 n. 1; in U.S. Virgin Islands, cclxxi; World War I disruption of, ccxxxi Sumner, Charles, 45, *46 n. 4 Sunday Gleaner (Jamaica), lxvi Surgeon, Rev. (Panama), 478 Surinam, 789, 790 Suter, John T., 147 n. 1 Sutherland, F. A. R., 553 Swanston, W. A., 615 n. 4 Symmons, Thomas T., 441 n. 2 Taft, William Howard, 407 n. 1 Tannenbaum, Frank, ccxlii Taranto mutiny, cxxxii, clxxxviii n. 8, cclxxviii– cclxxix, 130, 131 n. 3, 138–139, 171, 233 n. 1 Tavanier, Jasmine, 359–360 Taylor, Edward Alfred, 794 Taylor, George S., 794 Taylor, John Eldred, 53–54 n. 1, 280 n. 4, 494, 495 Taylor, R. H., lxxi Taylor, Robert Howard, 794 Taylor, Samuel E., 706 Teach, Edward (Blackbeard), 51 Tennant, Lieutenant H. G., 81 Tete-Ansa, Winifred, 55 n. 1 Thelwell, A. F., 48

836

INDEX Thomas, John Jacob, cclxiv, 708, *709–710 n. 1 Thomas, Samuel Joyce, 722, *722 n. 1, 723, 724 Thompson, Hermon L. A., 291–292, *292 n. 1 Thompson, James, 671 n. 17 Thompson, Noah D., lxxiii Thomson, Sir Basil Home, 303, *305–306 n. 5, 376, 655 Thorne, Alfred Athiel, 139, 141 n. 2, *141 n. 4, 320, 322 n. 3, 329, 340 n. 7, 553 n. 1 Thorne, C., 232, 244 Thorne, J. A. H., 386–387 Thornton, Hugh Cholmondeley, 349, *350 n. 3 Thuillier, Sir Henry Fleetwood, 132 n. 3, 134– 135, *135 n. 1, 136, 167, 168, 169–171 Thursfield, Major J. B., 233 n. 1 Thwaites, Norman Graham, 594, *594 n. 1 Times (London), 442–443, 448, 671 n. 15, 777 Times (St. Vincent), 123, 124 n. 2, 236, 239 Times/El Tempio (Limón, Costa Rica), 10 n. 1; on downtown Limón fire, 27 n. 2§; front page of, 14; Nation controversy, cxx, 17–36, 450 n. 3; on religious sects in Limón, 9–17 Timothy, Elmira, 732, 733 n. 1 Tinker, Samuel H., 699, 702, 720, 747 Tobago: African origins of population of, cclxiii; Garveyite documents lacking for, cclxvii; map of Leeward and Windward Islands, 355; as peasant society, cclxvii; West Indian immigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian immigrants in U.S. from, 789. See also Trinidad and Tobago Tobias, George, 794 Tobitt, Rev. Richard Hilton, clvi–clviii, clxx, ccxxxv, cclvi, cclxvi, 323 n. 3, 659, *660 n. 2, 661 n. 4, 794 Togo (Togoland), 79, 80, 128, 159, 182, 183, 220 Toote, Frederick Augustus, cxlvii–cxlviii, 794 Toote, Thaddeus A., cxlvi Tourist: A Literary and Anti-Slavery Journal, cxxii, 58–61, 64 n. 3 Toussaint L’Ouverture, Pierre Dominique, 4, *7 n. 11, 52, 66, 74 n. 3, 379, 421, 461, 522, 531, 651, 708 Trade and Labour Unions (Prohibition) Ordinance, ccxxxi, 263 n. 2, 681 n. 8 Trades Union Congress (TUC), 263 n. 2 Trade Union Law of 1919 (Jamaica), 246 n. 8 Trade unions: Antigua Workingmen’s Association, ccxxxvii, 762 n. 1; Artisans and Labourers’ Union, cxix, cxx, 409 n. 1; in Barbados, 242, 245 n. 6, 246 n. 8, 422, 779; Barbados Labour Union, cliv n. 5, cliv n. 9; Barbados Workingmen’s Association, cliii,

763 n. 3; in Bermuda, 659, 661 n. 4; in British Guiana, clxx, clxxiii n. 1, clxxiii n. 5, 141 n. 4, 322 n. 3, 341 n. 9; British Guiana Workers’ League, 141 n. 4, 322 n. 3; in British Honduras (Belize), 639 n. 3; British Workers’ National League, 131 n. 1; Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, 293 n. 4, 294 n. 4; Colón Federal Labor Union, cxxv, ccxliv, 217, 409, 517; in Costa Rica, 409 n. 1; in Cuba, cxciii; Dominica’s lack of, 750; friendly societies as incipient, lxxxv; Grenada Workingmen’s Association, ccxi, ccxii n. 9, 142 n. 1, 670 n. 11; in Honduras, ccxxiii; industrial unionism, 226; Industrial Workers of the World, ccxliv, 263 n. 2, 268, 270 n. 9, 293 n. 4; International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, 202 n. 4; Jamaica Federation of Labour, 64 n. 1, 246 n. 8; Jamaica Trades and Labour Union, 64 n. 1; Jamaica Typographical Union, cxix; in Leeward Islands, ccxxxii, ccxxxvii; Messenger as advocate for, 293 n. 4; in Panama, ccxliv, 283, 410, 573; Paris Peace Treaty statement on, 334; Saint Croix Labour Union, cclxxiii, 611 n. 2; St. Kitts-Nevis ban on, cxxiv, ccxxxi, 263 n. 2, 681 n. 8; St. KittsNevis legalization of, 678 n. 3, 681 n. 8; St. Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union, 681 n. 8, 766 n. 2; St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union, cxxiv, ccxxxi, 264 n. 2, 677 n. 3, 678 n. 3, 696 n. 9; in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, cclx; in Trinidad and Tobago, cclxv; UNIA and, clxx, cxciii, cciv, ccxxxvi, ccxliv, cclxiv, cclx; United Fruit Company threatened by, 255 n. 14; in U.S. Virgin Islands, cclxxiii, 611 n. 2. See also American Federation of Labor (AFL); British Guiana Labour Union (BGLU); Trinidad Workingmen’s Association (TWA); United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees and Railway Shop Laborers Trevor, John B., 122 Tribune (Bahamas), cxlvi Tribune (British Guiana), 610 n. 3 Triley, Dr. (Philadelphia), 89 Trinidad, cclxix; Admiralty’s suggestion to station white troops in, 347, 348, 349, 351; Baker as U.S. consul in, 390 n. 1; H.M.S. Calcutta in, cxxxix; colonial government in, cclxviii n. 1; H.M.S. Constance in, 587; constitutional reform agitation in, cclxv; Constitutional Reform Committee, 679 n. 5, 710 n. 2;

837

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Trinidad (continued): contingents sent for World War I service from, cclxxvi; diversity of, cclxiii–cclxiv; dockworkers’ and railway workers’ strike of 1919, cxxxviii–cxxxix, cclxiv, cclxviii n. 1, 304 n. 2, 480 n. 1, 490, 497–499, 513–514, 547, 615–616 n. 4, 679 n. 4; East Indians in, ccix, cclxiii, 292 n. 4, 310–311, 480 n. 1, 613, 689, 695 n. 5; Garvey denied entry to (1922), cclxvi; Garvey’s visit (1937) to, cclxvii–cclxviii, cclxix n. 11; Hercules in, 454, 479–480, 483–484; immigration ordinances in, 695 n. 5; labor protests (1937) in, cclxv, cclxvii–cclxviii; Liberty Hall, cclxiv, cclxix n. 11; map of, 212; map of Leeward and Windward Islands, 355; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Negro World circulated in, 484, 497; Negro World seized in, cxxxiii, ccxix, cclxvi, 212–213, 268, 303, 389, 613– 614, 785; oil industry in, cclxiv, 293 n. 4, 448 n. 1; Port of Spain, cxxxiv, cxxxv, cclxv, 301, 302, 305 n. 3, 305 n. 4, xcii, 307, 480 n. 1, 484, 497–499, 615–616 n. 4, 675; postwar unrest in, cclxxv; racial disturbance (1919) in, cxxxv, cxxxviii, clxxvi, 299–313, 351; rice cultivation in, 292–293 n. 4; St. Joseph, 291 n. 1; seditious publications ordinance in, cxxxiv, cxl, 214, 278 n. 1, 304–305 n. 2, 330, 391, 448, 579, 580 n. 2, 587, 588, 603–607, 616 n. 4, 669, 740, 785; sugar industry in, cclxiv, 311 n. 1; Tobitt refused entry to, clvii–clviii, 660 n. 2; UNIA in, cclxiii– cclxviii, 292, 547, 675; water riot (1903) in, cclxviii n. 1, 302, 305 n. 3, 309, 710 n. 2; West Indian immigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian immigrants in U.S. from, 789; white elite in, cclxiii; working conditions in, 305 n. 4; work stoppages in Port of Spain (May 1919), xcii Trinidad and Tobago, cclxiii–cclxix. See also Trinidad; Tobago Trinidad Guardian, 448, 710 n. 4 Trinidad Labour Party (TLP), cclxiv, cclxviii Trinidad Shipping and Trading Company, 483 Trinidad Workingmen’s Association (TWA), 614–616 n. 4; burning of Negro World and, 613; de Bourg as leader of, ccxxx, cclxv, 615 n. 4, 616 n. 4, 679 n. 5, 686, 688; formation of, cclxviii n. 1; strike (November 1919) of, cxxxviii; UNIA and, cclxiv–cclxv, cclxvi, cclxvii, cclxviii; women leaders of, cclxvii Triple Entente [Alliance], 99 n. 1 Tropical Radio & Telegraph Company, 254 n. 14,

470 Tropical Trading and Transport Company, clxxxii Trotman, Dorothy, 797 Trotman, Lillian, 797 Trotter, James M., 441 n. 2 Trotz, E. A., 197, *198 n. 1, 279 Trujillo, Rafael L., cciii, cciv, ccv, ccv n. 2 “Truth,” 446–447 Tucker, Adelle, 661 n. 4 Tucker, Elsie, 661 Tull, Walter, cclxxvi–cclxxvii Tulloch, G. G., 725 Turner, Ernest Edgar, 494, 495, 663, *663 n. 1, 698–699, 719–720, 729, 730, 746–748, 760– 761 Tuskegee Institute, lxxxi, cxxii, clxxii, 64 n. 1, 84 n. 2, 127 n. 1, 209 n. 6, 387 n. 3 TWA. See Trinidad Workingmen’s Association (TWA) Tyler, George, 402, 404 n. 2, 794 Tynes, H. A., cxlvii, 663 n. 2 Typographical Union of North America, cxix UBA. See Universal Benevolent Association (UBA) UFC. See United Fruit Company (UFC) Ulotrichian Universal Union (UUU): Antigua branch of, cxxv, cxxvi; formation of, cxxiv, cli, ccxxx; general strike called by, ccxxxviii n. 9, 694 n. 3; lynching reports circulated by, ccxxxiv; registered as friendly society, cxxvi, ccxxxi, 770 n. 1; split in (1917), ccxxxii– ccxxxiii, ccxxxiv; UNIA objectives promoted by, ccxxxvi; Wilson as leader of, 762 n. 1 “Umbilla,” 43–46 Underhill, Edward Bean, 47 n. 7 UNIA, Inc., 640 n. 5 Union Baptist Church (Philadelphia), 91 n. 4 Union Club (Port of Spain, Trinidad), 484 Union Club (San Juan, Puerto Rico), ccl Unión de Obreros Antillanos, cxciii Union Mercantile Association (Bahamas): Bahamas-Florida shipping line as goal of, 298 n. 7, 664 n. 3, 698, 719–720, 730–731, 747; Bethel as founding member of, 701 n. 1; formation of, cxlv; police reports of meetings by, 698–699, 719–720, 729–731, 746–748, 760–761; prospectus of, 702; UNIA supported by, cxlv Union Messenger (Leeward Islands), ccxxxiv, ccxxxvi, 264 n. 2, 677 n. 3, 693 n. 1

838

INDEX Unión Obrera de Sánchez (Dominican Republic), cciv Union Patriotique (Haiti), ccxx Unions. See Trade unions United Black Association for Development (UBAD), clxxvii, clxxix United Brands Company, 255 n. 14 United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees and Railway Shop Laborers: American Federation of Labor and, ccxliv; Carter in, 412 n. 2; firing of members of, 541; formation of, 271; Labor Day parade (1919) by, 411, 413; Stoute and, 230 n. 1, 411, 413–414, 516; strike (February 1920) by, 516–517, 543 n. 1, 544, 568–569, 583; UNIA and, 291, 532; Workman as organ of, 346 n. 1, 414 United Fruit Company (UFC): Artisans and Labourers’ Union strike against, cxix, cxx, 409 n. 1; Central American Express critical of, 449; concern about Black Star Line’s money collection in Panama, 536; Costa Rican operations of, clxxxii, 10 n. 2, 352 n. 2§; credit extended to workers by, clxxxii– clxxxiii; in Cuban sugar industry, clxxxix; under Cutter, 435–436 n. 1; Davis’s visit opposed by, 471, 476–477; diversification of, 255 n. 14; employees advised by, 536 n. 1; S.S. Frederick Douglass’s visit to Panama and, 477–479; Garvey as employee of, clxxxiii, ccxlv; Garvey’s Costa Rica visit (1921) and, clxxxv; Guatemalan operations of, ccxiv, ccxvi, ccxvii n. 5; Honduran operations of, ccxxiv–ccxxv, 739 n. 3; labor force kept divided by, clxxxiii; labor unrest at, cxxxi, clxxxviii n. 8, 435, 436 n. 2; Negro World distributed by employee of, 352; Negro World suppressed by, ccxix, 507; origins of, clxxxii, 254–255 n. 14; Panamanian operations of, ccxli, 353 n. 4; report of on Garvey, 450–452; requests of to refuse passage to Garvey, clxxvi; St. Kitts’ workers protests against, cxx; Swan Island owned by, 252; Tropical Radio & Telegraph Company and, 254 n. 14, 470; types of bananas grown by, 353 n. 3; UNIA opposed by, clxxxiv–clxxxvi, ccii–cciii, ccxvii n. 5, 156 n. 2, 518; U.S. government alerted to Negro World by, 405–406; workers shifted by, ccxiv United Negro Front Conference (1923), 202 n. 4 United States: Bureau of Investigation, 147, 326– 327, 357, 546–547; Canal Zone controlled

by, ccxlii; Chicago race riot (1919), cxxxv, 386, 387 n. 4, 388 n. 4, 388 n. 5; Communist Party, 74 n. 8, 202 n. 4, 591 n. 1; conquests in Mexican War by, ccxli; Cuba occupied by, 275 n. 2; Dominican Republic occupied by, cci, ccii, ccv, 506 n. 2; East St. Louis race riot (1917), cxxvii; foreigners in formation of, 373; French West Indians seen as antiAmerican in, 756; Garveyism in Cuba opposed by, cxcii; Haiti occupied by, ccxix, 120 n. 1, 147 n. 3, 151 n. 2, 407–408 n. 1, 764, 765 n. 1; Military Intelligence Division, 583; Panama seized from Colombia by, 225; Postal Censorship Committee reports, 109– 110, 115–116, 118–122, 148–151, 172–173, 184–185; proposal to cede West Indies to, 430–431; race riots (1919), cxxxv, 386, 387– 388 n. 4; racism in, 721 n. 3, 759; Red Scare (1919), ccxliv; sedition law seen as unnecessary in, 668; seditious publications emanating from, 199–200, 204, 213, 286, 320, 329, 391, 448, 453, 507, 537, 613, 777; Socialist Party, 577 n. 1, 590 n. 1; UNIA opposed by, clxxxiv; West Indian emigration to, lx–lxi; West Indian immigrants in, 789. See also African Americans “United States of West Africa,” 222–223 Universal African Legion, clxviii, cclxvi–cclxvii, 510 n. 5 Universal African Motor Corps, cclxvii Universal African Nationalist Movement, Inc., 156 n. 1 Universal Benevolent Association (UBA): Burdon on, 765 n. 1; circular notice (June 1917), 685; circular notice (September 1917), 697; colonial authorities’ interest in Duncan’s opinion of, 765; Geen’s reports on meetings of, 261–263, 686–693, 716–718, 766–769, 771–774; Leeward Islands porter and boatman strike (September 1917) and, ccxxxii, 264 n. 2, 679 n. 4, 718 n. 4; newspaper of, 677 n. 3; Newton’s influence on, cxxiv, ccxxx; pamphlet of, 267; St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union restructured as, cxxiv, ccxxxi, 263 n. 2, 681 n. 8; Sebastian as president of, cxxxii, 678 n. 3; Ulotrichian Universal Union as inspiration for, 770 n. 1; UNIA ideas promoted by, ccxxxvi; wage increases achieved by, ccxxxii; Wilkes in formation of, 696 n. 9 Universal Ethiopian Anthem, cclxxx Universal Improvement and Cooperative Association, 124 n. 1

839

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS UNIVERSAL NEGRO IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION AND AFRICAN COMMUNITIES LEAGUE (UNIA AND ACL) African Americans in, lxii–lxv, xci n. 17; African Americans dominant in, lxxiii–lxxviii; African American suspicion of, lxvii–lxix; Association of Universal Loyal Negroes and, 116; British embassy requests for information on, 582–583, 594; British West Indies Regiment veterans in leadership of, cclxxx; censored correspondence of, 109, 115–116; cricket club in New York and, lxxxvii–lxxxviii; formation of, lx, cxxii, 81, 450, 451; friendly societies as model for, lxxxiv–lxxxvi; “From Greenland’s Icy Mountains” anthem, 116, 117 n. 1; Garvey’s request to Washington for assistance to, cxxiii; Garvey’s sacrifices for, 81; incorporation in New York of, lx; as international organization, clxxxi; membership of, 629; modern American revival characteristics of, lxvi; origins of female participants in, lxii–lxiii, 796–797; origins of male participants in, lxii–lxiii, 791–795; political impact in West Indies of, lx, lxvi– lxxi; postwar disillusionment fuels support for, cclxxx; public spectacles of, lxxxvi– lxxxviii; Spanish-language versions of basic documents of, cxc; split after Garvey’s deportation in, 640 n. 5, 707 n. 2; splits in New York leadership of, cxxvi, cxxviii; Trinidad Workingmen’s Association and, 616 n. 4; West Indian culture expressed by, lxxxvi–lxxxix AIMS AND OBJECTS OF 468; Africa as ultimate object, lix; Article I, Section 2, of Constitution on, 637–638; in certificate of incorporation, lx, lxxxiv– lxxxv; Garvey on, 80–83, 631; motto of, 73, 636, 706; peace aims, cxxx, cxxxiii; preamble to Constitution and Book of Laws on, lxxxv, xcvi n. 100; 7 Points, 164; statement of objectives of, 73 BRANCHES, DIVISIONS, AND AREAS OF INFLUENCE OF in Antigua, cxli, ccxxix–ccxl; in Bahamas, ciii, cxlvi–cxlix; in Baltimore, lxxi; in Barbados, cli–cliii, 241, 734–736, 762, 763 n. 3, 779; Belize, British Honduras, Ladies Division, 632, 635–636, 661–662; in Bermuda, clv– clviii, 597–598, 659; in Brazil, clxi, clxii, clxiii, clxv; in British Guiana, clxvii–clxxiii,

197–198, 228–229, 279, 660 n. 2; in British Honduras (Belize), clxxv–clxxix, 109, 578, 617, 618–620, 632–638, 640 n. 5, 644, 661– 662, 727; Colón, Panama, Ladies Division, 313–314, 345, 359–360, 502–503; in Costa Rica, clxxxi–clxxxvii, 408–409, 425, 450– 451 n. 3, 476, 485, 785; in Cuba, clxxxix– cxciv, 275, 362 n. 1, 396, 545–546, 566, 642, 647–648, 651, 785; in Dominica, cxcvii–cc, 509–511 n. 5, 554, 593, 621, 627, 698, 721– 722, 728–729, 750, 751–752, 753 n. 7, 782, 783; in Dominican Republic, cci–ccv, 505; first American branch, cxxvi; in Grenada, ccix–ccxi; in Guatemala, ccxiii–ccxvii, 705– 706, 707 n. 2; in Haiti, ccxix–ccxxi; in Honduras, ccxxiii–ccxxvi, 737–738; in Jamaica, lx, cxxii, 156 n. 1, 650–651, 785; in Leeward Islands, ccxxix–ccxxxviii; in Los Angeles, lxxiii; in Missouri, lxxiii; in New Orleans, lxxi–lxxii; in New York, lx, lxvii, lxix, lxxxvii, 440, 463, 785; in Panama and the Canal Zone, cxxx, cxl, ccxli–ccxlvi, 216– 217, 271, 291, 313–314, 345, 359–360, 409– 412, 424–425, 492–494, 500–502, 517, 518– 519, 521–522, 528–529, 532, 541, 543, 564, 565, 568, 572, 574, 577, 583, 584, 597, 601– 602, 658–659, 703–704, 714, 725–726, 775– 776, 785; in Philadelphia, lxxi, cxlviii, 643– 644; in Pittsburgh, lxxi; in Puerto Rico, ccxlix–ccli; rapid expansion in Western Caribbean, clxxxiv; reorganization in New York, 124 n. 1; in St. Kitts, cxxxii, ccxxix– ccxl, 674–676, 678 n. 3, 754–755, 765; in St. Lucia, ccliii–cclvii, 559, 562, 563 n. 1, 563 n. 2, 597, 683, 711; in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, cclix–cclxi, 236, 239 n. 6, 268, 356, 360, 374–375, 426, 447, 521; in Springfield, Massachusetts, clxiii; in Trinidad and Tobago, cclxiii–cclxviii, 292, 547, 675; in U.S. Virgin Islands, cclxxi–cclxxiii, 365– 366; in Virginia, lxxi CONVENTIONS OF 1920: lxxii, cxli, clvi, ccxxx, cclvii, 105 n. 1, 156 n. 2, 178, 237 n. 1, 283–284, 506 n. 3, 630– 631, 645–646, 680 n. 5, 706, 721, 727, 751– 752, 754, 755, 762 n. 1, 775–776, 782, 786 1921: 617 n. 1, 640 n. 5 1922: 584 n. 1, 617 n. 1, 680 n. 5 DELEGATIONS, OFFICERS, PROGRAMS, AND AUXILIARIES OF Amy Ashwood in organization of women’s auxiliary, 93 n. 1; Bruce as “Duke of Uganda,” 90 n. 2; chaplain-general, ccii,

840

INDEX ccxxxv, 201 n. 4, 237 n. 1, 633; Davis in top leadership, 442 n. 2; executive secretary, 428 n. 1; foreign secretary, 55 n. 1; general secretary, 73, 115, 121, 185, 445–446, 633; high chancellors, 707 n. 2; Industrial Farm and Institute sought by, lxxxi, lxxxiii, 64 n. 1, 82, 87, 91 n. 6; key organizers in U.S., lxxi–lxxiii; modular form of, lxxxv; Paris Peace Conference delegates, 119, 120 n. 1, 123, 139–141, 148, 149, 173, 190–191, 207– 208; president, ccxl n. 24, 72, 75, 77, 80, 82, 83, 87, 109, 124 n. 1, 148, 187, 208, 292, 365, 456, 474, 522, 530, 576, 633, 640 n. 5; secretary-general, 201 n. 4, 640 n. 6; SmithGreen’s travels abroad to represent, 641– 643; social services of, 83; vice presidents, ccxxxv, ccxl n. 29, 124 n. 1, 530, 574, 658, 707 n. 2; women’s auxiliary, 93 n. 1 OPINIONS OF OTHERS ON Colonial Office concern over, 533–535, 548; Crusader on, 781; Duncan on, cxxxix, 513– 514, 534–535, 575–576; Du Sauzay on, 397; Emancipator on, 588, 589; Foreign Office views of, 194–195; Ligouri on, 522–523; The Messenger’s opposition to, 294 n. 4; MI5 on, cxxx; nativist criticism of, lxv; seen as agent of socialist propaganda, 406–407, 408–409; seen as anti-British, lxiv–lxv, 278 n. 1, 513, 534; seen as anti-white, 124 n. 1, 513, 534; equated with “Back to Africa” movement, lxxv; West Indian on, 173, 187; West Indian Protective Society of America on, 582, 585–586 POSITIONS OF OR TOPICS ADDRESSED BY Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World, cclxv, 680 n. 5, 779 n. 1; meeting on German rule in Africa, 79–80; resolution on aims of peace conference, cxxx, 117–118; “Self-Government in Africa” debate, cxxix; World War I supported by, cclxxv, 75–77, 78

colony by, cclxxii; Danish rule in, cclxxi; disappointment with American rule in, cclxxi, 353–354; expansion of franchise in, 611 n. 2; French West Indian views of, 756; labor migration to Dominican Republic from, cci; map of Leeward and Windward Islands, 355; map of Caribbean, cxlii; migration to U.S. from, lxi; population decline in, cclxxi; St. Croix, cclxxi, ccxxix, ccxxx, 611 n. 2, 789, 790; St. John, cclxxi, ccxxix, 790; St. Thomas, cclxxi, 611 n. 2, 789, 790; sugar industry in, cclxxi; UNIA in, cclxxi–cclxxiii, 365–366; U.S. citizenship granted to, cclxxii; West Indian emigrants in New York City from, 790; West Indian emigrants in U.S. from, 789 UUU. See Ulotrichian Universal Union (UUU) UUU Friendly Society, cxxvi, ccxxxi, 770 n. 1

Universal Negro Protective and Cooperative Association, 124 n. 1, 126 Universal Negro Ritual, ccii Universal Races Congress (1911), 53 n. 1 Universal Steam Laundry, 584, 629 Urban League, 323 n. 4 Usher, Archibald Rhys, 251, *254 n. 12 Usher, Christiline, 661 U.S. Military Intelligence Division, 583 U.S. Virgin Islands: acceptance of status as U.S.

Wade, Dugald Augustus, 794 Wade, Rex A., 97 n. 1 Wages: in Barbados, 779; British Guiana campaign for increase in, cxxvii, cxxxii; Caribbean League plan to strike for, cxxxi, 132 n. 3; Colonial Office on raising, 488, 489–490; in Dominica, 623, 628 n. 5, 749; Duncan on striking for higher, 261; in Jamaica, 60; labor demands for higher, 489; in Leeward Islands, xcx, 265 n. 5; “living,” 322 n. 3;

Vaccaro Brothers Corporation, 254 n. 14, 738 n. 1, 739 n. 3 Valdéz, Ramón, cxxv Valrose, Virginia, 732, 733 n. 1 Van Derzee, Mr. (wireless operator), 457, 460 Van Dusen, George C., 122 Van Putten, Philip, 505, *506 n. 3, 794 Van Tull, James Henry, 18, 19, 20 n. 7 Vargas, Aurelio, 662 Vasconcelos, Mario, clxiii Vassal, Joseph, 86 Vaughan, Dr. J. C., 55 n. 1 Veerasawmy, J. A., 550, 551, *553 n. 2 Vernacular Press Act (1878), 614 n. 3 Vernon, John E., 632, 633 Victoria, Queen, cclvi, 4, 6 n. 7, 25 n. 7, 222, 759 Virgin Islands. See U.S. Virgin Islands Vodun, ccxxi, 120 n. 1 Voice (Harlem), 341 n. 8, 561 n. 13 Voice of St. Lucia, 563 n. 1, 743 n. 4 “Vox Populi,” 7–8

841

THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Wages (continued): minimum, 123, 156 n. 1, 238 n. 5, 243, 246 n. 9; Nathan’s petitition for higher, 681 n. 8; in Panama, 413; police, 557, 736, 779; postwar inflation vs., cclxiv, cclxxv, 480 n. 1; in St. Vincent and the Grenadines, 236, 238 n. 3, 360, 381, 447; in Trinidad, cxxxviii, 480 n. 1 Waith, William Offley, 794 Walker, Madam C. J., xci n. 34, 797 Walker, Dr. C. R., 663 n. 2 Walker, Charles A., 187 Walker, Miss I., 725 Walker, R. B., 438, 443 Walker, Rev. W. E., 660 n. 2 Wallace, William A., 794 Walrond, H. N., ccxlvi, 346 n. 1, 414, 572 Walter, Robert, 152, *152 n. 1, 154, 251, 257, 653 Walters, Lelia Coleman, 797 Walters, W. A., 794 Walton, Sir George O’Donnell, 248, 249, *253 n. 6, 258, 259 Walton, Lester A., lxix, xcii n. 41 War Censorship Ordinance No. 38 (1914), 213– 214 n. 1 Ward, George, 718 Ware, William, 794 Wareham, Jacob, cxix Warner, Fred, 229 Warner, Richard E., 362 n. 2, 794 Warner, Robert Stewart Aucher, 213, 214, *215 n. 1, 580 n. 2, 605–606, 679 n. 5 War Office (Great Britain), cxxii, cxxiii, cxxv, 125 n. 3, 189 n. 3 Warren, Charles, 186 War Trade Board (WTB), 110 n. 4 Washington, Booker T., *84 n. 2; Ajasa compared with, 684 n. 2; Black Star Line ship to be named for, 441, 442; death of, cxxiv; Du Bois’s rejection of methods of, 74 n. 8; Garvey compared with, lxviii, 461, 463, 522; Garvey on African American race consciousness and, 88; Garvey’s request for assistance from, cxxiii; Garvey’s visit to America welcomed by, cxxiii; New York Age and, 323 n. 4; Page as publisher of, 96 n. 3; as patron of Garvey, 83; Roosevelt and, lxxx; Up from Slavery, 96 n. 3; Workman on, 531 Washington, George, 421 Watchman (Garvey), 20 n. 10 Watkis, Harry R., 211 n. 1, 794 Watson, Sergeant (Panama), 271

Watson, Chef (S.S. Frederick Douglass), 456 Watson, Frederick, 582–583, *583 n. 2, 585, 594 Watson, I. R., 725 Watson, J. Isaac, 546 Watson, James Samuel, 794 Watson, S., 725 Watt, Edmund D., 219 Webber, A. R. F., 141 n. 1, 341 n. 10 Webster, Rev. (Jamaica), 83 Webster, Daniel, 45, *46 n. 3 Webster, Frederick B., 795 Weekly Illustrated Paper (Barbados), 363–364, 374–375, 426, 429, 432 n. 1, 437, 446–447, 762 Weir, F. A., 633 Weiss, Brian, 323 n. 4 Wells, Gerard A., 351 Wells, William, 795 Wells-Barnett, Ida B., lxxxi, 89, *91–92 n. 6, 120 n. 1, 797 Wells-Durrant, Frederick Chester, 298, *299 n. 11, 494, 530 n. 1, 663, 672–673, 698–699, 729, 746, 757–758, 760 Wesley College (Belize), 662 West African Frontier Forces, 48 n. 8 Westerman, George, ccxli West India Committee, 420 n. 1 West Indian (Grenada): editorial on Negro World, 391–392; on S.S. Frederick Douglass and Black Star Line, 394, 442–443, 515, 516, 584; Garvey’s “Reconstruction in the West Indies” in, 187–189; Garvey’s speech of December 6, 1918 in, 173–176; “Grenada Major Loved Home” in, 366–367; Grenada’s seditious publications ordinance and, 665; Marryshow as editor of, 142 n. 1, 176 n. 1; on St. Vincent’s prohibition of Negro World, 344, 383–384, 426–427; as voice of Grenada reform movement, cxxiii West Indian Conference (1932), 556 n. 3 West Indian Contingent Committee, cxxiii West Indian Crusader (St. Lucia), ccliii West Indian National Congress Party, cliii West Indian Protective Society of America: colonial authorities’ interest in, 547, 576, 586, 594, 610, 612, 765; Duncan as founder of, ccxxx, 124 n. 1; Garvey and UNIA opposed by, 123, 140, 513, 515, 533, 534–535, 547, 575–576, 582, 585–586; general meeting announcement (1918) of, 144; pamphlet of, 512 West India Regiments, cclxxv, 47–48 n. 8, 124– 125 n. 3. See also British West Indies

842

INDEX Regiment (BWIR) West India Royal Commission (Moyne Commission), 238 n. 4, 242, 305 n. 4, 763 n. 1 West Indies: class divisions in, lxix; Dutch, lxi, 789, 790; French, lxi, 756, 789, 790; friendly societies in, lxxxiv–lxxxvi, 246 n. 7; Garveyism in nationalism in, lxvi–lxvii; Garvey on reconstruction after World War I, 187–189; immigrants in Harlem from, lxi– lxii; migrants in New York City from, 790; migrants in U.S. from, 789; interethnic tension between African Americans and West Indians, lxvii–lxix, lxxvii; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Marryshow in political union of, 142 n. 1; migration to U.S. from, lx–lxi; mobility of migrants from, cxciii, ccxxix; Olivier on labor conditions in, 694 n. 4; “play culture” in, lxxxvi–lxxxviii; population of British, 50, 55 n. 3; proposed cession of, to U.S. for war debts, 430–431; race as common bond of West Indians, clxxxv; slavery abolished in, 4–5, 43, 52, 60, 759; social capital accumulated by migrants, lxxxiv, lxxxvi; troops in World War I from, cclxxvi–cclxxviii, 124–126 n. 3, 187, 189 n. 3, 397; UNIA as expressive of culture of, lxxxvi–lxxxix; UNIA’s political impact on, lx, lxvi–lxxi; western movement in, clxxv, clxxxi, ccxiii, ccxiv; workers on Panama Canal from, lx, lxxviii, ccxli–ccxliii, 62 n. 5, 225, 226, 324, 325, 540; World War I’s political impact on, lxvii Weston, Rev. George Auesby, cxli, ccxxx, ccxxxii, ccxxxv–ccxxxvi, ccxxxviii n. 9, 795 Wharton, Dick, 312 Wharton, John Mositer, 304 n. 2 Wheatley, Phillis [Phyllis], lxxiv, 441, 442, 501, 522, 621 White, E. R., 507 White, Edward, 186 White, Walter, ccxlix, 323 n. 4 White Capital and Coloured Labour (Olivier), 694–695 n. 4 Whiting, Nellie G., 797 Wickham, Clennel Wilsden, 734 n. 1, 762, *764 n. 5 Wigley, Francis, 766 n. 2 Wigley, Francis Spencer, 766 n. 2 Wigley, Captain Jack, 766 n. 2 Wigley, P. S., 766 n. 2 Wigley, Wilfrid Murray, 695 n. 8, 765, *766 n. 2 Wilberforce, William, 4, *6 n. 4, 43, 60, 96 n. 2,

763 n. 3 Wilders, W. E., 674–676, *677 n. 2, 682 n. 8, 686– 693, 716–718, 766–769, 771–774 Wilkes, George, *696 n. 9; emigration of, ccxxxv; racial and class hatred of, ccxxxiii; Representative Government Association petition signed by, 678 n. 3; St. Kitts Garveyism and, ccxxix, ccxxx; in St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union’s formation, cxxiv, ccxxxi, ccxxxvi, 681 n. 8, 696 n. 9; in Universal Benevolent Association, 263 n. 2, 693, 696 n. 9, 717, 718 n. 4, 768–769, 773 Wilkins, Frank, 187 Wilkins, H. P., 503 Wilkins, John Thomas, 795 Wilkins, Pilgrim, 379, 410 Willcocks, Sir James, clv–clvi, clvii, 597–598, *598–599 n. 1 Williams, Alexander, 449 n. 1, 600, 601, 775 Williams, Arthur, 795 Williams, A. W., 470 Williams, Henry (British Guiana), 662 Williams, Henry Balfour, 795 Williams, Henry Sylvester, cclxiv, 424, *425 n. 1, 499 n. 2, 710 n. 2 Williams, James D., 795 Williams, John, clxviii Williams, Rev. John Albert, 200, 201 n. 4, *203 n. 5 Williams, Mrs. (Panama), 500 Williams, Mrs. (St. Kitts), ccxxx, 772–773 Williams, Shedrick, 795 Williams, Vernal J., 795 Williams, Walter, 187 Willis, Rev. Andrew N., 155, *156 n. 2, 410, 411, 725, 726, 795 Willis, Lt. Col. R. B., cxxxi, cclxxviii, 131 n. 3, 134 Wilson, Ellen, 797 Wilson, Harold T., ccxxix, ccxxx, ccxxxiv, ccxxxvi, ccxxxvii, ccxl n. 33, 762, *762–763 n. 1 Wilson, James, 216–217, 409–412, 516–518, 521– 522, 528–529, 532, 542, 543, 572–573, 577, 584 Wilson, Laurence, 615 n. 4 Wilson, Louise, 797 Wilson, Reginald, 762 Wilson, Sondra Kathryn, 323 n. 4 Wilson, Wilfred Emanuel, 568, *569 n. 1 Wilson, Woodrow, *113 n. 2; background of, 421; Fourteen Points, cxxviii, cclxxv, 113–114 n. 3, 128; Garvey’s letter to, cxxxi, 116;

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THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS Wilson, Woodrow (continued): Haitian delegation to Versailles and, 151 n. 3; Kipling as critic of, 671 n. 16; National Association of Loyal Negroes and, 112; navy left in control of U.S. Virgin Islands by, cclxxi; Negro World on, 268, 276; at Paris Peace Conference, cxxxi, 141 n. 6; Perkins on, 122; racial views of, 208; on self-determination, cxxviii, 99 n. 2, 128, 423 n. 2 Wiltshire, Rev. F. A., 228 Windward Islands, 269 n. 3; Admiralty report on unrest and, 349; map of, 355; map of Caribbean, cxlii; Negro World banned in, cxxxvi, ccxix, 269 n. 2, 276–277, 278 n. 1; seditious publications ordinance in, cxl, 269 n. 2; study of Garveyism in, cclx. See also Dominica; Grenada; St. Lucia; St. Vincent and the Grenadines Wingate, Reginald, 769 n. 1 Wingfield, Irene W., 797 Winkelreid, Arnold von, 32, 33 n. 3 Winning Post Annual, 321, 324 n. 6 Winslow, L. Lanier, 181–182 Winston, W. C., 628 n. 3 Winter, G. P., 283 Winterbotham, Lieutenant (censor), 115, 122 Wiseman, Robert Arthur, 287, *288 n. 4, 603, 609, 655 Wolfe, Ellis, 107 n. 1 Wolseley, Sir Garnet J., 47–48 n. 8 Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), 520 n. 1 Women: Alpha Suffrage Club, 91 n. 6; Ashwood seen as example of New Negro womanhood, 283–285; in Barbadian Garveyism, cliii; Barbadian immigrants in Brazil, clxiv; Belize, British Honduras, UNIA Ladies Division, 632, 635–636, 661–662; Black Cross Nurses, clxviii, clxxvi, clxxviii, cclxvi, cclxvii, 510 n. 5, 639 n. 1; Colón, Panama, UNIA Ladies Division, 313–314, 345, 359–360, 502–503; in Cuban Garveyism, cxciii; cutting hair in Barbadian prisons, 422, 423 n. 4; in Dominican Republic Garveyism, cciii; given right to vote in Jamaica, cxxxiv; Joshua’s calls on Panamanian, 445–446; in Leeward Islands Garveyism, ccxxx; Negro Progress Convention programs for Guianese, clxxii; origins of female participants in UNIA, lxii– lxiii, 796–797; Panamanian mistresses of white Americans, 226; Phillips and Garrison

on rights for, 46 n. 5; in Trinidadian Garveyism, cclxvii; in Ulotrichian Universal Union, 770 n. 1; UNIA auxiliary for, 93 n. 1; white men take advantage of black, 52–53, 398, 399, 686–687, 689 Women’s National Fraternal Business Association, 124 n. 1 Wood, Edward Frederick Lindley, Major, first earl of Halifax, cxcvii–cxcviii, 555 n. 3 Wood, F. M. H., 25, *25 n. 6 Wood, Leonard, 652 n. 2 Woodburn Thompson, Mrs. B. S., 725 Woodford, Geraldine, 797 Woods, Harrison E. Shakespeare, 13 n. 3 Woods, Philip, 36 n. 1 Woods, Stanley Eric, 36 n. 1 Woodson, Carter G., 89 Woodson, Louise, 797 Woolford, Eustace G., 340 n. 7 Workers League (St. Kitts), ccxxxvii, 264 n. 2 Workers Party of America, 202 n. 4 Workman (Panama City), 346 n. 1; authorities’ views of, 412, 582; Caterson’s “The Negro Race Must Unite” in, 539–542; as chief forum for UNIA in Panama, ccxlvi; on Davis speaking to UNIA, 500–502, 658–659; on Davis-Stoute controversy, 543 n. 1, 703–704, 712–716, 784–785; Du Sauzay’s “The Enemies of the Race” in, 315–316; Francis’s letter on UNIA Ladies division in, 345; on S.S. Frederick Douglass/Yarmouth and Black Star Line, 460–461, 531–532, 620–621; Joshua’s call to Panamanian women in, 445– 446; O’Connor’s letter on UNIA Colón division in, 502–503; Panama strike (February 1920) and, 572–573; on reported delay of S.S. Frederick Douglass, 528; on St. Vincent UNIA, 521; Seymour’s letter on UNIA in, 291; Stoute’s visit to offices of, 414; Tavanier’s letter on UNIA Ladies Division in, 359–360; on UNIA meeting (November 1919), 424–425; Wilson as editor of, 283 Workman, Mr. (carpenter), 458 World Conference for Peace (1949), 74 n. 8 World’s Work (magazine), 96 n. 3 World War I, cclxxv–cclxxxi; armistice signed, cxxx; Belgian neutrality in, 777 n. 1; Britain’s declaration of war on Germany, cxxii; British military’s rejection of black West Indians for, cxxii, cxxiii, cclxxv–cclxxvi, 125 n. 3; Colored Comrades of the Great War, lxxii; cost-of-living increases due to, clxvii,

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INDEX clxxxviii n. 8, cclxxv, 480 n. 1, 623; discrimination permeating military life during, cclxxviii–cclxxx; Foch, 719 n. 5; French employment of West African troops, cclxxvi; Garvey on great principle of Allies, 175; Garvey on reconstruction of West Indies after, 187–189; Garvey’s strategy changed by, lxxxii; Goldman arrested during, 578 n. 2; Hearst’s anti-British views, 393 n. 1; Hinchcliffe in recruitment effort, 64 n. 1; Industrial Workers of the World’s opposition to, 270 n. 9; political impact on West Indies of, lxvii; popular unrest after, cclxiv; propaganda in, 741; race awareness as result of, lxxxii, clv, clxviii, clxix, clxxvi, ccxliv, cclxxv; UNIA’s support for, 75–77, 78; universalist claims of imperialism discredited by, ccxxi; West Indian as supporter of Britain’s efforts in, 176 n. 1; West Indian troops in, cclxxvi–cclxxviii, 124–126 n. 3, 188, 189 n. 3, 397. See also British West Indies Regiment (BWIR); Paris Peace Conference Wright, Annie, 725, 726 Wright, Edward Sterling, 795 Wright, Rev. Richard Robert, Jr., 89, *91 n. 3 Wright, T. A., clxxii Wrigley, Chris, 100 n. 5 Wyatt (Belize police superintendent), 252 Wyke, Samuel, 593, 594 n. 4

Young, L. W., cxlviii Young, Leon, cxlvi Young, W. V., 662 Young, Wilfred, 662 Young China Association (Trinidad), 304 n. 2 Young Men’s Coloured Association, 280 n. 4 Zacheus (revivalist), 10 Zemurray, Samuel, 436 n. 1

Xhosa people, 710 n. 5 Yarmouth, H.M.S., 337, 351, 607 Yarmouth, S.S. See S.S. Frederick Douglass/ Yarmouth Yearwood, James Benjamin, 104, *105 n. 1, 108, 160, 378, 379, 492, 795 Yearwood, Walter A., 504 Yelvington, Kevin, cclxviii Yeppe, Louis A., 586, 612 Yohannes IV of Ethiopia, 770 n. 1 Young, James, 795

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