The Manly Art: Bare-Knuckle Prize Fighting in America [Updated Edition] 9780801462535

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THE

MANLY ART

THE MANLY ART Bare-Knuckle Prize Fighting in America Updated Edition ELLiOlT J. GORN

CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS

Ithaca and London

Copyright © 1986 by Cornell University Afterword an d Selected Bibliography copyright © 2010 by Cornell University All right s reserved . Excep t fo r brie f quotation s i n a review, thi s book , o r part s thereof , must no t b e reproduce d i n an y for m withou t permissio n i n writin g fro m th e publisher . For information , addres s Cornel l Universit y Press , Sag e House , 51 2 Eas t Stat e Street , Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 198 6 by Cornell University Press Updated Edition first published 201 0 by Cornell University Press Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Gorn, Elliott J., 1951 — The Manly art. Includes index. 1. Boxing—Unite d States. 2 . Boxing—Unite d States—Matches—History . I . Titl e GV1125.G67 198 6 796.8'3O97 3 86-641 0 ISBN-13: 978-0-8014-7608-2 (pbk . : alk. paper) Cornell University Press strives to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the fullest exten t possible i n the publishing o f its books. Such material s includ e vegetable-based, low-VOC inks and acid-free paper s that are recycled, totally chlorine-free, o r partly compose d o f nonwoo d fibers. Fo r furthe r information , visi t ou r websit e a t www.cornellpress.cornell.edu. Paperback printing 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

1

Frontispiece lohn Lawrenc e Sulliva n an d Jake Kilrain battl e for the championship o n July 8 , 1889 , in Richburg, Mississippi , th e fight took seventy-fiv e round s lastin g tw o hour s an d fifteen minutes. From The Modern Gladiator (1892).

For Ma x Gorn , 1 9 1 0 - 1 9 7 9 , and Ann e Franci s Gor n

Contents

Illustrations 9 Preface π Prologue: The English Priz e Ring 1

9

1. Hat s in the Rin g 3 "The Tremendous Man of Colour" 3 First Blood 3 Professors of Pugilism 4 Ideology and the Ring 5

4 4 6 7 6

2. Th e First American Champion s 6 The Rise of "Yankee' Sulliva n 6 The Battle of Hastings 7 "The Great $10,000 Match between Sullivan and Hyer" 8

9 9 3 1

3. Th e Age of Heroes 9 "The Good Time Coming" 9 The Era of John Morrissey 10 The Fate of Champions 12

8 8 8 3

4. Th e Meanings of Prize Fighting 12 Working-Class Culture in Antebellum Cities 12 Meaning in Mayhem 13 The Rites of Violence 14

9 9 6 4

CONTENTS

Triumph an d Declin e 14 "The Grea t Contes t fo r the Championship o f the World" 14 Civil Wars 15 ". . . The Gangs Who Rage and Howl at the Ropes" 16

8 8 9 4

"Fight Lik e a Gentleman , Yo u Son o f a Bitch , I f You Can" 17 The Rise of Sport s 17 The Strenuou s Lif e 18 Fighting Clerks , Boxing Brahmins , Vigorous Victorians 19

9 9 5 4

The En d o f th e Bare-Knuckl e Er a 20 "My Name' s John L . Sullivan an d I Can Lic k An y Son-of-a-Bitch Alive " 20 The New Orde r 21 ". . . Nigh New Orlean s upon a n Emerald Plai n . . ." 22 "The Champio n o f All Champions" 23

7 7 6 7 7

Epilogue: The Manl y Ar t 24

8

Afterword t o th e Update d Editio n 25

5

Notes 26

3

Selected Bibliograph y 31

3

Index

319

Illustrations

John L . Sulliva n an d Jak e Kilrai n battl e fo r th e championship, Jul y 8 , 188 9 frontis

.

The secon d Crib-Molineau x fight , Septembe r 28 , 181 1 2

1

"Gentleman" Joh n Jackson' s sparrin g rooms , 182 1 2

5

"A visi t t o th e five s court, " London , 182 5 2

8

James "Deaf " Burke , champio n o f England , 1832-3 9 4

3

Sparring maste r Willia m Fuller , 182 4 5

2

James "Yankee " Sulliva n an d To m Hye r 8

4

The grea t $10,00 0 match , Februar y 7 , 184 9 9

3

John Morrisse y an d Joh n C . Heena n 11

5

Morrissey battle s Heenan , Octobe r 20 , 185 8 11

9

John C . Heena n an d To m Sayer s squar e off , Apri l 17 , i86 0 15

3

Climax o f th e Heenan-Sayer s figh t 15

4

" 'Yanke e Doodle ' o n hi s muscle " (cartoon ) 15

8

American Fistiana, cove r o f th e 187 3 editio n 16

7

"The Slugger s o f Nebraska " 17

5

Harry Hill' s Ne w Yor k Cit y Sportin g Hous e 18

4

"Education: I s ther e n o middl e course? " (cartoon ) 18

6

Amateur boxing , Ne w Yor k Athleti c Club , 189 0 (broadside ) 19

0

•9

•

ILLUSTRATIONS

"Prize figh t afte r a banquet " 20

0

President Theodor e Roosevel t spar s wit h forme r middleweigh t champion Mik e Donova n 20 John L . Sulliva n an d Joh n Floo d battl e o n a Hudso n Rive r barge , May 16 , 188 1 21

2

The ne w champion , Joh n Lawrenc e Sulliva n 21

7

"Modern consistency , tho u ar t a (paste ) jewel " (cartoon ) 22

3

The las t bare-knuckl e championshi p fight , Jul y 8 , 188 9 23

4

James J . Corbett , firs t titl e challenge r unde r th e Queensberry rule s 24

0

The en d o f th e bare-knuckl e era , Septembe r 7 , 189 2 24

4

10

3

Preface

My fathe r wa s a boxin g fan . Befor e h e married , h e attende d weekl y fights wit h hi s buddie s i n Ne w Yor k City. I suspect tha t hi s interes t i n th e ring originate d durin g hi s youth ; althoug h h e neve r formall y boxed , Montreal's anti-Semitis m i n th e 1920 s dre w hi m an d hi s brother s int o countless fistfights . Later , whe n h e serve d i n the merchan t marin e durin g World Wa r II , simila r provocation s ha d similar results . Growing u p i n Lo s Angele s durin g th e fiftie s an d sixties , hi s childre n were hei r t o tales abou t hi s occasiona l nee d t o defend hi s integrity . Thes e stories merged imperceptibl y int o accounts of famous boxers—"Gentleman " Gene Tunney , wh o taugh t a clas s a t Yale , Jewis h champion s suc h a s Benny Leonar d an d Ma x Baer , an d th e greates t fighte r o f the m all , Jo e Louis. These , i n turn , blurre d int o childhood lesson s o n ho w t o deal wit h a bull y o r a n anti-Semite , a s ou r tin y fist s punche d m y father' s ope n hands. I neve r aske d him , bu t I a m sur e tha t h e foun d boxin g th e mos t compelling o f al l sports . Th e agility , cleverness , an d ferocit y o f grea t boxers, th e courag e displaye d i n th e ring , an d th e dram a o f tw o me n stalking eac h othe r fascinate d him . S o her e i s a paradox : m y father— a union membe r wh o considere d himsel f a politica l radical—believe d tha t boxing shoul d b e outlawed . Countles s time s I heard hi m sa y tha t i f give n the chance , h e woul d vot e t o abolis h th e sport . Ye t thi s wa s no t a chastened ma n atonin g fo r ol d mistakes . H e enjoye d watchin g televise d bouts unti l h e die d (he wa s th e onl y perso n I kno w wh o correctl y predicted th e outcome s o f bot h Ali-Spink s fights) , bu t h e believe d tha t boxers wer e victim s o f racia l an d clas s discrimination , tha t th e rin g encouraged violence , an d tha t pugilis m appeale d t o al l tha t wa s barba rous i n man . //

PREFACE

While I a m neithe r a s pugnaciou s no r a s knowledgeabl e abou t boxin g as m y fathe r was , I shar e hi s ambivalence . Priz e fightin g glorifie s violence, exploit s th e poor , exalt s forc e ove r reason , glamorize s atavism . It i s thes e ver y horrors , however , s o reprehensibl e b y themselves , whic h highlight al l tha t i s nobl e i n th e ring . Courage , th e ques t fo r excellence , the overcomin g o f fear , dream s o f transcendin g one' s socia l an d physica l handicaps, boxers ' poeti c harmon y o f min d an d body , thei r competitiv e strivings pas t al l reasonabl e huma n limits—th e ring' s dar k barbaris m makes suc h qualitie s glow lik e fireflie s o n a Souther n night . As I tr y t o indicat e throughou t thi s book , th e moralit y o f th e ring , it s simultaneous attractio n an d repulsion , wa s a them e centra l t o boxin g history; th e ambivalenc e m y fathe r an d I share d ha d dee p roots . Bu t i n these pages , I ten d t o tak e th e par t o f th e lion s ove r th e Christians . My specifi c subjec t i s America n bare-knuckl e priz e fightin g i n th e nineteenth century . I seek t o rescu e fro m oblivio n th e deed s o f me n wh o were extraordinaril y wel l know n i n thei r day . Th e colorfu l natur e o f th e subject make s th e historian' s mos t ancien t role , tha t o f storyteller , particularly important . I hav e attempted , a s fa r a s m y abilitie s an d th e historical source s allow , t o captur e th e live s an d time s o f earl y heroes . But my emphasi s o n narrativ e i s mor e tha n simpl y a desir e t o tel l a good story . T o understan d priz e fighting , t o captur e th e layere d an d changing meaning s tha t th e spor t ha d fo r it s practitioners , fans , an d opponents, w e mus t becom e enmeshe d i n th e cultur e o f th e ring. Onl y when w e observ e boxing' s pageantry , rituals , an d ceremonies—only , tha t is, whe n w e reconstruc t th e histor y an d experienc e o f th e ring—ca n w e begin t o gras p it s socia l an d cultura l significance . Prize fightin g wa s on e o f th e mos t popula r sport s amon g working class male s i n th e nineteent h century , an d grea t championshi p battle s galvanized me n lik e fe w othe r events . I t wa s als o illegal . Pugilis m elicited passionat e response s fro m it s partisan s an d fro m it s opponents , and thes e response s gre w ou t o f deepl y fel t assumption s concernin g ma n and society . Boxin g i s not abou t instinct s o r innat e aggressiveness ; i t is about values , socia l relationships , an d culture . T o understan d bare knuckle priz e fighting , I hav e discovered , i s necessaril y t o understan d something abou t nineteenth-centur y America . Ideology , ethnicity , socia l class formation , violence , urbanization , gende r roles , religiou s worl d views, productiv e relationships , al l ar e par t o f sport s histor y i n genera l and boxin g histor y i n particular . I begi n wit h th e Englis h origin s o f th e ring , the n discus s th e earlies t manifestations o f pugilis m i n th e youn g Unite d States . B y th e antebel lum era , a s ol d artisa n way s o f lif e dissolve d an d a moder n workin g clas s 12

PREFACE

began t o emerg e i n America n cities , bare-knuckl e fightin g entere d it s golden age . Boxin g encountere d stif f oppositio n durin g thes e earl y Victorian years , fo r th e force s transformin g labor—entrepreneuria l capi talism, specializatio n o f tasks , industrialization—wer e drive n b y power ful bourgeoi s an d evangelica l ideologie s tha t militate d agains t th e "slop py" habit s o f laborin g men . Afte r th e Civi l War , however , priz e fightin g was reformed . Fro m a fugitive , outla w sport—th e ver y word s "sport " and "sporting " implie d socia l devianc e durin g muc h o f th e nineteent h century—it becam e a mor e businesslike , quasi-respectabl e recreation , one tha t upper - an d middle-clas s me n foun d fascinating . M y las t chap ters explor e th e socia l basi s o f thi s transformatio n an d it s meanin g fo r Victorian culture . The Manly Art i s o f mixe d academi c parentage , thoug h th e discipline s from whic h i t spring s migh t no t recogniz e thei r offspring . Still , on e ca n detect geneti c strain s fro m folklore , anthropology , sociology , an d Ameri can studies , a s wel l a s labor , social , an d sport s history . I hav e bee n deliberately eclectic ; I a m a partisa n o f n o particula r schoo l o f thought . But I d o hav e som e axe s t o grind . This i s gende r history . I t coul d no t hav e bee n writte n withou t th e crucial insight s o f th e women' s studie s movement , tha t sexua l defini tions ar e a critica l par t o f consciousness , an d tha t the y chang e wit h social, cultural , an d economi c circumstances . T o writ e abou t priz e fighting i s necessaril y t o describ e importan t ritual s o f manhood . Bu t awareness o f th e potentia l malleabilit y o f gende r role s give s adde d significance t o th e stud y o f sports . Bare-knuckl e boxin g expresse d a particular mal e etho s tha t gre w ou t o f specifi c historica l conditions . This i s als o socia l histor y or , mor e precisely , fol k history . I attemp t here, a s historian s hav e fo r th e pas t coupl e o f decades , t o understan d th e lives o f thos e wh o lef t fe w record s bu t wh o nevertheles s wer e importan t historical actors . Th e sam e biase s tha t rendere d wome n voiceles s i n th e writing o f histor y simultaneousl y exclude d th e majorit y o f men , i n particular workers , ethni c minorities , an d th e poor . The Manly Art i s a small contributio n towar d rectifyin g tha t imbalance . Finally, thi s i s labo r history . I f i n th e j95o s scholar s assume d tha t America's workin g clas s wa s merel y a n extensio n o f th e peti t bourgeoi sie, the n thos e o f th e 1970 s an d 80 s threaten t o reduce culture t o politics . I will stat e thi s baldly : mos t worker s di d no t spen d thei r fre e tim e reading th e Rights of Man, toastin g To m Paine , an d strugglin g t o resis t oppression. Probabl y mor e hour s wer e consume d a t cockfight s tha n a t union meeting s durin g th e nineteent h century . Radical s ther e were , o f course, an d the y hav e bee n studie d brilliantly . Bu t i f historian s ar e t o 13

PREFACE

understand working-clas s people , the y mus t loo k closel y a t their folklor e and recreations , thei r pastime s an d sports , fo r i t has bee n i n leisur e mor e than i n politic s o r i n labo r tha t man y me n an d wome n hav e foun d th e deepest sens e o f meanin g an d wholeness . The Manly Art i s no t a complet e histor y o f th e priz e ring , no r a "genealogy" o f champion s an d thei r battles . Th e name s o f som e important fighter s d o no t eve n appea r here . Becaus e m y inten t i s t o interpret boxing , no t merel y t o describ e it , I hav e ha d t o b e selectiv e i n the event s I discuss . Besides , th e sources—mostl y newspaper s an d popular pamphlets—contai n detaile d an d reliabl e informatio n o n a limit ed numbe r o f fights . I t i s o n thes e bout s tha t I have dwelle d i n orde r t o reconstruct th e cultur e o f th e ring . It i s almos t embarrassin g t o acknowledg e al l o f thos e wh o helpe d bring thi s projec t t o fruition , fo r th e result s see m s o meage r whe n measured agains t thei r talent s an d generosity . I hav e benefite d fro m important institutiona l support . Yal e University , wher e I attende d gradu ate schoo l i n America n Studies , nurture d m e intellectually . Th e Harr y Frank Guggenhei m Foundatio n funde d a one-yea r leav e o f absenc e fro m my teachin g dutie s a t th e Universit y o f Alabama , allowin g m e t o revis e the work . Th e office s o f th e dean s o f art s an d science s a t Alabam a an d a t my ne w professiona l home , Miam i University , hav e bee n ver y support ive, especiall y wit h ai d fo r trave l t o collections an d fo r preparatio n o f th e manuscript. I als o than k th e staff s o f th e Sterlin g an d Beineck e librarie s a t Yal e University, th e Widene r Librar y a t Harvar d University , th e Ne w Yor k Public Library , th e New-Yor k Historica l Society , th e Ameli a Gayl e Gorgas Librar y a t th e Universit y o f Alabama , an d Miam i University' s King Library . Warre n Plat t o f th e Ne w Yor k Publi c Librar y an d Bonni e Collier a t Yal e provide d bibliographica l ai d beyon d th e cal l o f duty . Ji m Jacobs kindl y len t m e photocopie d material s compile d thirty-fiv e year s ago b y Pau l Magriel , a bibliographe r an d chronicle r o f th e ring . Willia m Schutte o f th e Universit y o f Wisconsin , Whitewater , provide d mos t o f the illustrations . Severa l typist s als o contribute d thei r skills , ofte n unde r tight deadlines , amon g the m Hele n an d Aliso n Genua , Ja n Wilson , Rhonda Johnson , Margare t Vines , Trac y Noel , J . R . Ford , an d especiall y Kathleen Grondin . I than k the m all . Alan Dunde s an d Lawrenc e Levine , m y mentor s a t th e Universit y o f California, Berkeley , fo r th e firs t hal f o f my caree r a s a colleg e student , taught b y thei r exampl e no t onl y ho w t o d o humanisti c scholarshi p bu t why. Severa l o f m y fello w graduat e students—Joe l Bernard , Edwar d '4

PREFACE

Ayers, Jan e Hunter , Joh n Endean , Geral d Burns , an d Michae l Smith — helped m e get thi s projec t going . Davi d Brio n Davi s encourage d m y work eve n whe n neithe r o f u s ha d muc h ide a wher e i t woul d lead . Hi s critical judgmen t improve d th e tex t immeasurably . More , h e gav e m e th e confidence t o tes t m y abilities , t o tr y ou t ideas , an d t o see k th e broades t meanings i n history , bu t alway s withi n th e boundarie s o f rigorou s scholarship. Ka i Erikso n als o brough t crucia l insight s t o th e manuscrip t (and wr y humo r t o ou r discussions) , an d Jea n Agne w aske d question s that helpe d fram e th e intellectua l structur e o f thi s boo k whil e h e offere d personal supportivenes s tha t aide d it s completion . I als o acknowledg e m y fello w "professor s o f pugilism. " Rand y Roberts ha s le d th e wa y fo r al l o f u s wh o writ e sport s history ; hi s goo d advice prove d indispensabl e o n numerou s occasions . Benjami n Rade r also rea d th e entir e manuscrip t an d adde d importan t suggestions . Jeffre y Sammons ha s bee n a constan t sourc e o f aid , an d hi s forthcomin g boo k on twentieth-centur y boxin g wil l b e invaluable . Melvi n Adelma n kindl y lent m e earl y draft s o f hi s path-breakin g stud y o f sport s i n nineteenth century Ne w Yor k City . Fre d Harve y Harringto n provide d a detaile d critique o f chapte r thre e base d o n a biograph y h e i s writin g o n Joh n Morrissey. Michae l T . Isenber g rea d chapte r seve n an d als o len t m e drafts o f hi s fin e biography-in-progres s o f Joh n L . Sullivan , anothe r work tha t promise s a brigh t futur e fo r historie s o f th e priz e ring . My colleague s i n th e America n Studie s Departmen t a t th e Universit y of Alabam a wer e alway s ther e a s I revised th e work . Le t m e specificall y name thre e Alabam a facult y member s wh o rea d th e entir e manuscript . Ralph Bogardu s brough t hi s breadt h o f knowledg e an d skil l a s a cultura l critic t o bea r o n th e text ; Fre d Hobso n o f th e Englis h Departmen t cas t a literary scholar' s ey e o n m y pros e an d improve d i t greatly ; an d Joh n Kneebone aske d a socia l historian' s kee n questions . Al l contribute d wit h

their insigh t an d eve n mor e wit h thei r friendship . Thre e editor s helpe d bring a youn g write r throug h th e shoals : Lawrenc e Malle y bolstere d m e with earl y confidenc e i n m y work ; Pete r Agre e contribute d hi s copiou s skills t o th e fina l product ; an d Roge r Haydo n save d m e fro m countles s errors wit h a masterl y jo b o f cop y editing . A s th e manuscrip t neare d completion, Joh n Kasso n adde d importan t word s o f criticis m an d en couragement. M y goo d frien d Alle n Tullo s alway s reminde d m e b y hi s example tha t writin g histor y i s a s muc h a passio n a s a craft . I learne d lessons i n courag e an d humo r an d huma n decenc y simpl y b y knowin g Margaret Vines . An d m y brothe r Michae l Gor n an d kindre d spiri t Fran k Travisano helpe d kee p m e goin g throughou t th e researc h an d writing . My wif e o f twelv e years , Ann a Yee , laughe d a t m y spelling , ridicule d 15

PREFACE

my grammar , an d belittle d m y verba l pomposity . Fro m deletin g stra y commas t o expandin g centra l ideas , sh e contribute d t o every draf t o f thi s work. Mor e important , sh e sustaine d m y spirit s i n goo d time s an d bad . Thank yo u fo r bein g m y wif e an d lettin g m e b e you r husband . An d thank you , Jade , ou r two-year-ol d daughter , fo r remindin g u s constantl y of wha t i s importan t i n life . Shortly afte r I began graduat e school , m y fathe r suggeste d tha t n o on e had eve r writte n seriousl y abou t boxing . I assume d tha t a ma n wit h a seventh-grade educatio n di d no t understan d th e complexitie s o f scholarl y work, s o I pai d littl e attention . H e an d a cousin , Mann y Cole , persiste d in tellin g m e tha t priz e fightin g wa s just th e thin g a studen t shoul d thin k about. I remained aloof—unti l I needed a topic fo r a semina r paper . A s I keep discovering , m y fathe r kne w mor e tha n I ever gav e hi m credi t for . My mothe r wa s no t muc h intereste d i n athletics , bu t sh e taugh t he r children a sportsmanlik e desir e t o d o thei r best . I f sh e loathe d boxing , she stil l coul d sympathiz e wit h a priz e fighter' s ambition . Bot h o f m y parents nurture d m e an d sacrifice d fo r me . The y taugh t m e th e valu e o f knowledge an d inculcate d a desir e t o understan d th e worl d an d t o hel p others understan d it . Thi s boo k i s theirs i n mor e way s tha n I can express . Oxford, Ohio

16

ELLIOTT J . GOR N

THE

MANLY ART

Prologue: The Englis h Priz e Rin g

The marqui s o f Queensberry , Si r Henr y Smith , Lor d Yarmouth , Th e Honourable Berkele y Craven , Majo r Mellish , Genera l Grosvenor , Lor d Pomfret, Si r Charle s Alton , an d countles s othe r me n o f ran k stoo d shoulder t o shoulde r a t th e ropes , waitin g fo r th e fighter s t o appear . Behind them , th e motle y crow d know n a s "th e fancy " presse d forward . Professional gamblers , taver n keepers , an d youn g dandie s ou t fo r a grand time ; prostitutes, costermongers , pugilists , and pickpockets; wealth y "Corinthians" wh o patronize d lower-clas s recreations ; cockfighters , do g trainers, butchers , weavers , an d chimne y sweeps ; hig h an d low , ric h an d poor—twenty thousan d Englishme n mingle d a t Thistleto n Gap , outsid e London, o n Septembe r 28 , 1811. 1 Shortly afte r noo n To m Crib , a bellhange r turne d taver n keepe r an d now champio n o f England , spran g upo n th e stag e an d bowe d t o th e crowd. Thre e month s o f trainin g o n th e estat e o f Captai n Barclay—a n old patro n o f th e rin g wh o allegedl y stake d te n thousan d pound s o n hi s man—had steele d th e champion' s fram e wit h muscle . Thirt y year s old , five-feet-ten-inches tall , weighin g thirtee n ston e si x (on e hundre d an d eighty-eight pounds) , Cri b wa s a t th e heigh t o f hi s pugilisti c powers . Tom Molineaux , a n America n an d a black man , followe d th e champi on int o the ring. Almos t th e sam e siz e a s Crib, Molineau x ha d astonishe d Englishmen ove r th e previou s yea r wit h spectacula r display s o f powe r and craft . Ringsid e bettin g stoo d a t three-to-on e fo r Crib , bu t man y feared tha t th e titl e wa s i n jeopardy . Molineaux' s foreignnes s disturbe d the fanc y eve n mor e tha n hi s color , fo r i t raise d th e prospec t tha t England migh t los e th e championship , a symbo l o f nationa l virility. 2 These fear s seeme d wel l founded . Cri b an d Molineau x ha d me t almos t a yea r before , o n a cold , we t Decembe r day . Pierc e Egan , th e grea t 19

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chronicler o f sportin g life , declare d tha t interes t i n previou s contest s paled besid e thi s on e because , fo r th e firs t time , nationa l hono r wa s a t stake. Fancyme n slogge d throug h ankle-dee p mu d o n thei r wa y t o Copthall Common , thirt y mile s nort h o f London , a tre k tha t wa s rewarded wit h a n outstandin g fight . Th e America n bega n a s a four-to one underdog , bu t b y th e nint h roun d th e champio n wa s i n trouble . "Both th e combatant s appeare d dreadfull y punished," Ega n wrote , "and Crib' s hea d wa s terribl y swelle d o n th e lef t side . . . . Molineaux rallied wit h a spiri t unexpected , bore d i n upo n Crib , an d b y a stron g blow throug h th e Champion' s Guard , whic h h e plante d i n hi s face , brought hi m down." 3 By th e thirteent h round , th e odd s ha d turne d t o six-to-fou r o n Molineaux. Thre e round s later , the y wer e roughl y even , an d th e momen tum shifte d bac k an d fort h unti l th e twenty-nint h round , whe n Crib , retreating an d counterpunching , caugh t Molineau x wit h a blo w t o th e right ey e tha t seriousl y impaire d hi s vision . Th e challenge r carrie d th e fight fo r te n mor e rounds , continuin g t o punis h Crib , bu t h e finall y collapsed fro m exhaustion . "Molineaux, " Ega n concluded , "prove d himself a s courageous a man a s ever a n adversar y contende d w i t h . . . . Th e Black astonishe d everyone , no t onl y b y hi s extraordinar y powe r o f hitting, an d hi s giganti c strength , bu t als o b y hi s acquaintanc e wit h th e science, whic h wa s fa r greate r tha n an y ha d give n hi m credi t for. " Indeed, rumor s wer e rif e tha t onl y chicaner y b y Crib' s second s an d interference b y th e crow d kep t th e championshi p fro m Molineaux' s grasp. 4 So, a s th e rematc h began , thos e a t ringsid e eye d th e challenge r wit h deep apprehension . Th e tw o heroe s picke d u p wher e the y ha d lef t of f i n their firs t fight . Fourt h round : "althoug h [Crib ] wa s bleedin g fro m ever y wound, h e smile d wit h confidence , an d rallie d i n th e firs t styl e o f manliness. A numbe r o f goo d blow s wer e exchanged . Cri b milling awa y at th e bod y an d Molineaux punishing th e head. " Fift h round : "Molineau x commenced a rally, an d th e punishment wa s trul y dreadfu l o n bot h sides ; but th e Moor ha d th e bes t o f i t an d th e champio n fel l fro m a hit." 5 Molineaux, however , wa s no t th e sam e fighte r a s a year before . Whil e Crib traine d wit h Captai n Barclay , th e challenge r wa s unabl e t o fin d a wealthy backer , s o he sparre d an d fough t priz e battle s i n orde r t o suppor t himself. H e als o frequente d th e tavern s an d flash house s patronize d b y the sportin g fraternity , drinkin g to o muc h an d dissipatin g hi s strength . A s a result , Molineaux' s "bottom"—th e fancy' s wor d fo r endurance — betrayed him . Sixt h round : "Cri b no w gav e th e Moor s o sever e a blo w in th e bod y wit h hi s righ t hand , tha t i t no t onl y appeare d t o roll him up, 20

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The second Crib-Molineaux championship fight, September 28, 181

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the American black and the English champion battled for eleven rounds. Engraved by the celebrated illustrators George and Robert Isaac Cruikshank.

but seemed as if he had completely knocked the wind out of him." Ninth round: "It was so evident which way the battle would now terminate, that it was 'Lombard Street to a China Orange' Crib was the conqueror. The Moor in running in, had his jaw broke, and he fell as if dead from a

tremendous left-handed blow of the Champion." Molineaux managed to rise for two more rounds berore giving in.6 Crib's return home was triumphant; grateful Englishmen mobbed his coach in every town. Back in London, several Corinthians raised a subscription for an engraved silver cup. "You are requested," Crib was told before a gathering of wealthy ring patrons, "to accept this cup as a tribute of respect for the uniform valor and integrity you have shewn in your several combats, but most particularly for the additional proofs of native skill and manly intrepidity displayed by you in your last memourable .

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battle, whe n th e caus e reste d no t merel y o n individua l fame , bu t fo r th e pugilistic reputatio n o f you r nativ e country , i n contendin g wit h a formi dable foreig n antagonist. " A sumptuou s dinne r followed , the n toasts , songs, an d genera l convivialit y cappe d th e celebration. 7 Here wa s th e Englis h priz e rin g i n it s glory . " I hav e know n th e time, " George Borro w recalle d o f thes e days , "whe n a pugilisti c encounte r between tw o note d champion s wa s almos t considere d a s a national affair ; when ten s o f thousand s o f individuals , hig h an d low , meditate d an d brooded upo n it , th e firs t thin g i n th e mornin g an d th e las t a t night , unti l the grea t even t wa s decided. " Molineau x an d Cri b wer e beneficiarie s o f boxing's apotheosis . Patronag e b y th e aristocrac y an d gentry , participa tion b y les s tha n gentee l member s o f th e lowe r class , a share d lov e o f conviviality an d hig h times , a share d admiratio n fo r courage , display s o f honor, an d physica l prowess , an d a share d fea r o f nationa l decadenc e and effeminancy , al l mad e priz e fightin g England' s mos t popula r spor t from th e las t decade s o f th e eighteent h throug h th e firs t quarte r o f th e nineteenth century. 8 The precis e origin s o f Englis h pugilis m ar e obscure . W e kno w tha t fistic comba t wa s a n even t i n th e ancien t Gree k Olympiad . Pindar , fo r example, celebrate d Diagoras ' victor y i n th e game s o f 47 4 B.C. : "Bu t d o thou, O fathe r Zeus , tha t rules t ove r th e heigh t o f Atabyrium , gran t honour t o th e hym n ordaine d i n prais e o f a n Olympia n victor , an d t o th e hero wh o hat h foun d fam e fo r hi s prowes s a s a boxer ; an d d o tho u giv e him grac e an d reverenc e i n th e eye s o f citizen s an d o f stranger s too . Fo r he goet h i n a straigh t cours e alon g a pat h tha t hatet h insolence ; h e hat h learnt ful l wel l al l th e lesson s prompte d b y th e prudenc e whic h h e inheriteth fro m goodl y ancestors. " Fo r Pindar , th e boxer' s achievemen t was no t merel y physica l bu t mora l a s well , a sig n o f prope r upbringin g by a goo d famil y an d a culminatio n o f virtuou s livin g worth y o f Zeus ' blessing. 9 Even lord s an d warrior s compete d t o wi n prizes , entertai n eac h other , uphold thei r honor , demonstrat e virility , an d pa y homag e t o the dead . Fo r the ancien t Greeks , gifte d fighter s personifie d importan t cultura l values . A dangerous , blood y sport , boxin g wa s considere d goo d preparatio n fo r warfare, s o me n o f grea t scienc e an d finess e receive d specia l praise . Boxers becam e exalte d heroes , model s o f th e agonisti c idea l wh o celebrated th e god s wit h thei r deed s an d embodie d th e goa l o f unifie d mental, physical , an d spiritua l cultivation . Sport s i n genera l an d boxin g in particula r wer e encourage d becaus e the y taugh t disciplin e whil e exemplifying Gree k ideal s o f grac e an d beauty. 10 The Greek s passe d th e ide a o f fisti c comba t o n t o th e Romans , a s th e 22

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Latin origin s o f ou r wor d pugilism testify , bu t boxin g matche s becam e ever mor e blood y spectacle s durin g th e ascendanc y o f Rome . Unde r th e Empire, fighter s too k t o ne w extreme s th e Gree k practic e o f wearin g a thong—called caestus b y th e Romans—t o protec t th e hand . Sometime s metal spike s wer e embedde d i n th e surface . Virgi l describe s a pair i n The Aeneiď. From somewher e h e produce d th e glove s o f Ery x And tosse d the m int o th e ring , al l stif f an d heavy . Seven layer s of hid e and insew n lea d and iron . . . . You can stil l se e th e bloo d an d a splas h o f brain s That staine d the m lon g ago . . . . Virgil goe s o n t o recoun t a mythi c boxin g match , par t o f th e funera l games honorin g Anchises , i n whic h th e ol d champio n Entellu s triumphe d over youn g Dares . Th e figh t wa s stoppe d onc e th e outcom e becam e clear, an d th e vanquishe d ma n wa s carrie d off , spittin g bloo d an d teeth . Entellus the n face d hi s prize , a steer , Drew bac k hi s right hand, poise d it , sen t i t smashin g Between th e horns , shatterin g th e skul l an d splashin g Brains o n th e bones , a s the grea t beas t cam e down , lifeless . The champio n declare d th e stee r a sacrific e t o th e go d Ery x an d vowe d to la y asid e th e glove s forever. " In both Greec e an d Rome , then , boxin g wa s mor e tha n mer e entertain ment. I t gre w ou t o f cultura l sensibilitie s tha t mad e mal e prowess , violent competition , an d persona l ambitio n par t o f large r socia l an d religious ideals . Thu s fist-fightin g too k it s plac e alongsid e othe r bloody , gladitorial spectacles. 12 Pugilism ma y hav e bee n introduce d t o England durin g th e Roma n occupation, bu t i f so , i t disappeare d shortl y afte r th e Christia n er a bega n and apparentl y di d no t retur n unti l th e seventeent h century . Perhap s th e idea o f boxin g reemerge d a s Englishme n rediscovere d th e classics , learning abou t i t fro m Virgi l an d Homer. 13 Certainl y th e morall y relaxe d atmosphere followin g th e Purita n ascendanc y permitte d th e reviva l o f rough sports , alon g wit h thei r attendan t vice s o f drinking , gambling , an d carousing. Indeed , durin g th e Restoratio n o f th e mid-i6oos , ancien t rura l recreations returne d i n ful l glor y an d bloodiness , amon g the m cockfighting , bullbaiting, an d football . Boxin g dre w strengt h fro m thi s sportin g revival, bu t th e rin g di d no t hav e dee p root s i n th e Englis h countryside . Rather, i t becam e a n urba n phenomenon , supporte d b y cit y nobles , loca l 23

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squires migratin g t o th e commercia l centers , an d growin g number s o f working-class men. 14 James Fi g i s generall y credite d a s th e fathe r o f th e Englis h ring , though other s certainl y boxe d befor e him . Th e firs t manua l o n fisti c exercise, Captai n Godfrey' s A Treatise on the Useful Science of Defense published i n 1740 , calle d Fi g th e greates t teache r o f boxin g o f th e earl y 1700s. I n additio n t o foundin g hi s ow n school , Fig' s Amphitheatre , h e fought severa l priz e battle s an d exhibite d hi s pugilisti c talents , alon g with th e art s o f swordsmanshi p an d cudge l pla y (fightin g wit h heav y sticks), a t suc h seasona l gathering s a s the Southwark Fair . Jac k Broughto n succeeded Fig , receivin g th e duk e o f Cumberland' s patronag e an d reigning a s th e secon d grea t foundin g fathe r o f th e ring . Broughto n als o fought priz e battle s an d taugh t "th e theor y an d practic e o f tha t trul y British Art " i n hi s Londo n Academy . Abov e all , h e brough t a mor e refined ton e t o th e ring an d promulgate d th e sport' s first rules , a cod e that guide d priz e fightin g fro m 174 3 throug h 1838 . I n on e o f hi s championship bouts , Fi g ha d bee n strangle d fo r hal f a minut e befor e extricating himsel f fro m hi s opponent' s grip . Broughton' s rule s helpe d eliminate suc h brutality ; the y als o outlawe d hittin g belo w th e bel t an d striking a falle n opponent . Th e ne w cod e furthe r specifie d tha t a roun d ended whe n a ma n wa s punche d o r throw n down , tha t th e nex t roun d began thirt y second s late r wit h bot h boxer s toein g a mar k calle d th e "scratch" i n th e middl e o f th e ring, an d tha t eac h sid e appoin t second s to assis t betwee n rounds , umpire s t o settl e disputes , an d a refere e whos e decisions wer e final.' 5 These precedent s wer e important , bu t i t wa s no t unti l nea r th e en d o f the eighteent h centur y tha t boxin g woul d gro w s o popula r a s t o b e deemed th e nationa l spor t o f England . Th e reason s wer e complex . Pugilism's rise wa s par t o f a large r flowering o f commercialize d leisur e and popula r recreations . Leadin g th e way wer e newl y reorganize d specta tor sport s suc h a s cricke t an d hors e racing , wit h thei r forma l rules , sophisticated betting , an d powerfu l club s comprise d o f influentia l pa trons. Th e emergenc e o f severa l skilled , colorfu l champions , moreover , was crucia l t o th e ring' s development—Danie l Mendoza , th e quic k an d clever Jew ; Bil l Richmond , a n America n blac k wh o pioneere d counter punching an d othe r defensiv e strategies ; "Gentleman " Joh n Jackson , teacher o f th e manl y ar t fo r a whol e generatio n o f Englis h aristocrats ; John Gully , a butcher' s so n wh o ros e fro m debtors ' prison t o champion , wealthy bookmaker , an d membe r o f Parliament ; a s wel l a s Je m Belcher , Tom Spring , Richar d Humphries , Bo b Gregson , To m Hickman , Jac k Langan, an d man y others. 16 24

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"Gentleman" John Jackson's sparring rooms, 1821. Such notables as Lord Byron took lessons from the "sparring master to the aristocracy." Engraved by the Cruikshank brothers. Courtesy of the Print Collections, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations .

The great English essayist William Hazlitt captured boxing's glory in " The Fight,"

his account of the championship battle in

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Tom "The Gas-man" Hickman, and William Neate. Hazlitt described the taverns, bristling with excitement, as members of the fancy gathered the night before to discover the secret location of the battle and enjoy one another's company. He recounted his discussions with trainers, boxers, and other "knowing ones." Hazlitt painted the spectacle in colors still vivid today: "Reader, have you ever seen a fight? If not, you have a pleasure to come, at least if it is a fight like that between the Gas-man and Bill Neate. The crowd was very great when we arrived on the spot; open carriages were coming up, with streamers flying and music playing, and the country people were pouring in over hedge and ditch, in all directions, to see their hero beat or be beaten." Hazlitt sketched the young swells at ringside in their white box coats, the burly club-bearing ring keepers who kept the "magic circle" clear, the boxers .

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themselves strippin g of f thei r garments , Neat e quietl y confident , Hickma n strutting lik e th e coc k o f th e walk . A t th e las t instan t work-a-da y tim e stopped, an d th e specia l rhyth m o f th e rin g began . "Ther e wa s no w a dead pause—attention wa s awe-struck . Wh o a t tha t moment , bi g wit h a grea t event, di d no t dra w hi s breat h short—di d no t fee l hi s hear t throb ? Al l wa s ready.... They wer e le d u p to the scratch—shook hands , and wen t a t it." 17 Hazlitt brilliantly evoke d the ring's uniqu e combination o f lightheartednes s and brutality . Hi s word s di d no t mas k th e violenc e bu t describe d th e bloody eb b an d flo w o f th e battl e unti l it s chillin g denouement : "[Neate ] planted a tremendous blo w o n [Hickman's ] cheek-bon e an d eyebrow , an d made a re d rui n o f tha t sid e o f hi s face . Th e Gas-ma n wen t down , an d there wa s anothe r shout— a roa r of triump h a s the wave s o f fortun e rolle d tumultuously fro m sid e t o side . . . . " Bu t th e challenge r woul d no t giv e up. I n th e twelft h roun d Neat e lunge d again , strikin g Hickma n wit h ful l force: "Al l trace s o f life , o f natura l expression , wer e gon e fro m him . Hi s face wa s lik e a huma n skull , a death' s head , spoutin g blood . Th e eye s were fille d wit h blood , th e nos e streame d blood , th e mout h gape d blood . He wa s no t lik e a n actua l man , bu t lik e a preternatural , spectra l appearance, o r lik e on e o f th e figure s i n Dante' s Inferno. " Hickma n came u p fo r si x mor e rounds , the n lapse d int o unconsciousness . Hazlit t chastened thos e critic s o f th e rin g wh o assume d superio r air s yet coul d never replicat e th e courag e an d self-possessio n o f on e wh o li t ga s lamp s for a living . "Th e Fight " ende d a s i t began , wit h description s o f grea t conviviality an d share d memorie s o n th e retur n tri p t o London. 18 Hazlitt caugh t th e priz e rin g a t th e pea k o f it s grandeur , whe n me n lived fo r th e thril l o f a goo d figh t o n whic h t o wager ; whe n remarkabl e writers, Vincen t Dowling , Joh n Badcock , an d especiall y Pierc e Egan , catered t o th e desir e o f th e newl y literat e masse s fo r fres h pros e o n exciting subjects ; whe n dozen s o f th e country' s mos t distinguishe d gentlemen belonge d t o th e Pugilisti c Club , whos e member s arrange d matches, pu t u p stakes , an d wor e thei r distinctiv e blue-and-buff uniform s at ringside ; whe n th e cza r o f Russi a an d th e kin g o f Prussia , i n celebration o f thei r victor y ove r Napoleon , wer e treate d t o a n exhibitio n of th e ar t o f self-defens e b y th e grea t Englis h champions ; whe n th e Prince Regent , a patro n o f th e ring , organize d a n hono r guar d o f twent y leading pugilist s t o atten d hi m a t hi s coronatio n a s Georg e I V i n 1821. 19 Above all , boxin g epitomize d a cultura l style . Th e pursui t o f raucou s sports ha d dee p root s i n th e countryside , an d man y Briton s revele d i n th e national lov e o f roug h play . Violen t recreation s affirme d masculin e values suc h a s prowess , valor , an d physica l courage . "Th e Englis h clare t had flowe d s o freely, " Pierc e Ega n wrot e o f on e fight , "tha t neve r 26

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before o r sinc e di d I see tw o me n s o thoroughl y an d handsomel y painte d with th e tru e bloo d red , fro m th e crow n o f th e hea d t o th e waistband . They woul d hav e mad e a rar e subjec t fo r a painter. " Boxin g wa s on e o f several bruta l pastimes—includin g cockfighting , bull - an d bearbaiting , cudgel play , an d dogfighting—lon g popula r wit h th e Englis h people . O n the simples t level , th e bloodines s i n rin g an d pi t parallele d th e bloodi ness o f societ y i n th e lat e eighteent h an d earl y nineteent h centuries . Street violenc e threatene d peace-lovin g citizen s wit h assaults , robbery , gang attack , an d murder . More , th e er a wa s rif e wit h revolutionar y bloodbaths, war s o f unprecedente d ferocity , publi c executions , grindin g poverty, restiv e labor , an d repressiv e capital. 20 But boxin g wa s fa r mor e tha n butcher y turne d spectacle . Priz e fighting engendere d a mal e aesthetic . Fo r th e fancy , a goo d bou t wa s a n artistic idealizatio n o f reality , displayin g manliness , fai r play , an d finel y developed physica l skills . Th e ring , i t wa s said , taugh t Englishme n bulldog courage , fosterin g a sens e o f nationa l prid e whil e counterin g effeminacy. Pugilis m elevate d hono r ove r money-gettin g an d martia l valor ove r comfort . Equall y important , th e fanc y foun d beaut y i n man' s sheer physicality . Th e sam e Pierc e Ega n wh o evoke d scene s drenche d with bloo d als o praise d champio n Richar d Humphrie s fo r hi s "eleganc e of position, " hi s "coo l an d promp t judgement, " hi s "fortitud e o f manner," an d hi s "manl y an d tastefu l attitudes. " Boxing , Ega n argued , taught lesson s i n humanity , settlin g quarrel s wit h th e sam e finalit y a s pistols an d dagger s bu t withou t th e attendan t los s o f life . Bloodlettin g artfully performed , violenc e withi n explici t rules , brutalit y committe d with style—th e rin g articulate d a n idea l o f manhoo d tha t boun d display s of sanguin e passion s withi n a n aestheti c o f restrain t an d decorum. 21 The son s o f th e aristocrac y an d gentr y wer e especiall y attracte d t o boxing. A t Eto n an d Harrow , youn g gentleme n acquire d blac k eye s an d split lip s alon g wit h courage , coolnes s unde r pressure , an d a sens e o f leadership an d command , th e mora l foundation s o f th e lande d classes ' rule. Perhap s th e aggressiv e masculinit y o f th e rin g wa s a defensiv e reaction fo r th e me n o f a n ol d uppe r clas s whos e relativ e powe r an d wealth—the ver y basi s o f thei r patriarcha l prerogatives—wer e declining . Prize fight s an d othe r popula r recreation s momentaril y reestablishe d elit e authority amon g th e masses . The y allowe d gentleme n a t onc e t o mingl e with th e multitude , cementin g th e loyalt y o f thei r socia l inferiors , bu t simultaneously t o distanc e themselve s throug h display s o f wealt h an d largesse. Equall y important , sport s reasserte d gentr y values , especiall y love o f pageantry , bol d ris k taking , an d martia l courage. 22 Though boxin g wa s nourishe d b y th e sam e etho s a s othe r traditiona l 27

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"A visit to the fives court," London, 1825. Here boxers sparred, matches were made, stakes deposited, and benefits given. Engraved by Robert Isaac Cruikshank for Pierce Egan's Sporting Anecdotes (1825). Courtesy of the Print Collection, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

recreations, it was not a venerable country amusement like cockfighting. The ring was a product of those social and economic forces transforming England, and it grew from tensions endemic in society. The fancy was a large and heterogeneous club, replicating the diversity of the burgeoning metropolis. It was this very heterogeneity which was so appealing, giving the ring its colorful blend of rich and poor, well-born and debased, resplendent and ragged. Great men and small now migrated in unprece­ dented numbers to booming new centers of commerce and manufactur­ ing. Urban life provided the fancy with a multitude of watering holes, .

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including dozen s o f tavern s ru n b y forme r boxers , wher e th e sportin g crowd coul d drink , sing , an d recal l famou s battles. 23 Equally important , th e cit y hel d a larg e working-clas s population , me n for who m a purs e o f te n o r fift y o r on e hundre d pounds , alon g wit h th e chance t o becom e a her o amon g one' s peers , wa s wort h th e ris k o f permanent injury , eve n death. 24 Boxer s cam e fro m th e rank s o f coa l heavers, cana l diggers , brickmakers , chai r carriers , butchers , tailors , masons, da y laborers , an d al l variet y o f workingmen . Man y stil l belonge d to viabl e crafts , bu t mos t wer e becomin g permanen t wag e laborer s wit h little chanc e o f attainin g autonom y throug h th e dyin g apprenticeshi p system. Member s o f ethni c groups—Irishman , blacks , an d Jews—wer e especially draw n t o th e rin g becaus e o f thei r lowl y socia l an d economi c status an d becaus e i t offere d a chance t o compet e agains t Englishme n o n an equa l footing. 25 Priz e fightin g wa s thu s par t o f a hybri d cultur e tha t appealed t o th e highes t an d th e lowes t i n th e Englis h socia l structure , combined som e o f th e ancien t recreation s brough t fro m th e countrysid e with ne w sport s an d games , an d fitte d the m al l int o emergen t pattern s o f commercialization an d industria l rhythm s o f work . The rin g wa s abov e al l a focus fo r cultura l conflic t tha t aros e fro m th e new economi c an d socia l order . Evangelica l religio n an d capitalis t form s of busines s organization—an d her e I refe r no t simpl y t o th e ris e o f factories bu t t o th e specializatio n o f labor , concentratin g productiv e resources i n eve r fewe r hands—militate d agains t th e free-and-eas y cul tural styl e tha t priz e fightin g represented . Fo r th e prosperou s bourgeoi s and th e dissentin g preacher , th e ascendan t etho s o f productivity , humani tarian reform , stead y habits , sobe r self-control , accumulatio n o f proper ty, an d devotio n t o th e domesti c famil y seeme d a s inevitabl e a s sunrise . But th e value s an d powe r o f suc h ne w me n wer e a direc t threa t t o th e gentry, ol d aristocrats , wealth y youn g dandies , professiona l gamblers , the urba n underworld , an d a larg e segmen t o f th e workin g class. 26 The flowering o f pugilis m wa s a cultural statemen t opposin g effort s b y the middl e clas s t o reshap e th e worl d i n it s own image . Ever y priz e figh t addressed thi s conflict , assertin g th e importanc e o f gran d displa y an d passional exces s ove r th e mor e restraine d ne w mores . Wit h a share d dramatization o f values , th e rin g momentaril y unifie d grea t me n an d small. "Ther e i s somethin g peculiarl y exhilaratin g i n a boxin g match, " wrote th e edito r o f a journal entitle d The Fancy. "Th e ric h ma n forget s his pride , th e poo r hi s modest y befor e hi s betters,—equalit y reign s triumphant fo r th e day , an d wit h perfec t goo d nature , 'Lord s hustl e wit h jockeys,' an d exchang e jokes , an d laug h a t th e rude , ye t ofte n witt y 29

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remarks o f th e lowl y train. " Suc h a levelin g wa s onl y temporary , o f course, an d b y keepin g th e line s o f patro n an d patronize d clear , th e rite s of th e rin g ultimatel y reinforce d hierarchy . Still , fo r a n instant , th e mighty an d th e humbl e spok e eac h other' s language , share d eac h other' s joys. Ever y matc h defie d th e la w o f 175 0 bannin g boxin g an d gav e testimony, howeve r tenuous , t o th e influenc e o f th e ol d rulin g class , t o the loyalt y o f thos e wh o receive d thei r largesse , an d t o the unit y o f grea t men an d smal l i n quest o f th e pleasure s o f th e fanc y life . I t wa s precisel y because th e aristocrac y legitimate d priz e fightin g wit h thei r suppor t tha t Lord Byro n an d Joh n Keats , Willia m Hogart h an d Georg e Cruikshank , could ris k offendin g th e middl e clas s b y givin g t o boxin g a n artisti c expression. 27 Even champion s o f labor , wh o ofte n appropriate d abstemiou s value s as tool s o f working-clas s pride , wer e attracte d t o th e cultur e o f th e ring . William Cobbett , perhap s labor' s greates t spokesman , penne d hi s "De fense o f Pugilism " i n 1805 . Cobbet t declare d tha t boxin g wa s th e safes t way fo r me n t o settl e difference s whil e upholdin g thei r honor . Mor e important, h e grounde d hi s cas e i n republica n ideology , a se t o f belief s quite compatibl e wit h defens e o f workingmen' s rights . Cobbett , lik e s o many othe r Englis h writers , feare d tha t hi s natio n migh t slid e fro m liberty int o slavery , tha t prosperit y woul d degenerat e int o opulence, the n luxury, effeminacy , cowardice , an d finall y foreig n domination . Thu s th e supreme republica n ideal—productiv e labo r fo r fre e an d autonomou s men—contained seed s o f it s ow n destruction . Englan d ha d alread y reached th e stag e o f effeminacy , bu t suc h sport s a s boxin g migh t hel p stop th e decline . Priz e fight s dramatize d manlines s an d self-esteem , traits essentia l t o th e advanc e o f workers . Decade s afte r Cobbet t wrot e his article , militan t labo r newspaper s stil l carrie d new s o f th e ring . Despite som e misgiving s tha t wil d sport s wer e a kin d o f opiat e t o oppressed workers , man y radical s maintaine d bot h thei r politica l ideal s and thei r lov e o f ol d leisur e traditions. 28 Support fro m divers e socia l group s notwithstanding , bare-knuckl e fighting's golde n ag e laste d littl e mor e tha n a generation . Jus t whe n boxing wa s bein g haile d a s th e nationa l spor t whos e lesson s helpe d English armie s prevail , i t bega n t o decline . Grea t matche s continue d t o occur i n comin g decades , an d man y me n stil l foun d i n th e rin g a n expression o f thei r sensibility . Bu t afte r abou t 182 5 purse s gre w smalle r and crowd s mor e furtive . Priz e fightin g wa s drive n underground , neve r again t o enjoy th e ope n suppor t o f influentia l me n whic h ha d protecte d i t in earlie r years. 29 30

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The reason s wer e man y an d complex. I n 182 4 John Jackson , wh o did so muc h t o se t a gentlemanl y ton e an d encourag e aristocrati c patronage , closed th e door s o f hi s academy . Shortl y afte r th e "Commande r i n Chief" retired , th e Pugilisti c Clu b disbanded , forcin g individua l fighter s once agai n t o secur e thei r ow n patrons . Thi s becam e increasingl y difficult t o d o becaus e suspicio n ha d bee n buildin g tha t man y boxer s were throwin g matches . Th e doubt s raise d b y fixe d fight s no t onl y undermined men' s loyalties , the y jeopardized gambling , on e of the sport' s main attractions . Th e very intimatio n tha t a boxer, bribe d b y professiona l gamblers, migh t thro w a bout , subverte d th e fancy' s confidenc e tha t fights trul y represente d th e bes t effort s b y th e bes t me n an d tha t on e could wage r o n a pugilis t an d b e certai n o f hi s integrity. 30 But thes e wer e superficia l reason s fo r the ring' s decline , symptom s a s much a s causes . Boxin g wa s one o f man y sport s altere d o r swep t asid e as Englis h societ y evolved . A renewe d evangelica l crusade , obsesse d with man' s sinfulnes s an d hi s abilit y t o choos e salvation , demande d strict piet y an d renounce d al l o f th e ol d pleasure s o f th e flesh . Th e middle clas s i n particula r foun d confirmatio n o f it s outloo k i n militan t Christianity's zea l t o refor m me n an d women . Th e bourgeoisie—owner s of productiv e property , especiall y ne w businesses an d industries based on capital investment , intensiv e division o f labor, and expansion o f markets— was comin g int o it s own early i n the nineteent h century , an d as it s asset s and powe r grew , i t sough t t o reshap e th e nationa l cultur e i n it s ow n image. Compare d t o new , middle-clas s source s o f wealth , th e gentry' s and aristocracy' s materia l bas e i n lan d an d rent s wa s steadil y shrinkin g in importance . O f course , th e middl e clas s neve r completel y impose d it s views o n th e res t o f society ; indeed , ther e wer e importan t division s within th e bourgeoisi e itself . Nevertheless , a ne w cultura l etho s wa s

emerging. A melang e o f middle-clas s goal s an d evangelica l ideals — making wa r o n disorderliness , enforcin g labo r discipline , safeguardin g public morality , pursuin g humanitaria n reforms , an d stampin g ou t suc h irrational behavio r a s gambling , drinking , swearing , an d publi c bloodletting—now heade d th e cultura l agenda. 31 The spiri t o f refor m wa s a t ful l tid e b y th e earl y nineteent h century , which i s anothe r wa y o f sayin g tha t middle-clas s an d evangelical value s were gainin g th e uppe r han d ove r mor e traditiona l views . Me n forme d organizations, petitione d government , passe d laws , an d enforce d ne w behaviors. Piety , productivity , an d mora l earnestnes s di d no t squar e wit h Corinthian life . A s th e elit e patron s o f popula r recreation s sa w thei r economic power , politica l control , an d socia l prestig e challenge d b y the 31

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bourgeoisie, the y bega n t o tur n inwar d a s a clas s an d withdra w fro m public life . No w th e ol d sport s themselve s wer e undercut , fo r wher e th e gentry an d aristocrac y ha d see n manl y fortitude , health y paternalism , and a chanc e fo r som e innocen t slumming , th e middl e clas s foun d onl y depravity an d th e debasemen t o f th e poor . Fait h i n progress , i n a n eve r brighter futur e fo r humankind , wa s th e touchston e o f bourgeoi s thought . Yet atavisti c spectacle s suc h a s boxin g matche s symbolicall y denie d th e inevitability o f progress , displayin g instea d man' s penchan t fo r evil . Th e old sport s an d leisur e tradition s wer e obstacle s t o th e spiri t o f improve ment becaus e the y seeme d t o encourag e a n etho s o f pleasur e fo r it s ow n sake, o f livin g fo r th e thril l o f th e moment. 32 The reformers ' weapon s include d ne w anti-priz e figh t law s an d strengthened polic e departments ; official s bega n houndin g th e sportin g fraternity a s neve r before . A definitiv e sig n o f thi s crackdow n cam e i n 1824, whe n loca l magistrate s stoppe d a figh t betwee n Ne d Neal e an d Jem Burn s outsid e Londo n a t Moulse y Hurst , lon g th e favorit e venu e fo r great bouts . Moreover , th e court s no w prosecute d fighters , seconds , bottleholders, an d eve n spectator s t o a n unprecedente d extent. 33 Bu t i t was mor e tha n a matte r o f forc e alone . Th e evangelical s an d th e bourgeoisie wer e i n a positio n t o begi n shiftin g publi c opinio n thei r way , to articulat e thei r ow n ideolog y an d hav e other s adop t it . Fo r growin g numbers o f Englishmen , th e pious , benevolent , an d libera l outloo k became compelling , fo r i t hel d ou t th e promis e o f shapin g one' s ow n destiny i n a n er a tha t increasingl y subjecte d me n t o socia l force s beyon d their control . The ol d rulin g classe s retaine d considerabl e influence , bu t thei r abilit y to se t th e ton e o f cultura l lif e gre w eve r weaker . Increasingly , th e uppe r classes retreate d int o thei r ow n exclusiv e circle s becaus e the y no w lacked th e secur e superiorit y tha t ha d allowe d the m t o mingl e wit h th e lower order s an d becaus e birth , no t power , wa s becomin g thei r onl y wa y of distinguishin g themselve s fro m wealth y parvenus . Man y workin g me n continued t o enjoy th e wil d sport s o f old , bu t withou t upper-clas s suppor t their activitie s wer e ofte n stoppe d b y polic e an d loca l official s inten t o n enforcing morality , upholdin g labo r disciplin e an d breakin g u p all riotou s gatherings i n thi s er a o f working-clas s rebellion . Th e ol d recreation s were no t dead , bu t lackin g protectio n b y powerfu l men , the y wer e force d underground. Importan t matche s stil l occurre d o n occasion , yet n o longer coul d i t b e claime d wit h accurac y tha t priz e fightin g wa s th e national spor t o f England. 34 Crib an d Molineau x ha d square d of f a t a propitiou s moment . Thei r 32

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bouts woul d hav e bee n grea t one s i n an y era , bu t th e socia l worl d i n which the y occurre d mad e the m singular . Tha t world , however , wa s already crumbling . Althoug h priz e fightin g woul d prospe r again , i t would neve r b e quit e th e same .

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"The Tremendou s Ma n o f Colour " If Englishme n wer e apprehensiv e a s a foreigne r attempte d t o seiz e their championship , American s shoul d hav e bee n overjoye d b y th e effort s of To m Molineau x t o humbl e th e ol d Mothe r Country . Twistin g th e British lion' s tai l wa s alway s grea t spor t fo r th e youn g nation , an d symbolic display s o f prowes s coul d hav e prove d quit e usefu l a s relation s between th e tw o countrie s deteriorate d o n th e ev e o f th e Wa r o f 1812 . Yet Molineaux' s fello w citizen s pai d hi m littl e attention . Description s o f his fight s agains t Crib , excerpte d fro m Englis h journals , appeare d sporadically i n th e America n press . Bu t thes e second-han d account s generated a feebl e respons e i n America . Eve n th e controversia l en d o f the firs t match—when , i t wa s allege d b y friend s o f Molineaux , Crib' s seconds use d underhande d tactic s t o bu y thei r ma n preciou s extr a seconds o f rest , allowin g hi m t o recove r an d revers e th e tid e o f th e fight—received littl e notice . Whil e ten s o f thousand s o f Englishme n could recit e Molineaux' s exploits , relativel y fe w American s eve n kne w his name. ' N o doub t wor d o f hi s deed s circulate d orally , bu t th e sparseness o f documentar y evidenc e force s u s t o th e conclusio n tha t American interes t wa s neithe r broa d no r deep. Indeed , th e mos t astonishin g thing abou t To m Molineau x i s tha t w e kno w s o littl e abou t him. 2 He wa s bor n i n eithe r Marylan d o r Virgini a i n 1784 . Accordin g t o legend, youn g Molineau x live d i n bondag e unti l h e fough t hi s wa y t o freedom. Promisin g t o manumi t hi s servan t i n exchang e fo r a victor y against anothe r slave , Molineaux' s maste r be t heavil y o n Tom , wo n hi s wager, an d free d hi s slave . Unfortunately , n o evidenc e exist s t o back thi s charming story . Tha t master s ha d slave s figh t eac h othe r i s a commo n 34

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motif i n Afro-America n an d whit e souther n folklore , an d suc h fight s probably di d tak e place . Willia m Faulkne r include d a variatio n o n th e theme i n Absalom! Absalom! However , ther e i s n o substantia l proo f tha t the practic e wa s widespread . Excep t fo r whit e rough-and-tumbl e fight ing, boxin g wa s know n bu t no t particularl y popula r i n th e pre-Civi l Wa r South.3 Eve n bruta l master s recognize d th e nee d t o protec t thei r invest ments, an d i n th e nam e o f productivit y slaveowner s generall y discour aged violenc e amon g thei r bondsmen . Promotin g fight s woul d hav e undermined th e ver y disciplin e the y sough t t o bolster . Perhaps , a s th e legend goes , To m Molineau x cam e fro m a lin e o f fightin g Molineau x men, a famil y o f slave s wh o battle d thei r wa y t o freedom . Bu t th e evidence fail s t o uphol d thes e claims. 4 Whether bor n a slav e o r not , Molineau x wa s a fre e ma n b y th e opening year s o f th e nineteent h century . Lik e man y othe r fre e blacks , h e decided tha t th e cit y offere d life' s bes t opportunities , an d a s h e reache d his twentiet h year , h e migrate d t o Ne w York . Ther e To m haule d an d lifted a s a porte r an d doc k worker , earnin g a livin g whil e addin g muscl e to hi s soli d frame . H e probabl y engage d i n informal , surreptitiou s boxing matche s wit h fello w laborer s an d Britis h seamen . B y 180 9 Molineaux wa s sufficientl y confiden t o f hi s abilitie s tha t h e saile d fo r England wit h hope s o f attainin g pugilisti c fame. 5 Shortly afte r arriving , Molineau x sough t ou t Bil l Richmond , anothe r ambitious an d talente d fre e blac k American . Richmond , bor n o n State n Island i n 1763 , ha d someho w com e t o th e attentio n o f Genera l th e Ear l Percy, late r th e duk e o f Northumberland , wh o mad e hi m hi s servant . A t the beginnin g o f th e America n Revolution , bot h returne d t o England , where Perc y secure d fo r hi s charg e a n apprenticeshi p t o a cabinetmaker . Richmond eventuall y worke d a s a journeyman i n hi s trade , bu t alon g th e

way h e learne d t o bo x an d soo n bega n displayin g hi s skill s i n regula r ring battles . H e wa s quit e successfu l a s a priz e fighter , winnin g numer ous bout s wit h a uniqu e styl e o f quic k blow s followe d b y defensiv e retreat. Wit h hi s earning s fro m th e ring , Richmon d opene d a taver n i n London, th e Hors e an d Dolphin , wher e h e serve d th e fanc y an d traine d hundreds o f youn g me n i n pugilisti c science . A quiet, dignifie d individu al, Richmon d gaine d fro m boxin g a statu s an d securit y no t readil y available t o fre e black s i n America. 6 Although almos t fift y year s old , h e wa s stil l a n activ e priz e fighte r when youn g To m se t foo t i n th e Hors e an d Dolphin . Th e tw o me n wer e temperamentally dissimilar , bu t th e vetera n sa w i n Molineaux th e strength and skil l necessar y t o challeng e fo r th e title . The y forme d a n alliance : Richmond becam e Tom' s manager , trainer , patron , an d second . H e als o 35

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tried t o shiel d youn g Molineau x fro m th e danger s o f th e sportin g life . With hi s siz e an d speed , th e novic e easil y defeate d hi s firs t tw o opponents, settin g u p the battle s wit h Crib . Bu t hi s fall, a s we have seen , was a s meteori c a s hi s rise . Th e tw o blac k American s drifte d apar t a s Molineaux faile d t o lear n hi s mentor' s stead y way s an d busines s acu men. Richmon d coul d onl y watc h a s th e fanc y lif e o f th e Englis h rin g leached hi s protege' s magnificen t physique . Th e "tremendou s ma n o f colour," a s Ega n calle d Molineaux , fough t a fe w mor e battle s an d gav e sparring exhibitions , unti l th e dissipation s o f th e sportin g underworl d destroyed hi s health. H e died penniles s i n Dubli n a t the age of thirty-eight. 7 Virtually al l w e kno w abou t Molineau x come s fro m Englis h sources . Either becaus e o f hostility , o r mor e likel y becaus e o f indifference , th e American pres s pai d littl e attentio n t o th e youn g hero . Eve n th e firs t history o f priz e fightin g publishe d i n th e Unite d States , th e American Fistiana o f 1849 , faile d t o mentio n Molineaux' s name. 8 Hi s fam e i n England an d obscurit y a t hom e giv e testimon y t o th e stat e o f America n prize fightin g durin g th e earl y year s o f th e century . Transplantin g th e manly ar t t o America n soi l wa s n o simpl e matter . Unti l th e prope r conditions developed , boxin g wa s sociall y an d culturall y meaningles s o n these shores , an d s o i t wen t largel y ignored . Onl y ver y slowl y woul d Americans infus e th e rin g wit h significance .

First Bloo d Scattered reference s t o boxin g appeare d i n Americ a durin g th e eighteenth century . I n 173 3 the Boston Gazette reprinte d a few matter-of fact line s abou t a n Englis h fight , perhap s th e firs t an d certainl y on e o f very fe w reference s t o th e rin g acros s th e entir e colonia l era : "O n Monday las t a Boxin g Matc h wa s fough t o n th e Bowlin g Gree n a t Harrow o n th e Hill , betwee n Joh n Faulcone r o f Brentford , Carpenter , and Bo b Russell , wh o keep s a n Alehous e a t Paddington . . . ." N o comment appeare d wit h thi s item. 9 A generatio n late r tw o Englis h soldiers garrisone d a t Castl e Willia m i n Massachusett s engage d i n a bou t to settl e a n allege d affront . On e o f th e me n die d fro m th e beating , an d a jury o f inques t decide d tha t hi s opponen t mus t b e committed fo r trial . N o doubt simila r matche s occurre d withou t s o tragi c a result . Perhap s som e Americans eve n bega n t o emulat e Englis h soldier s an d sailors . Bu t suc h incidents remaine d uncommon.' ° Years, eve n decades , stil l separate d new s storie s o n pugilism , an d little evidenc e suggest s tha t boxin g existe d a s par t o f a n undergroun d 36

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culture. Englis h fighter s wer e prosperin g an d ha d ever y reaso n t o remai n at home . Internationa l turbulenc e disrupte d migratio n t o Americ a fro m the Revolutio n throug h th e Wa r o f 1812 , an d eve n whe n th e flow resumed, th e forme r colonial s deprecate d al l thing s English , envyin g th e old Mothe r Country' s powe r whil e despisin g he r socia l life . Brutal , riotous, patronize d b y effet e aristocrat s an d debase d urba n rabble , boxin g symbolized th e corruption s tha t a virtuou s republi c mus t avoid . More over, materia l condition s wer e no t ye t rip e fo r transplantin g pugilism . Labor remaine d scarc e an d well-compensate d i n America , an d priz e fighting depende d o n a n underclas s o f unattache d me n wh o ha d littl e t o lose b y enterin g th e ring. " As the eighteenth centur y becam e th e nineteenth , however , th e pac e of pugilistic event s quickened . A Frenc h emigre , Morea u d e St . Méry , fled his country' s Revolutio n an d settle d i n Philadelphia , wher e h e recorde d his observation s o f America n life . St . Mér y include d th e followin g description o f a bou t fro m th e 1790s : Boxing has it s rules and regulations . Th e two athletes settle on a site fo r the fight . The y stri p to their shirts , an d rol l u p their sleeve s to the elbows. Then a t a give n signa l the y ru n a t eac h othe r an d swin g o n chest , head , face an d bellies, blows whose noise can only be realized by those who have been presen t a t suc h spectacles . At each new clash, the y draw back, and start again from th e mark. I f one of th e tw o ha s falle n i n on e o f thes e attacks , hi s adversar y canno t touc h him a s long as he is on the ground; but i f he makes the slightest movemen t to get up , th e othe r ha s the right t o hit hi m agai n an d force hi m to remain on the ground. Nobod y interferes t o separate the combatants: a ring is made around them , an d th e spectator s urg e o n thei r favorites . Clearly th e fighter s recognize d som e rules , bu t th e apparen t absenc e of rounds , seconds , an d defensiv e technique s make s i t equall y obviou s that th e Philadelphians ' battle s di d no t faithfull y replicat e th e Englis h ring unde r Broughton' s code . St . Mér y conclude d hi s remark s wit h a graphic descriptio n o f th e bout' s outcome : At th e en d o f th e figh t th e boxer s ar e bruised , disfigured , an d covere d with blood, which they spit out, vomit out, or drip from th e nose. Teeth are broken, eye s ar e swolle n an d shut , an d sometime s sigh t i s completel y obliterated. Boxin g matche s ar e alway s hel d i n th e late r evening , b y th e light o f th e moon , unles s th e participant s belon g t o th e lowes t orders , or ar e drunk , i n whic h cas e the y figh t i n broa d dayligh t wher e an y on e can see. 12 37

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St. Méry' s observation s ar e importan t fo r severa l reasons . Althoug h he attribute d thes e bout s t o quarrelsomeness , i t i s clea r tha t th e fight s were stage d fo r th e enjoymen t o f spectator s a s muc h a s fo r th e hono r o f the combatants . Ther e wa s a stron g elemen t o f ceremon y here . Th e me n agreed wher e the y woul d figh t ahea d o f time , strippe d i n a certai n way , came u p t o th e scratch , bega n wit h a n agree d signal , refraine d fro m hitting eac h othe r whil e down . The y fough t withou t interference , an d th e spectators forme d a huma n rin g fro m whic h t o chee r an d wager . I f no t exactly model s o f pugilisti c decoru m (hittin g a ma n tryin g t o ris e wa s a clear violatio n o f Broughton' s rules ) th e battle s wer e structure d affairs . They occurre d ofte n enoug h fo r St . Mér y t o generaliz e abou t thei r timing. N o doub t mos t bout s wer e hel d a t nigh t becaus e boxin g alread y had a n unsavor y reputation , an d perhap s th e cove r o f darknes s protecte d participants fro m th e constabulary . Nevertheless , St . Méry' s crypti c remark abou t drunk s an d th e lowes t socia l order s indicate s tha t som e respectable peopl e wer e als o involved , althoug h jus t ho w respectable — artisans, laborers , perhap s th e gentry—i s impossibl e t o say . Abov e all , St. Méry' s accoun t i s th e mos t substantia l earl y evidenc e o f boxin g taking roo t o n America n soil . H e described no t simpl y brawl s occasione d by inebriatio n o r quarrelsomenes s bu t th e beginnin g o f fistfightin g a s ritualized, rule-bound , repeatabl e spectacles. 11 Two decade s late r a n 181 6 fight betwee n Jaco b Hye r an d To m Beasle y marked a ne w watershed . Wit h th e Wa r o f 181 2 settled , Englis h merchant seame n wer e agai n welcom e i n America n ports . Thei r pugna cious exampl e apparentl y inspire d American s Beasle y an d Hyer — respectively a marine r an d a butcher—t o settl e a quarre l wit h a stand-u p fight. Th e encounte r wa s no t a regula r priz e battl e sinc e n o stak e mone y was involved , bu t th e tw o me n di d attemp t t o observ e Broughton' s rules . Unfortunately, th e bou t degenerate d int o a brawl . Hye r brok e hi s arm , Beasley wa s badl y beaten , an d mutua l friend s intervened , declarin g th e contest a draw . Th e Hyer-Beasle y matc h wa s no t th e firs t rin g figh t i n this country , a s American Fistiana woul d claim , no r wa s i t th e firs t match a t whic h spectator s wer e welcome . Rather , it s significanc e la y i n the perception tha t i t wa s a histori c even t wort h recording , i n it s bein g the earlies t America n figh t kep t aliv e a s livin g memor y o f a heroi c past . When me n gathere d a t Ne w York' s Empir e Clu b decade s later , the y recounted thi s battl e tim e an d again . B y sharin g memorie s o f earl y fights, boxin g aficionado s establishe d standard s fo r compariso n acros s generations; Hye r an d Beasle y wer e importan t precisel y becaus e the y were remembere d a s foundin g fathers . Indeed , th e sens e o f historica l continuity transcende d mer e memory , fo r Jaco b Hye r passe d hi s pugilisti c 38

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talents o n t o hi s so n Tom , wh o becam e on e o f th e grea t champion s o f th e nineteenth century , settin g a n America n preceden t fo r fisti c families. 14 Another mileston e wa s reache d i n 182 3 whe n th e firs t ful l newspape r coverage o f a n America n figh t appeare d i n th e New York Evening Post: On Tuesda y th e 8t h July , a t hal f pas t 6 P.M . bein g nea r th e Ferr y a t Grand Street , I observe d a larg e numbe r o f men , wome n an d childre n collecting, an d lik e others, 1 followe d t o Gardner's wharf , a t the upper end of Cherry Street , wher e I saw a large ring forming, an d on enquiry foun d a lad abou t 1 8 year s old , a butcher , an d a ma n who m the y calle d th e champion o f Hickor y Street , bot h stripped , an d eac h ha d a second . Afte r the prope r arrangements , th e second s drew bac k a little, an d th e wor d wa s given fo r battle . A round-by-roun d descriptio n followed . Th e figh t laste d fort y min utes, durin g whic h th e youn g butche r showe d th e "boldnes s an d courag e of a bulldog, " "struttin g aroun d th e rin g lik e a game-cock, " unti l h e finished hi s opponen t i n th e eight h round. 15 Here wa s th e beginnin g o f a literar y convention , th e assertio n b y th e reporter tha t h e chance d upo n th e bout ; alread y boxin g wa s hel d i n suc h low regar d tha t editor s apologize d fo r coverin g it . Th e Post's articl e confirmed th e presenc e o f forma l trappings : umpires , a roped ring , prearranged signal s fo r commencin g hostilities . Th e fighter s an d second s adhered t o rule s limitin g th e violenc e agains t a n injure d man , whil e spectators backe d thei r favorite s wit h lou d cheer s an d ne w wager s a s th e odds change d wit h th e eb b an d flow o f th e fight . Althoug h previou s American battle s mus t hav e involve d monetar y stakes , th e $20 0 purs e provides th e firs t incontrovertibl e evidenc e o f a regula r America n " p r i z e "

fight.16 But muc h mor e tha n just mone y wa s a t ris k here . Th e referenc e t o th e "champion o f Hickor y Street " indicate s tha t boxer s wer e alread y becoming neighborhoo d heroes . Ther e wer e nationalisti c overtone s a s well. O n Independenc e Day , jus t befor e th e match , th e butche r ha d quarreled wit h a foreigne r an d bea t hi m severely . Accuse d o f fou l pla y by hi s antagonist' s countrymen—probabl y Iris h immigrants—th e butche r challenged an y on e o f the m t o a regula r priz e fight , an d th e bou t described b y th e Post wa s th e result . Th e ethni c communit y raise d th e money, chos e a representative , an d brough t th e matc h of f insid e fou r days, makin g th e figh t a comparativel y spontaneou s affair . Th e princi pals engage d i n n o extensiv e prefigh t training , whil e convenien t times , locations, an d rule s wer e settle d o n quickly . Abov e all , thi s an d simila r 39

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battles gre w ou t o f particular , loca l circumstances , an d th e motive s behind the m wer e a melang e o f financia l incentives , persona l honor , neighborhood pride , an d ethni c antagonisms. 17 Unfortunately, crucia l informatio n i s missin g fro m th e Post's account . We will neve r kno w ho w th e tw o hundre d dollar s wer e raise d (i n 182 3 the amoun t approache d th e averag e man' s incom e fo r on e year) . Perhap s some well-to-d o patron s helpe d stak e th e fighters , bu t suc h me n o f means wer e mor e likel y gambler s tha n bankers . Th e mone y probabl y came fro m a broadl y base d subscriptio n collecte d i n neighborhoo d taverns an d shops . I n addition , th e socia l identitie s o f th e "men , women , and children " attendin g th e fight , th e frequenc y o f suc h encounters , even th e name s o f th e principal s an d seconds , al l remai n los t t o history.' 8 Nevertheless, th e manl y ar t acquire d it s ow n practitioners , traditions , and fans . N o doub t mor e rin g activitie s too k plac e tha n th e survivin g record indicates ; som e editor s probabl y censore d boxin g new s a s morall y corrupting. Ye t th e sketchines s o f documentatio n als o reflect s th e natur e of earl y pugilism , fo r fight s remaine d loca l an d sporadic , arisin g spontaneously fro m rea l conflicts . Boxin g wa s becomin g par t o f a n ora l culture base d o n powerfu l communit y ties , an d i t wa s slowl y bein g woven int o th e textur e o f lower-clas s mal e stree t life . Bu t al l o f thes e trends wer e embryonic . Throug h th e firs t quarte r o f th e nineteent h century mos t American s wer e unawar e tha t boxin g matche s eve n too k place i n thei r country. 19 The mos t importan t fight s o f th e 1820 s wer e th e tw o battle s betwee n Ned Hammond , formerl y o f Dublin , an d Georg e Kensett , a n immigran t from Liverpool . Neithe r wa s a bi g man , eac h standin g abou t fiv e feet , six inche s tal l an d weighin g on e hundre d fift y pounds . Thei r firs t figh t took plac e o n Octobe r 14 , 1824 . Th e participant s pitche d th e rin g o n Coney Island , onl y t o b e chase d awa y a t bayone t poin t b y infantr y unde r the sherif f o f King s County . The y reconvene d a t Jamaica , Queens : Round 1—th e me n cam e u p cautiousl y an d i n goo d style . A hi t fro m Hammond whic h dre w th e claret fro m Kensetť s mug . Afte r som e counterhitting the y closed . Kenset t down . . . . Round 11—Kenset t quit e groggy— a jaw-cracker fro m Hammond . Hits , "like ange l visits , fe w an d fa r between"— a close ; bot h down—quit e tame. . . . Round 27—Kenset t stil l weaker , an d stil l obstinate . Muc h hitting : a struggle a t th e ropes , an d Kenset t down . A blo w fro m Hammon d bein g adjudged foul , conclude d th e fight , mos t unexpectedl y i n favor o f Kensett . The breez y styl e o f th e newspape r coverag e offere d a t leas t a pale reflec 40

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tion of Englis h sportin g life , an d the author clearly kne w the work of Pierc e Egan. Nonetheless , th e fight proved disappointing, fo r Kenset t wa s a good hitter yet a poo r defensiv e boxe r whil e Hammond' s "nerve , hardiness , and bottom " faile d t o compensat e fo r hi s lac k o f aggressiveness. 20 Hammond's backer s fume d ove r th e outcom e believin g tha t th e figh t had bee n fixed . Bickerin g laste d tw o years , an d friend s o f th e principal s arranged th e first know n rematc h i n America n priz e figh t histor y t o clea r up accusation s o f fou l play . The y dre w u p regula r article s o f agreement , a custo m borrowe d fro m th e Englis h ring . Despit e th e fac t tha t magis trates an d judges prosecute d boxer s unde r law s agains t assault , mayhem , and riot , an d tha t priz e fighting wa s universall y regarde d a s a n illega l activity, thes e article s wer e contracts , signe d b y th e principals , seconds , and witnesses , settin g fort h i n legalisti c detai l th e term s o f th e bout . I n this particula r case , th e partie s agree d t o figh t fo r fiv e hundre d dollar s a side, t o pitc h thei r rin g withi n fift y mile s o f Ne w York , an d t o allo w th e usual half-minut e res t betwee n rounds . Th e article s als o specifie d a dat e for th e contest , name d a stakeholder , an d directe d eac h part y t o charter a steamboat. O n figh t da y al l wen t smoothly , wit h carefu l regar d t o prope r forms. Th e sportin g crow d arrive d safely , umpire s wer e appointed , an d the second s place d sid e bets . Th e fighter s toe d th e scratch , shoo k hands , and awaite d th e cal l o f "Time. " Thousand s o f dollar s i n wagers , i t appeared, woul d b e settle d withi n a n establishe d framewor k o f customs , rules, an d conventions. 21 Yet th e form s tha t me n establishe d fo r a fai r figh t faile d t o contai n their passions . Accordin g t o the report , Hammon d coul d barel y ris e fro m his bottleholder' s kne e fo r th e sevent h round , bu t hi s opponen t appeare d fresh a s whe n th e figh t began . Whil e Hammon d reeled , hi s second , James Sanford—wh o fough t unde r th e rin g nam e " T h e America n

Phenomenon"—ran t o refere e Patric k Burn s claimin g tha t Kenset t ha d defaulted b y fallin g withou t a blo w i n th e previou s round . Althoug h i t was a speciou s charge , Burn s agree d an d awarde d th e fight t o Hammond . Supporters o f th e winne r the n brok e int o th e rin g an d "se t u p a yel l equal t o th e mos t savag e trib e o f Indians—bearin g Hammon d awa y fro m the ground , callin g hi m victor , an d thi s outrageou s turbulenc e wa s continued int o th e ver y street s o f Ne w York." 22 Despite th e breakdow n o f pugilisti c etiquette , th e Hammond-Kenset t battles wer e archetype s fo r bout s o f th e nex t tw o decades . Coverag e o f these contest s wa s unusuall y detailed , revealin g th e ritual s an d ceremo nies tha t no w clustere d aroun d th e ring . B y th e 1830 s round-by-roun d newspaper reports , combinin g disclaimer s o f suppor t fo r th e priz e rin g 41

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with detaile d account s writte n i n th e slan g o f insiders , becam e common place, especiall y wit h th e publicatio n o f gentlemen' s sportin g magazine s such a s Porter's Spirit of the Times an d penn y dailie s fo r th e urba n working class , chiefl y th e New York Herald. Ne w custom s appeared , such a s th e takin g o f battl e colors—painte d handkerchief s tie d aroun d the fighters ' waist s an d o n th e pos t i n eac h man' s corner , th e winne r seizing th e loser' s color s a s a trophy . Flippin g a coi n fo r choic e o f sid e quickly becam e th e rule , a s di d th e fighters ' habi t o f throwin g thei r hat s into th e rin g a s the y approached . Article s o f Agreement , specifyin g stakes, forfeits , dates , locations , seconds , an d othe r detail s no w governe d most bouts . An d th e amoun t o f tim e separatin g th e signin g o f article s from th e fight s themselve s lengthene d t o accommodat e large r crowds , higher stakes , an d stricte r training. 23 Perhaps mos t significant , th e Hammond-Kenset t fight s replicate d i n microcosm th e long-standin g enmit y betwee n Iris h an d English . "Oul d Ireland forever, " cheere d on e hackne y coachman . "Dow n wit h th e English. . .Hurrah fo r th e Irish, " hi s comrade s chime d in . Bu t whe n Kénsett delivere d som e goo d blows , i t wa s "Wel l don e Liverpool " fro m the Anglophiles . Onc e th e Napoleoni c perio d an d th e Wa r o f 181 2 ended, thousand s o f immigrant s poure d int o America n cities . Fight s lik e Hammond an d Kensetť s re-create d a familia r cultura l patter n fo r th e new arrivals , a s man y o f Britain' s mos t intens e priz e battle s pitte d Englishmen agains t Irishmen . Ethni c conflic t sometime s becam e s o hot , however, tha t rin g violenc e spille d ove r int o th e crowd . Th e inabilit y o f Hammond an d Kenset t t o finis h a figh t withou t charge s o f frau d bein g raised se t a n endurin g America n precedent. 24 English an d Iris h pugilist s migrate d t o th e Unite d State s i n par t because growin g immigran t communitie s provide d ready-mad e base s o f support. Mor e important , boxer s wer e pushe d ou t o f th e Ol d Worl d a s much a s pulle d t o th e New . A s w e hav e seen , fro m th e lat e 1820 s onward England' s climat e wa s inhospitabl e t o priz e fighting , causin g a few first-rat e boxers , amon g the m Jame s "Deaf " Burke , t o journe y t o America. Burk e succeede d Je m War d a s champio n o f Englan d i n 183 2 and defende d hi s titl e agains t Harr y Macon e an d Simo n Byrn e o f Ireland. Unfortunately , Byrn e die d a s a resul t o f thei r ninety-eight-round , three-hour-and-sixteen-minute battle . Burk e wa s acquitte d o f homicide , and othe r fighter s ha d weathere d simila r trouble s i n th e past , bu t England's chillin g mora l climat e mad e thing s difficul t fo r him . Ove r th e next thre e year s h e wa s unabl e t o fin d a n acceptabl e match ; hi s backer s gone, th e "Dea f Un's " fightin g skill s foun d n o outlet . Rathe r tha n giv e up th e ring , h e cam e t o th e Unite d State s i n 1836. 25 42

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James "Deaf" Burke , champion of England, 1832-39 . When Simon Byrn e died at his hand s i n 1833 , the champion saile d for America , wher e he prolonge d hi s career an d helpe d transplan t th e ring .

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The tri p t o Americ a adde d a fe w year s t o Burke' s career . Hi s broa d provincial dialec t an d colorfu l phrasings—h e referre d t o Americ a a s "Yankeeshire"—made hi m a curiosity. I n sparrin g exhibition s th e cham pion's quicknes s an d strengt h allowe d hi m easil y t o dispos e o f suc h American pugilist s a s Ji m Phela n an d Ab e Vanderzee . Fo r a while Burk e toured wit h Sa m O'Rourke , wh o ha d migrate d fro m Irelan d t o Americ a earlier. I n 183 7 th e tw o agree d t o transfe r thei r talent s fro m th e sparrin g stage t o th e priz e ring. 26 For thei r battl e the y chos e Ne w Orleans , a tow n whos e larg e Iris h population adopte d O'Rourk e a s a hero . Handbill s poste d i n tavern s an d on stree t corner s helpe d whi p u p excitement. B y on e o'cloc k o n Ma y 9 a large crow d ha d gathere d a t th e fork s o f th e Bayo u Roa d t o witnes s th e contest. Th e figh t wen t wel l unti l th e middl e o f th e thir d round , whe n O'Rourke's secon d approache d Burke , an d suspectin g fou l play , th e Dea f 'Un struc k him . A t thi s th e crow d brok e th e ring , an d a free-for-al l began. Som e claime d tha t th e O'Rourk e part y intende d t o giv e Burk e a thrashing al l along , b y fai r mean s o r b y foul . Crowd s o f Irishme n arme d with whips , sticks , shillelaghs , an d dra y pins , pursue d Burke , wh o escaped wit h a hors e an d Bowi e knife . Bu t hi s fligh t di d no t en d matters . O'Rourke's friend s returne d t o Ne w Orleans , drawin g thei r champio n through th e street s i n a wagon . Enflame d b y ethni c hatreds , frustrate d b y hard economi c times , an d drun k o n chea p liquor , partisan s o f th e tw o men battle d throughou t th e afternoon . Th e mob s bea t severa l individu als, numerou s arrest s faile d t o quel l th e "wil d spiri t o f anarch y an d confusion," an d th e mayo r finall y calle d ou t th e militi a t o restor e order.27 Burke mad e hi s wa y bac k t o Ne w York , wher e friend s honore d hi m with appearance s i n theater s an d clubs . Befor e returnin g t o Englan d i n 1838, h e engage d i n on e mor e priz e fight , an d i n contras t t o th e Ne w Orleans debacle , th e Burke-O'Connel l battl e o f Augus t 21 , 183 7 wa s a n orderly affair . Backe d b y loca l sportin g men , th e fighter s signe d article s and wen t int o training . Exercise , beef , an d brow n brea d mad e u p thei r daily regimen , an d accordin g t o th e New York Herald, bot h me n joine d voluntary temperanc e societies . Thre e hundre d member s o f th e fanc y came fro m a s fa r awa y a s Alban y an d Baltimore , pai d fiv e dollar s eac h for steamboa t tickets , packe d th e vessel a t th e Catherin e Stree t dock , an d headed fo r Hart' s Island , a fe w mile s u p Lon g Islan d Sound. 28 Once o n th e groun d th e participant s wen t throug h th e traditiona l pugilistic customs . Sentrie s an d scout s watche d fo r th e constabulary , a twenty-four-foot rin g wa s formed , an d outsid e i t anothe r rin g kep t 44

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spectators a t bay . A s challenger , O'Connel l thre w i n hi s ha t first , the n entered th e magi c circl e wit h printe r Abraha m Vanderze e an d distille r Alexander Hamilton . Burk e followe d wit h hi s seconds , butche r Jak e Somerendyke an d carpente r Bil l Hatfield . Eac h sid e the n selecte d a n umpire, an d th e umpire s chos e a referee . A s th e rule s specifie d durin g the bare-knuckl e era , al l thre e stoo d outsid e th e ropes , th e umpire s ple d their caus e whe n the y believe d a fou l ha d bee n committed , an d th e referee rendere d a fina l decision . Nex t th e principal s strippe d an d revealed themselve s t o th e crowd . Finall y th e tw o shoo k hand s an d began. From th e ver y beginnin g th e fight belonge d t o Burke. H e punche d an d wrestled O'Connel l dow n fo r te n blood y rounds . Finall y Burk e declare d to O'Connelľ s seconds : " I wis h t o figh t honorable— 1 wil l no t strik e him—Does you r ma n figh t an y more? " Wit h thi s th e battle ended . Asid e from th e one-sidednes s o f th e contest , everythin g wen t remarkabl y smoothly. Th e umpire s asked fo r an d receive d orde r fro m th e crow d during th e fight , and , conclude d th e Spirit of the Times, "thos e wh o conducted th e affai r deserv e al l th e praise . No t th e slightes t disturbance s of an y kin d too k place . I t wa s wha t th e priz e rin g ough t t o be—a n exhibition o f manl y an d courageou s contest."" 9 The Burke-O'Rourk e an d Burke-O'Connel l fight s wer e th e extreme s of pugilisti c behavior . Unfortunately , th e disorderlines s o f th e forme r was mor e th e rul e tha n th e exception . Accordin g t o American Fistiana, many, probabl y mos t fight s o f thi s er a ende d wit h th e rin g broke n an d spectators fightin g on e another . Matche s wer e informal , payin g haphaz ard attentio n t o rule s an d customs . Th e moder n practic e o f strictl y dividing audienc e fro m performe r applie d onl y tenuously , whil e a combination o f drink , wagers , an d ethni c loyaltie s cause d me n t o defen d thei r opinions passionately , ofte n makin g participant s o f spectators. 10 Early bare-knuckl e fightin g wa s ver y muc h a fol k recreation . Hammond , Kensett, Burke , an d O'Rourke—al l immigrants—wer e probabl y th e only boxer s i n Americ a durin g th e 1820 s an d 1830 s wh o attempte d t o make a livin g mainl y throug h priz e battle s an d sparrin g matches . Mos t men wh o entere d th e rin g neve r fough t mor e tha n on e o r tw o bouts , an d city directorie s revea l tha t pugilist s engage d i n a variet y o f preindustria l trades. Bil l Harringto n wa s a butcher , Bil l Hatfiel d a carpenter , Joh n McLain a driver , Rober t Flannaga n a blacksmith , Thoma s Hoope r a shoemaker, Ab e Venderze e a printer , Ji m Phela n a grocer , Ji m Bevin s a carter, Bil l Madde n a porter . Eve n thos e wh o participate d a s seconds , umpires, an d promoter s wer e intimatel y tie d t o loca l communitie s an d 45

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markets: file r Patric k Burns , fo r example , groce r Pete r G . Hart , an d tavern keeper s Mann y Kelly , Jac k Benjamin , Randal l Smith , an d Andre w McLean. 31 But a larg e grou p o f earl y fighter s canno t b e trace d i n cit y directorie s at all . Mor e ofte n o f Iris h tha n Englis h o r America n ancestry , thes e individuals wer e par t o f a growin g urba n populatio n cas t adrif t b y increasing labo r specializatio n an d th e ris e o f nationa l markets , unskille d laborers wh o move d frequentl y i n searc h o f work . Compoundin g it s fugitive nature , priz e fighting , alon g wit h severa l othe r popula r recre ations, wa s supporte d b y a n undergroun d econom y o f gamblers , hus tlers, sportsmen , an d mos t important , saloo n owners , wh o too k th e lea d in sponsorin g matches . I f me n o f highe r status—whethe r fro m th e ol d gentry, urba n professions , o r th e buddin g manufacturin g elite—patronize d the ring , I fin d n o recor d o f it. 32 What canno t b e emphasize d to o strongl y i s tha t int o th e 1840 s American priz e fightin g remaine d a loca l phenomenon , largel y ethnic , decidedly working-clas s an d traditiona l i n origins . Becaus e Iris h an d English ancestrie s wer e s o important—tha t is , boxing di d no t immigrate , boxers did—pugilis m thrive d wher e ethni c communitie s wer e largest , i n New Yor k an d Philadelphi a and , t o a lesse r degree , Boston , Baltimore , and Ne w Orleans . Matche s wer e mor e structure d an d rule-boun d tha n street fights , bu t bot h gre w ou t o f genuin e persona l enmities ; publi c spectacles an d privat e quarrel s becam e indistinguishable. 33 Placin g bet s and contributin g stak e mone y wer e no t merel y profit-and-los s decisions , moreover, bu t expression s o f individual , neighborhood , an d ethni c loyal ties. Commercializatio n wa s no t yet pervasive , an d th e boundar y sepa rating dail y lif e fro m sport— a specia l real m se t of f fro m mundan e concerns, containin g it s own uniqu e goals an d rule s o f conduct—remaine d ambiguous. Ou r shar p contemporar y distinction s betwee n leisur e an d work, participan t an d spectator , th e "rea l world " an d th e real m o f pla y are sociall y constructe d ideas , product s o f a highl y rationalize d society , modern idea s alie n t o othe r time s an d places. 34 Early heroe s battle d fo r stake s rangin g fro m a fe w dollar s t o fiv e hundred dollar s a side , an d thei r individua l animositie s readil y merge d with loca l conflicts . Afte r Jame s Sanfor d los t t o Andre w McLan e i n 1832, fo r example , h e enliste d Bil l "Liverhead " Harringto n t o tak e o n his conqueror . Philadelphia n McLan e an d Ne w Yorke r Harringto n wer e each heroe s i n thei r respectiv e towns , an d althoug h thei r figh t originate d in a persona l dispute , som e interprete d i t a s a contes t fo r urba n superiority. Passion s ra n s o hig h tha t th e figh t ende d i n a free-for-all . Again an d agai n socia l division s cut to o dee p t o allo w fai r stand-u p 46

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battles. Pa t O'Donnel l an d Ji m O'Haga n fough t outsid e Newark , Ne w Jersey, i n 183 2 fo r on e hundre d dollar s a side , "bu t th e excitemen t wa s so grea t tha t al l th e rule s o f th e rin g wer e ignore d an d a genera l ro w ensued, lastin g th e entir e afternoon. " Je m Ree d an d "Lon g Tom " Burrett fough t a t Hart' s Islan d i n 1835 , an d thei r battl e quickl y becam e an excus e fo r universa l mayhem . B y th e lat e thirties , eve n sparrin g matches wer e occasionall y endin g i n melees , becaus e boxin g wa s infuse d with th e large r socia l antagonism s o f th e urba n lowe r class. 35 In tracin g earl y prize-fightin g histor y wit h suc h detail , I d o no t mea n to overemphasiz e th e plac e o f th e rin g i n th e nationa l consciousness . American boxe r Andre w McLan e wrot e a lette r i n 183 2 t o forme r English champio n Jac k Langan , th e "Brav e Iris h Lad. " McLan e assure d his colleagu e tha t "i n th e Easter n State s boxin g i s no w i n muc h practice," tha t a ma n lik e Langa n coul d "mak e a goo d thin g o f i t i n America," tha t Englis h fighter s "woul d b e receive d wit h grea t respec t in ou r Yanke e towns. " McLan e liste d America' s "pugilisti c corps, " al l of who m wer e resident s o f Baltimore , Philadelphia , an d Ne w York . N o doubt h e misse d some , bu t McLan e mentione d onl y fiftee n names , a rather smal l figur e give n th e fac t tha t hundreds , perhap s thousand s o f Englishmen ha d boxe d fo r priz e mone y durin g th e pas t decade . "Ou r early missionarie s an d converts, " American Fìstiana conclude d abou t these earl y years , "migh t almos t b e considere d a s member s o f som e secret society , an d ha d t o mee t i n 'caves, ' o r som e suc h 'bac k slums ' o f society." 36 But a foundatio n ha d bee n laid . Me n i n ke y citie s wer e familia r wit h boxing customs , kne w th e specia l slan g o f th e Englis h ring , an d wer e acquainted wit h rule s o f a fair , stand-u p fight . A smal l pugilisti c fraternity ha d bee n bor n withi n America' s urba n workin g class . Boxer s exhibited togethe r an d seconde d eac h other , whil e rin g promoters — mostly taver n keeper s an d gamblers—arrange d matches , officiated , an d nurtured ora l tradition s centere d o n heroi c encounter s o f the past . An d i n a separat e auspiciou s development , sparrin g master s bega n teachin g th e manly ar t o f self-defens e t o fashionabl e me n o f America n cities .

Professors o f Pugilis m Prize fightin g wa s no t th e onl y incarnatio n o f America n boxin g a t this earl y date . Sparring—i n whic h combatant s wor e gloves , endeavore d to sho w thei r master y o f pugilisti c "science, " bu t di d no t attemp t t o wi n a purs e o r t o hur t eac h other—gre w u p alongsid e th e prize ring . Sparrin g 47

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masters exhibite d thei r skill s o n stag e an d gav e boxin g lesson s i n privat e gymnasiums. Althoug h th e sam e me n wh o taugh t "scientific " pugilis m sometimes fough t professiona l battles , participant s i n thes e tw o form s o f boxing wer e no t precisel y th e same . Unlik e priz e fighters , "professor s of pugilism " gaine d a toehol d o f respectability. 37 As i t ha d don e i n th e Englan d o f Fi g an d Broughton , sparrin g entere d America cloake d i n th e mantl e o f swordsmanship . Unde r th e titl e "Fencing," th e followin g advertisemen t appeare d i n th e elit e Columbian Sentinel o n Februar y 10 , 1798 : "G . L . Barret t inform s th e gentleme n o f Boston, tha t h e propose s teachin g th e elegan t accomplishmen t o f FENC ING, o n th e followin g terms : Entrance , 3 dolls , ever y 8 lesson s 5 dolls. . . . Mr. Barret t likewis e teache s th e Scientifi c an d manl y ar t o f BOXING, o n th e abov e terms . Exactl y accordin g t o th e attitude s o f either Humphrie s o r Mendoza. " Her e boxin g clearl y too k a bac k sea t t o fencing. B y earl y i n th e ne w century , advertisement s fo r school s suc h a s Barrett's appeare d mor e frequently . I n 181 5 a n Englis h immigran t offered hi s services : SELF-DEFENSE

At the reques t o f severa l gentlema n o f Philadelphia , Mr . GRA Y will fo r a shor t tim e teac h th e followin g art s scientifically , viz : PUGILISTIC SCIENCE ; SWOR D AN D CAN E EXERCISES ,

And al l th e othe r exercise s necessar y t o th e defenc e o f gentleme n wh o may a t time s accidentall y b e subjecte d t o the consequence s resultin g fro m the ungovernabl e passion s o f man . Gray's notic e containe d tw o significan t departures : h e place d boxin g ahead o f swor d exercise , an d h e wa s les s concerne d wit h "elegan t accomplishment," i n Barrett's aristocratic phrase , than with self-defense. 38 Soon fencin g wa s subordinat e t o boxin g throughou t norther n cities , and th e nee d fo r gentleme n t o defen d themselve s fro m unprovoke d attacks wa s sounde d agai n an d again . Som e sparrin g master s explicitl y sought a n elit e clientele . Boxin g lesson s wer e healthfu l fo r individual s i n sedentary—respectable—occupations, "openin g th e chest , strengthenin g the arms, an d adding strengt h t o the valetudinarians." Moreover , pugilisti c skills obviate d dueling : "Ever y generou s hear t mus t acknowledg e th e ar t of self-defens e a s a necessar y branc h o f usefu l education, " th e National Intelligencer o f Washingto n declared , becaus e "i t mus t greatl y ten d t o lessen th e frequenc y o f duelling. " Pugilisti c arm s wer e a human e alternative t o firearms. 39 By th e secon d quarte r o f th e centur y severa l sparrin g master s offere d their service s i n majo r Eas t Coas t cities . Thei r effort s coincide d wit h a n 48

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embryonic health-and-fitnes s gymnasiu m movement , allowin g th e manl y art o f self-defens e t o tak e o n som e o f th e dignit y o f purposeful exercise . Thus Jame s Rope r kep t tw o gymnasium s i n Philadelphia , an d althoug h he taugh t boxin g alon g wit h othe r exercise s fo r man y years , h e apparent ly neve r entere d th e priz e ring . J . Hudso n itinerate d betwee n Bosto n an d New Yor k t o exhibi t an d giv e lessons . "Hudso n i s a capita l teacher, " the Spirit of the Times declared , "entirel y respectabl e i n al l relation s o f life, an d o f gentlemanl y manners. " Joh n Sherida n kep t sparrin g room s and ran Boston' s "pugilisti c club, " wher e i n 183 6 h e taugh t th e manl y art t o "fort y o r fift y o f th e finest " youn g me n i n th e city . Sheridan' s pupils wer e s o please d wit h thei r maste r tha t the y presente d hi m wit h a silver pitcher . Sparrin g wit h gloves , th e Boston Evening Transcript declared, offere d Sheridan' s student s a n invigoratin g exercis e fo r min d and bod y afte r lon g sedentar y hour s o f work . Al l o f thi s represente d a major change : "W e remembe r tha t som e fe w year s since , a gentlema n who possesse d an y skil l i n pugilis m o r wa s know n t o b e th e pupi l o f a n instructor i n th e science , wa s note d dow n a s a turbulen t fellow , fi t onl y for lo w taver n rows , o r drunke n encounters . Bu t time s hav e changed , o r at leas t publi c sentimen t has . I t i s no w admitted , tha t a gentlema n ma y 'know ho w t o us e hi s fists, ' an d no t b e les s a gentleman. . . ." Th e edito r concluded that , thank s t o Sheridan , "pugilist " an d "ruffian " wer e n o longer synonymous. 40 Others disagreed . Althoug h professor s o f pugilis m endeavore d t o kee p their professio n honorable , man y American s stil l regarde d an y for m o f boxing a s a debase d activity . Th e Telescope, a nonsectaria n evangelica l newspaper, rejecte d th e distinctio n betwee n sparrin g an d fightin g pitche d battles. Th e forme r le d t o th e latter , becaus e amateur s eithe r becam e prize fighter s o r patronize d th e ring . "I s i t no t eviden t tha t suc h shameful an d inhuma n practice s la y th e foundatio n o f vice , licentiousnes s and murder? " Al l involve d wer e "guilt y equall y i n th e ey e o f th e la w and reason , an d shoul d b e hel d i n disgrac e b y al l hones t an d mora l men." Similarly , "A n Ol d Citizen " praise d th e edito r o f th e New York Evening Post fo r refusin g t o cove r a n 182 6 fight , takin g th e sid e o f "truth, moralit y an d virtue " ove r tha t o f "th e interested , th e ignoran t and th e profligate. " H e sa w a n inheren t connectio n betwee n teachin g sparring, givin g glov e exhibitions , an d fightin g fo r a prize : I certainly hop e tha t th e corporation o f thi s city wil l interpos e t o take their licenses from thos e houses where this brutal art is nightly taught. A taste for the practic e threatens , i f no t speedil y discouraged , t o gai n groun d amon g us, an d stage s ma y er e lon g b e erecte d i n our city , wher e th e eye s o f ou r 49

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citizens ma y b e regale d b y th e spectacl e o f me n murderin g eac h othe r according t o art . Th e boxin g matc h o f whic h yo u refuse d t o publis h th e account, too k plac e o n Thanksgivin g day ; th e nex t ste p wil l probabl y b e t o introduce thi s refined an d human e amusemen t o n Sundays .

Sparring school s taugh t th e rabbl e ne w form s o f brutality , an d "gentlemen " who waste d thei r tim e o n suc h activitie s reinforce d republica n fear s o f a n English-style aristocrati c clas s eatin g awa y a t th e substanc e o f a virtuou s and Christia n nation. 4 ' The connectio n wa s no t just i n th e mind s o f critics . Despit e th e effort s of suc h me n a s Sheridan , Hudson , an d Rope r t o dissociat e scientifi c sparring fro m priz e fighting , othe r pugilist s practice d al l facet s o f th e manly art. Rin g fighters—George Kensett , Ne d Hammond, James Sanford — itinerated fro m cit y t o city , exhibitin g an d givin g lessons . Amon g th e very firs t me n i n thi s countr y t o tr y makin g a livin g wit h nothin g bu t their fists , the y earne d thei r mone y whereve r the y could . I n 1824 , fo r example, Sanfor d fough t a priz e battl e agains t Bil l Hatfiel d a t Elizabet h Point, Ne w York ; a yea r late r h e kep t a sparrin g schoo l wit h Georg e Kensett i n Baltimore ; i n 182 6 Sanfor d gav e lesson s i n Bosto n wit h Hammond's assistance ; the n h e move d sout h agai n fo r a ne w roun d o f exhibitions. 42 Sparring matche s o n th e urba n stag e bridge d boxin g lesson s an d regular priz e fighting . Whil e no t all-ou t battles , exhibition s containe d important element s o f displa y an d competition . Fo r fift y cents—abou t half th e dail y wag e o f a laborer—individual s witnesse d a fe w three round bouts , ostensibl y insulate d fro m th e priz e ring' s wors t excesses : " G . Kenset t beg s leav e t o infor m th e gentleme n o f Georgetow n an d Washington tha t h e intend s givin g a displa y o f th e ar t o f SEL F DE FENCE. . . . " Despit e th e gentee l ton e o f advertisement s lik e Kensett's , however, priz e fighting' s imag e o f brutalit y an d riotousnes s alway s threatened th e tenuou s statu s o f bot h sparrin g lesson s an d exhibitions. 43 This tensio n wa s bes t reveale d i n th e caree r o f Willia m Fuller , th e most prominen t sparrin g maste r o f hi s era . Bor n an d raise d i n Norfolk , England, youn g Fulle r wa s apprentice d a s a copperplat e printer . Hi s pugilistic genealog y dre w hi m towar d th e ring , fo r me n o n bot h side s o f his famil y boxed , refereed , an d seconde d bouts . H e gre w intimat e wit h several heroe s o f th e Englis h fancy , includin g Jac k Slack , To m Crib , an d Bill Richmond , wh o wa s on e o f th e Norfolkman' s teachers . Fulle r developed int o a goo d priz e fighter , neve r champio n bu t alway s wel l respected. I n 1814 , afte r Molineaux' s secon d defea t a t the hands of Crib , Fuller fough t a two-roun d battl e agains t th e America n blac k tha t laste d 50

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over a n hour . Molineau x won , bu t i t was th e intensit y an d duratio n o f th e fight whic h attracte d attention . A s a displa y o f skil l an d stamina , Pierc e Egan believed , thi s battl e wa s "withou t parallel." 44 Within a fe w year s Fulle r move d t o France , wher e h e becam e cler k o f the rac e course , keepe r o f a billiar d room , an d maste r o f a n elegan t sparring schoo l a t Valenciennes . Ega n attribute d Fuller' s succes s no t only t o hi s busines s acume n an d fluenc y i n Frenc h bu t t o hi s demeano r as well : "Fro m hi s appropriat e deportment , hi s hote l i s muc h frequente d both b y Frenc h an d Englis h gentlemen ; an d man y o f th e former , i t appears, hav e bee n induce d t o hav e a tria l (à la Anglaise) wit h th e gloves." I t remain s unclea r wh y Fuller , wit h hi s apparen t succes s i n England an d France , emigrate d t o Americ a i n 1824 . Wha t ca n b e sai d with certaint y i s tha t h e arrive d wit h credential s a s a fine priz e fighter , a master o f scientifi c sparring , a successfu l businessman , an d a gentlema n in th e styl e o f th e Englis h ring. 45 That Fulle r attempte d t o maintain hi s statur e i s indicate d b y hi s posin g twice i n 182 4 fo r th e eminen t Dublin-bor n artis t Charle s Cromwel l Ingham. Suc h luminarie s a s th e marqui s d e Lafayett e an d Ne w Yor k governor DeWit t Clinto n sa t fo r Ingham , an d certainl y n o equall y distinguished artis t i n Americ a befor e Thoma s Eakin s an d Georg e Bellows, nearl y three-quarter s o f a century later , deigne d t o do image s of pugilists. I n contrast , Ol d Worl d artist s ofte n too k boxer s a s thei r subjects, an d eve n To m Molineau x wa s reproduce d i n paintings , engrav ings, an d statuar y b y me n a s wel l know n a s Georg e Cruikshank , Douglass Guest , an d Theodor e Géricault . N o doub t Ingham' s root s i n Ireland, wher e fighter s wer e renowne d heroes , influence d hi s decisio n t o paint a boxer . Bu t Fuller' s imag e a s a gentleman—som e calle d hi m th e "Jackson o f America, " a referenc e t o "Gentleman " Joh n Jackson , former champio n o f England , frien d o f Lor d Byron , an d sparrin g maste r of th e aristocracy—n o doub t attracte d Ingham' s attention. 46 For a fe w year s durin g th e lat e 1820 s Fulle r travele d fro m cit y t o cit y between Charlesto n an d Montreal , stayin g lon g enoug h i n eac h t o giv e lessons, exhibi t hi s skill s o n stage , an d appea r i n th e theater . Hi s thespian effort s wer e confine d t o Pierc e Egan' s popula r Life in London, described b y th e newspaper s a s "Th e Extravaganz a Burlett a o f Fun , Frolic, Fashio n an d Flash. " Fulle r playe d th e role s o f bot h Joh n Jackso n and To m Crib , exhibitin g th e manl y ar t o f self-defens e t o larg e an d appreciative audiences . Thoug h tam e b y moder n standards , Life in London wa s risqu e i n it s day , a Regenc y Er a panoram a o f fashionabl e young me n slummin g i n th e dive s an d bac k alley s o f London . Individu als wh o identifie d wit h th e character s o f To m an d Jerry—th e well-to-d o 5'

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Sparring master William Fuller,

1824. Artist Charles Cromwell Ingham here

portrayed the "professor of pugilism" in the ring, but Fuller soon renounced prize fighting for gentlemanly sparring. Courtesy of the Print Collection, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations .

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gentry, no t stric t moralist s bu t youn g gentleme n wit h ragge d edge s wh o came fro m th e ol d uppe r clas s rathe r tha n th e risin g bourgeoisie—wer e likely candidate s t o dro p i n a t Fuller' s sparrin g rooms. 47 After hi s firs t half-doze n year s i n America , Fulle r settle d int o a stabl e routine. H e publishe d a prime r o n gymnastics , buil t a gymnasium , an d for hi s remainin g tw o decade s mad e Ne w Yor k Cit y hi s home . H e continued t o advertis e himsel f i n th e mos t gentlemanl y tone s an d adde d fencing, gymnastics , quoits , an d bowlin g t o th e activitie s taugh t a t hi s establishment. Th e sparrin g master' s statu s reache d it s pea k whe n th e son o f forme r mayo r Phili p Hon e allegedl y save d hi s own lif e b y fendin g off a gan g o f tough s wit h technique s h e ha d learne d a t Fuller' s gym . Significantly, th e elde r Hon e staunchl y oppose d priz e fightin g ye t al lowed hi s so n t o take sparrin g lessons . Her e Fulle r also drew th e line . H e fought onl y on e rin g battl e i n America , shortl y afte r h e emigrated . Onc e he opene d hi s Ne w Yor k sparrin g rooms , however . Fulle r avoide d suc h encounters an d wa s carefu l t o declar e tha t h e ha d n o intentio n o f introducing priz e fightin g t o America. 48 Fuller's effort s t o distanc e himsel f fro m th e rin g pai d off . Eve n editor s who refuse d t o publis h bare-knuckl e new s note d hi s "carefu l demeanor " and "modes t conduct, " an d pointe d ou t th e "respectability " o f hi s pupils. Thu s th e Charleston Mercury condemne d priz e fightin g fo r brutalizing me n bu t recommende d Fuller' s sparrin g lessons : "W e hop e that th e youn g gentleme n o f thi s cit y wil l avai l themselve s o f th e presen t opportunity t o acquir e a knowledg e o f Pugilism , an d affor d tha t encour agement t o Mr . Fulle r whic h hi s conduct , sinc e h e ha s bee n amongs t us , so muc h deserves." 49 Similarly , Gabrie l Furman , a Brookly n lawyer , municipal cour t judge , stat e senator , an d Whi g candidat e fo r lieutenan t governor, condemne d priz e fightin g a s "barbarous " an d "sanguinary " but praise d Fuller' s gy m fo r bein g "conducte d i n suc h a manne r a s t o give th e publi c n o reaso n t o complai n o f it s existenc e a s a n evil. " H e noted tha t Fulle r refuse d t o mak e a public spectacl e o f hi s establishment , discreetly coverin g al l o f th e window s facin g th e street . Her e wa s boxin g in it s mos t refine d state , takin g it s plac e besid e othe r health-givin g gymnastic exercises. 50 Pugilism unde r Fuller' s auspice s coul d eve n alleviat e violence . I n a n open lette r t o a Ne w Yor k newspape r a visito r fro m Virgini a praise d th e sparring master' s "gentlemanl y deportmen t an d agreeabl e manners. " Fuller ha d converte d a skeptic : The write r entertaine d stron g prejudice s agains t Pugilism , an d believed , like man y others , i t ha d a tendenc y no t onl y t o fomen t quarrels , bu t t o 53

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create a turbulen t disposition . Sinc e visitin g Mr . Fuller' s school , an d witnessing th e goo d humou r an d urbanit y o f th e pupils , an d th e polit e attention o f thei r teacher , h e cheerfull y recant s hi s forme r opinions ; an d feels n o hesitatio n i n sayin g tha t th e science , i f encouraged , wil l hav e a strong tendenc y t o eradicate a disgusting syste m o f fighting , unfortunatel y very prevalen t i n thi s state . Dueling, n o doubt , wa s tha t "disgustin g syste m o f fighting, " ye t th e author o f thi s lette r appeale d t o precisely thos e value s whic h undergirde d the cod e duello : prope r manners , gentlemanl y deportment , a sens e o f honor, an d antipath y t o persona l affronts . Boxin g lesson s allowe d a ma n to "suppor t hi s dignity , repe l insult , resis t attack , an d defen d hi s right s from aggression. " Som e individual s coul d therefor e imagin e pugilism — once purge d o f bloodlust , filth y lucre , an d th e unwashe d rabble—a s th e moral equivalen t o f dueling , th e rin g a s a ne w fiel d o f honor. 5 ' More tha n anyon e else , Fulle r wa s abl e t o maneuve r aroun d th e stigma tha t confine d boxin g t o society' s leas t privilege d groups . H e deliberately appeale d t o th e urba n elite , advertisin g tha t hi s Ne w Yor k gymnasium woul d preserv e th e healt h o f sportsme n returnin g fro m th e country. H e offere d t o sho w letter s writte n b y doctor s endorsin g hi s regimen o f sparrin g an d gymnastics . H e claime d tha t leadin g citizens , including clergymen , enrolle d i n hi s program . Abov e al l Fuller , alon g with hi s partisan s an d colleagues , argue d tha t a scientifi c knowledg e o f boxing technique s allowe d a gentlema n t o chastis e th e "insolent, " repe l the assault s o f "ruffians, " an d defen d himsel f fro m "blackguards." 52 These, o f course , wer e cod e word s o f clas s prejudice ; insolent an d ruffian referre d t o socia l inferior s wh o di d no t kno w thei r place . Th e growing notio n tha t gentleme n mus t no w prepar e t o protec t themselve s was base d o n fea r o f th e burgeonin g urba n masses . I t i s uncertai n whether crim e actuall y sprea d a s th e househol d economy , wit h it s paternal syste m o f right s an d obligation s betwee n maste r an d apprentice , declined. Wha t i s clear , however , i s tha t individual s wer e increasingl y cast a s independen t agents—employees—int o urba n markets . A s th e old artisa n syste m brok e dow n an d me n exchange d thei r labo r fo r cash wage s i n a n impersona l nationa l economy , a t leas t th e perceptio n that crim e an d violenc e threatene d respectabl e citizen s gre w i n intensity. 53 Robert Wain , a self-style d Philadelphi a aristocrat , mad e thes e point s clear. Wai n rejoice d i n 182 0 tha t th e "savag e pleasure s o f publi c pugilism" di d no t yet disgrac e Philadelphia . H e rejected argument s tha t bloodsports offere d model s o f gallantr y an d courage , insistin g tha t the y merely indulge d deprave d taste s fo r violence . Worse , th e rin g "elevate s 54

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the coal-heaver , th e publican , th e porte r o r th e negro—wh o happen s t o possess muscula r strength , larg e bones , an d a thic k skull—int o th e society o f ran k an d fashion. " Priz e fightin g brok e dow n clas s barriers , allowing a taver n keepe r o r a blac k man , Cri b o r Molineaux , t o mingl e with th e aristocracy . Sparring , o n th e othe r hand , helpe d maintai n socia l distinctions. "I n al l civilize d societies, " Wai n reasoned , "a n aristocrac y must an d wil l exist , eithe r founde d o n letters , famil y o r fortune. " American demagogue s wh o denie d thi s trut h unleashe d th e insolenc e o f the lowe r orders . Sparrin g lessons , however , woul d hel p th e uppe r clas s keep hac k drivers , woo d sawyers , carters , an d drayme n i n thei r place : "Tobacco-smoke woul d no t b e puffe d i n th e face s o f ou r ladie s a t ever y corner, no r whit e sil k stocking s jostled int o gutters , b y ever y athleti c an d malicious porter . Th e aristocrac y o f fashio n an d gentilit y woul d b e mor e clearly recognised , an d th e farc e o f relativ e republica n equalit y ceas e t o ornament every ragge d vagabon d wit h the same attributes as a gentleman." 54 Clearly, me n lik e Wai n dreade d th e masse s and , equall y clearly , the y sensed tha t politica l an d socia l powe r wer e eludin g thei r grasp . Th e success o f Fulle r an d othe r sparrin g master s wa s du e a t leas t i n par t t o fears tha t th e socia l transformatio n o f America n citie s wa s subtl y changing clas s relationships , tha t inferior s n o longe r respecte d thei r betters, an d tha t gentleme n mus t lear n t o protec t themselve s agains t ruffians. Th e ris e o f boxin g school s signale d ne w anxietie s tha t a dangerous underclas s no w threatene d socia l order . In sum , sparring' s earl y association s wit h fencing , th e appeal t o individuals travelin g abroad , th e suggestio n tha t th e glove s replac e dueling pistols , th e gentee l deportmen t o f th e professor s o f pugilism , th e notion tha t gentleme n mus t develo p thei r abilit y t o chastis e thei r inferi ors al l helpe d sparrin g teacher s establis h a tin y bastio n o f respectabilit y within th e worl d o f boxing . Bu t w e mus t b e precis e abou t th e natur e o f this respectability . Professor s o f pugilis m wer e no t wholl y successfu l i n convincing American s o f th e utilit y o r moralit y o f thei r craft ; ther e wer e never mor e tha n a handfu l o f boxin g school s i n Americ a a t an y tim e before th e Civi l War . An d give n sparring' s tie s to the Englis h aristocracy , men lik e Fulle r evoke d fear s o f a n effet e uppe r clas s drawin g me n awa y from republica n simplicit y towar d fashionabl e decadence . For i t wa s indee d fashionabl e youn g men—th e kin d wh o migh t enjo y seeing Pierc e Egan' s Life in London, frequen t th e countr y fo r fiel d sports, rea d th e Spirit of the Times, an d worr y abou t attack s o n thei r honor—who wer e mos t likel y t o enrol l a t gymnasium s lik e Fuller's . I n future decade s boxin g lesson s an d sparrin g matche s attracte d a growin g working-class clientele , bu t fo r no w severa l professor s o f pugilis m 55

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catered t o a self-declare d elit e tha t cultivate d a n aristocrati c style . Unlik e the Englis h sportin g crowd , however , fe w o f America' s gentr y crosse d the borde r int o ope n slumming . Insecuritie s ove r th e lac k o f fixe d an d entitled upper-clas s status—Rober t Wai n wa s a perfec t example—mad e elite amusement s insula r an d inward-looking , whil e republican , evangel ical, an d bourgeoi s ideologie s tempere d th e gentry' s ways . America n sportsmen dre w th e lin e a t particularl y wil d an d violen t amusements . Thus sparrin g exhibition s an d boxin g lesson s offere d a sanitize d versio n of pugilism , retainin g som e o f priz e fighting' s elementa l excitemen t without th e tain t o f lower-clas s life. 55 The stor y o f th e earl y sparrin g master s provide s a n excellen t exampl e of ho w clas s division s increasingl y manifeste d themselve s i n nineteenth century popula r culture . Particula r style s o f entertainmen t appeale d t o distinct socia l groups. 56 Mor e antisepti c tha n gor y priz e fight s bu t no t exactly a deacon' s idea l o f mora l amusement , sparrin g wa s a fin e compromise fo r a n insecur e gentry . Later , a s th e middl e clas s gre w mor e open t o ne w form s o f leisure , boxin g lesson s an d exhibition s becam e a half-way hous e t o priz e fighting . Indeed , th e restraine d for m o f pugilis m taught b y Fulle r an d hi s kind , emphasizin g blow s wit h neatl y glove d fists, eventuall y foun d it s enthronemen t i n th e marqui s o f Queensberr y rules. Thi s code , adopte d lat e i n th e centur y fo r amateu r an d the n professional boxing , glove d priz e fightin g itsel f wit h newfoun d respectability.57

Ideology an d th e Rin g Because mos t partisan s o f th e rin g wer e no t highl y literate , the y rarely penne d justification s fo r thei r sport . Still , a fe w defender s o f boxing cam e forth . Th e autho r o f th e onl y survivin g descriptio n o f th e second Hammond-Kenset t figh t vente d hi s rag e agains t society' s mora l guardians: In giving th e histor y o f a contest o r combat betwee n tw o men , I am aware of th e risk I ru n o f offendin g th e feeling s o f man y a canting , whinin g swindler an d fastidiou s hypocrite , wh o wil l shak e th e head o f disapproba tion a t th e nam e o f a fight , an d fleece you a t th e sam e instant . I kno w I shall commi t grea t violenc e upo n thes e shadow s of morality , wh o so much infest th e world , wh o hav e th e impudenc e t o hol d themselve s u p a s ou r judges an d superiors , entitlin g themselve s t o grea t respect—constantl y assuming a solemn gravit y befor e th e world , t o cover thei r ow n ignoranc e 56

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or craft y designs ; wh o condem n i n other s wha t the y practic e withou t scruple. Particularly strikin g i s the vehemenc e o f th e attack , especiall y th e charg e that th e moralist s wer e a t onc e impuden t fo r holdin g themselve s superio r to other s an d hypocritica l becaus e solemnit y maske d thei r greed . Tha t these "shadow s o f morality " wer e "swindlers"—me n "withou t scru ple" wh o woul d "fleec e you " wit h thei r "craft y designs"—underscore d the author' s assumptio n tha t mora l arroganc e wen t hand-in-han d wit h sharp busines s practices , tha t loft y pretension s an d cras s money-gettin g were o f a piece. 58 Supporters o f pugilis m believe d tha t thei r spor t offere d alternative s t o petty acquisitiveness . I n 180 6 Englishma n R . Payn e Knight' s "Eulog y of Boxin g an d Coc k Fighting " appeare d i n th e Literary Magazine an d articulated th e viewpoin t o f th e Britis h gentr y fo r Americans . Knigh t denied tha t violenc e alon e rendere d bloodsport s interesting . Lover s o f cockfighting o r bullbaitin g too k n o pleasur e i n seein g livestoc k butchere d in slaughterhouses , an y mor e tha n me n o f th e fanc y enjoye d watchin g bloody mismatches . Onl y violenc e i n th e contex t o f fai r comba t afforde d genuine display s o f fortitud e an d honor . Th e priz e ring' s scene s o f valo r were a credit t o England , a source o f pride , no t shame , fo r al l citizens. 39 Knight argue d tha t suppressio n o f Englis h matche s b y magistrate s with th e mistake n notio n o f preservin g th e peac e threatene d "a n en d t o that sens e o f honou r an d spiri t o f gallantry , whic h distinguishe s th e common peopl e o f tha t countr y fro m tha t o f al l others ; an d whic h i s no t only th e bes t guardia n o f thei r morals , bu t perhap s th e onl y securit y no w left eithe r fo r thei r civi l libert y o r politica l independence. " Boxin g promoted patriotis m a s wel l a s a nationa l etho s o f courag e an d fai r play . If me n wer e prevente d fro m fightin g fo r prize s o r honorar y distinctions , they woul d us e dagger s t o settl e quarrels . I n th e end , "th e lowe r orde r will becom e a base rabbl e o f coward s an d assassins , read y a t an y tim e t o sacrifice th e highe r t o th e avaric e an d ambitio n o f a foreig n tyrant." 60 It i s difficul t t o tak e seriousl y Knight' s fea r tha t boxin g matche s wer e all tha t stoo d betwee n Englan d an d foreig n domination . Nevertheless , his essa y wa s on e o f th e earlies t publishe d i n Americ a supportin g pugilism. H e rejecte d shar p distinction s betwee n fightin g fo r a priz e an d fighting t o settl e a disagreement ; th e tw o wer e boun d together , eac h serving a s a mode l fo r th e other . Knigh t mad e n o apolog y fo r th e passions displaye d i n th e ring , arguin g tha t the y wer e fundamenta l t o man. Rathe r tha n den y thes e passions , boxin g an d simila r sport s taugh t individuals ho w t o channel them . Th e abilit y t o accep t violenc e ye t plac e 57

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limits o n it , t o orde r mayhe m wit h rule s an d a spirit o f gallantry , wa s th e true measur e o f a civilizatio n an d th e sures t bulwar k o f freedom . Mos t important, th e priz e rin g wa s no t onl y a sourc e o f entertainmen t fo r th e lowly, bu t also , i n thi s ag e o f revolutions , a schoo l wher e the y acquire d the etiquett e an d decoru m o f thei r betters , wher e the y imbibe d th e concept o f fai r play , an d wher e the y learne d t o identif y wit h rathe r tha n reject th e uppe r class . Thu s bot h paternalis m an d self-interes t compelle d the elit e t o promot e sport s amon g th e lowe r orders . Sharin g th e ol d aristocratic value s o f honor , gallantry , an d courag e di d no t eras e socia l distinctions bu t maintaine d a spiri t o f mutualit y amon g classes. 61 Knight's aristocrati c perspectiv e wa s unusua l i n America , thoug h gentlemen's publication s occasionall y reaffirme d hi s ideas . Th e New York Sporting Magazine, fo r example , reprinte d a lette r t o th e edito r o f Bell's Life in London whic h declare d tha t th e "nobl e art " se t a "manly " tone bot h fo r ric h boy s i n boardin g school s an d fo r th e workin g class , combating effeminac y an d preparin g me n t o defen d thei r country . A n article reprinte d i n th e American Turf Register declare d tha t th e rin g ha d no roo m fo r bullie s an d braggarts , becaus e th e bes t boxer s wer e th e coolest, mos t self-possessed , leas t quarrelsom e individuals . B y th e 1830s Willia m T . Porter' s Spirit of the Times coul d argu e tha t priz e fighting ha d redeemin g virtues : "Ther e i s a feelin g o f courage—o f proud, manl y self-dependence , accompanyin g th e champio n o f th e ring , that otherwis e woul d no t b e elicited . Th e manl y stand-u p figh t i s surel y far preferabl e t o th e insidiou s knife—th e ruffianl y gan g system—o r the cowardl y an d bruta l practic e o f biting , kickin g o r gougin g no w s o prevalent." Bu t suc h comment s wer e rare , an d editor s reverse d them selves a t th e firs t sign s o f criticism. 62 In th e earl y year s o f th e America n ring , then , onl y a hin t o f upper-class suppor t appeared . A smal l coteri e o f me n wh o identifie d with th e cultura l styl e o f th e Englis h gentr y defende d popula r recre ations, occasionall y eve n boxing . Th e Spirit of the Times wa s th e mos t vocal orga n o f thi s group , whic h include d lande d gentlemen , nort h an d south, a s wel l a s heir s t o urba n mercantil e wealth . Edito r Willia m T . Porter trie d t o captur e th e etho s o f Englis h leisure d gentleme n wh o pursued age-ol d recreations , especiall y fiel d sport s an d hors e racing . Such me n embrace d persona l honor , competitiv e prowess , an d convivial ity a s transcenden t values . The y rejected th e perfectionis m o f reformer s and assume d tha t strif e wa s sow n i n man' s nature . Thoug h boxin g wa s only a mino r an d controversia l spor t i n thei r canon , a t leas t a fe w individuals openl y approve d o f priz e fighting' s rejectio n o f piet y an d diligence. I t woul d no t b e surprisin g t o fin d tha t som e o f thes e gentleme n Ĵ«

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attended o r eve n patronize d th e ring . Bu t withou t a n independen t aristocracy, th e America n uppe r clas s wa s muc h mor e cautiou s tha n it s English counterpar t i n partakin g o f raucou s sportin g life . Littl e evidenc e actually exist s o f gentr y patronag e fo r priz e fighting , an d mos t gentlemen , if the y care d a t all , wer e probabl y satisfie d readin g abou t Englis h fight s or slinkin g of f t o a n occasiona l sparrin g match . Th e majorit y n o doub t agreed wit h Rober t Wain , tha t th e rin g wa s fo r th e rabbl e an d tha t th e elite shoul d kee p it s distance. 63 Indeed, ther e wa s powerfu l oppositio n t o priz e fightin g withi n th e gentry. Republicanism' s greates t champion , Thoma s Jefferson , wa s on e of th e earlies t critica l voices . A youn g America n wh o goe s t o Englan d for hi s education , Jefferso n declared , "learn s drinking , hors e racin g an d boxing." Worse , "h e acquire s a fondnes s fo r Europea n luxur y an d dissipation, an d a contempt fo r th e simplicit y o f hi s ow n country . . . . H e is le d b y th e stronges t o f huma n passions , int o a spiri t o f femal e intrigue . .. o r a passion fo r whores , destructiv e o f hi s health , an d i n bot h cases learn s t o conside r fidelit y t o th e marriag e be d a s a n ungentlemanl y practice." Her e Jefferso n place d sport s i n a broad ideologica l context . "Luxury,""dissipation," an d "simplicity " wer e charge d word s i n th e lexicon o f republicanism . Aristocrati c societie s bre d self-indulgen t prac tices suc h a s drinking , gambling , an d whoring ; me n o f inherite d wealt h set a n exampl e o f debaucher y tha t corrupte d th e lowe r classes . A republic base d upo n th e spiri t o f mutualit y amon g informe d an d produc tive citizen s coul d no t surviv e suc h behavior . Farmer s an d mechanics , tempted b y vision s o f luxury , abandone d simplicit y t o pursu e persona l aggrandizement. Onc e th e wast e an d purposelessnes s o f wil d sport s entered a republic, the y gre w lik e cancers , destroyin g tha t self-restraine d virtue, tha t sens e o f communa l welfare , whic h alon e allowe d freedo m t o 64

prosper. Editors, reformers , an d clergyme n o f th e soli d middl e clas s concurre d with Jefferson . Befor e priz e fightin g eve n becam e establishe d i n America , a fe w me n wer e voicin g thei r oppositio n t o it . I n 179 0 th e edito r o f th e Massachusetts Sentinel reveale d hi s mortificatio n a t finding a descriptio n of a priz e figh t rathe r tha n somethin g trul y importan t unde r th e headlin e "By Express " i n a n Englis h paper . Tha t tw o nobleme n acte d a s umpire s and tha t 100,00 0 guinea s wer e wagere d o n th e contes t particularl y piqued him . Suc h incident s confirme d America n accusation s tha t aristo cratic corruptio n rotte d al l o f Englis h society . Agreein g tha t suc h spectacles mus t neve r corrup t a republic o f virtuou s farmer s an d tradesmen , the influentia l Gazette of the United States reprinte d th e Sentineľs editorial.65 59

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Other America n journal s soo n joine d th e chorus , reissuin g antiboxin g articles fro m Englis h sources . A n essa y reprinte d i n th e New York Magazine, fo r example , argue d tha t huma n intelligenc e woul d inevitabl y obviate violence , includin g war s an d revolutions . Whil e th e autho r acknowledged th e nee d fo r martia l courag e t o secur e peac e i n a turbulen t age, h e denie d tha t boxin g bre d valor . I n goo d Enlightenmen t fashio n h e cited classica l authors—Solon , Xenophon , Galen , Euripides—t o sho w that ancien t boxer s cam e fro m th e mos t vil e socia l classe s i n Greec e an d made th e wors t soldiers . Brutality , cowardice , an d gree d wer e th e fruit s of pugilism : If w e di d no t kno w som e wh o ar e generou s an d courageou s wh o throug h habit an d carelessness o f conduct attend thes e fights, w e should pronounc e against th e possibilit y o f suc h virtue s enhabitin g th e bosom s of thos e wh o can b e diverted b y seein g tw o nake d me n hammerin g eac h other , til l thei r faces an d bodie s ar e covere d wit h bloo d an d contusions : the pertinacity o f the man who is knocked down as fast a s he can rise, gives us rather a proof of hi s basenes s tha n o f hi s courage , an d shoul d disgus t ever y reasonabl e man; fo r h e i s animate d t o ac t thi s bruta l part , fro m a desire o f satisfyin g the connoisseurs , o f who m h e i s t o receiv e th e wage s o f sin . The corruptin g influenc e o f money , th e callousnes s o f thos e wh o pai d t o witness suc h events , th e debasemen t o f me n wh o accepte d remuneratio n for brutalizin g eac h other , th e carelessnes s o f goo d citizen s wh o faile d to pu t a n en d t o suc h displays , al l delaye d th e advanc e o f huma n progress. 66 Similarly, "O n Pugilism, " reprinte d i n th e Literary Magazine and American Register i n 1806 , posite d a hierarch y o f recreation s base d o n levels o f civilization—ar t an d musi c fo r th e refined , bloodsport s fo r th e vulgar. Priz e fightin g elicite d "nothin g bu t brutality , ferociousness , an d cowardess [s/c], " tende d t o "debas e th e mind , deade n th e feeling s an d extinguish ever y spar k o f benevolence. " Boxin g wa s onl y slightl y les s violent tha n dagger s o r duelin g pistols , an d thi s wa s no t goo d enough : "The forc e o f laws , a s wel l a s th e persuasion , example , an d influenc e o f all th e goo d shoul d b e vigorousl y exerte d t o outroo t ever y kin d o f violence, al l contest s o f brut e forc e an d lawles s passions , amon g th e members o f huma n society. " Th e belie f tha t violenc e coul d b e completel y expunged represente d a lon g strid e towar d romanti c fait h i n huma n perfectibility. Fo r thes e earl y critics , priz e fighting' s offens e wa s it s denial o f mankind' s mora l progress . Eve n befor e boxin g reall y existe d i n America, then , republica n ideology , wit h it s suspicion s o f al l thing s 60

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licentious an d immoderate , gav e me n a frame o f referenc e wit h whic h t o judge th e ring. 67 By th e 1820 s a ne w criticis m appeared . Eve n wors e tha n bloodlust , prize fightin g ha d socia l consequence s tha t continue d lon g afte r bout s ended. Accordin g t o the New York Spectator, boxin g encourage d insubor dination: "An d wha t wil l becom e o f th e moral s o f th e rising generation — our apprentices , yout h fro m school , servants , mal e an d female , i f the y have opportunit y t o mingl e i n thes e scene s o f riot , brutality , an d systematic violation s o f orde r an d decency , wher e custom s mus t b e acquired whic h will no t bea r repetition? " Her e wa s a crucia l problem . Boxing no t onl y destroye d republica n simplicit y an d betraye d th e nobili ty o f huma n nature , i t wa s sociall y disruptive . Th e earl y nineteent h century witnesse d th e beginning s o f wrenchin g transformation s i n famil y roles an d productiv e relationships . I f th e proliferatio n o f urba n working class recreation s suc h a s priz e fightin g wer e no t reall y causin g socia l insubordination, the y wer e a sympto m o f change . Apprentices , servants , youths—increasingly al l wer e free d fro m customar y obligation s i n th e new wage-labo r market , al l gre w eve r les s respectfu l o f ran k an d titl e i n this democrati c age , an d al l turne d t o raucou s sport s an d pastime s a s th e old mora l econom y brok e down . Stagin g thei r ow n recreation s offere d working-class American s a n alternativ e sourc e o f values , on e tha t th e middle clas s feare d becaus e i t encourage d prid e an d independence . Engaged i n it s ow n wil d pleasures , th e lowe r clas s seeme d volatile , dangerous, an d ou t o f control. 68 As rin g tradition s gre w ritualized , s o di d pres s condemnations . Th e criticisms containe d a stron g elemen t o f hypocrisy : "I n th e nam e o f decency le t u s no t imitat e th e manner s o f th e ol d world . . . . " Thi s of f hi s chest, th e edito r o f th e New York Evening Post

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round repor t o f a bout. 69 Suc h disclaimer s precedin g eyewitnes s account s became typica l b y th e 1840s . Bu t th e antiboxin g rhetori c wa s no t al l sham. Editor s struggle d wit h thei r conscience s t o lea d th e publi c towar d virtue. Tha t newspaper s mus t b e guardian s o f moralit y wa s axiomati c inside an d outsid e publishin g circles . Commentin g o n a n 183 2 figh t tha t took plac e i n Delaware , notin g tha t thousand s o f spectator s ha d attended , the edito r o f a Baltimor e newspape r declare d "th e condemnatio n o f suc h a breac h o f decenc y an d morals , a s i n thi s bruta l exhibition , shoul d no t be lef t t o publi c opinion. " Bot h lega l authoritie s an d molder s o f publi c sentiment ha d a responsibilit y t o cur b thes e outrages. 70 Not onl y conscience , however , bu t profit s shape d editoria l decisions . By th e 1830 s man y American s desire d new s o f priz e fightin g an d wer e willing t o purchas e paper s tha t carrie d it . Thei r dollar s wer e powerfu l 6/

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incentives t o ben d gentee l morality , s o tha t practicalit y an d idealis m fought eac h othe r fo r editoria l attention . Here , i n th e ver y earl y stage s o f commercialized leisure , th e markets ' insistenc e o n profitabilit y conflicte d with ideologica l strictures . Th e resul t wa s decade s o f indecision , som e newspapers publishin g figh t new s on e year , righteously refusin g t o do s o the next. 71 Even th e working-clas s pres s an d th e upper-clas s sportin g magazine s wavered. Th e New York Herald, fo r example , wa s th e mos t successfu l penny dail y o f th e era , appealin g t o th e ne w urba n masse s b y mockin g bourgeois an d evangelica l taste s wit h luri d storie s abou t disasters , atrocities, an d corruptio n i n high places . Althoug h th e Herald wa s on e o f the mos t reliabl e source s o f boxin g new s before th e Civi l War , edito r James Gordo n Bennet t stil l fel t th e nee d t o issu e disclaimer s wit h boxin g stories. 72 Mor e revealin g still , Spirit of the Times edito r Willia m T . Porter vacillate d wildly . Fo r it s firs t half-yea r hi s journa l containe d a regular colum n givin g scrap s o f new s o n Englis h an d America n matches . Then Porte r suddenl y declared , "w e hav e toda y evince d ou r respec t t o the 'publi c voice ' b y expungin g th e 'Sport s o f th e Ring ' fro m ou r columns. . . .The kin d admonition s o f ou r friend s instruc t u s tha t w e may hav e mistake n 'th e tast e o f a n America n Public ' " 7 3 The Spirit of the Times continue d coverin g new s o f sports , fashion , and th e theater , bu t Porte r wa s persuade d tha t priz e fightin g wa s beyon d the pale . A lette r fro m th e journal' s Liverpoo l corresponden t explaine d why pugilis m endangere d publi c morality : If yo u kne w wha t a curs e th e priz e rin g ha s been ; ho w low—ho w brutalizing—how dreadfu l i n it s effects , yo u woul d exul t a s I do , tha t thi s fashionable curs e ha s abate d i n England , an d tha t it s tain t i s littl e know n i n America. Ha d I an enem y who m I wishe d t o ruin , bod y an d soul , I woul d ask n o mor e tha n t o tur n hi m out int o th e compan y o f pugilist s an d thei r clique, an d th e matte r woul d b e effecte d withou t delay . . . . Ten year s ago , the pugilisti c corps , i n London , amounte d t o a s man y a s 50 0 t o 1000 . O f these, ther e wa s scarcel y on e wh o wa s not a deprave d character : scarcel y one wh o wa s not "coc k o f th e walk " i n som e publi c house . Ther e h e rule d the roost , an d braggin g o f th e delight s o f "Th e Fancy, " innoculate d callou s apprentices an d journeyma n artisan s wit h a thirs t fo r suc h polit e accom plishments. Te n t o on e tha t th e pugilis t wa s als o a pickpocke t o r a burglar ; if so , th e ruffia n coul d an d di d mak e converts , whe n an d ho w h e pleased , to hi s mor e secre t an d mor e nefariou s calling .

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The ver y nex t year , however , th e Spirit of the Times publishe d a ful l account o f th e Burke-O'Connel l fight , wit h a lon g apologi a explainin g the valu e o f pugilisti c science . Althoug h Porte r continue d t o issu e exculpations, hi s journa l regularl y carrie d boxin g storie s i n succeedin g decades. Ye t becaus e America n priz e fightin g wa s s o totall y associate d with th e urba n lowe r class , an d becaus e Porter' s readershi p identifie d with th e Englis h lande d gentry , th e Spirit of the Times gav e muc h mor e attention t o Britis h bouts , wit h thei r clingin g i f fade d bit s o f aristocrati c glory, tha n t o America n ones. 74 Soon shor t storie s appeare d wit h th e anti-priz e figh t message . I n 183 8 the New Yorker carried a fictiona l accoun t o f a young countr y la d takin g on a celebrate d pugilis t i n orde r t o sav e hi s mother' s hom e fro m foreclosure. "Nothin g i s mor e disgusting, " th e narrato r assure d hi s readers, "tha n th e descriptio n o f a priz e fight , wher e th e mos t dreadfu l disfigurement an d injurie s don e b y ma n t o ma n i n a coo l deliberat e manner fo r th e sak e o f lucre , ar e i f possible , mad e wors e b y bein g recounted i n a slan g phras e an d systemati c for m t o ministe r t o th e wors t appetite o f th e depraved. " Throug h shee r tenacity, th e la d knocke d hi s opponent insensible , bu t no t before receivin g morta l blows . Wit h dyin g breath, h e urge d th e onlooker s t o brin g th e priz e mone y t o hi s mother . The woma n los t he r min d whe n sh e learne d he r son' s fate. 75 Similarly, "Th e Boxer, " whic h appeare d i n the Spirit of the Times an d Atkinson's Casket, depicte d priz e fighter s a s barbarians . Her e a rough neck brok e hi s ankl e whe n lightnin g frightene d hi s horse . Th e drunke n bully cursed , threatene d hi s wife , an d browbea t th e physician s attendin g him. "Suc h a fou l mouthe d ruffia n I never encountere d anywhere, " hi s doctor declared . "I t seeme d a s thoug h h e wa s possesse d o f a devil . What a contras t t o th e swee t speechles s suffere r wh o I had lef t a t home ! and t o whom m y hear t yearne d t o return." Th e glimps e of domesti c blis s underscored th e frenzie d violenc e o f th e boxer' s drunke n oaths : . . .a flas h o f lightnin g gleame d ruddil y ove r him . "Ther e i t is!—Curs e it—just th e sor t o f flash tha t frightene d m y horse— d it!"—an d th e impious wretc h shoo k hi s fis t an d grinne d horribl y a ghastly smile ! "Be silen t sir ! b e silent ! o r w e wil l bot h leav e yo u instantly . You r behavior i s impious ! It i s frightfu l t o witness ! Forbear, les t th e vengeanc e of Go d descen d upo n you! " "Come, come : non e o f you r d methodis m here ! G o o n wit h you r business! Stic k t o you r shop. " With that , anothe r bol t o f lightning—th e "wrathfu l fir e o f Heaven " —filled th e roo m an d blinde d th e sinner. 76 6.?

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In s o man y ways , then , priz e fightin g threatene d deepl y hel d ideals . Why woul d responsibl e individual s punc h eac h othe r senseles s and , equally important , wh y woul d anyon e watc h suc h spectacle ? Raucou s sports violate d centra l tenet s o f republica n ideology , tha t worl d vie w o f the revolutionar y er a whic h stil l move d nineteenth-centur y Americans . Prize fightin g confirme d republica n fear s tha t idlenes s an d indulgenc e had tempte d me n fro m th e pat h o f selflessness . Rathe r tha n actin g a s autonomous producer s wh o contribute d t o th e genera l welfare , th e sporting crow d thre w of f al l sens e o f persona l restraint , substitutin g hedonism an d luxur y fo r virtue . Indeed , debauche d pleasure-seekin g seemed symptomati c o f th e large r socia l declensio n afflictin g America n cities, wher e gree d an d opulenc e no w supplante d th e ol d communa l spirit o f mutualit y an d simplicity . Boxin g matche s disgrace d al l citizens , including otherwis e goo d me n wh o looke d awa y rathe r tha n sto p thes e bloody spectacles. 77 Prize fightin g no t onl y fe d republica n fears , i t mocke d th e mor e optimistic ideologie s ascendan t i n th e earl y nineteent h century . Th e rin g contradicted romanti c assumption s o f man' s reaso n triumphin g ove r hi s passions, o f th e mora l progres s o f humankind , o f a "benevolenc e empire" spreadin g ove r th e world . Jus t whe n reformer s glowe d ove r th e perfectibility o f huma n natur e an d institutions , her e wa s evidenc e o f man's ineradicabl e rascality ; just whe n evangelical s urge d me n t o choos e salvation, th e growin g sportin g fraternit y chos e sin ; just whe n th e middl e class sa w vision s o f materia l progres s fo r all , th e fanc y wa s wastin g it s best energie s o n crim e an d brutality . Especiall y gallin g wa s th e fac t tha t men fough t fo r money—th e "wage s o f sin"—whil e other s bet o n th e outcome o f bouts . Suc h behavio r perverte d th e ver y meanin g o f wealth . It wa s ba d enoug h tha t me n gamble d awa y thei r family' s future s an d went int o debt . Bu t winnin g mone y wa s equall y perniciou s becaus e instead o f denotin g virtue , prosperit y flowe d t o thos e mos t lucky , treacherous, o r brutal . Fa r fro m bein g a rewar d fo r har d work , a tool o f material progress , o r a sig n o f godliness , mone y becam e a symbo l o f depravity.78 Above all , ther e wa s a strong clas s bia s i n th e antiboxin g rhetoric . Th e American middl e clas s migh t scor n effet e Englis h aristocrat s but , wit h o r without nobl e sponsors , th e lowe r clas s wa s stagin g it s ow n sports . Th e references t o th e vilenes s o f Gree k an d Roma n boxers , t o the basenes s o f men wh o fough t fo r lucre , t o th e vulgarit y o f th e mob s attendin g fights , all poin t t o a sens e o f uneas e wit h urba n masse s tha t remaine d culturall y unconverted i n a n er a whic h demande d tha t me n stan d u p an d b e counted. Member s o f th e fanc y wer e "ignoran t an d profligate, " wastin g 64

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time an d treasur e o n immediat e gratification s rathe r tha n channelin g thei r energies towar d rationa l self-improvement . Impulsive , violen t men , priz e fighters an d thei r il k scorne d sobe r discours e an d productiv e behavior ; they live d t o drin k an d carouse . Wors t o f all , th e rin g corrupte d th e young, turnin g the m awa y fro m stead y labo r an d destroyin g thei r respec t for master s an d elders . In al l o f thes e charge s th e critic s wer e partl y right . Th e priz e rin g was a "magi c circle, " a "sacre d circle. " Her e a loosenin g o f conventiona l morality wa s sanctioned , indee d expected , a s me n indulge d i n th e irrationality o f violence , drink , an d gambling . I f boxin g partisan s faile d to writ e extensivel y abou t thei r sport , the y spoke a symboli c languag e through prize-figh t ritual s whic h reveale d thei r cor e values . I n a socia l world grow n prosai c wit h materialis t desire s an d evangelica l rigidity , a good figh t wa s a grand displa y fille d wit h excitement , hig h drama , an d ceremony. Th e wagering , specia l slang , tyin g o f colors , appointmen t o f a referee , preťigh t speeches , an d othe r ritualize d practices , al l denote d entrance int o a uniqu e real m wit h it s ow n rule s an d customs . Most strikin g wa s th e enjoymen t o f shee r masculin e beaut y foun d i n the ring : Burke presente d a n iro n frame , i n whic h al l superfluou s flesh seeme d excluded. Hi s broa d an d extende d chest , hi s outwar d turne d knees , tha t take of f fro m beaut y t o add s o much t o muscular power , hi s muscula r an d well kni t lowe r limb s lef t n o doubt i n th e mind s o f th e spectator s tha t n o common skil l o r bodil y strengt h woul d b e sufficien t t o overpowe r o r vanquish th e possessor . O'Connel l strippe d t o greate r advantag e tha n expected. Hi s upper fram e i s large an d muscular , bu t i t wants compactnes s and tension . Hi s sinew s han g loose , an d hi s fram e i s fa r fro m bein g wel l banded together .

This descriptio n wa s typical , an d i t wa s followed , agai n typically , b y details o f th e position s eac h ma n too k i n th e ring , thei r thrusts , parries , and wrestlin g throws . Suc h lovin g wor d portrait s o f muscle s an d sinew s are particularl y surprisin g i n ligh t o f th e era' s renowne d delicac y o f language.79 While thei r contemporarie s sough t t o den y huma n animality , rin g partisans glorie d i n ma n a s a n aggressive , natura l being . Ye t lov e o f physicality wa s counterbalance d b y admiratio n fo r th e coo l self-contro l of th e scientifi c boxer . O f course , th e pugilisti c worl d wa s neithe r a model o f Victoria n propriet y nor . a s critic s charged , a locu s o f pur e anarchy. Neithe r self-restrain t no r untrammele d aggressivenes s bu t razor edged balanc e bewee n rule s o f decoru m an d violence , a poeti c tensio n 65

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between fai r pla y an d bloodletting , la y a t th e hear t o f boxing' s aestheti c appeal. Ideally, th e ring wa s als o a tru e democracy , i n whic h me n succeede d or faile d unde r condition s o f perfec t equalit y o f opportunity . Bu t a s a market plac e o f violence , boxin g symbolicall y mocke d th e libera l belie f that atomisti c competitio n le d t o socia l good . Afte r all , bloodie d bodie s were wha t th e ring "produced. " Spectator s identifie d wit h thos e boxer s who bes t represente d thei r ethni c group , neighborhood , o r trade . Person al toughness , loca l honor , drunke n conviviality , violen t display—ever y bout uphel d thes e powerfull y antibourgeoi s values . Bare-knuckl e fight ing wa s thu s a transitiona l phenomenon , incorporatin g ol d value s an d new. Th e priz e ring's for m wa s "modern"—achievement-oriented , meritocratic, egalitarian—bu t it s conten t "premodern"—ascriptive , nonrational, hierarchical . Fo r me n i n passag e betwee n way s o f life , boxing wa s a symboli c wa y station. 80 But i f th e rin g offere d brillian t dram a an d vivi d ritual , working-clas s men stil l ha d littl e powe r i n th e dawnin g Victoria n world . Fro m th e beginning, priz e fighter s wer e prosecute d unde r law s agains t riot, may hem, an d assault . B y th e mid-i83o s th e influ x o f Ne w Yor k pugilist s int o New Jersey prompted th e nation's first anti-prize fight legislation. Newark , Hoboken, an d Belvill e ha d alread y witnesse d battles , an d i n 183 5 Ji m Reed an d Andre w McLan e chos e Elizabethtow n Poin t fo r thei r encoun ter. Th e sherif f appeare d an d rea d th e Rio t Act , bu t h e wa s powerles s t o stop th e battle. 81 Th e "bruta l an d demoralizin g exhibition, " a s th e New Jersey Emporium and True American calle d it , incense d th e loca l citizens, an d a t a publi c meetin g the y demande d legislation . On e wee k

later anothe r hundre d Ne w Yorker s crosse d th e Hoboke n ferr y fo r a ne w match. Ferr y superintenden t Va n Buskir k ordere d th e interloper s of f th e Elysian Fields , s o th e crow d move d t o Weehawke n Hill . Jus t a s the y were gettin g read y fo r th e battle , anothe r peac e office r arrive d an d ordered th e crow d t o disperse . Partisan s o f bot h fighter s turne d o n him , and wer e i t no t fo r th e arriva l o f Va n Buskir k an d hi s deputies , the y might hav e kille d him . Nearl y a doze n participant s i n thi s "pugilisti c riot" wer e incarcerate d i n th e Hackensac k jail. 82 The inciden t wa s to o muc h fo r th e Ne w Jerse y legislature . I n littl e more tha n a mont h i t drafted , debated , an d passe d law s agains t th e "degrading practic e o f priz e fighting. " T o aid , abet , o r participat e i n a regular ring contes t o r eve n a "tes t o f pugilisti c skill"— a sparrin g match—was no w a hig h misdemeanor , punishabl e b y u p t o tw o years ' imprisonment an d a one-thousand-dolla r fine. Steamshi p owner s an d captains wh o allowe d thei r vessel s t o conve y passenger s t o fights 66

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hazarded simila r penalties , an d eve n spectator s riske d a year' s incarcera tion an d a two-hundred-dolla r fine . "Thi s i s a wholesome law, " th e New Jersey State Gazette concluded , "an d ther e i s n o doub t tha t th e moralit y of Eas t Jerse y wil l carr y i t rigidl y int o execution." 83 In futur e year s othe r state s woul d follo w Ne w Jersey' s lead . Bu t i t would b e a mistak e t o rea d a sudde n shif t o f attitud e int o thes e laws . Animosity towar d th e priz e rin g develope d earl y an d remaine d stron g throughout th e era . Th e ne w law s wer e mor e a culmination tha n a brea k with th e past , on e benchmar k amon g countles s other s o f th e ascendanc e of suc h value s a s piety , diligence , an d progres s i n a natio n wher e evangelical religio n an d th e marke t plac e wer e becomin g th e font s o f ideology. Th e emergen t Victoria n ethos , profoundl y shape d b y Protestan t Christianity an d capitalism , ha d a sharpe r edge , a mor e brittl e qualit y than th e ol d republica n ideals ; head y fait h i n huma n perfectibilit y gav e reformers littl e toleranc e fo r mora l backsliding . Th e anti-priz e figh t law s made amorphou s attitude s towar d th e rin g explicit , bolstere d magistrate s who otherwis e resorte d t o les s specifi c statutes , codifie d existin g atti tudes. Th e law s wer e neve r ver y successfu l i n bringin g dow n th e ropes , yet the y reflecte d middle-clas s fait h i n clear-cu t mora l precept s an d Victorian impatienc e wit h th e haphazar d way s o f th e ol d order. 84 But law s o r n o laws , America n priz e fightin g faile d t o clai m a soli d base o f suppor t amon g influentia l me n unti l nearl y th e end o f th e century . For thi s reason , th e rin g coul d no t hav e attaine d th e height s tha t Englis h pugilism reache d durin g th e Regenc y Era . Simpl y put , Americ a neve r had a powerfu l aristocrac y t o counte r th e oppositio n o f th e middl e class . Boxers i n th e Unite d Kingdo m receive d patronag e fro m grea t men , an d in retur n th e exploit s o f fighter s confirme d th e lov e of th e old uppe r clas s for valor . Th e lowe r an d highe r order s o f societ y remaine d sharpl y divided, bu t throug h event s lik e priz e fight s the y momentaril y share d a cultural styl e tha t cherishe d pageantry , camaraderie , an d masculin e feat s of daring . Th e ol d elit e no t onl y enjoye d a littl e good-nature d slumming , it secure d th e loyalt y o f th e masse s wit h grea t display s o f largesse . Fo r their part , th e commoner s go t suppor t fo r thei r sports , protectio n agains t evangelical an d middle-clas s meddlers , an d flatterin g attentio n fro m th e high an d mighty . Yet Americ a ha d n o hereditar y aristocracy , n o Princ e Regen t t o patronize he r champions , n o dukes an d earl s t o form a pugilistic club , n o lords an d peer s t o frequen t th e sportin g house s an d atten d matches . Ric h American merchant s an d lande d gentleme n migh t tak e sparrin g lesson s or rea d th e Spirit of the Times, rac e thoroughbred s o r practic e fiel d sports, bu t ther e the y dre w th e line . Eve n a ric h youn g frontie r hell 67

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raiser lik e Andre w Jackson—know n fo r hi s breedin g stoc k o f horse s an d fighting cocks—too k car e t o disavo w hi s wil d pas t onc e h e becam e a national politica l figure . Wealth y me n o f leisur e suc h a s Joh n Co x Stevens o f Ne w York , Colone l Ranso m Johnso n o f Nort h Carolina , an d William Henr y Herber t o f Ne w Jersey , al l o f who m love d th e conviviali ty o f popula r recreations , stoppe d shor t o f embracin g th e ful l panopl y o f English sports . I n othe r words , th e grou p t o whic h boxin g primaril y appealed—the ne w urba n workin g class—wa s sociall y isolated. 85 Not onl y boxin g bu t al l pastime s suffere d unde r thes e circumstances , so tha t before 184 0 America n sport s wer e rathe r anemic . Occasiona l horse races , runnin g meets , an d sailin g regatta s attracte d considerabl e attention, bu t suc h event s wer e sporadi c an d crudel y organized . Th e American wor k ethic , wit h it s root s i n republica n produce r culture , evangelical Christianity , an d ne w capitalis t imperative s o f growt h an d profit, impede d th e developmen t o f al l recreations . I n hi s advic e manual , William Alcot t warne d youn g me n t o improv e ever y momen t o f ever y day, fo r "h e wh o lose s a n hou r o r a minut e i s th e pric e o f tha t hou r debtor t o th e community. " Similarly , th e edito r o f Nile's Weekly Register mused afte r th e grea t 183 2 hors e rac e pittin g Eclips e agains t Si r Henr y that "fe w hav e gaine d muc h b y it—bu t man y hav e los t wha t shoul d hav e went t o th e paymen t o f thei r just debts . . . . The mone y expende d o r los t and tim e waste d . . . i s no t fa r shor t i n it s valu e o f hal f th e cos t o f cuttin g the Eri e Canal." 86 Men wh o bu m fo r th e heavenl y city , o r th e communit y o f virtue , o r worldly treasur e d o no t wast e thei r carefull y husbande d energ y o n frivolous pastimes . Sport s lik e boxin g woul d eventuall y b e accommodat ed t o bot h capitalis m an d Christianity , bu t fo r no w th e mos t powerfu l ideologies i n America n lif e barel y tolerate d "innocent " amusements , le t alone th e wil d way s o f th e sportin g fraternity . Afte r all , half-nake d me n skillfully poundin g eac h othe r fo r cas h hardl y square d wit h th e spiri t o f human progress , universa l benevolence , an d socia l improvement .

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The Ris e o f "Yankee " Sulliva n Prize fightin g continue d t o carve ou t it s own urba n niche , despit e th e negative social , ideological , an d lega l climate . Boxin g ha s alway s brought fort h charismati c figure s becaus e i t place s th e lon e individua l a t the cente r o f attention . Fighter s suc h a s Cri b an d Molineaux , Hickma n and Neate , transforme d mer e fisticuff s int o epic drama . Th e ring elevate s heroes an d antiheroe s wh o tak e thei r destinie s i n thei r ow n hands , wh o succeed throug h shee r will an d ability , an d whos e struggle s dramatiz e th e humbler conflict s o f u s all . Such a ma n slippe d littl e notice d int o Americ a i n 1840 . Th e fact s o f his earl y lif e ar e fragmentar y an d contradictory ; eve n hi s tru e nam e i s uncertain. Variousl y calle d Fran k Murray , Franci s Murray , Franci s Martin , and Jame s Ambros e (probabl y hi s tru e name) , t o th e America n publi c h e

was alway s "Yankee " Sullivan . H e wa s bor n i n Banden , nea r Cork , Ireland, o n Apri l 12 , 1813 ; all w e kno w o f hi s yout h i s tha t h e manage d to get int o a variet y o f scrapes , an d som e o f thes e resulte d i n th e issuin g of challenge s an d th e raisin g o f stak e mone y b y friends . A s hi s skill s became apparent , Ambros e sough t sparrin g matche s an d regula r rin g encounters. Th e youn g fighte r me t an d defeate d journeyme n pugilist s such a s Georg e Sharples s an d To m Brady . H e live d a t th e fringe s o f Britain's crimina l underworl d an d befor e hi s twenty-fift h yea r wa s arrested—some account s sa y fo r murder , som e sa y fo r burglary—an d sent t o th e pena l colon y a t Botan y Bay , Australia . Her e Ambros e wa s hired ou t a s a far m laborer , whic h allowe d hi m t o figh t a fe w regula r battles wit h othe r convicts . H e soo n stowe d awa y o n a shi p boun d fo r America, lande d i n Ne w York , bu t staye d les s tha n a year. 1 69

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Seeking a reputatio n i n th e Londo n priz e ring , Ambros e slippe d bac k into Englan d unde r th e assume d nam e o f Yanke e Sullivan . I n a charac teristic sho w o f nerv e th e escape d convic t publishe d a not e i n Bell's Life in London, challengin g an y ma n weighin g eleve n ston e (15 4 pounds ) t o meet hi m fo r £5 0 a side . A fin e Englis h fighte r name d Hamme r Lan e picked u p th e gauntlet . Sulliva n wa s overmatche d i n thi s fight , bu t b y a stroke o f luc k Lan e fracture d hi s righ t ar m i n th e thir d round . Neverthe less, Lan e cam e u p to scratc h sixtee n mor e times , an d befor e hi s second s "threw u p th e sponge"—capitulated—th e one-arme d fighte r severel y punished Sullivan . I n contras t t o Lane' s "extraordinar y displa y o f British bravery, " Sulliva n fostere d muc h il l will b y deliberatel y attackin g his opponent' s injure d right limb . Probabl y fearin g rearrest , h e returne d to America. 2 Though Sulliva n wa s hardl y a shinin g ligh t i n th e Englis h ring , hi s fame a s conqueror o f Hamme r Lan e serve d hi m wel l i n America . Guide d by anothe r immigran t boxer , Georg e Overs , th e "Mancheste r Pet, " Sullivan hel d a fe w successfu l sparrin g benefit s an d befor e lon g wa s running a saloo n i n th e Bowery . Hi s Sawdus t Hous e quickl y becam e a clearinghouse fo r al l pugilisti c activitie s an d a resor t fo r working-clas s men intereste d i n sportin g life . Iris h immigrants , whos e number s gre w steadily durin g th e 1840 s wer e especiall y attracte d t o hi s establishment . According t o a n anonymou s biographer , the y "woul d get togethe r o f a Saturday night , i n a bac k roo m o f th e Sawdus t House , an d ove r thei r well-filled glasses , woul d sin g an d tal k o f th e exploit s o f th e darin g Sullivan, wh o couldn' t b e beat. " O f course , Sullivan' s Iris h friend s hoped tha t h e woul d duplicat e hi s victor y ove r th e Englis h i n th e Unite d States, an d i n a n er a o f growin g nativism , test s o f prowes s wit h American fighter s wer e als o eagerl y anticipated . Sulliva n oblige d hi s friends wit h a serie s o f bouts. 3 He fough t Englishma n Vincen t Hammon d nea r Philadelphi a o n Sep tember 7 , 1841 . Eac h sid e pu t u p on e hundre d dollars , an d Sulliva n advised hi s chum s t o wage r al l the y coul d o n hi s winnin g "firs t blood. " But i n th e earl y moment s o f th e figh t Hammon d caugh t Sulliva n wit h a quic k blow , cuttin g th e insid e o f hi s mouth . Yanke e clinche d hi s lips , sucked i n th e blood , an d delivere d a tremendou s punc h tha t spli t Hammond's chee k an d sen t hi m reelin g t o th e ground . Sulliva n clappe d his hand s wit h delight , shoute d "firs t bood, " an d retire d t o hi s corne r for th e customar y thirt y seconds ' rest . Th e entir e figh t laste d eigh t round s in te n minutes , an d Sullivan' s friend s lef t mor e certai n tha n eve r o f thei r man's prowes s an d cunning. 4 His victor y se t of f wha t American Fistiana calle d a n explosio n o f 7

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"Hibernian crowing" : "Sulliva n wa s haile d b y al l sort s o f endearin g epithets, suc h a s 'Yankee, ' 'Sully, ' 'Bully, ' etc . Th e larges t citie s an d th e largest state s seeme d no t larg e enoug h fo r expressin g th e deligh t o f Sullivan's enthusiasti c admirers. " Fo r day s figh t tal k rage d lik e a n epidemic. Drun k wit h excitemen t an d ale , Yankee' s frien d Joh n McCleeste r rushed ou t o f Sullivan' s saloon , foun d To m Hyer—th e so n o f Jaco b Hye r and a well-know n native-bor n bruise r i n hi s ow n right—an d challenge d him o n th e spot . The y too k th e Alban y steame r nort h th e nex t day , go t off jus t abov e Ne w Yor k City , an d hel d a n informa l battle . McCleester' s enthusiasm coul d no t overcom e Hyer' s three-inch , sixteen-poun d advan tage; afte r 10 1 round s an d almos t thre e exhaustin g hour s o f combat , McCleester wa s convince d b y hi s frien d Sulliva n t o giv e u p an d avoi d further injury. 5 The native-bor n sportin g crow d wa s elated , an d no w Hye r wa s see n a s the ma n t o humbl e Yanke e Sullivan . Bu t th e America n refuse d t o figh t for les s tha n thre e thousan d dollar s a side , fa r mor e tha n Sullivan' s backers coul d raise . Anothe r nativ e wit h prize-rin g pretensions , To m Secor, wa s willin g t o challeng e Sulliva n fo r one-tent h o f tha t amount , s o on Januar y 24 , 1842 , fiv e steamer s carrie d abou t tw o thousand intereste d spectators t o the Ne w Yor k Narrows . Yanke e easily pummele d Seco r int o submission, thoug h th e job too k sixty-fiv e round s sprea d ove r on e hour . Sullivan no t onl y wo n th e fight , h e humiliate d hi s opponent . H e peppered Secor' s face , the n fel l t o th e groun d a t th e slightes t blow , ending roun d afte r round . Sull y taunte d an d unnerve d hi s antagonist , pointed t o hi s blood y features , mad e faces , an d laughe d a t him. 6 The mor e invincibl e Sulliva n appeared , th e mor e hi s enemie s wante d him beaten . A s American Fistiana pu t it , "the y cas t thei r eye s roun d about th e pugilisti c circl e t o fin d a ma n capabl e o f holdin g u p th e hono r of th e Star s an d Stripe s agains t th e encroachment s o f th e Gree n Fla g o f the Emeral d Isle." 7 The y settle d o n Willia m Bell , a n Englis h immigran t and sparrin g maste r wh o ha d bee n "teachin g th e goo d peopl e o f Brooklyn ho w t o defen d themselve s agains t th e 'wil y influence' " o f foreigners. Eac h sid e stake d thre e hundre d dollar s fo r a figh t t o b e hel d on Monday , Augus t 29 , i842. 8 Heated discussions , heav y wagering , an d stree t fight s precede d th e bout a s th e sportin g crow d weighe d th e merit s o f th e tw o men . Te n steamboats transporte d a t leas t si x thousan d spectator s t o Hart's Island , a favorite pugilisti c hideawa y abou t twent y mile s nort h o f Ne w Yor k Cit y in Lon g Islan d Sound . Al l prope r form s wer e observed , includin g th e fighters' dres s an d colors , th e presenc e o f seconds , bottleholders , um pires an d a referee, th e choice o f corners , an d th e roping of f o f inne r an d 7'

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outer rings . I n it s extensive coverag e o f th e matc h th e Spirit of the Times revealed it s mixe d fascinatio n wit h th e lowe r clas s an d contemp t fo r th e crowd. Th e steamboats , "wit h thei r heape d u p masses , rockin g t o an d fro i n th e stream , looke d lik e som e inferna l corteg e seekin g th e water s o f the Styx , o r a savage eruptio n burstin g fort h fo r ravag e an d fo r plunder. " On th e ground , th e massiv e crow d surge d forwar d i n anticipatio n o f th e battle: Four time s wa s a larg e oute r circl e made , an d a s ofte n di d th e wil d an d insane savage s brea k i t in . Fo r ourselves , i n th e firs t struggle , w e wer e fortunate enoug h t o obtai n a hol d o f th e rope . . .. A t last , wit h ou r knee s forced devotionall y tw o o r thre e inche s i n th e soil , ou r shoulder s bearin g the weight and press of three or four sweaty proximitants [sic], wit h the sun pouring dow n hi s fierces t vertica l ray s upo n ou r uncovere d caput , an d boiling th e effluvi a throw n of f fro m th e neighborin g bodie s int o a floatin g lava o f mos t execrabl e odor , w e sa w th e gladiator s ente r th e ring. 9 Despite advantage s o f a n inch-and-a-hal f i n heigh t an d te n pound s i n weight, th e courtl y Professo r Bel l lacke d prize-rin g experienc e an d wa s no matc h fo r th e cleve r Sullivan . Yanke e feigne d fatigu e i n th e thir d round, the n caugh t Bel l of f guar d wit h a shar p blo w t o th e eye . Hi s countrymen shrieke d thei r delight . I n th e sixt h round , Bel l ha d Sulliva n in troubl e o n th e ropes . " 'Le t m e go , Belly ' sai d Sullivan , faintly , a s h e stood wit h Bell' s ar m aroun d hi s nec k . . . 'le t m e go , Belly ; I can stan d it n o longer ; I' m a goin g t o giv e in. ' " Whe n Bel l relinquishe d hi s grip , Yankee punche d hi m i n th e ea r the n thre w hi m heavily . Bel l qui t afte r twenty-four round s lastin g thirty-eigh t minutes . Conclude d on e reporter , the sparrin g maste r fough t defensively , bu t Sulliva n controlle d th e battl e because h e ha d a n "instinctiv e lov e fo r strife, " wen t i n sur e o f victory , and abov e al l wa s a n "intellectua l fighter " wh o calculate d ever y move. 10 Yankee wa s no w a t th e pea k o f hi s fightin g form , an d hi s Iris h supporters spare d n o effort s t o remin d th e Englis h an d native-bor n sporting crow d o f hi s dominance . Boxin g enthusias m reache d unprece dented heights . A ne w saloon , th e Arena , opene d o n Par k Row , an d th e fancy packe d i t nightly . Th e priz e rin g attracte d growin g attentio n fro m the urba n lowe r class , an d Sullivan' s prowes s gav e hi m th e centra l rol e in boxing' s development . Hi s courag e an d guil e i n th e fac e o f large r opponents evoke d grudgin g admiratio n i n some , adoratio n i n others , while hi s unfailin g shrewdnes s wa s deepl y admire d b y working-clas s men. A Yanke e an d a Sullivan , a n America n an d a n Irishman , h e 7-'

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personified th e possibilit y o f acquirin g ne w identitie s an d opportunitie s without givin g u p ol d allegiances . Sulliva n wa s th e firs t i n a lon g lin e o f fighters wh o symbolicall y mediate d th e conflic t betwee n America n nationalism an d immigran t pride . I n thi s sense , fightin g style , ethni c affiliation, an d persona l bravad o al l reinforce d eac h other. " Of course , th e growin g popularit y o f th e ring , a s evidence d b y th e Sullivan-Bell fight , elicite d renewe d criticism . Th e edito r o f th e New World wondere d alou d i f Ne w Yor k Cit y stil l ha d an y law s i n forc e an d called o n magistrate s t o arres t no t onl y th e principal s bu t als o newspape r editors wh o covere d th e ring . Th e New York Morning Express marvele d at th e number s o f "loafer s an d rowdies " wh o boarde d boat s fo r Hart' s Island, th e eve n large r crowd s tha t assemble d a t th e landin g place s whe n the vessel s returned , an d th e huge publi c exhibition s honorin g th e boxer s after th e battle . Unde r th e headlin e "Demoralizatio n i n Ne w York, " th e evening editio n o f th e sam e pape r condemne d th e steamshi p owner s wh o aided an d abette d th e ban d o f "ruthles s vagabonds " i n violatin g th e law . The onl y goo d t o come o f th e figh t wa s tha t mos t othe r crim e cease d fo r a day ; felons , allegedly , wer e preoccupie d wit h Sulliva n an d Bell . Fo r this editor, a t least , popula r recreatio n coul d b e explained simpl y enoug h as th e wor k o f thugs. 12 But th e sportin g fraternit y wa s littl e disturbe d b y suc h moralizing . Jus t two week s afte r hi s figh t wit h Bell , Sulliva n saile d nort h t o assis t a t a fight i n Westcheste r County . H e arrange d thi s battl e fro m hi s saloo n an d would ac t a s bottleholde r fo r hi s frien d Christophe r Lill y agains t Thoma s McCoy. N o on e guesse d th e gri m resul t o f thei r encounter . The Battl e o f Hasting s Two thousan d me n cam e b y coac h an d steamboa t t o Hasting s t o witness th e figh t betwee n Lill y an d McCoy . Mos t wer e Ne w Yorker s ou t for a mid-wee k reve l o n Tuesday , Septembe r 13 , 1842 . N o doub t man y of the m ha d attende d th e Sullivan-Bel l figh t o r sa t i n a t sparrin g matches, almos t weekl y affair s no w i n Ne w Yor k saloons . Indeed , th e Lilly-McCoy contes t gre w ou t o f a quarre l a t a n exhibition , heightenin g interest i n th e bout. 13 The figh t attracte d a festiv e gatherin g o f th e fancy . Twelv e vessel s sailed twenty-fiv e mile s u p th e Hudson , th e steamboa t Saratoga bearin g McCoy's party , th e Indiana servin g a s Lilly' s flagship . I n additio n t o Sullivan actin g a s bottleholde r fo r th e youn g Englishman , pugilist s William For d an d Joh n "Country " McCleeste r seconde d Lilly . McCoy , 73

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an Iris h boatman , ha d th e ai d o f tw o veterans , Jame s Sanfor d an d George Kensett , a s wel l a s acto r Henr y Shanfroid . Al l th e rin g regular s were o n hand , an d a t leas t te n thousan d dollar s wer e " u p , " mostl y a t even odds . O n boar d th e Hastings-boun d steamers , McCleeste r helpe d promote th e festiv e spiri t b y tendin g bar , Kenset t earne d a fe w extr a dollars makin g an d sellin g ha m sandwiches , an d onc e o n th e battle ground saloo n keepe r Mann y Kell y lubricate d th e crow d wit h generou s draughts o f whiskey. 14 The rin g wa s pitche d o n a smal l platea u commandin g a panorami c view o f th e Hudso n Valley . Spectator s sa t o r stoo d behin d a second ring , thirty fee t fro m th e fightin g square , whil e club-bearin g friend s o f bot h parties kep t the m ou t o f th e intervenin g n o man' s land . Shortl y befor e th e battle began , a lon e magistrat e entere d th e ring . H e wa s Jaspa r J . Golden, residen t o f Dobb s Ferr y an d a teache r i n th e Hasting s schoo l district. Unabl e t o rais e a posse , h e nonetheles s lef t hi s classroom , walked t o th e figh t scene , boldl y strod e u p t o Sullivan , McCleester , an d Lilly, an d state d hi s business . Sulliva n politel y tol d hi m t o proclai m hi s desist-and-disperse order . Gulden' s littl e speec h me t wit h jeers , an d th e teacher decided , amids t shout s o f "Hustl e hi m out, " an d "Kic k hi m out," tha t h e ha d don e hi s bes t an d coul d leav e th e rin g wit h a clea r conscience. Golde n staye d t o watc h th e fight , however , no t becaus e h e wanted to , h e late r tol d a jury , bu t becaus e a s a potentia l prosecutio n witness, h e wa s compelle d to. 15 With th e tim e approachin g on e o'clock , th e official s tosse d a coi n fo r choice o f sides . McCo y won . Th e me n stripped—bot h wer e i n thei r earl y twenties an d weighe d unde r on e hundred-fort y pounds—an d thei r phy siques reveale d th e fruit s o f a ful l month' s training : |Lilly's] ski n wa s ver y clea r an d ligh t i n color , bu t fir m i n textur e an d healthy i n tone. Hi s form i s round almost t o perfection; hi s sides, instea d of branching from the waist, gradually outwards to the armpits, circle concavely inwards lik e reverse d crescents ; hi s nec k i s stron g an d muscula r i n a high degree; hi s head— a fightin g one , remarkabl y wel l set . . . . If Lilly' s appearanc e wa s fine , McCoy' s wa s beautiful . Hi s ski n ha d a warmer glow than th e former's; hi s form wa s more elegantly proportioned , and hi s air and style more graceful an d manlike. Hi s swelling breast curved out lik e a cuirass: hi s shoulder s wer e deep , wit h a bold curve d blade , an d the muscula r developmen t o f th e ar m larg e an d finel y brough t out . Hi s head wa s rathe r larg e an d long , ye t i t indicate d courag e an d a lov e fo r strife, an d th e manne r i n whic h i t wa s se t betokene d strength . 74

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The homoeroti c qualit y o f thi s passage , it s emphasi s o n manl y beauty , underscores th e exten t t o whic h priz e fightin g appeale d t o a distinctl y male sensibility , a masculin e aestheti c share d b y man y working-clas s men. 16 Like othe r recen t America n fights , thi s on e wa s hel d unde r th e ne w 1838 rule s o f th e Londo n priz e ring , a cod e tha t explicitl y forbad e th e hair-pulling, head-butting , eye-gouging , gut-kneeing , an d neck-throttlin g tactics to o ofte n winke d a t unde r Broughton' s rules . Equall y important , the figh t promise d a n importan t tes t o f competin g styles . McCo y repre sented th e "ol d school " o r bod y attac k method , Lill y th e "ne w school " that stresse d punche s aime d a t th e hea d an d neck . Confiden t i n hi s strategy an d abilities , McCo y tie d hi s color s t o th e ropes , a blac k handkerchief signifyin g "victor y o r death. " H e the n pulle d tw o one hundred-dollar ban k note s fro m hi s pocket , crosse d ove r t o hi s antago nist's corner , an d wagere d i t wit h Lill y a t eve n odds . Principal s an d seconds, bottleholder s an d umpire s no w shoo k hand s al l around , th e parties returne d t o thei r corners , an d wit h th e cal l o f "time! " th e battl e commenced.17 In a violen t spor t th e Lilly-McCo y figh t stand s out . Th e Iris h lad' s strategy o f goin g fo r th e bod y pai d of f a t first . B y th e fourteent h roun d his partisan s shoute d $10 0 t o $60 o n thei r ma n wit h n o takers . I n th e fifteenth Lill y wa s accuse d o f a lo w blow . Th e refere e agreed , bu t McCoy's backer s confidentl y wave d of f th e awarde d victor y an d le t th e fight proceed . The y mad e a fata l mistake . Withi n anothe r fiftee n round s it becam e clea r tha t Lill y wa s th e superio r hitter , tha t McCo y wa s exhausting himsel f mor e quickl y tha n hi s opponent . "Ain' t Chri s a portrait painter, " on e exuberan t fa n declare d i n th e thirty-nint h round , referring t o Lilly' s wor k o n McCoy' s face . Th e battl e wa s no t totall y one-sided, fo r eac h ma n lande d heavily , an d bot h cam e gamel y u p t o scratch, bu t a s th e figh t wor e o n th e ultimat e resul t gre w unmis takable: Round 70th.—McCo y wa s no w indee d a most unseeml y object : bot h eyes were black—th e lef t on e nearl y closed , an d indee d tha t whol e chee k presented a shockin g appearance . Hi s ver y forehea d wa s blac k an d blue : his lip s wer e swolle n t o a n incredibl e size , an d th e bloo d streame d profusely dow n hi s chest . M y hear t sickene d a t th e sorr y sight . Whe n h e came u p h e appeare d ver y weak , an d almos t gaspin g fo r breath , an d endeavored, whil e squarin g away , t o ejec t th e clottin g flui d fro m hi s throat. 75

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The scen e gre w uglier : Round 76th.—Th e su n appeare d no w t o have a painful effec t o n McCoy' s nearly closed optics. The eyelids were so swollen and stiff, wit h extravasated blood, tha t h e wa s obliged t o throw hi s head back , an d expos e hi s neck t o his enemy , t o enable hi m t o loo k throug h th e sligh t crevic e left . . . . I t wa s now perfectl y apparen t t o ever y on e presen t tha t poo r McCo y ha d no t the slightes t chanc e t o wors t hi s cunnin g an d activ e adversary . Blo w afte r blow cam e rainin g i n upo n him , drawin g blood , o r threatenin g deat h a t every stroke , an d whe n h e would see k t o return, hi s antagonist woul d ste p lightly away , an d hi s blow , waste d upo n th e trenchan t air , ha d n o othe r effect bu t tha t o f wastin g hi s strength.' " Spectators calle d fo r a halt : "Tak e hi m away . Don' t le t hi m figh t an y more"; "Fo r God' s sake , sav e hi s life" ; "It' s a d d sham e t o se e a brave ma n use d so. " Bu t McCo y cam e u p fo r ever y round . Sulliva n an d Ford i n Lilly' s corne r aske d McCoy' s second s t o conced e an d sav e thei r man. The y refused . McCoy , chokin g o n hi s ow n bloo d an d spittin g coagulated clots , insiste d o n continuing . Despit e bein g knocke d dow n eighty times , h e tol d hi s second s a t th e en d o f on e hundre d an d eightee n rounds, "Nurse—nurs e m e an d I'l l whi p hi m yet. " H e fough t on e mor e round, collapsed , an d died . A coroner's inques t determine d tha t McCoy' s wounds ha d draine d int o hi s lungs , drownin g hi m i n hi s ow n blood . Th e battle a t Hasting s laste d tw o hour s an d forty-on e minutes . Newspaper s reported tha t a second figh t wa s scheduled, an d as McCoy's body wa s borne back t o th e river , on e ma n allegedl y calle d out . "Come , carr y of f you r dead, an d produc e you r nex t man." 19 This firs t fatalit y i n th e America n rin g prompte d a n outburs t o f rage . Lilly fled t o Canad a an d fro m ther e t o England . Other s wer e no t s o lucky. A t Mayo r Rober t Morris' s request , th e Commo n Counci l o f Ne w York Cit y authorize d bountie s fo r th e apprehensio n o f th e responsibl e parties. Suspect s wer e rounde d up , an d shortl y thereafte r th e gran d jur y sitting i n Westcheste r Count y indicte d eightee n accessories—ringkeeper s bottleholders, seconds , backers , an d others—o n charge s rangin g fro m riot t o manslaughter . Mos t escape d wit h fines , bu t Georg e Kensett , Joh n McCleester, an d Yanke e Sulliva n wer e deal t wit h mor e severely . Th e trial o f thes e thre e create d a sensation . Th e courthous e an d inn s a t Whit e Plains overflowe d daily . Th e roug h urba n stree t fighter s an d flashily dressed gambler s attendin g th e tria l seeme d no t onl y incongruou s bu t menacing i n thi s tid y rura l township . Wrot e on e observer , "th e appear ance o f th e prisoners , an d indee d som e o f thei r associates , lurkin g i n th e courtroom, o r loafin g abou t th e village , i s strongl y marke d wit h ruffian 76

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ism an d th e grosses t passions. " Ne w Yor k dailie s sen t specia l reporter s to th e trial , dispatche d thei r storie s b y expres s rider, an d kep t th e publi c informed wit h detaile d extr a editions. 20 Sullivan, McCleester , an d Kenset t wer e trie d befor e fiv e circui t cour t judges—Justice Charle s R . Ruggle s presiding—an d a jury consistin g o f eight Westcheste r farmers , tw o innkeepers , on e carpenter , an d a mer chant. Fo r a full wee k th e cour t hear d eyewitnes s testimon y b y reporters , spectators, an d loca l officials . Defens e attorney s minimize d thei r clients ' role i n th e fight , atteste d t o thei r goo d characters , an d note d thei r effort s to sto p th e bou t befor e McCoy' s death . Bu t th e evidenc e wa s over whelming give n Judg e Ruggles ' charg e t o th e jury . He pointe d ou t tha t a homicid e resultin g fro m an y felon y o r misde meanor constitute d manslaughter , tha t a priz e figh t wa s a n illega l assembly, an d tha t al l presen t a t th e match , especiall y participants , wer e therefore culpable . Th e ton e o f hi s instruction s wa s a s importan t a s th e substance: A prize figh t bring s togethe r a vast concourse o f people; and I believe i t is not speaking improperly of such assemblages, to say that the gamblers, and the bullies , an d th e swearers , an d th e blacklegs , an d th e pickpocket s an d the thieves, and the burglars are there. It brings together a large assemblage of th e idle , disorderly , vicious , dissolut e people—peopl e wh o liv e b y violence—people wh o live by crime—their taste s run that way , and though some respectabl e peopl e probabl y wer e ther e . . . you ca n readil y perceiv e the influenc e whic h suc h assemblage s ar e likel y t o exercise o n th e publi c peace, an d morals , an d taste ; and yo u ca n therefor e estimat e correctl y th e propriety an d necessity of that law which forbid s thei r existence. Upo n that spot, then , n o one ca n hesitat e t o say—even ha d n o fatal resul t ensued — there wer e collecte d a bod y ferociou s an d demoralized . Th e assemblag e was i n itsel f indictabl e a s a n unlawfu l one. 21 Gamblers, bullies , pickpockets , an d thieves ; th e idle , disorderly , an d dissolute; al l cam e togethe r fo r a feas t o f bloo d whic h destroye d publi c peace an d morality . "I f thes e b e acquitted, " Judg e Ruggle s concluded , "who ca n b e convicte d hereafter? " I n les s tha n fou r hour s th e jur y returned thre e guilt y verdict s o f fourth-degre e manslaughter . Becaus e h e organized th e fight , Sulliva n receive d th e maximu m sentence , tw o year s in Ossinin g prison , bu t withi n a fe w month s h e obtaine d a governor' s pardon. McCleeste r wa s sentence d t o eight month s i n th e count y jail an d fined $500 , whil e Kenset t receive d a four-month , $20 0 sentence. 22 McCoy's deat h confirme d al l th e old criticism s o f boxin g an d gav e ne w ammunition t o prize-rin g opponents . Georg e Templeto n Strong , scio n o f 77

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a leadin g Ne w Yor k famil y an d a ma n devote d t o civi c betterment , fantasized abou t exterminatin g al l wh o attende d th e fight a s the y returne d to th e city : " I onl y wis h I' d ha d th e ol d Fulto n wit h seve n Paixha n gun s mounted, loade d wit h a bushe l o f grap e each , on e t o rak e eac h steame r as i t cam e u p an d the n on e hollo w sho t fo r eac h gun , t o sin k the m on e after another . I t woul d hav e bee n a grea t publi c benefit. " Forme r Ne w York mayo r Phili p Hone , a patricia n ma n o f leisur e an d n o strange r t o the racetrac k o r pedestria n matches , too k th e occasio n o f McCoy' s deat h to condem n th e ring : "Th e amusemen t o f priz e fighting, th e disgrac e o f which wa s formerl y confine d t o England . . . has becom e on e o f th e fashionable abomination s o f ou r loafer-ridde n city. " I n hi s diar y Hon e contrasted th e goo d citizen s wh o "wep t fo r th e sham e whic h the y coul d not prevent " wit h th e "bruta l gan g o f spectators " wh o relishe d th e fight. Th e forme r mayo r adde d tha t no w Lill y woul d b e all th e fashio n i n decadent Ol d England , wher e h e migh t associat e wit h corrup t aristocrat s and fin d hi s portrai t engrave d i n thei r elegan t boxin g tomes. 23 Hone accuse d th e New York Herald o f encouragin g suc h spectacles , but eve n th e Herald momentaril y repente d fo r supportin g th e ring . I t circulated a petitio n o f clemenc y fo r th e convict s o n th e conditio n "tha t no mor e suc h scene s ar e enacted—an d tha t Sulliva n an d al l shal l refor m hereafter." Th e Spirit of the Times backpedale d faster . "I t i s wel l known," Willia m T Porte r declare d i n th e issu e followin g McCoy' s death, "tha t th e Edito r o f thi s pape r ha s eve r discountenance d Th e Rin g and it s professors , a s such—tha t h e neve r ha s attende d a Prize Fight ; an d he woul d add , moreover , tha t h e ha d n o acquaintanc e wit h no r knowl edge o f an y o f th e individual s referre d to , i n th e repor t which , wit h infinite regret , h e no w subjoins. " A lon g an d ver y detaile d descriptio n o f the figh t followed. 24 Beyond th e sportin g press , th e attac k o n th e ring becam e a mino r crusade, an d th e reform-minde d New York Tribune le d th e way . A contrived intervie w wit h McCoy' s mothe r bega n th e campaign : "O h Sullivan! Sullivan ! Wha t hav e yo u done! " sh e sobbed . "Yo u hav e robbed a poo r wido w o f he r darlin g boy . I told hi m no t t o go— I begge d him—yes I go t dow n upo n m y knee s o n Sunda y nigh t befor e him , an d pleaded, 'M y son ! M y son ! D o no t brea k th e hear t o f you r poo r mother—do no t go. ' " 2 5 To m gav e hi s wor d tha t thi s wa s hi s las t fight. When hi s coffi n wa s brough t home , Mrs . McCo y thre w hersel f o n it , frantic wit h grief : "Oh , Tommy—m y son—m y beautifu l boy—wher e are you ? Bu t Sunda y nigh t yo u wa s befor e m e s o young an d beautiful — and wher e ar e yo u now ? I n thi s coffin . Com e her e my childre n an d se e your lovel y brother. " Th e Tribune conclude d tha t Mrs . McCo y hel d th e 78

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rival Herald responsibl e fo r he r woes , a happ y blen d o f righteou s indignation an d goo d business. 26 But th e traged y wen t beyon d a n ol d woma n lef t desolate . Th e deat h o f Tom McCo y wa s n o chanc e event ; i t wa s inevitable , Tribune edito r Horace Greele y implied , give n th e kind s o f me n responsibl e fo r th e ris e of th e ring : How shal l w e spea k o f th e getter s u p an d encourager s o f thi s fight?—th e gamblers, brothel-master s an d keeper s o f flash groggeries, wh o wer e eve r the chie f patron s o f "th e ring " an d wh o wer e th e choic e spirit s o f thi s festival o f fiends ! The y wer e i n rapture s a s th e well-aimed , deadl y blow s descended heavil y upo n the face an d neck of the doomed victim , transformin g the imag e o f Go d int o a livid an d loathsom e ruin ; the y yelle d wit h deligh t as th e combatant s wen t down—ofte n o n thei r heads—wit h a forc e tha t made the earth tremble aroun d them—a s the blood spurte d i n rills from th e fatal sacrifice . . . . There i s a powerfu l sens e o f Satani c evi l here , o f utte r hellishness : a "festival o f fiends " "yelle d wit h delight " a s th e "imag e o f God " wa s battered int o a "loathsom e ruin." 27 Indeed, fro m a bourgeoi s o r evangelica l poin t o f vie w th e violence , revelry, an d debaucher y trul y represente d th e worl d turne d upsid e down . The Tribune's rhetori c wa s fille d wit h a sens e o f fea r an d loathing . Priz e fighting wa s bu t a symbo l o f "th e evil s whic h no w afflic t an d threate n our City . . . . " Civi c institution s ha d faile d a s guardian s o f publi c morality; th e press , th e police , th e steamshi p companies , al l facilitate d rather tha n discourage d suc h immora l activities . Neithe r spectator s no r participants demonstrate d an y sens e o f interna l restraint , an y outwar d effort t o sto p th e evil . Persona l an d socia l control s ha d al l broke n down . Grogshop owners , brothe l keepers , "kin g gamblers"—operator s o f far o banks an d roulett e tables—th e ver y dreg s o f societ y finance d an d organized th e fight , defyin g la w an d morality. 28 A onc e well-ordere d city, weakene d b y corruption , ha d falle n t o barbaria n invaders . Boxer s and thei r hangers-o n wer e no t rea l Americans , accordin g t o th e Tribune, but foreigner s steepe d i n vice . Now , however , th e contagio n wa s startin g to infec t America n youths , hardenin g the m int o idle , drunken , blood thirsty ruffians . I n a word , McCoy' s deat h kindle d ne w fear s o f a permanent lowe r clas s i n th e America n Eden , o f a corrupt , aggressive , and alie n underworl d poisonin g th e wellspring s o f nationa l virtue . Th e Lilly-McCoy figh t becam e a metapho r fo r th e degrade d mo b tha t threatened t o destro y al l tha t virtuou s citizen s hel d dear. 29 The battl e o f Hasting s cappe d th e generatio n whic h bega n wit h To m 79

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Molineaux's spectacula r ris e i n England . B y th e earl y 1840 s substantia l numbers o f urba n working-clas s me n wer e familia r wit h boxin g customs , read th e newspape r coverag e o f upcomin g battles , attende d sparrin g exhibitions an d priz e fights , discusse d th e rin g i n neighborhoo d saloons , and idolize d me n lik e Yanke e Sullivan . Bu t boxing' s youn g root s wer e shallow an d easily severed , an d the Hastings tragedy temporarily destroye d English-style pugilis m i n America . To m McCoy' s deat h mad e al l o f th e old argument s agains t priz e fightin g palpabl e b y highlightin g th e ring' s brutality. Renewe d constabulary efforts , stiffene d publi c opinion, chastene d newspaper editors , an d perhap s feeling s o f remors e amon g th e fanc y effectively destroye d boxin g fo r a fe w years . The fat e o f Charle s Freema n testifie d t o pugilism' s decline . Th e "American Giant"—Freema n wa s abou t si x feet , si x inche s tal l an d weighed ove r tw o hundre d an d fift y pounds—ha d neve r entere d th e regular priz e ring, ye t i n 184 1 h e challenge d th e Englis h champion , Benjamin Caunt , the n tourin g i n Philadelphia , t o a sparrin g match . Before lon g th e tw o wer e exhibitin g togethe r i n America n cities , an d b y the sprin g o f 184 2 Caunt ha d persuade d Freema n t o continue thei r tou r i n Britain. Th e Englis h sportin g crow d wa s fascinate d wit h Freeman' s siz e and strength . A s th e summe r waned , Caun t arrange d a regular rin g figh t for Freema n agains t th e vetera n pugilis t Willia m Perry , th e "Tipto n Slasher," fo r on e hundre d pound s a side. 30 The nationalisti c implication s o f th e battl e wer e los t o n neithe r side . A correspondent fo r th e Spirit of the Times reminde d Freema n o f hi s patriotic obligations : "Recollec t tha t i t i s t o vindicat e he r [America's ] claims to , a t leas t a n equa l standin g i n th e sportin g worl d wit h he r grea t mother, tha t yo u hav e lef t you r ow n fireside ; recollec t tha t ever y tim e you strik e a blow , ever y tim e yo u tak e a position , i t i s t o th e credi t o r dishonor o f you r nativ e land . Le t thi s mov e you r arm , an d le t every blo w be emphaticall y th e blo w o f a Freema n fo r free-men! " Th e Englis h sporting pres s sa w th e pendin g struggl e i n equall y nationalisti c terms. 31 Unfortunately, th e figh t faile d t o liv e u p t o thes e loft y expectations . Freeman's awkwardness , inexperience , an d disinclinatio n t o figh t aggressively, Perry' s constan t fallin g withou t receivin g a blo w t o com pensate fo r hi s lac k o f scientifi c skills , produce d a n uninspire d bout . Ringside thug s exactin g tribut e fro m th e fanc y di d no t hel p matters . I n addition, arrangement s wer e s o poorl y mad e tha t th e tw o bega n fightin g just moment s befor e darkness , forcin g the m t o sto p the n resum e th e following day . Afte r thirty-seve n slopp y round s i n thirty-nin e minutes — fighting tim e average d hal f a minut e pe r round—th e refere e finall y disqualified Perr y for fallin g withou t a blow, givin g Freema n th e victory. 32 80 .

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The America n rin g community , thoug h stil l small , ha d anticipate d a good fight ; a s th e Spirit of the Times pu t it , " a grea t degre e o f excitement pervade s ou r sportin g circle s a s t o th e result. " Shortl y afte r these word s wer e written , however , To m McCoy' s bod y wa s interre d i n Potter's Field . A s a result , Charle s Freeman' s exploit s receive d littl e coverage i n America n newspapers , an d priz e fightin g virtuall y ceased. 33 But eve n withou t th e Hasting s tragedy , Freeman' s fam e woul d hav e bee n limited. Boxin g wa s stil l to o ne w an d to o controversia l t o appeal muc h beyond a segmen t o f th e workin g class . Lik e To m Molineaux , th e American Gian t remaine d largel y unknow n t o hi s countrymen . Als o lik e Molineaux, Freema n neve r returne d t o America , dyin g i n Englan d o f tuberculosis i n 1845. 34

"The Grea t $ 10,000 Matc h betwee n Sullivan an d Hyer " Five year s passe d befor e pugilis m recovere d fro m To m McCoy' s death. Onl y a handfu l o f matche s occurred , mainl y aroun d Ne w Orlean s and u p th e rive r i n th e notoriou s gamblin g tow n o f Natchez , Mississippi . Many o f thos e no t imprisone d a s accessorie s t o McCoy' s death lef t Ne w York an d staye d awa y fo r years. 35 Still, ther e wer e countertrends . Yanke e Sulliva n opene d a new Bower y saloon i n 184 5 wher e me n coul d gathe r an d reminisce . A year late r Chri s Lilly returne d t o th e America n ring . Th e Spirit of the Times showe d some renewe d interest , indexin g figh t storie s fo r th e firs t tim e i n 184 6 and offerin g it s reader s a five-volum e editio n o f Pierc e Egan' s Boxiana for fiftee n dollars . I n 184 7 Jo e Winro w o f Liverpoo l an d Irishma n To m O'Donnell fough t a spectacula r battl e i n Natche z tha t laste d on e hundre d nineteen rounds , sprea d ove r tw o hour s an d forty-fiv e minutes . Despit e its brutality , reader s o f th e Spirit of the Times wer e assured , th e fight , which Winro w won , wa s greatl y preferabl e t o dueling , stil l i n flower i n the South : " I hav e bee n mor e shocke d an d disgusted, " specia l corre spondent "Yazoo " wrote , "a t a meetin g o n th e 'fiel d o f honor, ' wher e gentlemen hav e sho t dow n thei r ma n i n th e mos t gentlemanl y manne r possible. I t woul d no t b e a bad chang e fo r ou r country, i f the influenc e o f these meeting s shoul d s o diffus e itsel f a s t o foreve r supersed e th e bowi e knife." W e canno t kno w ho w ofte n fist s replace d mor e deadl y weapons , but a s th e year s passed , increasin g number s o f me n considere d i t honorable t o settl e thei r persona l dispute s wit h rin g fightin g fo r thei r model. 36 81

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As Tom McCoy' s nam e recede d fro m memory , a s immigrants, especiall y the Irish , poure d int o America n cities , an d a s economic hardship s cause d by th e maturin g capitalis t econom y merge d wit h ethni c conflicts , pugil ism foun d ne w life . Befor e th e Hasting s traged y roughl y half-a-doze n matches wer e reporte d eac h year . B y th e mid-1850 s score s o f fight s wer e taking plac e annually . Moreover , th e geographica l bas e o f boxin g ex panded. Rive r me n fro m th e Ohi o Valle y t o Ne w Orleans , miner s i n California, Missouri , Pennsylvania , an d Tennessee , an d ne w immigrant s in countles s town s an d cities , al l gre w familia r wit h boxin g a s a wa y t o settle persona l quarrel s an d a s a for m o f entertainment . Abov e all , a series of spectacula r championshi p fights—To m Hye r vs. Yanke e Sullivan , Yankee Sulliva n vs . Joh n Morrissey , Joh n Morrisse y vs . Joh n C . Heenan , John C . Heena n vs . To m Sayers—mad e boxin g America' s singl e mos t important spectato r spor t fro m th e lat e 1840 s throug h th e Civi l War. 37 A fe w year s afte r th e Lilly-McCo y affai r th e resolv e o f Ne w Yor k State t o kee p Yanke e Sulliva n ou t o f th e rin g weakened , an d Sully' s desire t o figh t gre w commensurately . Eightee n forty-si x foun d hi m behind th e counte r o f hi s publi c house , assurin g patron s i n newspape r advertisements tha t h e woul d b e "happ y t o receiv e thei r call s an d will endeavor t o pleas e an d amus e them. " Sullivan' s saloo n remaine d a gathering spo t fo r thos e wh o enjoye d th e fanc y life : "Th e Ba r i s stocke d with goo d liquors , Segars , etc . A Free-and-Eas y will b e hel d ever y Saturday Evening . Th e Ar t of Self-Defens e taugh t i n a few lessons. " Bu t Sullivan coul d no t remai n conten t wit h thi s lif e fo r long . B y earl y 184 7 he bega n sparrin g a t Johnn y Ling' s "Sportsman' s Hall " an d othe r gathering place s o f th e fancy . H e itche d t o reente r th e priz e ring an d finally foun d a n opportunity. 38 "Since m y arriva l i n thi s country, " Rober t Caunt , brothe r o f forme r English champio n Benjami n Caunt , wrot e i n an open lette r to the Spirit of the Times, " I hav e receive d numerou s challenge s fro m Yanke e Sullivan , but hav e neve r bee n abl e t o brin g hi m u p t o th e chalk . . . . I f h e mean s business I a m alread y t o figh t hi m fo r on e thousan d dollars , an d i f h e will no t accep t thi s challenge , I hope h e will no t anno y m e anymore wit h his bounces. " Sullivan' s backer s arrange d th e fight , an d interes t boome d in th e struggl e betwee n Anglo-Saxo n an d Celt . Englishme n embrace d Caunt a s thei r nationa l representative , s o larg e sum s o f mone y wer e wagered oversea s a s wel l a s i n the Unite d States . Native-bor n American s had divide d loyalties . Fo r some , th e ver y nam e "Yankee " Sulliva n offered a nationalisti c alternativ e t o th e hate d English , bu t other s longed fo r anyon e t o defea t th e "Iris h braggart." 39 The tw o fough t nea r Harper' s Ferry , Virginia , befor e seve n hundre d 82

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men o n Ma y 11 , 1847 . Odd s o f 10 0 to 40 wer e offere d o n Sullivan , an d by th e secon d roun d thes e wer e dow n t o 10 0 t o ıo . I t was , i n th e slan g of th e day , a "ju g handl e fight, " wit h Caun t unabl e t o continu e afte r twelve minutes . Bu t i f th e matc h wa s disappointin g i t reintroduce d larg e stakes, charismati c personalities , an d symboli c ethni c conflic t t o th e ring. Jame s Gordo n Bennet t o f th e Herald fel t publi c interes t warrante d the us e o f expres s rider s betwee n Virgini a an d Ne w York . Citizen s a s fa r away a s Milwauke e learne d o f th e outcom e i n thei r loca l papers. 40 Sullivan's reemergenc e gratifie d th e sportin g fraternity , bu t eve n th e most arden t membe r o f th e fanc y coul d no t hav e predicte d th e comin g explosion o f boxin g mania . "W e d o no t remember, " th e New York Herald declare d onl y a yea r an d a hal f afte r th e Sullivan-Caun t fight , "ever t o hav e see n s o grea t a n excitemen t amon g certai n classe s o f society, a s ha s bee n develope d durin g th e las t fe w day s i n relatio n t o th e approaching priz e figh t betwee n Yanke e Sulliva n an d To m Hyer . I t i s similar i n som e respect s t o th e agitatio n produce d i n th e publi c min d b y the firs t account s o f th e Mexica n War . . . . " Eac h sid e raise d fiv e thousand dollar s fo r th e "winne r tak e all " struggle . Th e National Police Gazette estimate d tha t thre e hundre d thousan d dollar s i n wager s hinge d on th e outcome , an d fo r hal f a yea r a ma n coul d scarcel y ente r a saloo n without bein g aske d hi s opinio n o f th e tw o gladiators. 41 Moreover , th e upcoming bou t arouse d interes t beyon d th e usua l sportin g crowd . On e New Yor k pape r declared , "al l classe s o f society—th e ric h an d th e poor , the hig h an d th e low , th e elegantl y dresse d denizen s o f Wal l Stree t an d Park Place—al l shade s o f ou r heterogeneou s society , wer e a s desirou s t o know th e resul t a s th e loafer s o f Chatha m Squar e o r th e rowdie s o f th e Bowery." Th e Police Gazette agree d tha t Hye r an d Sulliva n "occupie d a large shar e o f th e attentio n o f refine d society. " Bot h paper s exaggerated , but a n increasin g numbe r o f well-of f me n di d tak e vicariou s pleasur e i n the fight. 42 In a narro w sens e th e Hyer-Sulliva n battl e o f 184 9 merel y picke d u p where boxin g ha d ende d i n 1842 , fo r eve n the n th e tw o wer e recognize d as th e bes t o f thei r day . Th e socia l contex t o f America n cities , however , was considerably altered . Tension s betwee n immigrant s an d native s gre w with th e unprecedente d influ x fro m abroad . Ove r on e hundre d thousan d immigrants entere d th e countr y fo r th e firs t tim e i n 1845 , t w ¤ hundre d thousand i n 1847 , thre e hundre d thousan d i n 1850 . Amon g thes e masse s the poo r o f Irelan d wer e overrepresented , fo r th e potat o famin e an d th e brutal policie s o f landlord s no w squeeze d the m of f th e lan d an d sen t a wave o f unskille d peasant s towar d America . Durin g th e 1830s , tw o hundred thousan d Iris h ha d lande d i n America ; fou r time s tha t numbe r 83

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James "Yankee" Sullivan and Tom Hyer dressed as urban dandies. Both were idols to working-class men, leaders of political factions, and heroes of street comer gangs. Sullivan (left) was an Irish immigrant, Hyer a native-born American.

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emigrated i n eac h o f th e nex t tw o decades . Forty-fiv e thousan d Iris h immigrants i n 184 5 gre w t o on e hundre d sixty-fou r thousan d i n 1850 , and the y settle d mainl y i n larg e Northeaster n cities . Mor e tha n an y group, th e impoverishe d Iris h bor e th e wrat h o f th e nativ e born . Terrifying image s abounde d o f laz y peasants , idolatrou s Catholi c parish ioners, an d servil e masse s swearin g allegianc e t o th e pope . Worse , nightmarish vision s o f ignoran t laborer s providin g busines s wit h a chea p alternative t o America n worker s deepene d th e tension s betwee n native s and immigrants. 43 Even Hyer' s occupation—h e wa s a butcher , a tas k tha t demande d a powerful physiqu e an d a stron g stomach—contribute d t o th e intensit y o f his rivalr y wit h Sullivan . Hyer' s trad e ha d bee n a prou d nativ e bastion , with it s ow n symbols , rituals , an d organizations . America n butchers , Hyer's fathe r Jaco b an d "Boss " Willia m Harringto n amon g them , ha d a tradition o f enterin g th e rin g a s upholder s o f nativ e honor . Bu t i n recen t years Tamman y (fo r whic h Sulliva n worked ) ha d begu n sellin g license s to Iris h butchers , threatenin g th e nativ e monopoly . Thu s th e clas h between th e tw o boxer s wa s no t jus t a tes t o f physica l superiorit y bu t a playing ou t o f dee p social , cultural , an d economi c conflicts. 44 It too k Sullivan' s backer s severa l week s t o rais e th e fiv e thousan d dollar stake s demande d b y "Youn g America. " I n th e meantim e almos t daily fight s brok e ou t betwee n friend s o f th e tw o men , a s tal k o f thei r respective merit s fille d working-clas s saloons . Becaus e o f hi s experienc e and training , Sulliva n fel t h e coul d defea t Hye r easily , despit e larg e disadvantages i n height , weight , an d age . Indeed , half-drun k on e Apri l evening i n 1848 , h e tried . Yanke e entere d a n oyste r ba r o n th e corne r o f Park Plac e an d Broadway . Whethe r h e kne w i n advanc e tha t Hye r wa s inside i s unclear , bu t instantl y th e tw o wer e a t each other . A few minute s later Hye r ha d Sulliva n i n a headlock , an d i n leisurel y fashio n h e punched th e champio n insensible . Now office r Georg e Walling , futur e Ne w Yor k Cit y chie f o f police , entered th e room : There stoo d To m Hyer , who m I kne w wel l b y sigh t an d reputation , placing a percussion-ca p upo n th e nippl e o f a pistol whic h h e hel d i n hi s hand. I n on e o f th e boxe s wa s Yanke e Sullivan , wh o looke d a s i f h e had been roughl y handled . I took i n th e situatio n a t once. "Put u p tha t pistol, " I sai d t o Hyer , wh o looke d cal m an d collecte d enough an d wit h n o trace on his person o f havin g been engaged i n a fight. "Who th e devi l ar e you? " h e asked , i n a gruff voice . "I'm a n officer, " I replied, exhibitin g m y star . "They're goin g t o brin g th e gan g here, " sai d Hyer , i n a cal m voice ; «5

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"and I' m no t goin g t o le t the m murde r m e withou t a prett y toug h figh t fo r my life. " "Come, ge t out o f this . Com e alon g wit h me, " 1 said , an d Hyer , takin g hold o f m y arm , w e lef t th e saloon . Jus t a s soo n a s w e reache d th e street , Hyer sai d h e though t h e woul d g o t o th e Empir e Club , an d biddin g m e good-night, crosse d Broadway . No soone r wa s h e out o f sigh t tha n a howlin g mo b o f Sullivan' s friend s came rushin g towar d me . The y ha d hear d o f Sullivan' s discomfiture , an d were i n searc h o f Hyer , who , i f the y ha d caugh t him , woul d mos t assuredl y have bee n murdered . Som e o f th e crow d aske d m e wher e Sulliva n was , an d when 1 tol d the m wher e I had las t see n him , the y mad e a rush fo r th e oyste r saloon. I could plainl y hea r thei r yell s o f rag e whe n the y foun d thei r friend . Hyer ha d no t lef t th e plac e a momen t to o early . For nearl y a wee k littl e els e wa s spoke n o f i n Bower y taverns . Newspa pers teeme d wit h th e stor y o f Sullivan' s humiliation , an d crowd s roame d the street s hopin g t o catc h a glimps e o f hi s conqueror. 4 5 Still, a matc h ha d no t bee n made . Newspaper s reporte d tha t Sullivan' s and Hyer' s partisan s bega n armin g themselve s an d tha t gan g warfar e between th e tw o side s threatened . Althoug h th e paper s exaggerated , street conflict s ha d intensified . T o avoi d bloodshed , som e claimed , Sullivan finall y issue d a persona l challeng e i n th e New York Herald o n June I , 1848 : A CAR D

About si x week s since , whil e i n th e saloo n o n th e corne r o f Par k Plac e and Broadway , i n a condition renderin g m e unabl e t o defen d mysel f agains t any attack , 1 was assaile d i n a mos t cowardl y manner , b y a ma n o f th e name Hyer . . . . I f I knew I had bee n worste d i n a fair fight , an d b y a perso n who kne w anythin g a t al l abou t fighting , o r ha d th e courag e t o figh t a s a man, I shoul d hav e take n n o notic e o f it ; bu t I conside r i t du e t o m y friends, t o infor m the m i n thi s wa y o f th e rea l characte r o f th e occurrence . I am n o "Iris h braggart " o r "bully, " althoug h I am a n Irishma n an d believ e I ca n sho w mysel f worth y o f m y countr y wheneve r I am required . I f ther e are an y wh o thin k the y ca n mak e m e "cr y enoug h lik e a whipped child, " i f No. 9 Chatha m Stree t i s no t to o fa r out o f th e way , I will b e happ y t o hav e them cal l an d mak e th e experiment . A s fo r Hyer , I ca n "fla x hi m out " without an y exertion . JAMES SULLIVAN.

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The ton e o f thi s challenge , n o doub t ghostwritten , contraste d sharpl y with it s content . Eve n thoug h h e expresse d hi s thought s i n moderate , subdued language , Sulliva n accuse d Hye r o f lying , cowardice , an d

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generally th e crowd s wer e orderly , eve n respectable . Unde r thes e cir cumstances, unprecedente d number s o f American s no w ha d th e opportu nity t o see rin g heroe s i n action. 28 Even mor e importan t tha n ne w rule s circumventin g ol d anti-prize-figh t laws, th e Victoria n urg e t o sto p ever y specie s o f "immoral " amusemen t was weakening . A s on e spectato r commente d whe n Sulliva n fough t Charlie Mitchel l i n 1883 , "me n wh o doz e i n obligator y pew s o n Sunda y to th e soothin g accompanimen t o f a clerica l homily , struggle d eagerl y t o see thes e Christian s poun d eac h other. " Boxing' s ne w trapping s helpe d legitimate elit e interest , s o tha t no w "me n eminen t i n th e highe r walk s of lif e len t th e warran t o f thei r presenc e t o a n exhibitio n o f fistic skil l which fo r onc e wa s strippe d o f th e attribute s whic h mak e suc h show s reprehensible." Thu s Rosco e Conkling , Charle s A . Dana , Lawrenc e Jerome, an d Willia m R . Travers , a s wel l a s member s o f th e Knicker bocker Clu b an d th e Unio n Leagu e sa t a t ringside fo r on e o r mor e o f Sullivan's exhibitions . Indeed , earl y i n 188 3 fifteen thousan d Bostonian s came t o a benefi t fo r th e champio n give n b y th e prestigiou s Crib b Club . Harvard graduates , cit y councilmen , an d member s o f th e Somerse t Society al l attende d th e festivities. 29 Sullivan mad e fa r mor e mone y fro m hi s "knocking-ou t tours " tha n from championshi p fights ; i n fact , bare-knuckl e matche s ha d becom e virtually a mean s t o promot e exhibition s rathe r tha n th e othe r wa y around. Th e Bosto n Bo y an d hi s manager , Bill y Madden , receive d fiv e hundred dollar s pe r night , usuall y si x night s a wee k durin g on e twenty week roa d tri p i n 1882 . A subsequen t tou r i n 1883-8 4 yielde d Sulliva n around eighty-thousan d dollar s afte r expenses . I n 188 7 th e champio n formed a partnershi p wit h a circu s impresari o an d earne d sixty-tw o thousand dollar s fo r sparrin g alongsid e acrobats , tumblers , an d horse back riders . Lat e i n th e decad e Sulliva n toure d Englan d an d Australia , grossing a n estimate d $168,000 . Som e o f thes e figure s ar e n o doub t inflated, bu t th e larges t stak e Sulliva n eve r wo n i n a bare-knuckl e fight was twent y thousan d dollars , an d h e ended u p spendin g mos t o f i t to sta y out o f prison . On e ca n therefor e understan d hi s attachmen t t o th e Queensberry rules. 30 Though extremel y lucrative , th e tour s wer e gruelin g affairs . Manage d by forme r boxer s suc h a s Bill y Madden , A l Smith , an d Pa t Sheedy—al l buccaneers b y gentee l Victoria n standards , bu t al l i n th e mainstrea m o f Gilded Ag e hucksterism—th e travelin g show s require d detaile d plannin g to mak e sur e th e troup e mad e railroa d connections , arrive d o n schedule , found accommodations , receive d plent y o f advanc e billing , packe d a local arena , and , abov e all , earne d a profit . 220 .

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The gran d tou r o f 1883-84 , organize d b y ex-priz e fighte r A l Smith , was th e prototype . Sulliva n travele d fo r eigh t month s wit h severa l othe r professional boxers , includin g Herber t Slade , Je m Mace , an d Stev e Taylor, a s wel l a s Mik e Donovan , Pet e McCoy , an d Mik e Gillespie . Only abou t a doze n me n accepte d th e champion' s offe r o f on e thousan d dollars t o stan d i n th e rin g wit h hi m fo r fou r rounds . The y usuall y wer e knocked ou t i n th e first minute , bu t i n mos t town s n o one wa s foolhard y enough t o try , s o th e professional s sparre d wit h eac h other. 31 Th e tou r started i n Baltimore , wher e te n thousan d fan s attende d a three-nigh t stand. Fro m there , th e grou p wen t North , the n int o th e Midwest , acros s the Plain s States , throug h th e Rockies , t o th e Wes t Coast , nort h t o British Columbia , the n dow n t o Lo s Angeles , acros s th e Southwes t an d Texas int o th e Dee p South , an d finall y bac k North , endin g i n Toledo , Ohio. Occasionall y th e troup e spen t severa l day s i n on e city , bu t mor e commonly the y barnstorme d a ne w tow n ever y night . Thu s durin g th e first ful l mont h o f th e tour , Octobe r 1883 , the y mad e twenty-fou r stop s in si x state s an d th e Distric t o f Columbia , includin g suc h far-flun g citie s as Norfolk , Va. , Scranton , Penn. , Terr e Haute , Ind. , an d Louisville , Ky . In smal l village s an d bi g citie s businessmen , politicians , an d professiona l men go t thei r firs t tast e o f th e manl y art , sittin g besid e loca l worker s an d sports. Th e nationa l tou r wa s o n th e roa d fo r 23 8 day s an d mad e 19 5 appearances i n 2 6 states . Th e grou p cleare d wel l ove r on e hundre d thousand dollars , a s legion s o f me n i n obscur e heartlan d town s pai d thei r dollar eac h t o see th e champio n i n action , an d countles s mor e showe d u p at hotel s an d railroa d station s jus t t o catc h a glimps e o f him. 32 Under Sullivan' s reign , then , boxin g borrowe d promotiona l technique s and organizationa l structur e fro m sho w business , especiall y vaudevill e and th e circus . Roa d managers , bookin g agents , an d advertisin g me n began replacin g th e ol d gambler-saloonkeepe r promoters . I n thi s sens e the ring wa s leavin g it s fol k root s behin d an d enterin g th e moder n real m of mass-produced , repeatabl e spectacles . An d wit h it s emphasi s o n maximum profi t th e ne w sho w busines s etho s pu t a premium o n cleanin g up pugilis m i n orde r t o attrac t th e wides t possibl e audience . The money-makin g possibilitie s di d no t en d wit h boxin g tours . Late r in hi s caree r Sulliva n joine d severa l theatrica l show s i n whic h h e acted , made speeches , o r just plai n pose d wit h flexed muscles . H e earne d ten s of thousand s o f dollar s tourin g i n th e pla y Honest Hearts and Willing Hands, renewin g th e ol d connectio n betwee n pugilis m an d th e theater . All o f thi s wa s par t o f th e large r commercializatio n o f sport , th e growin g trend towar d rationalizin g entertainmen t int o repeatabl e spectacles . Th e profit motiv e opene d ne w opportunities : a Ne w Yor k wa x museu m 22 /

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presented likenesse s o f Sulliva n an d Jak e Kilrain , a circu s advertise d a boxing elephan t name d Joh n L . Sullivan , an d shee t musi c vendor s hawked th e popula r son g "Le t M e Shak e th e Han d Tha t Shoo k th e Han d of Sullivan. " I n addition , Richar d Kyl e Fo x offere d th e publi c numerou s cheap biographie s o f priz e rin g heroes—man y o f who m wer e backe d b y Police Gazette mone y an d wor e Police Gazette belts—an d thes e i n tur n were cramme d wit h advertisement s fo r trainin g gear , picture s o f th e ne w stars, an d mor e Fo x publications , al l availabl e b y mai l fro m th e Gazette's offices . Sulliva n himsel f endorse d everythin g fro m boxin g glove s to bee f broth . Hi s ver y presenc e coul d attrac t a crowd . H e earne d mor e each yea r tha n president s o r busines s executives , an d befor e hi s fightin g career ended , h e mad e nearl y a millio n dollars . I n a word , Sulliva n ha d become a professiona l entertainer , a celebrity , a ma n whos e livelihoo d depended o n constan t publi c adulation . Perhap s mor e tha n an y America n before him , Sulliva n live d i n th e publi c spotlight. 33 The commercializatio n o f th e rin g opene d unprecedente d opportunitie s for othe r boxers , a s growin g number s o f working-clas s me n fough t bout s under th e Queensberr y rules . Contemporarie s praise d Sulliva n fo r reha bilitating boxin g an d givin g pugilist s a n improve d publi c standing . A s the kin g o f th e ring , hi s courag e an d ferocit y unquestioned , Joh n L . made fightin g wit h glove s acceptabl e t o th e sportin g crowd . H e pride d himself o n hi s scrupulou s honest y an d earne d s o muc h mone y fro m Queensberry four-rounder s tha t h e ha d n o reaso n t o engag e i n an y o f th e ring's underhande d practices . Sulliva n demonstrate d b y example ho w th e new rule s allowe d fighter s t o circumven t th e anti-prize-figh t laws ,

engage i n mor e frequen t contests , an d battl e openl y i n publi c arenas . The lighte r weigh t classification s particularl y benefite d becaus e th e ne w style rewarde d footwork , defensiv e skills , an d counterpunching . Grea t boxers suc h a s heavyweight s Jo e Choynsk i ( a Jew ) an d Pete r Jackso n ( a black), middleweigh t Jac k Dempse y th e Nonparei l an d Bo b Fitzsimmon s (before h e becam e a heavyweight) , welterweight s Tomm y Rya n an d Jo e Wolcott, lightweight s Jac k MacAuliff e an d Jo e Gans , an d featherweight s George Dixo n an d Terr y McGovern , thes e an d innumerabl e other s al l prospered unde r th e ne w rules. 34 Prize fightin g faile d t o becom e a s respectabl e a s basebal l o r football , in par t becaus e i t neve r develope d a single , overarchin g regulator y agency t o promulgat e rules , awar d championships , an d systematiz e challenges. Pugilis m alway s retaine d som e o f it s underworl d flavor ; a hint o f corruptio n eve r lingered . Bu t b y th e 1880 s boxing' s tawdrines s was a n essentia l par t o f it s appeal , especiall y a s middle - an d upper-clas s men flocked t o th e ring . A vestig e o f barbarism , th e revitalize d spor t 222

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"Modern consistency , tho u ar t a (paste) jewel." Attack s on the ring continued , but the y gre w les s frequent . Thi s cartoo n fro m Harper's Weekly, Augus t 20 , 1883, i s testimony bot h t o the criticism an d to pugilism's new-found popularit y under th e Queensberr y rules . offered a vicariou s thril l o f violence . Th e Queensberr y rule s redre w th e arbitrary ye t essentia l borde r separatin g acceptabl e devianc e fro m unpardonable vice ; the y sanitize d priz e fightin g jus t enoug h t o mak e i t a legal spectato r sport , ye t no t s o muc h tha t gentleme n a t ringside woul d lose th e tast e o f "rea l life. " Th e ring continue d t o cal l fort h image s o f primitive brutality , o f lower-clas s an d ethni c people s ventin g thei r violen t passions. Bu t glove s an d ne w rule s appeared t o cur b th e animalit y sufficiently t o allo w a titillating sens e o f dange r insid e saf e an d civilize d boundaries. Wit h electrica l lightin g no w availabl e i n gran d ne w stadi ums, goin g t o a figh t n o longe r seeme d a n illega l ritua l o f th e under world bu t a deliciousl y wicke d after-wor k recreation. 35 In hi s autobiograph y Sulliva n himsel f argue d fo r upliftin g th e ring. The ol d rules , h e declared , permitte d underhande d tricks , s o th e bes t • 223 .

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men di d no t alway s win . Worse , spectator s wer e subjec t t o arrest , eve n muggings. Sulliva n neve r claime d tha t th e Queensberr y rule s mad e boxing les s violent. The y did , however , chang e th e socia l compositio n o f the crow d an d th e environmen t i n whic h fight s wer e held : Where suc h a n audienc e assemble s ther e wil l alway s b e foun d a certai n class o f dishones t me n practicin g thei r nefariou s work , wherea s unde r th e Marquis o f Queensberr y rules , th e contes t usuall y take s plac e i n a hall o f some descriptio n unde r polic e supervision , an d th e pric e o f admissio n i s put purposel y hig h s o a s t o exclud e th e rowd y element , an d a gentlema n can se e th e contest , feelin g sur e tha t h e wil l no t b e robbe d o f an y o f hi s va uables or in any way be interfered with . Under the Marquis of Queensberry rules the manly ar t of self-defense , o f whic h I am considered a n authority , is conducted fo r th e benefit o f gentlemen , no t rowdies . Fightin g unde r the Marquis o f Queensberr y rule s befor e gentleme n i s a pleasure; t o the othe r element i t become s a brawl. Sullivan focuse d no t o n boxin g itsel f bu t o n th e socia l backgroun d o f the audience . Becaus e th e Queensberr y rule s wer e withi n th e circl e o f the law , matche s coul d b e bette r governed . B y eliminatin g th e regulatio n that th e rin g b e pitche d o n turf , th e ne w cod e opene d th e wa y fo r electri c lighting i n indoo r arenas , allowin g promoter s no t onl y t o profi t throug h admission charge s bu t t o exercis e crow d contro l a s well . Evenin g bout s in urba n stadium s obviate d th e nee d fo r th e rowd y excursion s tha t ha d encouraged me n t o abando n labo r i n th e middl e o f th e wor k wee k an d underscored mode m capitalism' s shar p distinctio n betwee n worktim e and leisur e time. 36 Of course , th e ring neve r becam e a s pur e a s Sulliva n claimed . Th e new rule s helpe d rationaliz e boxing , too k th e spor t awa y fro m th e mos t disreputable gamblers , an d allowe d i t to be ru n mor e lik e a business. Bu t beneath th e thi n cloa k o f respectability , th e ol d barbaris m lingered . Th e very mixtur e o f securit y an d savagery , o f safet y an d danger , mad e priz e fights s o exciting . Towar d th e en d o f th e centur y me n i n evenin g dres s and boutonniere s attende d fight s fo r th e catharti c releas e o f a littl e primitive violence . I t wa s precisel y thi s controlle d atavism , experience d vicariously an d a t a distance , tha t gav e boxin g it s ne w appeal. 37 The dualis m o f impulsivenes s an d restrain t account s fo r muc h o f Sullivan's ow n popularity . Unde r th e ne w rule s h e transforme d boxin g from contest s o f enduranc e int o dazzlingl y quic k an d skillfu l perfor mances, characterize d b y a ne w kineti c styl e i n keepin g wit h th e up-tempo spiri t o f th e age . Bu t i t wa s Sulliva n th e celebrit y a s muc h a s Sullivan th e fighte r wh o electrifie d men . Th e Bosto n Boy' s raw , sponta 224

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neous personalit y dre w endles s comment . H e kne w ho w t o accumulat e money, bu t h e kne w eve n bette r ho w t o spen d it . Th e champion' s legendary conviviality , hi s embrac e o f th e eas y camaraderi e o f saloon s and sportin g houses , wa s a t th e hear t o f hi s publi c image . Joh n L . love d the goo d life , includin g elegan t clothes , expensiv e jewelry , th e fines t foods, th e bes t cigars , an d free-flowin g champagne . Everyon e kne w o f his drinkin g binge s an d hi s extramarita l affairs . Everyon e als o kne w o f the gorgeou s barroo m h e opene d i n Bosto n t o trea t an d toas t hi s friends . He embodie d Gilde d Ag e fascinatio n wit h ric h livin g an d gaud y display s of wealth . I n hi s reignin g decad e h e strod e int o countles s saloons , slapped a hundred-dolla r bil l o n th e counter , an d treate d th e house . Lik e a padrone , Sulliva n enjoye d th e rol e o f benefactor , meetin g a n endles s stream o f down-and-ou t me n askin g fo r a handout , widow s withou t means, an d religiou s missionarie s i n nee d o f support . H e alway s turne d to hi s curren t manager—h e change d the m often—an d barke d a gruf f demand fo r a five , o r a ten , o r a fift y t o hel p th e supplicant . Th e Boy' s extravagance, hi s lac k o f bourgeoi s prudence , wer e a n ingratiatin g par t of hi s publi c person a i n a n er a grow n wear y o f ster n self-control. 38 Businessmen, politicians , entertainers , artists , an d writer s wer e fasci nated b y Sullivan , bu t h e alway s retaine d specia l popularit y wit h th e working class . Th e champio n spok e thei r language . H e calle d on e opponent "a n awkwar d duc k an d th e bes t foo t race r i n th e country, " another a cur , anothe r a loafer , an d eac h a son-of-a-bitch . Journalist s marveled a t hi s creativ e swearing , hi s cleve r epithet s fo r opponent s an d prodigious boast s abou t himself . Th e Stron g Bo y claime d h e coul d hav e beaten an y previou s champion , an d an y livin g ma n i n clas s two , h e alone bein g i n clas s one. 39 Sulliva n wa s a bor n democrat , a flag wave r who mixe d wit h al l group s o f people , bu t h e alway s remaine d tie d t o hi s ethnic, working-clas s origins . H e visite d hi s ol d neighborhoo d often , helped ou t hi s brothe r an d sister , an d provide d financia l assistanc e t o hi s parents. H e als o publicl y supporte d strikin g coa l miner s o n a t leas t on e occasion an d maintaine d clos e friendship s withi n th e all-mal e saloo n culture fro m whic h h e came. 40 The champion' s bravad o ha d specia l appea l fo r Irish-Americans , wit h whom h e openl y identified . Hi s boas t fro m a thousan d stages , "M y name's Joh n L . Sulliva n an d I can lic k an y son-of-a-bitc h alive, " wa s a defiant cr y fo r a downtrodden peopl e who , i n their first ful l postimmigran t generation, sough t a faire r shar e o f America' s opportunities . Sullivan' s giddy ris e seeme d t o offe r a mode l o f succes s fo r self-assertiv e men . Under hi s reign , boxin g an d sparrin g becam e mor e prominen t tha n eve r in Irish-America n communities . Durin g th e mid-eighties , fo r example , 225

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Worcester, Massachusetts , witnesse d gran d fourt h o f Jul y picnic s sponsore d by th e Ancien t Orde r o f Hibernians . Thre e t o fou r thousan d peopl e cam e to enjo y dancing , drinking , clambakes , an d athleti c events , bu t th e center o f attentio n wa s a serie s o f sparrin g matches , ofte n followe d b y impromptu fistfights . Thu s working-clas s Irishme n celebrate d th e mos t sacred nationa l holiday , no t wit h upliftin g orator y o r solem n patrioti c displays bu t wit h thei r ow n demonstration s o f masculin e prowess. 41 Sullivan becam e a n importan t symbo l fo r othe r ethni c group s a s well . The Jewis h write r Abraha m Caha n opene d hi s 189 6 novell a Yekl wit h Jake, a n immigran t desperatel y seekin g t o assimilat e himsel f int o Ameri can culture , demonstratin g th e fisti c art s whil e boastin g t o hi s fello w sweatshop worker s tha t h e ha d a frien d wh o personall y kne w th e grea t Sullivan. Caha n her e capture d ho w sport s celebritie s suc h a s Joh n L . became standard-bearer s o f Americanizatio n fo r countles s ne w immi grants an d thei r children . T o pla y sport s seeme d a n archetypicall y American act , becaus e the y wer e freighte d wit h th e value s o f success , meritocracy, an d competition ; t o bu y a ticke t t o a n athleti c even t wa s t o learn th e ne w rol e o f consumer ; t o roo t fo r a tea m o r a champio n gav e one a sens e o f havin g freedo m o f choice ; t o acquir e knowledg e abou t baseball o r footbal l o r boxin g wa s t o b e informe d abou t somethin g distinctly American . On e nee d no t eve n understan d Englis h t o si t amon g citizens, chee r th e loca l heroes , an d thereb y fee l a t leas t partiall y integrated int o a n alie n society . An d whe n immigrant s coul d applau d th e deeds o f on e o f thei r ow n countrymen , thei r sens e o f findin g a plac e i n America wa s doubl y enhanced. 42 But Sullivan' s fam e a s a celebrit y sprea d beyon d working-clas s immigrant communities ; h e wa s muc h mor e i n th e publi c domai n tha n previous fighters , muc h les s a n integra l par t o f working-clas s stree t lif e than Hyer , Morrissey , o r Heenan . Emblemati c o f a n emergin g mas s culture tha t partiall y transcende d th e division s o f clas s an d gender , o f religion an d ethnicity , Sulliva n represente d sensua l fulfillmen t an d con sumption o f leisure , bot h previousl y see n a s working-clas s vice s bu t no w becoming nationa l norms . Th e champion' s monikers , "th e Bosto n Stron g Boy," "th e Bosto n Boy, " "th e Stron g Boy, " o r simpl y "th e Boy, " indicate tha t th e publi c Sulliva n wa s ver y muc h a child i n a man' s body . Above all , h e seeme d a creatur e o f impulse . Edito r Charle s Dan a o f th e New York Sun commente d o n Sullivan' s enormou s appetites ; h e dine d like Gargantua , dran k lik e Gambrinus , ha d th e strengt h o f Samso n an d the ferocit y o f Achilles . H e move d wit h a child' s eas e bu t hi t lik e a giant. 43 Stories circulate d abou t Sulliva n protectin g newsboy s agains t bullies , 226

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aiding wome n i n distress , an d givin g u p liquo r a t hi s dyin g mother' s request. Mor e storie s circulate d tha t Sulliva n kicke d newsboy s an d chased waitresses , tha t h e bea t hi s wif e an d kep t mistresses , an d tha t h e broke u p saloon s i n drunke n rages . On e nigh t i n Philadelphia , fo r example, h e allegedl y becam e thoroughl y inebriate d a t th e Guar d Hous e Bar. H e tor e hi s roo m up , wen t outsid e t o haras s passersb y fo r a while , returned a t 5:0 0 A.M . fo r a breakfas t o f si x doze n clam s an d whiskey , then ha d t o b e carrie d t o bed . Belligeren t whe n awakene d a t eleve n o'clock, h e calme d himsel f wit h anothe r pint . Polic e avoide d Sulliva n during thes e drunke n sprees , whil e newspaper s editoralize d tha t th e immunity o f th e "hulkin g ruffian " encourage d hi s bruta l lawlessness. 44 Both image s o f Sullivan—th e generous , good-nature d bo y an d th e brooding, destructiv e boy—containe d muc h truth ; bot h wer e unite d b y themes o f adolescen t impulsiveness . H e wa s a her o an d a brute , a bo n vivant an d a drunk, a love r of lif e an d a reckless barbarian . I n th e publi c mind, Sulliva n th e ma n an d Sulliva n th e fighte r wer e one . H e cut through al l restraints , acte d rathe r tha n contemplated , an d pai d littl e regard t o th e moralit y o r immoralit y o f hi s behavior . H e wa s totall y self-indulgent, eve n i n act s o f generosity , totall y a hedonis t consumin g the goo d thing s aroun d hi m an d beckonin g other s t o d o th e same . Fo r individuals deepl y ambivalen t abou t th e transitio n fro m middle-clas s Protestant virtue s o f productivit y t o ne w value s o f consumption , h e wa s a transcenden t symbol . An d fo r middle-clas s me n terrifie d b y th e prospect o f losin g th e vita l "nerv e force " tha t alon e brough t success , Sullivan seeme d a gloriou s exampl e o f abundan t huma n energy . H e epitomized actio n i n a n ag e tha t feare d inertia . "... Nig h N e w Orlean s u p o n a n Emeral d Plain... " Between barnstormin g tour s Sulliva n fough t severa l majo r glov e battles. Richar d Kyl e Fo x kep t importin g boxer s fro m abroad , backin g them wit h thousand s o f dollars ; Sulliva n kep t insistin g tha t Queensberr y fights preced e Londo n Priz e Rin g ones ; th e ne w heroe s kep t gettin g knocked ou t insid e fou r rounds , obviatin g th e nee d fo r bare-knuckl e meetings. I n th e summe r o f 1883 , fo r example , Fo x bankrolle d a gigantic Ne w Zealander , Herber t Slade , "th e Maori. " Forme r champio n Jem Mace , Slade' s mento r an d trainer , assure d Fo x o f Sullivan' s immi nent demise . Afte r month s o f Police Gazette hype , te n thousan d excite d fans packe d th e Garde n t o see th e battle . Joh n L . mutilate d Slad e fo r three anticlimacti c round s befor e knockin g hi m out. . The champio n mad e 22γ

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as muc h mone y o n suc h stag e meeting s a s o n bare-knuckl e fight s because th e winner' s shar e o f gat e receipt s (i n thi s case , 6 5 percent ) often toppe d te n thousan d dollars . H e ha d n o reaso n t o risk hi s title. 45 But circumstance s eventuall y calle d Sulliva n bac k t o th e ol d priz e ring. O n Ma y 4 , 1883 , h e fough t a n electri c four-rounde r wit h Englis h champion Charli e Mitchel l i n Ne w York . A n overflo w crow d pai d sixtee n thousand dollar s t o witnes s th e bout , seat s costin g fan s a dolla r t o fiv e dollars each . Mitchel l weighe d fort y pound s les s tha n Sullivan , bu t rumors sprea d tha t dissipatio n ha d wrecke d th e ol d champion' s constitu tion. Polic e stoppe d th e figh t befor e th e Bosto n Bo y finishe d Mitchell , but no t before th e acerbi c Englishma n ha d knocke d hi m down , a n embarrassing first . O n Ma y 30 , 1884 , Sulliva n wa s schedule d t o mee t Mitchell i n a rematch . Allegedl y Willia m K . Vanderbilt , Henr y War d Beecher, an d assorte d aldermen , judges , assemblymen , an d polic e an d fire commissioner s al l hel d tickets . Accordin g t o Sullivan' s account , Mitchell feigne d illnes s jus t before th e bout , an d th e battl e wa s can celled. Th e Stron g Boy , o f course , brok e trainin g an d wen t o n a drinkin g spree. Anticipatin g this , Mitchel l ha d th e matc h reinstated , bu t b y the n the champio n wa s i n n o conditio n t o fight . Sulliva n staggere d full y clothed ont o th e stage , mumble d tha t h e wa s sick , an d lef t th e aren a t o a resounding choru s o f boos . H e blame d Mitchel l fo r thi s humiliatio n an d swore revenge. 46 Mitchell wa s no t Sullivan' s onl y problem . Wear y o f th e rin g whe n h e returned fro m a lon g roa d tou r i n mid-1884 , h e bega n t o stagnat e a s a fighter. Ove r th e nex t fe w year s h e fough t onl y a handful o f Queensberr y battles, mostl y agains t undistinguishe d pugilists . Certainly , Sullivan' s success at dispatching opponent s wa s making i t difficult t o find contenders. Equally important , becaus e h e reall y wen t fo r knockouts , politician s an d judges i n Ne w York , Philadelphia , an d eve n Bosto n sometime s ordere d the polic e t o brea k u p Queensberry matche s unde r th e old anti-priz e figh t laws. Official s acte d a t th e behes t o f suc h reformer s a s Henr y Berg h who, despit e threat s agains t hi s life , crusade d t o abolis h th e ring . Thu s in 188 5 citizen s fro m civi c an d religiou s organization s suc h a s th e Philadelphia La w an d Orde r Societ y persuade d a judge jus t hour s befor e fight tim e t o sto p a sold-ou t matc h betwee n Sulliva n an d Dominic k McCaffrey. Disgusted , th e champio n brok e u p som e furnitur e the n lef t town mutterin g abou t goin g bac k t o th e wil d Wes t wher e ther e wa s no t so muc h la w an d order . Th e tw o me n finall y me t i n Cincinnat i late r i n the year , bu t whe n th e battl e ende d withou t a clea r victor y fo r eithe r side, suspicion s tha t th e champio n wa s n o longe r th e fighte r o f ol d seemed confirmed. 47 228

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Sullivan's difficulties kept piling up.

ERA

His drinking was becoming

serious, even life-threatening. His wife Annie, moreover, initiated di­ vorce proceedings, and her charges of brutality and adultery against Sullivan became a public scandal. To make matters worse, the champi­ on's avoidance of the regular prize ring caused many of his followers to desert him. Unreconstructed sporting men still believed that a real fight meant a bare-knuckle one. Richard Kyle Fox produced plenty of willing if mediocre contenders and Sullivan ducked them all, wanting only glove battles. To top off the Strong Boy's problems, early in 1887, five years after

winning

the championship, 4�

he

broke his left arm

during

a

cross-country tour.

Nine months after this last calamity, his frustration mounting,Sullivan left his American problems behind and embarked on a tour of Great Britain. Crowds gave the champion a tumultuous welcome, presenting gifts, begging for speeches, following every move he made. In Cardiff a larger crowd greeted him than ex-prime minister Gladstone. In London a single-paragraph advertisement in the Sportsman drew thousands of admirers.

The exclusive Pelican Club invited the champion to spar

before peers and lords. Here Sullivan met the Prince of Wales and boxed for the future king of England.

In Ireland he enjoyed an emotional

homecoming, visited the sights he had heard so much about in Boston, 4'J and was cheered all the way as a hero of his peopie. But Sullivan's luck turned sour again. Partly for revenge, partly to accommodate the British people, and partly to truly earn the title "World's Champion," he signed articles to fight a bare-knuckle match with Charlie Mitchell.

The champion trained down to a reasonable

weight--one commentator noted that when Sullivan arrived in England. his ample waist would not have disgraced a city alderman-by scorning

drink, rich foods, and cigars. "All his joys are gone," journalist William Edgar Harding observed. "When asked how he managed to stand it, he smiled not cheerfully, and said in his deepest tones: 'Somebody will have to pay me back for leading a Sunday school superintendent's life, and if I can't get at anyone else, Mitchell will have to foot the whole bill.'

,,50

Because of the vigilance of English authorities, the men crossed the Channel to France. They fought on a miserable March day, on the baron de Rothschild's estate, before a small crowd of sports and gentlemen. The Englishman was in fine trim, and he needed all of his quickness to stay away from the champion. Sullivan dominated the fight, but he never seriously hurt Mitchell. The challenger yanked the Bostonian's mustache and spiked him on the shins. "Fight like a gentlemen, you son of a bitch, if you can," the Slugger growled. But standing in the cold rain 229

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and grappling in the mud chilled Sullivan until he shook. Worst of all, in three hours of fighting spread over thirty-nine rounds he failed to catch the wily Englishman. Both sides finally agreed to a draw. Authorities arrested Sullivan and Mitchell on the way out of France, and the two men were forced to jump bail and flee to England. With the stakes drawn, the champion quietly sailed back to America. His run of bad luck continued. He sparred at a few benefits and went on a short road-tour with a travelling circus, but within months his health broke down completely. Sullivan claimed to have typhoid fever, gastric fever, inflammation of the bowels, heart trouble, liver complaint, and incipient paralysis. Acute alcoholism was a more plausible diagnosis. He lay bedridden for weeks, finally rising on his thirtieth birthday against the advice of his doctors. It was time to cease being a victim, time to act. Within two months he posted five thousand dollars to fight a bare-knuckle championship battle, and a month later he signed articles. His claim to the title shaken by Mitchell, his health and age betraying him, his fans clamoring for vindication and his enemies out for blood, Sullivan staked his career on a single desperate battleY His opponent was Joseph Killion. The challenger told reporters that he learned to box because, as an awkward lad from the country, he had been victimized with cruel practical jokes by fellow workers at a Boston-area rolling mill. His efforts at self-defense paid off; he soon won several matches among his peers, making him "Champion of the Mill." A natural athlete, Killion also rowed in four-man crews during the 1880s, winning the junior sculling championship at the National Amateur Regatta in 1883. Unfortunately, when it became known that he was a professional pugilist, the National Rowing Association stripped him of both the title and his amateur status. The ring's revival created new opportunities for talented working-class men, however, and money­ making opportunities were more compelling than the amateur ideal. The winter of 1883 found him teaching sparring at exclusive Cribb clubs in Boston and Baltimore. He took the ring name Jake Kiirain, fought Queensberry bouts in major East Coast and Midwest cities, and com­ piled a fine record. By 1887 Kilrain had grown weary of living in Sullivan's shadow, and Richard Kyle Fox agreed to back him, believing he now had the man to humble the Strong Boy.52 But Kilrain's rise coincided with Sullivan's run of trouble. Early in 1887 Fox designed a new heavyweight championship belt,-allegedly made from two hundred ounces of solid silver, with diamond and gold ornamentation. In return, the editor insisted that his offices arrange all .

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title fights for the belt, that he be stakeholder, and that the Gazette have a representative at ringside. Meanwhile Kilrain published two cards challenging the champion for five thousand dollars a side and the belt. This was in May 1887, and because Sullivan's arm was still healing, he rejected the match. Citing six decades of American pugilism as prece­ dent, Fox declared that a champion who refused a legitimate challenge relinquished his title. Thus on June 4, 1887, in a Baltimore theater, the editor of the Police Gazette awarded the belt to Kilrain and declared him champion. 53 John L. contemptuously responded that he would fight once his arm was well and that when he won the "dog collar" from Kilrain, he would offer it as a boxing trophy to the bootblacks of New York. In retaliation against Fox, the champion's Boston friends had an even more elegant belt made, this one with three hundred ninety-seven diamonds and valued at eight thousand dollars. Mayor Hugh O'Brien,

seven city

councilmen, and four thousand Hub City residents packed the Boston Theater to present the belt and honor "Our John," as he was known locally. Sullivan then went to Europe, suffered the Mitchell fiasco, and returned only to have his health break down. 54 Thus it was not until the champion's ability to defend his title grew doubtful that he took up Kilrain's challenge. The backers of the Strong Boy, whose physique had deteriorated badly, remanded him to the custody of William Muldoon, a champion wrestler, celebrity strongman, and health fetishist. He took Sullivan to his isolated country home in Belfast, New York, and put him under a strict regimen of diet and exercise, including rope jumping, dumbbell workouts, and farm labor. The champion shed years of dissipation and regained much of his lost vitality. Over and over, the press cited Sullivan's resurrection as an example of the fruits of industrious, moral, and purposeful living. "How inconsistent the pretended Christians are," trainer Muldoon complained. "They call us brutes and do not want us to give exhibitions lest we demoralize their cigarette-sucking, dwarfy puny offspring'

We who

would teach them an exercise beneficial to body and mind." S5 Richard Kyle Fox bent every effort to stir up public interest. The Police Gazette condemned Sullivan as a drunken and swaggering braggart, while depicting Kilrain as a genteel family man, complete with high silk hat and polite manners. "Mother of Sons,"

A Jetter to the Boston Post,

written by a

praised Kilrain for his abstemiousness, modest

demeanor, even temper, and good character. Perhaps, the writer specu­ lated, Providence had sent him to knock out the bully Sullivan. But after .

23

J

.

THE MANLY ART

their fight, she urged, Kilrain should quit the prize ring and go to work for an athletic club, "where he can train the rising generation in athletics S6 and also in this fine art of keeping one's temper. " Once again New Orleans was chosen as the most congenial staging ground for the battle. Despite new antiboxing statutes passed by the city council, a sympathetic mayor and dilatory law enforcement still made the Crescent City the best gathering place for the fancy. With Chief of Police David Hennessey's approval, gambler Bud Renaud arranged the excursion to the secret fight venue. The Southern Athletic Club offered its facilities for Kilrain's final training, while Sullivan fine-tuned at the Young Man's Gymnastic Club. Newspapers across the country gave unprecedented attention to the fight, covering the combatants' training, moods, and progress South. Reporters from every major daily made their way to New Orleans, the Associated Press sent representatives, and Western Union employed fifty special operators who telegraphed over two hundred thousand words of coverage. approached,

As the day of the fight

men poured into New Orleans in special trains, some

chartered from New York by Richard Kyle Fox. Declared the Picayune, "The city is fighting mad . . . . Everybody had the fever and is talking Sullivan and Kilrain. Ladies discussed it in street cars, men talked and argued about it in places which had never heard pugilism mentioned before. " On the night of July 7, 1889, after days of revelry, three trains left the Crescent City crammed with holders of ten- and fifteen-dollar excursion tickets. 57 Governors of half-a-dozen Southern states vowed to prevent the battle, troops stood at the main railroad lines leading out of Louisiana, and the governor of Mississippi offered a one-thousand-dollar bounty for the arrest of Sullivan. But the train engineers stayed on little-used rural tracks to elude militia units.

Before sunrise on a sweltering Delta

morning, the cars from New Orleans unloaded their freight in Richburg, Mississippi. Five thousand citizens swarmed onto the land owned by Charles Rich, a sawmill proprietor, who had his men build a ring surrounded by rough-hewn bleachers. Pugs, gunslingers, and sporting men brushed up against influential society figures and members of exclusive athletic clubs. A timely bribe of two hundred fifty dollars kept a local magistrate from reading the riot act. By 10 A.M. both fighters were in the ring, and as the men stripped, the temperature soared past one hundred degrees. Mike Donovan, former middleweight champion, and Charlie Mitchell, the "bombastic sprinter " as Sullivan contemptu­ ously called him, seconded Kilrain. Mitchell, always a volatile character, carried two guns, and he hired a private detective for protection, though 232

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E RA

precisely what he feared remains unclear. Mitchell even retained the services of famed gun fighter and gambler Bat Masterson to serve as timekeeper and bodyguard for the Kilrain party. Muldoon and Mike Cleary seconded Sullivan, and for referee both sides agreed on John Fitzpatrick, a New Orleans politician soon to be mayor. 58 In black tights and white stockings Kilrain approached Sullivan's comer and wagered the thousand dollars given him by Richard Fox. The champion, in his usual green tights with the American flag round his middle, covered the side bet. The twenty-thousand-dollar purse, put up by Fox for Kilrain and by Boston gambler Charlie Johnston for John L. , was the largest on record, topping the ten thousand dollars staked forty years earlier when Yankee Sullivan fought Tom Hyer. Partisans on both sides were confident, and so the odds stood even at fight time. The men were the same age and height, though Kilrain weighed one hundred eighty pounds, thirty fewer than the champion. Given his recent trou­ bles, Sullivan appeared to be in excellent shape: "Neck firm, head set squarely on the shoulders, massive shoulder blades, great width of the chest, perfectly rounded, properly developed arms, and that grim savage determination that marked the man of strong animal courage and extraor­ dinary physical endurance." Indeed, as he toed the scratch for the first round, the champion was like the strapping lad of old, moving as if he had springs under his shoes. "He was not the flabby Sullivan familiar to New Yorkers and Boston men of late. His feet bounded off the turf. His shoulders rolled with the old swaggering air of eight years ago. He looked the 'Boston Strong Boy' of early days as he sprang towards the center; his bent arms held low, his attitude careless, his head hanging a little forward as he glared at his adversary.' ,59

Kilrain won the first fall by throwing Sullivan down and first blood

with a sixth-round blow to the left ear. But the fight belonged to the Boston Boy. The challenger wrestled, backpedaled, and counterpunched to wear his opponent out. He succeeded only in angering the champion, who growled and cursed throughout the battle. Sullivan controlled the pace, stalking Kilrain, pressing, keeping him always off balance. "His old time ferocity seemed to come back,"

William Edgar Harding

reported; "he rushed at Kilrain like a tiger at its prey. His eyes flashed, his lips were set and he seemed to become larger and more massive than he was." The battle lasted two hours and fifteen minutes. The July sun blistered Kilrain's pale back while Sullivan cut up his face and smashed his ribs.

Kilrain survived seventy-five rounds by backing away and

falling at light blows. Infuriated, Sullivan berated him: "Stand up and fight like a man"; ''I'm no sprinter, I'm a fighter"; "You're a champion .

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The last bare-knuckle championship fight, July 8, 1889. Sullivan and challenger Jake

Kilrain fought seventy-five rounds in the mid-day sun of

Mississippi.

Richburg,

Urban sports as well as lawyers, doctors, and even a college

president looked on.

eh? A champion of what?" Sullivan had words left over for Kilrain's second, Charlie Mitchell: sucker.'

,60

"I wish it was you I had in here, you

The only doubt about the outcome came in the forty-fourth round. A drink of cold tea spiked with whiskey made the champion vomit. Word quickly went round the ring that Sullivan's stomach was retaining the whiskey but rej ecting the tea, a bit of humor that barely masked his partisans' alarm. Fighters often drank alcohol during especially difficult battles-Mike Donovan claimed a full quart of whiskey kept Kilrain going-so fans were surprised at Sullivan's sudden illness, and his friends feared that the tide now turned against him. But when Kilrain offered a draw, the champion barked "No, you loafer," and punched .

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ERA

him down again. By now Sullivan's left eye was closing, and his aging lungs blew hard, but repeated shots to the stomach, ribs, and neck left Kilrain in much worse shape. The final thirty rounds were more lopsided than the first forty-five. The fifty-fifth time they toed the scratch, Kilrain could barely defend himself. Ten rounds later it was five hundred dollars to fifty dollars on Sullivan and no takers. Before the seventy­ sixth round could begin, Mike Donovan, fearing for his man's life, threw up the sponge. Still full of fight, Sullivan ran to Kilrain's corner and challenged Mitchell on the spot.

serious bloodshed. 61 .

Friends intervened to prevent

Men at ringside seized everything as mementos of the great event, including Sullivan's hat, water bottle, and colors, bits of the ring posts and ropes, and souvenir to prove to themselves and others that they were eyewitnesses to history. The mania spread well beyound Richburg. "Never, during even a Presidential election, has there been so much excitement as there is here now, even when the brutal exhibition is over and it is known that Sullivan was successful and that seventy-five rounds were necessary to 'knock out' Kilrain." Thus the New York Times recorded its astonishment at the interest generated by the match. Many newspapers, including Joseph Pulitzer's New York World, gave all or 2 most of their front page to the fight. 6 The champion, never known for his humility, called the bout the best since Hyer's and Sullivan's 1849 match, and others were inclined to agree. Poets with serious pretensions memorialized the fight, among them Harry P. Keily, who dedicated his work to Sullivan's trainers: The referee now "Make ready" cries; Then all for battle quick prepare; Sullivan stands with brightening eyes; Kilrain transfixed with vacant stare. The seconds then disrobe their men, When 10 two Hercules appear; Their like we ne're shall see again, Not if we lived a thousand years. Then all advance with friendly smile And grasp each other by the hand. 'Twas worth the joumey----every mile­ To see them so majestic, grand..

"03

But the jubilation over the great man's victory was best captured in countless songs and ditties. One bit of vaudeville doggerel caught on with special tenaciousness: .

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ART

His colors are the Stars and Stripes, He also wears the green. And he's the grandest slugger that The ring has ever seen, No fighter in the world can beat Our true American, The champion of all champions Is John L. Sullivan!

From high culture through folk culture, Americans lionized Sullivan. While Boston aesthetes followed the exploits of their city's champion, Texas blacks boasted that com in the Lone Star State grew twenty feet high, "with stalks as big as the arm of John L. Sullivan when he whipped Kilrain." The American consul to Tahiti even claimed that on the Polynesian islands, natives knew of the Slugger's deeds.64 Although police chief Hennessey assured the boxers of legal immunity in New Orleans, the champion's party quickly left the Crescent City. In Tennessee, Nashville police broke in on Sullivan and Muldoon at a scheduled stop, arrested them, and took them off the train. Only a legal technicality and a sympathetic judge prevented their return to Richburg. Once in New York, Sullivan received his twenty-thousand-dollar stake money plus four thousand dollars in excursion profits. Awarded the

Police Gazette championship belt, he had the "dog collar" appraised at one hundred seventy-five dollars and unceremoniously returned to Richard Kyle Fox.65

Mississippi governor Lowry still vowed to prosecute Sullivan. Having exploited the bout to sell newspapers, Frank Leslies's and other journals called for the fighters' extradition: All law-abiding citizens will sympathize with the efforts of Governor Lowry of Mississippi to vindicate the authority of the state as against the prize fighters who so recently defied it. ... The spectacle of two bruised and battered ruffians dodging about the country, to escape the officers of the law, was in itself sufficiently demoralizing, without the addition , in print, of the story of their debaucheries and their low brutalities: and the two together, as illustrative of prevailing popular tendencies, certainly afford

little ground for confidence as to the future dominance of the better forces in our life as a people.

66

Spurred by a thousand-dollar bounty offered by the state of Mississippi, officials finally caught up with Sullivan, and Governor Hill of New York signed the requisition sending the champion back South. If proof were .

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still needed of Sullivan's popularity, his return to Mississippi provided it. The journey resembled a royal progress more than the rendition of a criminal.

His captors agreed not to bind him in irons or limit his

movements, and in each city and at every train stop enormous crowds met and cheered their champion. An especially friendly gathering greeted the returning hero in Mississippi's capital city, Jackson, where Sullivan 67

held a gala reception at his hotel.

The state indicted him for the offenses of prize fighting and assault and battery. He was tried in Purvis, the seat of Marion County, and convicted of the first charge. His attorneys appealed on the grounds that the nature of the champion's crimes had not been adequately specified in the indictment, that the Sullivan-Kilrain battle was not a public fight because it did not disturb the peace and tranquility of an unwitting community, and that the law required two defendants who must be charged jointly. In a bit of very convoluted legal reasoning the court agreed,

reversing the earlier decision and quashing the indictment.

Perhaps the Great John L.'s mere presence influenced the judge to bend the law.

The victory was a Pyrrhic one,

however,

because it cost

Sullivan more in lawyers' retainers , court fees, and travel expenses than he cleared from beating Kilrain. He vowed never to fight again under the old prize ring rules. No one knew for sure at the time, but the world had 6g witnessed the last bare-knuckle title fight

'The Champion of All Champions" Sullivan wore his laurels lightly. Back on top as the greatest fighter alive, the "physical superior of all men," he had nothing more to 69 He was too old, too successful, and too impulsive to maintain prove.

the intense discipline demanded by the ring; the good life beckoned again, and he followed. Once his legal difficulties were settled, the champion joined a theatrical troupe and toured in the melodrama Honest Hearts and Willing Hands, written expressly for him. Playing a black­ smith , he took off his shirt, pounded an anvil, beat a bully, and mutilated his lines. Critics hated it, the public loved it. More than ever, Sullivan was the consummate celebrity, one on whom the public spotlight shone so brightly that person and persona merged. Always a showman, he often had made little speeches to his fans after knocking out some hapless victim. The theater possessed all the old elements of display, pageantry, and fantasy which Sullivan the boxer loved. Besides, next to fighting itself John L. 's greatest talents lay in the show-business arts of .

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self-advertisement and self-promotion. His troupe toured North America in the second half of 1890, then went overseas to Australia in 189 I. In the three years following the Kilrain match the champion did not do any serious fighting, though he did spar against a young Californian named James J. Corbett. 70 Time is always the athlete's sternest opponent. As his body begins to betray him,

younger men come to the fore.

Sports give poignant

expression to the cycle of youth, maturity, and old age. The observant spectator watches a deeply moving drama containing lessons about his own mortality, but an athlete lives that drama. He travels a foreshortened life span, lasting a score of years if he is very lucky, less than a decade if he is not. In the end the skills that brought glory, fame, and wealth are dead, and in a symbolic sense so is he. Sullivan's overseas tour was not a success. Australians were well acquainted with the ring, and they wanted to see first-class fighting, not second-rate acting. While the champion was away, hungry young boxers mocked his abilities, and when he returned to America, fans clamored to know if he dared renew his claim as the world's greatest fighter. Hurt by his supporters' loss of confidence and angered at the petty pretenders, he answered in his own distinctive way: St. Paul, Minn., March 5, 1892 ...

I hereby challenge any and all the bluffers who have been trying to make capital at my expense to fight me, either the last week in August or the first week in September, this year, at the Olympic Club, in the City of New Orleans, La., for a purse of $25,000 and an outside bet of $ 10,000, the

winner of the fight to take the entire purse. ..

I give preference in this challenge to Frank P. Slavin of Australia, as he and his backers have done the greatest amount of blowing. My second preference is that bombastic sprinter, Charles Mitchell, of England, whom I would rather whip than any man in the world. My third preference is James J. Corbett, of America, who has achieved his share of bombast. But in this challenge I include all fighters. The Marquis of Queensberry rules must govern this contest, as I want fight, not foot-racing, as I intend keeping the championship of the world. John L. Sullivan Champion of the World.

71

There it was. The next world heavyweight championship fight would be settled with gloves. Sullivan failed to mention the most formidable challenger of all, Peter Jackson, the great black Australian fighter. Partly because of the racist beliefs that he imbibed from the larger culture, and .

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partly becaus e o f fea r tha t hi s fan s woul d deser t hi m i f h e fough t a blac k man, Sulliva n continue d t o dra w th e colo r line , jus t a s American s wer e drawing i t i n countles s ne w area s o f socia l lif e durin g thi s er a o f Ji m Crow. Slavin, th e Australia n champion , ha d tourin g commitment s h e wa s unable o r unwillin g t o break , an d Mitchel l hesitate d a t th e siz e o f th e stakes. Youn g Corbett , however , wh o kne w Sullivan' s styl e firsthand , raised th e money . Par t o f i t cam e fro m th e usua l bookmaker s an d sporting men . Bu t Mik e Donova n als o garnere d a larg e portio n o f Corbetťs cas h throug h hi s contact s a t th e Ne w Yor k Athleti c Club , where h e obtaine d commitment s fro m suc h wealth y socialite s a s Col . Frederick McLewe e an d Edwar d Kearney , Jr. 72 Whe n puttin g u p th e stakes i n New York , Corbetť s manager , Willia m Brady , allegedly remarked , "There ar e men , member s o f high-standin g club s righ t i n thi s city , wh o will pu t u p almos t an y amoun t o n Corbett. " Significantly , Brad y wa s no t an old-tim e boxe r o r rin g ma n bu t a show-busines s entrepreneur , soo n to becom e a motion-pictur e promoter , wh o sa w priz e fightin g a s a n extension o f th e entertainmen t field . Indeed , h e viewe d th e champion ship a s a wa y t o cas h i n o n th e rea l mone y afforde d b y th e stage . Accordingly, Brad y wrot e a play , Gentleman Jack, expressl y fo r Corbet t to sta r i n afte r h e wo n th e title. 73 The Sullivan-Corbet t figh t differe d fro m previou s championshi p bout s in strikin g ways . Althoug h th e usua l sportin g me n an d pug s gathere d fo r the signin g o f articles , the y me t no t a t th e Police Gazette office s bu t in th e New York World building . Respectabl e journal s suc h a s E . L . Godkin's The Nation bemoane d th e declin e o f newspape r editors ' mora l stewardship. Godki n raile d tha t th e pres s pandere d t o th e "offscouring s of huma n society—gamblers , thieves , drunkard s an d bullie s . . . persons whose manner s an d moral s ar e a disgrac e t o ou r civilization. " Bu t Joseph Pulitze r an d othe r ne w mogul s o f th e prin t medi a understoo d th e power o f spectacles , an d the y wante d t o captur e Richar d Kyl e Fox' s readership fo r thei r dailies . Indeed , t o compete fo r th e Gazette's clientel e they establishe d separat e sport s sections , featurin g storie s o n th e like s of th e grea t Joh n L . I n te n years , then , th e New York World wen t fro m condemning th e rin g t o callin g itsel f "fistiana' s authority. " Mainstrea m papers ha d containe d figh t new s fo r decade s bu t Pulitzer' s ope n commit ment t o arrangin g an d coverin g bout s wa s a ne w departur e fo r a famil y daily. Rearguar d oppositio n notwithstanding , priz e fightin g no w ha d powerful allies. 74 Corbetťs publi c person a als o adde d a uniqu e dimensio n t o th e ring . After attendin g college , h e hel d a respectabl e jo b a s a ban k clerk ; heav y 239

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James J . Corbett , firs t titl e challenge r unde r th e Queensberr y rules . Corbetť s reputation wa s base d o n hi s abilitie s a s a scientifi c boxer , no t o n barroo m brawling. Bettin g odd s initiall y gav e hi m littl e chanc e agains t Sullivan . 240

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labor fo r Corbet t mean t training , no t puttin g brea d o n th e table . H e learned boxin g i n a sparrin g clu b rathe r tha n o n th e streets , an d hi s reputation reste d totall y o n glov e fight s unde r th e Queensberr y rules . N o gang connections , lower-clas s drifting , o r stree t fightin g fo r Corbett . Th e newspapers calle d hi m "Handsom e Jim, " "Pompadou r Jim, " an d eventually "Gentlema n Jim. " Clean-cut , intelligent , an d highl y skilled , Corbett i n hi s publi c imag e denie d th e ol d equatio n o f boxer s wit h brutes. 75 But th e mos t strikin g thin g o f al l abou t th e Sullivan-Corbet t figh t wa s its busines s arrangements . Lat e i n 188 9 Ne w Orleans ' silk-stockin g athletic club s bega n sponsorin g professiona l bouts , expandin g ol d arena s and buildin g ne w ones , al l th e whil e hidin g behin d th e thi n paddin g o f five-ounce gloves . A s on e newspape r pu t it , "stead y businessmen , society bloods , an d i n fact , al l classe s o f citizen s ar e eage r an d anxiou s to spen d thei r wealt h t o see a glov e contest. " O n Marc h 14 , 1890 , th e New Orlean s cit y counci l authorize d Queensberr y fights , wit h th e provisos tha t n o liquo r b e served , tha t n o bout s b e stage d o n Sundays , and tha t promoter s contribut e fift y dollar s t o charity . Th e fina l lega l obstacle fel l whe n th e Olympi c Clu b defeate d th e ol d anti-priz e rin g statutes i n court , establishin g th e righ t t o hol d glov e fight s t o th e finis h for a purse. 76 Thus o n Januar y 14 , 1891 , Jac k Dempse y "th e Nonpareil " an d "Ruby" Rober t Fitzsimmon s fough t wit h glove s fo r th e middleweigh t championship an d eleve n thousan d dollars . The y battle d i n th e Olympi c Club's ne w thirty-five-hundred-sea t aren a o n Roya l Street , wher e polic e enforced a ba n o n gamblin g an d drinking . Thre e hundre d specia l ringside seat s wer e reserve d fo r th e wealthies t fans . Th e New Orleans Daily Picayune calle d Fitzsimmons' s victor y a "scientifi c exhibitio n o f the manl y ar t o f self-defense , fre e fro m th e disorderl y scene s whic h formerly surrounde d th e ring," whil e th e Times Democrat compare d boxing favorabl y wit h football , s o popular just the n on colleg e campuses . Once th e ol d gentlemen' s club s demonstrate d th e deman d fo r "re formed" priz e fighting , ne w one s devote d mainl y t o profi t too k ou t charters, buil t arenas , an d stage d bouts . Soo n th e Ne w Orleans , Wes t End, Columbia , an d Metropolita n club s wer e promotin g fight s no t a s genteel amateu r affair s bu t a s busines s ventures. 77 All o f thi s testifie s t o th e transformatio n o f boxing . Befor e th e Queensberry championship s man y sociall y prominen t Ne w Orleanians , including member s o f th e Young Men's Gymnasti c Clu b an d th e Souther n Athletic Club , ha d surreptitiousl y attende d Sullivan' s bare-knuckl e fight s in Mississippi . Lawyers , doctors , schoo l boar d members , polic e com 241

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missioners, cit y officials , eve n on e colleg e presiden t late r acknowledge d their presenc e i n Richbur g fo r th e Kilrai n match . A s glov e contest s wer e now legal , thes e me n openly planne d t o atten d th e upcomin g bout.' 8 Sensing th e larg e potentia l audienc e fo r th e newl y sanitize d sport , clubs no w compete d wit h on e anothe r t o sig n u p prominen t contenders , offering handsom e purse s i n th e belie f tha t gat e receipt s woul d excee d expenses. Boxin g faile d t o becom e a s rationalize d an d bureaucraticall y regulated a s basebal l o r football ; th e corrup t underworl d scen t alway s lingered. Still , ne w promotiona l technique s shifte d contro l awa y fro m gamblers t o entrepreneurs . Th e d e fact o legalizatio n o f priz e fightin g i n New Orleans and the transformation o f the ring into something approaching a business gav e unprecedente d opportunitie s t o promisin g youn g fighters , among the m Rober t Fitzsimmons , Arthu r Upham , Bill y Myer , Jimm y Carroll, Pete r Mahar , And y Bowen , Fran k Slavin , an d man y others. 79 New Orlean s athleti c club s di d mor e tha n simpl y attrac t ne w talent ; they helpe d systematiz e boxing . Si x weigh t classifications , whic h Richar d Kyle Fo x ha d informall y recognize d wit h championshi p belts , wer e standardized. Referees , no w clu b employees , wer e empowere d t o sto p bouts an d awar d decision s i f a fighter' s lif e wa s endangered . Som e clubs sponsore d contest s wit h a limite d numbe r o f round s an d authorize d the refere e t o declar e a winne r i f th e battl e wen t th e distance . Al l th e ol d pugilistic categories—priz e fights , sparrin g exhibitions , Queensberr y contests—began t o merg e unde r th e ne w order . Especiall y important , th e challenge system , derive d fro m dueling' s cod e o f honor , wa s eliminat ed. Clu b owner s selecte d contenders , hire d agent s t o negotiat e thei r contracts, rente d o r buil t indoo r arenas , an d mad e al l th e loca l arrange ments fo r matches . Thes e change s ratifie d th e fac t tha t contro l o f th e ring ha d move d ou t o f th e old , honor-boun d neighborhoods . Boxin g wa s becoming commercia l entertainment , mor e accessibl e tha n eve r befor e t o all classes. 80 As th e firs t heavyweigh t championshi p bou t fough t wit h gloves , promoted b y a n athleti c club , an d hel d i n a n urba n arena , th e Sullivan Corbett figh t pu t a sea l o f approva l o n thes e changes . Riskin g hi s titl e under th e ne w order , Sulliva n wa s th e ke y playe r i n thi s transitio n because h e wa s b y fa r th e mos t prestigiou s figur e i n th e boxin g world . But althoug h th e champio n ha d don e s o muc h t o brin g abou t th e ring' s transformation, h e woul d alway s b e remembere d bette r a s th e las t grea t bare-knuckler tha n th e harbinge r o f th e moder n era . A s th e New Orleans Picayune pu t it , "i t wa s th e ol d generatio n agains t th e new . I t wa s th e gladiator agains t th e boxer." 81 "Handsome Jim " Corbet t ha d alread y beste d Jak e Kilrain , beate n th e 242

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fine Jewis h fighte r Jo e Choynski , an d fough t t o a dra w agains t th e masterful Australia n black , Pete r Jackson . Th e challenge r worke d ou t i n California wit h Mik e Donova n and , b y the time h e lef t fo r Ne w Orleans , felt sur e tha t Sulliva n woul d als o fall . Meanwhil e th e champio n packe d the hous e fo r a fe w mor e performance s o f Honest Hearts and Willing Hands, traine d lightl y fo r th e comin g bout , an d enjoye d a triumpha l round o f benefit s al l th e wa y South. 82 As bot h me n arrived , th e Crescen t Cit y wa s i n a n uproar . Th e Olympic Clu b no t onl y buil t anothe r ne w aren a an d pu t u p th e twenty five-thousand dolla r purs e fo r th e heavyweigh t bou t o n Septembe r 7 , 1892, i t arrange d a lightweigh t titl e figh t betwee n Jac k McAuliff e an d Billy Mye r o n Septembe r 5 an d a featherweigh t championshi p contes t between Jac k Skell y an d Georg e "Littl e Chocolate " Dixo n fo r Septem ber 6 . Th e New York Herald marvele d tha t "th e odiu m whic h reste d upon th e priz e rin g an d th e majorit y o f it s exponent s a decad e o r tw o ago, becaus e o f th e disgracefu l occurrence s connecte d wit h it , hav e i n a measure bee n removed , unti l no w th e event s o n han d ar e of nationa l an d international importance. " A s th e Chicago Daily Tribune, recallin g th e old sportin g days , observed , "no w me n trave l t o great boxin g contest s i n vestibule limite d trains ; the y slee p a t th e bes t hotels . . . and whe n th e time fo r th e contes t arrives , the y fin d themselve s i n a grand , brilliantl y lighted arena." 83 The grea t pugilisti c carniva l sen t a surg e o f excitemen t throug h th e country. Grove r Cleveland' s an d Benjami n Harrison' s presidentia l campaig n simmered o n th e bac k burne r a s boxin g coverag e boile d ove r ont o fron t pages. MacAuliŕf e retaine d hi s lightweigh t titl e wit h a convincing knock out i n th e fifteent h round . Th e followin g night , despit e th e controvers y over a black fightin g a white, Dixo n thrashe d Skell y i n eight rounds . Th e fight ma y hav e demoralize d Souther n whites , an d man y resolve d tha t a black ma n mus t neve r strik e a whit e on e agai n i n th e ring, bu t "Littl e Chocolate" retaine d hi s crow n fo r seve n mor e years. 84 At last , o n th e nigh t o f Septembe r 7 , te n thousan d fan s fro m al l ove r the countr y swarme d th e Olympi c Clu b arena . Th e festiv e crowd s i n th e French Quarte r recalle d Mard i Gras . Colorfull y dresse d sportsmen , soli d planters, ragge d blac k roustabouts , an d Italia n stree t vendor s parade d th e teeming thoroughfares . Merchants ' window s wer e fille d wit h picture s o f the principal s an d replica s o f thei r fightin g colors . Unti l figh t da y bettin g had bee n ligh t a t thre e o r fou r t o on e o n Sullivan , a s fan s expecte d repeats o f 188 2 an d 1889 . Ominously , however , a surg e o f last-minut e money fo r Corbet t brough t th e odd s clos e t o even . "Th e mos t intens e excitement prevaile d throughou t th e city, " declare d th e Times Democrat 243

THE MANLY ART

The end of the bare-knuckle era, September 7, 1892. Before ten thousand fans in a New Orleans arena, Sullivan risked his title against Corbett under the marquis of Queensberry rules. From the National Police Gazette, September 24, 1892.

as New Orleans held its breath; "the streets were thronged with visitors of all classes, from the millionaire to the baker to the fakir. Politicians, lawyers, merchants and gamblers elbowed each other in all public places on comparatively equal terms.',85 At ringside, former New Orleans mayor Guilotte announced the fighters' weights. Sullivan scaled in at two hundred twelve pounds, close to his size against Kilrain. But the Slugger's flabby body showed none of the tautness of three years earlier. Corbett, his hair as always in an impeccable pompadour,

entered the ring in splendid condition,

twenty-five pounds lighter and eight years younger than the champion. Urbane clubmen, respected professionals, and formally attired business­ men sat nervously at ringside until the usual introductions ended. But it was not only men-and a few elegant women-in the Crescent City who .

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waited anxiously . I n ever y metropoli s excite d fan s gathere d i n theater s and newspape r office s t o lear n th e results . O n to p o f th e Pulitze r Building i n Ne w Yor k a re d beaco n wa s poise d t o signa l whe n th e figh t went Sullivan' s way , a whit e on e fo r Corbett . Smal l town s wer e als o caught u p i n th e informatio n network . Miner s i n Blocton , Alabama , fo r example, gathere d a t th e loca l Od d Fellow s lodg e where , fo r fift y cent s each, the y hear d th e round-by-roun d telegraphi c report s rea d alou d an d shared fo r a momen t i n a n instantaneou s nationa l culture . Wit h hundred s of thousand s o n th e edge s o f thei r seats , then , th e bou t began. 86 The figh t wa s n o contest . Youn g Corbet t circled , danced , jabbed , an d countered, whil e Sulliva n rushe d hi s fleetin g for m an d slugge d th e air . At firs t th e crow d hisse d th e champion' s runnin g tactic s bu t soo n applauded hi s strategy . B y th e fift h round , havin g measure d Sullivan' s slow reactions , th e California n lande d consistently . Fan s gre w eve r more excited , sensin g wha t wa s coming . Corbet t probabl y coul d hav e ended th e figh t an y tim e afte r th e twelft h round , bu t h e waite d unti l th e champion staggere d wit h exhaustion . Then , i n th e twenty-first , he rushed i n and plante d blo w afte r blo w on Sullivan's fac e an d neck . Th e champion, s o soo n t o los e hi s covete d title , backe d away , tryin g t o sav e himself. H e lowere d hi s guar d fro m shee r exhaustion , an d catchin g a fearful smas h o n the jaw, reached t o the ropes, and the blood poured down his fac e i n torrent s an d mad e a crimso n rive r acros s th e broa d chest . Hi s eyes wer e glassy , an d i t wa s a mournfu l ac t whe n th e youn g California n shot hi s righ t acros s th e jaw an d Sulliva n fel l lik e a n ox. Youth, skill , an d science , th e newspaper s said , ove r age, dissipation , an d brute strength. 87 The da y afte r th e figh t Willia m Lyo n Phelps , professo r o f Englis h a t Yale, rea d th e dail y newspape r t o hi s elderl y father , a Baptis t minister . "I ha d neve r hear d hi m mentio n a priz e figh t an d di d no t suppos e h e knew anythin g o n th e subject , o r care d anythin g abou t it . S o whe n I came t o th e headlin e CORBET T DEFEAT S SULLIVAN , I rea d tha t aloud an d turne d th e page . M y fathe r leane d forwar d an d sai d earnestly , 'Read i t b y rounds. ' " A fe w commentator s welcome d Sullivan' s defea t as th e fittin g en d fo r a swaggerin g rowdy . Declare d th e New York Times, "the dethronemen t o f a mea n an d cowardl y bull y a s th e ido l o f th e barrooms i s a public good that is a fit subjec t fo r public congratulations." 88 But mor e sensitiv e observer s sa w large r significanc e i n Sullivan' s career. A youn g journalis t name d Theodor e Dreise r remembere d meet ing th e grea t ma n shortl y afte r hi s las t fight : 245

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And the n Joh n L . Sullivan , raw , red-faced , big-fisted , broa d shouldered , drunken, wit h gaud y waistcoa t an d tie , an d ring s an d pin s se t wit h enormous diamond s an d rubies—wha t a n impressio n h e made ! Surrounde d by loca l sport s an d politician s o f th e mos t rubicun d an d degrade d character. . . . Ciga r boxes , champagn e buckets , decanters , bee r bottles , overcoats, collar s an d shirt s littere d th e floor, an d lollin g bac k i n th e mids t of i t al l i n ease an d splendo r hi s ver y grea t self , a sort o f prize-fightin g J . P . Morgan. Here wa s Sulliva n th e hedonist , garis h i n ever y detail , flattered b y hangers-on, luxuriatin g i n th e goo d life . Wit h hi s ow n masculin e prowess unquestioned , h e glorie d i n leisur e an d excess . 'Aw, haw ! haw ! haw! ' ( ca n hea r hi m eve n no w whe n I aske d hi m m y favorite questio n abou t life , hi s plans , an d th e valu e o f exercise(!) , etc . 'H e wants t o kno w abou t exercise ! You'r e al l right , youn g fella , kind a slim , but you'll do . Si t dow n an d hav e som e champagne . Hav e a cigar . Giv e hi m some cigars , George . Thes e youn g newspape r me n ar e al l righ t t o me . I' m for 'em . Exercise ? Wha t I think ? Haw ! haw ! Writ e an y damne d thin g yu h please, youn g fella , an d sa y tha t Joh n L . Sulliva n sai d so . That' s goo d enough fo r me . I f the y don' t believ e it , brin g i t bac k her e an d I'l l sig n i t fo r yuh. Bu t I kno w it'l l b e al l right , an d I won' t sto p t o rea d i t neither . Tha t suit yuh ? Wel l al l right . No w hav e som e mor e champagn e an d don' t sa y I didn't trea t yu h right , 'caus e I did. I' m ex-champio n o f th e world , defeate d by tha t littl e dud e fro m California , bu t I' m stil l Joh n L . Sullivan—ain' t tha t right? Haw ! haw ! They can' t tak e tha t awa y fro m me , ca n they ? Haw ! haw ! Have som e mor e champagne , boy. ' I adore d him . . . . Crude, boisterous , gargantua n i n hi s power s an d hi s appetites , Sulliva n was th e perfec t symbo l fo r a n expansiv e age. 8 9 Within te n year s o f losin g th e title , havin g gaine d a hundre d pound s and pawne d hi s championshi p belt , h e file d fo r bankruptcy . Fo r a whil e his fortune s revive d a s h e gav e theate r tour s an d temperanc e lecture s an d even collaborate d o n figh t storie s unde r hi s ow n by-line . Sulliva n became a sor t o f elde r statesman , brusqu e ye t comical , alway s o n han d for a championshi p bout . Accordin g t o legend , hi s las t year s wer e painful ones , a s hear t disease , cirrhosi s o f th e liver , an d povert y debilitat ed hi s bod y an d spirit . H e die d o n Februar y 2 , 1918 , an d wa s burie d i n Roxbury. 9 0 But i t wa s Sulliva n i n hi s ful l power s tha t me n remembered , th e raw , bare-knuckled gian t wh o challenge d th e worl d an d bea t al l comers . A t the tur n o f th e centur y Ernes t Thompso n Seton , late r th e founde r o f th e 246

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Boy Scout s o f America , ha d worrie d alou d tha t feminin e influenc e coddled America n youth s an d mad e the m flabby . Bu t Seto n wa s reas sured b y th e though t tha t h e neve r me t a bo y wh o woul d no t rathe r b e John L . Sulliva n tha n Le o Tolstoy. 91 Looking bac k o n hi s ow n boyhood , Vache l Lindsa y als o recognize d the champio n a s th e centra l symbo l o f hi s era : When I wa s nin e year s old , i n 1889 , I sen t m y lov e a lacy Valentine . Suffering boy s wer e dresse d lik e Fauntleroys , While Judg e an d Puc k i n gian t humo r vied . The Gibso n Gir l cam e shinin g lik e a bride To spoi l th e cul t o f Tennyson' s Elaine . Louisa Alcot t wa s m y gentl e guide. . . Then... I hear d a battl e trumpe t sound . Nigh Ne w Orlean s Upon a n emeral d plai n John L . Sulliva n The stron g bo y Of Bosto n Fought seventy-fiv e round s wit h Jak e Kilrain. 92 Heroic strif e brok e throug h th e sentimenta l clutte r o f lac e an d ruffle s an d curls. Sulliva n rejecte d th e routin e worl d o f wor k an d famil y t o liv e b y his fists an d hi s wits . I f on e ma y thin k o f cultur e i n terms o f gender , the n John L . Sullivan , th e greates t America n her o o f th e lat e nineteent h century, represente d a remasculinization o f America . T o Lindsay, writin g in the shado w o f Worl d Wa r I , th e Stron g Bo y o f Bosto n embodie d a los t era o f genuin e heroism , betraye d no w b y th e complexit y o f moder n life . To turn-of-the-centur y America n men , Sulliva n symbolize d th e growin g desire t o smas h throug h th e fluff o f bourgeoi s gentilit y an d th e tangl e o f corporate ensnarement s t o th e throbbin g hear t o f life. 93

247

Epilogue: The Manl y Ar t

A thir d o f a century afte r Joh n L . Sulliva n los t hi s titl e an d ende d th e bare-knuckle era , Jac k Dempsey , sevent h holde r o f th e heavyweigh t championship unde r th e Queensberr y rules , defende d hi s crow n agains t Gene Tunney . Bille d a s par t o f th e nation' s sesquicentennia l celebration , the 192 6 battl e attracte d 120,00 0 fan s i n Philadelphia , whil e million s listened t o round-by-roun d radi o coverage . A t ringside sa t movi e star s including Charli e Chaplin , To m Mix , an d Norm a Talmadge , sport s heroes suc h a s Bab e Ruth , Joh n McGraw , an d Jaco b Rupert , business men, amon g the m Andre w Mellon , Charle s Schwab , Vincen t Astor , Harry Payn e Whitney , an d W . Averil l Harriman , a s wel l a s governors , mayors, an d cabine t secretaries . Elegan t women—"classi e dames " a s fight promote r Te x Rickar d calle d them—als o watche d th e bou t wit h their escorts . Whe n Tunne y wo n a surpris e decisio n ove r Dempsey , th e New York Times announce d i t wit h a three-tie r banne r headlin e acros s page one , followe d b y seve n page s o f front-sectio n coverage. 1 The pat h fro m th e Bosto n Stron g Boy' s reig n t o Dempsey' s an d Tunney's wa s no t a smoot h one ; priz e fightin g ha d it s difficultie s i n th e decades afte r Corbet t becam e th e firs t Queensberr y titleholder . State s legalized th e spor t the n outlawe d i t a s boxing leadershi p passe d fro m cit y to city . Whe n Jac k Johnson—defiant , unbeatable , an d black—becam e champion i n 1908 , Progressiv e Er a racis m cause d anothe r relaps e o f th e ring. Bu t th e groundwor k fo r pugilism' s triump h i n th e 1920 s an d beyond wa s lai d durin g th e 1880 s an d 1890s . Graduall y priz e fightin g found it s plac e i n th e large r twentiet h centur y landscap e o f bi g business , mass media , an d corporate-capitalis t ideologies . Less tha n a centur y separate d England' s aristocrati c boxin g patron s from th e ric h an d powerfu l o f Americ a wh o sa t a t ringside watchin g 248

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Dempsey an d Tunney . I n th e intervenin g year s critic s charge d tha t th e ring subverte d republica n virtue , threatene d huma n progress , mocke d evangelical piety , an d destroye d th e spiri t o f industry . Bu t th e Victoria n cry tha t sport s i n general , an d boxin g i n particular , fostere d nothin g bu t sloth an d criminalit y gre w increasingl y hollo w a s th e centur y wor e on . Liberalized Christianit y advocate d les s worldl y asceticism , mor e activ e participation i n secula r life . Equall y important , th e advance d capitalis t economy require d adventurou s consumer s a s muc h a s cautious , self controlled producers . Boxing itsel f change d alon g wit h America n society . On e nee d onl y contrast To m Hye r an d Yanke e Sullivan , barel y escapin g Baltimor e authorities an d the n fightin g a t sunse t o n froze n tur f befor e a fe w hundred friends , wit h Jame s J . Corbet t an d Joh n L . Sullivan , contendin g in a n electricall y illuminate d aren a i n fron t o f te n thousan d fan s fro m al l social classes , t o appreciat e ho w fa r th e rin g ha d come . Boxin g stil l ha d roots i n th e countles s loca l club s an d gym s o f ethni c neighborhoods . Bu t now a sophisticate d commercia l structur e channele d loca l talen t int o national entertainmen t markets . B y th e 1890 s priz e fightin g wa s les s tightly controlle d a t th e loca l level , les s dependen t o n th e ol d saloon centered bachelo r subculture , les s exclusivel y a par t o f working-clas s life. Boxin g ha d becom e a business . Athletic heroe s adde d a ne w dimensio n t o America' s succes s ethic . On th e simples t level , sport s suc h a s priz e fightin g embodie d deep rooted nationa l mythology . Champio n boxer s fulfille d th e America n dream o f persona l achievemen t an d unlimite d individua l opportunity . The rin g wa s th e sternes t o f meritocracies , fo r eac h ma n teste d himsel f against al l challengers , publicl y riskin g injur y an d humiliatio n t o mak e i t to th e top . Me n fro m poo r backgrounds , arme d onl y wit h courage , muscle, an d skill , becam e heroe s becaus e thei r hard-earne d achieve ments reaffirme d th e potentia l o f America n life . Fe w notice d tha t i t wa s the lac k o f othe r opportunitie s whic h pulle d me n towar d th e ring . Fa r from deflatin g th e myt h o f socia l mobility , th e fac t tha t mos t fighter s possessed limite d ability , suffere d seriou s injuries , an d lef t boxin g a s poor an d obsur e a s whe n the y began , onl y serve d t o highligh t th e gaud y success o f th e fe w a t th e pinnacle . Winner s i n th e mos t elementa l competition, priz e rin g champion s wer e ne w star s i n th e constellatio n o f the self-mad e man . But drivin g onesel f towar d fam e an d fortun e i s learne d behavior . T o be intensely , unrelievedl y individualisti c cut agains t th e grai n o f th e cultures fro m whic h s o man y priz e fighter s came . Boxin g blende d th e cult o f succes s wit h olde r loyaltie s an d thereb y kep t me n connecte d wit h 249

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their origins . Bruise r Joh n L . Sulliva n wa s a n Iris h and America n champion, cleve r Benn y Leonar d wa s a Jewish and America n champion , invincible Rock y Marcian o wa s a n Italia n and America n champion , brilliant Muhamma d Al i wa s a blac k and America n champion . Th e symbolism o f th e ring refracte d th e America n idea l o f individua l achieve ment, o f upwar d socia l mobility , throug h distinctiv e ethni c an d working class sensibilities ; lik e othe r sports , boxin g merge d particularisti c loyal ties an d moder n values . Thi s blendin g proces s ha s remaine d a constan t function o f boxin g fro m th e earliest bare-knuckl e fight s throug h today , a s new group s o f immigrant s an d thei r childre n hav e undergon e th e com plex an d haltin g proces s o f acculturation. 2 What change d b y th e lat e nineteent h century , however , wa s th e fac t that boxer s wer e n o longe r heroe s exclusivel y t o working-clas s an d ethnic peoples . No w America' s growin g white-colla r populatio n crave d muscular demigods . Athleti c idol s wer e harbinger s o f transformatio n a s the succes s ethi c stretche d t o accommodat e ne w socia l necessities . A society gearin g towar d mas s consumptio n neede d model s o f pleasur e a s well a s labor . Leisur e good s an d gran d spectacle s offere d vicariou s escape fro m th e corporation s an d bureaucracie s engulfin g socia l life ; activities tha t onc e ha d bee n considere d wastefu l o r immora l no w became valued . Fa r fro m th e paragon s o f productivit y uphel d b y th e ol d Victorian world , th e ne w idol s wer e celebrities , entertainers , peopl e wh o produced nothin g tangibl e bu t possesse d personalit y an d charisma . I n a word, America' s futur e heroe s woul d b e exemplar s o f pla y mor e tha n work. 3 These cultura l transition s wer e capture d i n th e ver y word s "th e manl y art." Lik e othe r skille d workers , bare-knuckl e boxer s practice d th e "art s and mysteries " o f thei r trade . Indeed , thei r abilit y t o symboliz e autono mous craftsmanshi p becam e eve r mor e importan t a s th e ol d artisa n system brok e down . Bu t o n a mor e abstrac t level , priz e fightin g ha d some o f th e sam e socia l an d cultura l function s a s the fine arts , especiall y the theater . Dram a interpret s dail y life , helpin g u s understan d th e world . Far fro m bein g purel y escapist , th e theater—indeed , al l art—addresse s the huma n condition , allowin g u s t o transcen d workada y consciousnes s and perceiv e realit y anew . Ar t comment s o n mainstrea m culture , sug gests alternative s t o th e wa y thing s are , reveal s ne w huma n ideal s an d aspirations.4 The manl y art functione d i n precisel y thes e ways . I n the bare-knuckl e days, whe n "priz e fighter " an d "pugilist " wer e term s o f derisio n i n polite society , ever y bout' s celebratio n o f violence , physicality , an d "animal passions " define d b y antithesi s th e competin g cultura l style s o f 250

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the bourgeoisi e an d th e workin g class . Boxin g uphel d aggressiveness , courage, an d persona l hono r ove r saf e an d stabl e Victoria n values ; i t offered a mode l o f rough-cu t masculinit y i n oppositio n t o th e domesti c ideal; i t glorifie d mal e beaut y i n a n ag e deepl y ambivalen t abou t huma n corporeality. Th e rin g wa s a plac e o f freedo m amids t th e constraint s o f daily life . It s hard , unsentimenta l etho s gre w ou t o f th e danger s an d disappointments o f working-clas s experience . Bu t th e rin g coul d als o embody ideal s o f restraint . Neve r a s anarchi c a s it s critic s charged , priz e fighting a t it s bes t exemplifie d rule-boun d method s fo r settlin g persona l differences. Boxer s exhibite d composur e unde r pressure , unflinchin g fortitude, an d heroi c stoicism , al l i n th e name o f masculin e prowess . Th e sporting fraternit y measure d bout s agains t thei r ow n aestheti c standards , which balance d i n poeti c tensio n coo l self-contro l an d hot-bloode d passion. Potentially , then , eac h figh t wa s a wor k o f art , o r mor e precisely a drama , stage d accordin g t o tightl y structure d rule s an d illuminated b y violence. 5 Although th e rin g wa s transforme d b y th e en d o f th e nineteent h century, i t stil l sometime s offere d ar t sketche d i n blood . Priz e fightin g continued t o resonat e fo r street-corne r me n i n mal e pee r grou p societies ; it uphel d th e ol d passion-fille d display s o f courag e an d honor . Occasion al championshi p matche s stirre d men' s imagination s wit h mythi c mean ing: th e racia l dram a o f Jac k Johnso n an d Ji m Jeffries , th e tamin g o f th e brute b y a skille d technicia n i n th e Dempsey-Tunne y fights , th e interna tional battle s o f freedo m versu s fascis m i n th e Joe Louis-Ma x Schmelin g bouts. 6 But wha t commercia l sophisticatio n gav e i n breadt h o f audienc e appeal, i t sometime s too k awa y i n depth . Boxer s wer e becomin g celebri ties, individual s wh o mad e career s ou t o f offerin g repeatabl e spectacle s to payin g audience s rathe r tha n fol k heroe s o f loca l communities . A s th e old Victoria n etho s withered , priz e fightin g gre w t o b e les s th e share d expression o f a n oppositiona l wa y o f lif e tha n excitin g entertainmen t sol d in nationa l leisur e markets , simila r t o circuses , amusemen t parks , dim e novels, an d movies . Th e rin g bega n losin g it s capacity t o uphold alterna tive cultura l standards . Increasingly , boxin g matche s provide d vicariou s thrills, temporar y interlude s fro m whic h me n returne d bette r adjuste d t o modern life . Sport s i n genera l an d priz e fightin g i n particula r becam e absorbed int o th e hegemoni c culture , an d successfu l athlete s wer e pointed t o a s proo f tha t th e socia l orde r stil l functione d smoothly , tha t ability an d har d wor k wer e indee d rewarded . I n a word , th e ring' s original antibourgeoi s messag e ha d bee n diluted , an d pugilis m los t som e of it s ol d expressiv e force . 25'

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If boxing' s powe r a s art gre w problematic , s o did th e ver y meanin g o f the wor d manly. W e rarel y hea r thi s ter m an y more , yet i t wa s quit e common unti l th e twentiet h century . Manl y ha d man y nuances , bu t i t i s clear tha t bourgeoi s an d working-clas s me n ofte n use d th e wor d differ ently. I n The Contrast, Royal l Tyler' s 178 7 play , Colone l Manl y wa s frank, upright , brave , an d independent . Similarly , Benjami n Frankli n declared tha t a trac t writte n b y hi s grandfathe r exhibite d "decen t plainness an d manl y freedom. " Almos t a centur y late r Horati o Alge r wrote tha t Ragge d Dick , on e o f hi s fictiona l characters , "woul d no t steal, o r cheat , o r impos e upo n younge r boys , bu t wa s fran k an d straight-forward, manl y an d self-reliant. " Thes e bourgeoi s example s al l conjoined manlines s wit h th e value s o f self-possessio n an d forthrightness , which i n tur n wer e linke d t o maturity . Th e concep t implie d adul t autonomy, th e opposit e o f childlik e dependence . T o b e manl y wa s t o b e responsible an d sociall y useful , t o have , i n a word , wha t Victorian s called "character." 7 Although working-clas s me n accepte d th e importanc e o f independence , many rejecte d th e stabl e bourgeoi s moralit y implie d i n suc h phrase s a s "manly self-reliance. " I n thei r usage , manlines s ha d t o d o mor e wit h valor, strength , an d prowes s tha n wit h uprigh t behavior . T o b e manl y meant bein g no t womanly—soft , sentimental , nurturant—mor e tha n being no t childlike . Manlines s o n th e urba n street s wa s tie d t o honor , t o one's statu s amon g peers ; i t inhere d i n a n individual' s reputatio n fo r toughness. Bravado , grou p loyalty , an d defianc e o f outsider s wer e mark s of leadershi p i n thi s world . A s exemplar s o f th e manl y art , pugilist s

resisted al l slights . The y avenge d wit h bloo d insult s t o themselve s an d their cliques , an d uphel d a masculin e idea l o f elementa l virility . Fo r th e fancy, then , bare-knuckle d priz e fightin g wa s no t merel y entertainmen t but th e expressio n o f a wa y o f life . Toward th e en d o f th e century , however , thi s working-clas s idea l o f masculinity too k o n a vicariou s appea l fo r a middl e an d uppe r classes . Internalized self-control— a crucia l componen t o f bourgeoi s manliness — grew eve r les s satisfyin g i n a n ag e o f diminishin g autonomy . Th e business world , wher e me n identifie d thei r interest s wit h impersona l bureaucracies an d attempte d t o ascen d th e corporat e ladder , lef t the m feeling cut of f fro m th e physica l basi s o f lif e an d isolate d fro m eac h other. No t onl y clerk s bu t eve n successfu l manager s an d professional s i n massive ne w institution s fel t adrif t i n a passional vacuu m o f dul l routine . Here th e ol d bourgeoi s idea l o f manlines s los t muc h o f it s appeal . Bu t the ver y force s tha t rendere d wor k unfulfillin g als o offere d ne w form s o f leisure a s compensation , sport s prim e amon g them . Th e mor e tha t 252

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middle- an d upper-clas s me n sense d th e artificialit y an d stuffines s o f modern life , th e mor e the y wer e captivate d b y mass-produce d image s o f virility. Wher e institution s no w controlle d s o muc h o f individuals ' lives , sports heroe s suc h a s boxer s seeme d autonomous . More , the y uphel d th e importance o f huma n volition , o f bol d assertion s o f selfhood . Stil l tightly controlle d i n th e workin g world , man y bourgeoi s me n turne d t o the pe t spor t o f th e urba n undergroun d a s on e vicariou s escap e fro m a n oppressive environment . The rin g itself , ironically , wa s transforme d i n the process . Moder n lif e compartmentalizes th e ancien t concep t o f honor , relegatin g i t t o those o n the margin s o f society . Poo l hustlers , pimps , juvenil e delinquents , an d gangsters, suc h outcast s hel p defin e norma l behavio r b y violatin g socia l conventions. Actin g ou t tha t whic h i s considere d deviant , the y highligh t what i s acceptable . Bu t the y als o fil l a void , offerin g vicariou s example s of fatefu l an d honorabl e acts . Dangerou s deeds , high-stake s risks , test s of strength an d nerve , al l ar e par t o f conventiona l society' s fantasies , ye t al l are denied b y dail y life . Th e moder n worl d i s divided int o saf e an d silen t places o n th e on e hand—home , shop , an d office—an d th e underworl d o f criminals, sportsmen , an d gambler s o n th e other. 8 From th e real m o f danger , o f ris k taking , o f elementa l manliness , commercial fantasie s ar e fashioned . Th e tediu m an d predictabilit y o f workaday lif e brin g peopl e t o see k thrillin g experience s an d model s o f individuality i n th e rigidl y segmente d real m o f play . Althoug h fascinate d by underworl d ways , bourgeoi s cultur e doe s no t becom e on e o f honor . Rather, it s member s consum e images o f honor . Example s o f toughness , defiance, glamor , aggressiv e sexuality , an d machism o ar e no t merel y tolerated; the y ar e essentia l palliative s t o th e boredo m an d mora l vacuity o f moder n life . Thu s mas s medi a sanitiz e the n pla y bac k depictions o f outla w fol k cultures . Criminals , six-gu n heroes , urba n detectives, roc k stars , renegad e cops , gamblers—al l ar e glamorized , their images transformed int o consumer commodities. Al l fulfill daydream s without alterin g life' s realities . On th e urba n street s th e rin g neve r completel y los t it s capacit y t o symbolize th e violen t way s o f mal e honor . Bu t althoug h the y stil l spran g from toug h neighborhoo d subcultures , priz e fighters , especiall y th e mos t successful ones , wer e decreasingl y representativ e o f a n oppositiona l wa y of life . Display s o f manliness , courage , an d prowes s i n th e rin g wer e now valuabl e commodities , marketabl e images , no t threatenin g a t al l t o middle-class ways . A s of old , boxers ' deed s spok e of elemental strif e an d bloodshed. Bu t fo r many , perhap s mos t i n th e audience , th e messag e wa s goods fo r sale , no t hard-wo n knowledg e o f a bruta l life . Successfu l 253

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fighters ha d bee n turne d int o celebrities , ne w model s o f succes s i n a culture dedicate d t o fame , leisure , an d consumption . An d th e fancy —the old sportin g fraternit y tha t ha d live d beyon d th e pal e o f respectabl e society—became fans, payin g spectator s i n searc h o f entertainment. 9

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Many novelist s tel l u s that a s they writ e they'r e no t alway s sur e wha t their character s wil l d o next . Eve n th e conclusio n ma y remai n hidde n from th e authors' vie w until late in the day. I think these writers mean tha t after they'v e se t their openin g scenes , started thing s i n motion, an d intro duced thei r characters , tha t onl y then , i n th e crucibl e o f writin g itself , does the full stor y slowl y emerg e i n thei r imaginations . Writing abou t th e pas t i s often mor e lik e thi s tha n academi c historian s are comfortable admitting . W e have a professional stak e i n th e illusio n o f control—that ou r book s an d article s demonstrat e exactl y wha t w e se t ou t to prove , tha t th e archive s affir m ou r assertions , tha t ou r footnote s bea r everything out . We'r e especiall y pron e t o exaggerate ho w muc h w e ar e i n charge when we train advanced graduate students. These young scholars — who are under pressure to finish their dissertations in a timely manner, find a tenure-track job, and secur e a professional reputation—tak e wha t we say about historical metho d an d historical writin g ver y seriously . The proble m is that th e novelist s ar e right. Sometime s thing s just tak e on a life o f thei r own. There is a lot of serendipity even in historical scholarship . When I started th e dissertation tha t eventually becam e The Manly Art, I expected t o write a chapter on boxing's bare-knuckle era, then focus o n the twentieth century . I never got past the 1890s . I became more and mor e engrossed in the story of the early prize ring, and I sensed that it could teac h me something . Stripped t o it s essentials , tha t i s ho w I stil l work— I find a stor y I like, one that my gu t tell s m e will reveal somethin g importan t abou t a n histori cal moment. I then construct th e narrative ou t of primar y sources , hopin g to be surprised by what I find and all the while trying to figure out what the story means . It's a pretty intuitiv e process , an d I have to admit that , a t th e • 25 5 •

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outset o f an y give n project , I am painfully inarticulat e becaus e I cannot really sa y where things will end up. And even after I finish a book or an essay and people tell me they like it, I still feel vaguel y uneasy, as if I've gotten away with something. Of course, not every historian works this way. Much, perhaps most, historical wor k i s mor e hypothesi s driven . M y onl y poin t i s tha t ther e ar e many ways to write history. I know scholars who begin with long, detailed outlines. Som e colleagues hav e mastered digita l tool s an d ar e extremely well organized i n culling thei r sources , creating databases , an d s o forth . They see m t o know wha t the y ar e doing . M y ways—an d I suspec t tha t there are many like me—are more chaotic. By the time I've finished writing just about anything, the room where I work looks like a bomb went off . Notes, folders , photocopies , books , an d photograph s li e everywher e i n thick piles. The Manly Art was written just before computers took over our profession. M y subsequent wor k has benefited fro m organizin g material s digitally, bu t th e writin g process—gainin g contro l o f masse s o f unrul y materials, shaping sources into stories and stories into meanings—seem s just as intuitive as ever. My point is that writin g is a very personal an d individual process . My untidy habit s sui t me. They aren' t fo r everyone , though I do think tha t a little chaos has its advantages. I have come to believe that writing is a particular kind of thinking, much as painting, mathematics, and carpentry are forms o f thought, eac h distinc t fro m th e other. The actual proces s of assembling words into sentences and sentences into paragraphs, rearranging them on the page, organizing facts , tinkerin g wit h narrative, and playing with ideas—includin g th e physical , tactil e ac t o f writin g o r typing— is thinking itself . Writing thi s wa y is difficult becaus e w e don't thin k then write; we think through writing. The two are inseparable. There is a certain amoun t of anxiety buil t into working lik e this; as I say, much of the time you don't have a firm grip on where you are going, or if you're going anywhere at all. With time, though, you learn to trust your ability to make sense of things. More or less. It is twenty-five year s since I finished writing The Manly Art and, truth be told, twenty-five year s since I have read the whole book. It is amazing how much you forget and misremember, even of your own work. Amazing, too, how a quarter century makes the final product seem inevitable, when, in fact, writing it was a process of discovery. For example, it didn't occur to me until fairly lat e in the work that I was writing a book abou t th e beginning s o f a nationa l celebrit y culture . By i860 a few boxers had become heroes to working class men, and big fights • 256 •

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drew considerable newspape r coverage, most of it quite negative because the whole enterprise was illegal. But a generation later , toward the end of the century, the great John L. Sullivan of Boston had become the nation's first tru e sports celebrity, an American icon. The likes of poet Vachel Lindsay an d novelis t Theodor e Dreise r lionize d him—Dreise r calle d hi m " a sort of prize fightingJ. P. Morgan"—and Ernest Thompson Seton, founder of the Boy Scouts, noted approvingl y tha t he never met a lad who would not rather be Sullivan than Leo Tolstoy. Boxing itself ha d changed by late in the nineteenth century, cleaned itself u p just in time for bourgeoi s America n me n to break ou t of stiflin g Victorian proprieties, so that now presidents spoke out on the values of the ring, famous painters depicte d great boxers, and muscular Christians put on the gloves and knocked each other around. The book I wrote a quarter century ago , then , wa s abou t suc h change s an d th e socia l an d cultura l transformations tha t enabled them. I had some vague sense of all that early on, but I could not have articulated it with any depth or conviction. The Manly Art was an early attempt to understand sport in a larger historical context. I wrote in the original preface—and of course, prefaces are always written last—that the book took its cues from socia l history (which included the germs of what came to be called cultural history), labor history, and gender history . When The Manly Art wa s first published, thes e were intellectually vibrant areas for American history and American studies scholars, though claiming that sport could be understood through those particular lenses was a bit unusual. But sports were perfect for anyone who wanted t o write histor y fro m "th e bottom up " or offer a history o f "th e inarticulate"—in other words, the non-elites who for so long most historians had ignored. Studying socia l histor y mean t addressin g th e relationshi p betwee n groups—rich an d poor, black and white, men and women, immigrant and native-born, youn g and old , and farmers an d city-folk. Socia l histor y fo cused on things like wealth, status, and power and how they were distributed an d ho w socia l group s attaine d o r failed t o attain them . O f course , prize fighters themselves di d no t compris e a majo r socia l category , bu t boxers were emblematic of important groups, especially men, immigrants, and the workin g class . Few pugilists mad e a living wit h their fists; most prize fightersearned their keep in trades like butchering and in less-skilled jobs that required brawn, suc h as carting an d hauling. Boxers wer e local heroes whose deeds were toasted and sung in countless saloons. So the rise of the ring coincided with—depended on—th e formation o f an American working class. Boxing was necessarily a chapter of labor history because how people play is structured by how they work. • 257 .

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Within the working class, the great ring warriors were especially impor tant t o the immigrants an d ethnic group s o f th e big cities, as the ra w divi sions o f th e street s wer e playe d ou t insid e th e ropes . Sociologist s hav e written o f ethni c succession , wit h newcomer s eac h takin g thei r turn : Jew ish champions lik e Benn y Leonar d an d Ma x Baer ; Italians suc h a s Prim o Camera an d Rock y Marciano ; Africa n American s o f th e post-World Wa r II era like Sugar Ray Robinson, Muhammad Ali , and Joe Frazier; and late r Latinos suc h a s Robert o Dura n an d Osca r d e la Hoya . O f course , i t wa s never a n orderl y progression , bu t th e ide a tha t boxin g wa s par t o f a large r process b y whic h popula r cultur e fostere d simultaneou s processe s o f Americanization an d ethnicizatio n i s a n importan t piec e o f th e broade r history o f boxing in America . That process began on these shores in the late eighteenth and early nine teenth centuries when the greatest fighters—and fo r a while, practically th e only ones—wer e Englis h an d Irish . Boxin g wa s thei r sport , afte r all ; the y brought i t to America. Unti l the end of the century, boxing wa s a way the y dramatized their enmities, gave them expression, even as they tried to contain their passions withi n th e ring. And, of course, boxers, trainers, promoters, and the like were almost exclusively men. The world they lived in, the world of bars, brothels, volunteer firehouses, an d such , wa s a mal e realm . Whe n The Manly Art first ap peared, it was widely reviewed, almost entirely by men, and quite favorably . In scholarl y journal s an d mor e popula r site s lik e newspaper s an d maga zines, reviewers generally sai d that I wrote well, told a good story , and ha d useful thing s to say about how prize fighting reflected an d shape d working class culture, as well as how it offered immigrant s a way to express at onc e their ethni c distinctivenes s an d thei r ne w America n identity . Virtuall y n o reviewer, however , note d tha t it was a book abou t gender. Friends have told me since that I should have been mor e explicit about it. But I was explicit, I thought. I wrot e o n th e thir d pag e o f th e origina l preface , "Thi s i s gende r history." Thereafter , I spen t man y paragraph s talkin g abou t "manhood, " "manliness," "masculinity," and the "bachelor subculture. " The rin g wa s no t merel y abou t immigrant s an d workers , i t wa s abou t male ones , and that fact could not have been clearer in the adoring descriptions contemporary journalists lavishe d o n boxers' bodies : [Christopher Lilly's ] ski n wa s ver y clea r an d ligh t i n color , bu t firm in texture and healthy in tone. His form is round almost to perfection; his sides, instead of branching from the waist, gradually outwards to the armpits, circle concavely inwards like reversed crescents.. . . If Lilly's appearance was fine, [Thomas] McCoy's was beautiful. Hi s skin had a warmer glow than the for• 2 58 •

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mer's; his form wa s more elegantly proportioned, and his air and style more graceful an d manlike . Hi s swellin g breas t curve d ou t lik e a cuirass ; hi s shoulders wer e deep, with a bold curve d blade , and th e muscular develop ment of the arm large and finelybrought out. . . . Such loving accounts were not lost on the workingmen wh o made their living wit h thei r bodies , no r di d thes e me n overloo k th e destructio n boxin g wrought on those same bodies. Tom McCoy died in the ring that afternoo n in lat e summer , 1842 . Fo r boxer s an d thei r fans , a violen t battl e lik e th e Lilly-McCoy fight wa s a ritua l o f manliness , a displa y o f fortitud e an d courage, a showcase of masculine ideals. But for the courts that prosecuted those involve d an d th e middle-clas s newspaper s coverin g thes e events , such spectacle s wer e a blood y perversio n o f responsible , bourgeoi s manhood. Women's histor y wa s a vibrant field when The Manly Art wa s first published, an d the concept o f gender had become ver y muc h a part o f histori ans' discourse . Tha t bot h me n an d wome n acte d accordin g t o gendere d assumptions an d tha t each sid e shape d th e other wa s not particularl y con troversial. Yet , despit e th e publication , fo r example , o f Joa n Scott' s cele brated American Historical Review articl e "Gender: A Useful Categor y o f Historical Analysis " a few month s afte r The Manly Art appeared , th e con cept o f gende r di d no t hav e muc h tractio n whe n i t cam e t o work s tha t weren't abou t women . Mor e precisely , mos t histor y writin g stil l focuse d on men , bu t tha t didn' t mak e i t men' s history . Male s (i n politic s o r wa r or diplomacy ) wer e normative ; malenes s di d no t requir e commen t o r analysis. Gende r a s a n analytica l too l remaine d ghettoize d i n women' s history. But thing s change d dramaticall y a fe w year s later . B y th e 1990s , th e momentum tha t ha d bee n buildin g fo r explicitl y cultura l histor y move d questions o f identity an d subjectivit y t o the forefront o f many scholars ' re search, whic h i n tur n opene d th e wa y t o growing interes t i n th e construc tion o f masculinity . Implicitl y an d explicitly , ne w book s argue d tha t idea s about manhoo d helpe d shap e th e cours e o f history , tha t ho w w e thin k about being a man matters no t just t o culture but to politics and economic s and diplomacy, that here as elsewhere, culture was an engine of history, not its caboose. T o name just a few, Anthon y Rotundo' s American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era surveyed ho w an d wh y ideal s o f manlines s change d ove r th e decades ; George Chaunce y explore d th e relationship between manhoo d an d sexual ity i n Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World; Gail Bederma n i n Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural • 259 •

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History of Gender and Race in the United States; offere d a provocative in terpretation o f how ideas about racial hierarchy wer e inextricably linke d t o a new an d aggressiv e masculinit y tha t played itsel f ou t amon g progressiv e era elites ; Ted Ownb y demonstrate d i n Subduing Satan: Religion, Recreation and Manhood in the Rural South ho w a distinctl y souther n versio n of masculinit y shape d th e region's post-Civi l Wa r history , an d Kriste n L . Hoganson argued in Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars that ide als o f manhoo d fundamentall y molde d America n foreig n polic y i n a n er a of imperial expansion . These an d man y othe r recent work s placed th e history o f masculinity a t the center of historical discourse . Sport history , too , ha s learne d som e ne w trick s i n th e las t quarte r cen tury. Especially a s the league of sport historians has grown and diversified , works o n women , Africa n Americans , an d Latino s hav e multiplied . Th e flowering o f cultura l histor y ha s bee n especiall y importan t t o th e field's intellectual development . Man y spor t historian s no w mak e th e analysi s o f gender—including masculinity—a n explici t part of their work. In a similar vein, sport s ca n revea l ho w rac e i s constructe d i n particula r time s an d places. One need only go to a professional ballgam e today, where predominantly whit e audience s chee r mostl y minorit y athletes , t o recogniz e th e need fo r ne w histories tha t reveal th e micro-climates o f race. A glanc e a t th e name s o n professiona l tea m roster s make s i t equall y clear tha t on e can' t thin k abou t sport s toda y withou t a transnationa l per spective. Sports, of course, are part o f the entertainment industry , subjec t to global capitalism' s ongoin g quest fo r ne w markets . Being media-drive n spectacles wher e fan s construc t identitie s ou t o f tea m logo s an d playe r gear, sport s ar e abou t nothin g s o muc h a s consume r culture . A frien d o f mine recently tol d m e that whe n he was growing u p in Philadelphia i n th e 1960s, no kid woul d hav e the effrontery t o wear th e grea t Wil t Chamber lain's numbe r 13 , let alon e do n a replica o f hi s 76er s singlet . No w every one wit h a littl e mone y t o bur n wear s th e jerse y o f hi s o r he r favorit e athlete. If I were writing The Manly Art today , the result would be different fro m what I produced twenty-fiv e year s ago . Probably somethin g woul d b e lost . For example, historians ar e les s attuned t o issues of class than the y wer e a quarter centur y ago . I wel l migh t hav e though t les s abou t th e ring' s con nection t o workin g clas s culture , less , too , abou t th e tie s betwee n leisur e and labor . Man y athlete s ar e wealth y today , bu t th e fac t i s tha t mos t o f them still come from an d never escape modest backgrounds, so social class remains a n indispensible wa y t o understand sports . • 260 •

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Conversely, historians have become more sophisticated i n their thinkin g about the role of capitalism i n th e development o f consume r culture , an d I might hav e pushed tha t line of inquiry furthe r tha n I did. The sam e is true of the connection betwee n th e ring an d nationalism, especiall y ho w sport s helped ne w people s t o imagin e themselve s American s an d ho w sportin g prowess cam e t o be associate d wit h patriotis m an d eve n jingoism. More over, newly digitize d source s woul d hav e let m e follow individual s aroun d the country (o r even outside the United States ) more effectively, givin g m e a better ide a of boxing's range. I suspec t als o tha t digita l tools—on-lin e newspape r archives , fo r example—would hav e uncovered mor e about race and enabled m e to track less well-known fighters i n more obscure places. An expanded sourc e base would hav e allowe d m e t o bette r tel l th e stor y o f ho w an d wh y th e colo r line wa s draw n i n th e lat e nineteent h centur y an d als o t o ad d materia l about early blac k fighters an d their fans. Equall y important , w e know a lot more no w abou t th e large r contex t o f Africa n American s an d Latino s i n sport and popular culture than we did a quarter of a century ago , but we are only beginnin g t o lear n ho w sport s wer e a crucibl e fo r racia l attitudes , identities, and relationships . Still, I com e awa y fro m rereadin g m y ow n word s feelin g prett y goo d about The Manly Art. Certainl y I didn' t sa y everythin g tha t migh t hav e been sai d abou t earl y priz e fighting i n America . Bu t th e boo k wa s a n achievement. I learned how to write and think about history. And it was not just a first fo r m e a s a youn g scholar . Ove r th e year s The Manly Art changed som e people's mind s about the study of popular culture in genera l and sports history i n particular. I t also helped expand scholarly boundarie s by exploring masculinity in history, and by suggesting that notions of manhood ca n b e understoo d onl y alongsid e othe r socia l categorie s lik e clas s and ethnicity . Overall , The Manly Art pushe d ho w historian s thin k abou t culture i n som e ne w directions , an d other s hav e buil t o n that . Al l worth while, and I am grateful t o have had th e opportunity t o play m y part .

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Notes

Prologue. The English Priz e Ring 1. Pierc e Egan , Boxiana, or Sketches of Ancient and Modern Pugilism (London , 1812), pp . 408-20 . Ega n claime d tha t on e quarte r o f th e crow d wa s "o f th e highest mould," p. 409. For a fine discussion o f th e socia l diversit y o f th e fancy , it s specia l language and pastimes, see John Ford, Prize Fighting: The Age of Regency Boximania (South Brunswick, 1971) , chap. 9. 2. Egan , Boxiana, pp . 360-71. 3. Ibid. , p. 404 4. Pierc e Egan , "Memoir s o f To m Molineaux, " The Fancy 1 (1822): 492 ; Egan , Boxiana, pp . 360-71, 386-408; Ford, p. 39. 5. Egan , Boxiana, pp . 411-12. 6. Ibid. , p. 412. 7. Ibid. , p. 419. 8. Georg e Borrow , Lavengro (London , 1921) , p. 166 ; J. C. Reid, Bucks and Bruisers: Pierce Egan and Regency England (London, 1971) , pp. 12-17. Writing of the reign of Richard Humphrie s a s champion i n the 1780s , Pierce Egan declared, "Royalt y fre quently witnessed the displays of the art, accompanied b y Dukes, Earls, Honourables, etc. and men of the first distinction felt not ashamed of being seen in the ring or in acting as umpires at a boxing match." Boxiana, p. 104. 9. Pindar , The Odes of Pindar, trans. Si r John Sandy s (Cambridge , Mass. , 1978) , pp. 79-80. Also see the tenth and eleventh odes in praise of boxers, pp. 111-25. 10. The Iliad, trans. Richmond Lattimor e (Chicago , 1967) , pp. 467-69; The Odyssey, trans. Robert Fitzgerald (Ne w York, 1963) , pp. 335-39. In the Odyssey, Odysseus, disguised a s an impoverished ol d man, fought a n insolent beggar while noblemen en joyed the sport. 11. The Aeneid of Virgil, trans. Rolfe Humphrie s (Ne w York, 1951) , pp. 125-29. 12. Alle n Guttman n emphasize s th e sacred/secula r dichotom y i n From Ritual to Record: The Nature of Modern Sports (Ne w York , 1978) , pp. 16-26 . O n boxin g i n classical civilization s see , fo r examples , E . Norma n Gardiner , Athletics of the Ancient World (London , 1930) , chap . 15 ; Gardiner , Greek Athletic Sports and • 263 .

NOTES TO PAGES 23-26 Festivals (London , 1910) , chap . 19 ; M . I . Finle y an d H . W . Pleket , The Olympic Games: The First Thousand Years (New York, 1976) , pp. 37-42; H. A. Harris, Greek Athletes and Athletics (Bloomington , 1966) , pp. 97-109; Nicolaos Yalouris , ed., The Eternal Olympics; The Art and History of Sport (Ne w Rochelle , N.Y. , 1979) , pp . 216-25. 13. Teres a McLean, a historian o f Englis h medieva l sports , makes n o reference t o boxing in The English at Play in the Middle Ages (Windsor Forest, 1983) . T. B. Shepherd claim s th e Januar y 168 1 Protestant Mercury a s th e first newspape r t o giv e a n account o f th e ring: "Yesterda y a match o f boxing wa s performed befor e Hi s Grac e the Duk e o f Albermarl e betwee n th e Duke' s footma n an d a butcher. Th e latte r wo n the prize, as he hath done many times before, being accounted, though a little man, the best at that exercise in England." The Noble Art: An Anthology (London , 1950) , p. 88. A 172 5 poem b y Rober t Byru m o n the championshi p matc h betwee n Fi g an d Sutto n assumed that boxing fans kne w the classics: To compare such poor dogs as Alcides and Theseus To Sutton and Fig would be very facetious . Were Hector himself wit h Apollo to back him, To encounter with Sutton—zooks ho w he would thwack him! In a similar vei n the caption on a mid-eighteenth-century prin t of Jack Broughton in vited Pindar to revive and compare the English champion to his puny Greeks. Both are reprinted i n Shepherd, pp. 91-95. 14. Denni s Brailsford , Sport and Society, Elizabeth to Anne (Toronto , 1969) , pp. 198-216; Robert W. Malcolmson, Popular Recreations in English Society, ı γoo-1850 (Cambridge, 1973) , chap. 1 ; Ford, pp . 41-42, 88-93 ; ar, d Eri c Dunnin g an d Kennet h Sheard, Barbarians, Gentlemen and Players: A Sociological Study of the Development of Rugby Football (New York, 1979) , pp. 269-70. Also see the excellent essays in Neil McKendrick, John Brewer , and J. H. Plumb, eds., The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth Century England (London , 1982) . On th e rise o f sport s i n Englan d se e Richar d D . Mandell , Sport: A Cultural History (Ne w York, 1984) , chap. 7. 15. Ford , chap. 6 and pp. 102-6 , 119-20 . Also see Reid, pp. 14-15 ; Egan, Boxiana, PP• 5i-59; and Shepherd, pp. 88-90, 95-97. 16. Ford , esp . pp . 131-36 ; McKendrick , Brewer , an d Plumb , esp . chaps . 1 and 6 ; John Ford, Cricket: A Social History, 1700-18ĵ¦ (Plymouth , 1972) ; and Malcolmson , pp. 42-43, 145-46 . 17. Willia m Hazlitt, "Th e Fight," in The Complete Works of William Hazlitt (Lon don, 1933) , 17: 79, 81. 18. Ibid. , pp. 82-86. As was the custom, carrier pigeons released at ringside brought news of the fight's outcome back to London. 19. Pierc e Egan , Boxiana, or Sketches of Ancient and Modern Pugilism, ed . Joh n Ford (London, 1976) , pp. 5-9, 132-34 , 182-86 ; Ford, Prize Fighting, pp . 70-72, 78-79, 97, 166-87 . Henr y Hal l Dixo n wrot e i n The Druid tha t al l o f th e magistrate s i n th e county o f Rutlan d attende d th e secon d Crib-Molineau x fight. Excerpte d i n Shepherd , P• 103 . • 264 •

NOTES TO PAGES 27-3O 20. Pierc e Egan, from Anecdotes (1827) , quoted i n Shepherd , p. 95. On violence in English socia l life se e Malcolmson, pp. 43-51; Lawrence Stone , The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (Ne w York , 1977) , pp. 94-95; and Keit h Thomas , Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England, 1500-1800 (London , 1983), chap. 4. 21. Ford , Prize Fighting, pp. 10 , 26, 31, 65-82; Egan, Boxiana, Introduction , pp . 23, 9o-9ĩ , 108-12 , 146-55 , 219 , 236 , 263-64 . Jac k Slack' s boxin g skill s inspire d George Colema n an d Bonne l Thornto n t o declare i n 1754 , "the sturd y Englis h hav e been as much renowned for their boxing as for their beef; both which are by no means suited t o the water y stomach s an d wea k sinew s o f th e French . To this nutrimen t an d this ar t i s owin g tha t lon g establishe d maxim , tha t on e Englishma n ca n bea t thre e Frenchmen.. . ." Excerpted i n Shepherd, pp. 96-97. 22. Dunnin g and Sheard observe that in most traditional recreations, the gentry and aristocracy participate d directly with the lower classes, though the barriers of inequality were clearly demarcated: "prio r to the nineteenth centur y . . . the daily live s of the different classe s wer e intertwine d i n a closer, mor e direc t an d persona l manne r tha n later became the case" (pp. 38-39). 23. Thi s heterogeneit y wa s capture d i n a miniatur e panoram a draw n b y Georg e Cruikshank an d accompanie d b y Pierc e Egan' s text . " A Pictur e o f th e Fancy " wa s fourteen fee t lon g and two-and-one-half inche s wide, came rolled up in a tiny box, and depicted all of the revelry and ritual that attended a great battle. For a description, see Reid, pp. 41-43. 24. Georg e Borrow brilliantly evoked the complex interplay of individual and community pride: "Ah, there is nothing like the ring," an old barkeep muses. "I wish I was not rathe r too old to go into it . I often thin k I should lik e to have another rally—on e more rally—and then—bu t there's a time for al l things—yout h wil l b e served , ever y dog has his day, and mine has been a fine one. Let me be content. After beatin g Tom of Hopton there was not much more to be done in the way of reputation; I have long sat in my bar, the wonder and glory of this here neighbourhood. I'm content as far as reputation goes" (p. 491). 25. Reid , p . 22 ; Ford, Prize Fighting, pp . 26-28 , 36-57 ; an d Egan , Boxiana, pp . 464-67. Man y of Egan's chapters hav e titles of the pattern "Jo e Hood—The Weaver, " "Bill Wood—The Coachman," and "George Ingleston—The Brewer. " 26. A centra l them e i n Malcomson , Popular Recreations; E . P . Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York , 1966) ; Dunning an d Sheard , Barbarians, Gentlemen and Players. 27. The Fancy 1 (1822): 504; Dunning and Sheard, pp. 269-72; Malcolmson, chap. 5; and Ford, Prize Fighting, pp. 9, 31, 166-87. 28. Cobbett , "I n Defenc e o f Boxing, " Political Register (1805) , reprinted i n Shepherd, pp . 6-8 ; Thompson , Making of the English Working Class, pp . 225 , 736; an d Ford, Prize Fighting, p. 33. Of cours e the value s o f manliness, simplicity , an d hardi hood could readily be used to attack the decadence and luxury of the aristocracy. 29. Hug h Cunningham' s Leisure in the Industrial Revolution (Ne w York , 1980 ) provides a fine correctiv e t o thos e wh o se e a tota l eclips e o f ol d sport s i n th e Victorian era . Nonetheless, I believe Cunningham underestimate s th e damage don e when socia l elite s abandone d working-clas s recreations . Fo r a fine discussio n o f • 26 5 •

NOTES T O PAGE S 3 O - 3 4 middle-class repressio n o f leisur e alon g wit h th e "wholesome " alternative s proffere d by Victorians , se e Pete r Bailey , Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recreation and the Contest for Control, I8ĴO-I88¦ (London , 1978) . 30. Ford , Prize Fighting, pp . 136 , 184 , 188-89 . B y 183 1 Bell's Life in London com mented o n th e "prostrat e stat e o f pugilisti c sports " an d declared , "W e thin k w e ma y now fairl y sa y w e hav e recorde d th e las t speec h an d dyin g word s o f th e Fancy. " Th e English rin g wa s fa r fro m dead , an d grea t matche s i n th e futur e woul d excit e wide spread interest . Bu t ther e wa s neve r agai n a n er a t o matc h th e on e tha t ende d wit h th e first quarte r o f th e nineteent h century . Quote d i n Spirit of the Times, Decembe r 10 , I83i. 31. Bria n Harrison , "Religio n an d Recreatio n i n Nineteent h Centur y England, " Past and Present 3 8 (Decembe r 1967) : 98-125 ; Reid , pp . 70-72 , 136-38 ; Bailey , chaps. 1 and 2 ; an d Malcolmson , chaps . 6-8 . Fo r th e simultaneou s assaul t o n blood sports an d cruelt y t o animals , se e Thomas , chap . 4; Cunningham, chap . 1 . 32. Se e Malcolmson , chaps . 6 - 8 ; J . H . Plumb , "Th e Acceptanc e o f Modernity, " i n McKendrick, Brewer , an d Plumb , pp . 316-34 . Befor e th e lat e eighteent h centur y En glish writer s expresse d littl e mora l revulsio n a t th e ancien t gladiatoria l games . Bu t now, embracin g a progressiv e vie w o f histor y growin g ou t o f romantic , egalitarian , and revolutionar y ideologies , man y viewe d al l suc h spectacles , ancien t a s wel l a s mod ern, wit h horror . 33. Cf . Elme r M . Million , "Th e Enforceabilit y o f Priz e Figh t Statutes, " Kentucky Law Review 2 7 (Novembe r 1938) : 164-67 ; anon. , "I s Priz e Fightin g Legal? " Law Times 3 5 (Apri l 28 , i860) : 74 . 34. Cunningham , chap . 1 ; Malcolmson, chaps . 5 and 6 ; Bailey , chap . 1 ; Ford, Prize Fighting, pp . 32-34 ; an d Dunnin g an d Sheard , pp . 41-43 .

Chapter 1 . Hat s i n t h e Rin g 1. O n Molineau x se e Pierc e Egan , Boxiana, or Sketches of Ancient and Modern Pugilism (London , 1812) , pp. 360-71 ; Egan , "Memoir s o f Tom Molineaux, " The Fancy 1 (1822) : 489-502 ; Frederic k W . J . Henning , Fights for the Championship: The Men and Their Times, 2 vols . (London , 1903) , 2 : 30 ; an d Pau l Magriel , Histor y o f Boxin g collection, mostl y unsorte d an d unnumbere d transcript s an d photocopie s o f docu ments relatin g t o th e America n priz e rin g i n th e nineteent h century , primaril y selec tions fro m newspaper s an d periodicals ; a privat e collectio n owne d b y Ji m Jacob s o f New Yor k City . Som e o f thes e document s hav e bee n paginated , som e contai n biblio graphical information , bu t man y ar e o f uncertai n provenience . (Hereafte r cite d a s Magriel ms. ) 2. Wha t i s mos t interestin g abou t U.S . pres s coverag e o f th e Crib-Molineau x fights i s tha t i t differe d hardl y a t al l fro m reportin g o n championshi p battle s no t in volving a n American . O n Februar y 18 , 1811 , th e New York Evening Post simpl y copied a round-by-roun d descriptio n fro m a n Englis h journal , addin g n o editoria l comment. Bu t si x year s late r th e Evening Post, o n Januar y 4 , 1817 , gave exactl y th e same treatmen t t o a battle betwee n Carte r an d Oliver , tw o Englis h fighters. I n othe r words, th e America n pres s sporadicall y reporte d th e Englis h rin g an d Molineaux' s • 266

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NOTES T O PAGE S 3 5 - 3 6 fights wit h th e sam e space-fillin g nonchalance . Th e New York Morning Post wa s typical; see , fo r example , Octobe r 8 , Novembe r 1 2 an d 28 , Decembe r 6 , 11 , and 31 , 1811. 3. A goo d comprehensiv e stud y o f black s i n boxin g remain s t o b e written . Fo r a n informal an d ofte n inaccurat e work , se e Nathanie l Fleischer , Black Dynamite, 5 vols. (Ne w York , 1938) . Eugen e Genoves e argue s tha t suc h fights occurre d bu t of fers n o evidence . Se e Genovese , Roll Jordan Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York , 1974) , p . 569 . O n souther n "boxing, " mor e commonl y calle d "roug h and tumble, " se e Elliot t J . Gorn , " ' G o u g e an d Bite , Pul l Hai r an d Scratch' : Th e Social Significanc e o f Fightin g i n th e Souther n Backcountry, " American Historical Review 9 0 (Februar y 1985) : 18-43 . F ° r Faulkner , se e Absalom! Absalom! (Ne w York, 1951) . 4. Davi d K . Wiggins , historia n o f antebellu m blac k recreations , foun d n o evidenc e of thi s patter n sav e fo r tw o WP A narratives . Se e hi s "Spor t an d Popula r Pastime s i n the Plantatio n Community : Th e Slav e Experience " (diss. , Universit y o f Maryland , 1979). The American Turf Register 2 (September 1830 ) reported a fight a t Ne w Jerusa lem, Fairfa x County , Virginia , betwee n Le e Sims , a fre e blac k an d a blacksmit h b y trade, an d "th e note d bully " Elia s Grimsley . Sim s won , declaring , "I'l l le t yo u kno w I'm a Jackso n man , yo u d d Adam s so n o f a bitch. " Bu t mos t evidenc e indicate s that i n th e earl y nineteent h century , southerners , whit e o r black , rarel y participate d i n the regula r priz e ring . Fo r example s o f legend s an d famil y memorie s o f black s fighting, se e Richar d M . Dorson , American Negro Folktales (Greenwich , Conn. , 1967) , pp. 132-355. Jenni e Holliman , American Sports, i78¦-i83¦ (Durham , N.C. , 1931) , p . 140 ; Magriel ms. , pp. 54-56; Egan, Boxiana, pp . 360-71; an d Egan , "Memoirs, " pp. 489-502. 6. Egan , Boxiana, pp . 440-49. I n occasiona l stree t fights Richmon d avenge d racia l slurs uttrere d b y hi s adopte d countrymen . 7. Ibid. , pp . 360-71 ; Egan , "Memoirs, " pp . 489-502 . 8. Se e Pau l Magriel , Bibliography of Boxing: A Chronological Checklist of Books in English Published before 1900 (Ne w York , 1948) ; Magrie l ms. , pp . 6 2 - 6 3 ; a n Q , anon., The American Fistiana (Ne w York , 1849) . New edition s o f American Fistiana were als o publishe d i n i86 0 an d 1873 . Louis e Jorda n Walmsley , wh o studie d th e sports affiliation s o f prominen t Americans , record s n o notic e o f Molineau x i n he r Sport Attitudes and Practices of Representative Americans before 1870 (Farmville , Va., 1938) . Se e als o anon. , Famous Fights in the Prize Ring, vois . 2 an d 3 (n.d.) , pp. 17-29 . 9. Boston Gazette, Marc h 5 , 1733 , reprinte d i n Fran k Luthe r Mott , American Journalism (Ne w York , 1962) , p . 53 . Mott claime d thi s wa s th e first priz e rin g new s published i n America . Magrie l foun d n o earlie r report s i n hi s research . Car l Bridenbaugh, however , point s ou t tha t i n 170 9 newl y ric h Ne w Yor k merchant s an d English colonia l official s attempte d t o recreat e th e ga y gentr y lif e o f th e mothe r country, patronizin g hors e races , th e theater , an d eve n priz e fights. Findin g thes e activities offensive , townsfol k obtaine d order s fro m thei r counci l forbiddin g them . See Bridenbaugh , Cities in the Wilderness: The First Century of Urban Life in America (Ne w York , 1938) , p . 275 . I n th e eighteent h centur y souther n roug h an d tumble fighting wa s ofte n calle d "boxing " an d th e practic e ha d tie s t o th e Englis h • 267

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NOTES TO PAGES 36-41 ring. Bu t thes e "eye-gouging " matche s scarcel y resemble d stand-u p priz e fighting. See Gorn, pp. 18-23 . 10. Royal American Magazine I (June 1774) ; Holliman, pp. 139-40. Private Joseph Plumb Martin describe d a boxing match between tw o "drunken Irishmen " during th e Revolution; onl y "lowbre d foreigners " engage d i n the practice, he concluded. Private Yankee Doodle, ed . George F. Scheer (New York, 1963) , p. 129, quoted in Bonnie Sue Stadelman, "Amusement s o f th e America n Soldie r durin g th e Revolution " (diss. , Tulane University , 1969) , p . 92 . Seventy-fiv e year s afte r th e Revolutio n th e New York Clipper (March 11 , 1854) claimed that an English and an American soldier fought each other for £10 just before th e Battle of Yorktown. 11. Magrie l ms, , p . 45; Douglass C . North , The Economic Growth of the United States, 17ço-1860 (Ne w York , 1966) , p. 23. As Jenni e Holliman' s American Sports reveals, sport s ten d t o migrat e not a s disembodie d idea s bu t a s customs , carrie d b y immigrants. 12. Rober t Morea u d e St . Méry , Moreau de St. Méry's American Journey, 1793-1798, trans , an d ed . Kennet h an d Ann a Robert s (Garde n City , NY . 1947) , pp. 328-29. 13. Additiona l scrap s o f evidenc e suppor t thi s conclusion . B y 180 5 the New York Evening Post assumed it s readers wer e well enough acquainted wit h the terminolog y of the ring that it carried a tongue-in-cheek story , "Congressional Pugilism," describing a falling ou t betwee n tw o member s o f th e Hous e o f Representative s a s a sixty four-round struggle . Wit h increasin g frequenc y America n newspaper s reprinte d de tailed account s o f Englis h fights i n the 1810 s and 1820s . Meanwhile, constable s an d aldermen di d thei r bes t t o prevent occasiona l surreptitiou s battle s i n Ne w York Cit y and Philadelphia . Se e New York Evening Post, Decembe r 13 , 1805, in Magrie l ms. , pp. 50-51 ; Port Folio, Februar y 1813 , pp. 188-90 ; American Register 2 (1817): 27376; Philadelphia National Gazette, Jul y 8 , 1823 , Magrie l ms ; an d Joh n Thoma s Scharf an d Westcot t Thompson , History of Philadelphia, 1609-1884 (Philadelphia , 1884), p. 941. 14. American Fistiana (1849) , p. 28, and (i860), p. 6; Magriel ms. , pp. 72-74. 15. New York Evening Post, July 10 , 1823, in Magriel ms., pp. 79-81. 16. Ibid . 17. Ibid . 18. Averag e incom e i s fro m Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, 2 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1975) , 1:163-64. 19. Indeed , eve n journalists wer e far fro m full y awar e o f boxing's spread . Afte r a number o f fights had alread y bee n stage d i n America , Charleston' s Southern Patriot and Commercial Advertiser, Octobe r 29 , 1824 , stil l headline d it s articl e o n th e Hammond-Kensett fight "Firs t America n Regula r Millin g Match. " Th e stor y wa s taken from th e New York Emerald, Octobe r 16 , 1824. 20. Ibid . See also New York Spectator, October 17 , 1824, in Magriel ms., pp. 83-84. American Fistiana (i860) , p . 6 , credite d immigrant s Georg e Kenset t an d Willia m Fuller with this American blossoming o f English sporting life . 21. American Fistiana (i860) , pp . 6-7 ; "Repor t o f th e Battl e betwee n Georg e Kensett an d Ned Hammond, " in The Life and Battles of Yankee Sullivan (Ne w York , 1854), pp. 88-89. • 268 •

NOTES TO PAGES 4 i - 46 22. "Repor t o f th e Battle, " pp. 88-90. This repor t wa s originall y submitte d t o the New York Evening Post, but the editor rejected it , probably becaus e of the usual hesitancy t o cover the rin g bu t als o because th e accoun t containe d a vehement attac k o n boxing critics. 23. Ibid . 24. New York Spectator, October 17 , 1824, in Magriel ms. , p. 83; Rowland Tappa n Berthoff, British Immigrants in Industrial America, lj9o-i9ļo (Cambridge , Mass. , 1953). PP• 5-6• 25. Berthoff , pp . 5-6 ; als o se e Spirit of the Times, Februar y 20 , 1836 , a lette r from "Ou r Liverpoo l Correspondent " date d Januar y 1 , 1836 ; Robert Malcolmson , Popular Recreations in English Society, ı γoo-1850 (Cambridge , 1973) , chaps. 6 8; Nat Fleische r an d Sa m Andre , A Pictorial History of Boxing (Ne w York , 1975) , p. 40; and American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 8-9. Fo r informal historie s of Deaf Burke , see Nathanie l Fleischer , The Heavyweight Championship (Ne w York , 1949) , pp. 37-46 , an d Loui s Golding , The Bare-Knuckle Breed (Ne w York , 1954) , pp. 168-74 . 26. American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 8-9; New York Star, cited in Spirit of the Times, July 2, 1836; and Spirit of the Times, February 27 , 1836. 27. New Orleans Daily Picayune, Ma y 10 , 1837, in Magriel ms.; American Fistiana (i860), p. 9; Spirit of the Times, Septembe r 2 , 1837 , in Magrie l ms. ; and Ear l F . Niehaus, The Irish in New Orleans, 1800-1860 (Bato n Rouge , 1965) , pp. 59-60. Burke, incidentally, was of Irish ancestry, a fact tha t seem s not to have mattered. 28. Spirit of the Times, August 22 , September 2 , 1837 ; New York Morning Herald, August 21 , 1837. 29. I n additio n t o th e source s i n not e 28 , the New York Commercial Advertiser, August 23, 1837, and th e New York Star, August 22 , 1837 , also covered th e fight. The Advertiser wa s less sanguine than the Spirit of the Times, condemning this "exhibition of brutality" put on by "two foreign vagabonds. " 30. Thi s wa s equall y tru e o f othe r form s o f entertainment . Durin g play s theater s were filled with talking, peanut chewing, banter between actor s and audiences, not to mention a n occasiona l riot . Se e Davi d Grimsted , Melodrama Unveiled: American Theater and Culture, 1800-1850 (Chicago , 1968) ; Peter George Buckley, "To the Opera House: Culture and Society in New York City, 1820-1860 " (diss., State University of New York at Stony Brook, 1984) , pt. 1. 31. Source s generall y note d boxers ' trades—see , fo r example , American Fistiana (1849)• 32. Stepha n Thernstrom' s Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (Ne w York , 1964 ) started a flood of studie s documenting thi s mobility . For other examples, consult Frank Friedel , ed., The Harvard Guide to American History, 2 vols . (Cambridge , Mass. , 1974) , 1 : 425, 437-38, an d 2 : 900 . Walmsley , wh o surveyed the writings of several dozen prominent Americans before 187 0 for Sporting Attitudes and Practices, foun d ver y littl e evidence of elite interest in pugilism an d no involvement with prize fighting. 33. Tw o Ne w Yorker s wh o ha d a fallin g ou t ove r money , fo r example , stripped , squared off, an d settled their differences i n front o f a crowd on Broadway. Spirit of the Times, June 9, 1832. • 26 9 •

NOTES T O PAGE S 4 6 - 5 O 34. O n th e them e o f pla y a s a formativ e influenc e o n culture , se e Joha n Huizinga' s Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Element in Culture (Boston , 1950) . 35. American Fistiana (1849) , p . 29 ; Spirit of the Times, Jun e 10 , 1837 ; American Fistiana (i860) , pp . 7-8 ; an d Spirit of the Times, Marc h 3 , 1832 . Ofte n w e kno w littl e more abou t particula r fights tha n name s an d dates : Fearno n versu s Spanis h Le w i n 1835, fo r example , o r Jac k Tea l versu s Ji m "Th e Infant " Jeroloma n i n 1841 . Becaus e they aros e ove r genuin e socia l conflicts , bout s cam e i n spurts , on e challeng e leadin g t o another. American Fistiana (1849 ) recorded thre e fights i n 1832 , fou r eac h i n 1835 . 1838. an d 184J , an d virtuall y non e i n between . Newspaper s revea l tha t man y mor e fights too k place . 36. McLan e t o Jac k Langan , quote d i n American Fistiana (i860) , p . 8 . McLan e mentioned a few name s o f whic h American Fistiana wa s unaware , an d th e revers e wa s also true . Als o se e American Fistiana (1849) , p. 29 . 37. Anon. , The Complete Art of Boxing (Philadelphia , 1829) , was th e ver y first boo k on pugilis m publishe d i n America ; se e Magriel , Bibliography of Boxing, p . 14 . Th e next work , appearin g i n th e 1840s , wa s als o a boo k o f instruction , Owe n Swift' s Boxing without a Master, originall y publishe d i n Londo n i n 1840 . 38. Columbian Sentinel, Februar y 10 , 1798 , i n Magrie l ms, ; Philadelphia Aurora, Augus t 15 , 1815 . Gabrie l Furman , a Ne w Yor k attorne y an d amateu r historian, observe d tha t a s o f 1673 , Bosto n authoritie s woul d no t countenanc e a dancing schoo l bu t permitte d fencin g lesson s t o b e given . B y th e nineteent h centur y things wer e reversed , wit h dancin g see n a s a polit e accomplishmen t an d self defense i n th e for m o f boxin g condemned . Se e Furman' s "Th e Customs , Amuse ments, Styl e o f Livin g an d Manner s o f th e Peopl e o f th e Unite d State s fro m the Firs t Settlemen t o f th e Countr y t o th e Presen t Time. " typescrip t o f a n 1840s ' manuscript, i n th e collection s o f th e New-Yor k Historica l Society . Als o se e Mr. LeGuy' s Decembe r 4 , 1769 , advertisemen t fo r fencin g an d dancin g lesson s in th e New York Gazette Mercury, i n Magrie l ms „ an d Richar d Lynealľ s notic e in th e New York Gazette Postboy, Januar y 3 , 1757 ; Stewar t Sore n Brynn , "Som e Sports i n Pittsburg h durin g th e Nationa l Period , 1775-1860, " Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine 5 1 (Octobe r 1968) : 3 4 5 - 6 3 . an d 5 2 (Januar y 1969) :

57-59-

39. Holliman , p . 141 ; National Intelligencer, Apri l 3 , 1828 . 40. American Fistiana (1849) , pp . 29-30 ; Melvi n Adelman . "Th e Developmen t o f Modern Athletics : Spor t i n Ne w Yor k City , 1820-1870 " (diss. , Universit y o f Illinois , 1980), p . 560; Spirit of the Times, Apri l 20 , 1832 , and Decembe r II , 1841 ; and Boston Evening Transcript, Januar y 19 . 1836 . i n Magrie l ms . Fo r othe r advertisement s an d descriptions, se e Schar f an d Thompson , p . 942 ; Baltimore American, Novembe r 23 , 1825; Spirit of the Times, Januar y 26 , 1833 , March 5 , 1836 , an d Jul y 2 , 1836 , Ma y 26 , 1832, an d Apri l 6 an d 20 , 1844 . 41. The Telescope, Jun e 25 , 1825 ; New York Evening Post, Decembe r 14 . 1826 , i n Magriel ms . 42. American Fistiana (1849) , P • 2 9 Baltimore American, Novembe r 23 , 1825 , i n Magriel ms. . p . 86 ; Columbian Sentinel, Novembe r 1 , 1826 . i n Magrie l ms. , p . 86 ; Holliman, pp . 146-47 ; an d Schar f an d Thompson , p . 942. 43. National Intelligencer, Apri l 3 , 1828 . in Magrie l ms. , p . 92. • 2JO

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NOTES TO PAGES 5 i - 5 6 44. Egan , Boxiana 4 , quote d i n Magrie l ms. ; Boxiana, pp . 473-74 ; an d Egan , "Memoirs," pp. 496-98. 45. Egan , Boxiana 4, quoted in Magriel ms. 46. Fo r examples, see Fleischer an d Andre, pp. 26-29; Magriel ms. , pp. 66, 101-3 . In his pioneering stud y of the sporting subcultur e John Dizike s also found a clear social distinctio n betwee n patron s o f sparrin g master s an d supporter s o f th e ring . Se e Dizikes, Sportsmen and Gamesmen (Boston , 1981) , pp. 209-10. 47. Newspape r advertisemen t fro m a n unspecifie d Charlesto n daily , December 15 , 1824, Magriel ms. , p. 105 . On "Tom and Jerry" see Buckley, pp. 353-59. 48. Magrie l ms. , pp. 108-12 ; Holliman, pp. 141-46 . For some examples o f Fuller' s advertisements, se e th e New York Evening Post, Novembe r 27 , 1826 ; Spirit of the Times, October 13 , 1832, and January 3 , 1835 ; Adelman, p . 560. According t o American Fistiana (i860) , p . 7 , Fulle r bea t Madden , an d mor e significantly , th e fight ar rangements wer e mad e wit h "increasin g regar d fo r rule s an d precedents. " Als o se e Holliman, p. 145; Life and Battles of Sullivan, p . 89. Fuller attended a t least one other fight, at which he held th e wagers of several individuals , but he refused t o accept any official positio n as referee o r umpire, fearing fo r his reputation. 49. Charleston Mercury, February 1 , 1825. For other newspaper endorsements, se e New York Albion, Marc h 12 , 1825 , April 29 , 1826 ; New York Evening Post, Jun e 24 , 1830; and New York Enquirer, November 22 , 1826 , all i n Magriel ms . The equation of physical with moral health was just beginning at this early date; it would grow stronger as the century progressed . 50. Furman , pp. 302-3. 51. Lette r to New York Albion, Decembe r 12 , 1825, in Magriel ms., pp. 105-7. Also see Holliman, p. 146. 52. Holliman , pp . 141-44 ; Spirit of the Times, October 13 , 1832, January 3 , 1835; New York Albion, Decembe r 12 , 1825; New York Enquirer, November 22 , 1826 ; New York Evening Post, November 27 , 1826, all in Magriel ms. 53. Davi d Rothma n treat s socia l breakdow n mor e a s a metaphor tha n a reality i n Discovery of the Asylum (Boston , 1971) . Paul Johnson' s stud y o f Rocheste r make s a very convincin g cas e fo r a real, no t just a metaphorical, chang e i n pattern s o f defer ence. Se e Johnson , A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York, 1978). 54. Rober t Wain , The Hermit in Philadelphia, 2 d ser . (Philadelphia , 1821) , pp . 78-80, 187-93 . 55. A point well made by Dizikes, chaps. 1 , 2, 4, 5. 56. Thi s i s mad e clea r i n Owe n Swift' s popula r sparrin g guide , Boxing without a Master. Advertisement s o n th e fron t an d bac k cover s offere d advic e manual s on fashion , th e ar t o f conversation , brida l etiquette , tastefu l dress , an d decorou s behavior, indicatin g tha t th e publishe r anticipate d a sociall y conscious , upper crust readership . Accordin g t o Swift , i t wa s th e scientifi c basi s o f sparrin g whic h separated i t fro m vulga r priz e fighting. I n lif e me n mus t "liv e temperately , but not abstemiously, " an d sparrin g similarl y moderate d th e excesse s o f th e ring , substituting friendl y rivalr y fo r violen t hatreds , physica l excellenc e fo r simpl e brutality. 57. Fo r two differing interpretation s o f the role of social class in early nineteenth • 27 7 •

NOTES TO PAGES 57~6o century popular culture, particularly the theater, see Buckley, "To the Opera House," and Lawrence W. Levine, "William Shakespear e an d the American People : A Study in Cultura l Transformation " American Historical Review 8 9 (Februar y 1984) : 34-66. 58. Spirit of the Times, May 5, 1832; "Report of the Battle between Georg e Kenset t and Ned Hammond," in Life and Battles of Sullivan, p . 88. 59. R . Payne Knight, "Eulogy o f Boxing an d Cock Fighting," reprinted i n Literary Magazine and American Register, October 1806 , pp. 266-67. 60. Ibid . 61. Ibid . 62. "Nimro d o n Boxing," in Bell's Life in London, reprinte d i n New York Sporting Magazine, Novembe r 1834 , p. 188; American Turf Register 7 (June 1836) : 457-61; and Spirit of the Times, August 22 , 1837 . Even the special vocabular y o f the fancy seepe d into everyday conversation: "I s a man bankrupt, h e is 'floored ' i n town, but if a countryman, they become more agrarian, and now say he is 'grassed. ' Whe n a partner dies, he is 'don e for'; and , i f h e runs away , 'bolted ' expresse s th e rapidit y o f hi s motions. " American Turf Register 7 (Jun e 1836) : 460. Se e als o Spirit of the Times, Januar y 8 , 1842; Gorn, pp . 18-43 . O n m e American Turf Register se e Jack Willia m Berryman , "John Stuar t Skinne r and Earl y America n Sport s Journalism, 1819-1835 " (diss., University of Maryland, 1976) . 63. Dizikes , pp. 210-12; Wain, pp. 78-80, 187-93 . 64. Thoma s Jefferso n t o J . Bannister , Octobe r 15 , 1785 , quote d i n Henr y Steel e Commager, ed. , Living Ideas in America (Ne w York , 1951) , pp. 557-58. Nile's Illustrated Journal condemne d Englis h societ y fo r encouragin g me n "t o bea t an d abus e and possibl y kil l on e another , a s ha s frequentl y happened , i n th e presenc e o f noble s and divines . . . . We ar e no t ye t fashionabl e enoug h fo r suc h thing s i n th e Unite d States." Quote d i n Dizikes , p . 211 . Of course , republicanis m (lik e Darwinism ) wa s broad enough to justify man y positions; as we have seen, republican values legitimated boxing fo r Willia m Cobbett . O n republicanism se e J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, 1975) ; Bernard Bailyn , The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge , Mass. , 1967) ; Gordon S . Wood, The Creation of the American Republic (Chape l Hill, 1969) ; Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (Ne w York , 1984) ; Robert E . Shal hope, "Towar d a Republican Synthesis : Th e Emergenc e o f a n Understandin g o f Re publicanism i n America n Historiography, " William and Mary Quarterly, 3 d ser. , 2 9 (January 1972) : 49-80; an d Joh n F . Kasson, Civilizing the Machine: Technology and Republican Values in America, ľ/76- ıçoo (Ne w York, 1976) . For a critique, see John Patrick Diggins , The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Ne w York, 1984). 65. Gazette of the United States, January 23 , 1790, p. 328, reprinted fro m th e Massachusetts Sentinel. O n these arguments se e Dizikes, pp. 210-12. 66. "O f Boxing," New York Magazine, or Literary Repository, Novembe r 1794 , pp. 656-58. For a spirited attack on "vulgar" mob behavior, on the rabble's alleged love of gossip, buffoonery , an d violence , se e Th e Wanderer , "Mobs—Od i Profanu m Vul gus,'" Port Folio 3 (April II , 1807) : 230, quoted fro m th e New York Emerald. • 27 2 •

NOTES T O PAGE S 6 l - Ó 2

67. "O n Pugilism, " Literary Magazine and American Register, Jun e 1806 , pp . 468-69. Also see Kasson, chaps. 1-3 . 68. New York Spectator, July 15 , 1823, in Magriel ms., p. 82. 69. New York Evening Post, Jul y 10 , 1823 , in Magrie l ms . The Philadelphia National Gazette copie d a n English paper's descriptio n o f the 182 3 battle betwee n Tom Spring and William Neate to reveal the "debased" sporting tastes of the English public an d th e "barbarous " slan g wit h whic h thes e scene s wer e described : "W e doub t whether an y othe r par t o f Christianit y affords , i n th e rati o o f th e population , mor e scope for propagating Religion, than London;—and w e are sure that none other could present a scene more adverse to the spirit of religion and civilization, then the Boxing Match, a t whic h s o man y score s o f th e Fai r Se x wer e assembled. " Religion , tende r sentiments, morality—all , th e edito r thundered , wer e overturne d i n th e priz e ring . Round-by-round coverag e followed . Philadelphia National Gazette, Jul y 8 , 1823 , in Magriel ms., p. 79. Editors occasionally expressed their astonishment at women being associated wit h th e manl y ar t i n thi s era . A tongue-in-cheek repor t i n th e Marc h 3 , 1832, Spirit of the Times described tw o women challengin g eac h othe r an d squarin g off i n England i n 1772 . Nevertheless, suc h incident s see m t o have bee n rare . I n th e Old Worl d an d th e New , prostitutes wer e sometime s see n a t ringside, bu t thei r spo radic appearanc e merel y seem s t o have underscored mal e domination o f th e cultur e of the ring. 70. Spirit of the Times, May 12 , 1832. In 178 7 Thomas Jefferson declare d in a letter to Edward Carrington, "Wer e it left t o me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers withou t a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.. . ." Adrienne Koch and William Peden, eds., The Life and Selected Writings of Thomas Jefferson (Ne w York, 1944) , pp. 411-12. 71. New York Evening Post, Decembe r 14 , 1826 , in Magrie l ms. , pp. 90-91. Als o see the New York Evening Post, July 10 , 1823, versus December n , 1826 ; or the New York Spectator, Jul y 15 , 823 , and October 17 , 1824 ; all i n Magrie l ms. , pp. 80 , 82, 83, 87. 72. O n th e New York Herald se e Do n Carlo s Seitz , The James Gordon Bennetts, Father and Son (Ne w York , 1928) ; Richard O'Connor , The Scandalous Mr. Bennett (Garden City , NY , 1962) ; and Olive r Carlson , The Man Who Made the News (Ne w York, 1942) . Also see Alexander Saxton , "Problems o f Class and Race in the Origin s of the Mass Circulation Press, " American Quarterly 36 (Summer 1984) : 211-34; New York Morning Herald, August 21 , 1837. On the penny pres s als o se e Michael Emery , The Press in America: An Interpretive History of the Mass Media, 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J. , 1978) . On early sports journalism se e John Rickard Betts, "Sporting Journalism i n Nineteent h Centur y America , 1819-1900, " American Quarterly 5 (Sprin g 1953): 39-56. 73. Spirit of the Times, Ma y 19 , 1832 . The wee k befor e Porte r reprinte d withou t comment a not e fro m th e Sporting Magazine: " . .. fa r fro m lookin g o n thi s beastl y practice wit h an y degre e o f toleration , w e hav e alway s hel d i t i n deepes t abhor rence. . .. The custom is looked upon, and justly so , as a stain upon the national char acter of England by her continental neighbors . Let us afford n o reason to infer tha t we have inherited th e vicious tast e which encourage s it. " Also see Norris W . Yates, William T. Porter and the Spirit of the Times (Baton Rouge, 1957). • 273 •

NOTES TO PAGES 63-67 74. Spirit of the Times, Februar y 20 , 1836 , Augus t 22 , 1837 , September 2 , 1837 . While edito r Joh n Stuar t Skinne r modele d hi s journal o n suc h Englis h gentlemen' s magazines as Bell's Life in London, h e too hesitated when it came to blood sports, and he printed ver y littl e prize-fight news . For examples, see American Turf Register and Sporting Magazine 5 (February 1834) : 310; 7 (June 1836) : 457-61. O n the America n gentry see Dizikes, chaps. 4, 5. 75. NewYorker, Octobe r 6, 1838. Also see Nile's Weekly Register, August 14 , 1830, September 21 , 1833 , Augus t 27 , 1836 ; New York Mirror 1 2 (Marc h 7 , 1835) : 287 , quoted i n Fran k Luthe r Mott , A History of American Magazines (Ne w York , 1962) , p. 482. 76. "Th e Boxer, " fro m Passages from the Diary of a Physician, i n Spirit of the Times, Novembe r 3 , 1832 , als o reprinte d i n Atkinson's Casket 8 (Februar y 1833) : 66-67. 77. Se e sources in note 64 on republicanism. 78. Th e literatur e o n Victorianis m i s extensive, but se e especiall y Pete r Gay , The Bourgeois Experience: Victoria to Freud, vol. 1 : The Education of the Senses (Ne w York, 1984) ; Kasson, chaps. 1 an d 2; Daniel Walker Howe, Victorian America (Phila delphia, 1975) ; Daniel T Rodgers , The Work Ethic in Industrial America, 1850-ıç20 (Chicago, 1978) , esp . chap . 1 ; and Kare n Halttunen , Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-18γo (Ne w Haven , 1982). 79. Spirit of the Times, August 22 , 1837 , in Magrie l ms . In The Bourgeois Experience Peter Gay brilliantly captures the Victorians' comple x attitudes and unconsciou s conflicts abou t sexuality . Thoug h hi s wor k i s a n excellen t correctiv e t o rigid stereo types, th e public cultur e o f th e nineteenth-centur y middl e clas s stil l appear s quit e austere. 80. A brief stor y i n th e New York Traveler described a boy bringin g dinne r t o his working father . Tw o well-dresse d youth s belittle d hi s tattere d garments : "Th e littl e fellow pu t down his kettle, and the spirit of the hero rising within him, he dropped hi s furless ha t an d wen t t o his persecutors i n a style of skil l an d bravery tha t woul d have done honor to a Fuller or a Blackburn with their best and brightest laurels won in pugilistic lore." Whistling "Yankee Doodle," the lad picked up the dinner pail and set off to bring hi s fathe r bot h th e mea l an d th e story . Spirit of the Times, May 26 , 1832 , fro m New York Traveler. For a definitive but deterministic exploratio n o f th e modernizin g process, se e Richar d D . Brown , Modernization: The Transformation of American Life, 1600-1865 (Ne w York, 1976). 81. American Fistiana (1849) , p. 29. "Now gentlemen," he allegedly declared, "I'v e done my duty, and as you don't see m disposed to go, I'll sta y and see it out." 82. Joh n Rickard Betts , America's Sporting Heritage, 1850-ıç50 (Reading , Mass., 1974), p. 38; New Jersey Emporium and True American, Januar y 24 , 1835 , p. 2, cited from th e New York Courier and Enquirer. 83. Acts of the Fifty Ninth General Assembly of the State of New Jersey, Begun October 28, 1834 (Trenton, 1835) , "A Further Supplemen t t o the Act entitled A n Ac t for th e Punishmen t o f Crimes,' " passe d Februar y 26 , 1835 , pp. 89-90 ; New Jersey State Gazette 6 (March 14 , 1835): 3. 84. Se e references i n note 64. In a civil actio n a New York court failed t o uphold • 274 •

NOTES TO PAGES 68-71 a breach o f contract sui t brought agains t a steamship owner who agreed t o transpor t spectators to and from a fight, then failed t o provide the service. Charles Denny sol d tickets labele d "Sparrin g Match " fo r on e dolla r each , payin g Willia m D . Norto n $125 for us e of the steamship Bergen. Afte r th e fight at Fort Washington Poin t spectators foun d th e vesse l gone , and Denn y wa s forced t o refund thei r ticke t money . A jury refuse d t o awar d damage s t o Denn y becaus e th e origina l contrac t wa s fo r a n illegal purpos e an d therefor e void . New York Commercial Advertiser, Januar y 13 , 1836, in Magrie l ms . For othe r laws , see Stat e o f Massachusetts , Acts and Resolves Passed by the General Court of Massachusetts (Boston , 1849) , chap. 49, p. 31, "An Act to Prevent Priz e Fighting" ; State of Massachusetts, Massachusetts Reports: Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts 7 3 (Boston, 1883) : 324-28; and State of New York, Senate and Assembly Proceedings (Ne w York, 1858) , pp. 35, 99, 149 , 253, and (1859), pp. 120 , 147 , 504. On early statut e an d cas e la w als o se e Elmer M . Million , "Enforceability o f Prize Fight Statutes," Kentucky Law Review 2 7 (November 1938) , PP• i52-55• 85. Dizikes , pp. 28-44, 71-7386. Willia m Alcott, The Young Man's Guide (1836), p. 159, quoted in Peter Levine, "The Promis e o f Spor t i n Antebellu m America, " Journal of American Culture 2 (Winter 1980) : 627; Nile's Weekly Register, May 31 , 1823, quoted i n Betts , America's Sporting Heritage, p. π. O n the work ethic see Rodgers, chaps. 1-3 .

Chapter 2. The First American Champion s i. Anon. , The Life and Battles of Yankee Sullivan (New York, 1854), pp. 9-11. Also see Ed James, The Life and Battles of Yankee Sullivan (Ne w York, n.d.). 2. Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 18-15; Spirit of the Times, March 6, 1841 , quoting fro m Bell's Life in London; E d James , "Live s an d Battle s o f th e Iris h Champi ons," containe d i n scrapboo k o f sport s clippings , Ne w Yor k Publi c Librar y Annex ; New York Clipper, July 5, 1856 ; and Thomas M . McDade, "Death i n the Afternoon, " Westchester Historian 4 6 (Winte r 1970) : 2. Alexander Johnsto n claim s tha t larcen y was Sullivan' s crim e i n Ten-and-Out (Ne w York , 1972) , pp. 24-25. The deportatio n story i s difficult t o pin down. Whether or not Sulliva n really wa s deported, th e stor y was wel l know n an d contribute d t o hi s unsavor y reputation . Year s late r i t wa s als o alleged tha t Sulliva n quarrele d wit h his wife on e nigh t and inebriated , h e knocked a burning lam p ont o th e bed wher e sh e lay . Her clothes caugh t fire and sh e burned t o death. 3. Life and Battles of Sullivan, p. 16. 4. Ibid. , pp. 16-17 ; anon., American Fistiana (Ne w York, i860) , pp. 10-11 . 5. Th e Sporting Chronicle, quote d i n American Fistiana (1849) , pp . 8-π ; E d James, The Life and Battles of Tom Hyer (New York , 1879) , p. 2. James claime d tha t McCleester and Hyer had clashed before over politics. 6. James , Life and Battles of Hyer, pp . 4-6 , 30 ; American Fistiana (i860) , pp . 12-13; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 17-22 . Seco r publishe d a challeng e fo r a rematch an d Sulliva n declare d hi s willingnes s t o fight, bu t n o battl e eve r resulted . See Spirit of the Times, Marc h 5 , 1842 . The "droppin g system"—fallin g withou t a • 275 •

NOTES TO PAGES 7 i - 7 8 blow t o end a round an d avoi d punishment—was illegal , but apparently Sulliva n wa s quite good at feigning bein g hit or thrown. 7. American Fistiana (i860) , p. 22. 8. Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 22-23; American Fistiana (i860) , p. 13. 9. Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 23-24; American Fistiana (i860) , p. 13 ; Spirit of the Times, September 3, 1842. 10. Life and Battles of Sullivan, p . 24; Spirit of the Times, September 3 , 1842. 11. American Fistiana (1849) , p. 2. 12. New World 5 (September 3, 1842): 158; New York Express and New York Morning Express, Augus t 30 , 1842 , in Margrie l ms . (clipping s an d excerpt s o f priz e fight stories mostl y fro m newspapers) . Pete r Georg e Buckley' s discussio n o f th e develop ment of the penny press is particularly helpful . Se e his "To the Opera House: Cultur e and Societ y i n Ne w Yor k City , 1820-1860 " (diss. , Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k a t Stoney Brook, 1984) , pp. 359-63. 13. McDade , p . i ; Melvi n Adelman , "Th e Developmen t o f Moder n Athletics : Sport i n Ne w York City, 1820-1870 " (diss., University o f Illinois, 1980) , p. 562; and New York Herald, extra ed., November 28, 1842 , testimony o f Jaspar J. Golden. Ethnic tensions ran particularly hig h in New York in 1842 . A deep recession an d Catholic demand s fo r ai d t o parochial school s wer e two o f the mos t salien t cause s o f th e rise o f th e anti-Catholi c America n Republica n party . Se e Edwar d K . Spann , The New Metropolis: New York City, 1840-1857 (Ne w York , 1981) , pp. 36-40 ; Rober t Ernst, "Economi c Nativis m i n New York City durin g th e 1840's, " New York History 32 (1948): 70-86; and Ira M. Leonard, "Th e Rise and Fall of the American Republi can Part y i n Ne w Yor k City, " New-York Historical Society Quarterly 5 0 (1966) : 150-92. 14. New York Herald, extra ed., November 28, 1842 , testimony of Harold Carpente r and George Lansing; Spirit of the Times, September 17 , 1842; and McDade, p. 2. 15. New York Herald, extra ed., November 28, 1842, testimony of Jaspar J. Golden; McDade, p. 3; New York Morning Express, Septembe r 15 , 1842, in Magriel ms.; Spirit of the Times, September 17 , 1842. 16. Spirit of the Times, September 17 , 1842. 17. American Fistiana (1849) , pp. 15-16 ; McDade, pp. 2-3; New York Herald, extra ed., November 28 , 1842 , testimony o f E. E. Camp; Spirit of the Times, Septembe r 17 , 1842. 18. Spirit of the Times, Septembe r 17 , 1842 . Also se e th e New York Commercial Advertiser, Septembe r 15 , 1842. 19. Spirit of the Times, Septembe r 17 , 1842 ; McDade, p . 3-4; New York Morning Express, Septembe r 15 , 1842. 20. Proceedings of the Board of Aldermen of New York City 23 (May 10-N0vembe r 14, 1842 ) (New York, 1843) , minutes o f meetings on September 19 , 1842, pp. 322-24. New York Herald, extra ed., November 28 , 1842; Westchester Herald (no date given), quoted i n McDade, p. 6. The New York Evening Post also covered the trial but not as well as the Herald. 21. New York Herald, extra ed., November 28, 1842. 22. McDade , p. 6. 23. The Diary of George Templeton Strong, ed . Alle n Nevin s an d Milto n Halse y • 276 •

NOTES TO PAGES 78-8 l Thomas (Ne w York, 1952) , p. 185 ; The Dairy of Philip Hone, i828-l8¦l, 2 vols., ed. Allan Nevin s (Ne w York , 1927) , 2 : 620, 636-37 ; an d Danie l T . Rodgers , The Work Ethic in Industrial America, i8¦O-i92o (Chicago , 1978) , p. 15. For a fine discussion of Hone's response to the social changes taking place in New York City during the 1830 s and 1840s , see Allen Stanle y Horlick , Country Boys and Merchant Princes: The Social Control of Young Men in New York (Lewisburg, 1975) , pp. 34-39. For another attack on the Herald as the cause of McCoy's demise, see New York Evangelist, Septem ber 15 , 1842, pp. 292-93. 24. New York Herald, extra ed., November 28, 1842; Spirit of the Times, September 17, 1842. 25. New York Tribune, Septembe r 17 , 1842 . Th e Herald claime d tha t McCoy' s mother told him to return home victorious or not at all, a charge vehemently denie d in the New York Commercial Advertiser, Novembe r 24 , 1842 , which accused Sulliva n of being the main promoter of all recent prize fights. 26. New York Tribune, September 17 , 1842. Also see New York Sun, Septembe r 1 4 and 15 , 1842 . 27. New York Daily Tribune, September 19 , 1842. 28. Th e New York Commercial Advertiser, Novembe r 27 , 1842, claimed tha t when McCoy wa s fouled earl y i n th e fight, his chief backer , Jac k Harris— a "kin g gamble r and harlot' s paramour"—wave d of f th e awarde d victory . The newspape r allege d tha t McCoy was deliberately brough t to the ring fatigued an d improperly traine d i n a conspiracy by his backers "to win money on his premeditated defeat." A letter to the editor of the Commercial Advertiser, Septembe r 16 , 184 2 declared tha t th e promoter s wer e not me n o f characte r engage d i n som e lawfu l callin g bu t predators , "livin g o n thei r wits, keepers of gambling houses, and what is termed fancy men about town, who by their outrageous conduct, and vicious propensities, furnish th e most baneful example s to the youths of our country." 29. New York Daily Tribune, September 19 , 1842. 30. Benjami n Caunt , date d Ne w York , Decembe r 20 , 1841 , t o a n unname d correspondent, i n Magrie l ms. ; Spirit of the Times, Apri l 12 , May 7 , Octobe r 22 , 1842.

31. Spirit of the Times, April 23 , 1842. Also see ibid., October 22 , 1842. 32. Ibid. , January 2 1 and January 28 , 1843. 33. Ibid. , Januar y 14 , 1843 ; American Fistiana (i860) , p . 15 ; McDade, p . 5 . Th e Herald, for example, gave Freeman's and Perry's exploits about six inches of indiffer ent copy; January 27 , 1843. 34. Freema n was not even mentioned i n any edition of American Fistiana. 35. American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 15-17 ; Life and Battles of Sullivan, p . 28. The New York Herald o f February 9 , 1849 , a l s o credite d th e Mexican Wa r with attenuat ing interes t i n pugilism . Thoug h man y boxer s enliste d t o fight in Mexico , th e con flict's lat e beginnin g an d shor t duratio n hardl y accoun t fo r priz e fighting's lon g hiatus. 36. National Police Gazette, October 8 , 1845; Spirit of the Times, May 1 and April 3, 1847 ; and American Fistiana (1849) , p. 30. American Fistiana (184 9 and i860) , the Police Gazette, an d Spirit of the Times during th e 1840 s containe d muc h o f th e bes t coverage of the ring. • 27 7 •

NOTES T O PAGE S 8 2 - Ç O

37. American Fistiana (184 9 and i860) . 38. Advertisement s i n Alvi n F . Harlow , Old Bowery Days (Ne w York , 1931) , pp. 300-301.

39. Spirit of the Times, December 12 , 1846, January 2 , 1847. 40. American Fistiana (i860 , p. 16 ; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 29-33, quote d from New York Herald, Ma y 14 , 1847 ; Police Gazette, Ma y 8 , April 3 , and Jun e 12 , 1847; anc • J°h n Rickar d Betts , America's Sporting Heritage, 1850-1950 (Reading , Mass., 1974) , p. 56. The local country folk wer e at once fascinated an d repelled b y the invaders from Ne w York. The commandant fro m th e Harper's Ferry armor y trie d un successfully t o stop the fight, fearing hi s foundry worker s woul d b e lured awa y fro m their tasks. 41. New York Herald, Februar y 6 , 1849 ; Police Gazette, Februar y 10 , 1849 , re printed in Spirit of the Times, February 17 , 1849; American Fistiana (1849) , p. 27; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 49-60; and American Fistiana (i860) , p. 17. 42. Unspecifie d Ne w Yor k newspaper , quote d i n Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp. 63-64 ; Police Gazette, Februar y 19 , 1849 , quoted i n American Fistiana (1849) , p . 22 .

43. Leonar d Dinnerstein and David Reimers, Ethnic Americans, 2 d ed. (New York, 1982), p. 156 ; Ray Alle n Billington , The Protestant Crusade, 1800-1860 (Chicago , 1938), p. 239; Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, 2 vols. (Washington, D.C. , 1975) , 1 : 106 ; and Edwar d K . Spann , The New Metropolis: New York City, 1840-1857 (Ne w York, 1981) , chaps. 2 and 4. 44. James , Life ofHyer, p . 1. One of the umpires a t the fight, John J. Way, was also a butcher. O n Ne w Yor k butchers , se e Sea n Wilentz , Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, iγ88-i8¦o (Ne w York , 1984) , pp. I37-4O•

45. New York Herald, Februar y 7 an d 9 , 1849 ; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 33-34; American Fistiana (1849) , p . 2 ; and Georg e W . Walling , Recollections of a New York City Chief of Police (n.p., 1890), pp. 40-41. 46. Reprinte d in American Fistiana (1849) , p. 3; Life and Battles of Sullivan, p . 34. 47. American Fistiana (1849) , pp. 3-4. 48. Ibid. ; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 35-36. 49. American Fistiana (1849) , pp. 3-4; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 35-36. 50. American Fistiana (i860) , p . 18 ; American Fistiana (1849) , p . 15 ; New York Herald, February 9 , 1849. 51. Se e references i n note 50. 52. Police Gazette, stor y reprinte d i n American Fistiana (1849) , pp. 10-π , 14-15 . Also see Spirit of the Times, November 25, 1848. 53. American Fistiana (1849) , pp . 10-15 . American Fistiana (i860 ) reveal s th e ambiguity o f th e ter m priz e fight. I t list s hundred s o f battle s betwee n 185 0 an d i860, ye t in man y o f these th e primary motiv e appear s t o have been settlin g privat e scores. 54. Police Gazette stor y reprinte d i n American Fistiana (1849) , pp. 11-14 ; New York Herald, Februar y 9 , 1849 , quoted i n Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 40-46. For othe r athleti c regimens , se e "Trainin g fo r Running , Fightin g o r Health, " New York Sporting Magazine, Jul y 1833 , pp. 219-22 ; Spirit of the Times, Jul y 9 , 1842 . • 278 •

NOTES TO PAGES 9O-98 Training philosophy owe d much to British thought and practice as articulated b y the Victorian boxin g journalis t Henr y Miles . Se e Ala n Lloyd , The Great Prize Fight (New York, 1977) , chap. 11. 55. American Fistiana (1849) , pp. 11-14; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 40-46. 56. Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 40-46. 57. Spirit of the Times, February 3 , 1849. 58. Amon g th e fulles t account s ar e Police Gazette, Februar y 10 , 1849 , reprinte d in Spirit of the Times, Februar y 17 , 1849; American Fistiana (1849) , PP- 22-28; and Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 50-60. Als o se e New York Sun, Februar y 9 and 10 , i849• 59. Quote d i n Police Gazette, Februar y 10 , 1949 , reprinted i n Spirit of the Times, February 17 , 1849. Also see sources in note 58. 60. Se e sources in note 58. 61. New York Herald, February 8 , 1849 , reprinted i n Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp. 60-61; James, Life of Hyer, p. 20; Betts, p. 33; and reports reproduced i n Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 62-63. Als o see Spirit of the Times, January 2 0 and Februar y 3, 1849 ; New York Herald, February 6, 1849; New York Sun, February 7-11, 1849; New York Tribune, February 8 and 10 , 1849; New York Herald, February 9 , 1849 ; and New York Commercial Advertiser, Februar y 8 and 10 , 1949. 62. Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 60-61; James , Life of Hyer, p. 20 ; American Fistiana (1849) , pp. 10-28. 63. Spirit of the Times, February 24 , 1849. 64. Fro m th e "Colonel' s Club " i n th e Literary World, reprinted i n Spirit of the Times, March 10 , 1849. The broadside ballad was a common form of news dissemination fo r thre e centurie s i n th e Ol d Worl d an d th e New . Se e Lesli e Shephard , The Broadside Ballad: A Study in Origins and Meaning (London , 1962) ; and G. Malcolm Laws, Native American Balladry (Philadelphia , 1964) . 65. See , for examples , account s i n American Fistiana (184 9 a n d i860) ; New York Herald, February 9 , 1849 ; New York Sunday Mercury, Februar y 25 , 1849; and James, Life of Hyer, p. 20. 66. Diary of Philip Hone, p . 861 ; New York Christian Advocate, Februar y 15 , 1849. 67. New York Evening Mirror, February 7 , 1849 . Bell's Life in London, Marc h II , 1849, declared that recent immigrants transplanted th e old spirit of the English ring in America; reprinted in Spirit of the Times, April 14 , 1849. 68. Cf . Spirit of the Times, October 23 , 1858 , quoted in Adelman, p. 564; New York Herald, February 5 , 7, 9, and II , 1849 . 69. Se e fo r example , Willia m Riordan , Plunkett of Tammany Hall (Ne w York , 1948), p. 86.

Chapter 3. The Age of Heroes i. Lette r signed "Reklaw," dated April 30, 1849, in Spirit of the Times, May 5, 1849. Fistiana wa s a yearly publication o n the English ring written by Francis Dowling, editor of Bell's Life in London, • 279 •

NOTES TO PAGES 98-IO3 2. Anon. , American Fistiana (Ne w York , 184 9 an d i860) , reporte d si x t o seve n times mor e fights in the decade afte r th e Sullivan-Hyer battl e than i n the one before . Moreover, i t is often difficul t t o tell fro m th e descriptions whe n persona l quarrel s o r even sparrin g matche s ende d an d priz e fights began . Thi s absenc e o f clea r distinc tions shoul d cautio n u s agains t imposin g rigi d categories . Priz e fighting an d stree t brawling were close kin, and the word "pugilism " was often applie d indiscriminatel y to both. 3. Se e American Fistiana (i860) , p . 34 ; New York Daily Tribune, Octobe r 22 , 1858. On the saloon se e Jon M. Kingsdale, "The 'Poo r Man' s Club': Social Function s of th e Urba n Working-Clas s Saloon " American Quarterly 2 5 (Octobe r 1973) , pp . 472-89. 4. American Fistiana (i860) , pp . 34 , 77. On th e working-clas s saloo n see , fo r ex amples, Norman H . Clark, Deliver Us from Evil: An Interpretation of American Prohibition (Ne w York , 1976) , chap. 4; Jill Siege l Dodd , "Th e Workin g Classe s an d th e Temperance Movemen t i n Antebellu m Boston, " Labor History 1 9 (Fal l 1978) : 5IO-3I• 5. Joh n Rickar d Betts , America's Sporting Heritage, i8¦o-ig¦O (Reading , Mass., 1974), pp. 33, 57; Betts, "Sporting Journalis m i n Nineteenth Centur y America , 1819 1900," American Quarterly 5 (Spring 1953) : 39-56. Betts' studie s remain the standard works on nineteenth-century sport s journalism. 6. Th e most thorough bibliography of pre-twentieth-century boxin g is Paul Magriel, ed.. Bibliography of Boxing: A Chronological Checklist of Books in English Published before içoo (Ne w York , 1948) . Als o se e Arman d J . Lottinville , " A Bibliograph y o f Boxing," Research Quarterly 9 (Marc h 1938) : 139-51 ; an d Rober t Henderson , ed. , Early American Sports, 3 d ed. (Rutherford, N.J. , 1977). 7. Michae l T Isenberg , "Joh n L . Sulliva n an d Hi s America, " manuscrip t draf t (Annapolis, 1985) , chap. 4 , p . 16 ; New York Clipper, Augus t 2 0 an d Septembe r 10 , 1853, January 21 , February 25 , March 1 8 and 25, April 2 2 and 29, 1854. 8. Duk e o f Wellingto n t o Si r John Burgoyne , o n th e "Nationa l Defence s o f Grea t Britain," London, 1845 , from New York Clipper, in Magriel ms. 9. Nei l Harris , Humbug: The Art of P. T Barnum (Boston , 1973) ; Rober t Toll , On with the Show: The First Century of Show Business in America (Ne w York , 1976), p . 26 . Queen expresse d suc h sentiment s frequently . See , fo r examples , New York Clipper, Jul y 23 , August 1 3 and 20 , 1853 , October 2 4 and Decembe r 12 , 1857, and January 22 , 1859 . For typical advertisements , se e New York Clipper, Septembe r 16, 1854. 10. "Amusements, " New Englander 9 (1851) : 358 , quoted i n R . Hogan , "Si n an d Sports," in Ralph Slovenko and James A. Knight, eds., Motivation in Play, Games and Sport (Springfield , 111. , 1967), pp. 124-25. 11. Juniu s Henr y Browne , The Great Metropolis (Hartford , 1869) , pp . 68-70 . I n addition to Hogan, pp. 121-49 , s ee Cliffor d E . Clark, "The Changing Nature of Protestantism i n Mid-Nineteent h Centur y America : Henr y War d Beecher' s Seve n Lecture s to Young Men," Journal of American History 5 7 (March 1971) : 832-46. 12. "Th e Goo d Tim e Coming, " reprinted i n The Life and Battles of Yankee Sullivan (Ne w York , 1854) , p . 97 . Th e origina l "Goo d Tim e Coming " was writte n by Charles Macka y an d se t t o musi c b y Stephe n Foster . Th e lyric s wer e a paean t o • 280 •

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the comin g er a o f social , moral , an d religiou s perfection . Se e Willia m W . Austin , "Susanna," "Jeanie," and "The Old Folks at Home": The Songs of Stephen C. Foster from His Time to Ours (New York , 1975) , pp. 17-20 . For a representative exam ple o f Queen' s sportin g values , se e New York Clipper, Septembe r 2 , 1854 . Fo r a n incredibly blood y match between a pig and a dog, see New York Clipper, January 21, i854• 13. Thi s la w eve n forbad e Commonwealt h citizen s fro m stagin g fights i n othe r states. See Stat e o f Massachusetts , Acts and Resolves Passed by the General Court of Massachusetts (Boston , 1849) , chap. 49, p. 31; New York Clipper, Septembe r 27 , 1856; Massachusetts Reports, Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts 7 3 (Boston, 1883): 324-28, "An Act to Prevent Prize Fighting"; New York Clipper, November 24, i854• 14. New York State Legislature, Eighty-Second Session, 1859 , chap. 37, "An Act to Prevent and Punish Prize Fighting," passed March 7, 1859, pp. 63-64 in Magriel ms. 15. A point made explicitly b y the New York Sunday Mercury, Marc h 7 , 1853 , af ter arrests o n Riker's Island . Frank Quee n believed magistrate s were less concerne d with justice than with shaking down boxers for part of their stake money. He pointed out tha t th e law s kept doctor s awa y fro m th e ring , deprivin g fighters o f medica l at tention. See , fo r example , New York Clipper, Octobe r 4 , 1856 , Januar y 22 , 1859 . Ironically, th e anti-prize-figh t law s ma y hav e ha d a counteractiv e effect , divertin g ring activitie s int o undergroun d channel s an d reinforcin g feeling s o f rebellio n against authority . 16. Dal e Somers, The Rise of Sport in New Orleans (Baton Rouge, 1972), pp. 53-59. Many fights were held in parishes adjoining Ne w Orleans to circumvent the law. 17. American Fistiana (i860) , p. 23; Spirit of the Times, August 13 , 1853 . 18. American Fistiana (i860) , p. 26. 19. Ibid . pp . 24-66 , 70-72 , 76 , especially 52-53 . Fo r boxin g i n Pittsburgh , se e Stewart Sore n Brynn , "Som e Sport s i n Pittsburg h durin g th e Nationa l Period , 1775-1860," Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine, 5 2 pt . 2 (Januar y 1969) : 63, 69. 20. American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 24-66. The geographical mobilit y o f America n laborers i n thi s er a wa s nothin g shor t o f remarkable . See , fo r examples , Stepha n Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (New York, 1964) ; Thernstrom an d Richard Sennett , eds., Nineteenth Century Cities: Essays in the New Urban History (New Haven, 1969). 21. American Fistiana (i860) , pp . 26 , 46 , 53 , 64 , 66 , 90-93 . Jame s Kelly , fo r example, wa s bor n i n Ireland , migrage d t o England , the n America , saile d t o Australia t o searc h fo r gold , returne d t o th e Unite d States , joined th e gol d rus h t o California, returne d t o Ne w York . H e fough t al l alon g th e way , finishing hi s rin g career agains t Ne d Pric e i n Poin t Albino , Canada . American Fistiana (i860) , pp . 72-73• 22. Willia m Tovee , for example , a cabinetmaker b y trade, fough t a few battle s i n the English ring late in the Regency Era. He migrated to New York in 1831 , where his fortunes ros e an d fel l a s a tavern keepe r an d selle r o f furniture . H e turne d bac k t o pugilism when hard times came and supported himself by giving sparring lessons and exhibitions, finally becoming the acknowledged maste r of ceremonies for most of the • 281 •

NOTES T O PAGES IO7-II O

glove display s hel d i n th e Ne w Yor k area . Whe n ol d "Fathe r Bill " die d i n 1883 , he was know n throughou t th e sportin g worl d fo r th e congenialit y an d goo d time s h e facilitated o n th e sparrin g stage . Tovee' s caree r ca n b e trace d i n th e New York Clipper. 23. E d Pric e t o Fran k Queen , Boston , Decembe r II , 1859 , printe d i n American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 76-77. Price , incidentally , becam e a n attorne y whe n hi s boxin g days were over. 24. Melvi n Adelman , "Th e Development o f Moder n Athletics : Sport i n New York City, 1820-1870 " (diss., University of Illinois, 1980) , pp. 569-81. On the general development o f sport s se e Betts , Sporting Heritage, pt . I , and Benjami n Rader , American Sports: From the Age of Folk Games to the Age of Spectators (Englewoo d Cliffs, N.J. , 1983), pts. 1 , 2; on urban stree t culture see chap. 4. 25. I n the voluminous literatur e on the rags-to-riches motif John Cawelti's Apostles of the Self-Made Man: Changing Concepts of Success in America (Chicago , 1965 ) stands out. 26. Fo r Morrissey's earl y life , se e New York Herald, May 2 , 1878 ; New York Sun, May 2 , 1878 ; New York Clipper, Ma y 23 , 1878 ; New York Times, Ma y 6 , 1878 ; Ed James, The Life and Battles of John Morrissey (Ne w York , 1879) , pp. 3-4 ; Edwar d Wakin, Enter the American Irish (New York, 1976) , pp. 116-18 ; William Edgar Harding, ed., John Morrissey, His Life, Battles and Wrangles, from His Birth in Ireland until He Died a State Senator (Ne w York, 1881) ; American Fistiana (i860) , p. 58; New York Tribune, Ma y 2 , 1878 ; David R . Johnson , " A Sinfu l Business : Th e Origin s o f Gambling Syndicate s i n the United States, " in Davi d Bayley , ed., Police and Society (Beverly Hills, 1977) , pp. 28-29; Herbert Asbury, The Gangs of New York (New York, 1928), pp. 90-100; Alvin F . Harlow, Old Bowery Days (Ne w York , 1931) , p. 301; and M. R . Werner , Tammany Hall (Ne w York , 1938) , pp. 67-69. There i s a book-lengt h "biography" o f Morrissey , Jac k Kofoeď s Brandy for Heroes (Ne w York , 1938) . It i s thoroughly unreliable . Fre d Harve y Harrington' s forthcomin g stud y o f Morrisse y therefore wil l be especially welcome . 27. James , p. 5; New York Herald, May 2, 1878; and anon., The Lives and Battles of Tom Sayers and John C. Heenan, "The Benicia Boy" (Ne w York , i860) , pp. 57-5 8 (mainly a collection o f English an d American newspape r stories). 28. Life and Battles of Sullivan, p . 64; American Fistiana (i860) , p. 20; Spirit of the Times, Octobe r 16 , 1852 ; an d James , pp . 5-6 . Thompson' s rea l nam e wa s Bo b McLaren. 29. I n addition to the sources in note 28 see Adelman, p. 565; Harding, p. 6. During these years Hyer alternately declared that he promised his parents he never would fight again and issued general challenges to all comers, and specific ones to particular fighters includin g Willia m Perry , champio n o f England , fo r te n thousan d dollar s a side . However, Hye r neve r fough t a regular priz e battl e afte r hi s 184 9 fight with Sullivan . See Spirit of the Times, March 22-Apri l 5 , 1851. 30. New York Daily Tribune, March 10 , 1855; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 6470; American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 20-22. As Adelman notes in "Development of Modern Athletics, " this earl y ethni c parado x i s simila r t o th e moder n on e where , fo r ex ample, Joe Frazier i s depicted b y the press as the whit e man's boxer and Muhamma d Ali as the militant black . • 282 •

NOTES T O PAGES I I I - I I 7

31. New York Clipper, Octobe r 1 5 and 22 , 1853 ; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 67-69. "The behavior of some of them while in the cars," the Herald's corresponden t complained of the men going to the fight, "was not such as could be commended; an d many acts o f disorder, t o use th e mildes t term , wer e perpetrated." New York Herald, October 1 3 and 14 , 1853. 32. I n additio n t o coverag e b y th e Herald an d th e Clipper se e James , pp . 6-12 ; American Fistiana (i860) , pp . 20-22 ; Life and Battles of Sullivan, pp . 64-71 ; New York Daily Tribune, October 1 3 and 20, 1853; New York Times, October 11 , 1853; New York Evening Post, October 13 , 1853; and Spirit of the Times, October 22, 1853. 33. I n additio n t o th e abov e se e the Clipper, October 2 2 and 29 , and Novembe r 5 , 1853. Afte r th e fight the Clipper received correspondenc e fro m a s fa r awa y a s Ala bama, including an offer t o back Sullivan in a rematch; November 26 , 1853. 34. Life and Battles of Sullivan, p . 98; New York Tribune, October 13 , 1853; New York Evening Post, October 13 , 1853; and New York Times, October 14 , 1853. 35. Lives of Sayers and Heenan, p . 56; Ed James , Life and Battles of Tom Hyer (New York , 1879) , p. 22; James, Life of Morrissey, p . n ; an d New York Clipper, July 22, 1854. 36. James , Life of Morrissey, p . 13 ; New York Tribune, Novembe r 2 , 1877 ; an d George Walling , Recollections of a New York Chief of Police (n . p. , 1890) , pp . 375-76. 37. Anon. , The Life of William Poole (Ne w York , 1855) ; Elliot t J . Gorn , "Th e Killing o f Butche r Bill " (pape r rea d a t th e America n Historica l Associatio n meet ings, Chicago , Decembe r 1984) . I t wa s allege d tha t gang s le d b y Pool e an d Mor rissey ha d onc e fough t fo r contro l o f th e ballo t boxe s i n a n uptow n precinct . See , for example , Matthe w Hal e Smith , Wonders of a Great City (Chicago , 1887) , pp . 345-49• 38. New York Sunday Mercury, Ma y 3, 1863 ; Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, Au gust 1 , 1857; and New York Clipper, August 8, 1857. 39. American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 38-46; New York Clipper, August 8, 1857 ; Philadelphia Sun, Augus t 4 , 1857 ; Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, Augus t 3 , 1857 ; New York Daily Tribune, August 4 , 1857 ; and Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, Augus t I , I857• 40. Fo r example, se e American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 46-49, 50-51; New York Clipper, October 1 7 and November 28, 1857. 41. American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 58-59; Ed James, The Life and Battles of John C. Heenan, the Hero of Farnborough (New York, 1879) , PP- I _ 2 • 42. American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 58-59 ; James , Life and Battles of Heenan, pp . 2-4; Lives of Sayers and Heenan, p . 56. 43. American Fistiana (i860) , p. 66; Buffalo Republic, quote d i n New York Daily Tribune, October 20, 1858 ; and Allan Lloyd, The Great Prize Fight (New York, 1979), pp. 63-66. 44. New York Tribune, October 20 and 22, 1858; New York Clipper report, reprinted in American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 58-61; Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, Octo ber 30, 1858; James, Life of Morrissey, pp . 13-19; and Lives of Sayers and Heenan, pp. 63-67. 45. Se e reference s i n not e 44 . Fre d Harve y Harringto n point s ou t i n persona l • 283 •

NOTES T O PAGE S I l 6 - I 2 4

correspondence that boxing matches were often mor e orderly than political conventions. 46. Se e sources cited in note 44. 47. Se e th e source s cite d i n not e 44 , an d American Fistiana (i860) , pp . 57-58 ; Harper's Weekly 2 (October 30 , 1858) : 690. 48. Harding , p. 14 ; Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, October 18 , 1858, cited i n New York Tribune, October 20 , 1858; and New York Daily Tribune, May 2, 1878. 49. New York Tribune, Octobe r 2 0 an d 22 , 1858 ; American Fistiana (i860) , pp . 58-61; and Lives ofSayers and Heenan, p . 63. 50. New York Tribune, Octobe r 22 , 1858 ; Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, October 30 , 1858 ; Lloyd, p. 36. 51. "Th e Priz e Fight, " Harper's New Monthly Magazine 1 8 (December 1858) : 8486. Th e literatur e o n refor m i s voluminous , bu t fo r tw o semina l work s o n romanti c perfectionism, se e David Brion Davis, "The Emergence of Immediatism in British and American Antislaver y Thought, " Mississippi Valley Historical Review 49 (Septembe r 1962); 209-30 , an d Joh n L . Thomas , "Romanti c Refor m i n America , 1815-1865, " American Quarterly 1 7 (Winter 1965) : 656-81. 52. "Th e Priz e Fight, " Harpers, pp . 86-88; Buffalo Republic, quote d i n New York Tribune, October 20 , 1858 ; New York Herald, October 21 , 1858, and American Fistiana (i860) , p. 59. 53. Troy Evening Transcript, Octobe r 1858 , quoted i n New York Tribune, Octobe r 20, 185 8 New York Times, quote d i n Betts , America's Sporting Heritage, p . 57 ; Harper's Weekly 2 (October 30, 1858): 690. 54. Lives of Savers and Heenan, pp . 64-67; James, Life of Morrissey, pp . 18-20 ; anon., The Life of John Morrissey: From the Penitentiary to Congress (n.p., n.d.), p. 7. The "Dea d Rabbits " wer e a stree t gan g o f mostl y Iris h youths , accuse d o f variou s criminal activities . 55. "Morris y an d the Russian Sailor, " in M. C. Dean, comp., The Flying Cloud and One Hundred Fifty Other Old Time Poems and Ballads (Virginia , Minn., 1922) . This broadside ballad ha s been recorded often. Hear, for example, Joe Heaney on Irish Music in London Pubs, ASC H Records F G 3575 (New York , 1965) . D. K. Wilgus o f th e University o f California , Lo s Angeles , ha s kindl y supplie d m e wit h dozen s o f refer ences to this ballad, as well as other songs about the Troy man, recorded in Ireland and America. Man y o f th e song s o f nineteenth-centur y pugilist s coul d stil l b e hear d i n Ireland wel l into the twentieth century . 56. Huber t How e Bancroft's Popular Tribunals 2 , pp. 1- 9 an d 267-8 3 in his Collected Works (San Francisco , 1887) , is sympathetic t o the vigilante s fo r thei r effort s to secur e "civilize d industry , agriculture , manufacturers , an d th e gentle r art s o f domesticity." Th e New York Clipper o f Jul y 5 an d 12 , 1856 , doubte d th e vigilantes ' claims, quoting Californi a newspapers , Sullivan' s allege d confession , an d th e coro ner's repor t t o thro w suspicio n o n thos e wh o usurpe d th e law . Als o se e E d James , The Life and Battles of Yankee Sullivan (Ne w York, n.d.), pp. 22-23. On the vigilan tes se e Rober t M . Senkewicz , Vigilantes in Gold Rush San Francisco (Stanford , 1984). 57. Spirit of the Times, Octobe r 3 , 1863 , July 2 , 1864 ; New York Herald, June 27, 1864; New York Times, Jun e 27 , 1864 ; Asbury , pp . 67-69 , 100 ; an d James , Life of

• 284 •

NOTES TO PAGES I24-I3 O Hyer, p. 24. Dying youn g an d destitut e wa s almost th e norm fo r thes e working-clas s men. I n a n informa l sampl e o f forty-nin e prominen t Englis h an d America n bare knuckle fighters b y sport s write r Arthu r Willia m Mann , hal f th e me n die d befor e reaching the age of forty, four-fifths neve r turned fifty. Most were poor, and only about one ou t o f fiv e eve r attaine d mor e tha n a modes t living . Fro m th e paper s o f Arthu r William Mann , Librar y o f Congress ; m y thank s t o Warre n Goldstei n fo r thi s refer ence. Michae l T . Isenber g claim s tha t forty-seve n wa s th e averag e ag e o f death fo r bare-knuckle fighters , roughl y typica l fo r working-clas s men , bu t disturbingl y lo w given the fact that most prize fighters began their adulthood as unusually healthy individuals who had survived childhood diseases. Isenberg, chap. 3, p. 38. 58. American Fistiana (i860) , pp. 80-81; James, Life ofHeenan, p . 4. 59. New York Clipper, n o date given, quoted in American Fistiana (i860), pp. 80-81. 60. New York Times and New York Herald, no dates given, quoted in ibid. 61. Johnson , pp . 17-24 . "Sinfu l Business " i s well-researche d an d a n impressiv e piece of work given the fugitive natur e of the subject . 62. Ibid. , pp. 28-43; Adelman, p. 584; anon., "The True Inwardness of Gambling," New York Sun, Augus t 4, 1875 , originally printed in the Cincinnati Commercial; an d Donald J . Mrozek, Sport and American Mentality, 1880-ıçıo (Knoxville , 1983) , pp. 120-21.

63. I n additio n th e source s cite d i n not e 6 2 se e Biographical Dictionary of the American Congress (Washington, D.C., 1928) , in Magriel ms . (mainly a collection of contemporary newspape r reports); Leo Hershkowitz, Tweed's New York (Garden City, N.Y., 1977), pp. 149-55, 321-25; Werner, pp. 286-91; Myers, pp. 299-301; Wakin, pp. 116-18; and "Morrissey: A Remarkable Interview wit h the Great Expelled," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, August 2, 1875. 64. New York Daily Tribune, May 2, 1878. See also the Nation 4 (March 7, 1867). 65. Harrington , personal correspondence; New York Herald, May 2, 1878.

Chapter 4. The Meanings of Prize Fighting i. Pete r Georg e Buckley, "T o the Opera House : Culture an d Societ y i n Ne w York City, 1820-1860 " (diss., State University of New York at Stony Brook, 1984) , pp. 50510, raises this crucial issu e in a very sophisticate d way . We must be careful, however , not t o rea d th e presen t int o th e past . Today' s celebrit y possesse s a n aur a o f media created intimac y whic h i s fraudulen t an d alienating . W e neve r personall y touc h th e media-made celebrity , an d h e o r she i s oblivious t o fans a s individuals. Bu t this wa s not the case for the first generation of great bare-knucklers. 2. Frederic k Va n Wyck , Recollections of an Old New Yorker (New York , 1932) , pp. 100-114 . O n th e developmen t o f sport s i n th e antebellu m er a se e Benjami n C . Rader, "Th e Ques t fo r Subcommunitie s an d th e Ris e o f America n Sports, " American Quarterly 2 9 (Fal l 1977) : 307-21 ; Robert a J . Park , "Th e Attitude s o f Leadin g New Englan d Transcendentalist s towar d Healthfu l Exercise , Activ e Recreations , and Proper Care of the Body, 1830-1860, " Journal of Sport History 4 (Spring 1977) : 34-50; Melvi n Adelman , "Th e Developmen t o f Moder n Athletics : Spor t i n Ne w

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NOTES TO PAGES i3O-i3 i York City , 1820-1870 " (diss. , Universit y o f Illinois , 1980) , esp . chaps . 9-11 ; Joh n Rickard Betts , "Min d an d Bod y i n Early America n Thought, " Journal of American History 5 4 (March 1968) : 790-801; Betts , "Sporting Journalis m i n Nineteent h Cen tury America , 1819-1900" ; American Quarterly 5 (Sprin g 1953) : 39-56 ; Betts , America's Sporting Heritage, l8¦O-i9¦O (Reading , Mass. , 1974) , pt . 1 ; Stephe n Hall Hard y an d Jac k Berryman , " 'Public Amusement s an d Publi c Morality' : Spor t and Socia l Refor m i n th e America n City , 1800-1860 " (pape r presente d a t th e an nual meetin g o f th e Organizatio n o f America n Historians , Detroit , Apri l 1-4 , 1981); Pete r Levine , "Th e Promis e o f Spor t i n Antebellu m America, " Journal of American Culture 2 (Winter 1980) : 623-34; and Benjami n Rader , American Sports: From the Age of Folk Games to the Age of Spectators (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. , 1983), pt. 1. 3. O n th e bourgeoi s respons e t o th e poo r o f mid-nineteenth-centur y citie s se e Paul Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order in America (Cambridge , Mass., 1978) , pts. 2 and 3 ; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg , Religion and the Rise of the American City (Ithaca, 1971) . Fo r example s o f Victoria n response s t o sports , se e Joh n Dizikes , Sportsmen and Gamesmen (Boston , 1981) , chaps . 1-5 , 8 ; Buckley , pp . 591-604 ; Edward K . Spann , The New Metropolis: New York City, 1840-1857 (Ne w York , 1981), pp. 164-73 ; a n d Rader , American Sports, pp . 30-43 . Sto w Person s capture s the earnes t ton e o f Victoria n lif e i n hi s The Decline of American Gentility (Ne w York, 1973) . On the growing bifurcatio n o f American culture—elit e vs . plebeian— see Buckley , esp . pp. 160-61 . Excellen t discussion s o f th e underlyin g assumption s in Victoria n cultur e ar e containe d i n Danie l T . Rodgers, The Work Ethic in Industrial America, 1850-1950 (Chicago , 1978) ; Danie l Walke r Howe , ed. , Victorian America (Philadelphia , 1976) ; an d Howe , The Political Culture of the American Whigs (Chicago , 1979) . 4. Fo r demographic change, see Spann, chap. 1 ; Amy Bridges, A City in the Republic (Cambridge, Mass., 1984), pp. 39-45; Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (Ne w York , 1984) , pp. 18-24, 192 ; Allen Stanle y Horlick , Country Boys and Merchant Princes: The Social Control of Young Men in New York (Lewisburg, 1975) , chap. 1 ; George Rogers Taylor, "American Urban Growth Preceding th e Railroad Age," Journal of Economic History 27 (September 1967) : 309-39; Douglass C. North, The Economic Growth of the United States, 1790-1860 (Ne w York, 1966) , pt. 2; and Philip A. M. Taylor, The Distant Magnet: European Migration to the United States of America (London , 1971) , pp. 34-37. Frank Queen claimed that audiences for sparring matches ranged from dealer s in Wall Street stock s t o dealers i n faro , fro m Broadwa y dandie s t o seller s o f lozenges . How ever, he mentione d nothin g o f shopkeepers , businessmen, o r industrialists . New York Clipper, February 4 , 1854. 5. Fo r a fine discussion o f th e mora l econom y o f the old artisan culture , it s root edness i n republica n ideolog y an d collectiv e welfare , se e Wilentz , chaps . 2 and 3 . For chang e i n th e relation s o f work , se e Wilentz , pp . 108-10 , 119 , 134 ; Pau l Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, ı γ60-1860 (Albany , N.Y , 1981) , chap. 7 ; Bruc e Lauri e " 'Nothing on Compulsion' : Lif e Style s o f Philadelphi a Artisans , 1820-1850, " Labor History 15 (Summer 1974) : 337-66 ; Susa n Hirsch , Roots of the American Working Class • 286 •

NOTES TO PAGES 132-13 3 (Philadelphia, 1978) , chaps . 1 , 2, an d 5 ; Joseph F . Kett , Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present (Ne w York , 1977) , chap. 6; Bridges, chap. 3; and Pau l Johnson , A Shopkeepers' Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (Ne w York , 1978) , chap. 2 . For a paralle l transformatio n o f white colla r work , se e Horlick , pts . 1 and 2 . On wealt h distributio n see , for exam ples, Stepha n Thernstrom , Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City (New York, 1975) ; Edward Pessen, Riches, Class and Power before the Civil War (Lexington , Mass. , 1973) ; and Le e Soltow , "Economi c Inequalit y i n th e United State s i n th e Perio d fro m 1790-1860, " Journal of Economic History 3 1 (December 1971) : 833-39. 6. Fo r som e o f th e socia l an d cultura l implication s o f th e transformatio n fro m an artisa n t o a n industria l economy , se e th e work s b y Wilentz , Johnson , Faler , Laurie, rlirsch , and Horlick cited above , in addition to Bruce Laurie, "Fire Compa nies an d Gang s i n Southwark : Th e 1840s, " in Alle n F . Davis an d Mar k H . Haller , eds., The Peoples of Philadelphia: A History of Ethnic Groups and LowerClass Life, 1790-1940 (Philadelphia , 1973) , pp. 71-87; J. Thomas Jable , "Aspect s of Mora l Refor m i n Earl y Nineteent h Centur y Pennsylvania, " Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 10 2 (Jul y 1978) : 344-63 ; Susa n G . Davis , " 'Making Night Hideous': Christmas Revelr y an d Public Order in Nineteenth Cen tury Philadelphia, " American Quarterly 3 4 (Summe r 1982) : 185-99 ; Rodgers , pp . 15-22; Jil l Siege l Dodd , "Th e Workin g Classe s an d th e Temperanc e Movemen t i n Antebellum Boston, " Labor History 1 9 (Fal l 1978) : 510-31 ; Davi d Montgomery , "The Workin g Classe s o f th e Pre-Industria l America n City , 1780-1830, " Labor History 9 (Winter 1968) : 3-22; an d Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America (Ne w Haven , 1982) , esp . pp. 8-37 . 7. Th e socia l stress create d b y th e expansio n o f market s i s a central them e i n th e work of Wilentz, Johnson, Faler, Laurie, Horlick, Rodgers, and Hirsch. 8. Laurie , Faler, Johnson, Dodd , an d Wilentz al l trac e variations o n this theme of "moral classes" within the working class. 9. Raise d o n th e radica l republicanis m o f th e preindustria l city , edito r Georg e Wilkes als o merged suppor t fo r labo r with interes t i n sportin g events. See Alexande r Saxton, "George Wilkes: The Transformation o f a Radical Ideology," American Quarterly 3 3 (Fal l 1981) : 437-58. Wilkes' s devotio n t o radicalis m wane d a s hi s desir e t o acquire wealt h grew . Wilent z argue s tha t historian s hav e exaggerate d th e inheren t contradiction of labor radicalism and street life, pp. 255-56, 270-71, 326-35. Also see Bridges, p. 152 ; Subterranean, Januar y 31 , February 28 , and May 23, 1846, and October 25, 1845. 10. A s Buckle y reveal s i n "T o th e Oper a House, " surprisin g number s o f thes e men migrate d t o Californi a i n searc h o f adventure . Wa r als o provide d a tes t o f masculine honor . Severa l boxer s an d thei r backer s signe d a n ope n lette r t o th e Subterranean (Jul y II , 1846) , fo r example , declarin g thei r intentio n t o enlis t an d fight in Mexico. For an alternativ e interpretatio n o f sport s and work , one emphasiz ing "congruence " betwee n labo r an d leisur e values , se e Stephe n M . Gelber , "Working a t Playing : Th e Cultur e o f th e Workplac e an d th e Ris e o f Baseball, " Journal of Social History 1 6 (Summer 1983) : 3-22. For two pathbreaking studie s of • 287 •

NOTES TO PAGES i33-i3 4 nineteenth-century theater , se e Rober t Toll , Blacking Up: The Minstrel Show in Nineteenth Century America (Ne w York , 1974) , an d Davi d Grimsted , Melodrama Unveiled: American Theater and Culture, 1800-1850 (Chicago , 1968) . 11. Wilent z argues persuasively that the street culture was not purely traditionalist— seeking to restore the recreations of the past—but a hybrid, mixing old and new social and cultura l patterns ; pp . 53-60 , 257-63 . Als o se e Joshua Brown , "Th e 'Dead Rabbiť-Bowery Bo y Riot: A n Analysi s o f th e Antebellu m Ne w Yor k Gang" (thesis, Columbia University , 1976) , pp. 155-56 ; Spann, pp. 248-56; Hirsch, pp. 74-75; Howard B . Rock, Artisans of the New Republic (Ne w York , 1979) , pp. 295-319; Buckley, pp. 319-35 ; an d Bruc e Laurie , The Working Peoples of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia, 1980) , pp. 53-58. For a particularly luri d accoun t o f working-class lif e on the Bowery, see Junius Henri Browne, The Great Metropolis: A Mirror of New York (Hartford, 1869) , pp. 130-37, 326-31 568-73. 12. Brown , Spann , Wilentz , Buckley , Rock , Hirsch , an d Lauri e al l touc h o n thes e points. The desir e t o for m voluntar y association s wa s par t o f th e large r tendenc y o f Americans to band together in pursuit of specific goals , a tendency engendered by the atomization o f market - an d contract-base d society . A s Benjami n Rade r observes , sports organizations such as early baseball clubs were another way that men countered social isolatio n wit h voluntar y consociation . Se e "Ques t fo r Subcommunities, " pp . 355-69. The Irish also brought their heritage of secret societies and faction fighting— the poo r man' s tool s fo r influencin g elections an d temperin g th e powe r o f landlord s and bosses—al l o f whic h fe d th e gangs , fir e companies , politica l clubs , an d othe r working-class institutions in American cities. See Brown, pp. 117-47. 13. Stonecutte r an d Bowery B'hoy Davi d Broderick also opened a tavern, named it in hono r o f Mik e Walsh' s radica l newspaper , an d ther e entertaine d th e edito r alon g with the likes of Yankee Sullivan, William Poole, and John Morrissey. Another saloon keeper, To m McGuire , a ma n whos e root s wer e i n th e radica l republicanis m o f th e preindustrial city , gre w t o moderat e wealt h promotin g priz e fights a s wel l a s black faced minstrelsy , and even grand opera in New York and San Francisco. J. Frank Kernan, Reminiscences of the Old Fire Laddies and Volunteer Departments of New York and Brooklyn (Ne w York , 1885) , pp. 114-19 ; Saxton, pp. 437-38, 442. For a typically judgmental accoun t o f thes e "degraded " characters , se e Browne , Great Metropolis, chap. 6. On the centrality of the saloon to working-class culture see Jon M. Kingsdale, "The 'Poo r Man's Club': Social Functions of the Urban Working-Class Saloon," American Quarterly 2 5 (October 1973) : 472-89; Michael T. Isenberg, "John L. Sullivan and His America," draft manuscrip t (Annapolis, 1985) , chap. 2, pp. 24-26; and Roy Rosenzweig, Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870-1920 (Cambridge , 1983) , pt. 2, chap. 2. 14. Laurie , Working Peoples of Philadelphia, pp . 58-62; Herbert Asbury , Ye Olde Fire Laddies (Ne w York, 1930), pp. 154-55, 171-84; Wilentz, pp. 259-63; Laurie, "Fire Companies an d Gang s in Southwark, " pp. 71-87; Kernan, p. 19 ; Buckley, pp. 333-42; Adelman, pp. 569-74; Alvin F. Harlow, Old Bowery Days (New York, 1931) , chap. 12; Alexander B. Callow, The Tweed Ring (New York, 1966) , chaps. 1,4,5, 7, 8; Leo Hershkowitz, Tweed's New York (Garden City, N.Y, 1977) , chaps. 1-6 ; Kett , pp. 90-93; an d Ed James , "Live s an d Battle s o f the Irish Champions " (1883) , in a scrapbook o f clippings on nineteenth-century America n sports , New York Public Library Annex. • 288 •

NOTES TO PAGES I34-I3 6 15. See , for example, anon., London and New York: Their Crime and Police (New York, 1853) , reprinted fro m article s i n the New York Journal of Commerce, Februar y 1853; Harlow, chaps. 1 1 and 16 ; Herbert Asbury , The Gangs of New York (New York , 1928), pp. 37-45; Jerome Mushkat, Tammany: The Evolution of a Political Machine, 1789-1865 (Syracuse , 1971) , p. 208; Gustavus Myers , The History of Tammany Hall (New York, 1901) , pp. 154-63 ; and M. R. Werner, Tammany Hall (New York , 1928), pp. 44-65 • 16. Saxton , pp. 437-58, does a fine job o f revealin g th e juncture o f politics, stree t life, an d working-clas s culture . Als o se e Kett , pp . 8-90 ; Wilentz , pp . 255-64 , 300 301; Brown, pp. 60-61, 144-56 ; George G. Foster, New York by Gaslight (Ne w York , 1850), chap . 12 ; Foster, New York in Slices by an Experienced Carver (Ne w York , 1849), chap . 9 ; Laurie , Peoples of Philadelphia, pp . 151-58 ; Harlow, chaps . 11 , 16; Asbury, Gangs of New York, pp. 37-45 ; Mushkat , p . 208 ; Meyers, pp . 154-63 ; and Werner, pp . 44-65. For an alternativ e interpretatio n o f gang behavior—one stressin g antisocial act s more than grou p norms—see Leonar d Berkowitz , "Violence an d Rul e Following Behavior, " i n Pete r Marsh an d Ann e Campbell , eds. , Aggression and Violence (Oxford, 1982) , pp. 91-101. 17. Spann , pp . 319 , 326-29 , 344-5¤ . 352-53 ; Wilentz , pp . 255-64 , 326-35 ; Brown, pp . 78-95; and Bridges , pp. 61-62, 110-13 , r 32-35. Rynders, for example , brought such fighters as Bill Ford and John McCleester to sixth ward primary meet ings, trying t o us e muscl e t o broaden hi s politica l bas e beyond th e fifth ward . Ker nan, pp. 52-54. O n violence a s a political too l i n artisa n cultur e se e Michael Feld berg, "Urbanizatio n a s a Cause o f Violence : Philadelphi a a s a Test Case, " in Alle n F. Davi s an d Mar k H . Haller , eds. , The Peoples of Philadelphia (Philadelphia , 1973), pp. 56, 66. Fo r tie s betwee n urba n vice , gambling , an d politics , se e Haller , "Recurring Themes, " the conclusion t o Davis and Haller , pp. 277-90. 18. Fo r mor e o n stree t politics , se e Georg e Walling , Recollections of a New York Chief of Police (n.p., 1890), pp. 375-76; New York Daily Tribune, "The Poole Tragedy," March 10 , 1855 ; Spann, 318-19 ; Fred Harve y Harrington , "Gamblers , Politician s an d the World of Sport, 1840-1870 " (a paper read at the Organization of American Historians meeting, April 8, 1983). As Buckley points out, several of the most influential indi viduals in working-class culture, such as editors George Wilkes and Mike Walsh, politician Isaia h Rynders , an d promote r Davi d Broderick , becam e wealth y me n an d ultimately cut themselves off from th e very culture they helped create; pp. 406-9. 19. O n nativism an d politics i n New York see Robert Ernst, "Economic Nativis m in New York City durin g the 1840s, " New York History 2 9 (April 1948) : 170-86 ; Ira M. Leonard , "Th e Ris e an d Fal l o f th e America n Republica n Part y i n Ne w Yor k City," New-York Historical Society Quarterly 5 0 (Apri l 1966) : 150-92 ; Spann , pp . 276-80, 334-39 ; Wilentz , pp . 315-25 . 343¯49; an d Bridges , pp . 12 , 30-33. 39¯45 . 92-98. Severa l historian s hav e argue d tha t ethni c conflic t wa s th e majo r formativ e influence i n th e politic s o f th e antebellu m era . Fo r thi s "ethnocultural " school , se e Michael F . Holt , Forging a Majority: The Formation of the Republican Party in Pittsburgh, 1848-1860 (Ne w Haven, 1969); Holt, The Political Crisis of the 1850s (New York, 1978) ; Joel H . Silbey , The Transformation of American Politics, 1840-1860 (Englewood Cliffs, 1967) ; Robert Kelly , The Cultural Pattern in American Politics: The First Century (Ne w York, 1979) ; Paul Kleppner , The Cross of Culture: A Social • 289

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NOTES TO PAGES I37-I4 O Analysis of Midwestern Politics, 1850-IĢOO (New York, 1970) ; Kleppner, The Third Electoral System, i8¦ĵ-l8g2: Parties, Voters and Political Cultures (Chape l Hill , 1979). Boxer s affirme d th e continuit y o f ethni c identit y acros s generation s i n thei r ring names . Thus one black becam e "Youn g Molineaux " an d a Jewish fighter calle d himself "Youn g Dutc h Sam " afte r hi s Englis h predecessor . Still , Iris h an d Englis h immigrants dominate d th e sport. Adelma n estimate s tha t around 5 5 percent o f pre Civil War New York fighters were of Irish extraction, and most of the rest came fro m English stock ; pp. 559-69. 20. Wilentz , pp. 137-39; Buckley, pp. 342-49; New York Clipper, April 29 , 1854. 21. I n addition t o Wilentz an d Buckle y a s cited i n note 19 , see Laurie, "Fir e Com panies," pp. 77-78; Jable, "Moral Reform, " pp . 362-63. 22. Fo r examples, see New York Clipper, December 1 0 and October 15 , 1853. 23. Th e mos t comprehensiv e wor k o n stree t cultur e i s Buckley , "T o th e Oper a House." It was the corrupting effects o f street culture on youth which reformers feare d most. See especially Halttunen , pp. 23-32. 24. O n symboli c inversio n se e Barbar a A . Babcock, ed. , The Reversible World: Symbolic Inversion in Art and Society (Ithaca , 1978) . Police Captain Pett y referred t o Norton's fifth war d cliqu e a s " a gan g o f rowdie s compose d o f thieves , gamblers , pimps, bount y jumpers, fighters an d ru m sellers. " The presiden t o f th e polic e boar d called Norto n "th e champio n o f th e desperat e an d dangerou s classes, " includin g thieves, prostitutes , an d murderers . Othe r boxer s als o foun d succes s o n thei r ow n terms. Ed Pric e became a n attorney afte r retirin g fro m th e ring, building hi s practic e with th e aid of his stree t contacts , while Orvill e "Awful " Gardner— a fe w year s afte r biting off par t of William "Dubli n Tricks" Hasting's ear in a brawl—was converted t o Christianity an d preached t o others of his background i n the language and style of the Bowery. Quotations fro m Edwi n P . Kilroe, comp., "Skeleton Outlin e o f the Activitie s of Michael Norton, " New-York Historical Societ y manuscrip t dated April 1 , 1938. See also Charle s Lorrin g Brace , The Dangerous Classes of New York and Twenty Years Work among Them (New York, 1872) , pp. 288-97; Spann, p. 346. 25. O n "modern" personality se e Richard D . Brown, Modernization: The Transformation of American Life, 1600-1865 (Ne w York , 1976) , chaps. 5 and 6 , and Wilbu r Zelinsky, A Cultural Geography of the United States (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. , 1973) , chap. 2 . M y considerabl e intellectua l deb t t o Cliffor d Geert z shoul d b e obviou s i n these pages. See his The Interpretation of Cultures (Ne w York, 1973). 26. Contras t the behavior of men at a fight with Victorian propriety a s elucidated by Howe e t al . in Victorian America an d b y Halttune n i n Confidence Men and Painted Women. 27. O n gambling see Ann Fabian, "Rascals and Gentlemen: The Meaning of American Gambling, 1820-1890 " (diss., Yale University, 1983) . 28. O n the centrality of gambling t o the rise of sports see Harrington, "Gamblers , Politicians, and the World of Sports." Labor radical Mike Walsh seems to have taken a live-and-let-live attitud e towar d gambling ; se e Subterranean, Decembe r 27 , 1845. The ring depended o n professional gambler s for stake money and to facilitate wager ing amon g othe r bettors . Jak e Somerendyke , fo r example , was a regula r a t th e Empire Clu b wher e fight s wer e discussed an d arranged . H e earned hi s mone y fro m his expertis e a t th e rin g an d track , handicappin g horse s an d fighters an d sellin g • 290 •

NOTES TO PAGES i4O-i4 3 "pools" t o othe r gamblers . Se e E d James , The Life and Battles of Tom Hyer (Ne w York, 1879) , p. 2. 29. Fabian , "Rascal s an d Gentlemen" ; Harrington , "Gamblers , Politicians an d th e World of Sports." Also see Haller, "Recurring Themes," pp. 277-90. 30. O n gender roles in Victorian America se e Rader, American Sports, p . 34; Peter Stearns, Be a Man: Males in Modern Society (Ne w York, 1979) , chap. 5; Edward Anthony Rotundo , "Bod y an d Soul : Changin g Ideal s o f America n Middle-Clas s Manhood," Journal of Social History 1 6 (Summe r 1983) : 23-38; Rotundo , "Man hood i n America: Th e Norther n Middl e Class , 1770-1920 " (diss., Brandeis Univer sity, 1982) , chaps. 4-6 ; Mar y P . Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, ı γço-1865 (Cambridge , 1981) ; Charles E . Rosenberg , "Sexuality, Clas s an d Rol e i n Nineteent h Centur y America, " i n Josep h an d Eliza beth Pltck , eds. , The American Man (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. , 1980) , pp . 219-54 ; Michael Gordon , "Th e Idea l Husban d a s Depicte d i n th e Nineteenth Centur y Mar riage Manual, " i n Plec k an d Pleck , pp . 145-57 ; Jo e L . Dubbert , A Man's Place: Masculinity in Transition (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. , 1979) , chap. 2; Pleck an d Pleck , "Introduction," pp . 14-15 ; Nanc y F . Cott , The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-1835 (Ne w Haven, 1977) ; Ann Douglas , The Feminization of American Culture (Ne w York , 1977) ; Willia m H . Chafe , Women and Equality: Changing Patterns in American Culture (Oxford , 1979) , chap . 2 ; Pete r Gabriel Filene , Him/Her/Self: Sex Roles in Modern America (Ne w York , 1974) , chaps. 1 and 2 ; and Nanc y F . Cott an d Elizabet h H . Pleck, eds. , A Heritage of Her Own: Toward a New Social History of American Women (New York , 1979) , chaps. 6-14. 31. Span n captures the male basis of this culture, pp. 344-50. Rotundo's disserta tion i s particularly helpfu l here , especially chaps . 2-6. Also see Jonathan Katz , ed., Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the USA (New York , 1976) . Joseph H. Pleck, The Myth of Masculinity (Cambridge , Mass., 1981) , pp. 140-42 , uses the term s "traditional " an d "modern " t o differentiat e male-centere d fro m female centered masculinity , a class-biased formulation . Pete r Stearn s i s quite sensitiv e t o the proble m o f ho w clas s an d gende r role s interact ; pp . 41-46 , 59-60 , 62-63 , 70-71. 32. Rader , American Sports, p . 34 ; Hirsch, pp . 54-55; Kernan , p . 165 ; Stearns, pp. 52-53 , 85 ; Kingsdale, "Th e 'Poo r Man' s Club, ' " pp . 472-89; Brace , pp . 286 97; Ned Polsky , Hustlers, Beats and Others (Chicago , 1967) , especially pp . 31-37, 72-73, 85-115 ; Adelman, pp . 582-89; Boyer, chap. 7; and David R. Johnson, Policing the Urban Underworld (Philadelphia , 1979) , especiall y pp . 29-40 , 78-89 , 126-81. 33. Carrol l Smith-Rosenberg , "Th e Femal e Worl d o f Lov e an d Ritual : Relation s between Women in Nineteenth Century America," Signs 1 (Autum n 1975) : 1-29; Isenberg, chap. 2, pp. 18-19. 34. New York Clipper, Decembe r 10 , 1853 . Joseph an d Elizabet h Plec k poin t ou t that eighteenth-century me n were intensely intimat e i n their interactions with one another. American Man, p. 13. 35. O n th e concep t o f hono r se e Bertra m Wyat t Brown , Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (Ne w York , 1982) , esp. pt. 1 ; Wyatt-Brown, Yankee • 2ÇI

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NOTES TO PAGES i43-i4 5 Saints and Southern Sinners (Bato n Rouge , 1985) ; Edward L . Ayers, Vengeance and Justice, Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth Century American South (Ne w York, 1984) , esp. chap. 1 ; Elliott J . Gorn, '"Goug e an d Bite , Pull Hai r an d Scratch' : The Socia l Significance o f Fighting i n the Southern Backcountry, " American Historical Review 9 0 (February 1985) : 38-42; Peter Berger et al., The Homeless Mind (Ne w York, 1973) , pp. 83-94 ; Juli o Caro-Baroja , "Honou r an d Shame : A n Historica l Ac count o f Severa l Conflicts, " trans . R . Johnson , an d Julia n Pitt-Rivers , "Honou r an d Social Status, " both i n J . G. Peristiani , ed. , Honour and Shame (Chicago , 1966) , pp. 88-91, 19-77 ; and "Honor" in David Sills, ed., The International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences 6 (New York, 1968) : 503-10. 36. Se e references i n note 32 above. 37. Brown , pp . 113-17 ; Bridges , p . 116 ; Spann , pp . 71 , 25-28, 134-51 . 306-19 ; Wilentz, pp. 117-19 , 363-64; and Roger Lane, Violent Death in the City (Cambridge, Mass., 1979) , pp. 59-64, 117-24 . The human environmen t coul d be as threatening a s the natural one. Mobbing and rioting were common, traditional forms of protest aimed at attaining particular social or economic goals. Moreover, street crime—though comparatively infrequen t b y modern standards—wa s perceive d a s growing out of control. See Michae l Feldberg , "Urbanizatio n a s a Cause o f Violence , Philadelphi a a s a Test Case," in Davis and Haller, pp. 53-69. 38. Wilentz , chap . 7 , esp . 262-66 ; Leonar d L . Richards , Gentlemen of Property and Standing: Ann-Abolition Mobs in Jacksonian America (Ne w York, 1970) . Traditional use s o f violenc e i s a pervasive them e i n Buckley , "T o th e Oper a House, " an d Brown '"Dea d Rabbiť-Bower y Bo y Riot." Also se e Harlow, pp. 146-51 ; Charles N . Glabb an d Theodor e Brown , A History of Urban America (Ne w York , 1967) , pp . 87-88. 39. Eve n though the rules of the ring sometimes broke down, it was the ideal of fai r combat whic h gav e boxin g symboli c power . Afte r a barroo m misunderstandin g i n 1859, John C. Heenan was set upon in the streets of Boston, kicked down from behind , shot at, and left bleedin g with injuries t o his back and knee. Contrast suc h brutality — not uncommon i n street life—wit h th e controlled passion s of the ring. Ed James, Life and Battles of John C. Heenan (Ne w York, 1879) , p. 3. For a fascinating discussio n of the verbal violenc e i n Englis h yout h gangs , see Pate r Marsh , "Th e Rhetoric s o f Violence," in Mars h an d Ann e Campbell , eds. , Aggression and Violence (Oxford , 1982) , pp. 102-17 .

40. Th e bes t evidenc e indicate s tha t violen t spectacle s suc h a s boxing matche s d o not have a cathartic effect bu t tend to promote real violence. See, for examples, David P. Phillips, "The Werther Effect," The Sciences, July-Augus t 1985 , pp. 33-39; George Gaskill and Robert Pearton , chap. 1 0 of Jeffrey H . Goldstein, ed., Sports, Games and Play: Social and Psychological Viewpoints (Hillsdale , N.J., 1979) , pp. 263-91; Gold stein, ed., Sports Violence (New York, 1983) ; and Richard G . Sipes, "War, Sports and Aggression: A n Empirica l Tes t o f Tw o Riva l Theories, " American Anthropologist, n.s., 751 (February 1973) : 64-86. 41. Fo r a n excellen t surve y o f sociologica l theorie s o n yout h gan g violence , se e David Downes, "The Language of Violence," in Marsh and Campbell, Aggression and Violence, chap. 3.

• 29 2 •

NOTES TO PAGES i 4 8 - i 5 i

Chapter 5 . Triumph and Declin e i. American Fistiana (Ne w York , i860) , pp. 82-85; Alan Lloyd , The Great Prize Fight (New York, 1977) , chap. 7; Bell's Life in London, Ma y 15 , 1859, in The Lives and Battles of Tom Sayers and John C. Heenan, "The Benicia Boy" (Ne w York, i860) , pp. 71-77; and Richard Calhoun, "The Great International Priz e Fight of i860, " World of Sport, Ma y 1984 , pp. 40-45. Generally, Lloyd an d Calhoun ar e the most reliable secondary source s on this fight. 2. Lives of Sayer and Heenan, p . 90 ; Vanity Fair, Januar y 14 , i860 , p . 45 , i n Magriel ms . ( a collectio n primaril y o f comtemporar y newspape r account s o f bare knuckle fights). 3. Olive r Wendell Holmes, "The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table," Atlantic Monthly 1 (May 858) : 881 . 4. Melvi n Adelman , "Th e Developmen t o f Moder n Athletics : Spor t i n Ne w Yor k City, 1820-1870 " (diss., University of Illinois, 1980) , p. 566. Frank Luther Mott, historian of American journalism, claims that Heenan's fights were the sports highlights of the era. A History of American Magazines (Ne w York, 1962) , 2: 201; American Journalism (Ne w York, 1962) , p. 382. Also see William Edga r Harding, John C. Heenan: Champion Pugilist of America (Ne w York, 1881) , p. 5. 5. Lloyd , pp. 92-94. On this fascinating woma n se e John Dizikes, Sportsmen and Gamesmen (Boston , 1981) , pp. 228-34; Claudia Johnson, American Actress: Perspectives on the Nineteenth Century (Chicago , 1984) , chap. 8. 6. Severa l sample s o f th e iconograph y o f th e rin g ar e photocopie d i n th e Magrie l ms. Also see Nathaniel Fleischer, Sam Andre, and Nat Loubet, A Pictorial History of Boxing, rev. ed. (Secaucus, N.J., 1975), pp. 43-47. 7. Alexande r Saxton, "George Wilkes: The Transformation o f a Radical Ideology, " American Quarterly 3 3 (Fall 1981) : 445-46; New York Times, April 25 , 28, 30, i860 . Newspapers carried debate s and letters on the fighters' respective merits. See Lives of Sayers and Heenan, pp . 69-71, 91-94 ; John Rickar d Betts , America's Sporting Heritage, 1850-1950 (Reading , Mass., 1974) , p. 39. 8. Harper's Weekly 4 (May 5, i860) , quoted in Betts, America's Sporting Heritage, P•39• 9. Leslie' s criticism is contained in the issue of December 31, 1859 . F°r examples of how the illustrated newspaper s covered the fight, see Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, Marc h 24, i860, and the New York Illustrated News, April 14 , i860. 10. Mott , American Journalism, p . 382 . Eac h journa l assure d it s reader s tha t i t alone could be counted on for authentic coverage, and the competition between papers was extremely fierce. The New York Illustrated News sen t an engraver to do his work from artists ' sketche s o n boar d th e homeward-boun d steame r Vanderbilt. America n papers flooded London whil e tons of English journals wer e snatched u p at America n ports. Lloyd, pp. 133, 158-59. 11. Se e Prologue, above ; Lloyd, pp . 14 , 18-19 . Robert W . Malcolmson, Popular Recreations in English Society, 1700-1850 (Cambridge , Mass. , 1973) , make s a forceful cas e for the decline of ancient sport s in the Victorian period, and writers on boxing i n th e er a confir m hi s conclusions . Denni s Brailsford , Sport and Society:

• 293

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NOTES T O PAGES I5i—15 9 Elizabeth to Anne (Toronto , 1969) , argues tha t th e declin e o f sport s theor y i s greatl y overestimated, tha t th e workin g clas s wa s abl e t o preserv e it s autonomou s recre ations. H e clearl y exaggerate s i n th e cas e o f boxing , bu t th e tenacit y o f th e workin g class i n preservin g ol d pastime s ha s to o ofte n bee n slighte d b y thos e wh o vie w mod ernization a s a n overwhelming , superorgani c process . 12. Se e Lloyd , pp . 22-116 . 13. Ibid . Morrisse y denie d reveng e a s a motive, implyin g tha t bettin g o n Sayer s wa s purely a n investment . Th e forme r champion , incidentally , wa s accompanie d t o En gland b y Da d Cunningham , slaye r o f Paudee n MacLaughlin , wh o wa s Willia m Poole' s murderer. E d James , The Life and Battles of John Morrissey (Ne w York , 1897) , pp . 19-20. 14. Lloyd , pp . 111-25 ; s e e a ' s o undate d passage s fro m London Sporting Life i n Lives of Sayers and Heenan, pp . 77-86 . 15. Clipper quote d i n American Fistiana (i860) , p . 87 ; Wilkes' Spirit of the Times, January 21 , i860, quote d i n Adelman , p . 566. 16. Lives of Sayers and Heenan, pp . 71,91 , quotatio n take n fro m a January editio n of Wilkes' Spirit of the Times; The Diary of George Templeton Strong, ed . Alle n Nev ins an d Milto n Halse y Thoma s (Ne w York , 1952) , Monday, Apri l 3 , i860 . 17. Fo r example , se e Georg e Borrow , Lavengro (London , 1910) , chap. 26 ; unattrib uted quotatio n i n Lloyd , pp . 124-31 , 157 ; Famous Fights in the Prize Ring (London , n.d.), p . 4 ; E d James , The Life and Battles of John C. Heenan, the Hero of Farnborough (Ne w York , 1879) , pp. 5-6 . 18. James , Life of Heenan, pp . 6-17 . Lloyd , chaps . 20-23 , persuasivel y synthesize s reports fro m th e Britis h an d America n press . 19. F . Locker-Lampson , Fifty Famous Fights in Fact and Fiction, quote d i n T B . Shepherd ed. , The Noble Art: An Anthology (London , 1950) , p. 147 ; Lloyd, pp . 155-57 , 164. 20. Willia m Makepeac e Thackeray , "Th e Figh t o f Sayeriu s an d Heenanus, " re printed i n Shepherd , Noble Art, pp . 151-52 . 21. On e broadsid e b y "Dilse y o f London " ha d Heena n repeatedl y declar e "Eri n g o Bragh." Reprinte d i n J . N . Healy , Old Irish Street Ballads (Cork , 1969) , 3 : 16 . 22. Quote d i n Willia m D . Cox , ed. , Boxing in Art and Literature (Ne w York , 1935), pp . 121-22 ; Foste r Rhe a Dulles , America Learns to Play (Gloucester , Mass. , 1959). P • !46 ; Lloyd , p . 152 ; Adelman , pp . 568-69 ; an d James , Life of Heenan, pp . 17-18. 23. Al l cite d i n Adelman , pp . 567-68 . Als o se e Lloyd , pp . 158-59 ; Lives of Sayers and Heenan, p . 78; Harding, John C. Heenan, p . 5; and James , Life of Heenan, pp . 15 17. The passag e o f tim e mad e th e Englis h pres s a s certai n tha t Sayer s wa s cheate d a s the America n pres s wa s tha t Heena n deserve d th e belt . 24. "Heena n an d Sayers, " i n M . C . Dean , comp. , The Flying Cloud and One Hundred Fifty Other Old Time Poems and Ballads (Virginia , Minn. , 1922) , pp . 24-25. 25. Th e New York Clipper ha d t o remind it s reader s wh o Charle s Freema n was . Se e Lives of Sayers and Heenan, p . 90. Als o se e Adelman , p . 601, and Lloyd , p . 38. 26. Rand y Roberts , Jack Dempsey: The Manassa Mauler (Bato n Rouge , 1979) , chap. 3 . O n boxin g an d militaris m i n th e twentiet h centur y se e Jeffre y T Sammons , • 294

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NOTES T O PAGE S I O I - l 6 5 "America i n th e Ring : Th e Relationshi p betwee n Boxin g an d Societ y circ a 1930 1980" (diss. , Universit y o f Nort h Carolina , Chape l Hill , 1982) . 27. Thoma s Wentwort h Higginson , "Physica l Courage, " Atlantic Monthly 2 (No vember 1858) : 733-37 . 28. Fo r example, American Fistiana (i860) , p. 17 . The Sayers-Heena n bou t contin ued t o provid e a livin g metapho r fo r me n involve d wit h th e diplomac y o f th e Civi l War. I n England , Lor d Palmersto n wrot e t o hi s foreig n secretar y o n Jun e 13 , 1862 , that Britis h mediatio n betwee n th e warrin g side s woul d b e lik e "offerin g t o mak e i t up betwee n Sayer s an d Heena n afte r th e Thir d Round. " Henr y Adams , i n Englan d with hi s father , Ambassado r Charle s Franci s Adams , ST., als o use d a boxin g meta phor t o explai n th e situatio n o f th e summe r o f 186 2 t o hi s brother , Charles , Jr. : "Yo u see w e ar e strippin g an d squarin g off , t o sa y nothin g o f sponging , fo r th e nex t round. " From Bria n Jenkins , Britain in the War for the Union, 2 vols . (Montreal , 1974) , 2 : 166-76; The Letters of Henry Adams, ed . J . C . Levenso n e t al . (Cambridge , Mass. , 1982), 1 : 167-69 . 29. Th e argumen t tha t sport s prepare d me n fo r wa r receive d fulles t expressio n a t the en d o f th e century . Se e Donal d J . Mrozek , Sport and American Mentality, 18801910 (Knoxville , 1983) , chap. 2 . 30. Lawrenc e Webster Fielding , "Spor t o n the Road t o Appomattox: Th e Shado w o f Army Life " (diss. , Universit y o f Maryland , 1974) , pp . 48 , 106-10 , 155 , 172-74 . Ac cording t o Fielding , th e Unio n armie s wer e generall y mor e intereste d i n sport s tha n the Confederates . 31. Ibid. , pp . 106 , 306 , 313 , 321 , 345 , 346 , 366 , 385 , 392 , 397 , 411 , 414 , 487 , 491. 32. Augustu s Buell , The Cannoneer (Washington , D.C. , 1890) , pp. 54-55. See als o Alexander Hunter , Johnny Reb and Billy Yank (Ne w York , 1905) , p. 98. The 187 3 edi tion o f American Fistiana stresse d th e pugnacit y o f th e Iris h soldiers . Fran k Wilke son recalle d tha t th e batter y nex t t o hi s wa s manne d b y Irishme n wh o "indulge d i n a fist fight almos t nightly. " The y eventuall y persuade d som e o f Wilkeson' s comrade s to participat e i n thei r melees . Recollections of a Private Soldier (Ne w York , 1887) , p. 24 . 33. Buell , pp . 54-55 , 274-77 . 34. American Fistiana (1873) , pp. 100-101 . 35. Fielding , pp . 329 , 462 , 308 ; Alfre d Davenport , Camp and Field Life of the Fifth New York Volunteer Infantry (Ne w York , 1879) , p . 103 , quoted i n Fielding , p . 308; Edmun d Randolp h Brown , The Twenty Seventh Indiana Volunteer Infantry in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865 (Monticello , In. , 1899) , p. 87, quoted i n Fielding , P- 3O5• 36. A poin t wel l mad e b y Fielding , pp . xi-xii . 37. J . H . Worsham , Foot Cavalry, cite d i n Fielding , pp . 199-200 , 202-3 , 487 . 38. Not e b y Privat e Georg e E . Smith , quote d i n Fielding , p . 441 . Se e als o Ala n T. Nolan , The Iron Brigade (Madison , W i s e , 1975) , pp . 184-85 ; Fielding , pp . 202-3. 39. Joha n Huizinga , Homo Ludens: The Play Element in Culture (Boston , 1950) , esp. chap . 1 . 40. American Fistiana (1873) , pp . 101 , 103 , 104 . Fistiana, p . 103 , reporte d a • 295

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NOTES TO PAGES i65-l6 9 highly "artistic " fight i n whic h Jo e Cobur n an d Bil l Clar k put o n th e glove s an d fought fo r half a n hour, each clean hi t ending a round, until Coburn wo n eleven hit s to ten . E d James , sport s edito r o f th e Clipper, referee d thi s bou t o n Januar y 28 , 1863. 41. Fo r examples see American Fistiana (1873) , pp. 117 , 119-21, 123-24 . On mal e frontier lif e se e Elliot t West , The Saloon on the Rocky Mountain Mining Frontier (Lincoln, Neb., 1979). 42. American Fistiana (1873) , pp. 96, 117-18 , 124 ; West, pp. 85-87. In 1851 , five hundred patron s paid S2.5 0 each to watch Matthe w Trac y an d Bil l Blackwood pum mel eac h othe r a t Storm' s Ranch , California . Fou r year s later , twenty-fiv e hundre d spectators, includin g " a numbe r o f gayly dresse d females, " spen t five dollars apiec e and saw Con Orem battle Patsy Marley at Last Chance Flat, Montana Territory. Als o see Raber t K . DeArment , Bat Masterson, The Man and the Legend, (Norman , Okla., 1979) , pp. 72, 218-19, 339-43 ; Fleischer, Andre , an d Loubet , Pictorial History, p . 79. 43. New York Sunday Mercury, Ma y 10 , 1863 ; accounts take n fro m th e Sporting Life, the Sportsman, an d the Illustrated Sporting News, cited in Famous Fights in the Prize Ring (London, n.d. [ca . 1870s]), pp. 173-75. 44. I n additio n t o the source s i n note 43 see William Edga r Harding , Champions of the American Prize Ring (New York, 1880) , pp. 39-44; Harding, Prize Ring Heroes (New York , 1889) , pp . 78-80 ; James , Life of Heenan, pp . 18-19 ; Mott , American Journalism, p . 382; and Dizikes , p. 225. As was common, som e enterprising rogue s published a bogus extra edition o f Wilkes' Spirit of the Times with a n early bu t fals e report o f th e Heenan-Kin g fight. Se e American Gentleman's Newspaper, Decembe r 26, 1863. 45. New York Times, May 6 , 1863 . See also th e New York Sunday Mercury, Ma y 3 and 10 , 1863 ; Wilkes' Spirit of the Times, May 1 6 and 23 , 1863 ; New York Illustrated News, May 16 , 1863; American Fistiana (1873), pp. 106-8 ; and New York Herald, May 6,1863. 46. Se e references i n note 45. On rough an d tumbl e fighting on the Southern fron tier se e Elliott J. Gorn, " 'Gouge an d Bite , Pull Hair an d Scratch' : The Socia l Signifi cance o f Fightin g i n th e Souther n Backcountry, " American Historical Review 9 0 (February 1985) : 18-43 . 47. New York Clipper, quote d i n American Fistiana (1873) , p. 106 ; see als o New York Herald, May 6, 1863. 48. Se e reference s i n not e 45 . Coburn' s color s wer e emeral d green , McCoole' s green-and-white chec k with a red, white, and blue border. 49. New York Sunday Mercury, Ma y 3, 1865. 50. American Fistiana (1873) , pp. 128 , 136 ; E. B . Mitchell, Fencing, Boxing and Wrestling (London, 1893) , pp. 143-44 ; Boston Theatrical News, Jun e 4, 1870 , Sporting Times and Theatrical News, Ma y 2 1 and 28 , 1870 , all i n Magrie l ms. ; and New York Clipper, quoted in American Fistiana (1873) , pp. 145-47. 51. Categorie s (heavyweight, lightweight, etc.) were used intermittently an d without precisio n durin g th e bare-knuckl e era . Chandle r weighe d 13 6 pounds , Harri s 137. Nat Fleischer regards thi s as the first middleweigh t championshi p bout , in Ring Record Book (Ne w York , 1968) , p . 17 . Th e quotatio n i s fro m th e coverag e i n • 296 •

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American Fistiana (1873) , pp . 128-31 . Als o se e "Th e Doone y Song, " publishe d b y T. C. Boyd (Sa n Francisco , n.d.) , from th e collection o f Danie l W . Patterson, Universit y of Nort h Carolina , Chape l Hill ; American Fistiana (1873) , pp. 103 , 116-17 , '34 > ! 3 6 , 144; Herber t Asbury , Gangs of New York (Ne w York , 1928) , pp . 184-85 ; Wilkes' Spirit of the Times, Novembe r 14 , 1863 , in Magrie l ms . 52. Huizinga' s centra l thesi s i n Homo Ludens i s tha t agonisti c pla y i s th e fon t o f culture. 53. American Fistiana (1873) , pp. 98 , 101 , 108-10 . American Fistiana refer s t o th e "increased vigilanc e o f th e myrmidon s o f th e law " durin g th e l86os , p . 101 . Also se e Wilkes' Spirit of the Times, Ma y 23 , ]863 . Figh t crowd s occasionall y roughe d u p th e local officials . 54. O n th e changin g natur e o f politic s se e Pete r Georg e Buckley , "T o Th e Oper a House: Cultur e an d Society , 1820-1860 " (diss. . Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k a t Ston y Brook, 1984) , pp. 4 0 8 - 9; Adelman , pp . 573-74; an d especiall y Am y Bridges , A City in the Republic (Cambridge , Mass. , 1984) , chaps. 7 , 8 . 55. American Fistiana (1873) , pp. 123 , 136-37, 144 , 150 . See also American Gentleman's Newspaper, Octobe r 24 , 1863 ; Wilkes' Spirit of the Times, Decembe r 23 , 1865 , and Februar y 15 , 1868. 56. Fo r a n excellen t reinterpretatio n o f Gilde d Ag e culture , se e Ala n Trachtenberg , The Incorporation of America: Culture and Society in the Gilded Age (Ne w York , 1982). 57. New York Clipper, quote d i n American Fistiana (1873) , pp. 70-71 . 58. American Fistiana (1873) , p . 151 . O n labo r i n thi s er a see , fo r examples , Trachtenberg, chap . 3 ; Danie l T . Rodgers , The Work Ethic in Industrial America, i8ļo- ç2o (Chicago , 1978) , chaps . 2 an d 6 ; Melvi n Dubofsky , Industrialism and the American Worker , 1865-192 0 (Ne w York , 1973) ; Davi d Montgomery , Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology and Labor Struggles (Cambridge, 1979) ; and Herber t G . Gutman , Work, Culture and Society in Industrializing America (Ne w York , 1972) . 59. American Fistiana (1873) , pp . 103-4 , 120 , 129 , 142-43 ; Wilkes' Spirit of the Times, Ma y 23 , 1863 ; an d New York Clipper, Jun e 10 , 1871 . Henr y L . Ferguson , Fisher's Island, New York, 1614-í