The Living House: An Anthropology of Architecture in South-East Asia 019588941X

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JI ous __ LIVIN!;�tt J IJ J JI/IJ I JI /I/IJ IJl l/1 1 /IJ I I THE

An Anthropolog;

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,re in South-EaSl Asi([

Roxana Waterson

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LIVING HOUSE

An Anthropology of Architecture in South-East Asia

Roxana Waterson I I

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Oxford 'ew York To 111 Ve/Iii Bombay Col ulln ndrn K r, hi Peta/Ing Jayo lngnpore H n Ko11g To y nlrobi Dar e alnnm To '" Melbourne A11 klnnd and associn1ed compa11I 111 Berlin lbadn11

Preface and Acknowledgements

Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford Unflo rsity Prt s

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Published In tire United tat s by Oxford Unlver ity Pre . Irr •• ew York All rig/rt re erlltd. o part of thl pub/icat/011 may reproducet/, storpd in a retrieval system. �r tra11 milled. l11 any fon11 or by any means. eltctro11/c. mrclra11/ 11/. photocopying. recording or otl,envl without tire prior permis ion of Oxford nil' r ity Pre I Bi 0 19 5

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British l.ibrary Cotnlogu/rrg 111 Pub/lent/ n Data Tire living

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e: an rmthropology of arclritec tur in 11th-Ea t Asia. l. East & Somlr-enst A la. Vernacular ho,

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Arc/1/uctuml features perspectives. I. Title

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ISB Library of Corrgre

0-19-588941-X Cata/ogi119-i11-Publlratio11 Data

Waterson, Roxana. The living house: an am/rropology of arc/1itec111re in South-East Asia/Roxana \ at.er 011. p. cm. Includes bibliographical refere11us.

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l. Dwellings-l11do11e ia. 2. Dwelling -Asia, uthtn tern. errrnc11lar arrliitecture-lndonesia. 4. Vernacular urc/1itect11rt­ A ia. Sout/1ea tern. 5. l11donesia- ocial life and customs. 6. Asia, Soutl1Pastern- ocial life and custom.. I. Title.

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grew out ofmy earlier research on 1he a·dan opJe of highland utb ulawe i. In the of two period of fieldwork with the Toraja. L m iacr asingl inte t in ch r L of hou \ ithin lbeir bilateral inship , em. It eemed. in fact. Im ibl to full understand thl r tern \ ilhoul a on id ration of h w ple traced their relati n hip nd through house . Lacer I b ame convinced that imilar pproa h m de a lot of sen e a a \ a of anding other Indonesian kin hip y terns. The ar h grew from there. and the only problem ince knO\ ing when to top! Thank to the nhr ity Evans Pellow hip and a· Briti h d m outhea t Asian Pellow hip, 1 was able to r , .I 9 5-6. pursuing my researches in nd t\ o th-Ea t ia. [ am, enormously grateful both to the n Fund and th British cad y for their u and nerous upport. which has made this ible. Than s to them l wa al able to pend t, o moot in pursuit of domestic architecture in umatra. in Ma -June J 9 6. [ndeed. my debt to them go ba k ond this, since lhey also supported me during m econd period of fieldwork in Tana Toraja. J a o wish to expr my thank to the [n titute of uth a t ian tudi . ingapore. which offered me it ho pitality a a Visiting Fellow during 1985-6. and allowed me the u e of its excellent library. WhHe there J nefited particularly from the hance to work on a unique photograph archlve of outh-Ea t Asian archi­ t ture. the Dorothy Pelier t>llection. housed at the In titute as the core of the outheast Asian Cultural R arch Programme (SEACURP). I am very grateful to EA RP and Its then Honorary Dire tor. Datuk Lim hong K at. for thi opportunity. Dorothy Pelzer was ·an American architect \ ho pent much of the 1960 ·travelling through both mainland and i. land outh-East Asia, from Lao t Timor, recording domestic architecture. Tragically he died in. 1972. before she had a chance to writ th

book be had planned. Her enthu iasm � r the ubject \\a clearly infcctiou to tho·e who kne\ her. and i till inspiring to an •one rcvi�wiag her materials or following her tra els. \ hich were often undertaken under mu h more difficult condition than tho·e pre­ vailing today. Alth ugh I have approached the ubject from a different background and per p ti e, I hope that he would not di approve of the re ult. l should like co expre p ial thanks to !SEA for permission to reprodu e some of her photograph here. ln re earching the illustrations for the book f have drawn on a wide range of hi torical mat rial. Every effort ha been made to dear copyright. but in ome ses copyrighl-holders proved untra bl . Wherever I could l ha e al o tried to date the photograph·. but thi · i not ah, ays po' ible. There are many individuals to whom I O\ e my thanks. Foremo t among them is the late Pr fe or ir &lmund Leach. who gave me hi encouragement and support from the cry beginning of th proje t. l nt me rare book , and reviewed portion of the manu cript. thers who have generou ly shared their comments and critici m at variou phase are tepben Hugh­ f one . eoffrey Benjamin. Jame. Fox. Marilyn trathern, and Vivienne Wee. My husband. Garth heldon. taught me the difference between a girder and a joi t and showed surprising faith in the end re ult even when I felt it , ould never be finished. '1rs Pat Lim and all the taff of the [nstitute of Southea t Asian tudi have been extremely helpful and kind. and Jorah and Vanaja of the Department of ociology, ational Univer ity of Singapore. ga e in aluable cretarial a istance. Finally. a pecial debt of thanks goes to all tho Indonesian acquaintances who helped me in the field, especially my Torajan friends and informants.

T raja

ational University of Singapore January 1989 1

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A WATERSO

Contents Preface and Acknowledgements Figures Colour Plates Maps Introduction

I Origins 2 Perceptions of Built Form: Indigenous and Colonial 3 The Interrelation of Built Forms 4 Technology and Symbolism 5 Cosmologies 6 The Living House 7 Kinship and 'House Societies' 8 Space and the Shaping of Social Relations 9 Houses of the Dead IO Migrations Bibliography Index

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FIG RES

Figures

1 Pile-built structure from a frieze on the north side of the first gallery of the Borobudur temple, Central Java. ninth century AD. 2 Building with extended gables depicted on a frieze from the south side of the first gallery of the Borobudur temple, Central Java, ninth century AD. 3 Typical Minangkabau house in the village of Kampai near Payakumbuh, West Sumatra, 1986. 4 Noble origin-houses at Lerno, Tana Toraja, Sulawesi, 1983. 5 Karo chief's house with multiple decorative gables, 1936. 6 Men's house in the Middle Sepik region of Papua New Guinea. 7 Men's ceremonial house from Kamari in the Purari delta area of Papua ew Guinea. 8 Decorated fa�ade of a men's house in Melekeiok, Palau Islands, Micronesia. from a watercolour by A. Kramer. 1908-10. 9 Men's house in the village of Atiliu, Yap Island, Micronesia. 10 Fisherman's hut with bMffalo-headed gable decoration near Balige, Lake Toba, Sumatra. 11 Gable-finial in the form of a water serpent on a Buginese house near Teteaji, Sidenreng, South Sulawesi, 1965. 12 Hexagonal house typical of the Galela region of Halmahera in the Moluccas. 13 Horn-shaped ridge decorations on a house in Tanimbar. 14 The tall roof peak of a Fijian chief's

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house which echoes the forms of houses in ea tern Indonesia. South-East Asian gable horns. compiled from a variety of sources. Gable ornaments of 'temples' in Southeast Central Sulawesi. One proposed reconstruction of the neolithic house excavated at Nong Chae Sao. western Thailand. Domenig' s proposed reconstruction of the development of pile building and the saddle roof from prehistoric pit dwellings in Japan. Pictures of houses incised on objects of bronze, Japan. Haniwa clay models of houses and barns, found in Japanese tombs of the early Metal Age, AD 300-600. The main building of the Ise Shrine, Japan. Rubbing of the tympanum of a Dong Son bronze drum from Yunnan. Houses represented on Dong Son drums. Forked wooden ancestor figure in a house in the village of Bahodarara, Central Nias. Local chiefs standing before a forked offering stake in the village of Boa W ae. age district, West Flores. A collection of structures showing saddle roofs and gable horns, drawn by Vroklage. Ceremonial launching of a new boat among the Yami of Lanyii Island, off the southern coast of Taiwan. The launching ceremony for a Yami boat. Bronze drum converted into a container

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for cowrie currency, found at ShihChai-Shan in Yunnan. second-first century sc. 30 Engraved images from the side of a bronze drum found at Shih-Chai-Shan. Yunnan. second-first century BC. 31 A yam store house on Kiriwina. Trobriand Islands. 32 An old-fashioned Toraja hou e with crossed-log foundation structure in Sareale district, Tana Toraja, 1982. 33 A lane of tightly packed buildings in the Chinese quarter of old Batavia, c.1911. 34 Karo Batak village of Batukaran, Sumatra. 35 Fa�ade of an old Toraja origin-house belonging to a noble family in the village of Tampan, Sa'dan district. 1983. 36 Ornately carved panels of the house fa�ade at Tampan, 1983. 37 Unwalled pavilion depicted on a frieze from the north side of the Visnu temple at Prambanan, Central Java. ninth century AD. 38 Coastal village of the Yami of Lanyii Island, southern Taiwan. 39 Traditional Rotinese house in the village of Sanggaoen, Baa. 198 7. 40 Village of Sangliat Doi on Yamdena Island, Tanimbar. 41 Conical houses of Cumbi village. Manggarai. West Flore . 42 One of the huge multi-family houses of Manggarai. 43 Manggarai house of circular plan, Pongkor village. 1965. 44 Mentawaians standing before their longhouse. 45 Lewohala origin-village on the slopes of the Heape volcano, northern Lembata, 1987. 46 Miniature houses of female ancestors in a Kedangese 'old village'. 47 Village temple of Lamba in apu, West Central Sulawesi. 48 Village temple of Lembongpangi. Poso district, East Central Sulawesi, c. 1895. 49 Batak temple with its stockaded sacred

n l ure. at Ihat Pane. Asahan.

It h u e in the village or Boa Wae, ge di trict, West Central Flores. VHI g of Bolonga, Ngada district, We t entral Flores. 52 VUlage of Roga, Lio district, South-east Fl re , 1921. 5 3 Interior of the cult house at duria, Lio, 1987. 54 Pair of ancestral cult houses. Takpala village. Alor. 1987. 55 Ifugao village at Puitan, Banaue. northern Luzon, 1968. 56 Storage and living space in an Ifugao pile dwelling. 57 Frame of a granary, Kedang. 58 Donggo house. highlands of eastern Sumbawa. 59 Houses in Takpala village, Alor, 198 7. 60 Toba Batak sopo bolon at Lumban na Bolon. on the eastern shore of Lake Toba, Sumatra. 1986. 61 Detail of the fa�ade of the sopo bolon. 62 Gigantic longhouse village of Long awang in the Apo-Kayan region of Central Borneo. 1900. 63 'Head-house' or ceremonial hall of a Bidayuh longhouse at Mungo Babi, Sarawak. 64 Portion of a Bidayuh longhouse, Sarawak, with the communal room projecting. 65 Bohnar community house at Kon So Tiu, Kontum (highlands of South Vietnam), 1964. 66 Community house of the Edde (or Rhade) at Buon Kram, Ban Me Thuot (highlands of South Vietnam), 1964. 67 Interior of the Edde community house at Buon Kram, 1964. 68 Community house of the Brou of Cambodia. 69 Public meeting place of a Bontoc village, northern Luzon, Philippines, 1968. 70 Minangkabau council house at Singkarak, West Sumatra, 1965. 71 Osali of Awa'aj village, North Nias. 72 Termination of a stone-dragging 5

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l'IG RES

procession before the bale of Bawi:imataluo village, outh ias. 73 Formal oratory taking place at a distribution of sacrificial pigs in front of the bale of Bawomataluo. 74 The assembled priestesses of Bawi:imataluo. 75 An open-walled building in which men gather to eat and drink palm wine. in a village in southern Jamdena. Tanimbar Islands. 76 Hilltop village of Betsimisaraca. Madagascar. 77 Skilful mortising and pegging of joints of a Toba Batak granary at Simanindo. Samosir Island, Lake Toba. Sumatra. 1986. 78 House under construction at Prapadaeng, Thailand. 196 7. 79 Cross-section of an Isneg house, northern Luzon, Philippines. 80 Longitudinal section through a Toba house. 81 An outstandingly beautiful old house at Lima Kaum in the Minangkabau highlands, West Sumatra, 1986. 82 Detail of the woodcarving on the gable­ end of the house at Lima Kaum, Minangkabau. 1986. 83 Minangkabau house at Seremban, egeri Sembilan, Malaysia, 1969. 84 Framing structure of a Toraja house. 85 Longitudinal section of a Karo house. 86 Transporting a house at Bulukumba. South Sulawesi. 87 Chief's house at Hilinawalo. South Nias. 1986. 88 House at Bawodesi:ilo, orth Nias, 1986. 89 Undercroft of the house at Bawi:idesi:ilo. North ias. 1986. 90 Interior of a large Bugis house at Soraja Mannagae, Teteaji. South Sulawesi. 1965. 91 'Smoking the Mosquitoes'. engraving from Isabella Bird's account of her travels in the Malay Peninsula in 18 79. 92 'Town of Kenowit, Rejang River', 1849, engraving from Henry Ling Roth's The

alive if arawak and British orth B me . 3 H u made from leaves of the lontar palm, on the beach of Raijua Island n ar vu, 1987. 94 ·:ill panel made of leaves. Keng Kok. La , 1968. 95 The figure of the ana' dara or 'maiden', built around the central pillar of a noble hou e, Kalimbuang village. Sareale, Tana Toraja, 1982. 96 Punan shelters in the Borneo jungle. 97 Eight-pointed motif painted on the wall of a Toba Batak house, 1986. 98 Courtyard of a Balinese house at Batuan village. Gianyar. looking north. 1988. 99 Tall-peaked clan hou es and stone graves in the West Sumbanese village of Tarung. Loli district. 1987. 100 Sketch plan of Bawomataluo village. South ias. 101 Looking down the impressive main street of Bawi:imataluo from the chief's house, 1986. 102 View down a street of Bawomataluo, 1986. 103 Finely carved detail of a huge horizontal stone 'seat' which stands before the chief's house at Bawomataluo. 104 The council house of Bawomataluo, 1986. 105 The chief's house at Bawi:imataluo. 106 Inside the chief's house, Bawomataluo. 107 Carved panel on the left wall of the front room of the chief's hou e, Bawomataluo, 1986. 108 A carved ebony wall panel in the front room of the chief's house. Bawomataluo, 1986. 109 Exquisitely carved capital of the central pillar in the front room of the chief's house. Bawomataluo. 1986. 110 A wall panel on the right of the front room of the chief's house, Bawomataluo. 1986. 111 Carving of a monkey taking fruit. positioned high on the wall of the rear room. 1986.

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112 1ias warrior in festive dress. 113 Mentawai longhouse, Bulak Monga. 1965. 114 Mode of construction of a Malay house. 115 Bindu matoga design, representing the eight cardinal points, on the wall of a Toba house. 116 Toba house-painting design . 117 orthern Thai house-building expert 'exorcising the earth' in a ritual performed prior to the 'planting of the house posts'. 118 Yami house post. 119 The renowned Toraja origin-house of onongan. 1983. 120 Toba clan origin-house at Simanindo. Samosir Island. Lake Toba. Sumatra. 1986. 121 Stone gateway in the high earth wall surrounding Simanindo village, Samosir Island, Lake Toba, 1986. 122 Toba chief's house in the village of Lumban na Bolon, on the east shore of Lake Toba, 1986. 123 Toraja priests gather to make offerings for an origin-house accidentally destroyed by fire in the village of Buttang, Malimbong district, Tana Toraja, 19 82. 124 Buffalo horns attached to the front posts of an old origin-house on Mount Sesean, Tana Toraja, 1983. 125 A 'core house' or origin-house of a kin group in the Ema village of Atu Aben, Central Timor. 126 Than longhouse at Segu Bumuk. Sarawak, 1968. 127 Interior of an Than longhouse. Nanga Baran, Rejang River, Sarawak. 1968. 128 Torogan or house of a Maranao noble family at Masiu, Mindanao, southern Philippines. 1968. 129 Detail of the magnificently carved flared beam-ends of the Maranao house. 1968. 130 A splendid building erected by the villagers of Long Nawang in the Apo­ Kayan region of Central Borneo as a lodging house for the members of the ieuwenhuis expedition of 1900.

[ n hou e of the Kayan chief Kwing [rang under construction. ph t graphed by Jean Demmeni, official ph tographer of the ieuwenhuis expedition. in 1900. 132 Model of a Kenyah longhouse. showing the rai ed central portion where the chief's apartment would be located. 133 ection of the front wall of a chief's apartment in a Kayan longhouse. photographed by Tillema on his expedition to the Apo-Kayan in 1932. 134 Carved beams in the gallery before the chief's apartment in a Kayan longhouse. 135 Door to Kayan or Kenyah chief's quarters. 136 The entrance to a cult house in the Ngada region of West Central Flores, c.1927. 137 Karo Batak house in the village of Lingga, 1986. P8 Detail of carving on the ring beam of the Karo house shown in Figure 137. 139 Interior of the same Karo house at Lingga, 1986. 140 One of the oldest surviving 'great houses' in the Minangkabau highlands, at Balimbing, not far from Bukittinggi, 1986. 141 gaju 'great house' occupied by an extended family group, with a platform on the stairway and wooden statues in front. 142 Atoni house near Kefamenano. West Timor. 1965. 143 Atoni community house near Kefamenano. West Timor. 1965. 144 Atoni house in the hill region of Soa'e, West Timor, 1987. 145 Framework of an Atoni house, Soa'e, West Timor, 1987. 146 Tanimbar village of Sangliat Do!. 147 An impressive flight of stone steps leading to the village of Sangliat Doi. Tanimbar Islands. 148 Toraja origin-house, Ulusalu district, Tana Toraja, 1977. 149 Diagram of an Atoni house.

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FIGURES

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Floor plan of an Atoni hou e. Section of an Ema house. Floor plan of an Ema house. The Kamthieng house, a fine example of a North Thai house. built in Chiang Mai in the mid-nineteenth century. 154 Profile and floor plan of a orth Thai house. 155 Acehnese house in the village of Lam Teun. orth Sumatra. 1965. 156 Farmer's house in traditional style at Jepara. on the north coast of Central Java. 1966. 157 Balinese rice barn in the village of Celuk. Gianyar district. 1988. 158 House in Bodai village. Savu. 1987. 159 The 'male' or open section of a Savunese house. clan village of amata, Seba district. 19 87. 160 Belu (Tetum) house at Kewar, Central Timor, 1965. 161 Finely carved door panels with breasts in relief, from a Belu (Tetum) house at Kewar, Central Timor. 1965. 162 Two Belu house doors carved with female figures and geometric motifs. 163 Funeral ground at Bori', Tana Toraja, with standing stones erected as memorial to deceased aristocrats. 1977. 164 Kayan or Kenyah mausoleums, photographed by Jean Demmeni in the Apo-Kayan region of Central Borneo, 1900. 165 Salong mausoleum at Sekapan on the Rejang River, Sarawak, 1968. 166 Salong mausoleum near Rumah Laseh. Kejaman, Sarawak, 1968. 167 Iban burial but and a stand hung with baskets. made for the Gawai Antu. the great festival to entertain the dead. 168 Graves cut into a cliff at Lerno, Tana Toraja, with their rock balconies filled with effigies of the dead. 1977. 169 Cleaning and giving new clothes to the effigies of the ancestors at a ceremony held for the dead in Malimbong district. Tana Toraja, 1979. 170 Graves cut into egg-shaped granite

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b ulders in Malimbong district. Tana Toraja. 1979. Hou e- haped stone ossuaries at Sawangan, Minaha a, orth Sulawesi. 1986. Remarkable house-shaped grave at Balohili, western orth ias. Hou e-shaped mausoleum of the gaju of South Kalimantan, Tengirang village, Koeroen River, 1937. A Ngaju painting depicting houses in the land of the dead, filled with heirloom valuables such as gongs and jars. Graves in front of the houses. Tarung village, West Sumba. 1987. Christian graves. Bawodesolo village, orth Nias 1986. House-shaped tomb at Tangga Batu, near Balige, Toba. photographed by Bartlett in the 1920s. House-shaped tomb at Lumban Silambi. Toba. Concrete tomb near Balige, Toba, photographed by Bartlett. c.1920. Village plaza of Wogo Baru. Ngada. West Central Flores. 1965. showing a row of offering posts and miniature houses. Palace of the former rajas of

Simalungun at Pematang Purba. on

the northern shore of Lake Toba, 1986. Undercroft of the raja's palace, Pematang Purba, 1986. Detail of the raja's palace. Pematang Purba, 1986. Interior of the raja's palace, Pematang Purba, 1986. The council house (balai adat) at Pematang Purba, 1986. Interior of the balai adat, Pematang Purba, 1986. Calendar carved upon the central pillar of the balai adat, Pematang Purba, 1986. Karo Batak head-hou e in the village of Lingga, 1986. Paiwan nobleman outside his house. Ancestral altar in a Tanimbar house. Exquisitely carved ancestor figure from

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a house altar, Tanimbar. An outstandingly beautiful altar carved in hardwood. from the island of Leti. South-west Moluccas. Karo Batak priestess dances in trance to summon the spirits of the ancestors. Minangkabau madrasah or Islamic school. photographed by Jean Demmeni around the turn of the century. The Minangkabau royal palace of Pagarruyung, recently rebuilt after a fire and now a museum.

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rlgin-house at Kata. Malimbong di trl t. Tana Toraja, 1983. II u e- haped tomb at Sangkal, amo ir I land, Lake Toba. 1986. Forms of house and tomb echo each other at Sangkal, Samosir Island. Lake Toba. 1986. Elaborate concrete tomb at Sangkal. Samo ir Island. Lake Toba, 1986. Toba clan monument. erected by the de cendants of Raja Namora Titip Manurung at Lumban Ganjang in 1983.

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Introduction

Colour Plates Between pages 258 and 259. 1 Bugis house with carved gable-finials on the island of Kalao near Bonerate, South Sulawesi, 1987. 2 Rice barn in the Sasak village of Sade, southern Lombok, 1987. 3 Karo Batak house at Lingga village, 1986. 4 Carved and painted ring-:beam of a Karo chief's house at Lingga village, 1986. 5 Street of Hilisimaetano village, South Nias, 1986. 6 Detail of the fac;ade of the chief's house, Bawomataluo, South Nias, 1986. 7 Huge flight of stone steps leading to the village of Hilimaetaniha. South Nias, 1986. 8 Carved stone seat at the head of the steep flight of steps which leads up from Orahili to the village of Bawomataluo. South Nias, 1986. 9 Sumbanese clan house at Prai Goli. West Sumba, 1987. 10 Noble origin-house at Lerno, Tana Toraja, 1983. 11 Toraja origin-house at To' Kaluku Mataallo. near Kesu·, under construction in 19 83. 12 Clan origin-houses in the Savunese village of Namata, Seba district, 1987. 13 Beehive-shaped Atoni house in the mountain district of Soa'e, West Timor, 1987.

14 Toba Batak village of Tolping. Samosir Island. Lake Toba. 1986. 15 Paintings on the wall of an old Toba house at Lumban Binaga village show spirit figures on horseback. 1986. 16, 17 Pictures executed by a local artist in the 1940s decorate many of the houses at Sibadihun on the eastern shore of Lake Toba. 18 Stone sarcophagus of Raja nai Batu Sidabutar at Tomok, Samosir Island, Lake Toba. 1986. 19 Mausoleum at Tolping, Samosir Island. Lake Toba, surmounted by an older stone urn beneath which may be seen painted concrete figures of clan ancestors, 1986. 20 Minangkabau house in the village of Kampai, near Payakumbuh, West Sumatra, 1986. 21 Minangkabau house owners relax on their front steps in the cool of the afternoon at Kampai, near Payakumbuh, West Sumatra, 1986. 22 Guests gather to dance at a funeral before a Toraja house built in the new two-storey style, 1982. 23 Newly built Toraja origin-house with modern concrete bungalow alongside, 1983. 24 A new house, in traditional style, under construction at Cupak, Minangkabau. 1987.

Maps l. South-East Asia bowing Distribution of Ethnic Groups. 2. Limits of the Austronesian Language Family.

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Work on I Jamie architecture, especially uch project or research and practical application to new design a those fu ded b�r the Aga Khan, have likewi e ex­ panded the under tanding of functional, aesthetic, and ocial aspects of buUding tradition in the region mentioned above. From time to time, the e studie ex­ tend into South-Ea t Asian countrie like Malaysia and lndonesia. which have large Muslim population but their architectures are not Islamic in origin and the di tinctive building tradition of the man non­ Muslim groups inhabiting the region have remained out ide tbeir scope. Some works which have covered a more global field-such as Guidoni's Primitive Archi­ tec1ure (1978) or Duly's The House of Mankind (1979)-have done o in limited space. and are in any ca e intended to be primarUy visual presentations, o that within them the South-East Asian region has received onl�r cursory treatment. Although great temples and monuments in stone, such as Cambodia's Angkor Wat or Java' Borobudur. have attracted much attention among both indigenous and We tern scholars. the remarkably rich vernacular tradition of outh-East Asia have been undeservedly neglected. It i these traditions which form the subject matter of thi book, which aims to show what can be learnt from them about the social worlds of their creator . ' For the anthropologist. the study of inhabited space. its con truction and daily u e. can provide a 'way in' to a whole culture and its ideas. Anthropologists' attention to this subject. though it can be traced back to the very beginnings of the di cipline. has none the less been intermittent. There was a promising begin­ ning with the publication in 1 81 of Lewis Henry Morgan' House and Hou e Life of the American Al,origines. a novel and wide-ranging attempt to ana­ ly e house forms in terms of kinship structures and social organization. Morgan paints a picture of Indian I oghouse organization and its concomitant ·com­ munism in living'. where members shared food and

Ml11111u1 HI invol s not just the provision of sbelter lr0111 th· elements. but the creati n of a ocial and \ 1111 ilic -.pace-a pace which both mirr r and 111m1lds th,, orld view of it creators and inhabitant ': I has bo k is an attempt t I k closely at the social and ,ml lie · 5pects of indigenous architecture in one 1,1rtlcular part of the world. South-East sia. w� e 111t1n •mou craf men have produced some of the most ,, ·�·tarnlar nd beautiful wooden buildings anywhere Ill th' w rid. \I L ,ircb itectural tudies bave dwelt on the 111011um ntal nd the J rmal: it is only relatively re­ ll'l1tl, thal v rnacular architecture ha come to be , kw ·d as worthy f admiration and study. Yet only a 1111 fra tion f the world's p pulation live in buildings , 1th which ,lr hitect · or planners have had anything 10 do. 1 Among arch it cts. Bernard Rudofsky ( 1964. 1977) ha been forem t in promoting an aesthetk l()pr> iati n of the pow rful, oft n 'organic' qualities. tit, ingenuity and the appropriatene s of what he has .,ptl dubbed :.,architecture without architect ·. In the l i ,�t L, enty years r o, indigen u architectures have become the subj ct o[ a growing literature by both ar­ ·hitect and anthropologi ts.� It i noticeable. how•ver. that these works. although ranging far outside the normal confine of estern architectural history. have tended to concentrate on particular regions of the w rid-namely. Africa. India. and the Middle East. Paul Oliver could still lament in 1971 the extraordi­ nary neglect of the subject in African studies (for which he blames. in the nineteenth century. the conde cen­ sion of Western observers and in the early twentieth century. the unpopularity among anthropologist f studies of ·material culture') but by now a wealth of new re earch has helped to improve the ituation (Oliver 1971: 8-12). All the ame. hi late t wid ranging sur ey. �i119s: The House acros tf,e World (198 7) still raises many pertinent and-as yet un­ answered questions about indigenous architecture .

X

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re ources and freely offered hospitality to strangers. ( meoig 1 0. Gibb 19 7, Lim L 987. and Jum ai He himself viewed the work as intrinsic to the devel p­ 1 ). ment of his theories concerning the nature of the ·gens· ne of h u e ymbolisrn revealed by these (or ILneage organization) and the stages of 'cultural uld n t b viewed a mething xtraordi­ evolution' through which mankind had passed. He had nar or unique to outh-East A ia. Inhabited pace originally intended it to form a fifth volume of hi much are n ver neutral: they are all cultural constructions longer work. Ancient Society (18 77). whose influence of one kind or another. Any building, in any culture. on Engels and Marx is well known. After this. however. must inevitably carry some ymbolic load. One has interest in house and settlement forms appears to ha e only to read Le Corbusier, for example. to discover a been light until the development of structuralism in whole world view embodied in the supposedly strict the l %Os and 1970s timulated a new spate of ana­ functionalism of the Modern Movement 'machines lyses of the layout of space in terms of indigenous for living'. only to view his designs for public spaces to cosmologies and symbolic ideas. The origin of this read the messages they contain about political rela­ approach must be traced not only to French theoreti­ tions. Whale er the expansiveness of ome of his cians. such as Durkheim and Mauss. but to Dutch visions, the authoritariani m of Le Corbusier's politics writer on Indonesian societies. An early but seminal i as well documented as his autocrallc persooal article was van Ossenbruggen'i 'Java's Manca-pal: behaviour. 7 The lower blocks of Britain's 'new Origin of a Primitive Classification System' (1918 ), in barbarism' {which. to be fair. represented only a frag­ which the author analysed the interrelations of Ja a­ mentary adoption of tho e eJemeots of Le Corbusier's nese villages arranged in patterns of four with a central vision which were found to be economically profitable) fifth community. He pointed out the linkage between unquestionably contained me sage to the u ers about these arrangements and the Hindu cosmological con­ the social distribution of power. and the authority of ception of the world. arranged around the four cardinal planners to decide people' life- tyle . Users none the points with a central fifth point. the centre being le found a way to respond. if only through vandaliz­ regarded as superior to the periphery and balancin ati n. successfully re ulting in the subsequent demoB­ the combined power of the four subordinate point .• tion of many of these structures. Ra oport, who has Similarly, proto-structuralist approaches were pur ue made major contributions over t e past two decadeL by a number of other writers. such as van Wouden in to the understanding of meaning in built form, makes his analysis of eastern Indonesian societies.' Although the pertinent observation that meaning re ides not in thi work wa generally ignored by British anthropo­ things but in people: people want their environment to logists. it had its influence in France, as Levi-Strauss mean certain things. Even in architect-designed en­ (1963) acknowledged in his important paper on the vironments. users will try to personalize their own analysis of settlement patterns. 'Do Dual Organiz­ territorie by endowing them with symbolic meat1ations Exi t?'. in which he paid tribute to the work of ings-those meaning which Rapoport characterizes J.P. B. de Josselin de Jong." Since then, there has been as by nature latent and associational. rather than a slow growth in anthropological analyses of spatial manifestly 'functional'. For the architect who perceives organization (Cunningham 1964. Ortiz 1969. Douglas his work as a statement of his own personality and 1972, Bourdieu 1973, Tambiah 1973. Humphrey aesthetic, the process by which user attempt to impo e 1974, S. Hugh-Jones 1985. to name a few). Rather their own meanings may be viewed with disdain, if more recently, new and detailed South-East Asian not outright hostility. This can lead to an ·overdesign­ ethnographies have begun greatly to increa e our ifig' of spaces in an attempt to exclude the po ibility knowledge, not only of the power of the hou e as user' adaptations. In Rapoport's view (1982: 22): symbol, but of its vital role in kinship structures of the ' The entire modern movement in architecture can be /jeen as region (Barraud 1979. Forth 1981. Clamagirand an attack on u er · meanings-the attack on ornaments. on 1982. Izikowitz and Sorensen 1982, McKinnon 1983. whatnots' in dwellings and 'thingamabobs· in the garden. as ' and Traube 1986). Very recently there appears at la t well as the process of incorporating these elements into the to be a growing momentum in studies of indigenous environment. architectures, with some interesting new works on South-East Asia emerging from architects too Actually it is not obviou that the architect's desire for

cf

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1rol o er d ign i omething uniquely to be I 1111cressing hope that he may excel in hi craft. and. the carpenter reciprocates by wishLng hLm wealtl:J. fortune. and fertility, as well as long life for both of them. In another stage of tbe i;>roceed.ings, tbe dream of aU tl:Je house desceadaats are inter­ preted by a traditiomil priest (the to mimui). wbo attributes to all of them fa ourable meanLags. The priest prepare to pend the night in tl:Je as yet uaccupied hou e. when tbe houseowner come and knocks at tbe door. Tbe prLe t que tLoos bim. saying. · Wb is it?' and 'What have you brought?'. The hou e­ wner carries a ba ket full of piece of wood and tone. which he ay are valuables ucl:J as gold daggers and maments. oecklaces, rice, buffaloe , and pig . Final­ ly. the basket i taken up into the house and tbey both leep there. On the followiug day tbe roof-rLdge cere­ m ny i beld, completing the rites. Hou e construction, tben. is Lo most cases as much a ritual as a technological process. Through tl:Je fol­ lowing o[ the i;>roper rLtuals, the house and Lts vital power are constituted and tbe well-being of the Lo­ habitants is assured.

w r f the h use is further reinforced by tl:Je fact that m a urement for house parts are frequently ba on th ir wn body measurements. In the Ball­ ne ca e, the male householder provide the propor­ tL o . , hlle the Sasak choose those of the wLfe, since it L he who i most often in tl:Je house and has to work in it (Howe 19 3: 139: Gunawan Alif 1985: 61). Measuremeot based on I.he human body (usuaUy the hand and arms of the carpenters, but on some occa­ sions of the woman of the house) are used also by the Malays (Wardi 198 I: 63; Gibbs 1987: 75), and by the Bima and Donggo ofSumbawa (Hitchcock 1983: 214: Just 1984: 41). 36 In Bali. as already mentioned, the adding on of an increment to all measures is essential to ensure that a building has life. Howe (1983: 149) note : According to the villagers the main measure is li.ke the body of a person (which. since lbe units are taken from lbe human body. is exactly what it i ) and that this can only come to life by the infusion or a oul. which in this case is the jiwa ukuran ('tbe soul of the rnea ure').

Adding bits oo, Like tbe use of uneven numbers. symbolizes ILfe. which itself is a continuing, never­ comi;>leted process.' 7 With regard to the latter, Howe (19 3: 144-5) explains: U there has been a mistake in measuring the walls such that their lengths total an even number or that the difference be­ tween them is an even number then the compound is said to be em/Jet ('closed up·. 'blocked up'), mati (dead) and 'not to have any doors· .... It is also said to be 1.ike a body without a soul. ... Conversely a properly measured compound is said to be 'alive' (idup/ urip). A compound which is em bet, which 'has no doors', cannot be brought to life because, conceptual­ ly peaking, the god cannot enter and the evil S[)irits cannot be expelled. uch a compound cannot support life within it since it is, itself. dead. It is therefore worth noting that in previou time . ju t before a cremation, the corp e wa not allowed to be taken out through the doors but instead bad to be carried over the wall or through a bole smashed in the wall (Covarrubias ] 93 7: 3 73, 3 78). Thi seems entirely reasonable ince a death in the compound entails that some­ thing may have gone wrong durin g its construction result­ ing ln the consideration that ·there are no doors'.

The Hou e as Body

l 19. The renowned Toraja tongko111111 (origin-hou e) of Nonongan, hLmg with preciou heirloom on the occasion of the ceremony held to celebrate completion of its rebuilding. in January J 983. (Photograph: Roxana Water n)

128

The idea of tbe house a a 'living' thing is often re­ inforced by the use of anthropomorphlc imagery. We have already considered the possibility that tl:Jis is nothing more than a convenient means of classLfying and ordering space-and yet, so many examples of body imagery are coupled with delioite statements about the 'vitality' of the bou e that tbe link between the two can hardly be o erlooked. House parts may be named after body parts in quite an elaborate way: for example. in Savu. a well a being compared to a boat witb a bow and a stern, 'a hou e ha a head, a tail. a aeck. cheek . a space through which it breathes. a chest, and ribs' (Kana 19 0: 22 ). For the Tetum of Timor, 'the house is credited with a backbone, eyes, leg , body, anus, face, bead, and bones, as well as a womb and vagina', wbich, t gether with the buffalo horn gable finial, suggest that the body symbolized is imultaneously that of a w mao and a buffalo cow (Hicks 1976: 56ff.). A lLnk with the

Ooce again we see the interdependence of tbe 'Life' of the compound and it buLldings and that of its in­ habitants. Like tbe Acebnese and Buginese. the Bali­ nese regard mystical influences a entering a structure through the corners. The corners are associated with odd numbers. wLth transitional nodes of time (such as

12

T Hf. Ll \' l 'J

dusk ) and space ( ea- hore. bridges, crossroad ), and the joints and orifi.ce of t he body. mness is caused by a d i ruption of the flow or ubstances, including si:>i­ ritual essence, in and ut of the body and t he dead body is also de cribed as ' blocked ' (embel ) (Howe 1 98 3: 1 4 6-7 ). Like the co mos itself, the bod�, is a]so conceptuaUy divided int o three: bead. trunk. a nd Jeg . Villages are spatially di ided Lnto temple, habitati on, and cemetery area correspondin g to these b odily divisions (Soelarto 1 9 7 3: 4 5 ) . Within a house court­ yard, space ls imilarly conceived. Accord.log to Covarrubia ( 1 9 3 7: 3 ): The Balinese say th at a hou e, LLke a human being. ha a head-tbe fam i ly hriue; anns-lhe sleepi rig qu arters and the social parlour; a n avel-the courtyard: exual organs­ the gate; legs and feet-the kitcheri and the gran ary: and anus-the pit in t he backyard where the refuse is d.i posed of. We can see, therefore, as Howe in particular makes clear, t hat the principles governing house construc­ tion are precl el y i n accord with those which sbai:>e many other domains of Baline e cultural life. In Sumba, body imagery is apl)lied to houses, grave . village , fields. river , even the i land itself, all of which are conceived a h avin g a 'head' and 'tail' ( Forth 1 98 1 : 6 7 ). 1 8 The gates in the centre of the two long ides are called the ·waist gate ', and the centre of the village is referred to as 'abdomen' (padi;a) , or ·navel'. or 'heart' (puhu). [n part:5 of East Sumba. these sections of the village used to be separated by stone walls. The 'head' is regarded as superior to the 'tail'. but both of these in tum are subordinate to the centre. In the village of Parai Yawungu, the oldest ancestral house of tbe noble clan is situated in the centre of the village. with the 'cool' (that is, le s sacred) house of the higher ranking nobles in the ' head ' section and of lower nobles in the 'tail' (Forth 1 98 1 : 54). In Paraingu Umalulu. the capital of Melolo district . the opposite ends are occupied by two 0pl)0Sing warrior clans, each with a ruler of equal status. while in the centre dweU mediating priestly clans which erve both sides and adopt a neutral role in di putes. Adams ( ] 980: 2 1 2 14) notes that this triadic relationsh ip is echoed in the relations formed between a clan and its wife-giving and wife-taking clans, lo the arrangements made for various kinds of negotiations and trade exchange . and in women's designs for textiles. where the two outer sect ions mirror each ot her and are joined b}' a

HO l . �

lion fl.lied with at> tract geom etrlc design . ti o i regarded a ' n b le' and uper ior to th e ot ner . gain , we 6nd patiaJ dlvisloos ech oed in socia l arrangern n ts, th ugh u periority is here granted l the na l r ath er than the bea d. That t he h use is conceived or a a body is reflected in everal u ge , referri ng co both the horizontal aod. vertical plan . The front oh he h ouse is said to be Jike a man's bead a nd the b ack h is 'tai l' . One term for the front of t he house is mata yab.1. yaba havin g the sense of ' m ut h', 'opening', or 'forward par t'. The fron t faces inward toward the village square, w biJe the re ar, ca Lled hambeli ('bac ' or 'outside' ). [ac tbe outside of t he village where people go to defecate . The peak of t he house is ometimes referred to as the 'body' of th e house or its 'hair-knot' . Th is. according to R lodi ideas, reflects the fact that tbe peak is seen as the most lmi:>ortan t part of the h ouse. with the re t of it . the i nh abited i:>art. a its extensloa or 'limbs'. in the ame way t hat the 'cool' house of t he ciao are seen as extension of the ancestral clan house whicb is the clan's ritual ceotre (Forth 1 9 8 1 : 2 9). The sym bolism of the h ouse among t he matrilineal Tetum of Timar is of pa rticular interest . The h ouse is both secular dwell Log and sacred abode of the ances­ tors. It combines the complementary symbolism of ma le and female, and yet is d.lstin�tively feminine in its as ociations. ·1 0 the borne, wives are definitely tbe masters· (Hick 1 97 6: 30-2 , 5 6-66 ). The Tetu m house i a long, gabled structure on fairly low piles, erected, somewhat u ou uaUy , wit h no h ouse-building ri tes. Tbe front is called its ' face·. aod the front door (which is masculine. u sed only by men and boys who ha ve reached puberty) i called 'the eye of the house' . The rear, feminine door i s called t h e 'house vagina'. The side walls are 'leg ·, the ridge the ' backbone', the rear waU the 'anus'. Tbe house has t hree rooms. By far the largest and most important-both ritually and do mestically-l the rear room , called 'the womb of the h ouse' (uma folon). This room is the female h alf of t he h ouse. II contaLas the hearth and the ritual pi llar. extending from floor to roof. This pillar h as a shelf on which are kei:>t the household ' s sacred water pitcher. plate, a nd doth. and the pouch of the a ncestral gh osts. in which they may rest. sleep, eat the food. and chew the betel-out placed inside it. Every living member of tbe household own a sacred pitcher, called the 'little womb'. A pregnant. mother purchases a pitcher for her ch ild some time before giving birth. and shortly after it

1 30

THE U VI,'G II l

· born he fiJls th e pitcher with cool water. If a child of the hou eh old leaves the Lliage for more t han a mo th. his mother replenish es the pitcher and keeps water i n it ti ll he ret urns. At marriage, a person takes bis or her pitcher and places it on the ritual sbelf of their ne home. A t death. the pitcher i.s de t ro ed along with some other l)0 sessions. The close association of \vomeo w ith the sacred, and or the house with women and birth. is a con­ t inuous t hread running through Tetum reJjgion . The earth itselr is a sacred womb. from wh ich the first humans emerged through limeston e craters which the Tet um call 'vaginas' . Th e word Co[on, in fact. applie to rooms. w mbs. and t robs. Birt h ritual begins in the h use. wh ere a woman gives birth on a mat in between the ritual i:>lllar a nd the hearth . The child's fi rst entry i nto t he world outside t he ' house womb' take p]ace four days after the cord d.roi:> o [ for a girl , or fi.ve days for a boy, when the father carries it o ut t hrough the house vagina and places it on a mat in the village plaza. The emergence from the house thus forms a kind of econd. ritual 'birtb'. In the ensuing ritual, both the father's and mother's clansfolk participa te. publicly affirming the creative bond of affinity which unites them. Representations of the house a bu [alo's body, hinted at in the Tetum case, are much more explicit in ome other instances, notably among t he Karo, Toba. and Simaluogun Batak of Sumatra, and the Northern Thai. Tbe gables of Karo buildings are decorated with modelled beads ofb uffaJo. aid to protect the occupants from harm . The buffalo bead on the front gable of t he old chiefs house in the illage of Lingga. which I visited in 1 9 86 , has a small pot hanging around it neck. The pot. r wa told, w hen put in position, is 6lled with wa ter and lemon juice. It is intended for the bu[alo to drink, ince if it became thirsty it would suck tbe blood of the house's inhabitants instead of protecting them. Tbe great raja's house of the Simalungun at Pemataog Purba has a buffalo head al the front and a tail f ijuk ( ugar palm) fi.bre hanging down from the rear gable­ end. In traditional Toba Batak conception , the w rid itself. a weU as t he body of participants in the imi:>ort­ ant regenerative rite called bius. is identified with the body of a buffalo. In addition, Niessen ( I 9 5: 22 1 ) draws together a variety of sources on the Toba c o­ cerning the conception of h ouse and rice barn a b uf­ falo body. Van der Tuuk ( 1 8 64- 7), for example, recorded a number of 'buffalo' features in the stru tur

sr

f th s • buildlng The up r third f tbe cructure is called tbe pin arhorbo = buffal repre otati n. The front gable is decorated with an ulu h r = buffalo head . and the roof gently curves back to erid. In ome case , to a tail at the back gable. Th.e painted decorative board polating dowmvards from tbe roof i the dila paung = buffalo ton gue. and 'the piece of cotton or lirien banging LIi of the mouth of the buffalo head' doe n't bave a specific name. but is called by the general te[lil gagatori. 'that which i eaten by grazing animal '. The lengthwise roof pars are called pamoltoki. from boltok meanLng tomach , or belly. Tbis i where the rice is stored.. Van der Tuuk does not mention the tiaag ( house-posts). but it is a defensible hypo­ thesi . given the meat bares of the raja ria opal [four offi­ clants in the bius ceremony] and their a ociation with the po ts of the offer-house. that they are t he legs of the buffalo. The doorway of the house is colloquially called. baba or 'animal mouth' (Sherman I 98 2: 3 5 8). The window in the back of tbe house opposite the door is tbe ho a-h.o a meaning breatb or wind, aad is perhaps comparable to the posterior of a female buffalo a it i through thi opening that tbe pla­ centa is di posed [ol] after the birth of a child (de Boer 1 946: 3 5). Tbe ortbern Thai house with its carved crossed gable-finials is aid to resemble a huge male buffalo, t he 6nials being its horns.•� There is al o an elaborate­ ly carved leak lintel above the door into tbe sleeping room, which is known as ham yon ( Literally 'magic testicles' ), and which ls supposed to repre ent tbe buf­ falo's genitalia. I ts ize is determined in relation to that of t he hou eholder's feet. The lintel yrnb lLzes power over evil, and protects the ferti lity of the hou eowner , man and wire, and the strength and well-being of the family. It become more l)Owerful the longer they live in the house. and is used for only one generation before bein g changed . U t he house h as a new owner, he mu t change the lintel and dispel its accumulated power by beating it with a tick (Kral ri immanabaeminda 1 9 7 9). oticeable again in this custom is the remark­ able concentration of vitality in tbe hou e part , and its intimate a sociation wi.th the lives and fortunes of the re ide nts. Such lintels are apparently no longer made, and probably have oot been for the last sixty years or so ( K rug a nd Duboff 1 9 82 : 48). Why exactly tbe h ouse should be t hought of as a buffalo is not made explicit by any of these autbors. but it must reflect the ancient symbolic and ceremonial importance of this particular animal io South-Ea t A ian ocieties. The power of the buffalo to protect has already been met with in Chapter 1 , where we eo-

1 I

TEIE LIVIN, 1-10 Sr

countered the suggesti n that house horns have a pro­ tective function. In more general term , it would appear, the house body forms a protective uter skln outside tbe actual bodies of lts inbabltants. The hou e is a secure and well-defined pace wbere people may feel at ease. For the Bugi . as Shelly Errington make clear (1979: 1983a: 562), threat is visualizeo very mucb in terms of penetration from outside. The indi­ vidual, througb concentration and awareness, can de0ect such threats to his perS(Jn, because be will develop a powerful sur,um9e'. The bouse 'body' offer extra protectlon not because it is an impenetrable envelope-on the contrary, just like a human body it is liable to penetration througb joints and apertures­ but through the concentration or it owa sum,m9e', attached at the navel-post just a buman vltal energy is attached at the navel. House sumange' encompasse that of tbe occupants. leaving them free to relax tbeir attention, to eat. leep, and e>..l}re their emotions free­ ly. Even so, one i vulnerable when eating (which involves the opening of a bodily orifice), and so people take care to protect themselve by closing all the outer doors and windows of the house at meal times. Tbo e with high rank are thougbt capable of attaining higher concentrations of sumange', so tbat a respected. high­ status elder of one's kin group can also provide the sense of security tbat comes from being near a navel­ centre: 'People say that they feel cool and calm witbin their Opu's (a titled noble' ) presence.' At tbe level of the state. it is the ruler at the navel-centre of the kingdom wbo ensures the protection of the realm. We can see clear parallels bere with Howe's analy­ sis of Balinese concept of the body and health. We find the same liability of the body to penetration through joints and apertures, and the potential danger of 'transitional' lllnes and spaces-in tbe Buginese case. the moments of entering and leaving the house. for example, or of dawn and dusk. The anthropologi t earned reproach for her foolhardy behaviour i.a stand­ ing by windows to watcb the sunset (S. Erriugton 1979: 10-11). There i an equally strong similarity in the concepts of the Acehnese. The dres ing of the house posts with coloured clotbs and tbe concern with doors and windows which we have already described. all indicate the attention paid to boundarie , aperture , and joints as points of entry by out ide influences. [n Acehnese thought, writes Dall (19 2: SO), 'the house is not seen as a shelter from the sun and rain. It is regarded as a refuge from evil forces and influences.'

nrf. LI I 'II

IH)l SF

pr tecti e functi n o[ the house among the To a Bata · ha b n l\'el! analysed by riessen. be n t the trong imilclritle in form between house , lls-'mas i e canoe-shaped lab of w od orig­ inating from gigantic carved beads protruding from the fr nt waJl'-and the side planks of wooden beds (and coffins) (Figure 120). The st ut earth wall topped with spin�' bamboos which formerly protected most Batak villag pro ide an added outer ring of pr tection for the villagers (Figure 12 l). Poetic names for house \vaJI compare them t twining snake and \rioes. Bed witbin hoL1se witbio village together form a concentric . image of protection. 'The ame "wall . are found in eacb' babitati.011 of the soul i.n living or spirit form, including c ffins, sarcophagi, and certain altars to the ancestor spirits. Although the village walls do not have the ame form a the house wall . tbey are clearly perceived as aaalagou to them' (Niessen 19 5: 21214). A different. but charming image of protection wa e,,oked to me by a Toba acquaintance who remarked that houses where tbe entrance is underneath the house. by way of a trardoor in. the [loor. are thought of as being llke tbe hen that gathers its cbicks (tbe inhabitants) under its wings {E-'igure 122). At one time. the positioning of the door served a very practical defeo ive function, a \veil a a psychological one. for the house members. In all these instance the recurrent u e of 'body' metaphors powerfully expresses tbe idea o[ the house as a living extension of the group of its inhabitants.

The 'Death' of a House If tbe hou e may be 'brought to life' through tbe pro­ cess of con truction. througb ritual, or even through being inbablted, what happens to its 'vital force· hould its material form be de troyed? There is, as several examples abo e have shown. a close relationship be­ tween th 'healtb' of a house and that of its occupants. In most. cases, health is conceived of in terms of 'cool­ ne s'. whUe any imbalance of forces cau ed by illness or attack by evil influences generates dangerou 'beat'. Snouck Hurgronje (] 906: 305) commented at some length on the recurrence of tbis set of i.deas through­ out the archipelago, as have numerous later ethno­ grapher . The Ibao provide a particuJarly vivid example, as Fr eman (I 970: 123) describe : When the [ban speak f the ritual condltion of a long-house they llken it to the temper of a human organism. When in

132

120. Toba clan origin-house at Simanindo. amo ir I land,

k T ba, 'umatra. I 9 6. (Photograph: Ro�ana Waterson)

l 3

TIIE I.I'.'! 'G Jl()LI. I

n11: 1.ll l'\IC n'· i n pite of the official abol ition of slavery. S. As we might expect , there is some evide nce of these ideas exeania . On the 'thou-ness· of Maod architecture , and 1e11ding int th e possibi lities of Sp,'aking to a Maori bu ilding r ather than simply ialking about it. ee Linzey ( L 988). 6. [ndeed. thi sense of a hou se·s ·presen• ' coming into being can be vivid. given. the rapidity with which prefabrica ted wall or roof panels can often be raised into position to cloth.e the ·skeleton · of th e framing members. 7. Horridge draw attention to t he slmilarities both in boat­ building techniqu and associated ritua ls throu ghout both Indo­ nesia and Polynesia, pointing to the existen of a shared and ancient ( Austrone ian ) tradition. 8. I am grateful for this observation to Geoffrey Benjamin. who draws a compari on with the attitudes not only of his own Orang Asli informants. but to th.ose. for example. of a Ca thol ic priest who i nsists on a l iteral rather than ymbolic u nderstan.ding of tran u l:>­ stantiation in. th.e M a . Ex(?l icating symbolism a· symbolism may be seen to threaten its (?Otency . 9. Seri means 'radialing auty': the word is also u ed. as an honorific t itle for royalty. L O. Woolard ( 1 988: 1 0) notes that in former t imes. f'ijian temple building also involved hlLman sacrifice: 'The (?OSts were canti. levered from hot in the ground where warrio tood holding the po t vertical. They were ·icrificed a the holes were filled with their arm encircling the p sl.'

1 36

T Hf: 1 ,1 \'I 'C II Cll 'SI. 7 1 . T he as ciation of ancest ors with the house is e>..l)lored in Chapter 9. 1 2. Movement · co 1he right' is_ in R indi the wa,, of the Jiving: the dead. b , contrast. wind on thei r cl oth ·10 the left ' and erect t heir house po t in reverse order to the li11 ing I Fonh 1 9 J : l 72. 200 ) . l 3. ee Chapter for a fuller analysi of gender symbol i m in the cehne house. 1 4_ The ame practice is observed by 1he alay (Lim 1 9 7: I O : ,ib 1 9 'i : 5 -8]. Llm 1at 1 hat of the-thr layers of cloth. the blac k represen mys1er ious p wers. the r . life and courage. and the white. purity : while according to Gibbs. their placement on the hou se posts is a means by which. sema11gat may be induced into the ho use. t the tiang seri . th.r tri � of cl oth are also tied round the middle, together with a coconut and a double-ended pha l lus can, out of wood . l 5 . rn th celmese rite. the me kind of pa te i s ap(?l ied to all the house posts ( nouck Hurgronje 1 906: 4 3). 1 6. Bimanese women weavers use the sa me system for mea ­ uring cl oth ( Hitchcock 1 9 3 : 1 " 7 ). l 7. This open-endedn l reflected also in Kis-Jova k ·s ( 1 982: 24 I sta temen.t tha t the Menta1Vai boll is 'alive· and is never really finished, since the inhabitants arc always adding oc1 parts or detail as required. A number of ocietics. includin Aceh. a l · have a rule that the n.umber of tep in the house stairs must be uneven. or misfortune will result. The image of ' adding on.· is vividly employed ln. a Bllgis custom of divic,ation at a new house slte : 'When determi nin g where the na\lel post of a ne,v hou�e shoul d be i:>laced. the srmro bola ( house bu ilding expert) must place a mall piece of w d or ba mboo in t he ground three times. Jf alter uch placement. the piece i found to have extended i leng1 h . the hollse­ holder is su re to receive good fort u ne ff h l house is centred n that

spot . But the wood mu t nm be extended to too great a lengtJ1 . for what i desired i obtain.i.ng good fortune. but not too q uickly' ( cciai Ii. n.d.). A similar meth of testing the site is used by the Malays (Gibbs 1 9 'i: 2 : lim 1 9 8 7: 9 ). By contrast. some other Jndonesian cieties (J r example. the Toraja and Sumbanese) do show a pref­ erence for even numbers. especially eight. as symbolizing complete­ n -withollt making any negative a ociation bet1Veen com pletion and death . 1 8. The avunese. too. pictu re t heir island a a living being with a 'head ' and ·1ail' ( Kan a 1 980: 222). 1 9. The finials are actualy called ' glancing crows· or 'glancing pigeons' by the Northern Thai . though the reasons for this are obscure ( K rug and Duboff 1 982 ). 20. Several of the villagers kept l um(?s of charcoa l from the ashes. to grind U(? and u a medicine. although an informant from another distri 1 of Toraja aid that there. the ashes were gathered and thrown far away, since some in of the villagers must have caused uch an u n fortunate event. 1 1 . t\ ca of deliberate dissolution of a hou e· identity has been brought to m attention by Vivienne Wee (personal communication). In 1 9 1 1 the Dutch forced the Sultan of R iau to abdicaie and drove h im into exile. Before a bandoning the court. he and h is noble b follo,\·ers deli erately destroyed all 1 h eir palaces. since it was con­ sidered impos ible for an body but thei r original owner to inhabit them. Destruction of the bui ldings. then. paralleled the S ul tan's own political dem ise. Where buildings are so closely associated with their cu pants. suggest Wee. an unoccupied hou e is an anonrnly: it is entirely po ible that w here such a house is regarded as 'haunted' . it is the house itsetr that is doin g the h a untin g.

1 37

I \ISIIJ p

CHAPTER 7

Kinship and 'House Societies' THE identification between houses and people provides us. ultimately, with the real key to the understanding of the house in South-Ea t A ia. Conversely. certain problems in the analysis of kLnship systems can. I be­ lieve. be clarified by looking at them a house-ba eically, of both very clo e marriages. in vari­ ou clas ic pattern of cousin marriage. and of very distant marriages. uniting kingdoms, or layLng claim to new titles and lands. Levi- trauss (l 98 3: 166. 177) compares the opportuni tic tracing of genealogical ties in the royal houses of medieval Europe (which fre­ quently explolted links through women or by adoption, in spite of a patrilineal law of succession) with the practice in Kwakiutl noble families of allowing suc­ cession through marriage, from the wife's father to the son-La-Law. So important was this potential mode of succession that 'an individual desLrous of "entering a house"' where there was no marriageable daughter, would ymbolically marry a son, or failing a son. a part of the body (arm or leg) of the house chief. or even a piece of furniture'. The fundamental feature of Levi-Strauss·s analy i i that it groups together as 'house societies' a range of orth-We t Coast societies with osten ibly v ry differ­ ent kin hip y terns: in a much as the label can b applied at all. the Kwakiutl, Nootka, and Bella-Bella systems are cognatic. the T im hian. Haida, and TUngil are 'frankly matrilineal', while the Yurok of northern California were described (with reservation ) by Kr b r as patrilineal. Kroeber considered the hou es f Lh Yurok only in a chapter on material culture. fr m th

ocn: ru.s

point of vi w of technique of construction and utili­ tarian function, and ignored them when .he spoke of ocial rganization. Yet. his own data demonstrate quit l arl that house were enduring units of social rganizali a. with important jural and ceremonial fun.cti . and that their owners even took their names fr m th h use itself. Al the ame time. finding that a liable analytical categories. such as 'tribe'. 'clan'. or 'village community', failed to fit the Yurok case. Kroeber wa reduced to the conclusion that they simply had 'n ciety as such ... no social organization ... no authority .. .'. Contemporary ethnology did not supply him with the concept of 'house' which might have helped to make sense of such apparent formles ness (Kroeber 192 5: Levi-Strau s 1983: 171-3). Levi-Straus · approach to these kinship systems as 'variations on a theme' parallels his treatment of myths as variant ets. Within island South-East Asia we find a similar range of apparently very different kinship ystems which have given anthropologists just as much trouble as those of the orth-West Coast. but which. if treated as 'house ocieties·, suddenly come into sharper focus. It has always been something of a pu1Zle for anthropologists to explain the concentration of cognatic kinship systems in western Indonesia and of unLlineal. 'prescriptive allLance' systems in eastern Indonesia (as well as parts of Sumatra). Adopting a Levi-Straussian approach. we may begin to see all these systems as possible variants. whose common feature is the importance of the house as a focus of social organ­ ization. A good starti.ng-point for such a generative approach may be found in a paper by James Fox (1985) on the possible reconstructions of early Austronesian kin hip organization. He suggests how a whole range of regional development might have taken place. ac­ companied by fairly minor modifications to a basic set of original Proto-Austronesian kin terms. 4 At the same time. new and detailed research in the archipelago allow u to bring to bear the concept of 'house so­ cieties' on problems of pre ent-day Indonesian kinship organization.

Ki11ship a11d Rank Cl arty. the construction of buildings on the scale of a B rneo longhouse. a ias chief's house. or a Toraja tongkonan, demands either the co-operation of a large gr up of people, or else a concentration of wealth on th part of the owners. and the ability to mobilize a

TIIE LIVI C IH>L°�I

large labour force. The ame. indeed. ma�, apply t other project . uch a the dragging of huge stone for tombs or monuments-in Nia . Sumba. or Toraja. for example-or the building of temporary ritual struc­ tures-as in Toraj.:1. where thousands or gue may be accommodated for a lmge ceremony. 1 But often enough we find a combination of these factors-both the co-operation of a large group as ociat d with the house. and the existence of a ocial ranking system within which member or an aristocrac,1 enjoy the wealth and power which enable them to undertake impressive construction project . [n uch ca es. the house is designed. by its impre sive ire, di tinctive shape. and fine ornamentation. to give visible sub­ stance to a family's claim to superior status, and to serve as an enduring ign of their prestige. II con trnc­ tion involves expensive ceremonies, and when fini hed it becomes the site of ritual . as has be n di cu sect in Chapter 3. Each of these add t it glory and may be commemorated by the addition of spe ific ornarneatal elements to the hou e-gable horns f r the Naga. or among the Toraja the carved head or a buffalo for tho e who have held the highest level or funeral ceremony. The horns of sacrificed buffaloes fa tened to the hou e po t , in Toraja (Figure J 24). Sumba. Flores. and else­ where, likewise bear witness to past ceremonies. The aristocracy may. as among the To raj a. re ·erve to itself the right to construct a certain type or house. erect a particular kind of stone monument. or hold a particu­ lar ritu I. But they dep nd upon the co-operation f the rest of the community to help them execute these pro­ jects. a fact which is generally acknowledged in the distribution of meat from acrificed animal in ord r t feed all those who have assi ted. [n what follows, I hall deal with a range of examples. in which we may see the house functioning (a far as rank and ritual systems are concerned) in a number o[ slightly different ways. One special category is formed by longhouse communities. in which the house itself constitutes both the social and the ritual universe: it shelters an entire community, and serves as the large t ritual unit. Longhouse societie may be highly egali­ tarian like the lban or the Sakuddei, r hierarchical Like the Maloh. Kenyah, or Kayan: but. as we hall ee. the phenomenon of multi-family dw lling arrangements is also extremely common in South-Ea t A ia. Then there are societies within who village communities some houses enjoy high r tatus than others. but which have no overall ranking y tern cutting right

thr ugh the society-no hereditary clas es of uobl comm 11ers. or laves. ror example- nl,r a ran:kiag of h u. , ithin a particular village co1JU1mai1y in tcm1s of seni rit or clo ene s to a founder. , n example is Tanimbar. wh re rank · IJuid rather than Ii: ed and may be l t over time as branch hou become further rem ved fr m core origin-house . r through debt and lient e. C nvcrsely. a de tor reduced t lal'ery c uld in time. if he had en ugh childreo t h lp him. work him elf ut of penury and back up t commoner st tos I cKinn 11 L 9 3: 276- 0). The Toba Bmak provide an ther e ·ample, for tradilionall,r each Taha clan or lineage dominat thers, ithin the village which it wn member had fo nded. wbile cupying a uo­ rdin ate role in other village where they were not the founders-G r cxampl . where m mbcrs resided with their wife-gi ers. Thirdly. there are distinctly hier­ archical ocielies Ji e the T rnja. Tetum. Savune e. or Sumbanese with their hereditary rank of n bles. commoners. and (formerly) laves. Here. ari tocr ts often presid d (both politically and ritually) over a much larger district communit or domain. Their house were the political focu or their communitie and were especially impressi\'e tructure . built to la t. Identification between ruling nobles and their houses wa a very close one. Jn R ti. indeed. tbe rulers of domains are called by the name of the hou e from which they are de ended." In this type of ociety it is sometime the ca e that 'hou e· ide logy i largels' monopolized by the arl tocracy-ordinar people have only a shallow genealogical mem ry and less attach­ ment to h Lise . Fox sugge ts this is the case for the Atoni. except in the In ana princedom studied b�r Schulte Nordholt and Cunningham-an area which. has been influenced by their trongly h use-oriented neighbour , the Tellm1. Jn a ca e like the Toraja, by contra t. nobles monop lized the right to build fine carved wood hou es. yet the organi:,_.atlon of kin hip ideology aroL1nd the hou e i . as we hall ee. a prin­ ciple whicb applies throughout the society. At the end of thi continuum we find centralized state system , rganized around a court where hier­ archy and the etiquette of rank a sumed till greater ocial importance. ln a number of petty states. an ideology of kingship (often including a strong ritual component) was grafted on to ideas about the hou e­ as for the Atoni or th Bugi with their concept of the ruler as ideally remaining in his/her palace (basically an extra large hou e of traditional style). representing

140

124. Buffalo horn· attached to the front pos of thi dence of past acrific . 198 3. (Photograph: Roxana

Id orlgin-hou aterson)

14]

on Mount Sesean. Tana Toraja. provide prestigious evi­

Kl l�!,IJJ A'-10 HOLSH so·11:ru:s

Ti-j F. I.WI;.. G IICJI SI:

a1T1 tim . these ritua are designed to di.tfu e and the powerful navel or · till centre' or the klngdom. v re me the nflict i.nherent io thi tyle f gr up Similarly. the Minangkabau raja dwelt inland la the llving, , hl h demands imensive interaction between heart of Minangkabau territory, occupylag the large it members. In th case of a on.tlicl between two uma, timber palace at Pagarruyung. The ra;a. had almost no political power and principally fulfilled a acred. sym- · a third l nghou e may intervene to act as a neutral neg tiator ( c efold 1982: 126-7). Jn ava. both the bolic role, representlng the unity of the Minangkabau house and the group tracing de cent from its founding world (P. E. de Jo selin de Jong 1951: 108). V\e cao an e t r are called a.mu. The "hou e· has controlling see, then, how closely kin hip and ranking sy tern intere t in land. livestock. and the marriages of it are intertwined within the hou e: the above frame­ memb rs. The Sa une e compare their house and work should help to clarify the examples which village metaphorically to b ats. 'LLke the members of follow. a ,1illag ,' writes [( aoa (1980: 228 ). ·the members of a 'House Societies' in South-East Asia house form a group of passengers on a perahu [boat].'' The identification of house and kin group i explicit Wherever we look in the archipelago, we find societie also in 'I- est Sumb.i. Van Wouden (1956: 192) st.ites in which the word 'house· designate not ooly a that here, the word 1111w means botb the house and tbe physical structure, but the group of kin who are living patrili.neal descent group a sociated with it. Building a in it or who claim membership in it. R11111ah among the new house makes a person the founder of a llneage. Karo Batak or the Minangkabau, uma among the conferring undying prestlge and en uriog that he will Sakuddei ofSiberut, amu in Savu. uma again in R ti or be worshipped a an ance tor (marapu) by his descend­ among the Tetum and Ema.Jada for tbe Mambai, rahan ants. Even if the hou e hould disappear. it will still be in Tanebar-Evav. tongkonan in Toraja. are all example remembered and the group of its members retain tbe of such words. Even on the northern fringe of the possibillty of rebuilcli.ng it. most i;>articularly in the Austronesian world. among the ab riginal peoples of context of a fea t or ceremony. A house maintains Taiwan. the same centrality of the house can be seen ceremonial link with other houses from whlch it has in kinship organization. Shih Lei(] 964: 110), writing branched off: thus some rltuals of the oldest b use in of the Austronesian-speaking Paiwan, states: a community may embrace the whole illage (van The family as institution is recognized by three aspects: the v\7ouden 1956: 193). house, the name attached to lt, and the peol)le llvlng in it. Among the Ema ofTimor. Clamagiraad (1975: 44) Even a single man or woman when provided witb a house notes that kia grou[)s (or groups of wife-givers and along with its traditional name may be con idered as a wife-taker ) are also thought of as "hou es· (uma). family. A house-name repre ent not only a house but al o Some house are rendered sacred b�, tbe pre ence of the members of a family living in the hou e. heirloom valuable (gold aud silver discs which con­ In Sumatra, among the patrilineal Karo, each house stitute the house· insignia). A hou e of thi kiod plays has its own name and lands. while among the matri­ a central part in the Lives of the group of brothers who lineal Minangkabau, the most important unlt is the are linked to it (though not neces aril�, resident iu it). saparuik (sublineage), or 'people of one womb·. usually Certain ritual essential to the life of the group can associated with a group of people living in one nimah only take place here. Clamagirand calls a house of this adat ('traditional· hou e, or one where ritual are kind a 'core house' (tigure 125). It alway has a round observed) or rumah gadang (great house). A great roof and is built on land which is subject to ritual pro­ house ideally may accommodate three generations of hibitions, whereas ordinary hou es. dependent on their people related through women: the saparuik has been core house, may have a ridged roof and can be built on described as 'the mo t important functional unit' of open I.ind. Clamagirand (1980: 136) stre se. how­ Minangkabau society (P. E. de Josselin de Jong 1951: ever, that the 'hou e' group. con isting of a group of 11: Katq 1982: 44). elder and younger brother resident in the core house For the Sakuddei, uma refers both to the longhouse and it dependent hou es, cannot be equated with a itself and to the patrilineal descent group which lives lineage: in it. As we saw in Chapter 3, the uma represents an ideal unity, reflected in communal participation in lthough all member fa group recognize a common an­ cestor. genealogi al tie are not memorized. Rather. a group rituals, for which the house provides the setting. At

12 5. A ·core-house' or origin-house of a kin group in the Ema vlllag foreground is a rice granary (lako), with an open platform ben alh th

142

L 3 /

tu Aben, Central Timor, with its characteristic domed roof. In the I rage area. (Photograph: Brigitte Clamagirand)

Tl-IF. I. I VI G l!C)l "I.

consists of a collection of lines. who e members Ii e in separate conjugal family dwelling . since. according to the rule of residence. a man and his marrie2ff.). or particular intere tis hi obser­ vation that the ancestral bou e spirits re iding in the sleeping room are but one particular form of a more general a sociation between women and domestic spLrits. Reference to these spirits is made to explain the avoidance of vLrilocal marriage. Every woman posesses a mystic essence derived from her clan spirit: when two women of different clans reside io the same bouse. this is thought to create a potentially dangerous situation ince their spirits. deri ing from different clans. are regarded as incompatible and will be in con­ flict with each other. In the ex:cei;>tional lnstaoces where the ruJe of uxorilocality l not followed. special Jeeping positions within the house must be foUowed (Davi 1984: 61):

rules define the areas open to guests, wbo are normal­

In case of virilocal residence. if the resldent daughter-in-Law is of a different clan from that of her hu band's motb.er, she and her bu band are not allowed to sleep in the /mean if the husband's mother or sister l living in the house. This for­ malized resolution of potential con.llict between female affines encourages a married woman either to live with her own parents or to et up an independent househ ld. ... In Landing, people ... relegate this potential conflict to the spi­ ritual realm. aying. 'People may be friendly. yet their spirits are ho tile.'

ly neighbours and relatives-tbey are received in the guest room, but are forbidden to enter the sleeping quarters unless they marry a member of the household. One must be invited before mounting the house ladder to the entrance platform. The compound fence marks the boundary of private property, and outsiders are not expected to enter it. Tambiah relates these spatial rules to incest prohibitions and degrees of marriage­ ability: within the sleeping quarters, arrangements reflect incest taboos, while gue t (who normally come within the category of tho e with whom marriage is specially desirable) are freely entertained in the guest room, and outsiders (not coming within the recom­ mended marriage category) remain outside the boundary of the compound. In a parallel way, degrees of proximity detennine rules about tbe edibility of animals. As with marriage categories, both those that are very close and very far away are subject to taboo: dogs and cats-domestic animals which Live inside the

Potential bum an conflict is thus defused by being pro­ jected into the spirit world, at the same time as it is ymbolized tbrough the placement of iodividuals within the house. Among the orthern Thai. it is clear tbat there i a particularly clo e association of women with the house, brought about by norms of uxorilocality. female ultimogerriture, and the rnatrili.neal organiz­ ation of ancestor spirits. Davis (1984: 68) peaks of a

182

F SO IAI, REI. 1'10 'S

. P CE A}.D TllE Sl1APING

JI USE

THE LIVI 1

1

at th fr nt, which is planted with flowering plants, and I s tidy at the rear, where useful vegetables and fruit trees are planted, where the well is situated, and lvhere rubbish may be thrown out from the kitchen, which is alway at the back of the house. The front, male entrance is the formal, public one: female access is through a more private, rear area where work is done (Dall 1982: 36). The house is approached by a tairway. which (as among the Thai) must have an odd number of steps. This leads on to the front veranda, used by men and guests. A curtain may separate this pace from a central passageway which gives on to the main bedrooms. This i the inner part of the house (dalam). which i entered only by family, women. or close intimate . On the far side of this is the back veranda, used by women. and beyond this again. the kitchen. Aootber set of entrance steps, leading to the kitchen. is used only by women. Beneath the house is a useful storage and work area, where fire-wood may be chopped, coconut oil pressed, and rice pounded, and where women may set up their looms. Rice may be stored here in bins, and animals and poultry penned. The space under the house can accommodate over­ flows of guests on ceremonial occasions, and at funerals the mourners receive the condolences of friends and relatives here. The most sacred spot in the house is a platform high up in the roof, beneath the gable, on which are stored family heirlooms and valuable

(peusaka). There are a number of ways in whlch spatial op­ positions are prominent in the organization of the Aceh home. Vertical oppositions between 'high' and 'low' areas express distinctions between the sacred and the profane; the three-layered vertical division of the house and its correspondence with cosmological ideas wa discussed in Chapter 5. The second major contrast is that between 'male' and 'female', expressed most obviously in the distinctions made between front and back parts of the house. Equally significant. it would appear. i a contrast between 'inner' and 'outer' areas. which alters somewhat depending on which part of the house i taken as a focus. Meaning, then. is derived not from a crudely fixed polarity (for example. of male/female), but from an interweaving of shifting ets of contrasts. The back of the house, used by women, may be cha­ racterized as a female, private, and everyday area. By contrast, the front is male, public, and used for formal o asions. Distinctions between 'inner' and 'outer'

1 3

THE LIVl'II

tl U L

SPACE A's[)

.41I

[•

I 55. Acehnese house in the village of Lam Teun. Nonh umatra, 1965. The entrance is to the left. ote the different Ooor levels: the house­ holders' bedroom in the centre, being the most sacred room in the house. has the highest Ooor. (Dorothy Pelrer Collection, courtesy of ISl'.AS. Singapore)

areas are shifting. The Acehne e regard the outslde world to ome extent as a source of danger, from which the house provides a sanctuary: in thi sense, the house as a whole is 'inside' to the world's 'outside'. The inner section of the house. called dalam ('lnside'). is very important and by contrast both the male and female ends of the hou e are 'outer'. The floor level of this inner portion of the house is also the highest. ap­ propriately enough since, next to the roof space, it is the most sacred. One may, at the same time, see the whole of the 'male' portion of the house, oriented to the outside world. as 'outer' or extrinsic to the house proper, which is 'inner'. The men's veranda is separ­ ated from the inner part of the house by a wall, which is usually elaborately carved and decorated-a dis­ tinctive boundary marker, like the carved skirting-

board which divides the floor level. occupied by humans, from the place of animals below the house. ThLs particular aspect of the inner/outer division clear­ ly reflects the close identification of the woman with the house, which is, in fact. her . Dall puzzles over the apparent contradiction between the relegation of the female to the rear of the house, and the fact that she actually owns the house and control the daily run­ ning of the household and its property. But, in fact, it is the dynamic bringing together of male and female elements in the centre of the house {the main bedroom) which can be identified as the most significant. feature of its organization. Here are situated the two main house posts, called ra;a and putrde ('prince' and 'prin­ cess'), against which the groom and the bride are seated on their wedding day (Snouck Hurgronje 1906:

184

nu:

H Pl G 01' SOC! I RI·!. r!

43: Dall 19 2: 50). Jt is here. toD. that the rocreatioo of aew Ufe will ta e place. Within the coote11.1 of outh­ Ea t Asian geader ymooliBm. with its characteristic ernpha is 011 creative fusion of male and female ele­ ments. the layollt of the Aceh house makes perfect sen e. Though Dall' analysi only toucbes upon thi p int. some cl e compari on can be drawo with the way space LS used in the Sundaoese house, as analysed by essiog (1978). Dall state that hi male inform­ aat regarded their part of the hou e as the mo t im­ l?Drtant. as indeed migbt appear t be borne out by the amount of decoration lavisbed up n it. (He llnfortu­ oately had little opportunity t diBcus with women their wn iew on tbe ubject.) But, he wonders. is this decoration oot perhaps intended to 'keep the gue ts happy'? He echoes the imp res ions of previ us writer , uch as Snouck Hurgronje and Siegel. that the man i , ln fact. little more than a guest in the bouse of his wife (Dall 198 2: 5 3; aouck Hurgronje 190 6; Siegel I %9: 5 5 ). For in pite of the respect ace rded to him while he i at borne. the house remains e sentially the domain of the woman. In another Sumatran society, the Rejang of Lampung. at the southernmost tip of the island, the asociation Df LI.Xorilocality with spatial restrictions on the in-marrying husband are even more explicit. The Rejang traditionally were shiftlag cultivators, living in fortified village along river banks, and they were or­ ganized into patrilineal clans. However. as in most other Indone iao societies with thl arrangement. there were two possible forms of marriage: virUocal. with tbe payment of bridewealth. or uxorilocal. in which case the groom made only a small bridewealth payment. but performed bride ervice for the wife's parents. This form of marriage was quite common and was called semendo. The uxorUocally residing husband was confined Like a guest to the veranda and the front room, and in particular was forbidden access to the compartments of his wife's sisters. During the 1930s, according to Jaspan (1964), Rejang kinship structure underwent a shLft from patrilineal to matrilineal. due, it seems, to a combination of factors whjch made the payment of large bridewealths difficult. One of th e factors was the effect of the world economic depre sion. and another was local Islamic opposition t th payment of bridewealth. A a result. uxorilocal mar­ riages became the norm, and inheritance of lineag property pas ed [rom being the right of the elde t n to that of the younge t daughter. Here again, th n,

n women being 'confined' to the back of the h u . it i men who are 'confined' to the front-a dubi u h n ur at best. 8 Wo111e11,

Rice, and the Granary

W are beginning to develop a picture of patterns of spatial organization and gender ymbolism within the h u e in a range of South-East Asian societies, and we have een that in ome in tance . the identification of w men and houses is particularly trong. I shall now tum to examine another area in which there Ls a strong identification with the female: namely, agriculture, rice, and the storage of rice, whether this is in a separ­ ate granary or within the house itself. The sacrednes of the granary and its respectful treatment a the torage place of rice has already been mentioned. 9 It is certainly ancient. as is indicated by the depictions of granarie on ritual objects or as miniature buried with the dead in bronze-age cul­ tures, discussed in Chapter l. The ancient temple of Ise in Japan. whose resemblance to architectural styles of the outh-East Asian archipelago was al o noted, is based upon a granary and the cult performed there is chiefly concerned with fertility of the earth. In present­ day South-East Asia. rice is widely repre ented a a female deity: Lady Koosok in Thailand. Dewi Sri in Java and Bali. and other names elsewhere. often with the meaning of 'mother' or 'princess', for example, among the Toba and Karo Batak and the Sumbane e ( iessen 1985: 129). The au picious positioning of the granary in the orthern Thai hou e compound, and the requirement that its floor level be higher than that of the house, reflect the respectful attitude to rice. Even where the granary is part of the house, this rule is followed, and the floor of the barn must rest on its own floor beams. Davis (1984: 50) notes: Thi gives the rice added protection· from floods and addi­ tional ventilation from below. People also say that this ar­ rangement gives. the rice godde s. Lady Koosok. an elevated position worthy of her godhead and prevents her from being disturbed by vibrations from the living and kitchen areas.

In order not to disturb the goddes . rice i only put into r removed from the granary on certain auspicious days, but a bin on the balcony may contain rice which an be taken at any time, in case of sudden need (Krug and Duboff 1982: 76-8). In unda (West Java), where the feminine as oci-

I 5

THE Ll\'l"'C H I SI:

ations of rice cultivatLon are equally pron uaceLd.i­ ty' (see van Wouden 1 968 ): but they also Lmply sllent authority, sacred fear, and the th reat of deatb. all of which assert the superiority and dominance of Wehali over the patrilineal princedoms of the periphery (emi;>basis added). As in the Atoni case. we have here the associ.aUon of immobility with the female. with politi cal authority and ritual power. Though surrounrung states show both feminine and masculi ne features. 'Weba]i held a different status through its m atriliny: it w as the "mother" kingdom , not j ust of t he Liurai b ut of tbe entire world' (Francil lon 1 980: 26 1 ). The theme of t he mother as source is an equally dominant one among the eastern Tetum , described by Hicks ( 1 9 76 ). Tetum matriliny i reflected in the do­ minance of women and female themes in ritual and myth. Concepts of the earth as womb, gi.ving birth to the first humans, have already been encountered in Chapter 6, as was the idea of the house as body, its main room (containing bot h hearth and 'ritu al pj)[ar ' ) being called the 'house womb ' ( uma lolon ). Hicks's description of the birth ritual (19 7 &: 3 1 ) is of particular interest to us here because it Ulustrates the complete alignment of the hou e interior, the female and t he sacred: An experienced older woman acts as mjdwife. Her dexterity critically regarded by as many hamlet women as the room will hold. the midwife nips tbe umbilical cord to leave rough­ ly three inches dangllng from the belly. This cord is known by the same name as that denoting a descent group (cain). which also means ' talk' or ' tem' . . . . The midwife stuffs that part of the cord she has cut off into a small pouch which the father has previously plaited from palm-leaves. She adds the afterbirth to it. and fastens tbe pouch to the ritual pillar. at a spot slightly above the altar. The stained birth cloths and other soiled material she drops on the ritual shelf itself. As a 'bridge' between the two worlds, tbe ritual pillar is an apt place for these symbol of the productive benefits which derive from humans and ancestral ghosts uuiting.n A few days after the cord drops off, a second, symbolic birth occurs when the father ritually carries his cbild out through the ' hou e vagina' (the rear door) into the hamlet plaza and t he waiting world of kin sfolk and af­ fines. In the Tetum world. we see t hat sacredness lies right at the heart of the 'dome tic' sphere. This fact is

m st dramatica lly by tbe dropping of dem n trat th iled birth cl tbs on to the alt ar-an a ct whkh would b aa unlhr.nkable desecration in any culture wb re · ale' a nd 'female' are pola rized as 'sacred' and ' profane' . 1 9

The Hou e as Womb The reader m ay comp lain th at I h ave 1ivandered very far from Door plans at this point : but, [ believe, t he attempt lo grasp some of the more f ad amental ideas which sh ape Indonesian world views is ultimately essential La order fully to understand tbe sig nificance of tbe ymbolism of space, as it is worked out wi thin the house. I ronically, with the repeated recu rrence o( the idea of t be h ouse as �vomb, which clearly is expl icit i n some cases and implicit in others. we eem to h ave come full circle. What difference is there, Lf any. be­ tween the womb-house of lhe Tetum or the Savunese, and that of the Berber as de cribed by Bourdieu? Are we faced here simply witb a form of universal symbol­ ism. so fundamental that it will tend to [)resent itself to house dwellers anywh ere in the world? In a sense this may be so; as Hicks ( 19 76 : 2 3) points out , 'rooms'. 'wombs'. and 'tombs' re emble each other only [)ho­ netically in English , but in many other societtes t hey are symbolically equated. ft is not, h owever, necessary to resort a be does to the idea of Jungian archetypes to explain the e associations. What my analy is shows. if anything. is the very dLfferent route by which peoples may arrive at such equations. Therein. I believe, lies the distinction between t he Berber and the Indone iaa case. The womb i observably , in any cult ure of the world , a source of life, in the purely physical sense that children are born from ii . We m ay tend to view aa equation of the house with the womb as the ultimate, irreducibly 'natural' symbol beyond which nothing can be said. B ut in t he h ouse-based o­ cieties of Indonesia, the fact of the womb as life-source merely serves as the starting-point for metaphorical chains of association linking women, bouses. kin groups, ancestors, the earth itself, and so oa. [n all t be rich variety of cultural ystems w hich have evolved throughout the archipelago, the celebration of life and fecundity is o ne thing they share in common . B ut in other cultural contexts, · the prestige attached to women's reproductive capacity, and indeed t he very manner in whlcb it is conceptualized, may be very dif­ ferent. In a [)atriarchal ociety. the dependence upon

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women for the furtherance of life may even appear as an uncomfortable anoma ly. Rather tha n celebrat­ ing blologica l life p rocesses as being tbe very t uff of religion . they in tead come to be associated with si n, corruption, a nd mortality, intrin sically oppo ed to the life of the spirit in t he world religions. with their transcendental. other-w ordly orientation . Or else. motherh ood m ay be elevated a nd ambiguou ]y revered even at the same t ime as female sexuality, menstruation, and childblrth are deemed to be ()Ollut­ ing. So far as one can judge from Bourdieu's ac­ count, within th e offici al male-dominated world view of the Berber. women's reprod ucti e powers appar­ ently evoke disgust and a ssociation with de6.lement , while male 'excellence' is as ociated with purity . They are also symbolized as pas ive in Bourdieu's chema, in which male : female : : 'fertilizing' : 'able to be fertilized' . There is a ense in which sex. repro­ duction, and death are all a sociated. ince all such natural functions are grouped together within the bidden realm of the domestic. Bourdieu's unilary pictu re of Berber hou e sym­ bolism ls not. however, witbout its problems: the authorial voice of the anthro()Ologi t largely conceal from us whether he ls talking about the model held by Berber men, or b is own interpretation of it. Tbere is no indication of what women say about the hou e. or whether tbey would recognize bi account of it. Women are described as if they were entirely isolated la separate households, yet they musl have some oc­ casion to meet each other. for he tates that men fear women's gossip (Bourdieu 1 97 7: 92 ). A male etbno­ grapber would doubtless face extreme difficulties ia trying to ascertain bow far women ' world views may diverge from men's in such a society. [o spite of the apparent imilarity with the Berber case, [ argue that the symbolism of hou e and womb in South-East Asia bas radically different im[)lication . [ndeed, the tone of association in the ocietie I have described could hardly provide a stronger contrast. The house. here, i not opposed to and isolated from the ' public' sphere of life. Social reality for women dif­ fers dramatically-immobility a a symbolic theme does not tran late into Literal confinement within the hou e. but rather. women play active role in the economy. ritual. and. at time , political life. More than this. South-East Asian world views. celebrating the liJe­ giving fusion of male and female rather than th ir polarization, exploit an apparently similar theme to a

f

' I A.L R H. Tl \

d� r n t nd . The a sociation of house with womb. rather than erving to hive off women's capacities as birth-giver and nurturers within the constricted cl main f 'denigra ted domesticity'. i merely the tarti ng-point for a wide-reaching web of idea about lif. proce se and the reproduction of ocial groupings which them elve are intimately identified with the house.

I . e also Bloch ( 1 974. 1 9 7 7) on the functions of ritual, and the language of ritual. in the reproduction of ideology. 2. A most sensitive portrayal of the paration of domestic and public domains in India may be found in Satyajit Ray's film of Rabindranath Tagore·s novel. The f-lomt and the World-the title of which itself i revealing. With regard to the restrictions on knowl­ edge. Humphrey ( 1 974: 2 7 5 ) tales that Mongol women were forbidden to touch books ( usually religious texts). which were kept on the men· s ide or the tent near the altar. According to a Mongol proverb. Tor a woman to look at a book is like a wolf looking at a settlement.· 3. The Victorian my ti6ca1ion of this domestication of women receives one or its most elaborate expressions in Coventry Patmore· egregiously long poem. ignilicantly entitled 'The Angel in the House· . -1. G. Forth ( personal communication). 5 . TI1e ass iation of woman. hip. and house recurs in Tanebar­ Evav. w here house-building offerings are likened to bridewealth. and bridewealth payments are called " keel and oars of the ship' (Barraud 1 979: 58). 6 . Just how typical the division of the hou e into a ·male" and a ' female' half i in prescriptive alliance ystems may be judged by compa ring eedham's description ( 1 9 2: 0-9 I of the division of house space among the Purum. a Tibeto-Burman peaking people of the Jndo-Burmese border who have the same type of kin hip ystem . 7 . Kato ( 1 982: 58 ) remarks that the on-in-law 'is sometimes likened lo a bull buffalo borrowed for impregnation·. In other sayings he i described as being 'like a horse-ny on the tail of a buffalo or like ashes on a hearth [when a linle wind blows. it i gone]". uch sayings are indicative of the lesser concern hown in many m atrilineal sys­ tems with integrating the in-man-ying spouse. In patrilineal systems. i ncorporation of the woman may be more critical because of the need to establish and maintain claims over her offspring. . Traube ( I 986: 8) also notes that among the Mambai of Timar. a man who marries uxori locally is as:sociated with the ·walls and verandah· ( that is. the periphery) of the house. 9. See Chapter 3. L O. Regarding the reference to caves. ii is significant that in the undan case. the word for the grain store (go11l1) al o means 'cave ·. l I . Ma hman notes that the low statu of ub i tence farming in a changing economy. and women ' s lesser opportunities for entry Into the ca h economy, may be eroding their status in lban society today. Formerly. women gained prestige through their skills in dyeing and weaving. which were thought to involve supernatural dangers and were symbolically complementary to men's head­ hunting aclivities.

1 7

HIF. LIVING 1-IOl. 1;

12. Some elements of avunese house ymbolism ha\'e already been described in Chapter ti. l 3. 'Ship' symboli m, which appears particularly f requently in eastern Indonesian ocie1i . al o raises an interesting poim about the pos ible tatu implications of a division into 'bow' and ·stern· Superficially, one might be tempted 10 equate these division with 'front' and 'back· and to a ume that the from is 1he uperior section. Boats, however, are controlled from the siern. Once again. the es­ sential complementarity of male and female · probably more im­ portant. The explicit 'marrying' of male and female 5 tions of the boat (the stem and the hull) in canoe- and ship-building in Jndonesia is described by Horridge (1 p. I 5-8 1 . __ ( l 9 7 7). 'The Past and the Present in the Present' , Man , 1 2 , pp. 2 78-9 2 . Blu t . R. ( 1 976). 'Austronesian Culture History: Some Lin­ guistic Inferences and their Relations to the Archaeological Record' . World Archaeology, 8, pp . 1 9 -4 3 . __ ( l 9 80). 'Ea rly Austronesian Social Organisation: The Evidence of Language' , Current A11thropolo9y . 2 I (2 ). pp. 20 5-47; 2 1 ( 3 ), pp. 4 1 5- 1 9 : 2 2 (2 ), pp. 84- 5 , Boer, D. W. . de ( ] 9 2 0) . Het Niassche Huis (The ias House}, Mededeeli ngen an bet Encyclopaedisch Bureau Betref­ fende de Buitengewesten 2 5 , Batavia: G. Kolff. __ ( l 946 ), 'Zedeu , Gewoonten en Wetten van ai Pospos' (Manuers. Cu toms and Laws of Nai Pospo ), Bijdragen wt de Taal-. Land- en Volkenktmde. 1 03, pp. 3 3 94 5 7. Bonnell M. and Voi sset. G. ( 1 980 ). ' "Gui de Archipel" [V : L' Ue de Sumba' ('Archipel Gu ide' IV: The Island of Sumba). Archipel. 1 9. pp. 1 1 9 -4 1 . Bourdieu. P . ( 1 9 73) ( 1 971), 'The Berber House·. in M . Douglas ( ed.). Rules and Meaning , Harrnondsworth: Penguin , pp. 98- 1 1 0. __ ( 1 9 7 7 ). Omline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bowen . J. ( 1 984) . 'Death a nd the Hi tory ofl slam in Highland Aceh' , l11donesit1, 38. pp. 2 1 - 3 8. Brody. H. ( 1 98 7 ) , Livin9 Arctic, London: Faber and Faber. Bruner. E. ( 1 9 70) ( I 96 3), 'Medan: The Role ofKinship lo an Indonesian City' . in W . Mangin ( ed . ). Peasallts in Cities: Readings in the Antl1ropology of Urbanization, Boston : Houghton Mifilin, pp. 1 22- 34. __ ( I 9 72 ). 'The Expression of Ethnicity in lndonesia' , South-East Asia Development Advisory Group. Papers on Problems of Development in South-East Asia , 72 ( 9). New York: SEADAG/The Asia Society. Cameron. E. ( 1 98 5). 'Ancestor Motifs of the Paiwan·. in J . A. Feldman ( ed . ). The Eloquent Dead: Ancestral Sculpwre

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19. Mausoleum (t11g11) at Tolping. Samosir Island. Lake Toba. surmounted by an older stone urn beneath which may be seen painted concrete figures of clan ancestors. 1986. Such monu­ ments commemorate all the ancestors of a given clan. and are a recent invention frequently sponsored by migrant members of Toba clans. (Photograph; Roxana Waterson)

21. 11.linangkabau hou e owners relax on their front step 1986. (Photograph: Roxana Waterson)

22. Guests gather to dance at a funeral before a Toraja house built in the new two-storey style. l 982. The lower storey has a square plan. with large door and windows. while the upper s10rey retains the shape of the traditional Toraja house. Such ·transitional' st !es represent the desire both for increa ed com­ fort and modernity. and for the high prestige which continues to be at­ tached to the traditional tyle. (Photograph: Roxana Waterson)

Index

Vumberr in 11al1a refer to Figurej, .Vumb Acch. l7. 126. l5L, ]55: spatial arrangements in hou • J 3...tl: di,•ision s of space in. 1 89: ]ban. 46. 1 22. 1 3 5. J 9: Kayan . [ 31 . 1 3 3- 5. J 4 7: Kenyah, 1 32. 1 35 . 147: longhouse commnnity. 1 40. l44-7: Menta wa ian . 44. 1 1 3. 1 44 (see also Sakuddei of Slberut): Sakuddel, 46. l 1 7. I B

Mandailing Satak. anggarai, 35-40. 4 1 -J. 7 5 Maranao. 128- 9 . l-44 ariana lslaods . 7 Marriage. I 58. l 6 1 : between h.ouse . l 4-1: immobi lity of bride a nd groom, l 93 Marsden. W.. 7 . 83. l 1 4 Material of construclion . see Hou se Matriliny. J 3 -9 . 1 58. 1 6 1 . 1 79: Minangkaba u. 1 51 . J 3: 1 orthern Thai. 1 2: Rejang. 1 5: Sa,,u. 1 89: Tetum . 1 lO. 1 9 n M ausoleums. !64-6. 1 73. 1 99. 14 4 McKin non ., J J . 49. 7 1 . l n 1 -3 . 12 1 . 123 Megal iths. 1 9-2 0. 23. 2 1i. l 6 J. J 99: see ai5b tone Melanau . 84. 1 4 7 Men's houses. 4. 6-9. fi2-4. 69 Mentawai. 44 . 64. 7 1 . 1 1 3. 1 3 7. J 4 4 : see aJs., Sa.k ucldei of Siberut Meranlau (lo go abroad). l 83. 2 30-J . 240: set also Minang­ kabau Merina: empty houses. 4 5; tombs and tomb groups. 2 05-6. 209 Metcalf. P.. 1 99. 207 Micronesia. L. 4. 7. 8. 9. 21i Migrants: house building by. 1 96. 23 2 . 2 36. 24 1-2. ( 2 3). (2 4 ): tomb building by. 244 Migration: con temporary, 219-47: early /\.uscroneslan . 1 2- 1 4. 23 ; impact on home communities. 13 2 : Min angkabau. 2 40: Toba. 24 2 : Toraja. 2 3 6 ; see also

MA'AN">'AN. 59. 8>1. 1 9 9 , 202. 205, 2 ) 8. 224 Madagascar: Austronesian influences in. l . 8. 1 1 -J 2 . 14. 76: change in colonial period. 42; Merina . 45. 2 05-li, 209: Sakalava. 4 1 . l 98. 209: see also Mahafaly; Merina: Sakalava Mahafaly. 209 Malaria. 28-9. 8 5 . l J 7 Malays; ani mism. 1 1 6; di,•ination before house building. 1 22. 1 37: gable horns. 7: house a nimated. l 1. 8: house-buildi ng rites. 1 21 . l27; house construction. 76. 78. 87. 1 14. 1 2 9: in Sarawak. l 56: male and female house posts. 1 2 7: posts anchor semangac. 1 22. 1 37 Male/female symbolism. xvii. 7 L . l 67. I 7 l-98: complementarity In. 6 5 . 1 7 1 . 1 9 1 : of house posts, 89. l 2fi-7. l 75. 1 78. 1 89: se, a/so Gender relations; Women Maloh. 9 3. 1 4 0 Mambai. 3 4. l27. 1 9 3 . 2 1 8

Minahasa. 1 44 . / 7 J . 207. 2 3 1 Minan gkabau. J. 8 1 -J. l 94 -5 . 23 9--4 2 . (20). (2 l): deforestation. 1 5 7 ; 'great house'. 1 40, 1 5 1 : house building by migrants. 24 1 -2 . (24): house construction. 76; identification of house and kin group. ) 42; matriliny. 1 5 L . 1 8 3 ; meranlau. 1 8 3 . 2 30- 1 . 240: tree-felling rituals. l l 8 Mindanao. 1 28-9. ) 4 4 Miniature houses: fo r female ancestors. 4 5. 46 . 5 1 . 1 80. 2 1 4: on gra,•cs. 1 72. ! 78. 2 2 1 : on roofs. 185. 2 1 5: Thai ·spirit house·. 1 22 Modernity. 2 32. 24 7-8 Mon-Khmer, 1 4 Mongolian tea c. I 6 7 Mongoloids. 1 2 Morgan. Lewis Henry. xv Mortising. 74. 77 Morung (Naga men's house). 62. 217 Mother as source, 1 96; see also Women

also 'House

cietles' Kitchen. 4 I : su a/st, ){earth Kor• (Tanimbar ham-shaped ri:lge decoration ). 7. B Kroti,,r (Sul.tan's palace of Solo).

13 5

Kula,, 1 (Central ula wesi). 46

0

Merantau

/.-loving hou . 7 . 86 l,·luang. et orthern Thai 1'1ultl-famlly dwellings. 42. 140. 140- 1 . 1 44. 24 L : set also 'Great hou ·: Longhouse 1 AGA ( Orth-east [ndia ), 7. 1 1 . 1 9. 62. 2 1 5 Naga (snake or dragon motif). 7. 1 1 - 1 2 . 38. 97. 1 29. 1 32-3 . I J6 N'age. 2 5. 49. SO N'avel: as centre. 95. 98. l 1 2 . 1 1 4. J 4 2 . 1 91 ; anchor of life . energy. J 1 5: earth navels. 9 5 . l 1 4. 1 98; navel posts (Bugis). 1 1 5 . 1 32. 1 3 7: (Toraja). 89 . 9 5 . 1 1 8: navel stone. l O J Ndau. 2 3 0 Neolithic houses. 1 4- l n. ! 7- 1 8 Ngada. 5 1 . 1 80. 2 1 4 Ngaju, 1 4 1 . 1 55. 1 73-4. 208 Nias. North. 7 [ . 88-9. I O I . 1 76 Nias. South. l00- 1 3. 1 00- 1 2: changes in house style. l 1 3: chief's house. 81. 1 0 5 - 1 1 . J 06- 1 3 . (n): cosmology. 1 0 1 -2. 1 08. l l l ; 'feasts of merit'. JO I : forked ancestor figures. l 9. 24: b.ouse con lructlon. 2. 87. 89. 1 0 3. 1 06; meeting houses. 67-9. 71 - 3. 1 04: power of chiefs. l l 3: priestesses. 7 1 . 74; slave trade. 1 0 I ; stone monuments. 102-5. (7). (8 ); village layouts. 1 00. J O I . 1 0 1 - 3 . ( 5): woodcarving. 1 07-1 l; see also Bawi:imataluo Nieuwenhuis expedilion ( l 900). 62. I J0- 1 . 164 Nobles. 4. 35, 47, 102. 1 0 3 . 1 1 2- 1 3 . 1 1 fi. I 18. 1 32. 1 40. 1 44. 1 62. 1 6 5. 202: see also Aristocracy; Rank Nomads, 9 1 . 96. J I 3 Nootcboom. C.. 38. 40 Northern Thai: animist concepts. 1 22 ; /,am yo11 lintel, 1 3 1 : house, J 5 3-4; house as buff'a lo body. l 3 I ; 'male' and 'female' house posts. 1 26: malriliny. 1 82: rites of construction. 1 1 7. I 22. 1 2 6-7: sense of direction. 1 1 4: spatial rules. 1 79-8 3 Nuaulu. xvii: building process. 45-6: 'planting' of posts. 1 2 5: 'sacred houses'. 45: sleeping positions. 9 4; village layout. xvii CJcu IA. J . I 4 , 69. 7 2 Offering posts. 1 9: Nage peo, 25. 50: gada ngadu. 5 l. J 80 Orang Laut. l 1 3 Order. see Space Orientations. see Cosmologies Origin-houses. 4 3- 5: Ema. 1 2 5. 1 42: Savu, ( 1 2): Sumba. 99.

261

J OO; Tanimbar, 1 40. l n2: Toraja . 4. 35. 4 3- 5. 89. I l 9. 1 14 . 1 48 . 1 6 3-5. 1 96. 2 3 2 . 2 36-9 . ( lO). ( l I ). (2 2 ). ( 2 3 ): see also Tongko111111

Origin-villages. 44-5. 4 5 Ornaments. 34. L O I . 108. 1 57: see also Heirlooms: Jewellery OsaJi ( ias temple or meering place). 67. 7 1 Ossenbruggen. P. D. E. van. xvi. 9 4 PAtWAN. 1 42. 1 89. 2 2 1 Palau, 4. Palms: areca. 86: lontar. 39. 86. 9 3. 2 2 1 : nibung. 85: niDah (atllp thatch). 86: rattans. 85: sago palm (rwnbia thatch ). 8n: sugar palm (ijuk thatch). 7n. 8 1 . 86; uses in house building, 86 Palu (Central Sulawesi). 46 P1111galr (Bidayuh 'head-house'). 59-60, 6 3--4 Papua ew Guinea. 4. 6. 7. 1 2. 24. 1 69 Par/10/ia11 (Toba sarcophagus). 209. 244 Palrllineal descent. I 38-9: Atoni. 1 58: Rot!. 46: Tanimbar. 1 6 l . 1 6 3: Toba. 242. 244 Pavilions. 32. J 7. 65-6. n9. 97 Pelras. C .. 90. 96. I I 3- l 4. 1 1 6. 1 2 1 . 248 Pemata,ig Purba. 1 8 1 - 7. 2 1 5 Philippines. 3 . 1 4. 24; s,, also Bontoc: ifugao: lsneg: Kalinga Pile building. 1. 1 . 3. 26. 73. 76. 8 3 . 1 0 3. 1 82: diagonal piles ( ias). 2. 87-9, 1 0 3 : elongated plies. 8 3-4. 92: pile-built platform . 38: su also House posts 'Planting' of house posts. see House posts Platform: earth. I : ·great' and 'small' platforms. 1 51. 1 7 1 -2. 1 7 5: house. 66: stone. 7. 9. 26; symbolic division of in house. 1 78: see also Floor Peso (Central Sulawesi). 4 7 . 48 Post.and-beam construction. 75. 78 Posts. see House posts Prehistory of outh-East Asia. 1 1 -20 Protective function: of buft'a lo horns. 8. J 3 J : of forked ancestor figures. 24: of house carvings. 6 1 . 1 20. 1 5 5-6 Proto-Austronesian. 1 2. 1 4. 1 39 Public buildings. 43-7 1 : see also Ceremonial hou es Pun an, 9 l . l 99 PusaL (navel). 95: see also avel RAIJUA, 9 3 Rank. 59. 1 39-4 1 . I 70- 1

I OE

DE X S..� HL Y'H 0:. Llll ? 3 Sacrifice. , 7 J. J lcl. 1 4 : ste obo Offerin g posts • 'da n Toraja: cosmology. 94: ethnic identity . 2 39: graves. 16&, 1 70. 2 0 5 . .?09: l:touse. 32 . 91. l63-6: house ceremonies. 7 Rebuilding of house: ducy co sister's l 19. 1 27-9: house co!Jlicruction. c hildren (Mmang,kabau ) 24 1 : 4 . n. 78. 84 . I I I J: "house' enhances status. 232: runded by idiom in kinship tem:tinology. 1 6 5: houses of roling nobtes. 89. migrants. 2 3 2 . 2 3 fi. H L : 1 6 5; immobility and fertility. proccs., of building an end ln 1 91: innovations in house Itself. 4 5-6 building. 2 3 -9. (2 2 ): migration. Rejang. I 5 2 3 1 . 2 36: mortuary rite:;. 202 : Reselllement. 38 relation with ancestors. 1 69. Rice. 5 3 . 9 1 . 1 8 5 -7: Dong Son. I 8: in Bali. L S 7: in lban society. 20 5 : ritual structures, 5 1 : rit ual roles of women. J 92 : standing L 87: in Java. 1&6: in unda. stones. L 63: tau-la u efllgi.es of the 1. 85-fi Ridge ornaments. 7-1 I : buffalo. dead, 1 68-9. 21 7: tree felling. t 8 J : Pijl. 14: Jcoro (Tanlmbar). 1 1 : longkonan (origin-house), 4-. U: bombi ll. 6 3: naga. l l-1 2. 3 5. 4 3-4. 9 . L l9. 1 2 3 --4. J 3 5 . ua. J J2: su also Bulfalo: Gable. 1 4 8 . l 6 3- 5 . 1 96. 2 3 2 . 2 36-9. finials (JO ). [ 1 1 ). ( 22). (Bl Rindi. set Sumba Saddle roof. stt Roof Ritual : at completion of house Sakalava. 42. 1 9 . 209 Sak uddei of Siberu l. 4 l . 46. (Torala). 1 2 7. 1 28. 1 29: I I 6 -18. 1 2 3 . L42. 21 7: see alw ( 'orthern Thai). L 27: at 'death' of house. l 2 3 . 1 3 5: birth. B l . Mentawai L 96: eolour symbolism in. 94: Samosir [sland (lake Toba i. 2 14. bouse builders as ritual 242 specialists. l l ?. 1 2 L: immobility Sangea ng. 18 of rit ual specialists. 1 92: In Sanro bola ( Bugis house-building cxper1 ). 1 2 l . 1 37 longhouse eommunities . 46: life. affirming. 4 2. 89-90. 9 '1 : life­ Sarawak. 8 3. 92. l 26-7. 1 5 6. 1 6 5-i. 1 99. see also Berawan: cycle. 4 6: marrtage. L 93: Sida yub: !ban: Kel abit: Melanau : monuary. 94. 199-247. (22): or Punan house construction. l 2 2 -9: Sasak. L. 32 . (2 ) paicing or ritual specialists. L92. 1 9 8: rtte:s of renewal. 5 1 . 95. Savu. 72. I 2 1 . I 3 ?. 1 40. 1 42. 1 5 -9. 1 9-9 1 . ( 1 2 ) I 3 1 : ritual offices attached to Schefold. R .. 4 fi . 7 l . 1 1 6- L 7. l 2 3 . houses. 4 3-4. l 65: textiles used 217 in . 1 1 6: to reconcile an offended house. 1 1 7: Toraja ma 'bua·. Schroder. 6. B. W. Gs. . 67. 71 -J. I O I . l03. 1 05 -6. J J 2 , 1 14 9-90. 95.· 1 92 Schulte 1ordholt. H . G.. �vii. 9 5. Ritual architecture. 4 8- 5 3 : 1 5 7-61 . 1 9 1 temporary structures. 50- 3: ste 'Sea Gypsies". 9 1 . J 1 3 : Moken also Ceremonial houses: Cult houses (Thal). L l 3: Orang Selitar Roof: extended ridge. 2. 4. 6. 7. (Malaysian). 1 1 3 Secondary mortuary rites. 1 9914. 1 8 . 1 9 . l 96: forms. 3-4. 1 4 . 205. 2 1 3. 244 1 8. 1 9 . 3 0. 3 5 -6. ] 58: predominance of roof over wall. Selayar. 1 8 SLmangat (vital force). 1 1 5. 1 22 . 30. 34. 40. 75: roofing rituals. J 2 7: saddle roof. 3. 1 6. J 8. 22- J. 1 3&. 1 9 3: Atoni smanaf. l 58: Bugis sumange, I 1 5-l &. 1 32: 24-5. 26-7. 29- 30. 75: ignal relation to I orthern Thai of ethnic identity. 2 36: ste also concept or kh wrm. 1 2 2 : semanga1 Gable: Ridge ornaments rum11h (soul of house). l l 6: set Roll. 7. 3 5. 39. 46. 86. 1 1 8. 1 40. also House. animated 2 2 ] . 2 34 Sense of place. 91. J 5 9 Rudofsky. 8 .. xv Rulers: Identified with their palaces. Seram, see uaulu Shinto shrines. 1 1 . 1 7. 21 95. l 3 7. J 40- 1 . 1 74- 5: immobile. 1 74. 1 9 8 Ship. su Boats

Rantau !estuary of a creel;: "foreign

land"). 2 30- 1 , 2'10. 242. 247 ' Ramepao· house style. l 96. 2 3 9 RapoporL A. . xvi. 7 3. 91 . l l 3 Ranan. 5 Ra'fi [Papuan ceremonial house).

Slkl:a . 49 Slmalungun Bata.k. 24. 18 1 - ?. 2t5 . su Offen ng p 1s Sta ugb.r Sleeping positions. 9g , l 8D-2 Snouck H urg,onje. C .. 80. I !6. I H. 1 3 7. l84 -5 Space: cosmologlcal. 2 6. 93 : interior and euerior of oouse. 30. . l83 : rules about. xviii: shapin g of dal rclatlons. 1 6 7-9 7: uses of. x viii Spirit house ( Thai ). l 22 Sre. 1 44 Stone: ossuaries. l 7 l . 2 0 7. (] 8 ): boats. 40. 49. 146: dragging. 7 2 . 98. 1 40. 207 : grave,. 98. 99. [68. 1 10. l 7 5-6 . l06. 214: monuments. IOJ . 102- 3. ) 89 . I 99. 243 . ( L 9): stalrwa}�. l 03 . 1 4 7. (7). (8 ): see also House­ haped graves: Megalitlls: ias: umba: Toraja torage space. 32. 56: see dlso Heirlooms Sulawesi: Central. 7, [ 5- 1 6. 24. 40. 4 7. 47-8. 1 99. 2 2 l : SLt a/so Bugis: Kulawi: Minahasa: Palu: Poso: Sa'dan Toraja : Tana Towa umatra. 24. 7 L. 7 . 80. l 5: su also Aceh: Gayo: Karo Bacak: Mandailing Batal