The Life of Simeon of the Olives: An entrepreneurial saint of early Islamic North Mesopotamia (Texts from Christian Late Antiquity) 9781463243463, 1463243464

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The Life of Simeon of the Olives

Texts from Christian Late Antiquity

66

TeCLA (Texts from Christian Late Antiquity) is a series presenting ancient Christian texts both in their original languages and with accompanying contemporary English translations.

The Life of Simeon of the Olives

An entrepreneurial saint of early Islamic North Mesopotamia

By

Robert G. Hoyland Sebastian P. Brock Kyle B. Brunner Jack Tannous

gp 2021

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2021 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. ‫ܘ‬

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2021

ISBN 978-1-4632-4346-3

ISSN 1935-6846

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ......................................................................... v Acknowledgments ...................................................................... vii List of Maps ................................................................................. ix Chapter 1. Introduction ................................................................ 1 Robert Hoyland Chapter 2. The Life of Simeon of the Olives: A Christian Puzzle from Islamic Syria ................................................... 23 Jack Tannous

Chapter 3. Simeon of the Olives and his World: Life on the Khabur Basin during the early Islamic period ................... 47 Kyle Brunner Chapter 4. Edition and Translation ............................................ 79 Edition by Robert Hoyland and Kyle Brunner Translation by Sebastian Brock

Appendix 1. Simeon at the funeral of Mar Gabriel (RH) ......... 165 Appendix 2. Simeon at the court of al-Ma’mun (RH) .............. 169 Bibliography ............................................................................. 187 Index of Persons and Places ..................................................... 207

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS While writing my doctoral dissertation in the early 1990s on the importance of non-Muslim sources for the understanding of early Islamic history, I read the Life of Simeon of the Olives, then only available in the abridged account of Philoxenus Dolabani. It struck me already at that time that it was more useful to the historian than the average hagiographical text and that it should be published. Thirty years on, with the Life still not having found its publisher, I decided it was time to act and the result is this volume. For its completion I am immeasurably grateful to my three co-authors. Sebastian Brock had already produced his translation of the Life a long time ago and I am truly thankful to him for allowing me to include it in this book, for his unsurpassed expertise in Syriac language and immense knowledge of Syriac literature lend much authority to this volume. Jack Tannous has written extensively on the Syriac-speaking communities of the Middle East in the period of transition from Roman to Muslim rule and I was honored that he allowed me to reprint here his article on the Life, since it is an excellent study and still the only work focused solely on this text. Last and absolutely not least, my doctoral student Kyle Brunner has contributed a chapter on the material dimension of the Life that really opens up new vistas, taking us beyond the humdrum hagiographical concerns of authenticity and literary topoi into the exciting realms of satellite imagery and archaeological data, giving us some impression of the material world in which Simeon moved. Kyle also deployed his impressive digital skills to generate a digital Syriac text from the Paris manuscript using Handwritten Text Recognition (HTR) software that vii

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THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

I could use as the basis for a new critical edition and to create the three very useful maps included in this volume. Besides my contributors, I owe much to Andrew Palmer, who was the first scholar in the West to study the Life of Simeon in a serious vein, and he very kindly read through the final version of this book, providing many valuable comments and corrections. He also shared with me his photographs of the transcription made by Chorepiscopus Nu‘man Aydın of the manuscript at the Mar Barṣawmo Church in Midyat that contains a copy of the Life. 1 Even with the aid of my collaborators and friends, many deficiencies remain and these are solely my responsibility. In particular, I am no Syriac philologist and so the edition does not deal with the intricacies and minutiae of the language of the Life and its transmission. However, my principal aim here is to make this too-long-neglected text accessible once more. The Paris and Mardin manuscripts are available online (via the BnF and HMML) for those who wish to probe deeper. For those without expertise in Syriac, I hope that this collaborative volume will provide a useful springboard to further research and will now finally make this Life and its subject, Simeon of the Olives, much better known and appreciated.

I am also grateful to Malfono Eliyo Aydin of Mor Malke Church in Delbrück for allowing me to use the digital word file of the Life that he made.

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LIST OF MAPS AND FIGURES Map 1: North Syria and Mesopotamia Map 2: Settlements on the Ṭūr ‘Abdīn plateau Map 3: Archaeological Surveys of the Khabur Basin Fig.1: CORONA photograph of Sīrwān Fig. 2: Aerial image of Nusaybin All five were created by Kyle Brunner (Institute for Study of the Ancient World, NYU)

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CHAPTER 1.

INTRODUCTION ROBERT HOYLAND A recent encyclopedia entry on the Syriac Life of Simeon of the Olives states that ‘this is one of the few West Syrian (Monophysite) pieces of hagiography written in the Islamic period, and it therefore represents a valuable testimony to the situation of the Syrian Orthodox under early Islamic rule’. 1 It is, therefore, unfortunate that no critical edition of this text has as yet been undertaken. 2 This lack has meant that the Life is rather neglected by scholars. There is only one article-length study of it (by Jack Tannous, reprinted below) and otherwise it has attracted only brief mentions in articles and books and short entries in reference works. 3 At least part of the reason for this neglect is the assumption that the heyday of Christian hagiography coincides with the period of late antiquity (fourth–sixth centuries), which, despite some valiant efforts to extend it, is deemed to come to an end with the advent of Muslim rule in the seventh century. It is with Palmer and Tannous, ‘Life of Simeon of the Olives’, p. 617. There is only the abridged paraphrase by Filoxinos Dolabani (Maktabzabnē, pp. 81–100; this is copied and translated into Arabic by Ishaq, Sīra, 41–61/23–39); Dolabani says (ibid., p. 100) that he used a manuscript transcribed in 1916 from Rabban Gabriel’s own copy (see §102 of the Life below). 3 The most substantial are Durmaz, ‘Sacred Spaces’; Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, esp. pp. 159–65; Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, pp. 168–71; Barsaum, Tur Abdin, pp. 113–14. 1 2

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the aim of countering this assumption that I will be publishing a series of Christian hagiographical and related texts composed after the Muslim Arab conquests. 4 I begin with this volume, which offers not just an edition and translation of the text, but also discussions of different aspects of it intended to bring out its value for understanding the history of northern Mesopotamia in this period of dramatic change from Roman to Islamic government.

OUTLINE OF THE LIFE

According to the Life, Simeon was born in the village of Ḥabsenus in the heart of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn in northern Mesopotamia (referred to in Arabic as al-Jazīra/‘the island’; see Maps 1–2). After being initiated in writing and the scriptures by the teacher attached to the village church, he went on, at the age of ten, to attend the monastic school of Qartmin Abbey. At the age of fifteen he became a monk at this establishment, spent some time there in isolation atop a column and eventually was appointed its abbot. A nephew of his, named David, came upon a treasure which he made available to his uncle, who lavished it upon the needy and used it to buy property and equipment for the monastery. Furthermore, he established olive tree plantations, whence his sobriquet ‘of the olives’, and ‘from their produce lighting was provided for all the churches and monasteries of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn’. With the permission of ‘the great king of the Arabs’ and the help of the Melkite governor of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, he built a magnificent church at Nisibis, securing a West Syrian foothold in an otherwise East Syrian bastion. In the year 700 5 he was consecrated bishop of Harran, in which position he converted the Manichaeans, pagans and Jews of the city and its environs. He continued, however, to maintain close ties with Qartmin Abbey, and would visit it every year after the feast of Pentecost, accomplishing wonders there and distributing largesse, They will appear in the series of Gorgias Press: ‘Texts from Christian Late Antiquity’. 5 The default dating system used in this volume is the Christian/Common Era (AD/CE); the primary sources that we cite use either the Hijra Era (anno Hegirae, AH, where 1 AH = 622–23 CE) or the Seleucid Era (anno graecorum, AG, where 1 AG = 312–11 BCE). 4

1. INTRODUCTION

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and when he died in 734 he donated to it all of his still considerable wealth.

Map 1: Map of North Syria and Mesopotamia

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Map 2: Map of Settlements on the Ṭūr ‘Abdīn plateau

1. INTRODUCTION

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AUTHOR AND DATE OF COMPOSITION

The Life claims as its author a certain Job, who was also a native of Ḥabsenus and was nephew of Simeon’s nephew David (§101). This would put him two generations after Simeon and place the time of his writing around the late eighth century. This relatively early date, plus the kinship connection between the composer and the subject of the biography, might give us confidence in the authenticity of the Life. However, although the bulk of the action of the Life takes place in the late seventh and early eighth century, there are some events that occur in the early seventh century and in the early ninth century. In the former period is placed the death and resurrection of the young Simeon at the funeral of Gabriel of Qartmin in 648 (§§3–6) 6 and a series of incidents involving a Persian general named Shahrbaraz, ‘king’ of the city of Sīrwān (§§12– 13, 19–21) during the war between the Persian and Byzantine empires (603–28). In the latter period Simeon makes his way to Baghdad to ask permission to build a church in Nisibis from the caliph al-Ma’mūn (813–33), who subjects him to a debate about religious matters both with himself and a number of leading Muslim theologians (§§31–36). Clearly the Life has acquired numerous accretions since Job’s first draft. So what is the date of composition of the version of it that is available to us today? The extant text refers to an Arabic biography of Simeon (§33), which is unlikely to have been composed before the second half of the ninth century, when the translation of Syriac texts into Arabic starts to take off among north Mesopotamian Christians. A little potted history of the castle of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn is included in paragraphs 13–18 and concludes with a note on its reconstruction by a certain Haytūm in the year 1283 AG (971–72 CE). Finally, the text would seem to name its final redactor, a certain Rabban Gabriel, who asserts that he ‘produced this narrative’ in Harran and that he was the nephew of John of Beth Sbirina, bishop of Qartmin Abbey. Other sources refer to a John of Beth Sbirina who was bishop of Qartmin Abbey in the twelfth century and who had a nephew called Gabriel, who was The account of Simeon’s resurrection from the Life of Mar Gabriel is given in Appendix 1 below.

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a bookbinder and a copyist active ca. 1170. 7 It seems reasonable to assume that these two references to Gabriel nephew of John concern one and the same person, and so we may place Gabriel, and his redaction of the Life of Simeon, in the second half of the twelfth century. 8

THE COMPOSITE NATURE OF THE LIFE

Some of the later accretions are easy to strip away and we are then able to understand better the content of the earlier version(s) of the Life. The sketch of the history of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn fort (§§13–18) – known either as the Fort of Demetrius, after its founder, or as the Fort of Haytūm, after one of its restorers – stands out from the surrounding narrative and is patently a later addition. It is very likely triggered by the account of Simeon’s nephew David hunting in the mountains near the fort. It covers the period from the latter’s founding in 662 AG (350–51) through various vicissitudes until its third restoration in 1283 AG (971–72). The provision of

Chronique de Michel le syrien, p. 767 (register XLIV: John of Beth Sbirina, bishop of Qartmin Abbey); Barsaum, Tur Abdin, p. 60 (manuscript restored by Rabban Gabriel of Beth Sbirina, nephew of Mar John, bishop of Qartmin). Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 161 and n. 102, takes the three texts to be referring to the same Gabriel of Beth Sbirina. The only obstacle is the date of 1005 AG (693–94) that the Life gives for Gabriel’s time of writing, but since this is manifestly erroneous (antedating the death of Simeon), we may put it aside. Note that Ms. Paris Syr. 238’s version of the debate of Simeon at the court of al-Ma’mūn also claims Gabriel of Beth Sbirina as its copyist (see Appendix 2 below). 8 Tannous, ‘Life of Simeon’, p. 318 (reprinted below), states that the Life ‘claims to have been copied out in the late eighth century’, but this is incorrect. The date given in the text (§102) is 1005 AG, 693–94 CE, which Dolabani, Maktabzabnē, p. 100, emends to 799 (1110 AG) without explanation. However, though the date as it stands is obviously wrong (see previous note) it is not clear how it should be emended. Since Job of Ḥabsenus (or, after his later residence, Job of Beth Man‘em) is writing his account of Simeon in the late eighth century, this hardly leaves enough time for it to be copied by someone else in 799. Palmer’s solution (see previous note) seems more convincing to my mind. 7

1. INTRODUCTION

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a number of dates may mean that this sketch is drawn from a local chronicle or documents pertaining to the fort. Of a similarly self-contained nature and clearly interpolated is the report about Simeon’s debate with Muslim theologians at the court of al-Ma’mūn (§§31–35). This is an allusion to a West Syrian adaptation of a popular Melkite disputation text involving another bishop of Harran, Theodore Abū Qurra (d. ca. 825), who served the Melkite population in the city in the early ninth century. 9 We do not know when this adaptation was made (the earliest West Syrian manuscript is from the fifteenth century CE), but if we accept that the Life as it has come down to us was written ca. 1200, then this gives us an approximate terminus ante quem, since the Life is evidently drawing upon and aware of the full text of the debate. 10 Conversely, the West Syrian version of the disputation, in the form that it has come down to us (see Appendix 2 below), draws heavily on a version of the Life for much of its information on the career of Simeon. This is demonstrated by Tannous below, who concludes that this text ‘can be seen as a window back to the Ur-vita of Simeon or at least to an earlier version of it’ (p. 323). 11 In the early part of the Life an event that is a likely candidate for late insertion is the reanimation of Simeon after being crushed by the crowd attending the funeral of Gabriel of Qartmin in 648. 12 This event is narrated over two paragraphs in the Life of Gabriel (reproduced in Appendix 1 below). In the first paragraph it is mentioned that ‘a young boy’ had been killed, without naming him. In the second paragraph, however, it is explained that ‘this young man was Mar Simeon of the Olives’ and then a short potted biography of him is given. This part of the Life of Gabriel is in a thirteenth-century hand and it is very likely that it is drawing Dick, ‘La discussion d’Abū Qurra’; Bertaina, The Debate of Theodore Abū Qurra. 10 For discussion of it see Tannous, ‘Life of Simeon’, pp. 319–24 (reprinted below). 11 Ibid., p. 323. 12 His Life gives the date as 979 AG/667–68, but it also says that he was a bishop for 14 years and 7 months and Chronicle to 819, p. 14, tells us that he became bishop in 945/633–34, taking us to 648. 9

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upon the Life of Simeon. The identification of the youth with Simeon was presumably made in order to give Simeon a personal connection with one of the three founding heroes of Qartmin Abbey. More difficult to explain is the cycle of episodes concerning the Persian commander Shahrbaraz. He first appears at the head of an invading army, taking captives across the region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, but when he falls grievously ill he is brought back to health and belief in Christ at the hands of Simeon. Thereafter he becomes a benefactor, freeing the captives and making Simeon’s nephew David a trusted servant. During a hunt in the mountains together, David goes off course in pursuit of prey and finds a chest of treasure in a cave. He shares this discovery with his uncle, who uses the wealth to fund his religious and agricultural projects. It is not totally clear whether we are meant to identify this Shahrbaraz with the Persian conqueror of Jerusalem in 614 who briefly became emperor in 630, but it seems implied and the time frame is right, since he turns up in the Life ‘when the peace between the Persian and the Byzantine kingdoms was broken’ (§11), that is, in 603. One might regard this as an example of the topos of the encounter between a holy man and a secular authority, which became very common in the early Islamic period, as the leaders of the various Christian sects sought to persuade the new rulers to support their respective communities to the exclusion of their rivals. Such episodes enhanced the status of the holy man and gave the occasion for the secular authority to recognize the power of sanctity and to grant favors and protection to the holy man’s monastery and flock. This is nicely illustrated by the alleged meeting of Gabriel of Qartmin with the caliph ‘Umar I (634–44), who is portrayed as ‘receiving Gabriel with great joy’ and granting a whole raft of measures beneficial for the West Syrian Christians of northern Mesopotamia. 13 However, there are two oddities

Life of Gabriel of Qartmin, §12. See Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, p. 123, for discussion, and for other examples see ibid., pp. 124 n. 26, 132–33, 158, 189–92. 13

1. INTRODUCTION

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about the Simeon-Shahrbaraz cycle. First, the chronological setting is inappropriate for a man who dies in 734 and who cannot reasonably be expected to have lived through the Persian-Byzantine war of 603–628. Tannous notes that it is not impossible that he would be born in the 620s, but in these episodes it is clear that Simeon is already an adult, and indeed of high renown, which is the reason given for why he was the one summoned to cure Shahrbaraz. This points to a reasonably senior and established person, already of a mature age. Second, Shahrbaraz is not just drafted in for a single event, but for multiple occasions and for different purposes, notably healing, conversion and the discovery of treasure. One might argue that at the bottom of this lies an encounter between Simeon and a lower-ranking local Persian official from a later time, and that this person was subsequently confused with or upgraded to the more famous Shahrbaraz. 14 Yet there is a strong interest in the Roman-Persian period in this Life – even the rebuilding of the Fort in the 680s is placed in the context of the ‘wars between the Romans and the Persians’ (§16) – and it may be that bringing in Shahrbaraz was a way of connecting Simeon with this Roman-Persian context, making him a bridge between the past world and the new Muslim-dominated one. 15 Possibly the Shahrbaraz-Simeon cycle was added centuries after Simeon’s death when knowledge of seventh-century history was hazy and Shahrbaraz was one of the only major Sasanian figures who was remembered to have spent time in northern Mesopotamia. Thus Tannous, ‘Life of Simeon’, p. 323 (reprinted below), says that he ‘may very well have been some sort of local official’. He also argues, on the basis of the representation of the name as Shahrīzar in some versions of the Arabic text of Simeon’s debate at the court of al-Ma’mūn that this figure later became assimilated to Shahrbaraz. However, many of the manuscripts of the debate are unpointed, and the two names are identical in unpointed Arabic (y-z-r = b-r-z); it is therefore much more likely that Shahrīzar is just a misreading of Shahrbaraz by one of the copyists of the text of the debate. 15 Brunner suggests in ch. 3 below that it reflects the fact that Persian influence remained strong in this region until at least the late seventh century. 14

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A HISTORICAL KERNEL?

If we strip away these later additions, we are left with three main theatres of action: 1. Qartmin, where Simeon studies, sets up a satellite monastery and returns often to visit; 2. Nisibis, where he carried out building works; and 3. Harran, where he served as bishop. His connection to these three places is confirmed by three entries in a Syriac chronicle that halts in 819 CE and was composed at Qartmin shortly thereafter, giving us a firm terminus ante quem for the main structure of the Life: In this year (1011 AG/700) Mar Simeon of the monastery of Qartmin was appointed bishop of Harran. In the year 1018 (707) Mar Simeon, bishop of Harran, built and perfected the church of the Orthodox that is in Nisibis. In the year 1045 (734) this Mar Simeon, bishop of Harran, departed from the world, of the Abbey of Qartmin, on the third of Haziran, on a Thursday. 16

This chronicle’s concern is with the time when Simeon was bishop of Harran, which is when he had more of a public persona and reputation. This is true also of the two other chronicle entries about him: that he attended the synod of Manzikert (in modern eastern Ṭurkey) in 1037 AG (726), which reconciled the West Syrian and Armenian churches, and that by the year 1040 he had achieved great renown. 17 The only other dated event in the Life is the restoration of the Fort of Demetrius/Haytūm by two local headmen at the request of Simeon, which is said to have occurred in 995 AG (683–84). So this gives us a chronological frame for Simeon’s activities spanning the five decades 684–734. This accords well with the dates of certain major characters mentioned in the Life whom we are able to verify, notably Julian, patriarch of Antioch (687–708), and Muḥammad ibn Marwān, governor of northern Mesopotamia for much of the period 692–715.

Chronicle to 819, pp. 13–14, 17. Chronique de Michel le syrien, p. 459 (11.XX), and Chronicle of Zuqnin, p. 164.

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1. INTRODUCTION

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The relatively early date of the entries on Simeon in the aforementioned Qartminite chronicle and their fit with the copy of his Life that has come down to us supports the idea that a biography of Simeon was indeed written in the second half of the eighth century, what Jack Tannous has referred to as the ‘Ur-vita’. Three additional reasons for accepting ‘the attribution of a historical kernel of the Life of Simeon of the Olives to Job of Ḥabsenus’ are given to us by Andrew Palmer. First, there is sufficient acquaintance with local places and personalities to inspire a measure of confidence. The Melkites at the village of Anḥel, the ‘headmen’ of the region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, fit well into the picture given by the biographer of Theodota of Amid (d. 698). Second, the brothers Zachariah and Cyril of ‘Ayn Warda, featuring in the Life as disciples of Simeon, appear on an inscription of 777 at the Abbey of Qartmin. Thirdly, there are a number of minor characters who can either be traced, such as bishop Thomas, supporter of Simeon’s candidacy for episcopal office (§52) and plausibly the bishop of Amid who attends the Synod of Mar Shīlā in 706, or whose names are unlikely to have been invented. 18

A LITERARY WORK

It is possible, then, to argue that what has come down to us is a Life of Simeon that was genuinely composed in the late eighth century by Job of Ḥabsenus, to which many embellishments and additions were made by subsequent copyists over the course of the following centuries, but that these can be stripped away to reveal the ‘historical kernel’ or ‘Ur-vita’. While this may be so, it is important to emphasize that this does not mean that we have a historically accurate account of Simeon’s words and deeds. The work is quite a literary affair and has clearly been crafted with various ends in mind. A good example is Simeon’s construction of Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, pp. 162–63. On Thomas bishop of Amid see Chronicle of Zuqnin, p. 155. Note also that quotations from a ‘Reply to Simeon’ by the early eighth-century Melkite priest Constantine of Harran have survived (van Roey, ‘Trois auteurs chalcédoniens syriens’, pp. 129–32; his letter to Simeon is cited at ibid., p. 144/152). 18

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a church in Nisibis, which is recounted by the Syriac Qartminite Chronicle to 819: Mar Simeon, bishop of Harran, built and completed the church of the Orthodox in Nisibis, all the expenses and outlay for it being provided by him from the (funds of the) monastery of Qartmin. He built it three times over, for what he built during the day the Nestorians and Jews tore down by night, with the result that the church was with difficulty completed. 19

This motif of three-fold rebuilding in the face of some religious impediment is also present in the Life (§38) and it may well be that the author of the Chronicle to 819 took it from Job of Ḥabsenus’ narrative concerning Simeon. It is a motif that is attested elsewhere, for instance in an account of the building of the first mosque in Jerusalem: ‘Umar ordered that there be built in Jerusalem a mosque on the place of the tomb of Solomon son of David… When they had built what ‘Umar ordered, it fell down. They did it again, but when they had built it a second time, it fell down again. There was surprise at that. The Jews were asked about the reason for it and they said that if the cross placed on top of the Mount of Olives … was not removed, then the building would not stay up. The Christians were asked to remove it; they obligingly took it down and the building was balanced and steadied. 20

Clearly the reason is different – the obstacle to Simeon’s church was opposition from inimical religious groups whereas for ‘Umar’s mosque it was the power of the cross – but there are the same notions of surmounting an obstacle to building and success on the third try. A second motif in the construction account of the church of Nisibis in the Life is that of the employment of increasingly durable building materials: Chronicle to 819, p. 14. Chronicle of Seert 2.104 (Histoire nestorienne, ed. and trans. by Scher, p. 624). 19 20

1. INTRODUCTION

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The first time he built it with mud and with bricks, but it was destroyed at the hands of the Nestorians; the second time he built it with stones and mud, but it was destroyed by an earthquake, while the third time he rebuilt it with large blocks of cut stone and mortar, placing on top of it wooden beams and rafters (§38).

It is an example of what one might call-the-three-little-pigs-andthe-wolf motif, where there is a progression from weak/simple to strong/opulent building materials. We find a similar progression in reports about some Muslim buildings, such as the mosque at Basra: He (‘Utba b. Ghazwān) built the mosque of reeds (qaṣab)… When Abū Mūsā (al-Ash‘arī) took charge, he removed the reeds and built the mosque of mud brick (lubn)… Then Ziyād (ibn Abīhi) built it of baked brick and gypsum (ājurr wa-jiṣṣ) and roofed it with teak. 21

In the Islamic case the implicit message of this theme is that the earliest Muslims were simple and uninterested in luxury, but that later Muslims became increasingly decadent and drawn to the trappings of the material world. Sometimes there is also a suggestion in the earliest traditions that there is no point in elaborate constructions since judgment day is near, and human efforts should be dedicated to spiritual preparation for that event. In the Christian case, and more particularly that of Simeon’s building in Nisibis, the progression is more positive, the idea being that splendid structures and artefacts inspire devotion to God. Thus in the Life of Simeon it is said of the church he had erected in Nisibis that ‘because of its magnificence and ornamentation all the faithful used to gather to it to pray’ (§44). Finally, this account illustrates the topos of Christian holy men receiving admiration, respect and favors from Muslim authorities. This they would achieve by miracles, most often healing, and/or displays of piety. The most common petitions that Ibn al-Faqīh, Buldān, p. 188; cf. Balādhurī, Futūḥ, pp. 346–47, which cites other reports alleging that Ziyād built the mosque in stone or just its tower/minaret (mināra) in stone. 21

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they made on behalf of their followers were for tax exemptions and the right to practice their faith without interference, as can be seen in the report of the alleged meeting of Gabriel of Qartmin with the second caliph ‘Umar alluded to above: This lord Gabriel went to the ruler of the sons of Hagar, who was ‘Umar son of Khaṭṭāb, in the city of Gazarta (modern Cizre). He (‘Umar) received him with great joy, and after a few days the blessed man petitioned this ruler and received his signature to the statutes and laws, orders and prohibitions, judgements and precepts pertaining to the Christians, to churches and monasteries, and to priests and deacons that they do not give poll tax, and to monks that they be freed from any tax. Also that the wooden gong should not be banned and that they might chant hymns before the bier when it comes out from the house to be buried, together with many other customs. This ruler was pleased at the coming to him of the blessed man and this holy one returned to the monastery with great joy (Life of Gabriel of Qartmin, §12).

This report has Gabriel meet the top Muslim leader, and it is usual for historians to observe that the event must originally have concerned a more junior/local Muslim official and that this was subsequently inflated. This, however, misses the point of the narrative. The aim is both to play up the importance of the holy man and the authority of the dispensation granted. The same strategy is deployed in the Life of Simeon. Seeking permission to build at Nisibis, Simeon went to the authorities there, and ‘he was honored by their leader, whose name was Peroz’ (§26). For construction outside the city, Peroz’ consent was sufficient, but when Simeon resolved to erect churches and monasteries inside Nisibis, higher authority was needed. Obtaining a document from the governor, Simeon approached ‘the great king of the Muslims’ (§31), bearing gifts, and was granted ‘a wonderfully fine document’, which ordered ‘all the rulers of the Muslims to honour Mar Simeon and the members of his monastery and his disciples throughout their dominions’ (§35). His prestige was further enhanced by the local Melkite governor’s support for him, won over by an act of healing performed by Simeon, and he dispatched 300 laborers

1. INTRODUCTION

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to break the East Syrian embargo against the erection of a church at Nisibis (§§43–44). Thus we see in just this one incident of Simeon’s construction activities at Nisibis, as it is recounted in Job’s Life of Simeon, that many political and literary concerns are present. Obviously, the degree to which the Life incorporates factual material is important for us as historians, but no less important is the literary presentation of this material, as this helps us to understand the religiopolitical and socio-cultural context that underlies and shapes this presentation.

CHRISTIAN BUILDING IN SIMEON’S LIFETIME

The fact that literary interests have contributed to the formation of the Life of Simeon does not, of course, mean that it has no anchor in reality. The theme of building is so dominant in the text that it surely reflects genuine events in Simeon’s lifetime, but again it has wider implications. His request to build is the first example we have of this particular type of petition to Muslim authorities by Christian holy men. It very likely alludes to contemporary worries, for it is with Caliph ‘Umar II (98–101 AH/717– 20) that we see the first indication of a system of restrictions upon the social and religious activities of non-Muslims, a system that is embodied in a code that was commonly referred to as the ‘Stipulations of ‘Umar’ (shurūṭ ‘Umar) or the ‘Covenant/Pact of ‘Umar’ (‘ahd ‘Umar). Three of the clauses in this code deal with Christian construction: no new churches, monasteries or hermitages shall be built, those that have fallen into ruin shall not be restored, and those that are now in Muslim-settled areas shall not be rebuilt. There are no extant copies of this code from before the tenth century. Yet it has recently been demonstrated that its earliest transmitters were active in the first half of the eighth century. 22 Furthermore, the senior jurist Abū Yūsuf (d. 182/798), in his book

Yarbrough, ‘Geographical Origins and Early Transmission’. On the code in general see Levy-Rubin, Non-Muslims in the Early Islamic Empire, and the literature cited there. See also Tannous, ‘Life of Simeon’, pp. 324– 25 (reprinted below).

22

16

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

dealing with the administration of the conquered lands, cites authorities from precisely this period for rulings about Christian construction. Thus he refers to Makḥūl al-Shāmī (d. ca. 112/730) for the view that Abū ‘Ubayda ibn al-Jarrāḥ, conqueror of Syria, had concluded a peace agreement with its Christian residents that guaranteed their right to retain their (existing) churches and monasteries ‘on the condition that they did not build new churches and monasteries’. And he quotes the Basran scholar Sulaymān b. Ṭarkhān al-Taymī (d. 143/761) for the ruling that ‘as regards a garrison city that the Muslims have established, they (the Christians) may not rebuild in it a monastery or a church’. 23 We know from various archaeological excavations in the East Mediterranean that new churches were still being built after the Muslim Arab conquests, but the point is that this became a contentious issue from the early eighth century onwards, during the time that Simeon was bishop of Harran. Tannous states that ‘it is unlikely that Simeon would have had to worry about permission from Muslim rulers to build’, 24 but who gets to build and where is in many societies often a divisive issue, especially in the case of monumental structures. The Muslim presence was indeed light in northern Mesopotamia during the rule of the Umayyad dynasty (661–750), but Nisibis itself, as a major strategic city, had hosted a Muslim garrison from early on and had been the object of a tussle between the two sides of the second Muslim civil war (683–92). 25 Moreover, Nisibis had been an East Syrian stronghold since 363, and it is certain that East Syrian leaders would have attempted to convince Muslim authorities to block any attempt by West Syrians to build a church there, as is made clear in the

Kitāb al-kharāj, pp. 138, 149. The same ruling is given in Ibn Abī Shayba, Muṣannaf, 6.467 (no. 32982). Sulaymān is the common link, but in both works he is said to have it from Ḥanash – ‘Ikrima – Ibn ‘Abbās. Excellent discussion of this topic is given by Keser-Kayaalp, ‘Church Building in the Ṭūr ‘Abdīn’, and, as it relates to Fustat, by Dridi, ‘Christian and Jewish Communities in Fusṭāṭ’. 24 ‘Life of Simeon’, p. 325 (reprinted below). 25 Described by the contemporary witness John Bar Penkaye (Brock, ‘North Mesopotamia’, pp. 64–67). 23

1. INTRODUCTION

17

Life of Simeon (§§38–39) and in many other texts, starting with the letters of Patriarch Isho‘yahb III (d. 659). 26

A WIDER TRADITION

The mention of an Arabic biography of Simeon in our extant Syriac Life (§33) suggests that there may have been a number of versions of this hagiographical work. Further evidence of this is provided by the little nuggets of material that are found in texts outside of the Syriac Life as it has come down to us. For example, one of the Karshūnī accounts of Simeon’s exploits at the court of alMa’mūn relates how, on his return to Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, he built by Sīrwān a church on a rock, which he struck to bring forth waters to heal the sick, and erected a monastery at Sinjar, purchasing for it orchards and lands. 27 In addition, there is a reference to the name of Simeon’s father, Mundhar, whom the Life fails to mention, in two Syriac texts: the Life of Gabriel of Qartmin, which discusses Simeon in the context of Gabriel’s funeral (see Appendix 1 below) and calls his father ‘a man of renown’ (nāš īdīʿā), and the Fenqitho of Qartmin Abbey, 28 which calls him a ‘headman’ or ‘ruler’ (rīšānā). This latter work belongs to a type of liturgical composition that presented hymns, prayers and the like for feast days and saints’ days; different monasteries would have had their own versions of such a composition, commemorating their favorite heroes. The material on Simeon in this particular Fenqitho appears in the form of an ongoing address to him, praising and celebrating the achievements of his lifetime. For example: You built churches and completed monasteries in the regions and in all the cities, the sick you healed and the truth you

Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, pp. 177–78. Ms. Berlin syr. 247, fol. 46b; see Appendix 2 below, notes 111 and 116. The reference to the building of a monastery at Sinjar could flow from the mention in the Life (§78) of a monastery at Sinjar that belonged to Qartmin Abbey, but the miracle of the rock by Sīrwān finds no counterpart in the Life. 28 On which see Brock, ‘The Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel’, describing the nineteenth-century manuscript Mar Gabriel 265. 26 27

18

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES affirmed, so we sing a hymn of praise on the day of your remembrance (Ms. Mar Gabriel 265, fol. 150).

Most of the information in this Fenqitho is also found in the Life, but there are a couple of extra details. Besides the reference to Simeon’s father, there is a note on Samaritans at Harran: By the city of our father Abraham (i.e. Harran) you passed and you saw Manichaeans, Samaritans and pagans (ḥanpē), who were then instructed (in the true faith) and were baptized in the name of Jesus Christ by the hands of our father, the elect Mar Simeon (ibid., fol. 153).

The Life specifies that Simeon ‘instructed/converted’ (tlmd, the same verb as is used in the Fenqitho) Manichaeans, Jews and pagans. It is not evident why Samaritans take the place of Jews in the Fenqitho, but it is another indication that the biography of Simeon may have circulated widely and in subtly different versions. It is perhaps worth noting here that Simeon features in another Fenqitho, which now resides in the Berlin Library, namely Ms. Sachau 349. The first couple of folios are missing, so there is no introduction, but its cataloguer, Edward Sachau, tells us that it came from Ṭūr ‘Abdīn and was probably copied there around the 10th or 11th century. 29 Comparison with other manuscripts suggests that it is at the earlier end of this spectrum, but it is notoriously difficult to pin down the date of liturgical manuscripts. The scribe identifies himself twice as ‘Michael’ (fols. 158v and 162r), but with no additional details beyond this we are none the wiser. The service is not just for Simeon, but also for Paul and Lazarus; the latter is a Ṭūr ‘Abdīn saint like Simeon, which may also be true of Paul, though without further information we cannot be sure. 30 The text is fairly general, with relatively few mentions of names, indicating perhaps that it was composed for use with any saint. For our purposes, its interest lies in the fact that it is earlier Sachau, Verzeichniss der syrischen Handschriften, p. 51 (no. 16). Possibly he is the ascetic ‘Paul the Mourner’ mentioned by John of Ephesus (d. ca 588) as a native of the region of Sophene, which lay east of Amid (see https://syriaca.org/work/798, accessed 3/10/21).

29 30

1. INTRODUCTION

19

than any other text from the extant corpus of Simeon-related materials and it already applies to Simeon the sobriquet ‘of the Olives’ (d-zaytē), confirming that this aspect of his biography, investment in agricultural projects, was known from an early date.

CONCLUSION

Simeon’s adult life (ca. 684–734) coincided with the second Muslim civil war (683–92), the failure of the Muslim siege of Constantinople (716–17) and the emergence of a more intrusive style of Muslim rule, including the beginnings of a system of law that differentiated between Muslims and non-Muslims. As a chronicler from the region of Amid (modern Diyarbakir) saw it: ‘From this time onward the Sons of Hagar began to reduce the Sons of Aram to Egyptian slavery’. 31 The reason for this lament was that in 692 ‘Abd al-Malik, having finally defeated all his rivals and brought the civil war to an end, ordered a census be made in northern Mesopotamia: ‘He issued a swift decree stating that every person must go to his country, village and paternal house to register his name and that of his father, as well as his vineyards, olive trees, cattle, children and all that he owned’. This was in preparation for the introduction of a poll-tax; ‘Before this kings would levy tax on land not on men’. 32 The documents do not survive that would prove whether the chronicler is right that northern Mesopotamia had avoided the imposition of a poll-tax until this time, but that it had been relatively free of the tentacles of Muslim government until this time seems likely. No new Muslim garrison cities were built in this region in the seventh century; the nearest was Mosul, some 120 miles southeast of Nisibis and Qartmin. And in the biographies of such holy men as Theodota of Amid and Simeon of the Olives we hear much about the authority of local headmen, bolstering the claim of another chronicler that in northern Mesopotamia under the overlordship of Muḥammad ibn Marwān ‘Christians were still

31 32

Chronicle of Zuqnin, p. 154. Ibid., p. 154.

20

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

the scribes, leaders and governors’. 33 We might then concur with Chase Robinson’s assertion that ‘it is not until the 680s – at the earliest – that one can meaningfully speak of Islamic rule in the north. It was the decade from 685 to 695, rather than that of 635 to 645, that signals a break in Jazīran history’. 34 As well as greater intervention in secular affairs, one also observes increased Muslim intervention in church business from the 680s onwards. One of our earliest documented examples occurred during the time in office of the catholicos (leader of the East Syrian Church) Ḥnānīshoʿ I (686–93). Based at Mada’in during the second Muslim civil war, Ḥnānīshoʿ found himself under rebel rule from Kufa. The pro-Umayyad governor of Iraq, ‘Ubayd Allāh ibn Ziyād, wooed John of Dasen, bishop of Nisibis, promising him that ‘if you will accompany me, I will depose him (Ḥnānishōʿ) and establish you as catholicos in his place’. John was presumably courted for his connections at Nisibis, which was a hive of sedition during the civil war. Certainly Bishr ibn Marwān, Umayyad governor of Kufa (692–94), seems to have made some agreement with him, for he forcibly installed him in place of Ḥnānīshoʿ. Subsequently John’s partisans in Nisibis, led by an aristocratic Persian Christian physician named Mardanshāh, aided Muḥammad ibn Marwān to recapture the city. The party of Ḥnānīshoʿ was driven out and Mardanshāh was entrusted with the administration. After the death of John in 695 the new governor of Iraq, Ḥajjāj ibn Yūsuf, forbade the election of a new East Syrian prelate, unconsciously resuming a Sasanian-style policy of government involvement in ecclesiastical matters. 35 This is the backdrop to Simeon’s Life and we see that he fits well into that scene. He took advantage of the fact that the Muslim rulers, in charge of both former Roman and Persian populations, did not favor any particular Christian grouping, seeing in this an opportunity to break into erstwhile East Syrian bastions Chronique de Michel le syrien, p. 449 (11.XVI); see further Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, pp. 158–59. 34 Robinson, Empires and Elites, p. 34; this work is important for understanding early Islamic North Mesopotamia. 35 For the references in this paragraph and further discussion see Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, pp. 201–2. 33

1. INTRODUCTION

21

like Nisibis. And he carefully established relations with an array of secular authorities in order to accomplish his goal of expanding West Syrian influence by investing in buildings and agricultural enterprises.

CHAPTER 2. THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES: A CHRISTIAN PUZZLE FROM ISLAMIC SYRIA JACK TANNOUS [309] There are two major pieces of Syrian Orthodox hagiography written in the Islamic period: the Life of Theodota of Amid and the Life of Simeon of the Olives. 1 Greek and Arabic saints’ vitae from this time have been mined, with admirable results, for information about what life was like for the Christian population in Syria under Muslim rule – that is, for the group which must have formed the demographic majority in the region. 2 These two Syriac Lives, by contrast, remain relatively unexplored and underutilized by historians. Theodota died in 698 and his Life was written in the early eighth century; it is one of the longest continuous narrative texts we possess, in any language, from regions under Muslim rule at

1 This paper has benefitted from a generous correspondence with Andrew Palmer on the topic of Simeon of the Olives and from very helpful comments from Dave Jenkins. For West Syrian hagiography during the Islamic period, see my ‘L’hagiographie syro-occidentale’. [I give the page numbers of Jack Tannous’ original article in square brackets; RGH]. 2 Foss, ‘Byzantine Saints in Early Islamic Syria’.

23

24

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

such an early date. Unfortunately for historians, no text or translation of the Life of Theodota has yet been published. 3 [310] The Life of Simeon of the Olives was probably written within several decades of his death in 734. 4 Like Theodota’s Vita, the Life of Simeon is of great interest to the historian of the early Islamic period, but unlike Theodota’s Vita, the Life of Simeon presents many more problems to the historian besides its accessibility. 5 An edition and translation would of course be helpful, but the text itself is problematic, as is the historical reliability of the information it presents. In this article, I will attempt to address some of these historical problems and suggest a possible solution to them. I’ll begin with the question of manuscripts: all the manuscripts containing the Vita of Simeon are rather late. The two most important are Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375 and Mardin, Church of the Forty Martyrs, MS 8/259. Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375 is dated to 1879, 6 and Mardin, MS 8/259 is dated to 1909. 7 There are two

For Theodota, see Palmer, ‘Saints’ Lives with a Difference’; Palmer, ‘Semper Vagus’; Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, pp. 88–91, 165–68; Palmer, ‘Āmīd in the Seventh-Century Syriac Life of Theodūtē’; Palmer, ‘Symeon of Samosata’; and Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, pp. 156–60. Andrew Palmer and I plan to do a joint edition and translation of the Life of Theodota, both the Syriac text and its Karshūnī translation [forthcoming in Gorgias Press’ series: Texts from Christian Late Antiquity; RGH]. Karshūnī is Arabic written in the Syriac script. On the Karshūnī Life of Theodota, see Palmer, ‘The Garshuni Version’. 4 For the Life of Simeon, see Brock, ‘The Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel’; Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, pp. 159–65; Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, pp. 168–71. 5 Andrew Palmer and E. Aydın plan to jointly publish an edition of the Life of Simeon [It will appear in E. Aydın’s popular series of Syriac saints' lives, published by the Syrian Orthodox Church in Europe; RGH]. 6 See Briquel-Chatonnet, Manuscrits syriaques de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, p. 59. 7 Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 192v. [It is actually dated to 1916, and so is almost certainly the manuscript that Dolabani used; see ch. 4 nn. 3 and 171 below; RGH]. I am grateful to the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library for providing me with images of this manuscript. 3

2. A CHRISTIAN PUZZLE FROM ISLAMIC SYRIA

25

more recent manuscripts of the Life as well: Damascus 9/16, apparently from 1954, 8 and finally, a manuscript of the Life held at the Church of Mar Barṣawmo in Midyat, which was copied out in 1955. 9 Although the full text of the Life of Simeon remains untranslated, unedited, and unavailable to scholars, Dolabani did publish a condensed version of the Syriac in 1959. 10 Dolabani’s text was based on a manuscript written in 1916, 11 the whereabouts of which are currently unknown. Based on its catalogue [311] description, it is not clear whether the copy of the Life of Simeon held in Damascus was actually written in 1954, or whether the manuscript itself was finished in that year and contained material written out earlier: this means that the Damascus version of the Life of Simeon may actually be the same version which Dolabani worked from. The Damascus manuscript of the Life of Simeon is currently inaccessible, however, and this question is at present an unanswerable one. The Paris and Mardin manuscripts are nearly identical, though some slight differences may suggest that Paris represents an older text. 12 The apparently lost manuscript of 1916, which Dolabani worked from, differs from Paris and Mardin in at least one important detail: it states that Rabban Gabriel, who gives See Dolabani and others, ‘Catalogue des manuscrits’, p. 596. Malfono Eliyo Aydın has made a transcription of this text on the basis of photographs of the manuscript taken by Andrew Palmer; Palmer has shared a copy of the transcription with me and I am grateful to both of them for their generosity. An overview of the Life of Simeon of the Olives, its problems, importance, and basic bibliography (including full manuscript information), can be found in Palmer and Tannous, ‘Life of Simeon of the Olives’. 10 Dolabani, Maktabzabnē d-ūmrā qadīshā d-Qartmīn, pp. 81–100. 11 Dolabani, Maktabzabnē d-ūmrā qadīshā d-Qartmīn, p. 100. 12 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, includes material which Mardin, MS 8/259 omits; compare, for example, the concluding passage of the Vita, when the copyist asks for the prayers of the reader or listener. At this point, Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 209v, includes a clause where the scribe identifies himself as the son of the deacon named John. Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 127r, however, omits this clause in the sentence with the name. 8 9

26

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

himself credit at the end of the Life for having copied it in Harran and brought it to Qartmin, did so in the year AD 799, 13 not AD 794. 14 The following study will be based primarily on a close reading of the Paris and Mardin manuscripts, which constitute the two most important witnesses we have to the vita tradition of Simeon of the Olives. 15 Any study of the Life of Simeon should also take into account the evidence of the Fenqitho of the famous monastery of Mar Gabriel in south-east Turkey, a text which devotes a significant amount of space to Simeon. 16 A fenqitho is a Syrian Orthodox service book that contains hymns, chants, and canons for various feast days and saints’ days throughout the liturgical year; it is sometimes referred to as a festal (as opposed to ferial) breviary. The contents of each fenqitho are unique. 17 The information about Simeon that comes in the Fenqitho [312] of Mar Gabriel is not written in the form of a conventional Life; it functions rather as

Dolabani, Maktabzabnē d-ūmrā qadīshā d-Qartmīn, p. 100. Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 209a; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 126v– 127r. [All three manuscripts specify 1005 AG, which corresponds to AD 693–94, not 793–94. They only use the Seleucid era, so Dolabani’s reference to AD 799 is likely to be his own interpretation of the incorrectly given date in the Mardin manuscript. See ch. 4 n. 202 below; RGH]. 15 My preliminary impression of the Midyat manuscript of the Vita is that it may represent a witness to the vita tradition of Simeon which is independent of both the Paris and Mardin manuscripts. Proper study of the relationship between the Midyat, Paris, and Mardin manuscripts, however, awaits the publication of Palmer and Aydın’s planned critical edition of the text. [See ch. 4 below for some preliminary thoughts, RGH]. 16 Mar Gabriel, MS 265, pp. 150–66. For the argument that the Fenqitho should be dated to AD 1838, see Brock, ‘The Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel’, p. 168. I am grateful to Adam McCollum of the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library for sharing images of Mar Gabriel, MS 265 with me. 17 See Brock, ‘The Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel’, p. 168, for a definition. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, i, contains descriptions of a large number of fenqithos. The Syriac fenqitho (penqīthā) comes from the Greek Πινακίδιον: see Baumstark, Festbrevier und Kirchenjahr der syrischen Jakobiten, p. 29. 13 14

2. A CHRISTIAN PUZZLE FROM ISLAMIC SYRIA

27

an ongoing prayer to God and encomium of Mar Simeon, constantly referencing events in Simeon’s Vita as the grounds for its supplications and praises. These events usually correspond to instances in Simeon’s Life as it is represented in the Paris and Mardin manuscripts, and often do so in ways that show a very precise and detailed familiarity with the Vita. 18 There are, however, places where the Fenqitho mentions events and details which cannot be found in the Life as we currently possess it. The Fenqitho, for instance, makes several references to Simeon converting Samaritans, 19 yet Simeon’s Life never mentions this group. In the Life of Simeon, Simeon’s trip to Babel and his debate there with Muslims, Jews, and Nestorians before the Caliph al-Ma’mūn receives a great deal of attention; the Fenqitho, by contrast, only has one passing reference to Simeon’s visit to Babel and makes no mention of Arabs or Muslims, much less a caliph. There is only a reference to pagans and Jews when Babel appears in the text. 20 This curiously scant reference comes in a text which will repeat the same exploit of Simeon over and over in different places and which mentions his activities against false teaching on a number of occasions. 21 In addition to the Fenqitho and the Syriac Vita, there is a small bit of information about Simeon contained in the Life of Mar Gabriel (d. 648). 22 What is intriguing is that both the Life of Mar Gabriel and the Fenqitho make reference to Mundhar, a notable in the village of Habsenus: in the Fenqitho, Mundhar is identified as

Compare, e.g., the numbers and types of people in attendance at Simeon’s funeral listed in Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 206r–v (Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 125v) with Mar Gabriel, MS 265, p. 155. 19 See Mar Gabriel, MS 265, p. 153 and p. 158. 20 Mar Gabriel, MS 265, p. 154. 21 For example, Mar Gabriel, MS 265, pp. 153, 159, 164. 22 On Mar Gabriel, see Fiey, Saints syriaques, pp. 80–81 (no. 163), and Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, pp. 13–18 (for its place in the Qartmin Trilogy). The text of the Life of Mar Gabriel, with facing English translation, can be found in the Microfiche Supplement to Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, pp. lv–xcii. 18

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THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

the head of the village, 23 but in the Life of Mar Gabriel, Mundhar is a ‘distinguished notable’ who is also Simeon’s father. 24 This Mundhar never [313] shows up in the Syriac Vita of Simeon, at least as it currently stands. The authors of the Fenqitho and the Life of Mar Gabriel may have had access to some traditions not reflected in the extant Vita of Simeon. What can we say about the contents of the Vita itself? Its basic outline was made more widely known to scholars in 1979 by Sebastian Brock in his article on the Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel in Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. 25 In that article, Brock gave a summary of the Life of Simeon, based on the text published by Dolabani; Dolabani’s version, though an abridgement of the full Vita, contained much more extensive information than that of the Fenqitho and was itself a rare publication and difficult to access. I will base the following summary not on Dolabani’s abridged version of the Vita of Simeon, but rather on the unpublished and unedited manuscripts of Paris and Mardin. According to these sources, Simeon was born in the village of Ḥabsenus in Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, in the year 624. 26 As a boy, he studied with a teacher in his village who was attached to the local church. 27 At the age of ten, Simeon’s father took him to the monastery of Qartmin, where he was to continue his studies. 28 By the age of twelve, Simeon had become a deacon; at age fifteen, he became a monk; at twenty-five, he became a priest. 29 When he was still a youth at 23

Mar Gabriel, MS 265, p. 154:

‫ܕܡܘܢܕܐܪ ܗܘ ܪܝܫܢܐ‬

‫ܛܘܒܝܟܝ ܐܦ ܠܟܝ ܩܐܣܛܪܗ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ ܩܪܝܬܗ‬

Translation by Andrew Palmer. Text in Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, Microfiche Supplement, p. lxxxix: ‫ܒܪ ܐܢܫ ܝܕܝܥܐ ܘܡܫܡܗܐ‬ 24

‫ܡܘܢܕܪ ܫܡܗ‬

See Brock, ‘The Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel’. Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 205v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 125v. 27 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 152v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 105r. 28 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 152v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 105r. 29 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 205v–206r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 125v. There is another reference to him becoming a monk at age fifteen earlier in the Vita; see Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 154v, and Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 106r. The fenqitho gives the same set of ages for these life milestones; see Mar Gabriel, MS 265, p. 155. 25 26

2. A CHRISTIAN PUZZLE FROM ISLAMIC SYRIA

29

the monastery of Qartmin, Simeon was trampled to death during the feast of Mar Gabriel. According to the Fenqitho and the Life of Mar Gabriel, this trampling happened at the actual funeral of Mar Gabriel, 30 but the nature of the service is not clear in the Life of Simeon. 31 After Simeon died, he was placed on the tomb of Mar Gabriel and miraculously revived. 32 When studying in the monastery’s school, Simeon stood out for his intellectual acuity and eventually [314] became its leader. 33 Simeon was also a prominent figure in the monastery of Qartmin itself; choosing to enclose himself in a pillar in the lower monastery of the city of Sīrwān, he was said to direct the affairs of Qartmin from his pillar. 34 The Vita also speaks of the peace between the Romans and the Persians being broken – presumably referring to the beginnings of what has been called the Last Great War of Antiquity in 602 – and of Persians capturing all of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. The leader of the Persians is identified as the general Shahrbaraz. At Sīrwān, Shahrbaraz became sick and Simeon healed him. Because of Simeon’s miracle, Shahrbaraz believed in Christ and, at Simeon’s command, Shahrbaraz allowed many Christian captives to return home. 35 Even though prisoners were allowed to return home, one of them, Simeon’s nephew David, stayed with Shahrbaraz and was much beloved by him. One day, while hunting with the Persian general, David pursued an animal into a cave and found a lost treasure there but did not tell Shahrbaraz about the money. 36 David did, however, tell his uncle about it, and he gradually brought

Mar Gabriel, MS 265, p. 152 (see also p. 155); Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, Microfiche Supplement, pp. lxxxviii–lxxxix. 31 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 153r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 105v. 32 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 153v–154r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 105v. 33 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 154r–v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 105v– 106r. 34 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 154v–155r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 106r. 35 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 156r–v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 106v. 36 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 159r–v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 107v– 108r. 30

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the treasure to Simeon, bit by bit. 37 Simeon distributed the money to the poor and used it to rebuild the monastery of Qartmin, which had been destroyed by the Persians. 38 The treasure that David found would become the seed money which Simeon used to do great things. Simeon bought large estates for the monastery of Qartmin; on them, he planted some twelve thousand olive trees – an act which won him his sobriquet, ‘of the Olives’. 39 His Vita details the extensive building programme that Simeon undertook using this money: he built or restored churches and monasteries across a wide area, including Nisibis, Edessa, Harran, and Amid. 40 In the middle of Simeon’s building spree, the Life describes him journeying to Baghdad, referred to here as ‘Babel’, for the purpose of landing permission from the Caliph al-Ma’mūn to engage in his construction projects. 41 In [315] Baghdad, Simeon had a religious debate with the Muslim ruler, followed by three days of debates with leading Muslim, Jewish, and Nestorian theologians in the capital city, from which he emerged victorious. 42 Simeon returned home from Baghdad with, the Life reports, ‘a wondrous and fine imperial diploma’ in which the Caliph ‘ordered all the rulers of the Arabs to honour Mar Simeon and the inhabitants of his monastery and his disciples in all their jurisdictions’. 43 Back in Nisibis, Simeon continued to build churches and monasteries. The Life notes that he even built a mosque and a madrasa for the

Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 159v–160v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 108r–v. 38 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 160v–161r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 108v. 39 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 161v–162v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 108v–109r. 40 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 162v–166r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 109r–110v. 41 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 166r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 110v. 42 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 166v–168v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 110v–111v. 43 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 169v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 112r. 37

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31

Muslims of Nisibis. 44 Around this time, the Bishop of Harran, Elia, passed away, and the synod of bishops decided to elect Simeon to replace him. It was June 700. 45 Simeon became wildly popular after he was installed as bishop. His formidable intellect and prodigious debating skills also made him feared by Manichees, pagans, and Jews there. He would in fact, as both the Vita and the Fenqitho note, convert and baptize many Jews. 46 As bishop, Simeon continued to build and continued to work prodigies. When Simeon grew old, he consecrated his nephew David, the one who had discovered the treasure, as his replacement, and then retired to Qartmin, where he died, three years later in 734. 47 Twelve bishops, six thousand monks, priests, and deacons, and a multitude of laypeople attended Simeon’s week-long funeral. He was buried in the Monastery of Qartmin. 48 Such is the Life of Simeon of the Olives. Apart from its great interest to scholars of a number of stripes, two challenges for historians stand out about the Vita of Simeon as we currently have it: first, it has a number of clearly impossible anachronisms; and second, it has also very obviously been interpolated. According to the Life, Simeon was born in 625 and died in 734, at the age of 110. Such a life span is remarkable, but not impossible, and there is partial confirmation of this in other sources: the Chronicle to 819 also reports that Simeon died in 734. 49 Further, the Chronicle states that Simeon died on 3 June, 50 which [316] is the same day as one of his feast days according to For the mosque and the madrasa, see Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 176r–177r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 114v. 45 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 179r–182v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 115v–117r. 46 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 188v–190v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 119r–120r. Also see Mar Gabriel, MS 265, pp. 153, 159, 164. 47 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 205v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 125v. 48 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 206r–v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 125v– 126r. 49 See Chronicon anonymum ad annum Christi 819 pertinens, ed. by Barsaum, p. 17. 50 Chronicon anonymum ad annum Christi 819 pertinens, ed. by Barsaum, p. 13. 44

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Rabban Sliba, 51 and only two days after 1 June, Simeon’s date of death according to his Vita. 52 If, however, Simeon died in June 734, as these sources agree, there is no way he could have gone to Baghdad, which was founded in AD 762. It is furthermore impossible that he could have spent time at the court of al-Ma’mūn, who was Caliph from 813 to 833, or that the adult Simeon could have healed the Persian general Shahrbaraz – a man famous for having conquered Jerusalem in 614, more than a decade before Simeon was born. 53 When Simeon was at the court of al-Ma’mūn, the Vita notes that one of the honours the Caliph bestowed upon him was to give him the name ‘Abū Qurra’. 54 This is obviously an attempt by the Vita to assimilate Simeon with Theodore Abū Qurra, the famous Chalcedonian bishop of Harran (c. mid-eighth century–c. 820), who was born perhaps a decade or more after Simeon’s death. 55 Simeon was also supposed to have been trampled to death while a ‘youth’ at the funeral of Mar Gabriel. 56 Gabriel himself is Peeters, ‘Le martyrologe de Rabban Sliba’, p. 185. The Vita conspicuously places every major event of Simeon’s life on 1 June: his birthday, the day of his ordination as deacon at age twelve, the day he became a monk at age fifteen, the day he became a priest at age twenty-five, the day he became a bishop at age seventy-five, and the day he died. See Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 205v–206r, and Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 125v. The Vita also notes that Job, the author of the Vita, would come to Simeon’s monastery every year on 1 June to celebrate his feast day (Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 208v–209r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 126v) (cf. Brock, ‘The Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel’, p. 182, n. 49). 53 See Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, p. 169. 54 The Syriac text actually reads Abī Qurra (Abī Qūrā ‫ ;)ܐܒܝ ܩܘܪܐ‬see Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 168v–169r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 111v. 55 Among the large body of literature on Theodore Abū Qurra, see perhaps most conveniently Graf, Die arabischen Schriften des Theodor Abû Qurra, pp. 7–23; Lamoreaux, ‘Theodore Abū Qurra’; and Lamoreaux, Theodore Abū Qurrah. 56 The fenqitho and the Vita both call him a ṭalyā. See Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 153r: ‫ ; ܢܦܠ ܛܠܝܐ ܘܐܬܕܝܫ ܘܐܬܚܢܩ‬and Mar Gabriel, MS 265, p. 155: ‫ܢܦܠ ܘܐܬܚܢܩ ܛܠܝܐ‬ 51 52

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said to have died in 667; 57 this means that if Simeon was in fact born in 624 as his Vita claims, Simeon would have been about forty-three years old at Gabriel’s funeral. This would have hardly made him a youth. The Fenqitho, however, claims Simeon was twelve, 58 and the Life of Mar Gabriel claims he was twenty. 59 Even Palmer’s correction of [317] Gabriel’s death date to 648 does not completely solve this historical difficulty: we are still left with a twenty-four-year-old ‘youth’ being trampled to death. 60 The precise year of Simeon’s birth cannot be known with certainty. It should also be mentioned that the Life and the Fenqitho both assert that Simeon consecrated his nephew David to take his place as the Bishop of Harran. 61 Since the Life states that Simeon died three years and three months later, this consecration would have taken place around 731. 62 The Chronicle to 819, however, reports that ‘Mar Thomas, (Simeon’s) disciple, from the monastery of Qartmin’ became bishop in Simeon’s place. 63 There is no mention in any other historical source of any Bishop David in Harran in the eighth century. 64 These anachronisms and historical difficulties are the first notable characteristic of the Life of Simeon. 65 Another notable Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, Microfiche Supplement, p. lxxxvii. 58 Mar Gabriel, MS 265, p. 155. This would have made him seventy-nine at his death in AD 734 and would have placed his birth in AD 655. 59 Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, Microfiche Supplement, p. lxxxviii. 60 For the revised date of death, see Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 157. 61 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 203v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 124v; Mar Gabriel, MS 265, p. 158. 62 See Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 204v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 125r, and Mar Gabriel, MS 265, pp. 152, 158. 63 Chronicon anonymum ad annum Christi 819 pertinens, ed. by Barsaum, p. 17. 64 See Hage, Die syrisch-jacobitische Kirche in frühislamischer Zeit, p. 100. Cf. Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 162. 65 Depending on how the term madrasa is construed, the reference to Simeon’s construction of a madrasa as a building separate from a mosque, around the year AD 700, might also be historically problematic. 57

34

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characteristic perhaps helps explain them: the Life has very clearly been interpolated. Much of it reads in very nice, easy Syriac. But there are several passages which are garbled and obscure, and occasionally a sentence will appear in Karshūnī, that is, in Arabic written in the Syriac script. 66 Interestingly enough, such passages will often occur in those parts of the text which contain historically problematic material. Thus, for instance, the section of the Life which deals with Simeon’s time in Baghdad, or Babel, briefly breaks into Karshūnī not once, but twice, 67 and it is here where the Paris and Mardin manuscripts diverge most. 68 [318] The two most suspect parts of the Life are the account of Simeon’s time in Babel, or Baghdad, and a short and confused history of the citadel of Haytūm, an excursus that describes events as late as AD 971 and occurs, unexpectedly and with little explanation, in the context of the description of David’s discovery of the treasure in the cave. 69 Both of these sections can be removed from the story with little interference to its flow and sense; in fact, removing them helps the story function better as story and makes the Syriac text uniformly fluent. These passages have obviously been added by a later hand. The text suddenly shifts into Karshūnī for a sentence in Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 169r (=Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 111v). The discussion of Muslim notables in attendance at Abū Qurra’s debate (discussed below) also slips into Karshūnī, though the Midyat version of the debate does not slip into Karshūnī at this point, but stays, rather, in Syriac (pp. 8–9 in Aydın’s transcription). Palmer even detected Neo-Aramaic appearing in the text at places, in Dolabani’s edition: see Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 161, n. 100. 67 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 167v and 169r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 111r and 111v. 68 The Midyat manuscript seems to have its greatest divergences at this point, too. 69 The date AD 971 is what the Vita gives for the third rebuilding of the citadel of Haytūm; see Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 158v–159r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 107v. On the citadel of Haytūm, known otherwise as Qal‘at Ḥatem Ṭay (in Greek, Rhabdios or tou Rhabdiou), see Bell, The Churches and Monasteries of the Tur ‘Abdin, pp. 145–46. Also see Brock’s discussion in ‘The Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel’, p. 181, n. 39. 66

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Up till now, the few discussions that have been published about Simeon have noted the various historical problems raised by the text and have suggested possible redactional explanations of it, but there have been no significant advances in understanding the text’s history or in attempting to delineate what the original Life may have actually looked like. 70 The text itself claims to have been written by Job, the son of the brother of David, the beloved nephew of Simeon whose discovery of treasure serves as the key moment in the Vita. 71 The text also claims to have been copied out in the late eighth century, in Harran, by one Rabban Gabriel and brought to Qartmin. 72 Neither of these figures nor the dates they suggest does much to explain when and why the changes to this text occurred. 73 When Rabban Gabriel was copying the text in Harran in the eighth century, Theodore Abū Qurra was still alive and al-Ma’mūn had not yet become Caliph. [319] As it stands, the Life holds out the tantalizing prospect for a trusted source for the history of northern Mesopotamia in the early eighth century, but these problems cast a doubt on its reliability. The Fenqitho of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn and the Life of Mar Gabriel hold out the intriguing possibility that there was once a broader tradition about Simeon; the now-lost manuscript that formed the basis of Dolabani’s condensed version of the Life is similarly tan-

Brock, Palmer, and Hoyland have all noted historical problems with the Vita. See Brock, ‘The Fenqitho of the Monastery of Mar Gabriel’, p. 181, nn. 38, 44, cf. p. 182, n. 48; Hoyland lists historical problems in Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, p. 169, and suggests that ‘the Life is a product of at least the late tenth and more likely the twelfth century’. The most thorough discussion of the Vita’s historical reliability and history is Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, pp. 162–64. 71 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 208v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 126v. 72 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 209r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 126v– 127r. Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 161, working from Mardin, MS 8/259 thought that the date has been copied incorrectly and that this Gabriel should be identified with another scribe named Gabriel who was active in the twelfth century. 73 For external confirmation of some names and events in the Life, see, most conveniently, Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, p. 170. 70

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talizing, as are a curious short notice on Simeon in a Syriac manuscript in the British Library and several lines of what may have been an Arabic version of the Vita in another Mardin manuscript. 74 But all these are, frustratingly, only hints. I want to attempt to suggest a way out of this impasse by introducing into the discussion about Simeon yet another source where Simeon appears, this one in Arabic: the account of the Debate of Theodore Abū Qurra with the Caliph al-Ma’mūn. The text of Abū Qurra’s Debate with Caliph al-Ma’mūn survives in some thirty-one different manuscripts and has been preserved, broadly speaking, in two separate recensions: a Chalcedonian (‘Melkite’) and a Syrian Orthodox (‘Jacobite’) one. 75 The earliest Chalcedonian manuscript of the Debate dates to [320] 1308, London, British Library, MS Oriental 1017 identifies Simeon as ‘Abū Qurra’ and places him in Baghdad in the year AD 824. The short notice is in Syriac and points to the interaction which was going on between Syriac- and Arabic-language traditions about Simeon. The author of the notice may have written it on the basis of information he obtained from the Debate tradition of Simeon and not from his vita tradition. See Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS Syriac 199 (Sachau 111) (Karshūnī) for a West Syrian Debate text which places Simeon in Baghdad in AG 1135 (= AD 834) (Sachau, Verzeichniss der syrischen Handschriften, p. 647). For more on the Debate tradition, see the discussion below. For London, BL, MS Oriental 1017, see Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, p. 901. NB: London, BL, MS Oriental 1017 was written in AD 1364, but the notice about Simeon comes at the end of the manuscript, among a set of notices which Wright stated were ‘of recent date’. Mardin, MS 277, p. 347, has three lines in Arabic which read ‘A Story of Mar Shem‘ūn alzaytūnī, who is from the celebrated kastron of Habsenus on the borders of the local district.’ I am grateful to the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library for making images of this manuscript available to me. 75 See most conveniently Bertaina, ‘The Debate of Theodore Abū Qurra’. Also see Bertaina, ‘An Arabic Account of Theodore Abu Qurra’, pp. 365– 70; Graf, Die arabischen Schriften des Theodor Abû Qurra, p. 79; and Nasrallah, Histoire du mouvement littéraire dans l’Eglise melchite, pp. 124– 25. The Caliph and the Bishop, trans. by Nasry, pp. 49–84, gives a detailed description of the known Melkite manuscripts containing the Debate (see 74

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and the earliest Syrian Orthodox version dates to 1473. 76 Abū alBarakāt (d. 1365), writing in Egypt, made mention of the Debate in his catalogue of books in the fourteenth century. 77 This is centuries earlier than anything we have in Syriac with respect to the Vita of Simeon. In the Syrian Orthodox recension of the Debate, it is not Abū Qurra but rather Bishop Simeon, ‘from the Mount of the Servants, from the village of Habsenas’, who is identified as the protagonist of the discussion, which it sets in AG 1104/AH 172, or AD 794. 78 In some versions of this recension, Simeon actually deals with Hārūn al-Rashīd and not with al-Ma’mūn. 79 also pp. 33–34). The Melkite text of the debate has been published in two different editions: Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick (published first in an edition of 1999 that I have not been able to see) and Abū Qurra wa-’lMa’mūn: al-mujādala, ed. by Nasry. Nasry drew on a larger number of manuscripts, but like Dick, focused on the Melkite recension of the Debate (see his stemma of the Melkite manuscript tradition, p. 42). Nasry’s The Caliph and the Bishop contains a study of the debate and an English translation. For the text and an English translation of Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Borgia Arabic 135, see Bertaina, ‘An Arabic Account of Theodore Abu Qurra’, pp. 388–464. 76 See Bertaina, ‘The Debate of Theodore Abū Qurra,’ p. 561: Vatican, BAV, MS Borgia Arabic 135 (Melkite) and Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 238 (Syrian Orthodox). 77 See Graf, Die arabischen Schriften des Theodor Abû Qurra, p. 83, and Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, ii, 651. 78 Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick, p. 124, gives the year as AG 1104 (Abū Qurra wa-’l- Ma’mūn: al-mujādala, ed. by Nasry, p. 26, publishes the same manuscript – Paris, BnF, MS Arabic 5141). Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS Syriac 247 (Sachau 87), a Karshūnī manuscript, gives the date as AG 1040. See Sachau, Verzeichniss der syrischen Handschriften, ii, 758. Bertaina, ‘An Arabic Account of Theodore Abu Qurra’, pp. 369–70, and Graf, Die arabischen Schriften des Theodor Abû Qurra, p. 79, give the year as AG 1004, perhaps drawing on a different manuscript witness. 79 Al-Ma’mūn appears, for example, in the following Syrian Orthodox versions of the Debate: Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 204 (Karshūnī) (see Zotenberg, Manuscrits orientaux, p. 155), Mingana, MS Syriac 190 (Karshūnī), Mingana, MS Syriac 444 (Karshūnī) (see Mingana, Catalogue of the

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[321] Both the Syrian Orthodox version of the Debate and the extant Life show an obvious awareness of one another, and the two texts have been, so to speak, contaminated by each other as well. I have already mentioned the appearance in the Life of the name ‘Abū Qurra’ attached to Simeon. The Syrian Orthodox recension of the Debate, for its part, has Simeon recount a number of details to the Caliph which show an awareness of Simeon’s activities as reported in his Vita: the Bishop, for example, speaks to the Caliph about the discovery of a hidden treasure by his nephew, and the text of the Debate details Simeon’s extensive building activities. 80 The Life has a list of names of Muslim notables present at the debate which, though somewhat unclear, is nevertheless similar to (but not identical with) the list of names present in both the Syrian Orthodox and Melkite recensions of the

Mingana Collection of Manuscripts, i, cols 414–15, 788), Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS Syriac 247 (Sachau 87) (Karshūnī), Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS Syriac 199 (Sachau 111) (Karshūnī) (where the dispute is with Ibn Hārūn al-Rashīd, i.e., Hārūn al-Rashīd’s son = al-Ma’mūn; see Sachau, Verzeichniss der syrischen Handschriften, ii, 647, 758), Mar ‘Abda, MS 77 (where the dispute is also said to be held with Hārūn al-Rashīd’s son (= al-Ma’mūn), see Nasrallah, Catalogue des manuscrits du Liban, ii, 156), Cairo, Coptic Patriarchate, MS 465, Cairo, Coptic Patriarchate, MS 469 (Graf, Catalogue de manuscrits arabes chrétiens conserves au Caire, pp. 176, 179), Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale, MS 670, Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale, MS 671 (see Cheikho, ‘Catalogue Raisonné des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Orientale VI’, pp. 48–49; NB: though Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale, MS 670 belongs to the so-called Jacobite recension of the debate, the manuscript itself was written by a Chaldean), Jerusalem, St Mark’s, MS 133 (Karshūnī) (see fol. 1r; I am grateful to the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library for providing me with images of this manuscript). Hārūn al-Rashīd appears in Paris, BnF, MS Arabic 238 (see Zotenberg, Manuscrits orientaux, p. 191) and Paris, BnF, MS Arabic 5141. Both Dick and Nasry published the introduction and conclusion from the latter manuscript. 80 See Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick, pp. 123, 124. Abū Qurra wa-’lMa’mūn: al-mujādala, ed. by Nasry, pp. 30, 31–32.

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debate. 81 This list of names in the Syriac Vita is interesting for several other reasons as well: first, it is one of the few places that Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375 and Mardin, MS 8/259 diverge; second, it is also one of the few places where the Syriac Vita shifts into Karshūnī. Interestingly, the Syriac text of the Vita, in fact, points the reader back to the Arabic ‘narrative’ of Simeon for more information about the names of those present at the debate. 82 For the Melkite list, see Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick, p. 63: Muh∙ ammad b. ‘Abd Allāh al-Hāshimī, Hārūn (and Zubayr) b. Hāshim alKhuzā‘ī (al-Zāghī), Salām al-Hamzānī, Ṣa‘ṣa‘a b. Khālid al-Baṣrī. Abū Qurra wa-’l-Ma’mūn: al-mujādala, ed. by Nasry, p. 98, gives ‘al-Hamdānī’ where Dick read ‘al-Hamzānī’. See Nasry’s apparatus, p. 98, for more manuscript variants. For the Syrian Orthodox list, see Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick, p. 121: Muḥammad b. ‘Abd Allāh al-Hāshimī b. alJarāy‘ī, Ibrāhīm b. al-Bawāzi‘ī, Sālim al-Hamzānī, Ṣa‘ṣa‘ā b. Khalīl alBaṣrī. NB: Like Dick, Nasry (Abū Qurra wa-’l-Ma’mūn: al-mujādala, p. 27) published the introduction of Paris, BnF, MS Arabic 5141 also, but his published edition differs slightly. As is the case with the Melkite list, in the Syrian Orthodox list, Nasry reads ‘al-Hamdānī’ for Dick’s ‘al-Hamzānī’. Mingana, MS Syriac 444, which contains the Syrian Orthodox version of the Debate, gives the following list of names: Muḥammad b. ‘Abd Allāh al-Hashimī, Ibrāhīm al-Jarā‘ī, Ibrāhīm b. al-Bawāzi‘ī, and Sālim alHamdānī (see Mingana, Catalogue of the Mingana Collection of Manuscripts, i, col. 788). Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS Syriac 199 (Sachau 111) contains another Syrian Orthodox copy of the debate and has the following names: Muḥammad b. ‘Abd Allāh al-Hāshimī, Ibrāhīm b. al-Jarāi‘ī, Ibrāhīm b. al-Bazā‘ī, Sālim al-Hamdānī and Ṣa‘ṣa‘a b. Khalīl al-Bāṣirī (Sachau, Verzeichniss der syrischen Handschriften, ii, 647). Cairo, Coptic Patriarchate, MS 465, gives the following list of names: Muḥammad b. ‘Abd Allāh al-Hāshimī, Zayn b. Baṣra, Ḍa‘ḍa‘ b. Khālid al-Baṣrī, Salām alHamadānī (see Graf, Catalogue de manuscrits arabes chrétiens conserves au Caire, p. 176). 82 Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 167v, contains the following list of names: Muḥammad b. ‘Abd Allāh al-Hāshimī, Sālim, al-Hamdānī, Ṣa‘ṣa‘a b. Khalīl al-Baṣrī, ‘and present with them’, it continues, ‘were many like Zā’id b. Hāshim al-Khawāzilī, Abrā b. al-Jarā‘ī, Ibn Hārūn al-Rashīd’ Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 111r, has these names: Muḥammad b. ‘Abd Allāh al81

40

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[322] These factors suggest two types of textual cross-pollination have taken place. An earlier recension of the Life of Simeon, perhaps its original version, has had several sections clearly added based on the text of the Debate. 83 At the same time, the conclusion to the Syrian Orthodox recension of the Debate has been written with an awareness of the text of the earlier, noninterpolated recension of the Life. 84 This last point is critical: the earliest witness we have to the vita tradition of Simeon is the Arabic account of the debate of Theodore Abū Qurra with alMa’mūn. The text of the Debate therefore gives us a glimpse of the pre-interpolated version of the Life of Simeon. What did that version look like? In the Syrian Orthodox version of the debate of Abū Qurra with Muslim theologians, Simeon asks the Caliph for permission to build mosques and churches and monasteries after he has been victorious in his religious disputation. The Caliph’s response is to ask Simeon where he got the money to do all this building. 85 Simeon answers by recounting the story of a raid by the ruler of Sīrwān into the region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, his taking of captives, the ruler’s healing and conversion, and the discovery of treasure by Hāshimī, Sālim, al-Hamdānī, Ṣa‘ṣa‘a, Zā’id b. Hāshim al-Khawazilī, Abrā b. al-Jarā‘ī, Ibn Hārūn al-Rashīd. After these names, the Syriac Vita shifts back into Syriac, from Arabic, and states that the names of others present at the debate can be found ‘in the narrative of Mar Simeon, which is written in Arabic’. The name Abrā, present in both Syriac manuscripts, does not correspond to any Arabic name I am aware of; here, the Midyat version is helpful. Rather than Abrā, Midyat reads Ibrāhīm, which makes better sense. Midyat’s list of names differs from both Paris and Mardin’s. A study of the names of these Muslim scholars present in various manuscripts may help untangle their relationship to one another and their relationship to the vita tradition. 83 The sections which have been interpolated are most likely Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fols 166r–170v; Mardin, MS 8/259, fols 110v–112r. 84 For an uncritical text of the Syrian Orthodox introduction and conclusion to the Debate based on Paris, BnF, MS Arabic 5141, see Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick, pp. 121–24, and Abū Qurra wa-’l-Ma’mūn: al-mujādala, ed. by Nasry, pp. 27–33. Nasry has vocalized his text. 85 Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick, p. 122; Abū Qurra wa-’l-Ma’mūn: almujādala, ed. by Nasry, p. 28.

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Simeon’s nephew David while on a hunting expedition. It was this treasure that Simeon pointed to as the basis of his funds for building. 86 This story, as it is told in the Arabic, is very similar to what exists in the Syriac, but differs from it in some small and very significant ways. The ruler whom Simeon heals in the Syriac version is identified as the Persian general [323] Shahrbaraz. As I have already mentioned, this is rather problematic, since Shahrbaraz’s presence in Simeon’s Life is most likely an anachronism, given Simeon’s birth in 624 and Shahrbaraz’s fame for conquering Jerusalem in 614, several decades before the Muslim conquest. But in the Arabic version, the conqueror who is healed is not Shahrbaraz and is not a general: he is rather Shahrīzār and he is called the ‘king’ of Sīrwān. 87 In the Syriac vita tradition of Simeon, ‘king’ is sometimes used in the sense of ‘ruler’, 88 and this description in Arabic no doubt mirrors the use of the Syriac. This Shahrīzār may very well have been some sort of local official in northern Mesopotamia. A minor figure like Shahrīzār may have been later assimilated as the better known Shahrbaraz, which would produce the resultant anachronism in the Syriac Vita. Importantly, there are no anachronistic elements related to Simeon’s Life contained in the Arabic text at this point. One of the most obviously interpolated sections of the extant Syriac Vita deals with the Haytūm Citadel. A rambling and confused history of this place appears without warning in the Syriac Vita just as Simeon’s nephew David recounts his story of the discovery of the treasure in the cave. The citadel shows up, too, in the Arabic version, but it only appears in passing – just as one

Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick, p. 123; Abū Qurra wa-’l-Ma’mūn: almujādala, ed. by Nasry, p. 30. 87 Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick, pp. 122, 123. Abū Qurra wa-’lMa’mūn: al-mujādala, ed. by Nasry, pp. 29, 30. 88 See e.g., the reference to Parūz, the ‘king’ of Nisibis who greets Simeon with honour (Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 165r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 110r) and Gawargī, ‘the leader, that is, king’ (‫ )ܪܫܢܐ ܐܘ ܟܝܬ ܡܠܟܐ‬of the village of Anḥel (Paris, BnF, MS Syriac 375, fol. 173r; Mardin, MS 8/259, fol. 113r). 86

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might expect for an inconsequential detail – and it is not called Haytūm Citadel, but rather the al-Ahyam Citadel. 89 In both the case of Shahrīzār/Shahrbaraz and the alAhyam/Haytūm Citadel, the Arabic version gives us a much more plausible idea of what the original would have looked like: in both instances, individual names would provide jumping-off points for extensive elaboration by a later hand. The Arabic version then, can be seen as a window back to the Ur-vita of Simeon, or at least to an earlier version of it. The original Life of Simeon must have focused primarily on Simeon’s extensive building activities and great personal piety. Later readers may have added in other elements, for example, the debate, but it was for his prolific building that Simeon was remembered and celebrated, and his building had as its basis [324] the discovery of a great treasure. This is the Life of Simeon as it is reflected in the Syrian Orthodox version of the Debate – one focused on the discovery of a treasure and on subsequent building. It is also the Life of Simeon we encounter if we subtract anachronisms from the extant Vita. Reasons for the insertion of the al-Ma’mūn material into the Vita are not hard to imagine. 90 Some Middle Eastern Christian communities have documents which they claim were written by Muhammad, granting them special protection – St Catherine’s monastery, in the Sinai, for instance, has several such documents, 91 and the Syrian Orthodox community of Aleppo has one, too, held in the same safe in St George’s Church in ḥayy al-Suryān where their precious copy of Michael the Syrian’s Chronicle is held. 92 These are just two examples from the contemporary world; in the medieval period, there were many more such documents Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. by Dick, p. 123. Abū Qurra wa-’l-Ma’mūn: almujādala, ed. by Nasry, p. 30. 90 Graf, Die arabischen Schriften des Theodor Abû Qurra, p. 80, cited Sachau (Verzeichniss der syrischen Handschriften, p. 758) approvingly in suggesting that the story was told to support the interests of the monasteries mentioned in the Debate. 91 See the description, by Father Justin, of the Achtiname held at the Sinai and copied in 1858 in Evans and Ratliff, Byzantium and Islam, pp. 63–64. 92 I saw this document myself on a visit to Aleppo in 2008. 89

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floating around. 93 These are manifestly texts which these groups have used down through the centuries as instruments of protection in moments when their status in a Muslim-dominated society might be precarious. The al-Ma’mūn material in Simeon’s Vita no doubt served similar ends, and herein lies one of the keys to understanding this text’s interpolation. The image of a Caliph – be it Hārūn al-Rashīd or al-Ma’mūn – who granted Simeon special favour and privileges to build reflects several things. First, it presupposes that the real Simeon of the Olives had in fact engaged in extensive building activities, or, at the very least, that within several centuries of his death, a number of churches and monasteries were seen to owe their physical existence to him. Second, such a fabricated account also presupposes growing Muslim opposition to and regulation of Christians building, renovating, or expanding their houses of worship. Proscriptions on Christians building new houses of worship go back to the so-called Pact of ‘Umar, 94 a document which allegedly had its origins in [325] an agreement between ‘Umar b. alKhaṭṭāb and conquered Christian populations in which they agreed to a number of restrictions on their behaviour in return for freedom of worship. 95 It has been argued, however, that the stipulations contained in the Pact of ‘Umar most likely do not date back to the Caliph ‘Umar in the mid-seventh century, but rather

See, e.g., the versions of the letter from Muḥammad to the Christians of Najran preserved in Chronicle of Seert 2.102–03 (Histoire nestorienne, ed. and trans. by Scher and others, pp. 601–18 (281–98)) and see more generally, Cheikho, ‘‘Uhūd nabī al-Islām wa-’l-khulafā’ al-rāshidīn li-’lnaṣārā’. 94 Referred to in Arabic as the shurūṭ ‘umariyya, or ‘stipulations of ‘Umar.’ 95 See, e.g., the version of it contained in a report attributed to Simeon’s exact contemporary, Ismā‘īl b. ‘Ayyāsh (d. AH 81/82/AD 701), which has Christians agree to a number of restrictions on building, among other things, in al-Khallāl, Aḥkām ahl al-milal, ed. by Ḥasan, pp. 357–59. 93

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represent later Muslim attitudes towards non-Muslim, especially Christian, behaviour. 96 When the real Simeon of the Olives was engaged in his building activities, the Muslim state was still quite young and had only recently emerged from a civil war between ‘Abd al-Malik and Ibn al-Zubayr. 97 The number of Muslims compared to the rest of the population of the Middle East was no doubt miniscule, 98 and Islam itself, as a religion, was still undergoing development and had not yet reached the classical articulation it would receive in Abbasid Baghdad; indeed, the Abbasids were not yet ruling, nor did Baghdad exist. It is unlikely that Simeon would have had to worry about permission from Muslim rulers to build. The evidence of Simeon’s Vita aside, there are, after all, reports of Muslim rulers in this early period actually having churches built or repaired. 99 Cohen, ‘What Was the Pact of ‘Umar?’ is useful for detailed discussion of different versions of the pact and the issue of its origins, particularly its strange letter format. Also see his Under Crescent and Cross, pp. 54– 65, for helpful discussion of the Pact’s stipulations and issues relating to it. Tritton, The Caliphs and their Non-Muslim Subjects, pp. 5–17, is a classic statement of scepticism about the historicity of the so-called ‘Pact’. More recently, see Levy-Rubin, Non-Muslims in the Early Islamic Empire. 97 For the Second Civil War, which ended c. AD 692, see most conveniently, Hawting, The First Dynasty of Islam, pp. 46–57. Recall that Simeon was made bishop in AD 700 and that he had already been building extensively before this point. 98 Crone, ‘The Early Islamic World’, p. 314, estimated that the populations conquered by the Arabs in the seventh century were between twenty and thirty million and that the number of Arab immigrants into these conquered territories was no more than five hundred thousand. Claude Cahen suggested that in the seventh century perhaps one hundred thousand and no more than two hundred thousand Arabs occupied ‘most of the territory between the Hind[u] Kush and the Atlas Mountains’. See Cahen, ‘Socio-Economic History and Islamic Studies’, p. 264. 99 See, e.g., the report in the Life of John of Dailam that ‘Abd al-Malik not only permitted John to build churches and monasteries wherever he wanted, but also that the building should occur at the Caliph’s expense (‘A Syriac Life of John of Dailam’, ed. and trans. by Brock, pp. 148–49). 96

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Chase Robinson has in fact argued that the earliest [326] that Muslim rule could have actually been felt in northern Mesopotamia was perhaps the 680s. 100 Simeon, in addition to being a great builder, also had a reputation for being very clever and skilled in debate, just as Theodore Abū Qurra did; and like Abū Qurra, Simeon had been Bishop of Harran. Unlike Abū Qurra, however, Simeon had never lived under Abbasid rule and was not known to have ever engaged in debate in Abbasid Baghdad. These shared attributes, however – a connection to Harran and dialectical prowess – would have provided a convenient way for Syrian Orthodox Christians to elide the two figures. The motivation to do so could perhaps have been anxiety about Muslim displeasure at the existence of churches and monasteries which had been built and renovated under Islamic rule, or perhaps a certain awkwardness that came with celebrating a saint who had engaged in extensive church building which contravened Islamic law. The interpolated Life could therefore provide a legal justification for the activities of the saint whom it celebrated. Merging Simeon’s Life with a popular dispute text featuring another well-known Christian bishop from Harran was an easy way for giving Christian buildings in the region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, Edessa, and Harran legal protection dating back to the golden age of the Abbasid Caliphate.

Mu‘āwiya ordered the rebuilding of the church of Edessa after an earthquake in AD 679/AH 59 (see Chronique de Michel le syrien, ed. and trans. by Chabot, iv (Syriac), 436–37; ii (French translation), 457). Ilūsṭrayya, the administrator of Dara, helped Theodota of Amid (d. AD 698) build his monastery at the end of the holy man’s life (see Mardin, MS 275/8, p. 576). Yāqūt (d. AD 626/AH 1229) reported that he had heard that the monks of the Monastery of Bar Ṣawmā near Melitene would pay the Byzantine Emperor ten thousand dinars every year on behalf of Muslims who had made vows there (see Yāqūt, Mu‘jam al-buldān, ii, 500, and for this point, see Mourad, ‘Christian Monks in Islamic Literature’, p. 84). 100 See Robinson, Empire and Elites after the Muslim Conquest, p. 14. Robinson collects additional reports, pp. 13–14, of church building in the early Islamic period and suggests that restrictions on church building may have only begun to appear in the mid-eighth century.

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Therefore, rather than only having a vita from the Umayyad period, what we have in the Life of Simeon is a source which provides valuable information on the early eighth century and which, at the same time, uniquely reflects the development of challenges faced by Christian communities in the Middle East as Muslim rule solidified and became permanent. The Life of Simeon mirrors the changing situation of Christian communities in the Middle East and the progress and implications of Islamization. 101

Given the state of the manuscript evidence for the Life of Simeon, it is difficult to suggest a date for its interpolation with a great deal of confidence. Nevertheless, one might suggest the late tenth century as one possibility, since this is the period when the latest interpolations – those about the Haytūm Citadel – seem to have occurred. [The bibliography for this chapter, which occupied pages 327–30 of the original article, has been merged into the bibliography at the end of this book; RGH].

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CHAPTER 3. SIMEON OF THE OLIVES AND HIS WORLD: LIFE ON THE KHABUR BASIN IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC PERIOD KYLE B. BRUNNER The Life of Mar Simeon of the Olives consists of the typical tropes one would expect from a hagiographical work – miracles, seclusion, and the occasional demon. Yet, as Andrew Palmer has pointed out, the core thesis of Simeon’s Life was the ‘build up (of) his monastery and his own village by political dexterity and economic investment’. 1 Unlike other holy men and women from Ṭūr ʿAbdīn, Simeon can be viewed as an entrepreneurial saint. He became renowned for his agricultural farming techniques, construction of churches and monasteries, and management of labor. There are few Syriac texts from the West Syrian (Miaphysite) community dating to the seventh and eighth century that record socio-economic activity at such a micro-regional level on a par with Simeon’s Life besides the Chronicle of Zuqnin. 2 As such, Simeon’s Life is an elusive yet vital source for investigating the socio-

1 2

Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 183. Cahen, ‘Fiscalité, propriété, antagonismes sociaux’.

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economic history of northern Mesopotamia during the consolidation of Umayyad rule over the region. 3 The Life presents for the historian a unique window into the social relationships between the monks, their monasteries, and agricultural settlements during the Early Islamic period. Without the luxury of thousands of preserved documentary sources like the Egyptian monastic records written on papyrus, these lives of holy men are – as Sebastian Brock has put it – ‘a little-tapped resource’ 4 for investigating the vertical and horizontal strata of societies, and the landscapes that their authors and audiences inhabited. The Life, as it survives today, is a composite text representing the confluence of multiple traditions surrounding Simeon of the Olives. 5 This, then, creates a difficult patchwork to navigate for social historians, as certain episodes may be tied to either the original work or later-added traditions, or both. Nevertheless, the depiction of Simeon as an entrepreneurial saint is corroborated in texts outside of this Life. But what was the reason for Job of Beth Manʿem to allot so much of the Life to Simeon’s construction operations? Or why did Simeon even begin these ventures in the Khabur basin specifically? Particularly important is the removal of Sasanian authority from Nisibis following the Muslim Arab Conquest, which allowed West Syrian churchmen to build more easily within the city and its hinterland despite the deeply-rooted and influential East Syrian presence there. The Life of Simeon of the Olives was a testimony to Simeon’s actual deeds and a vehicle to legitimize the Monastery of Qartmin’s physical presence off of the plateau into perceived heretical territory. For historical reviews of the Life see Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, pp. 168–71; Palmer and Tannous, ‘Life of Simeon of the Olives’; Tannous, ‘Life of Simeon of the Olives’. For scholarship that utilizes Simeon’s Life see Robinson, Empire and Elites, pp. 14–15, 32, 57; Pahlitzsch, ‘Christian Pious Foundations’; Decker, Tilling the Hateful Earth, pp. 65, 149–50; Durmaz, ‘Sacred Spaces’; Palmer, ‘Gegenseitige territoriale Ansprüche’, pp. 31 ff.; Eger, The Islamic-Byzantine Frontier, pp. 204–14; Tannous, Making of the Medieval Middle East, pp. 101, 118, 121, 166–68, 181–86; KeserKayaalp, ‘Church Building’. 4 Brock, ‘Saints in Syriac: A Little-Tapped Resource’, p. 181. 5 See ch. 1 above. 3

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This chapter will explore the historical environment of the Ṭūr ʿAbdīn region and Khabur river basin during the Umayyad period (661–750) in order to better contextualize Simeon’s socioeconomic activity during his early career. In addition, this chapter will (re)evaluate to what extent Simeon’s Life can be used to illuminate aspects of life and society in Ṭūr ʿAbdīn and adjacent river basins. The first part of the chapter will focus on the landscape and settlements of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn and the Khabur river basin, providing an overview of previous scholarship and of archaeological surveys in the area. The second part will take a deep dive into Simeon’s early career at the ‘Lower-Monastery’ and the city of Nisibis, evaluating the socio-economic context of these places in relation to Simeon’s Life.

LANDSCAPE AND SETTLEMENT OF SIMEON’S WORLD

Almost the entire first half of the Life of Simeon of the Olives takes place on the upper Khabur basin. The main locations in Simeon’s venture are the ‘Lower-Monastery’, where he was enclosed as a stylite, the former Sasanian fort of Sīrwān, the former Roman Fortress of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn (Gr. Rhabdios) – later to become Qalʿat Haytham, and the city of Nisibis. It is in this part of northern Mesopotamia (Ar. al-Jazīra/‘the island’) where Simeon established his reputation as both a holy man and an up-and-coming real estate agent for the great Monastery of Qartmin. A significant portion of the Life is dedicated to this part of Simeon’s career and this specific area of the Jazīra. Moreover, all the extant texts pertaining to Simeon outside of his Life – the Mujādalat Abī Qūrrah, the Fenqitho of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn and the Chronicle to 819 – also reference this part of his career. Therefore, we ought to look deeper into the social environment of Simeon’s early stomping grounds to fully understand the development of the Life’s hagiographic universe. Mar Simeon of the Olives was born at some point during the mid-seventh century in the village of Ḥabsenus, located just north of modern-day Midyat. Today, the village is called Mercimekli and is home to the church of St Simeon of the Olives (Mor Şemun Zayte Kilisesi). The Ṭūr ʿAbdīn plateau itself is a limestone massif, cut by the Tigris river on its most northern and eastern extent, jutting westward to the ancient shield volcano Karacadağ. To the

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north and south, the plateau is hugged by the upper Tigris and Khabur river basin respectively. The Life of Jacob the Recluse of Ṣālaḥ (d. 421) provides a description of the geographic extent of the plateau and the surrounding regions: He (Constantine II) subjugated many regions to (the city Amid): from Rēshʿaynā (Ar. Raʾs al-ʿAyn) and up to Nisibis, and also the region of Mayperqāṭ (Ar. Mayyāfāriqīn) and Arzān, and up to the border of Qardu. Because those regions were on the Persian side of the frontier Persian raiders kept attacking these regions and taking prisoners. The region of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn is in the middle of these regions. He (Constantine II) made two great and strong fortresses there to act as a refuge for these regions from Persian raiders. One of them he built on the ridge of the mountain (overlooking) the border of Beth ‘Arbaye (Bēt ʿArbāyē). 6 The other he built on the river Tigris and named it Hasankeyf (Ḥesnā d-Kēpā). He designated it as the chief district (klima) of that region. 7

The Ṭūr ʿAbdīn plateau is arid and rocky, leaving little area for large-scale agricultural production, except for fertile patches at the bottom of seasonal wādīs. Animal husbandry and semi-sedentary practices were common subsistence strategies on the plateau; and, in many ways, more advantageous than fully investing in agriculture. Just to the west of Hasankeyf on the northern edge of the plateau, the Hirbemerdon Tepe Survey found 18 mobileBeth Arbaye has its roots in the Sasanian province of Arbāyistān (see below), but continued as an ecclesiastical province of the East Syrian Church far into the Islamic period. 7 Life of Jacob of the Recluse, pp. 66–68 (translation is my own). The Syriac text is: w-šaʿbed lāh atrawātā saggīʾē men Rēšʿaynā ʿdammā la-Nṣībīn wap atrā d-Mayperqāṭ wa-d-Arzān wa-ʿdammā la-tḥūmā d-Qardū. Meṭṭul dhālēn atrawātā ʿal gebb tḥūmā d-Parsāyē ʾītayhon-(h)waw w-amīnāʾīt sālqīn(h)waw gaysē d-Parsāyē ʿal atrawātā hālen w-šābēn-(h)waw lhon. Ṭūr ʿAbdīn dēn atrā ʾītaw(hy)-(h)wā ba-mṣaʿta d-hālēn atrawātā. wa-ʿbad beh trēn ḥesnē rawrbē w-ʿaššīnē d-nehwūn ayk da-l-šūwzābā d-hālēn atrawātā men gaysē d-Parsāyē. l-ḥad mennhon bnā ʿal tḥūmā d-Bēt ʿArbāyē ba-gbīneh d-ṭūrā. wa-bnā ʾḥrēnā ʿal Deqlat nahrā. w-šammheh ḥesnā d-kēpā w-ʿabdeh rēš qlīmā d-atrā haw. 6

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pastoralist campsites that were occupied as early as the 13th century and continued into the 20th, based on surface ceramic scatters. 8 The inhabitants of these campsites employed a variety of strategies to take full advantage of the available water and pasture resources, constructing rock-cut cisterns, small dams, and cairns. It would be fair to say that similar structures and strategies existed prior to the 13th century, but any physical material no longer survives today or has yet to be documented. At the southern edge of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn, the most important ridge on the plateau for eastern Christianity is known as Mt. Izla. This ridge runs roughly from Nisibis eastward towards the ancient volcano Elim Dağı, located just before the city Jazīrat ibn ʿUmar (modern Cizre). Mt. Izla overlooks the city of Nisibis and the eastern half of the Khabur river valley. The mountain slopes are home to many monasteries founded by the Church of the East, such as the monasteries of Mar Awgīn and Mar Yoḥannān Ṭayyāyā (John the Arab), and that of Abraham of Kashkar – also known as the Great Monastery of Mt. Izla. Although the early history of these monasteries is shrouded in legend, the Church of the East held great influence here and at Nisibis since at least the fifth century, even at times with support from the Sasanian emperor (šāhanšāh). 9 From atop of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn, the sources of major tributaries flow down into the Mesopotamian plain where they merge and empty into the Khabur river near al-Ḥasaka in modern northeast Syria. The average rainfall in the Khabur basin is divided into two main zones: the northern half receives 300–600 mm/annum which is sufficient for dry farming, while the southern sits within the 200–250 mm/annum zone. In this southern zone, irrigation is necessary for any agricultural activity to take place. The geographer al-Iṣṭakhrī (d. 346/957) recorded an observation, copied by Ibn Ḥawqal (d. 368/978), that dry-farming was abundant in the

Ur and Hammer, ‘Pastoral Nomads’. For a review of the Christian history of Nisibis and Mt. Izla see Fiey, Nisibe. 8 9

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northern Khabur plain: ‘In addition, they (the inhabitants of Nisibis) have many rain-fed lands a distance away from the city’. 10 The most important tributary for our study is the river Hirmās (Syr. nhar māšāk, Gr. Mygdonios), known today in Arabic as the Jaghjagh River. It flows directly through Nisibis, now divided into Turkish Nusaybin and Syrian Qāmishlī, providing water to their immediate hinterland. This river was key for the development of complex irrigation systems along its course that took advantage of the river basin’s high agricultural potential. Canals in the Khabur plain that have been identified in archaeological surveys are estimated to have been able to irrigate roughly 30,000 ha of agricultural land. Historical accounts of Nisibis especially gave high praise to the city’s beautiful gardens and parks. 11 It is difficult to make precise environmental conclusions for the Ṭūr ʿAbdīn region during the Early Islamic period, since the majority of reliable palaeobotanical samples were collected from adjacent regions. The closest samples were collected to the north from Lake Van, to the southwest at Bouara in the Syrian Steppe, and to the southeast from the Gejkar Cave in northern Iraqi Kurdistan. 12 Nevertheless, these studies can provide context for understanding northern Mesopotamia at large, within which Simeon and others traveled. For example, pollen levels for olives (olea europaea) from the Lake Van region reached their highest levels in the late Sasanian and early Islamic period (ca. 500–850), suggesting this period as the height of cultivation. There is then a dramatic drop around BP 1050–1100 (ca. 900–950). 13 The drop Eger, The Islamic-Byzantine Frontier, p. 129.; Iṣṭakhrī, Masālik, p. 73: wa-lahum maʿa dhālika fīmā buʿida ʿan al-madīna mubākhis kathīra; Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat al-arḑ, p. 211. 11 Chronicle of Khuzistan, 18; Yaʿqūbī, Buldān, 362; Suhrāb, ʿAjāʾib alaqālīm, 121; Iṣṭakhrī, Masālik, p. 73; Ibn Ḥawqal, Ṣūrat al-arḑ, pp. 211– 12; Muqaddisī, Aḥsan al-taqāsīm, p. 140; Shābushtī, Diyārāt, p. 191; Yāqūt, Muʿjam al-buldān, s.v. Naṣībīn. Cf. Decker, Tilling the Hateful Earth, p. 183. 12 Van Zeist and Woldring, ‘Postglacial Pollen Diagram from Lake Van’; Gremmen and Bottema, ‘Palynological Investigations in the Syrian Gazira’; Flohr et al., ‘Late Holocene Droughts in the Fertile Crescent’. 13 Shumilovskikh et al., ‘Palaeoecological Insights’, p. 63. 10

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seems to be associated with a long period of aridity and drought that presents itself in most core soundings. To further corroborate a drop in cultivation, geomorphological and archaeobotanical samples from the Jaghjagh River that date after 900 indicate that the Khabur basin experienced frequent flash floods. The gravel deposits from those samples contain high-levels of organic material, a result of topsoil erosion. 14 It is not currently possible to date when specific canals were in use or when they were initially constructed. We do know that, by the sixteenth century, Ottoman records from the province (sanjaq) of Nisibis made note of high yields from irrigated crops. Jason Ur has been able to map these systems with the aid of declassified CORONA satellite imagery, since these canals were and still are used as boundary markers for dry farmed and/or pump-irrigated fields. 15 Any intensive agricultural endeavors – funded by a monastery, for example – were to be found on these river plains that surround Ṭūr ʿAbdīn. Unlike the surrounding river valleys, a systematic archaeological field survey employing modern-day methodologies has yet to take place on the Ṭūr ʿAbdīn plateau itself. Only limited research on the ground has been possible so far due to conflicts between the PKK (Kurdistan Worker’s Party) and the Turkish government. Indeed, greater attention has been given to the standing monuments and their inscriptions, churches, and monasteries of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn. The first to acknowledge church-building programs during the early and middle Islamic periods was Gertrude Bell’s 1909 survey, which was later expanded upon by M.M. Mango in 1982. Since then, the most comprehensive architectural study of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn was conducted by G. Wiessner, but, as Keser-Kayaalp

Deckers and Riehl, ‘Fluvial Environmental Contexts in the Upper Khabur’, p. 347; Haldon et al., ‘The Climate and Environment of Byzantine Anatolia’; Flohr et al., ‘Late Holocene Droughts in the Fertile Crescent’, p. 1534. 15 Decker, Tilling the Hateful Earth, p. 183; van Liere and Lauffray, ‘Nouvelle prospection archéologique’, 147; Ur, Tell Hamoukar, pp. 137– 41; Göyünç and Hütteroth, Land an der Grenze, pp. 62–64, 113–15. 14

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has noted, his survey does not provide any context or chronological considerations for the monuments studied. 16 The studies published by Andrew Palmer are a rich collection of sources and information on Ṭūr ʿAbdīn’s cultural legacy and the Monastery of Qartmin, essential for any study on the region. 17 Since these monuments have already been studied in depth, the following will instead focus on the archaeological landscape of the Khabur River basin and the results from archaeological field surveys (Map 3). There is precious little archaeological material that can be securely dated between the fourth to eighth centuries. Previous reconnaissance of the Khabur basin during the first half of the 20th century can be described as opportunistic and focused almost exclusively on material from Bronze and Iron Age tell-sites. 18 Even into the 1980s, field surveys of the Khabur employed inconsistent methods in site documentation. Meijer’s survey of the lands east of the Jaghjagh River, for example, notes that Islamic pottery was ‘only indicated where a considerable presence was noted…’ 19 To the west, Lyonnet’s Upper Khabur Survey (1989) failed to consider non-tell sites and satellite sites near prominent tells, which, as previous researchers had noted, were common settlement types of the Parthian to Early Islamic period. On the plus side, the survey included the area of Nisibis on the Syrian side of the border at Qāmishlī, which gives us a small sample of Early Islamic ceramic types. 20

Wiessner, Christliche Kultbauten im Ṭūr ʿAbdīn; Keser-Kayaalp, ‘Church Building’, p. 184. 17 Palmer, ‘A Corpus of Syriac Inscriptions from Tur Abdin’; ibid., Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier; ibid., ‘Amīd in the Seventh-Century Syriac Life of Theodūṭē’; ibid., ‘La montagne aux LXX monastères’. 18 For example, see Mallowan, ‘Excavation of Tell Chagar Bazar’; van Liere and Lauffray, ‘Nouvelle prospection archéologique’. 19 Meijer, A Survey in Northeastern Syria, p. 33, n. 15. 20 Lyonnet, ‘Settlement Patterns in the Upper Khabur’; Guérin, ‘L’occupation Abbaside de Nasibin’; Lyonnet, Haut-Khabur occidental; Eger, The Islamic-Byzantine Frontier, p. 135. 16

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Map 3: Map of Archaeological Surveys of the Khabur Basin

One of the most critical surveys for our interest is the Tell Leilan Regional Survey (seasons 1984, 1987, 1995, 1997). Results of the Bronze and Early Iron Age periods (ca. 3000–1000 BCE) from their survey seasons were prioritized and have been abundantly published. However, the late antique and Islamic period material has yet to be completely studied and published besides a very brief report on the Hellenistic to Sasanian material published in a

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conference proceeding, and one preliminary article by Valentina Vezzoli on the Islamic period material from the 1995 season. 21 Because of this, we cannot say much beyond generalizations about the settlement patterns along the wādī Jarrāḥ, east of Nisibis. Recent surveys have provided a more consistent regiment of archaeological survey methodology, one that records all recognizably distinct archaeological periods and geomorphological features with high intensity over a defined area. 22 While these surveys have considerably expanded our knowledge of Late Sasanian/Early Islamic settlement in the Khabur basin, there is still no comprehensive ceramic chronology for local coarse ware ceramics. In general, St. J. Simpson’s 1996 chapter is still the most recent survey of Sasanian archaeological material from Northern Mesopotamia. 23 The results from the surveys mentioned above have been already synthesized and critiqued thoroughly by Tony Wilkinson, Jason Ur, Michael Decker, and A. Asa Eger. 24 Thus, I will briefly review their consensus here. These archaeological surveys upend the classic narrative of an empty frontier, dotted with forts along Roman and Persian lines. Rather, settlement density was quite high across the Khabur Stein and Wattenmaker, ‘The 1987 Tell Leilan Regional Survey: Preliminary Report’; Ristvet, ‘Settlement, Economy, and Society in the Tell Leilan Region’; de Aloe, ‘A Preliminary Report on the 1995 Tell Leilan Survey’; Vezzoli, ‘Islamic Period Settlement in the Tell Leilan Region’. The Partho-Roman and Sasanian material from the survey was studied in the Master’s thesis of de Aloe: Un analisi delle ceramiche dalla ricognizione di Tell Leilan. 22 Wilkinson and Tucker, Settlement Development in the North Jazira, Iraq; Ur and Wilkinson, ‘Settlement and Economic Landscapes of Tell Beydar and Its Hinterland’; Ur, ‘Surface Collection and Offsite Studies at Tell Hamoukar, 1999’; ibid., ‘Settlement and Landscape in Northern Mesopotamia: The Tell Hamoukar Survey 2000–2001’; ibid., Karsgaard, and Oates, ‘The Spatial Dimensions of Early Mesopotamian Urbanism: The Tell Brak Suburban Survey, 2003–2006’. 23 Simpson, ‘From Tekrit to the Jaghjagh’. 24 Wilkinson, ‘Regional Approaches to Mesopotamian Archaeology’; Ur, Tell Hamoukar, p. 40; Decker, ‘Frontier Settlement and Economy’, pp. 224–28; Eger, The Islamic-Byzantine Frontier, pp. 127ff. 21

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basin. The survey projects headed by Tony Wilkinson and Jason Ur fortunately employed a consistent dating method for Late Sasanian/Early Islamic ceramics, allowing their results to be corroborated. In contrast, the chronological framework for the Tell Leilan survey, as A. Asa Eger has aptly noted, is too narrow and optimistic. He suggests rather that their chronological subdivisions for ‘Early Islamic’ (late 8th–9th c.) and ‘Abbasid’ (10th–11th c.) should be combined to reflect the material period ‘Early Islamic II’ (800–1000) used by Wilkinson and Ur. 25 The average morphology of settlements in the Khabur plain during the fifth to tenth centuries varied to a noticeable degree from one area to the next. West of the Jaghjagh River, sites were on average low mound(s), 1–1.5 m high and covered area of 1 ha. In the east, the number of settlements decreased from the Partho-Roman period to the Sasanian and Late Sasanian/Early Islamic I period. This is because small clusters of settlements were consolidated, covering an average area > 1 ha. These settlements were unfortified and had dispersed structures within the boundaries of the site. 26 For comparison, if we turn to Harran and the Balīkh river, where Simeon spent the later years of his life as bishop, we find a similar situation as the Khabur in terms of overall continuity and settlement growth, but with more precise evidence. The three main urban centers of the Balīkh from north to south are Edessa, Harran, and al-Raqqa (Kallinikos). There are multiple sites excavated on the Balikh where archaeologists properly recorded material and stratigraphic layers dating to the Early Islamic period, such as Tell Maḥrē (Tell Shaykh Ḥasan), Madīnat al-Fār/Ḥiṣn Maslama and al-Raqqa/al-Rafīqa, providing excellent data for both rural and urban settlements inhabited during the Early Islamic period. 27 We know from textual sources that the Umayyad Ibid., p. 138. Ibid., pp. 144–45. 27 Challis et al., ‘Corona Remotely-Sensed Imagery in Dryland Archaeology’; Henderson et al., ‘Experiment and Innovation: early Islamic Industry at al-Raqqa, Syria’; Bartl, ‘Tell Sheikh Hasan’; de Jong and Kaneda, ‘Uncovering Tell Sheikh Hasan’; Haase, ‘Une ville des débuts de l’Islam 25 26

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caliphal family heavily invested in the region, building settlements and large-scale irrigation canals – especially, Caliph Hishām ibn ʿAbd al-Malik (724–43). 28 Fortunately, our survey data for the Balīkh Valley Survey is quite reliable in comparison to the state of material from the Khabur. Headed by Karin Bartl, the Balīkh Valley Survey focused its attention on identifying Late Roman and Early Islamic settlements. During the Late Roman period, settlements were small, averaging 0.1 to 5.0 ha, and were evenly spread. These were classified as small farmsteads. For the Islamic period, the survey identified a total of 80 sites. Twelve of those sites had evidence for continuity between the Late Roman and Islamic period averaging 3–5 ha, which suggests settlement growth and consolidation of smaller farmsteads. Thus, 68 sites were newly founded. The survey found no distinct Umayyad pottery that is known, since our understanding of local coarse ware during this transition period is quite poor. As such, many Late Roman sites were likely occupied into the seventh and eighth centuries. 29 The archaeological survey data that is useable suggests that we should not view the Khabur basin as an empty no-man’s land dotted with Roman and Persian military fortresses. Data across high-resolution archaeological surveys indicates no statistically significant change in settlement density between the Parthian and Early Islamic period. 30 The nature of settlement formation and d’après les fouilles effectuées à Madinat al-Far (Syrie Du Nord)’; id., ‘Umayyad Castles’; ibid., ‘Public and Domestic Architecture – The Case of Madinat al-Far/Hisn Maslama’; Meyer, ‘Die deutsch-syrischen Ausgrabungen in Kharab Sayyar/Nordostsyrien’. 28 Chronicle of Zuqnin, p. 171; Chronicle to 819, p. 16; Balādhurī, Futūḥ, pp. 151, 179–180; Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, II.1467, III.52; Yāqūt, Muʿjam albuldān, s.v. Bālis; Hoyland, Theophilus of Edessa’s Chronicle, pp. 223–24 (citing the chronicles of Theophanes, Agapius of Manbij, Michael the Syrian and the anonymous Edessan of 1234); Blankinship, The End of the Jihad State, pp. 82ff. 29 Bartl, Frühislamische Besiedlung im Balikh-Tal/NordSyrien; Bartl, ‘Balīḫ Valley Survey’. See also, de Jong, ‘Resettling the Steppe’. 30 Lawrence and Wilkinson, ‘The Northern and Western Borderlands of the Sasanian Empire’, pp. 106–9.

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transformation was unique between river channels across the plain. Rather, the Khabur plain was and continues to be a kaleidoscope made of shifting streams, pastoralist groups, and village clusters. However, the form and type of interactions between these nodes of habitation requires further assessment.

SIMEON, SĪRWĀN AND SHAHRBARAZ

Simeon received his epithet ‘of the olives’ (§22–23) by planting 12,000 olive trees at the ‘Lower-Monastery’, deploying his talent for olive-cultivation (ūmāneh d-zaytā). As a result, Simeon provided a new source of agricultural wealth for the Monastery of Qartmin, taking advantage of the main road between Nisibis and Mosul. Whether or not Simeon actually farmed 12,000 olives is not the subject of this section. Rather, we will focus on the place, people, and time that the episode involves. In a series of chronological anecdotes, the Life notes (§16) that in the year 995 AG (683–84) Simeon offered his patronage (yaṣīpūtā) to the local headmen (rīšānē) Abraham and Lazarus to rebuild the Fortress of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn, built by a certain Roman general named Demetrius. 31 The Chronicle to 819 recorded Simeon’s appointment as bishop of Harran in 1011 AG (700) and the completion of the construction of his church in Nisibis in 1018 AG (707). 32 We can then situate the beginning of Simeon’s career on the Khabur Basin during the last quarter of the seventh century. During this time, the Umayyad caliphate was gripped by civil war (fitna) between Caliph ʿAbd al-Malik and his rival ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Zubayr (d. 692). Yet it is not entirely clear why the Life situated this miracle at a former Sasanian fortress. Mar Simeon and his nephew David encounter the Persian military general (spāhbed) Shahrbaraz at the town of Sīrwān, where he had fallen ill. Shahrbaraz was then taken to Mar Simeon for healing (§ 11–21). Although the name Shahrbaraz (šahrwarāz/‘boar of the realm’) is a well-known Middle Persian epithet, the Life is most likely referring to the famous This Demetrius is also mentioned in the Life of Mar Aḥo, M: fol. 91r, V: fol. 184r, as being associated with Rhabdios. 32 Chronicle to 819, 14. 31

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Shahrbaraz (d. 630), who was the general of the ‘quarter of the west’ (kust-ī xwarwarān) of the Empire under Khusrow II (591– 628). 33 Although the encounter with Shahrbaraz creates a chronological headache for today’s historian, it is strategically used to establish an origin for Mar Simeon’s wealth and acquisitions. 34 The Life relates that Simeon’s nephew David found a lost treasure while out hunting with Shahrbaraz and his men near the Fortress of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn. It is with this treasure that Simeon began his monastic wealth. We learn that Simeon bought agricultural estates (agūrsē) 35 and villages (qūryʾas), which he donated to Qartmin. In addition to agricultural land, he bought farmyards (dārātā), stores (ḥānwātā), mills (rḥāwātā), gardens (gannē), and orchards (pardaysē). Still, the most spectacular use of the gold was Simeon’s cultivation of 12,000 olive plants. But why did the Monastery of Qartmin have a sister monastery at Sīrwān? Moreover, why does Simeon encounter a Persian general in the Life? After Shābūr II (309–79) gained control over Nisibis in 363, he sent administrators, priests, and landowners from the capital Iṣṭakhr in Fars and they were settled throughout the major cities in northern Mesopotamia, including Nisibis and its hinterland. From then on and into the Abbasid period, there are many indications from our sources that there continued to be a significant Persian elite presence in and around Nisibis. 36 The Life of Sābā Pīrgūshnasp provides the names of two individuals, Zāmyasp and Ādhorprazgard, whom Shābūr II appointed over Beth ʿArbaye. Zāmyasp controlled the lands from the river Saryā to the Tigris at Gyselen, Four Generals of the Sasanian Empire, pp. 22–23; Minov, ‘Jews and Christians in Late Sasanian Nisibis’, p. 486. 34 This is a common legendary trope in Syriac hagiography where a foreigner had hidden gold in the hills of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn and it is given to or rediscovered by a saint. Examples of this are found in Life of Gabriel of Qartmin, §10, and the Life of Mar Ḥabīb, bishop of Edessa (fl. 720), summarized in Chronicle of Zuqnin, pp. 161–63. 35 Bar Baḥlūl, Lexicon, s.v. agūrsā: it is a loanword from Greek agros; the Arabic equivalentis mazraʿa and in Persian dastgerd. He notes that an agūrsā is smaller than a qrītā. However, it is larger than a kaprūnā, which is a kind of fort (bīrtā). 36 Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, pp. 181–213. 33

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Beth Zabdē, while Ādhorprazgard controlled the area between Nisibis and the river Saryā. Fiey proposed a preliminary identification for the river ‘Saryā’ as the seasonal stream named ‘Serwan’. 37 Of course, this should not be confused with the Sīrwān river that flows from the Zagros mountains into the Tigris near Baghdad. There is no direct evidence (that I am aware of) which supports a connection between Saryā and a ‘Serwan river’ in the Khabur Basin. Nevertheless, Fiey’s proposal seems probable since the site Sīrwān is halfway between Nisibis and the Tigris at Jazīrat ibn ʿUmar. The history behind both Sīrwān and the ‘Lower-Monastery’ is quite elusive; they are rarely mentioned in our surviving source material and have a variety of names attributed to them. The Life relates that Sīrwān was built by Emperor Shābūr II and that the Romans destroyed it (§9). The earliest known attestation of the site, surprisingly, can be found in the Breuiarium written by a certain Festus around 370 CE. He mentions a location named Sisaruena, in reference to a battle fought there between Emperor Constantius II and Shābūr II. This reference is corroborated by Ammianus Marcellinus in his account of his journey to Nisibis around 354. 38 From that point onward, however, tracing the history of this site is quite difficult, since it is rarely mentioned in sources that have survived and/or have been fully edited. Even when the site is mentioned, its name is inconsistent in how it is rendered. 39 Procopius, writing in the mid-sixth century, has recorded the most detailed description of the site and mentioned it in all three of his surviving texts. He described Sīrwān primarily as a fort Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I.843; Dīnawarī, al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, pp. 50–51; Life of Sābā Pīrgūshnasp, p. 224; Dillemann, Haute Mésopotamie orientale, p. 95; Fiey, Nisibe, p. 167; Payne, A State of Mixture, p. 138. 38 Festus, Breuiarium p. 27; Ammianus Marcellinus, 18.6.9. For works discussing the author and his work see Peachin, ‘The Purpose of Festus’ Breviarium’, and Grote, ‘Another Look at the Breviarium of Festus’. 39 The Peutinger Table has a possible reference to the site as Sarbane, but the manuscript tradition for this map is still problematic, which is why I have not cited it above. For discussion see Albu, The Medieval Peutinger Map. 37

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(phrourion), but in the De aedificiis he referred to it as a ‘township’ (polisma). This could indicate that the fort was associated with a nearby village or that a village had developed around the fort bearing the same name. The earliest Syriac witness to the site is the anonymous continuator of Zacharias of Mylitene’s Ecclesiastical History, who renders the name as ŠYŠRWN ḥesnā. Sadly, the chapter that discussed the site is lost. We know that the author was a monk based at or around Amid (modern Diyarbakir). He likely completed this extended ecclesiastical history around 800 AG (568–69) but before 600 CE, which is the date of our earliest manuscript. 40 This makes Ps.–Zacharias the closest author to Sīrwān geographically, and as a contemporary of when the site was occupied as a Sasanian fort in the mid-sixth century. Moreover, this work was composed 20 years before Komentiolos, the commander of the eastern armies (magister militum per Orientem), laid siege to Sīrwān and allegedly destroyed it in 587–88. 41 Ps.–Zacharias’ Ecclesiastical History, then, demonstrates that both Procopius and Theophylact Simocatta derived their rendition of the fort’s name from Syriac into Greek rather than directly from a Middle Persian source. According to Procopius, Sīrwān is roughly a two-day journey from Dara along the Nisibis-road and is 3 miles from the fort Rhabdios on the plain known as ‘The Roman Field’ (ho rhōmaiōn agros). 42 Today, this area is still heavily farmed, and is cut up by a complex system of streams that make up the Wādī Jarrāḥ channel-system of the Khabur basin. In §22, the Life of Simeon specifically details how he was able to water his fields from the nearby springs, which fits well with Sīrwān’s close proximity to the drainage streams flowing down from Mt. Izla. 43 Sīrwān has been visited and briefly described over the past century, but there has been no intensive archaeological investigation of the site. At first, in the late nineteenth century, J.G. Taylor believed Qalʿat al-Haytham (Fortress of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn) was to be Greatrex, Chronicle of Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, pp. 32–33. Theophylact Simocatta, III.6; Theophanes, p. 262. 42 Procopius, Historia arcana, II.24; De aedificiis, II.4.1–13. 43 Syriac: wa-nṣab bāh zaytē saggīʾē ʿal mayyā d-ʿaynātā dīlāh. 40 41

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identified as the Sisauranōn mentioned by Procopius. This, however, was subsequently corrected by Hoffman, and then later by Poidebard, who photographed a high mound in the valley just below Qalʿat Haytham as the identification of Sīrwān. 44 Recently, Anthony Comfort has furthered this identification of Sīrwān with the high mound located due west of the modern village Şirvan, while supplying satellite imagery from Google Earth. It ought to be noted, however, that Comfort’s study did not utilize any available CORONA satellite imagery, which would have greatly benefitted the study. 45 When we compare recent high-resolution satellite imagery with the aerial imagery from the CORONA missions, we see that little to no disturbance has occurred on the mound itself. One noticeable feature is that the modern village Şirvan was developed due east of the site at some point after the 1960s. There is little vegetation on top of and on the sides of the mound. The contour of a seasonal wādī is visible, hugging the base of the mound along with dense vegetation. The wall feature photographed by Poidebard is still visible on the southern edge of the mound’s summit. There are traces of ephemeral dwelling structures on top of the mound as well. These structures were likely occupied within the past two centuries. However, an archaeological excavation is necessary to confirm any chronological sequence associated with the mound. In general, there is little surface evidence to support the claim that the mound itself was a former Sasanian fort without

Taylor, ‘Travels in Kurdistan’, pp. 51–52; Hoffmann, Persischer Märtyrer, p. 170; Poidebard, La trace de Rom dans le desert de Syrie, pl. clviii. Sinclair (Eastern Turkey, III.350–51) also visited Sīrwān in 1982. 45 Comfort. ‘Fortresses of the Tur Abdin’. Moreover, a number of the sites that Comfort had identified from Google Earth show little to no evidence of surface remains of military architecture from the Romano-Sasanid period. Instead, many are more indicative of later Middle Islamic settlements and/or early Bronze–Iron Age tells; for example: Charcha (p. 199), Mindouos (fig. 18), Kelha Becin (p. 205), Rhipalthas (p. 217), Sarbane/Sisauranon (p. 219), and Sulak (p. 220). For a general survey of Sasanian fortresses see Finster and Schmidt, ‘Sasanidische und frühislamische Ruinen im Iraq’, and Simpson, ‘From Tekrit to the Jaghjagh’. 44

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excavation. However, if we turn our attention to the area immediately surrounding the mound, the contrasting light and dark values of the image delineate a possible lower town associated with the mound, as well as low mounded areas marked by their highly reflective anthropogenic soil (Fig. 1). 46 The mound itself covers an area roughly 4.23 ha in size and is about 7–10 m in height. 47 The ‘lower–town,’ located on the eastern side of the mound covers 19.42 ha, making the total area of the site 23.65 ha. We of course cannot know the true extent of occupation for any specific period without field reconnaissance. Nevertheless, the total size of the site and morphology does leave room for the possibility of Late Sasanian/Early Islamic occupation. Site °54 of the Tell Hamoukar Survey, which was most heavily occupied from the Sasanian to the Abbasid period, is a close parallel to Sīrwān in both size and settlement morphology. 48 We can confirm that no traces of any structure dating before the Middle Islamic Period register on the surface in aerial imagery of Sīrwān. But if we are to assume that this mounded complex was truly Sīrwān based solely on onomastic integrity, we should view Sīrwān as a complex village settlement rather than a military fortress. This would then explain why Simeon’s Life refers to Sīrwān as a ‘city’ (mdittā) and not a ‘fort’ (ḥesnā), as in Ps.–Zacharias’ Ecclesiastical History mentioned above. Following the collapse of Sasanian military control over the region in the early seventh century, Sīrwān likely had lost its military function. But the village complex continued to thrive and likely absorbed the fort into its built fabric. 49 For a detailed description of the methodology for identifying archaeological signatures of complex mounded sites from CORONA imagery see Ur, Tell Hamoukar, pp. 62–64. 47 The height of the mound is estimated from the STRM 1 Arc-Second Global digital elevation model (DEM). 48 Ur, Tell Hamoukar, p. 206. 49 The site al-Andarin/Androna is an excellent example of a sixth-century Roman kastron that developed into a large complex village settlement. Strube, ‘Al-Andarin/Androna: Site and Setting’; Mango, ‘Byzantine Settlement Expansion in North Central Syria: The Case of Androna/Andarin’. 46

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Fig. 1: CORONA photograph of Sīrwān (1108–1025D–A010, 11th December, 1967)

Sīrwān is also situated strategically equidistant between Nisibis and Jazīrat ibn ʿUmar with access to multiple water sources, prime for olive cultivation. In §9 of Simeon’s Life, the ‘LowerMonastery’ is said to have been built ‘in the valley, adjoining the ancient city of Sīrwān’. Andrew Palmer has given a tentative identification of the Lower-Monastery with the modern village Pazarköy, which lies at the foot of Mt. Izla just north of Sīrwān. He suggests that this could be the village ‘Dayrūnītā’ mentioned in the Chronicle of Addai (d. 1502), a continuation of that of Bar Hebraeus. 50 However, I cannot find a direct link between this ‘Dayrūnītā’, the Lower-Monastery, and Pazarköy. Today, Pazarköy is mostly abandoned, but the walls of hollowed dwellings are still visible in satellite imagery, but none seem to reflect a large monastic complex. The Life clearly indicates that the monastery was built attached (d-ʿal gebb) to Sīrwān. The Mujādalat Abī Qurrā also preserves this specification, though for the location of the olive

50

Palmer, ‘La montagne aux LXX monastères’, p. 252.

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farm, with the equivalent Arabic phrase (wa-hiya ʿalā jānib Sirwān). 51 Thus, I believe Pazarköy is too far away, at a distance of ca. 4.5 km, from Sīrwān to be a positive identification. The Life of Mar Aḥo of Rēshʿaynā (fl. ca. 573) has been cited as containing a possible reference to this same ‘Lower-Monastery.’ Andrew Palmer has suggested that these two vitae, of Aḥo and Simeon, refer to the same site, since both texts place the monastery in proximity to the Fortress of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn and involve the same Roman general Demetrius. 52 The correlation of person and place between the two texts is quite enticing. However, I believe there is still cause to view them as two different monasteries. The name ‘Lower-Monastery’ (dayrā taḥtāytā) could have merely referred to any monastery in the plain from the perspective of the plateau. The Life of Mar Aḥo states that Aḥo’s ‘Lower–Monastery’ was built on top of a mound called Tellā d-Ṭūrqāyē along the river Qaṣr, which is about a mile east from the village apparently named Tell Arius. 53 I have not yet been able to identify any of these toponyms, but I doubt that they reflect sixth-century place names. As we will see below with regard to Tell Tuneinir, monastic complexes associated with settlements were placed just adjacent to the main habitation area.

See Appendix 2 below, section 4. Life of Mar Aḥo, fols. 190b–91a; Palmer, ‘La montagne aux LXX monastères’, pp. 231–32; id., Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 96. For discussion of Mar Aḥo’s vita see Vööbus, Mar Aḥā; Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, pp. 54 ff.; Fiey, Saints syriaques, pp. 30–31; Durmaz, ‘Sacred Spaces’. I would like to give special thanks to Reyhan Durmaz for her fantastic insights about the Life from our personal correspondence. 53 Life of Mar Aḥo, M: fols. 84v–85r, V: fol. 180r: ʾīt-(h)wā dēn l-madnḥā mennāh da-qrītā hāy ayk mīlā ḥad nahrā d-metqrē-(h)wā Qaṣr. w-ʾīt-(h)wā ʿlaw(hy) tellā ḥad d-metqrē (h)wā Tellā d-Ṭūrqāyē. w-etḥaššab Theodoros dnebnē lhon ʿal tellā dayrā. 51 52

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NISIBIS – MAY GOD SAVE US FROM HER SCORPIONS! 54

The history of Nisibis before the Muslim Arab Conquest has been discussed at some length by previous scholars, especially regarding its strategic importance during the Roman-Persian Wars from the third to the beginning of the seventh centuries and regarding the famous East Syrian School of Nisibis. 55 The city is situated at the foot of Mt. Izla, protecting the city’s northern flank, along the Hirmās (Jaghjagh) river, just as it begins to flow down into the Khabur basin. The gorge from which the Hirmās flows is known as bālūṣā, according to al-Iṣṭakhrī. This toponym was most likely an Arabic rendering of the Syriac name Bēt Aluṣā, mentioned as the birthplace of Abbā Sallārā (d. 664), the abbot (rēš dayrā) for both the Monastery of Mar Awgīn and of Mar Yoḥannān Ṭayyāyā. 56 From 363 to its capture in 639–40, Nisibis was the capital of the Sasanian province Arbāyistān (Syr. Bēt ʿArbāyē) and was administered by a marzbān. 57 The late antique city and its immediate hinterland is now mostly covered by the twin cities of Nusaybin and Qāmishlī, which straddle the modern Turkish-Syrian border. Because of the precarious location, no systematic archaeological investigation has yet been undertaken beyond recent

Muqaddasī, p. 140: wa-naʿūdhu bi-llāh min ʿaqāribihā. Dillemann, Haute Mésopotamie orientale, pp. 68ff.; Vööbus, History of the School of Nisibis; Fiey, Nisibe; Lightfoot, ‘Fact and Fiction - The Third Siege of Nisibis, AD 350’; Russel, ‘Nisibis as the Background’; Becker, Fear of God and the Beginning of Wisdom; Palermo, ‘Nisibis, Capital of the Province of Mesopotamia’. 56 Iṣṭakhrī, 73: wa-makhraj māʾihā min shiʿb jabal yuʿrafu bi-bālūṣā wahuwa anzah makān bihā ḥattā yanbasiṭa fī basātīnihā wa-mazāriʿihā; cf. Life of Abbā Sallārā and his Mother Elishbaʿ, fol. 160v: Abbā Sallārā men atrā da-Nṣībīn ʾītaw(hy) qrītā da-šmeh Bēt Alūṣā. 57 Synodicon Orientale, pp. 526–529, 532–537; Chronicle of Seert, 2.32, 2.75 (Histoire nestorienne, ed. and trans. Scher, pp. 176, 515); Morony, ‘Administrative Geography’, pp. 6–10; Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, pp. 129–31. 54 55

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excavations at the Church of Mar Yaʿqob, bishop of Nisibis. 58 As a result, we do not have direct evidence either of the city’s layout or of how it changed over centuries. After his successful farming venture with the Lower-Monastery at Sīrwān, Simeon expanded his operation to the city of Nisibis and its immediate hinterland. Besides Simeon’s olive-fame, his projects at Nisibis can be considered his most memorable venture, since it is the only event from the Life mentioned in historical chronicles. The Chronicle to 819 records for the year 1018 AG (707–8) that Mar Simeon, while bishop of Harran, completed the construction of a Syrian Orthodox church in Nisibis, while he himself managed all of its expenses and losses (napqātā w-ḥūsrānē da-ʿleh). 59 Since we know that Simeon was at Sīrwān around 683 and was ordained the bishop of Harran in 700, Simeon would have likely begun his real estate venture in Nisibis during the reorganization of northern Mesopotamia into an Umayyad province (called ‘the Jazīra’) in the 690s while Muḥammad ibn Marwān was its governor. This plus the fact that the Church of the East was without clear leadership following the rift between the catholicos Ḥnānishōʿ I and John, bishop of Nisibis, 60 meant that Simeon could not have had any more perfect timing to begin his venture at Nisibis and Sīrwān. Chase Robinson has convincingly argued that Umayyad administration of the Jazīra did not become fully manifest until Muḥammad ibn Marwān was chosen as governor over the Jazīra by his brother ʿAbd al-Malik in 73 AH (692–93) following his victory in the second civil war against Ibn al-Zubayr. At the same time, we begin to see ʿAbd al-Malik’s Caliphal–Image coin series (more famously known as the Standing–Caliph series) minted at

Sarre and Herzfeld, Archäologische Reise im Euphrat und Tigris Gebiet, pp. 339ff.; Dalkılıç and Halifeoğlu, ‘Nusaybin’deki kültür varlıklarının değerlendirilmesi ve koruma önerileri’; Keser-Kayaalp and Erdoğan, ‘The Cathedral Complex at Nisibis’. 59 Chronicle to 819, p. 14; Palmer et. al., The Seventh Century, p. 79. 60 On this rift see the concluding section to ch. 1 above. 58

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Harran and Edessa (al-Ruhā). 61 It is not until 92 AH (710–11) that we have a sporadic minting of aniconic copper coins (fals) at Nisibis. The minting of these coins likely coincided with Maslama ibn ʿAbd al-Malik’s census (taʿdīl) of the Jazīra. The Chronicle to 819 states that ‘Maslama dispatched officials through the whole of Mesopotamia and they measured the lands and counted the vineyards, crops, animals and people; and he hung lead seals on the necks of everyone’. 62 There are no other coins from the Umayyad period, as far as we know, that specified Nisibis as a mint. Following the Muslim Arab Conquest of the Jazīra in 18/639–40, led by the general ʿIyāḍ b. Ghanm al-Fihrī, the administrative organization of northern Mesopotamia during these formative years is unclear. Conquest accounts generally agree that Nisibis was taken by peace treaty (ṣulḥ) under the same terms and conditions as al-Ruhā (Edessa), but was not initially organized under the same provincial (ajnād) system as in the Levant (Bilād al-Shām). 63 Michael Morony has argued that Nisibis was the administrative center for the Sasanian district of Arbāyistān, which survived into the Abbasid period as the center for the Diyār Rabīʿa district of the Jazīra. However, the majority of Morony’s evidence to support this survival derives from Abbasid-period Ibn al-Athīr, Kāmil, IV.361; Balādhurī, Futūḥ, p. 200; Bates, ‘The Coinage of Syria under the Umayyads, pp. 692–750 AD’, p. 90 n.5; Robinson, Empire and Elites, p. 53; Bone, The Administration of Umayyad Syria, pp. 124–126, 259; Heidemann, ‘Settlement Patterns, Economic Development and Archaeological Coin Finds in Bilad al-Sham’, pp. 499–500.; There were only a few die cuts responsible for the Caliphal-Image coins from al-Ruhā and Harran. Interestingly, some features on the coins share similarities with contemporary coins minted in the jund Filasṭīn (see Schulze and Schulze, ‘The Standing Caliph Coins of Al-Jazira’, p. 349). 62 Chronicle to 819, p. 15: šaddar Maslamā amīrē b-kullāh Gzīrtā. wa-mšaḥw arʿātā wa-mnaw karmē w-neṣbātā w-qenyānē wa-bnaynāšā. wa-tlaw ṭabʿē dabārā ba-qdālā d-kullnāš; Hoyland, Theophilus of Edessa’s Chronicle, p. 317. See also, Robinson, ‘Neck-Sealing in Early Islam’. 63 Balādhurī, Futūḥ, p. 176; Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīkh, II.172; There are some traditions that say the terms were the same as al-Raqqa (Kallinikos). But these traditions are likely later interpolations under the ʿAbbasid caliph Hārūn al-Rashīd, when the twin cities al-Raqqa and al-Rafīqa were his Caliphal residence. 61

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sources. There is one passing reference in the Chronicle of Khuzistan (wr. ca. 660s) to an anonymous governor/general of Nisibis (amirā da-mdīttā) in its account of the death of Cyriacus, the Metropolitan bishop of Nisibis. The chronicle does not, however, provide a specific date for his death, but it is inferred that he died after 640, though still during the patriarchate of Ishoʿyahb II of Gdālā (628–45). I, therefore, find it problematic to translate amīrā da-mdīttā here as a ‘governor,’ since the city had just been conquered (if not the very same year) and suggests that a complex administrative apparatus had already been in place. Rather, the text is likely referring to an Arab Muslim military general, who stayed there following the city’s conquest or possibly even ʿIyāḍ b. Ghanm himself. 64 Simeon’s Life corroborates this picture of the early administrative structure of the Jazīra during the late seventh century. If we look at §51, the Life describes Muḥammad ibn Marwān as being given command over all of Bēt Nahrīn (i.e. northern Mesopotamia) and Ṭūr ʿAbdīn while holding authority in Harran (wa-hwā pqīd ʿal kulleh bēt nahrīn w-ʿal kulleh Ṭūr ʿAbdīn šallīṭ-(h)wā bḤarrān). This, I believe, further solidifies the argument that the Jazīra was not administratively subdivided into the diyār of Muḍar, Rabīʿa, or Bakr during the Umayyad period. Rather, the Jazīra was its own administrative unit with its center in Harran, created by ʿAbd al-Malik in the early 690s. As regards Simeon’s building activities at Nisibis, the Life is quite specific about where within the city Simeon bought and developed properties. At the center, the church of Mar Theodore is used as a reference point. Here is a list of Simeon’s acquisitions from the Life:

Morony, ‘Administrative Geography’, pp. 6–10; Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, p. 351.; Chronicle of Khuzistan, p. 31; Chronicle of Seert, 2.100 (Histoire nestorienne, ed. and trans. Scher, p. 599). The Chronicle of Khuzistan does not mention ʿIyāḍ b. Ghanm by name. In one of the few narratives detailing the conquest of Nisibis, Ibn al-Aʿthām al-Kūfī recorded ʿIyāḍ b. Ghanm staying at Nisibis for a full year after seizing the city (Futūḥ, pp. 259–60). This passage is also preserved in the beginning of Ibn al-Azraq’s Taʾrīkh Mayyāfāriqīn wa-l-ʾĀmid, fol. 7r.

64

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• • • •

• • •

71

The Monastery of Mar Elīshāʿ outside of Nisibis’ eastern gate (§27 / §48) 65 o Provided with 5 mill-stones and 3 orchards A hostel was built south of the above monastery (§28) The Church of Mar Theodore the Martyr, built in the eastern district (§37) A Congregational mosque (masgdā rabbā), built ‘nextdoor’ (ʿal gebbāh) to the church (§44) He renovated the Monastery of Yāldat Alāhā and Monastery of Mart Febronia, located west of the church (§45) The Monastery of Mar Dimeṭ, built southwest of the church (§46) Mill-house, built northeast of the church and attached to the city wall with its own entrance (§ 47) Bath houses (Gk. balaneia) for the Monastery of Mar Elishāʿ (§48) 66

In addition, the Mujādalat Abī Qūrrah mentions a few buildingrelated items by Simeon that do not appear in the Syriac Life: 67 • ‘He endowed the church and the mosque with six shops each’ • He erected two mill-stones in a single building at the headwaters of the Hirmās river. Historical references to the spatial layout of the city are unfortunately sparse beyond Simeon’s Life. In Medieval Arabic and Persian geographic works any indication of the city’s plan is only The Life does not initially provide the name of the stylite monastery outside of Nisibis in §27. Later in §59, the text mentions that Mar Jovian was enclosed at the Monastery of Mar Elīshāʿ, which is not mentioned earlier. I believe there is reason to assume that these two are the same monastery. 66 It is unclear where exactly these bath-houses are located. If the monastery of Mar Elishāʿ is just outside the city walls, were the baths also outside of the city? The verb used here, ‘he bestowed’ (šakken), adds further ambiguity to any spatial inference. 67 Edited and translated in Appendix 2 below, section 4, where this text is also discussed. 65

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briefly described. The late 10th century geographer al-Muqaddasī mentions that the city’s market spanned from one gate to the other. Since the main trading highway passed through Nisibis from Mosul towards Rēshʿaynā, there is reason to assume that alMuqaddasī was referring to the city’s east and west gate. In addition, there was a fortified structure (ḥiṣn) made of stone and plaster (kils) that was elevated within the city, and the (congregational) mosque was placed in the city center. 68 This observation is confirmed by Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī (wr. ca. 900), who wrote: 69 At that point, ʿIyāḍ moved from his position towards Nisibis since the Romans who faced him had fled and sought refuge in the citadel of Nisibis. He ordered the army to blockade the town at its four sides. It (the city) has four gates: the first is named the ‘Mountain–Gate’, the second is the ‘Market–Gate’, the third is the ‘Sinjār–Gate’, and the fourth is the ‘Roman– Gate’.

The gates named above are listed in order respectively from North, East, South, and West. The Persian poet Mustawfī Qazvīnī in the fourteenth century calculated that the circumference of the city walls was 6,500 paces (gām), which roughly equates to 4.8 km. 70 With these details, we can begin to hypothesize the city’s spatial layout during the Early Islamic period. Thanks to the CORONA and KH-7 satellite images taken during the 1960s and 70s, Muqaddasī, Aḥsan al-taqāsīm, p. 140. Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī, Futūḥ, p. 258. ʿinda dhālika intaqala ʿIyāḍ min makānihi wa-sāra naḥwa Naṣībīn fa-farra l-Rūm man amāmahu wa-iltajāʾū ilā qalʿat Naṣībīn. wa-amara l-jaysh bi-muḥāṣarat al-balad min jihātihā larbaʿ wa-kāna lahā arbaʿat abwāb, yusammā l-bāb al-awwal bawwābat aljabal, wa-l-thānī bawwābat al-sūq, wa-l-thālith bawwābat Sinjār, wa-l-rābiʿ bawwābat al-Rūm. By the thirteenth century, Ibn Shaddād (al-Aʿlāq alkathīra, III.126) notes that one of the gates was called the ‘Gate of the Protector’ (bāb al-Nāṣir), where there was the tomb of Jubayr b. Isḥāq. I believe this would correspond with the bawwābat al-sūq in Ibn Aʿtham’s Futūḥ. 70 Mustawfī, Nozhat al-qolūb, pp. 125–26: dōr-e bārūy-aš šešhezār ō pānsad gām ast. Keser-Kayaalp and Erdoğan, ‘The Cathedral Complex at Nisibis’, p. 138. 68 69

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we have a high resolution visual of modern Nusaybin before large-scale urban development and further militarization of the Turkish-Syrian border (Fig. 2). From this image we have a clear view of wall-like structures surrounding the modern town. 71 They can be distinguished by the mounded earth on the southern side of the city running W-E and hugging the western bank of the Jaghjagh River N-S on the southern side. Within the city walls, the bright white areas represent the high reflectivity of anthropogenic sediments in the soil. From there, we can map out distinct habitation zones within the unoccupied areas of the modern town.

Fig. 2: Aerial image of Nusaybin (KH-7 Mission 4022, October 1st, 1965) The use of CORONA imagery for Nisibis was used in Palermo, ‘Nisibis, Capital of the Province of Mesopotamia’, pp. 469–70. but with limited analysis. Palermo’s article uses a CORONA 1102–1025F image. There is, however, higher resolution imagery available and missions that are more ideal for assessing anthrosols. The KH-7 image here was taken 2 years prior with a higher resolution camera (~ 2–4 ft). For a table critiquing the strengths and weaknesses of CORONA missions see Ur, Tell Hamoukar, 41.

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Simeon’s ambitious construction projects at Nisibis were unprecedented in this part of the Jazīra for the West Syrian (Miaphysite) Church, which, since Shābūr II’s capture of Nisibis in 363, had little to no ecclesiastical–administrative presence in the city itself. It is not until 631 when we have a brief mention of a certain Abraham, (West Syrian) bishop of Nisibis, who consecrated the Patriarch Yoḥannān of the Sedrē (630–48). Abraham of Nisibis was likely appointed following Heraclius’ reconquest of northern Mesopotamia, but the seat was never filled again until Philoxenos of Nisibis in 795. 72 Nevertheless, contest of physical territory between rival confessions was not anything new in northern Mesopotamia. Since the founding of Abraham of Kashkar’s monastery on Mt. Izla, there are a number of accounts of East Syrian monks setting out to establish schools and monasteries in areas predominantly composed of Miaphysite, Chalcedonian, and other sects. 73 Yet, what makes Simeon’s Life significant is the time frame when he began his career, and the cultural milieu of Nisibis and the Upper Khabur basin. Clearly the Life acted as a precedent and legitimization for the Monastery of Qartmin’s presence outside of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn. It directly engages with the social milieu of the former Sasanian province of Arbāyistān in order to legitimize the Monastery of Qartmin’s expansion into the region. Economically, Nisibis was still heavily tied to the former Sasanian heartland in lower Iraq and Fars. A silver coin hoard from modern Qāmishlī dating to 200 AH (815–16) contained 255 Sasanian-era coins. Although this particular hoard was not found within a controlled archaeological context, there is a hoard at Tell Tuneinir, from the monastic complex, which was properly excavated, that dates to 225 AH (839–40). This hoard is currently unpublished but corroborates the high-use of silver denominations in the Khabur Basin during the Early Islamic period. Within the Chronique de Michel le syrien, 491 (XII.6); Bar Hebraeus, EH, I col. 275; Life of Gabriel of Qartmin, lxxxvii, mentions a certain Epiphanius, bishop of Nisibis, who attended the funeral of Mar Gabriel of Qartmin, though the historicity of this bishop is very questionable. Fiey, Nisibe, p. 63; Hage, Die syrisch-jakobitische Kirche in frühislamischer Zeit, p. 103. 73 For a list of examples see Jullien, ‘The Great Monastery at Mount Izla’, pp. 59–61. 72

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hoard an Arab–Sasanian coin of the Khusrow II–type minted at Bishapur in AH 38 (658–59) and a silver dirham minted at alWāsiṭ in 121 AH (738) were found. 74 Stefan Heidemann has concluded that Sasanian coins were not driven out of the market like the Byzantine solidi in the Levant during the mid-seventh century. Furthermore, there is a papyrus in the Khalili collection (P. Khalili 6) that likely came from the Upper Tigris region around Amid, dating to 240 AH (854–55) and that contains a list of expenditures of an East Syrian monastic community, all of which are listed in dirhams. 75 This numismatic afterlife of the Sasanian Empire finds some reflection in the social sphere. The Persian elite continued to have a significant and powerful presence in Nisibis and its hinterland. The character Peroz, the ‘ruler’ (malkā) of Nisibis in the Life of Simeon, could be an indication of the continued power of Persian administrators in the city. At the tail end of the second Muslim civil war, a Perso-Christian physician named Mardanshāh was installed as administrator of Nisibis in return for helping Muḥammad ibn Marwān take back the city from a rebel faction. That did not last long, however, when ʿAbd al-Malik had him imprisoned and his brother crucified in Harran. 76 This ‘Peroz’, if we assume some historical kernel of truth to his presence in the Life of Simeon and not just an allusion to a former Sasanian emperor of the same name, could then be Mardanshāh’s replacement following the abrupt termination of his political (and medical) career.

High resolution photographs of the coins are available online at http://users.stlcc.edu/mfuller/Area9ArtifactsCoins.html. The website was last updated on 2 November, 2011. The author of the webpage states that the Arab–Sasanian coin was minted in 28 AH. This is likely a typo, since the Pahlavi text on the coin’s reverse clearly reads 38 (HŠTSYH) instead of HŠTWYST. See Walker, A Catalogue of the Arab-Sasanian Coins, p. 17, Pl. III.10., for a parallel from Bishapur also minted in 38 AH. 75 Khan, Arabic Papyri: Selected Material from the Khalili Collection, pp. 84– 91. 76 Mārī b. Sulayman, Majdal, p. 64; Morony, ‘Administrative Geography’, 9; id., Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, 131. 74

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CONCLUSION

The Life of Simeon is unusual in the degree to which a holy man is portrayed as being engaged in agriculture and property development, but such activities are by no means absent from other hagiographical texts. It was, and still is, quite common for monasteries in northern Mesopotamia to manage agricultural fields. 77 Discussion of the economic function of monasteries, not just in the late antique Near East, is, consequently, nothing new. The monasteries of the Egyptian and Judaean deserts, for example, have received excellent attention through both archaeological investigations and the compilation of hagiographic texts. The same can undoubtedly be said for the monasteries of the Latin West. 78 Farming and church construction are familiar topoi in hagiographic literature since as early as Late Antiquity. 79 These activities were also key programs for a monastery’s constant supply of revenue. One small example, in the late tenth century, is the Monastery of Mar Yūḥannā outside of Tikrit, which was described as having ‘agricultural lands, numerous crops, gardens, and vineyards’ as well as its never-ending hospitality. 80 As one might expect, then, Simeon was not the only monk farming in the Upper Khabur during the seventh century. The Life of Abbā Sallārā notes that the monasteries of Mar Awgīn and Mar Yoḥannān Ṭayyāyā, located on the hillsides just north of Nisibis, also owned farmland in the plains below and leased it out to local One unfortunate example comes from the ‘History of Mar Narsai, bishop of Shennā’ in Thomas of Marga’s Historia Monastica, p. 295: ‘Now when his companions were with the cenobites, he (Narsai) was shaking down the olives from the large orchard of the monastic community. While he went up into one of the trees, he fell down (landing) between the branches. His testicles then were crushed’. 78 Patrich, ‘Monastic Landscapes’; Kreiner, The Social Life of Hagiography in the Merovingian Kingdom; Blanke, An Archaeology of Egyptian Monasticism; Schenke, ‘Monastic Control over Agriculture and Farming’. 79 For a general survey of Byzantine hagiography see Brenk, ‘Monasteries as Rural Settlements’, pp. 455–60; Talbot, ‘A Monastic World’, pp. 268– 73; Kaplan, ‘Economy and Society in Byzantine Hagiography’. 80 Shābushtī, Diyārāt, p. 171: wa-lahu mazāriʿ wa-ghallāt kathīra wabasātīn wa-kurūm. 77

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inhabitants and pastoral Arabs. 81 And a judgement by Ḥnānīshoʿ I, dating to 69 AH (689), discusses a complaint made by a certain Qardāgh, the abbot of the Monastery of Abraham of Kashkar on Mt. Izla, against the brothers of the previous abbot, who refuse to relinquish their hold on property that belonged to the monastery. Ḥnānīshoʿ defines the property as either any ‘houses, goods, mills, a vineyard or farmland’ and that it should be returned to the monastery. 82 Among the monasteries that have been excavated in northern Syria, many of them have been found to be comprised of multiple structures dedicated to crafts and agricultural products. To my knowledge, the monastery found at Tell Tuneinir is the only one within the Khabur basin to have been systematically excavated and published so far. 83 Located at the confluence of the Khabur and Hirmās rivers, south of modern al-Ḥasaka, Tell Tuneinir is a large–mounded archaeological site that has evidence of occupation from approximately 2700 BCE to 1400 CE, covering a total area of 40 ha. Located roughly 200 m south of the central mound, the monastery of Tell Tuneinir was first constructed out of limestone and dates to the fifth-sixth century. From then until the fifteenth century the monastery was actively occupied and received multiple renovations during that time. The monastic complex is comprised of three main areas: the church (Area 9), pottery and wine-production workshop (Area 10), and monastic cells (Area

Life of Abbā Sallārā and his Mother Elishbaʿ, fol. 198v/p. 434: w-ʾīt-(h)wā dēn gabrā ḥad ṭayyāyā men bēt mār pāpā qrītā w-zāraʿ-(h)wā kull šnā bašnā b-ḥaqlā d-Mār Yoḥannān tḥūtawhy dīleh d-ʿūmrā (‘There then was an Arab man from the village Bēt Mar Fāfā (Kfarbe); each year he farmed on the lower field belonging to the Monastery of Mar Yoḥannān’). 82 Ḥnānīshoʿ I, Judgements, p. 6: bātē aw qenyānē aw rḥāwātā aw karmā aw arʿā d-bēt zarʿā… l-dayrā d-abūn netpannē. Cf. Simonsohn, A Common Justice, pp. 148–49. 83 For a general review of monastic archaeology in northern Syria see Patrich, ‘Monastic Landscapes’; for Tell Tuneinir see Fuller and Fuller, ‘Continuity and Change in the Syriac Population at Tell Tuneinir, Syria’; eid., ‘Archaeological Discoveries at Tell Tuneinir’; eid. and Baghdo, ‘The Churches at Tell Tuneinir and Tell Hassake’. 81

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11). 84 Pottery found from Area 10 was produced on site and is not found anywhere else at Tell Tuneinir. A number of Syriac ostraca were discovered, detailing the wines sold by the monks. 85 The archaeological material from Tell Tuneinir is exceptionally fruitful, providing a unique example of how the ‘Lower–Monastery’ at Sīrwān might well have functioned. Although Syriac hagiographic literature has yet to be assessed for its full potential in regard to northern Mesopotamia, there are a few scholarly works that indicate the tides are changing: a reassessment of hagiographical literature has begun to be undertaken while maintaining a focus on the natural landscape pertaining to these texts. 86 It is hoped that this chapter and my forthcoming thesis make further progress in this direction.

Fuller and Fuller, ‘Archaeological Discoveries at Tell Tuneinir’, pp. 72– 74. The architectural plans, artifacts, and unpublished reports can be found online at https://users.stlcc.edu/mfuller/tuneinir/ 85 These ostraca are currently being analyzed by myself and Andrew Palmer for publication. I would like to thank Michael and Neathery Fuller very much for generously sharing their photographs of the ostraca from Tell Tuneinir. 86 Villagomez, ‘The Fields, Flocks, and Finances of Monks: Economic Life at Nestorian Monasteries, 500–850’; Hull, ‘A Spatial and Morphological Analysis of Monastic Sites’; Payne, ‘Monks, Dinars and Date Palms: Hagiographical Production and the Expansion of Monastic Institutions in the early Islamic Persian Gulf’; Nováček et al., Medieval Urban Landscape in Northeastern Mesopotamia; Nováček and Wood, ‘The Monastic Landscape of Adiabene’. 84

CHAPTER 4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION EDITION BY ROBERT HOYLAND AND KYLE BRUNNER TRANSLATION BY SEBASTIAN BROCK

This edition makes use of the following manuscripts: P = Ms. Paris syr. 375, fols. 152r–210r, dated 1879. M = Ms. Mardin, Church of the Forty Martyrs 8/259, fols. 105r–127r, dated 1916. A = Transcription of Ms. Midyat, Syrian Orthodox Church of Mar Barṣawmā, pp. 298-360, by Nu‘man Aydın in 1955 (and photographed by Andrew Palmer) P is used as the base manuscript and variants from M and A are given in the footnotes. 1 P and M are almost identical and most of the variants are from A. These do not appear to reflect a different tradition from P and M, 2 but rather consist of ‘corrections’ (such as making verbs plural that have plural subjects), simplifications, omissions and amplifications. There is one other manuscript that Except very minor variants that do not affect the sense. Note that abbreviations in the manuscripts have been written out in full below and punctuation has been limited to full stops, which follow their positioning in the English translation to make moving between the Syriac and English texts easier. 2 Pace Tannous, ‘Life of Simeon’, p. 311 n. 15 (reprinted in ch. 2 above). Indeed, there are some hints that A is copied from M (for example, see nn. 38, 42, 76, 91, 126, 173-74, 178 and 197 in this chapter). 1

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may contain the Life of Simeon, namely Ms. Damascus 9/16, but I have been unable to verify this. 3 The translation below was made some time ago by Sebastian Brock and he kindly allowed me to use it for this volume. I have kept it as it is, including his paragraph numbering, bar some very minor tweaks and the addition of some explanatory notes, cross-references to other chapters in this volume and a few key publications. 4

§§1–8

§§8–10 §§11

§§12 §§13–18

§§13+19–21 §§22–23 §§24–25 §§26–30

CONTENTS

Boyhood of Simeon at the Abbey of Qartmin

Simeon establishes a satellite monastery near Sīrwān The Persians invade Ṭūr ‘Abdīn

The Persian general Shahrbaraz falls ill and is cured by Simeon

Account of the Fort of Demetrius/Haytūm

Shahrbaraz goes hunting with Simeon’s nephew David who finds treasure

With his treasure David funds Simeon’s agricultural projects

Simeon heals a man from ‘Arbuba and a church is built in commemoration

Simeon goes to Nisibis and undertakes building works

Ibid., pp. 310–11. It was copied by Aphram Barsaum, probably from M (the Mardin ms.). Note that Tannous thought that Dolabani used yet another manuscript, ‘the whereabouts of which are currently unknown’. However, this is only because Tannous misread the date of M as b-r-k (2220 AG = 1908–9) and not b-r-k-z (2227 AG =1915–16). Since Dolabani says that he relied upon a manuscript copied in 1916, it seems very likely that he relied upon M (see also n. 171 below). 4 The ‘minor tweaks’ are mostly due to the fact that Brock used M and A for his translation, whereas this edition is based on P. Note that round brackets are used for words not represented in the Syriac manuscripts but necessary to complete the sense. 3

4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION §§31–36 §§37–39 §§40–41 §§42–43 §§44–48 §§49–57

§§58–66 §§67–72 §§73–79

§§80–81 §§82–85 §§86–87

81

Simeon goes to Baghdad and debates before the caliph

Simeon begins to build a church in Nisibis despite Nestorian opposition

Simeon seeks help from the headman George of Anḥel against the Nestorians

Simeon cures a woman named Kūmī and this persuades George to help him

Simeon completes numerous buildings in Nisibis, including a mosque

Simeon is consecrated bishop of Harran

Simeon twice flees from his episcopal job and goes into hiding

The actions of Simeon as bishop of Harran and the western region

Simeon deals with insurrectionaries at Bar Kalbe

Simeon solves the case of the two Abrahams and the stolen money

Simeon’s third and fourth visits to Qartmin and his improvements to it

The benefactions to Qartmin of Simeon’s nephew David

§§88+90

Simeon’s achievements and his great renown

§93

The renown and benefactions of some of Simeon’s disciples

§89+ 91–93

The achievements of Simeon’s nephew David and of his own nephews

§§91+94

Simeon’s preparations for his death

§§101–4

The composition and transmission of the Life of Simeon

§§95–100

Simeon’s death and funeral and posthumous miracles and prayers

82

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

Next we shall write down the narrative concerning the holy and exalted-among-the-elect Mar Simeon of the Olives, who was from the famous kastron 5 of Habsenus, in the region of the Maḥlamāyē. 6 1.

Next, my beloved brethren, we will inform you of the story of the glorious and elect Mar Simeon of the Olives, seeing that in his youth he received his monastic training in the holy Abbey 7 of Mar Samuel, Mar Simeon and Mar Gabriel. 8 When, in accordance with God’s will, the young boy grew up, God gave him grace, and he was beloved by everyone, thanks to the beauty and knowledge with which God had endowed him.

2.

His father brought him to the teacher attached to their village church, and so he learnt how to write, and he began on the study of the divine Scriptures. When he reached the age of ten his father brought him to the holy Abbey of Mar Simeon of Qartmin so that he might study in the monastic school, following the custom that had long been in practice throughout the whole of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn.

A has ‘village’, though this is probably a modern ‘simplification’ rather than an earlier reading. The Byzantine Greek term kastron becomes more common from the seventh century onwards, reflecting changes in urban organization after the Muslim conquests, both in the Islamic and Byzantine worlds. It often signifies an administrative center with a strong building of some kind to serve as shelter in times of trouble. See Dunn, ‘The Transition from Polis to Kastron’; Kazhdan, ‘Polis and Kastron’. 6 On this term see Barsaum, Tur Abdin, pp. 119–20. 7 ‘Ūmrā is always used to refer to the monastery of Qartmin and dayrā is employed for all other monastic establishments; to reflect this distinction, the former will always be translated here by ‘abbey’ and the latter by ‘monastery’. 8 These three ‘founding fathers’ of Qartmin Abbey are the subject of a hagiographical text that Andrew Palmer has dubbed the Qartmin Trilogy (see Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, pp. 13–18). 5

‫‪83‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܒܓܒܝܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫]‪ [P152r; M105r; A298‬ܬܘܒ ܟܬܒܝܢܢ ܬܫܥܝܬܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܪܡ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܕܗܘ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܡܢ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ ܩܐܣܬܪܐ ‪ 9‬ܡܫܡܗܬܐ ܒܬܚܘܡ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܡܚܠܡܝܐ܀‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ܡܘܕܥܝܢܢ ܠܟܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܘܚܒܝܒܝ ܫܪܒܗ ܕܢܨܝܚܐ ܓܒܝܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܚܝ‬ ‫ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܡܛܠ ܕܒܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܘܐܝܠ ܘܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ܘܐܬܬܠܡܕ ܡܪܝ ]‪ [P152v‬ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܒܛܠܝܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܨܒܐ‬ ‫�ܗܐ ܘܝܪܒ ܛܠܝܐ ܝܗܒ ܠܗ �ܗܐ ܛܝܒܘܬܐ ܘܐܬܪܚܡ ܡܢ ܟ�ܢܫ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܫܘܦܪܐ ܘܝܕܥܬܐ ܕܫܟܢ ܠܗ �ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪F‬‬

‫‪1‬‬

‫‪2‬‬

‫ܘܐܘܒܠܗ ܐܒܘܗܝ ܠܘܬ ܡ�ܦܢܐ ܕܒܥܕܬܐ ܕܩܪܝܬܗܘܢ ܘܝܠܦ ܟܬܝܒܬܐ ‪ 10‬ܘܫܪܝ‬ ‫ܡܬܗܓܐ ̈‬ ‫ܒܟܬܒܐ �ܗ�̈ܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܡܛܐ ܠܩܘܡܬܐ ܕܥܣܪ ̈ܫܢܝܢ ܐܘܒܠܗ ܐܒܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܩܪܛܡܝܢܝܐ ܕܢܐܠܦ ܒܒܝܬ ܝܘܠܦܢܐ ܕܕܝ�ܝܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܢܡܘܣܐ ܕܩܕܝܡ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܟܠܗ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܩܪܝܬܐ‬

‫ܚܒܣܢܘܣ ‪Latin: castrum; Greek: kastron. A:‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܩܪܝܢܐ ܘܟܬܝܒܬܐ ‪A:‬‬

‫‪9‬‬

‫‪10‬‬

84

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

(According to this custom) every male child born in the entire region around the Abbey was brought by his parents, at the age of ten or more, so that once he had received instruction at the monastic school, he might subsequently become, should he so wish, either a monk or a secular priest. 3.

As we have explained in the narrative concerning Mar Gabriel, the bishop and superior of the Abbey of Qartmin, on the seventh day of the funeral rites for Mar Gabriel, 11 (due to) the great throng of people, the boy fell and was trampled, and (consequently) died from suffocation. His parents and all the people were filled with grief for him.

4.

Since it was at the moment of the reception of the Divine Mysteries that the boy Simeon was suffocated, the priests, once they saw that the boy had passed away, returned the Eucharist to the altar before they had given Communion to the people. The entire people stood in prayer, weeping and lamenting as they cried out in supplication and with heart-felt tears before God. The ten bishops, the priests, the monks and all the people kept crying out saying ‘Lord, have mercy upon us’.

5.

They laid the boy on the bier of Mar Gabriel and persevered in prayer as they supplicated God and the holy Mar Gabriel. All the congregation was lined up in rows, as they made supplication on the boys’ behalf, calling upon the saint to help them. All of a sudden, at God’s behest and by the prayers of the holy Mar Gabriel, the young Simeon leapt up and arose as though from sleep, without any harm done to him. All the people were amazed and gave praise to God at the resuscitation of the boy, alive and well, which they had beheld.

On the date of Gabriel’s death, plausibly 648 CE, see Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 157. Note that the scribe implies that he had also copied out the Life of Gabriel, which includes this incident of the death and resurrection of a youth (see Appendix 1 below).

11

‫‪85‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܕܟܠ ܒܪܐ ܕܟܪܐ ܕܡܬܝܠܕ ܗܘܐ ܒܟܠܗ ]‪ [P153r‬ܐܬܪܐ ܕܚܕ�ܝ ]‪ [A299‬ܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܙܒܢܐ ܕܥܣܪ ̈ܫܢܝܢ ܘܠܥܠ ܟܕ ܡܬܬܝܬܐ ܛܠܝܐ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܒܗܘܗܝ ܕܟܕ ܝܠܦ‬ ‫ܒܒܝܬ ܝܘܠܦܢܐ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܘܒܬܪܟܢ ܐܢ ܨܒܐ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܪܝܐ ܗܘܐ ܐܘ ܩܫܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܒܥܠܡܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬

‫ܐܟܡܐ ܕܚܘܝܢܢ ܒܬܫܥܝܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܘܪܝܫ ܕܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܛܡܝܢ ܘܒܝܘܡܐ ‪ 12‬ܫܒܝܥܝܐ ܕܬܫܡܫܬܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ‬ ‫ܚܒ�ܐ ܕܥܡܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܢܦܠ ‪ 13‬ܛܠܝܐ ܘܐܬܕܝܫ ܘܐܬܚܢܩ ܘܡܝܬ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܬܥܝܩܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܒܗܘܗܝ ܘܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܛܠ ܕܥܕܢܐ ܕܡܣܒܐ ܕ�ܐܙܐ �ܗ�̈ܐ ܗܘܐ ܐܬܚܢܩ ܛܠܝܐ ]‪ [P153v‬ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܚܙܘ ̈‬ ‫ܟܗܢܐ ܕܥܢܕ ܛܠܝܐ ܐܗܦܟܘ ܗܘܘ ܩܘܪܒܢܐ ܠܡܕܒܚܐ ܡܢ ܩܕܡ ܕܢܫܬܘܬܦ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܥܡܐ‪ .‬ܘܩܡܘ ܒܨܠܘܬܐ ܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܘܒܟܐ ܘܐܝܠܘ ܘܩܥܘ ܟܕ ܡܬܟܫܦܝܢ ܒܕܡܥܐ‬ ‫ܚܢܝ̈ܓܬܐ ܩܕܡ �ܗܐ‪ .‬ܐܬܟܢܫܘ ܐܦܝ̈ܣܩܘܦܐ ̄ܝ‪̈ 14 .‬‬ ‫ܘܟܗܢܐ ܘܕܝ�ܝܐ ܘܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ‬ ‫ܩܥܝܢ ]‪ [A300‬ܗܘܘ ܘܐܡܪܝܢ ܡܪܢ ܐܬܪܚܡ ܥܠܝܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪5‬‬

‫ܘܣܡܘܗܝ ܠܛܠܝܐ ܠܥܠ ܡܢ ܥܪܣܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ܘܐܓܪܘ ܒܨܠܘܬܐ ܟܕ‬ ‫ܡܨܠܝܢ ܘܒܥܝܢ ܡܢ �ܗܐ ܘܡܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ‪ .‬ܘܐܣܬܕܪ ܟܠܗ ܟܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܣܕ�ܝܢ ܣܕ�ܝܢ ܟܕ ܒܥܝܢ ܚܠܦ ܛܠܝܐ ]‪ [P154r‬ܘܩܪܝܢ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܠܥܘܕܪܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܨ�ܘܬܗ ‪ 15‬ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܫܝܠ ܐܝܟ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ܐܬܢܚܡ ܛܠܝܐ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܫܘܪ ܘܩܡ ܐܝܟ ܕܡܢ ܫܢܬܐ ܟܕ ܠܝܬ ܒܗ‬ ‫ܡܘܡܐ‪ .‬ܘܬܗܪ ܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܘܫܒܚ ‪� 16‬ܠܗܐ ܥܠ ܕܚܙܘ ܢܘܚܡܗ ܕܛܠܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܚܝܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪4‬‬

‫]‪[M105v‬‬

‫‪. Note that in all three mss the ‘t’ of Qartmin is, under‬ܘܟܕ ܒܝܘܡܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܬ ‪, as here, rather than by‬ܛ ‪Arabic influence, sometimes rendered by‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܗܘܐ ܘܢܦܠ ܛܠܝܐ ܫܡܥܘܢ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܥܣܪܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܒܝܕ ܨ�ܘܬܐ ‪; A:‬ܘܒܨܠܘܬܗ ‪M:‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܫܒܚܘ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬

86

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

6.

Since the boy had already been made a deacon, the priests laid the veil of the chalice (lit. Mysteries) on the arms of the boy Simeon, and they administered Communion to the entire people, who gave thanks and praise to God who had resuscitated the boy.

7.

The boy entered the (monastery) school and (eventually) became head of it, 17 thanks to his wisdom and knowledge. When he had finished the course of instruction in the three classes (lit. schools), he was trained to be head of the community. 18

8.

At the age of fifteen he was clothed with the holy monastic uniform. He became accomplished in the tenth grade that leads to perfection, proving extremely proficient in the excellent and exalted monastic profession, (living) for a certain time in the holy Abbey. Later he went and confined himself on a splendid column, tall and beautiful, situated in the lower monastery, belonging to the Abbey (of Qartmin), which had been built by earlier monks.

9.

The monastery was in the valley next to Sīrwān, 19 the ancient city that had been built by Shābūr, king of the Persians, 20 but which the Romans had subsequently destroyed during a war. Mar Simeon resided there on a column in this monastery, as we mentioned, together with many monks and agricultural workers from their Abbey of Qartmin, who also (came and) lived in this lower monastery (with Simeon).

Two terms are used here for school: bēt yūlpānā (lit. house of instruction) and eskūlā. 18 Following Andrew Palmer’s suggestion that qynn here = Greek koinon. 19 On this Sasanian frontier city, to the east of Nisibis, see ch. 3 above. 20 I.e. Shābūr II (309–79). Note that this sentence (‘The monastery…Persians’) is a relative clause in the Syriac (beginning d-īt hwā), the antecedent being ‘the lower monastery’ (at the end of §8). I have separated it from the rest of its sentence in the Syriac text to match it with Brock’s English translation. 17

‫‪87‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪6‬‬

‫ܘܡܛܠ ܕܡܫܡܫܢܐ ܥܒܝܕ ܗܘܐ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܛܠܝܐ ܣܡܘ ̈‬ ‫ܟܗܢܐ ܠܫܘܫܦܐ ܕ�ܐܙܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܕ�ܥܘܗܝ ܕܛܠܝܐ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܫܘܬܦܘ ܠܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܘܐܘܕܝ ܘܫܒܚ ‪� 21‬ܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܚܡܗ ܠܛܠܝܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪7‬‬

‫]‪[P154v‬‬

‫ܘܥܠ ܛܠܝܐ ܠܒܝܬ ]‪ [M106r‬ܝܘܠܦܢܐ ܘܗܘܐ ܪܝܫܐ �ܣܟܘܠܝ‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܚܟܡܬܗ ܘܝܕܥܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܫܠܡ ܛܟܣܐ ‪ 23‬ܕܝܘܠܦܢܗ ܒܬܠܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܣܟܘ �ܤ ]‪ [A301‬ܐܬܕܪܫ ܥܕܡܐ ܕܗܘܐ ܪܝܫ ܩܝܢܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܪ ̄‬ ‫ܝܗ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܠܒܫ ܐܣܟܝܡܐ ‪ 24‬ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܕܝܪܝܘܬܐ ܘܐܫܬܡܠܝ ܒܕܪܓܐ ܥܣܝܪܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܕܪܓ ܠܘܬ ܓܡܝܪܘܬܐ ܘܐܬܓܡܪ ܛܒ ܒܕܘܒ�ܐ ܡܝܬ�ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܡܥܠܝܐ ܕܕܝܪܝܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܒܓܘ ܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܙܒܢܐ ܝܕܝܥܐ‪ .‬ܒܬܪ ̇ܗܠܝܢ ܐܙܠ ܚܒܫ ܢܦܫܗ ܒܐܣܛܘܢܐ‬ ‫ܪܡܐ ܘܗܕܝܪܐ ܘܫܦܝܪܐ ܕܒܕܝܪܐ ܬܚܬܝܬܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܒܢܝܐ ܗܘܬ ܠܕܝ�ܝܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܩܕܡܝܐ‬

‫‪9‬‬

‫]‪[P155r‬‬

‫‪8‬‬

‫‪22‬‬

‫ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܦܩܥܬܐ ܕܥܠ�ܓܢܒ ܣܪܘܐܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܥܬܝܩܬܐ ܕܒܢܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܫܒܘܪ ܡܠܟܐ ܕܦ�ܣܝܐ ܘܟܢ ܐܚܪܒܘܗܝ �ܘܡܝܐ ܒܩܪܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܝܬܒ ܒܗ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܒܣܛܘܢܐ ‪25‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܕܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܐ ܐܝܟ ܕܐܡܪܢܢ ܥܡ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ ܘܐܟ�ܐ ܕܡܢ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ܕܥܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܗ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܐ ܬܚܬܝܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܘܫܘܬܦܘ‪...‬ܘܟܕ ܐܘܕܝܘ‬

‫ܘܫܒܚܘ ‪, but see Appendix 1 below. A:‬ܘܫܘܬܦ ‪P+M:‬‬ ‫‪Greek: scholē.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪Greek: taxis.‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫‪Greek: schēma.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܒܗ ܒܐܣܛܘܢܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬

88

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

10.

With the aid of ploughs, with which they would sow the extensive lands, (they provided) bread for the Abbey table. Mar Simeon himself governed the entire monastery and its monks by means of his oversight and inspired words of advice. His fame spread throughout all the region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. Furthermore, God performed many miracles at his hands: all the sick, the afflicted and the troubled who came to him from all over the place, from every region and city, were healed through the power which his Lord had given him.

11.

One day the peace between the Persian and the Roman kingdoms was broken, 26 and the Persian armies came up and took captives from the whole region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, reaching Beth Maḥlam and taking captive the people of Habsenus. They seized a great many people, even leading off David, a fine young boy, who was the son of the sister of Mar Simeon of the column, and another David, a pleasant boy, the son of the brother of the venerable old priest Benjamin.

12.

They (the Persians), with all of those taken captive, arrived at the valley of Sīrwān, and when they entered the city of Sīrwān the Persian general fell ill and was on the verge of death. They brought him to Mar Simeon, who prayed to God on his behalf, and he was healed of his sickness. Thereupon the general believed in Christ with all his heart and all his mind, seeing that he had brought him back from death’s door. Everyone then gave praise to God for the miracle which had been wrought by Mar Simeon. The commander was delighted with the holy Mar Simeon because he had been cured of his disease. All the Persians gave him many gifts, as did many individuals from among the captives. The latter were allowed to return to their region at Mar Simeon’s bidding, and they went back to their homes in great joy.

This would seem to imply the year 602–3, which is when the last war between Rome and Persia began, though this would seem too early for a man who died in 734. See ch. 1 above for further discussion.

26

‫‪89‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪10‬‬

‫ܘܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܦܕܢܐ ܕܙܪܥܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܐ�ܥܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܠܚܡܐ ܕܦܬܘܪܐ ܕܓܘ ܥܘܡܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܠܟܠܗ ܕܝܪܐ ܘܠܕܝ�ܝܐ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܒܗ ܒܝܕ ܦܘ�ܢܣܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܡܕܒܪ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܡ ̈‬ ‫]‪ܶ [A302‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܟܘܗܝ �ܗ�ܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ ܢܦܩ ܛܒܗ ܒܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ݂‪.‬‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ �ܗܐ ]‪ [P155v‬ܒܝܬ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܦ ܬܕܡ�ܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܐܝܕܘܗܝ ܘܟܠ ܟ�ܝܗܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ�ܝ̈�ܐ ܘܡܛ�ܦܐ ܕܐܬܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̈‬ ‫ܨܝܕܘܗܝ ܡܢ ܟܠ ܕܘܟ ܘܡܢ ܟܠ ܐܬܪ ܘܡܕܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܡܬܐܣܝܢ ܒܚܝ� ܕܡܪܗ ]‪ [M106v‬ܕܝܗܒ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܚܕ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܝܢ ܐܫܬܪܝ ܫܝܢܐ ܕܒܝܢܬ ̈ܡܠܟܘܬܐ ܕܦ�ܣܝܐ ܘܕ�ܘܡܝܐ ܘܣ�ܩܘ‬ ‫ܦ�ܣܝܐ ܘܫܒܘ ܠܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ ܘܡܛܘ ܠܒܝܬ ܡܚܠܡ ܘܫܒܘ‬ ‫ܠܒܢ̈ܝ‬ ‫ܚܒܣܢܘܤ‪ .‬ܘܐܚܕܘ ܥܡܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܘܕܒܪܘ ‪ 27‬ܐܦ ܠܕܘܝܕ ܛܠܝܐ ܫܒܝܚܐ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ )ܕ(ܐܣܛܘܢܐ ܘܠܕܘܝܕ ܐܚܪܢܐ ܛܠܝܐ ܪܚܝܡܐ ܒܪ ܐܚܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܩܫܝܫܐ ܒܢܝܡܢ ]‪ [P156r‬ܣܒܐ ܡܝܩܪܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪12‬‬

‫̇‬ ‫ܘܟܠܗ ܫܒܝܬܐ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܘܟܕ ܥ�ܘ ܠܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܛܘ ܠܦܩܥܬܐ ܕܣܪܘܐܢ‬ ‫ܣܪܘܐܢ ܐܬܟܪܗ ܪܒ ܚܝ� ܕܦ�ܣܝܐ ܘܡܛܐ ܠܡܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬܝܘܗܝ ܠܘܬ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܨܠܝ ܚ�ܦܘܗܝ �ܠܗܐ ܘܐܬܚܠܡ ܡܢ ܟܘܪܗܢܗ‪ .‬ܟܕ ‪ 28‬ܘܗܝܡܢ‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܬܪܥܝܬܗ ܗܘ ܪܒ ܚܝ� ܟܕ ‪29‬‬ ‫ܒܡܫܝܚܐ ]‪ [A303‬ܡܢ ܟܠܗ ܠܒܗ ܘܡܢ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢ ܬ�ܥܝ ܡܘܬܐ ܐܦܢܝܗ‪ .‬ܘܫܒܝ ‪ 30‬ܟ�ܢܫ �ܠܗܐ ܥܠ�ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܕܐܣܬܥܪܬ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪ .‬ܗܘ ܐܝܓܡܘܢܐ ‪ 31‬ܣܓܝ ܚܕܝ ܒܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܥܠ ܕܐܬܐܣܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܘܗܒܬܐ ܣܓܝ̈ܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܟܐܒܗ‪ .‬ܟܠܗܘܢ ]‪ [P156v‬ܦ�ܣܝܐ ܘܝܗܒܘ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܝܗܒܘ ܐܦ ܥܡܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܡܢ ܫܒܝܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܦܢܝܘ �ܬܪܗܘܢ ܒܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܗܦܟܘ ̈‬ ‫�ܒܬܝܗܘܢ ܒܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪11‬‬

‫‪.‬ܘܕܒܪ ‪M:‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܟܕ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܒܗܝ ܕ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܫܒܚܘ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪Greek: hēgemōn.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬

90

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

However, the boy David, Simeon’s nephew, remained with the Persian general – whose name was Shahrbaraz, that is, ‘boar of the forest’ 32 – serving him, because of the affection and honour in which he held him, thanks to Mar Simeon his uncle. And so he (David) would travel with him (Shahrbaraz) wherever he went. 13.

One day the Persian general went up with his soldiers 33 on a chase, that is, to hunt animals. They reached the mountainous country above the fort that had been built by the general Demetrius, when Constantius, 34 king of the Romans, had sent him.

14.

When Constantius, son of Constantine the Great, had built the famous city of Amid, he showed it especial favour, more than to anywhere else in his realm, subordinating to it all the regions of the Orient. Thus the Persians were prevented from going up any more to ravage Roman territory, being unable to go up along the river Tigris any longer due to the building of Amid on their path. They then began going up by the valley of Beth ‘Arbaye, taking captives from Roman territory. Accordingly, the emperor Constantius at once ordered his servant Demetrius to go down and build this fortress, in the year 662 of the Greeks (350–51 CE). It was called ‘the Fort of Demetrius’, and it is the same as (the present) Qal‘at Haytūm. 35 Thus the Persians were again prevented from going up and devastating Roman territory.

Apparently the famous Persian general Khoream, nicknamed Shahrbaraz, meaning ‘boar of the realm’ (not ‘of the forest’). He was indeed sent to northern Mesopotamia at the start of the war, receiving the submission of Edessa, Amid, Tella and Rēsh‘aynā (Sebeos, History, pp. 110–11). See ch. 1 above for further discussion. 33 Or: servants, attendants. 34 All manuscripts have Constantine (qwstntynws), but his brother Constantius II (337–61) is the one who enlarged and fortified Amid. 35 On the identification of this fort see ch. 3 above. 32

‫‪91‬‬

‫‪13‬‬

‫‪14‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܛܠܝܐ ܕܘܝܕ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܩܘܝ ܥܡܗ ܕܪܒ ܝܚ� ܕܦ�ܣܝܐ ‪-‬‬ ‫ܕܫܡܗ ܗܘܐ ܫܗܪܒܪܙ ܗܢܘ ܚܙܝܪܐ ܕܥܒܐ ‪ -‬ܟܕ ܡܫܡܫ ]‪ [M107r‬ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܕܐܚܒܗ ܗܘܐ ܣܓܝ ܘܝܩܪܗ ܡܛܠ� ܠܒܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܚܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܗܠܟ ܗܘܐ ܥܡܗ ܠܟܪ ܕܐܙܠ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܚܕ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܦ�ܚܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܥܡܗ‬ ‫ܝܘܡܝܢ ܣܠܩ ܪܒ ܚܝ� ]‪ [P157r‬ܕܦ�ܣܝܐ‬ ‫ܠܢܚܫܝܪܐ ‪ 36‬ܐܘܟܝܬ ܠܨܝܕܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܛܘ ܠܛܘܪܐ ܕܠܥܠ ܡܢ ܚܣܢܐ ܕܒܢܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܪܒ ܚܝ� ]‪ [A304‬ܕܝܡܛܪܝܘܤ ܟܕ ܫܕܪܗ ܩܘܣܛܢܛܝܢܘܤ ܡܠܟܐ‬ ‫ܕ�ܘܡܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܟܕ ܕܝܢ ܩܘܣܛܢܛܝܢܘܤ ܒܪܗ ܕܩܘܣܛܢܛܝܢܘܤ ܪܒܐ ‪ 37‬ܒܢܐ ܗܘܐ �ܡܝܕ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܪܚܡܗ ܝܬܝܪ ܡܢ ܟܠܗ ܐܘܚܕܢܗ ܘܫܥܒܕ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܐܚܒܗ‬ ‫ܡܫܡܗܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܒܡܕܢܚܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܟܠܝܘ ܦ�ܣܝܐ ܬܘܒ ܡܢ ܕܠܡܣܩܘ ܕܢܐܚܪܒܘܢ �ܬ�ܘܬܐ ܕ�ܘܡܝܐ‬ ‫ܘ� ܡܬܡܨܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܬܘܒ ܕܢܣܩܘܢ ܥܠ ]‪ [P157v‬ܕܩܠܬ ܢܗܪܐ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܕܐܬܒܢܝܬ ܐܡܝܕ ܒܐܘܪܚܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܗܝܕܝܢ ܫܪܝܘ ܣ�ܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܥܠ ܦܩܥܬܐ ܕܒܝܬ‬ ‫ܥ�ܒܝܐ ‪ 38‬ܘܫܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ �ܬ�ܘܬܐ ܕ�ܘܡܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܚܕܐ ܦܩܕ ܩܘܣܛܢܛܝܢܘܤ ܡܠܟܐ‬ ‫ܠܕܝܡܛܪܝܘܤ ܥܒܕܗ ܘܢܚܬ ܒܢܝܗܝ ܠܗܢܐ ܚܣܢܐ ܒܫܢܬ ܫܝܬܡܐܐ ܘܐܫܬܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܬ�ܬܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܝܘܢܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܩܪܝ ܚܣܢܐ ܕܝܡܛܪܝܘܤ ܘܗܘ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܩܠܥܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܗ ̇‬ ‫ܝܬܘܡ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܬܘܒ ܐܬܟܠܝܘ ܦ�ܣܝܐ ܕܠܡܣܩ ܕܢܚܪܒܘܢ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ ܕ�ܘܡܝܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪Persian (Parthian = nhšyr, Middle Persian = nhčyr).‬‬ ‫‪; A:‬ܟܕ ܫܕܪܗ ܩܘܤ ܩܘܣܛܢܛܝܢܘܤ ܒܪ ܕܩܘܣܛܢܛܝܢܘܤ ܪܒܐ ‪M:‬‬

‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬

‫ܟܕ ܫܕܪܗ‬ ‫ܩܘܣܛܢܛܝܢܘܣ ܒܪܗ ܕܩܘܣܛܢܛܝܢܘܣ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪; this may indicate that A is copied from M, where the beth and‬ܥ�ܩܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪yod are written very close together, so resembling a qoph.‬‬

92

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

15.

After a long space of time the Persians went up and devastated all the forts in Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. They became strong and powerful, and they drove out the Romans from the region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. Only this Fort of Demetrius remained, while all the other fortresses in Ṭūr ‘Abdīn were left empty and in ruins.

16.

In the year 995 of the Greeks (683–84) this fort alone was rebuilt by Abraham and Lazarus, the local headmen, through the care of the holy Mar Simeon, who had requested these headmen to assemble and send down to him 400 stonemasons and workers. All the inhabitants of the surrounding area helped build it well, and thus all the local populace took refuge in it, over a long period, in the face of perils and wars between the Romans and the Persians. 39

17.

Then again in 1062 of the Greeks (750–51), Rūmī, the headman of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, demolished and tore down this fort, destroying all its houses 40 and burning its gates with fire. This was because he saw that they (the local inhabitants) were afflicted by a great deal of heavy warfare as a result of this inaccessible stronghold. After a little while, the Muslims came along and sacked all the cities of the east. 41

It is odd that a rebuilding of the fort in 683–84, when a Muslim government was in place, would be connected with wars between the Romans and the Persians; see ch. 1 above for further discussion. 40 This may refer to the living quarters of troops stationed there and their attendants or else it may mean that this ‘fort’ was more of a fortified settlement (see ch. 3 above). The latter option receives some support from the mention that Kūmī, healed by Simeon, was from the fort (§42 below). 41 This could either be an out-of-place reference to the seventh-century Muslim Arab conquests or an allusion to the battles of the Abbasid revolution in the mid-eighth century, when revolutionary armies fought to wrest control of many regions, including northern Mesopotamia, from the Umayyads. 39

‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬

‫‪16‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܠܚܣܢܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܒܬܪ ܢܘܓܪܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܣ�ܩܘ ܦ�ܣܝܐ ܘܐܚܪܒܘ‬ ‫ܕܒܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪ 42 .‬ܘܛܒ ]‪ [A305‬ܐܬܥܫܢܘ ܘܬܩܦܘ ܘܛܪܕܘ ܠ�ܘܡܝܐ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܦܫ ܗܢ ܚܣܢܐ ܕܝܡܛܪܝܘܤ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ]‪̈ [M107v‬‬ ‫ܚܣܢܐ ܕܛܘܪ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܣܦܝܩܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܥܒܕܝܢ ܚ�ܒܐ‬ ‫ܘܬܫܥܝܢ ܘܚܡܫ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܝܘܢܝܐ ܐܬܒܢܝ ܚܣܢܐ ܒܠܚܘܕ ܡܢ ܐܒܪܗܡ‬ ‫ܬܫܥܡܐܐ‬ ‫ܘܫܢܬ‬ ‫ܘܠܥܙܪ �ܝܫܢܐ ܕܐܬܪܐ ܒܝܨܝܦܘܬܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܫܐܠ ܡܢ ̇ܗܠܝܢ �ܝܫܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܦܣܘ � ܘܦܥ̈�‪ .‬ܟܠܗܘܢ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܚܕ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܐܪܒܥܡܐܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܢܫ ܘܐܚܬ ‪ 43‬ܠܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܢܐܘܗܝ ܛܒ ܘܐܣܬܬܪܘ ܒܗ ܟܠܗܘܢ ]‪ [P158v‬ܒܢܝ ܐܬ�ܐ ܙܒܢܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܚ� ܘܩ�ܒܐ ܕܗܘܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܝܢܬ �ܘܡܝܐ ܠܦ�ܣܝܐ‪44 .‬‬ ‫ܘܬܘܒ ܒܫܢܬ �ܦ ܘܐܫܬܝܢ ܘܬ�ܬܝܢ ܕܝܘܢ̈ܝܐ ܐܚܪܒܗ ܘܥܩܪܗ ܠܗܢܐ ܚܣܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܒܬܘܗܝ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܗܓܡ ܘܐܦ ܠܬ�ܥܘܗܝ ܐܘܩܕ‬ ‫ܪܘܡܝ ܪܝܫܢܐ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܒܢܘܪܐ‪ .‬ܥܠ ܕܚܙܐ ܕܣܓܝ ܬܩܝܦܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܩ�ܒܐ ܡܢ ܝܕ ܗܢ ܚܣܢܐ‬ ‫ܡܪܝܕܐ ܘܚܣܝܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܩܠܝܠ ܐܬܘ ̈‬ ‫ܛܝܝܐ ܘܐܚܪܒܘ ܠܟܠܗܝܢ ܡܕ�̈ܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܕܢܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪[P158r‬‬

‫‪F‬‬

‫‪17‬‬

‫‪.‬ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ ‪M and A:‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܟܢܫܘ ܘܐܚܬܘ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܦ�ܣܝܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬

94

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

18.

Once again, in year 1283 of the Greeks (971–72), this fort was rebuilt a third time by Haytūm, its holder, and he called it after himself, that is, Qal‘at Haytūm.

19.

So Shahrbaraz, the Persian general, and the boy David, Mar Simeon’s nephew, together with many soldiers, having arrived at a spot facing this fortress, which is today Qal‘at Haytūm, started going up the mountainside above it, chasing after the prey that they had sighted. Now the prey entered a cleft, or split, in an old ruin on the mountainside, and the general made the boy David go into the cleft after the prey. (Inside) he looked around and saw a spacious and beautiful cave, and on penetrating it he discovered large quantities of gold, silver and regal objects deposited in the cave in former times. Examining the hidden (treasure) prudently and carefully with the help of a light that he had with him, he then heaped up earth on top of it, so that it should not be visible to anyone following him. The place was in the dark, and so could not be seen by anyone, and it was only thanks to the lamp that he had with him that he had been able to see the hidden treasure.

20.

Thereupon he (David) caught the wild animal and went out to the king 45 and his forces, not telling them about the gold he had seen. But when he returned to his uncle Mar Simeon, who was enclosed on the column near the city of Sīrwān, he informed him about all that he had seen in the cave on the mountain above the fort.

The general Shahrbaraz was briefly crowned as emperor in 630, which may explain why he is being referred to as ‘king’ here, though the term is sometimes applied to local rulers, as in §41 below. 45

‫‪95‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪18‬‬

‫̄‬ ‫ܘܪܦܓ ܕܝܘܢ̈ܝܐ ܬܘܒ ܐܬܒܢܝ ܚܣܢܐ ]‪ [P159r; A306‬ܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܬܘܒ ܒܫܢܬ �ܦ‬ ‫ܙܒܢܬܐ ̄‬ ‫ܓ ‪ 46‬ܡܢ ܗܝܬܘܡ ܐܚܝܕܐ ܘܟܢܝܗ ܒܫܡܗ ܗܢܘ ܕܝܢ ܩܠܥܐ ܕܗܝܬܘܡ‪.‬‬

‫‪19‬‬

‫ܗܘ ‪ 47‬ܫܗܪܒܪܙ ܪܒ ܚܝ� ܕܦ�ܣܝܐ ܘܕܘܝܕ ܛܠܝܐ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܦܠܚܐ ̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ ܥܡܗ ܟܕ ܡܛܘ ܠܘܩܒܠ ܚܣܢܐ ܗܢܐ ܕܗܘܝܘ ܩܠܥܐ ܕܗܝܬܘܡ‬ ‫ܝܘܡܢܐ ܪܕܦܘ ܘܣ�ܩܘ ܒܛܘܪܐ ܕܠܥܠ ܒܬܪ ̇ܗܘ ܨܝܕܐ ܕܚܙܘ‪ .‬ܘܥܠ ܗܘ ܨܝܕܐ‬ ‫ܒܦܥܪܐ ܐܘܟܝܬ ܒܫܩܝܦܐ ܕܒܓܘ ܚܪܒܬܐ ]‪ [M108r‬ܥܬܝܩܬܐ ܕܒܛܘܪܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܠܨܗ ܪܒ ܚܝ� ܠܛܠܝܐ ܕܘܝܕ ܘܥܠ ܒܬܪ ܨܝܕܐ ܒܗܘ ܦܥܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܪ ܘܚܙܐ‬ ‫ܠܓܘܗ ܐܫܟܚ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܕܗܒܐ‬ ‫ܠܓܘ ܡܥܪܬܐ ]‪ [P159v‬ܪܒܬܐ ܘܫܦܝܪܬܐ ܘܟܕ ܥܠ�‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ ܘܣܐܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܨܒܘܬܐ ܡܠܟܝ̈ܬܐ ܕܣܝܡܝܢ ܒܓܘ ܡܥܪܬܐ ܡܢ ܙܒܢܐ ܩܕܡܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܩܝ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܛܘܫܝܬܐ ܡܗܘܢܐܝܬ ܘܙܗܝܪܐܝܬ ܒܝܕ ܢܗܝܪܘܬܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܘܟܬܗ‬ ‫ܐܝܬܝܗ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗ ܥܦܪܐ ܕ� ܬܬܚܙܐ �ܢܫ ܐܚܪܝܢ ܒܬܪܗ‪ .‬ܘܒܚܫܟܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܫܐ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܚܙܗ ܠܣܝܡܬܐ‬ ‫ܘ� ]‪ [A307‬ܡܬܚܙܝܐ ܗܘܬ �ܢܫ ܘܗܘ ܡܢ ܝܕ ܢܗܝܪܐ ܕܥܠܝܗ‬ ‫ܡܛܫܝܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܚܝ�ܘܬܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܘ� ܐܘܕܥ ܐܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܠܚܝܘܬܗ݀‪ 49‬ܘܢܦܩ ܠܘܬ ܡܠܟܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܠܒܟ‬

‫‪20‬‬

‫ܡܛܠ ܕܗܒܐ ܕܚܙܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ]‪ [P160r‬ܦܢܐ ܠܘܬ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܚܠܗ ܕܚܒܝܫ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒܐܣܛܘܢܐ ܕܥܠ� ܓܢܒ ܣܪܘܐܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܐܘܕܥܗ ܥܠ ܟܠܡܕܡ ܕܚܙܐ‬ ‫ܒܡܥܪܬܐ ܒܛܘܪܐ ܗܘ ܕܠܥܠ ܡܢ ܚܣܢܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܬܠܝܬܝܬܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܥܠܝܗ ‪A:‬‬ ‫ܕܥܡܗ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܠܚܝܘܬܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬

‫‪.‬ܢܗܝܪܐ‬

96

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

21.

After a time Shahrbaraz, the Persian king, handed over the boy David to his uncle Mar Simeon, presenting him with some gold, silver and regal clothing, out of respect for his uncle Simeon. On his arrival the boy David lived with his uncle in the monastery, receiving instruction from him about his whole (monastic) way of life. He thus turned into a fine man, being endowed with wisdom and intelligence.

22.

The much beloved David would regularly go up secretly on his own and bring gold from the treasure he had discovered, giving it to his uncle, Mar Simeon. His uncle used to spend the gold on strangers, the poor, orphans and widows. He also began to buy up with the gold farms and numerous villages, donating them to the Abbey of Qartmin. He would also buy courtyards, shops, grinding stones, gardens and orchards, giving them to the Abbey of Qartmin. Thus the Abbey of Qartmin acquired possessions such as are not to be found elsewhere in the world. He also renovated and adorned the Abbey once again, after its burning by the Persians, just as Joshua bar Yozadak had done to Jerusalem and the Temple in it. After the captivity and its conflagration Bar Yozadek, Zerubbabel and Nehemiah had renovated the city, 50 and so likewise did the holy Mar Simeon of the Olives renovate the Abbey, restoring all its decorations and divine endowments. First of all, Mar Simeon bought the agricultural land of the monastery of the Column, where he was enclosed, as well as its fields, water (rights), springs, and entire property. He planted it with numerous olives, using the water of its springs, some 12,000 olive stocks. He brought the plants from a great distance, from far away regions, and he planted the olives with great care and much labour. Around them he built a high wall of stone, mud and brick, and he surrounded that with a second one of reeds and with a third palisade of thorn and bramble bushes, plants replete with fearsome thorns.

50

As told in the Biblical books of Ezra (esp. book 3) and Nehemiah.

‫‪97‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪21‬‬

‫ܘܒܬܪ ܩܠܝܠ ܙܒܢܐ ܝܗܒ ܫܗܪܒܪܙ ܡܠܟܐ ܕܦ�ܣܝܐ ܠܛܠܝܐ ܕܘܝܕ ܠܡܪܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܠܒܘܫܐ ܡܠܟܝ̈ܐ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܚܠܗ ܟܕ ܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܠܕܘܝܕ ܕܗܒܐ ܘܣܐܡܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܩܪܗ ܕܚܠܗ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܐܬܐ ܛܠܝܐ ܕܘܝܕ ܘܥܡܪ ܨܝܕ ܚܠܗ ܒܕܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܬܠܡܕ ܠܗ ܘܐܠܦܗ ܟܠܗ ]‪ [P160v‬ܕܘܒܪܐ ܕܝܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܗܘܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܡܗܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܕܚܟܝܡ ܗܘܐ ܛܒ ܘܡܗܘܢ‪51 .‬‬

‫‪22‬‬

‫ܘܟܕ ]‪ [M108v‬ܒܟ�ܙܒܢ ܣܠܩ ܗܘܐ ܕܘܝܕ ܪܚܝܡܐ ܘܚܒܝܒܐ ‪ 52‬ܟܣܝܐܝܬ‬ ‫ܒܠܚܘܕܘܗܝ ܘܡܝܬܐ ܗܘܐ ܕܗܒܐ ܡܢ ܣܝܡܬܐ ܗܝ ܕܐܫܟܚ ܘܝܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܚܠܗ‬ ‫]‪ [A308‬ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܚܠܗ ܡܦܪܢܣ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܠܗܘ ܕܗܒܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܝܬܡܐ ܘܐ�ܡܠܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܫܪܝ ܙܒܢ ܒܗ ܒܕܗܒܐ ܐܓܘ�ܣܐ ‪53‬‬ ‫ܐܟܣܢܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܘ�ܝܐܤ ̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܘܡܫܟܢ ܗܘܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܛܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܙܒܢ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܕ�ܬܐ ܘܚܢ̈ܘܬܐ‬ ‫]‪ [P161r‬ܘ�ܚܘܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܓܢܐ ܘܦ�ܕܝܣܐ ܘܡܫܟܢ ܗܘܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܩܢܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܟܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܬܘܒ ܗܕܪܗ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ‪ 54‬ܩܢܝܘܬܐ ܕ� ܐܝܬ ܒܥܠܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܢܝܗܝ ܡܢ ܕܪܝܫ ܚܕܬܐܝܬ ܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܝܩܕܢܗ ܕܡܢ ܦ�ܣܝܐ ܐܝܟ ܝܫܘܥ ܒܪ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܝܘܙܕܩ �ܘܪܫܠܡ ܘܠܗܝܟ� ̇‬ ‫ܕܚܕܬܗ ܒܪ ܝܘܙܕܩ‬ ‫ܕܒܗ‪ .‬ܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܫܒܝܬܐ ܘܝܩܕܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܙܘܪܒܒܝܠ ܘܢܚܡܝܐ ܗܟܢܐ ܘܗܢܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�ܬܐ ܚܕܬܗ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܛܘܟܣܘܗܝ ܘ ̈‬ ‫ܡܢ ܕܪܝܫ ܒܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܫܘܟܢܘܗܝ ]‪� [P161v‬ܗ�̈ܐ‪ .‬ܘܩܕܡܐܝܬ‬ ‫ܙܒܢ ܠܙܪܝܥܬܐ ܕܕܝܪܐ ܕܐܣܛܘܢܐ ܕܚܒܝܫ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܙܒܢ ��ܥܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܟܠܗ ܐܘܣܝܐ ‪55‬‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܢܨܒ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܠܡܝ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܙ�ܬܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܝܗ ܘܥܝܢ̈ܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̄‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܐܝܟ ]‪ [A309‬ܟܡܝܘܬܐ ܕܝܒ �ܦܝܢ ܥܩ�ܐ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬܝ‬ ‫ܡܝ̈ܐ ܕܥܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܢܨܒܬܐ ܡܢ ܪܘܚܩܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܘܡܢ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ ]‪ [M109r‬ܡܒܥܕܐ ܘܢܨܒ ܠܙ�̈ܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܝܨܝܦܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܥܡ ܥܡ� ܣܓܝܐܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܢܐ ܚܕ�ܝܗܘܢ ܫܘܪܐ ܪܡܐ ܕܟܐܦܐ ܘܛܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܠܒܢ̈ܐ ܘܬܘܒ ܐܚܕܪܗ ܬܪܝܢܐ ܕܩܢܝ̈ܐ ]‪ [P162r‬ܘܣܝܓܐ ܬܠܝܬܝܐ ܕ ̈‬ ‫ܟܘܒܐ ܕܣܢܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܕܥܠܬܐ ܢܨܒܬܐ ܡܠܝܬ ̈‬ ‫ܟܘܒܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝ�‪.‬‬

‫‪F‬‬

‫‪.‬ܘܡܗܘܢ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܚܒܝܒܐ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫‪Greek: agros; Latin: ager.‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫‪A omits these three words, presumably in error.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫‪Greek: ousia.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬

98

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

Then he appointed agricultural labourers and ploughmen 56 to work and fully take care of the plantation. 23.

After five years the olives began to bear fruit, as they grew much stronger. Thus they had numerous olives which were very productive, and from them lighting was provided for the whole Abbey and for the churches throughout the whole region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. The monks used to gather the olives from underneath the trees when they fell to the ground; they did not beat the crop down, but picked them up and brought them to the Abbey, where (other) monks helped 57 them, using the admirable technique that Mar Simeon, the master olive worker, had established for them. This olive crop from the agricultural land was a refuge of great benefit to the whole of this region, which is arid and devoid of springs. 58 It was because of this olive business that Mar Simeon has been nick-named ‘of the Olives’ until today.

24.

Mar Simeon began to attend to the building of churches and monasteries all over the place. One day, ten years after he had planted the olives, a sick man was brought to Mar Simeon of the Olives from a village in the mountain above the monastery of Mar Saul, one of the band of the glorious Elder, Mar Awgin; the village’s name was ‘Arbuba. When the people carrying the sick man were on the point of entering the olive grove opposite the monastery, in the vicinity of the column upon which Mar Simeon of the Olives was enclosed, the man’s sickness became much worse and troubled him grievously. So the people with him propped him up against a rock so that he could rest a little while one of them ran to Mar Simeon to greet him and inform him of the sick man’s severe case. Mar Simeon descended from the column and came to the sick man, full of sorrow for him.

Literally: ploughs (paddānē). A has: ‘were treading/pressing them’, which makes better sense. 58 Literally: ‘dry from springs’. 56 57

‫‪99‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܒܗ ܐܓܝ�ܐ ܘܦܕܢ̈ܐ ܕܦܠܚܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܩܝܡ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ‬ ‫ܡܫܡܠܝܐܝܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܚܡܫ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܫܪܝ ܝܗܒ ܦܐ�ܐ ܘܝܪܒ ܘܥܫܢ ܛܒ‪ .‬ܘܗܘܘ ܒܗ ܙ�̈ܬܐ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܠܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܛܒ ܥܬܝ�ܝܢ ܘܡܢܗܘܢ ܡܬܦܪܢܣ ܗܘܐ ܢܗܝܪܐ ܠܟܠܗ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܒܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪ .‬ܟܕ ܡܟܢܫܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܡܢ ܬܚܝܬ ܐ��ܢܐ‬ ‫ܟܠ ܐܡܬܝ ܕܢܚܬ ܗܘܐ ܙܝܬܐ ܥܠ ܐܪܥܐ ܘ� ܚܒܛܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ]‪ [P162v‬ܐ�‬ ‫ܡܓܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܘܡܣܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܘܬܡܢ ܥܕܪܝܢ ‪ 60‬ܗܘܘ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܒܐܡܢ̈ܘܬܐ ‪ 61‬ܬܡܝ̈ܗܬܐ ܕܐܬܩܢ ܠܗܘܢ ܗܘ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܐܘܡܢܗ ܕܙܝܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܢܐ ܙܝܬܐ ܕܙܪܝܥܬܐ ܗܝ ܒܝܬ ܓܘܣܐ ]‪ [A310‬ܘܥܘܕܪܢܐ ܪܒܐ ܠܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܢܓܝܒܐ ܘܝܒܝܫܐ ܡܢ ܡܥ̈ܝܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܗܕܐ ܨܒܘܬܐ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܐܬܟܢܝ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܫܪܝ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܢܐܨܦ ܕܢܒܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܥܕܬܐ ܘܕܝ�ܬܐ ܒܟܠ ܐܬܪ‪ .‬ܘܒܬܪ ܙܒܢܐ‬ ‫]‪ [P163r‬ܕܥܣܪ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܕܢܨܒܗ ܠܙܝܬܐ ܒܚܕ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܝܢ ܐܝܬܝܘܗܝ ܠܘܬ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܐܢܫ ]‪ [M109v‬ܕܟܪܝܗ ܡܢ ܩܪܝܬܐ ܕܒܛܘܪܐ ܠܥܠ ܡܢ ܕܝܪܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܫܡܗ ܕܩܪܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܪܝ ܫܐܘܠ ܡܢ ܣܝܥܬܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܡܪܝ ܐܘܓܝܢ ܣܒܐ ܡܫܒܚܐ‬ ‫ܥܪܒܘܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܡܛܘ ܗܢܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܢܫܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܟܪܝܗܐ ܠܡܥ�ܘ ܒܝܢܬ‬ ‫ܙ�̈ܬܐ ܠܘܩܒܠ ܕܝܪܐ ܒܩܪܝܒܘܬܐ ܕܐܣܛܘܢܐ ܕܚܒܝܫ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܐܬܚܣܢ ܗܘܐ ܟܐܒܗ ܘܐܬܥܣܩ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܩܫܝܐܝܬ‪ .‬ܘܐܣܡܟܘܗܝ ]‪[P163v‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܢܫܐ ܕܥܡܗ ܥܠ ܟܐܦܐ ܚܕܐ ܐܝܟ ܕܢܬܬܢܚܝ ܩܠܝܠ ܘܚܕ ܡܢ ܗܢܘܢ ܕܥܡܗ‬ ‫ܕܟܪܝܗܐ ܪܗܛ ܠܘܬ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܫܐܠ ܫܠܡܗ ܘܐܘܕܥܗ ܥܠ ]‪[A311‬‬ ‫ܐܘܠܨܢܗ ܩܫܝܐ ܕܟܪܝܗܐ ܗܘ‪ .‬ܘܢܚܬ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܡܢ ܐܣܛܘܢܐ ܘܐܬܐ ܠܘܬ ܟܪܝܗܐ‬ ‫ܟܕ ܟܪܝܬ ܠܗ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬

‫‪23‬‬

‫‪24‬‬

‫̇‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ ܕܢܨܒܬܐ ܛܒ‬ ‫ܘܝܨܦܝܢ‬

‫‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܠܗ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܥ�ܪܝܢ ‪A:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܒܐܘܡܢܘܬܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬

100

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

Straightaway, taking the staff in his hand, he struck the rock-hard stone against which the sick man was propped, and immediately it gushed out pure water. The holy Mar Simeon took some of the water and anointed the sick man’s face with it. The latter at once stood up, revived, as though he had been woken up from sleep, and as if he had not had any sickness or illness. The man then knelt down in front of the holy man and did obeisance to him, kissing his feet. Everyone who saw this miracle gave thanks and praise to God who had visited the sick man, and they extolled Mar Simeon by whose prayers and supplications the sick man had been healed. 25.

The monks at once all assembled and built a small church above the rock which had burst forth with water. Many signs are performed there all the time, and everyone who enters it receives alleviation from their sickness through the prayers of the holy Mar Simeon. It is called the church of Mar Simeon to this day.

26.

After a short time, Mar Simeon descended from his column and went to Nisibis, the border city. 62 There he went to the governors and rulers, 63 by whom he was received in great honour, because he had brought with him tokens of great respect, regal presents and valuable gifts such as are appropriate for kings and judges. He was well received by them and was honoured by their leader, whose name was Peroz, the king. 64 This man loved and cherished him with all his heart, and he honoured him above all his nobles.

Literally: ‘the city that is between the borders’; given the mention of Peroz as the chief authority in Nisibis, it would seem that the border between the Romans and the Persians is intended. 63 Šallīṭānē w-aḥīdē. Although these two words are often synonymous we will here, for clarity, always translate šallīṭā as ‘governor’ and aḥīdā as ‘ruler’. 64 Since there was no Persian emperor of this name in the seventh century, a local authority is presumably intended. 62

‫‪101‬‬

‫‪25‬‬

‫‪26‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܡܚܕܐ ܐܚܕ ܗܘܐ ܗܝ ܫܒܘܩܬܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܒܐܝܕܗ ܘܡܝ ̇‬ ‫ܚܗ ܥܠ ܟܐܦܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗ ܟܪܝܗܐ ܘܡܚܕܐ ܫܚܠܬ ܘܐܪܕܝܬ ܡܝ̈ܐ ܕܟܝܐ‪̈.‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܩܫܝܬܐ ܕܛܪܢܐ ܕܣܡܝܟ ‪ 65‬ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܢܣܒ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܕܡܝ̈ܐ ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ]‪ [P164r‬ܘܡܫܚ ܐܦ ̈ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܟܪܝܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܥܕܢܗ ܩܡ ܘܐܬܬܥܝܪ ܘܐܬܢܚܡ ܐܝܟ ܕܡܢ ܫܢܬܐ ܟܕ ܐܝܟ ܕܠܝܬ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܘ� ܟܐܒܐ ܐܦ� ܟܘܪܗܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܗܘ ܟܪܝܗܐ ܒܪܝܟ ܩܕܡ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܘܣܓܕ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܢܫܩ ܠ�ܓ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܡܢ ܕܚܙܐ ܗܕܐ ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܐܘܕܝ ܘܫܒܚ �ܠܗܐ ܕܣܥܪܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܒܨܠܘܬܗ ܘܒܥ̈ܘܬܗ ܐܬܚܠܡ‬ ‫ܠܟܪܝܗܐ ܘܐܦ ]‪ [M110r‬ܩܠܣ ܠܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܟܪܝܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܚܕܐ ܐܬܟܢܫܘ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܘܒܢܘ ܠܥܠ ܡܢ ܗܝ ܟܐܦܐ ܕܐܒܥܬ ܡܝ̈ܐ ܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܬܘܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܗܐ ܡܣܬܥ�ܢ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܥܠܡ‬ ‫]‪ [P164v‬ܚܕܐ ܙܥܘܪܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫]‪ [A312‬ܘܟܠ ܕܥܐܠ ̇‬ ‫�ܠܗ ܡܬܥܕܪ ܡܢ ܟܘܪܗܢܗ ܒܝܕ ܨܠܘܬܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܩܪܝܬ ܥܕܬܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܡܢ ܐܣܛܘܢܗ ܘܐܙܠ�ܠܢܨܝܒܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܬܘܒ ܒܬܪ ܙܒܢܐ ̈ܩܠܝܠ ܢܚܬ ܡܪܝ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܕܒܝܢܬ ܬܚܘܡܐ‪ .‬ܘܥܠ�ܠܘܬ ܫܠܝܛܢܐ ܘܐܚܝܕܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܗ ܘܐܬܩܒܠ ܡܢܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܐܝܩܪܐ ܪܒܐ ܡܛܠ ܕܢܣܒ ܥܡܗ ܐܝܩ�ܐ ܪܘ�ܒܐ ]‪ [P165r‬ܘܕܫܢܐ ‪ 66‬ܡܠܟܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܝܐ ܕܙ ̈ܕܩܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܘܩܘ�ܒܢܐ ܝܩܝ�ܝ ̈‬ ‫�ܡܠܟܐ ܘܕ�̈ܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܩܒܠ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܛܒ ܘܐܬܝܩܪ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܪܝܫܗܘܢ ܕܫܡܗ ܗܘܐ ܦܪܘܙ ܡܠܟܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܚܒܗ ܘܪܚܡܗ ܡܢ ܟܠܗ ܠܒܗ‬ ‫ܘܦܪܫ ܠܗ ܐܝܩܪܐ ܒܝܢܬ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܪܘ�ܒܢܐ ܕܝܠܗ‪67 .‬‬ ‫‪F‬‬

‫‪. Earlier in the sentence A‬ܣܝܟ‬

‫‪Thus A, which must be correct; M+P:‬‬ ‫ܡܚܝܗ ‪̇ rather than‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܚܗ ‪has‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫‪Middle Persian: dāšn (gift).‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܪܘ�ܒܢܘܗܝ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬

102

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

27.

Having won the king’s confidence, Mar Simeon asked if he could buy up some old parts of Nisibis where he could build churches and monasteries. First of all, he bought from him an old ruin outside the eastern gate of Nisibis, where there was a fine and beautiful monastery. This he adorned with all manner of princely buildings, every one of great beauty, and by it he built a large, tall column for recluses. It became a wonderfully beautiful monastery, without compare in the world.

28.

To the south of the monastery he built a large and splendid hostel, a resting place for travellers and merchants; it was the best in the town and no other equalled it.

29.

For this monastery he bought five mill-stones and three gardens, well-stocked with all kinds of fine plants.

30.

Then, inside the eastern gate of the city, he bought numerous properties and the old ruins belonging to the monastery of Mart Febronia, the martyr, 68 who had witnessed for the faith in Nisibis. (There) he built a large and beautiful church dedicated to Mary, the Bearer of God.

31.

Wanting to build churches and monasteries inside Nisibis, he took a document from the governor in Nisibis and brought it to the great caliph in Babylon, in the days of al-Ma’mūn, 69 the head of the Muslims. 70

For her Life see Brock and Harvey, Holy Women of the Syrian Orient, pp. 150–76. 69 Al-Ma’mūn (813–33) was the seventh Abbasid caliph. For discussion of Simeon’s encounter with al-Ma’mūn see ch. 2 above and Appendix 2 below. 70 The text has ṭayyāyē, which in Syriac texts of the Islamic period can designate either Arabs or Muslims. Here it is always translated as Muslims, since it is religious identity that is uppermost in the author’s mind. 68

‫‪103‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪27‬‬

‫ܘܟܕ ܗܘܬ ܠܗ ܦܐܪܣܝܐ ‪ 71‬ܩܕܡ ܡܠܟܐ ܫܐܠ ܡܢܗ ܕܢܙܒܢ ܠܗ ̈ܕܘܟܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ ‪̈ 72‬‬ ‫ܥܬ�̈ܩܬܐ ܕܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܢܒܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܥܕܬܐ ܘܕܝ�ܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܩܕܡܐܝܬ ܙܒܢ‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܚܪܒܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܥܬܝܩܬܐ ܡܢ ܠܒܪ ‪ [A313] 73‬ܬܪܥܐ ܡܕܢܚܝܐ ܕܢܨܝܒܝܢ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫]‪ [P165v‬ܐܝܬ ̇‬ ‫ܘܨܒܬܗ ܒܟܠܗܘܢ ܒܢ̈ܝܢܐ ̈ܡܠܟܝܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܝܪܬܐ ܘܫܦܝܪܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܟܠ ܫܘܦ�ܝܢ ܘܒܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܐܣܛܘܢܐ ]‪ [M110v‬ܪܒܐ ܘܪܡܐ ܠܚܒܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܘܬ ܕܝܪܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܟܘܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܬܡܝܗܬܐ ܘܫܦܝܪܬܐ ܕ� ܐܝܬ ܒܥܠܡܐ‬

‫‪28‬‬

‫ܘܬܘܒ ܒܢܐ ܠܬܝܡܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܕܕܝܪܐ ܦܘܬܩܐ ‪ 74‬ܪܒܐ ܘܫܒܝܚܐ ܒܝܬ ܡܫܪܝܐ ܠܥܒ�ܝ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܟܘܬܗ ܘܐܦ� ܐܚܪܢܐ ܕܕܡܐ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܘܪܚܐ ܘܠܬܐܓ�ܐ ܕ� ܐܝܬ ܒܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܠܗܕܐ ܕܝܪܐ ܚܡܫ ̈‬ ‫ܘܙܒܢ ̇‬ ‫ܟܐܦܐ ܕ�ܚܘܬܐ ܘܬܠܬܐ ܦ�ܕܝܣܐ ‪ 75‬ܡܫ�ܬܚܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܟܠ ‪ [P166r] 76‬ܢܨܒܬܐ ܫܦܝ�ܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬

‫‪31‬‬

‫ܘܬܘܒ ܙܒܢ ܠܓܘ ܡܢܗ ܕܬܪܥܐ ܡܕܢܚܝܐ ܕܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܐ�ܥܬܐ ̈ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܘܚ�ܒܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܬ�̈ܩܬܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܬܝ ܦܒܪܘܢܝܐ ܣܗܕܬܐ ܕܐܣܗܕܬ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܒܢܐ ܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܪܒܬܐ ܘܫܦܝܪܬܐ ܥܠ ܫܡ ܝܠܕܬ �ܗܐ ܡܪܝܡ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܨܒܐ ܕܢܒܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܥܕܬܐ ܘܕܝ�ܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܕܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܢܣܒ ܟܬܒܐ ܡܢ ܫܠܝܛܐ ܕܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܝܘܡܝ ܡܐܡܘܢ ]‪ [A314‬ܪܒܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܘܒܠܗ ܠܘܬ ܟܠܝܦܗ ܪܒܐ ܕܒܒܝܠ‬

‫‪; from Greek: parrēsia.‬ܦܐܪܗܣܝܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܒܗܝܢ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܠܒܪ ܡܢ ‪A+M:‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬

‫‪Greek: pandokeion.‬‬ ‫‪Middle Persian: paridaiza (walled garden).‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܒܟܠ ‪A and M omit‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬

104

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

He took with him regal gifts, fitting for a king, and he was received by him in great honour. He (al-Ma’mūn) loved and cherished him with all his heart and mind, 77 perceiving (the wisdom of) his speech and his knowledge. On enquiring concerning his faith, he saw that he gave precise answers to whatever questions he put, providing a correct and true reply. (Consequently) he enjoyed the full confidence of the great king of the Muslims, who applauded him in the presence of all the sages of the Muslims. These sages and teachers of the Muslims, however, replied to alMa’mūn the caliph: ‘We will win (in disputation) against him’. 32.

So all the sages and teachers of the Muslims, Jews and Nestorians assembled before the caliph and demanded that they should have a disputation with Mar Simeon. They took upon themselves oaths imposed by the king that they would not harm Mar Simeon, swearing to the caliph with forty oaths that no one would injure him.

33.

Accordingly all the teachers and sages of Baghdad presented themselves before al-Ma’mūn, the great caliph of the Muslims, in order to hold a disputation with Mar Simeon. 78 They selected three wise and skilful teachers – among the Muslims no one was wiser. We will give their names: Muḥammad ibn ‘Abdallāh alHāshimī, Sālim al-Hamdānī, and Ṣa‘ṣa‘a ibn Khalīl al-Baṣrī. In attendance with them were many (others) such as Zayd ibn Hāshim al-Kawāzilī, Ibrā(hīm) ibn al-Jarā‘ī, and the son of Hārūn alRashīd from the clan of ‘Abbās, along with the Commander of the Faithful, 79 and others whose names are written down in the

Literally: taste, sense. For discussion of this debate and of the (fictional) Muslim participants see ch. 2 above and Appendix 2 below. 79 This is confusing; ‘the son of Hārūn al-Rashīd’ must mean al-Ma’mūn, but ‘the Commander of the Faithful’, i.e. the caliph, is said above to be al-Ma’mūn, though in some versions of the debate al-Ma’mūn convenes the event while his father is caliph (see Appendix 2 below). Otherwise one could read: ‘And with the Commander of the Faithful were others…’ 77 78

‫‪105‬‬

‫‪32‬‬

‫‪33‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܫܩܠ�ܥܡܗ ̈‬ ‫ܕܫܢܐ ̈ܡܠܟܝܐ ܕܙܕܩܝܢ ܠܗ ܠܡܠܟܐ ]‪ [P166v‬ܘܐܬܩܒܠ ܡܢܗ‬ ‫ܛܒ ܘܝܩܪܗ ܣܓܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܚܒܗ ܘܪܚܡܗ ܡܢ ܟܠܗ ܠܒܗ ܘܛܥܡܗ ܘܚܙܐ ܠܡܠܬܗ‬ ‫ܘܝܕܥܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܒܚܢ ܥܡܗ ܥܠ ܗܝܡܢܘܬܗ ܘܚܙܝܗܝ ܕܡܦܢܐ ܚܬܝܬܐܝܬ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܟܠ ܡܘܢ ܕܡܫܐܝܠ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܝܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ‪ 80‬ܦܬܓܡܐ ܬܪܝ�ܐ ܘܫܪܝܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܘܩ�ܣܗ ܩܕܡ‬ ‫ܣܓܝ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܦܪܐܗܣܝܐ ܨܝܕ ]‪ [M111r‬ܡܠܟܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܦܢܝܘ ܠܗ ̈‬ ‫ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܟܝܡܐ ܘܡ�ܦܢܐ ܕܛܝܝܐ ܠܡܐܡܘܢ‬ ‫ܚܟܝܡܐ‬ ‫ܟܠܝܦܗ ܕܚܢܢ ܙܟܝܢܢ ‪ [P167r] 81‬ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܕܝܘܕܝܐ ܘܕܢܣܛܘ�ܝܢܐ ܠܩܕܡ‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܟܢܫܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܚܟܝ̈ܡܐ ܘܡ�ܦܢ̈ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܘܡܬܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܟܠܝܦܗ ܘܬܒܥܘ ܕܢܕܪܫܘܢ ܥܡܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܢܣܒܘ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܠܟܐ ܕ� ܢܒܫܘܢ ܠܗ ܠܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܝܡܘ ܠܗ ܠܟܠܝܦܗ ܐ�ܒܥܝܢ ܡܘܡܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ� ܐܢܫ ܡܟܐ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܛܝܒܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܡ�ܦܢ̈ܐ ܘܚܟܝ̈ܡܐ ܕܒܓܕܐܕ ܩܕܡ ܟܠܝܦܗ ܡܐܡܘܢ ܪܒܐ ‪82‬‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܕܢܕܪܫܘܢ ܥܡ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܓܒܘ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܠܬܐ ܓܒ�ܐ ܚܟܝ̈ܡܐ‬ ‫]‪[A315‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡ�ܦܢ̈ܐ ܡܗܝ�ܐ ܕ� ]‪ [P167v‬ܫܟܝܚ ܒܛܝܝܐ ܕܚܟܝܡ ܡܢܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܫܡܗܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܡܪܝܢܢ‪ :‬ܡܚܡܕ ܐܒܢ ܥܒܕ�ܠܗ �ܗܐܫܡܝ ܘܣܐܠܡ ܐܝܛܐ ‪� 83‬ܗܡܕܐܢܝ‬ ‫ܘܨܥܨܥ ܐܒܢ ܟܠܝܠ��ܒ�ܪܝ ܘܚܛܪ ‪ 84‬ܡܥܗܡ ܟܬܝܪܝܢ ܡܬܠ ‪ 85‬ܙܐܝܕ ܐܒܢ‬ ‫ܗܐܫܡ �ܟܘܐܙܠܝ ܘܐܒܪܐ ‪ 86‬ܐܒܢ �ܔܪܐܥܝ ܘܐܒܢ ܗܐܪܘܢ �ܪܫܝܕ ܡܢ ܐܗܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܡܗܝܗܘܢ ܒܬܫܥܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܒܐܣ ܡܥ ܐܡܝܪ �ܡܘܡܢܝܢ ‪ 87‬ܘܐܚ�ܢܐ ܕܟܬܝܒܝܢ‬

‫‪.‬ܝܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܪܟܝܢܢ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫‪), as‬ܒܓܕܐܕ( ‪) instead of Baghdad‬ܒܒܝܠ( ‪. Also, A has Babel‬ܪܒܐ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫‪in P and M. Either the latter two are Arabicizing, or, more likely, A is‬‬ ‫‪Syriacizing (see nn. 87, 89 and 94 below).‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫‪/also; it is omitted by A.‬ايضا ً ‪One assumes that this conveys Arabic‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܒܪ ݂ܟܠܝܠ��ܒ�ܪܝ ܘܚܛܪ ‪M omits‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܣܓܝ̈ܐܐ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܐܝܟ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܐܒܪܐܗܝܡ ‪Presumably a mistake for‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪This sentence is in Arabic (Karshūnī) in P and M, but in Syriac in A.‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬

106

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

narrative of Mar Simeon written in Arabic. There the whole of his disputation with them is recorded. He spoke to them, answering (all their questions), and overcame them, defeating them by the divine power that accompanied him. 34.

When the sages of the Muslims arose, thirty guardians were established over them who would examine their words and forty other teachers who would test and validate their words, and also see that their oaths would not be transgressed. These were in part Muslims, in part Jews, and in part Nestorians, and they were to act as witnesses. So they disputed with Mar Simeon for three days and three nights, having their books in their hands and speaking from them. Mar Simeon showed them up on the basis of their own books and defeated them, winning over them by means of the divine wisdom that was granted to him.

35.

When they saw that they had been vanquished and made fools of by his wisdom, the pagans 88 plotted against him and gave him a deadly poison to drink, but it did not affect him thanks to the divine assistance in which he put his trust. The holy Mar Simeon, the friend of al-Ma’mūn the king, proved successful in every respect. Al-Ma’mūn held him in great affection, and he gave him the name ‘Abī Qurra’, that is ‘honoured and venerable father’, and also ‘one who confirms his faithfulness’, I mean, strengthens it. 89 And he clothed him in a prestigious garment.

I.e. the Muslims. The Syriac word used here, ḥanpā, could be applied to all those perceived to be religious deviants, not just non-Christians but also non-Orthodox Christians. 89 This last part of the sentence (from ‘and also’) is in Arabic (Karshūnī) in P and M, but in Syriac in A. The word translated as ‘faithfulness’ here, amāna, is rendered in Syriac in A by haymānūtā, which can mean ‘faithfulness’, but more commonly means ‘faith’, as in ‘the Christian faith’. 88

‫‪107‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬ ‫]‪[P168r‬‬

‫‪34‬‬

‫‪35‬‬

‫ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܗܝ ܕܟܬܝܒܐ ܒܛܝܝܐܝܬ‪ 90 .‬ܘܟܬܝܒ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܟܠܡܕܡ‬ ‫ܕܕܪܫ ܥܡܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ ܘܦܢܝ ܘܙܟܐ ܐܢܘܢ ܘܚܝܒ ܐܢܘܢ ܒܚܝ� �ܗܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܠܘܐ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܩܡܘ ܗܠܝܢ ܚܟܝ̈ܡܐ ]‪̈ [M111v‬‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܘܐܩܝܡܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܬܠܬܝܢ ܢܛܘ�ܐ‬ ‫ܓܒ�ܐ ܕܒܩܝܢ ̈ܡܠܝܗܘܢ ܘܐܪܒܥܝܢ ܓܒ�ܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ ܡ�ܦܢ̈ܐ ܕܡܒܚܢܝܢ ܘܡܫܪܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܘܡܢܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܝܘܕܝܐ‬ ‫ܠܡܘܡܬܐ ܕ� ܢܬܥܒܪܢ‪ .‬ܡܢܗܘܢ ̇ܡܢ‬ ‫̈ܡܠܝܗܘܢ ‪ 91‬ܐܦ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܗܕ ܐ‪ [A316] .‬ܘܕܪܫܘ ܥܡ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܘܡܢܗܘܢ ܕܢܣܛܘ�ܝܢܐ ̇ܗܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫ܬܠܬܐ ܐ�̈ܡܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܬܠܬܐ ]‪� [P168v‬ܝ�ܘܬܐ ܟܕ ܟܬܒܝܗܘܢ ܥܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟܬܒܝܗܘܢ ܦܪܣܝ ‪93‬‬ ‫ܐܝܕܝܗܘܢ ܘܡܢܗܘܢ ܐܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ‪ 92 .‬ܗܘ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܟܕ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܘܚܝܒ ܐܢܘܢ ܘܙܟܐ ܐܢܘܢ ܒܝܕ ܚܟܡܬܐ �ܗܝܬܐ ܕܐܬܝܗܒܬ ܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܚܙܘ ܕܐܙܕܟܝܘ ܘܐܬܒܙܚܘ ܡܢ ܚܟܡܬܗ ܘܐܬܦܪܣܘ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ̈ܚܢܦܐ ܘܝܗܒܘ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܣܡܐ ܕܡܘܬܐ ܐܫܩܝܘܗܝ ܘ� ܐܟܝܗ ܒܥܘܕܪܢ �ܗܐ ܕܬܟܝܠ ܗܘܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܟܠ ܡܕܡ ܐܬܢܨܚ ܗܘܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܪܚܡܗ ܕܡܐܡܘܢ ܡܠܟܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܛܒ ܐܚܒܗ ܐܝܟ ܢܦܫܗ ]‪ [P169r‬ܘܟܢܝ ܠܗ ܫܡܐ ܐܒܝ ܩܘܪܐ ܗܢܘ ܕܝܢ ܐܒܐ‬ ‫ܡܝܩܪܐ ܘܝܩܝܪܐ ܘܐܝܛܐ �ܕܝ ܩܪܪ ܐܡܢܬܗ ܐܥܢܝ ܬܒܬܗܐ‪94 .‬‬ ‫‪F‬‬

‫‪.‬ܒܥܪܒܝܐ ܓܪܫܘܢܐܝܬ ‪A:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܠܬܝܢ ܢܛܘ�ܐ ܓܒ�ܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ ܡ�ܦܢܐ ܕܡܒܚܢܝܢ ‪M and A compress this to:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܡܫܪܪܝܢ ܡܠܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܡܢܗܘܢ ܐܡܪܝܢ ܘܕܪܫܝܢ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܦܪܣܝ ܐܢܘܢ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫‪This last phrase is in Arabic in P and M, but A gives the Syriac equiv‬‬‫‪.‬ܘܬܘܒ ܡܫܪܪܢܐ ܕܗܝܡܢܘܬܗ ‪alent:‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬

108

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

He wrote out an official document giving him (the same) authority as Muslims, so that, wherever he wished, the Christian rules and regulations might be upheld in the entire realm of the Muslims. Al-Ma’mūn summoned one of his emirs, whose name was Emir Ḥasan ibn Ḥusayn, equipping him with a thousand men, and sent him with Mar Simeon as (a guard of) honour, providing them with ample expenses. Al-Ma’mūn instructed his Vizier, whose name was M‘apnā ibn Ja‘far, 95 to write out a wonderfully fine document, 96 in which he ordered all the rulers of the Muslims to honour Mar Simeon and the members of his monastery and his disciples throughout their dominions. 36.

Once his fame had spread throughout all the regions, he was held in honour by all the rulers – of Nisibis, Harran, Edessa, Amid, and wherever his reputation had spread. They accorded him great honour, one reason being the order of the king that had been laid upon them, and another, the divine grace evident from his face and the glorious radiance that was spread over him as a result of fasting, prayer, and a dedicated and ascetic life accompanied by many a vigil. All the faithful everywhere brought along gold, silver and money, which they gave him to dispense for the benefit of their souls: he did so, dividing it up among orphans and widows, the poor and needy. Everyone who gave him something supposed that through him God would put his gift in the treasury of the Kingdom of Heaven, storing it up as his almsgiving.

This person is presumably meant to be the son of Ja‘far ibn Yaḥyā alBarmakī, who was indeed vizier of Hārūn al-Rashīd, but Ja‘far fell out with the caliph and his son did not succeed him. He also features in the debate between Simeon and al-Ma’mūn (see Appendix 2 below). 96 Syriac: sīgīlīon (cf. Greek: sigillion and Arabic: sijill), meaning an imperial diploma or state/royal letter/document. In the margin of P and M is written firmān, which is the Ottoman Turkish word for such a text. 95

‫‪109‬‬

‫‪36‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܐܠܒܫܗ ܐܣܛ� ‪ 97‬ܪܝܫܝܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܬܒ ܠܗ ܟܬܒܐ ܡܥܠܝܐ ܘܝܗܒ ܠܗ ܐܘܚܕܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܕܟܠ ܐܝܟܐ ܕܨܒܐ ܘܐܦ ܕܢܬܩܝܡܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܛܟܣܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢܡܘܣܐ ܕܟ�ܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܒܟܠܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܘܚܕܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܩܪܐ ܡܐܡܘܢ ܡܠܟܐ ܠܚܕ ܡܢ ܐܡܝ� ܐ ]‪ [A317‬ܕܝܠܗ ܕܫܡܗ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ܐܡܝܪ ܚܣܢ ܐܒܢ ܚܣܝܢ ܘܝܗܒ ܠܗ �ܦܐ ܓܒ�ܐ ܥܡܗ ܘܫܕܪܗ ܥܡ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܐܝܟ ܕ�ܝܩܪܗ‪ [P169v] .‬ܘܝܗܒ ܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܢܦܩܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܦܩܕ‬ ‫]‪ [M112r‬ܡܐܡܘܢ ܠܘܙܝܪܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܕܫܡܗ ܡܥܦܢܐ ܐܒܢ ܔܥܦܪ ܘܟܬܒ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܠܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܣܝܓܝܠܝܘܢ ܬܡܝܗܐ ܘܫܦܝܪܐ ܘܦܩܕ ܒܗ ܠܘܬ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚܝܕܐ‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܕܢܝܩܪܘܢܝܗܝ ܠܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܠܒܢ̈ܝ ܕܝܪܗ ܘܠܬ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܡܝܕܘܗܝ ܒܟܠܗ‬ ‫ܐܘܚܕܢܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܢܦܩ ܛܐܒܗ ܒܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ ̇ܗܠܝܢ ܘܝܩܪܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚܝܕܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܕܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܒܚܪܢ ܘܒܐܘܪܗܝ ܘܐܡܝܕ ܘܒܟܠ ܟܪ ܕܡܬܛܝܒ ]‪ [P170r‬ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܐܝܩܪܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܦܪܫܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܚܕܐ ܡܢ ܡܛܠ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܕܡܠܟܐ ܕܦܩܕ ܐܢܘܢ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܥܝܢܘܗܝ ܘܡܢ ܙܝܘܐ ܫܒܝܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܚܪܬܐ ܛܝܒܘܬܐ �ܗܝܬܐ ܕܢܣܝܟܐ ܗܘܬ ܒܝܬ‬ ‫ܕܦܪܝܣ ܗܘܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܡܢ ܝܕ ܨܘܡܐ ܘܨܠܘܬܐ ܘܢܙܝܪܘܬܐ ܘܥܢܘܝܘܬܐ ܘܫܗܪܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‬ ‫ܕܪܡܐ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ܕܒܟܠ ܐܬ�ܘܢ ]‪ [A318‬ܡܝܬܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕܗܒܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢܦܫܬܗܘܢ‪ :‬ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩܬܐ ܘܝܗܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܕܢܦܪܢܣܗ ܚܠܦ ̈‬ ‫ܘܣܐܡܐ‬ ‫ܝܬܡܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐ�ܡܠܬܐ ܘܥܠ ]‪ [P170v‬ܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܣܢܝܩܐ ܡܦܪܢܣ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܡܦܠܓ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܠ ܕܝܗܒ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܡܕܡ ܗܟܢܐ ܡܣܒܪ ܗܘܐ ܕܒܐܝܕܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܣܐܡ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܠܡܘܗܒܬܗ ܘܒܒܝܬ ܓܙܐ ܕܡܠܟܘܬܐ ܕܫܡܝܐ ܚܡܠ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܠܙܕܩܬܗ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܕܫܡܗ‬

‫‪Greek: stoli.‬‬ ‫ܚܣܢ ܒܪ ܚܣܢ ‪A:‬‬

‫‪97‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬

110

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

37.

Once he had returned from Baghdad in great honour and with splendid acclaim, he first of all built the great church dedicated to Mar Theodore the martyr inside the east gate of Nisibis, on the site of the old church of Mart Febronia that Mar Simeon had bought, as we mentioned earlier.

38.

He was hindered in building it for a long time by the Nestorians; in the end Mar Simeon had to build the church of Mar Theodore three times over, after it had (twice) been destroyed. The first time he built it with mud and with bricks, but it was destroyed at the hands of the Nestorians; the second time he built it with stones and mud, but it was destroyed by an earthquake, while the third time he rebuilt it with large blocks of cut stone and mortar, placing on top of it wooden beams and rafters. Once he had adorned it, all the faithful resorted there to pray in it and at the same time to admire it in all its beauty. Mar Simeon had marble slabs brought from the coast for the main altar, the like of which was not to be seen elsewhere. It measured 8 by 4 spans, and there was another stone on which the bema was built, which also had nothing like it anywhere in the world. What can we say? For there is no comparison to the excellence of this church of Mar Theodore in the city of Nisibis.

39.

When it had been completed, the patriarch of Antioch, Mar Julian, 99 consecrated it, and the whole of Nisibis took delight in it. What can we say of all the trials he endured from the accursed Nestorians in the building of this church, as we have described: of how, in their violent anger, their priests laid down anathemas so that not a single sub-deacon should go with Mar Simeon and so that workers should not labour at the construction of the church, whether for pay or not.

He held office from 687–708. The building and consecration of this church is also mentioned in Chronicle to 819, p. 14, under the year 1018 AG (706–7).

99

‫‪111‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪37‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܒܝܚܐ ܩܕܡܐܝܬ ܒܢܐ ܠܥܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܩܘܠܣܐ‬ ‫ܒܓ ݁ܕ ݁ܐܕ ܒܐܝܩܪܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܦܢܐ ܡܢ ݂‬ ‫ܪܒܬܐ ܕܥܠ ܫܡ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܪܘܤ ܣܗܕܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܠܓܘ ܡܢ ܬܪܥܐ ܡܕܢܚܝܐ‬ ‫ܒܕܘܟܬ ]‪ [M112v‬ܗܝܟ� ܥܬܝܩܐ ܕܡܪܬܝ ܦܒܪܘܢܝܐ ܕܙܒܢ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫]‪ [P171r‬ܐܝܟ ܕܐܡܪܢܢ ܡܢ ܠܥܠ‪.‬‬

‫‪38‬‬

‫ܒܢܝܢܗ ܡܢ ܢܣܛܘ�ܝܢܐ ܙܒܢܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܬܠܬ ܙܒܢܝܢ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܢܗ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܥܘܟ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܪܘܤ ܘܚܪܒܬ‪̇ .‬‬ ‫ܒܢܗ ܙܒܢܬܐ ܩܕܡܝܬܐ ܒܛܝܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ�ܒܢܐ ܘܚܪܒܬ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܝܕܝ ܢܣܛܘ�ܝܢܘ ܘܗܝ ܕܬ�ܬܝܢ ]‪ [A319‬ܙܒܢܝܢ ܒܢܐ ܒܟܐܦܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܛܝܢܐ ܘܚܪܒܬ ܡܢ ܪܥ� ܘܗܝ ܕܬܠܬ ܙܒܢܝܢ ̇‬ ‫ܒܢܗ ܒܟܐܦܐ ܦܣܝܠܬܐ ܘܪܘ�ܒܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܕܪܗ ܟܠܗܘܢ ‪100‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܒܟܠܫܐ ܘܣܡ‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗ ܓܘܡ� ܕܩܝܣܐ ܘܕܦܐ‪[P171v] .‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܨܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕܢܨܠܘܢ ܒܗ ܘܐܦ ܕܢܬܒܩܘܢ ܒܗ ܘܒܫܘܦܪܗ ܡܥܠܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܝܬܝ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ̈ܟܐܦܐ ܕܫܐܫܐ ܡܢ ܣܦܪ ܝܡܐ ܠܦܬܘܪ ̈‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ‬ ‫ܚܝܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܕܠܝܬ ܐܟܘܬܗ ܒܕܘܟܬܐ ܐܚܪܬܐ‪ .‬ܕܗܘܐ ܐܘܪܟܗ ܬܡܢܐ ܙ�ܬܐ ܘܦܬܝܗ ܐܪܒܥ ܙ�ܬܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܟܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܡܢܐ ܢܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܥܠܝܗ ܒܐܝܡܐ ܕ� ܐܝܬ ܒܥܠܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܦ ܟܐܦܐ ܐܚܪܬܐ ܕܒܢܝܐ‬ ‫ܕ� ܐܝܬ ܐܝܟ ܛܒܘܬܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܪܘܤ ܕܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪39‬‬

‫̇‬ ‫ܩܕܫܗ ]‪ [P172r‬ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܕ)ܐ(ܢܛܝܘܟܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܐܫܬܟܠܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܗ ̇‬ ‫ܘܐܬܦܨܚܬ ̇‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܢܨܝܒܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܡܢܐ ܢܐܡܪ ܕܟܡܐ ܢܣܝܘܢܐ ܣܝܒܪ ܡܢ ܢܣܛܘ�ܝܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܒܢܝܢܗ ܕܥܕܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܕܐܡܪܢܢ ܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܡܢ ܚܡܬܐ ܕܪܘܫܥܗܘܢ ܐܚܪܡܘ ܟܗܢܐ‬ ‫̈ܠܝܛܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܘܕܝܐܩܢܘ ‪ 101‬ܥܡ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܐܘܟܝܬ‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗܘܢ ܕ� ]‪ [A320‬ܢܐܙܠ ܚܕ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܦܥ̈� ܕܢܐ�ܐ ܒܒܢܝܢܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ � ܒܐܓܪܐ ܘ� ܕ� ܐܓܪܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ‪A:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪.‬ܐܦܕܝܩܢܘ ‪Greek: hypodiakonos. A spells it:‬‬

‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪101‬‬

112

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

From the very first moment that Mar Simeon and Mar Esha‘ya of Nisibis started on building it, they (the Nestorian priests) would have blocked the building of the church if they had been able to do so. For this reason, Mar Simeon was greatly inconvenienced, since they would not let him hire labourers to work on the construction of the church. 40.

The holy Mar Simeon of the Olives went to George, the headman, 102 son of Lazarus, of Anḥel, who was in authority over the entire region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. He asked him to write to the inhabitants who were under his authority and tell them to help him and provide men, that is, labourers, for the building of the church, so that the Nestorians would not bring it to nought.

41.

Now the headman George was not well acquainted with Mar Simeon, but had only heard of him from distant reports, and George the headman, or king, of the village of Anḥel, did not have much faith in the holy men of our region, that is, of us Syrians, 103 because he had been brought up in the west, with the Romans 104 and had adopted their habits: this was why he had no faith (in the local holy men).

42.

While Mar Simeon of the Olives was sitting in the house of George of Anḥel, the headman, they brought to the holy man a woman named Kūmī from the Fort (of Demetrius). This woman, coming up from the region of (Beth) ‘Arbaye by the road, on reaching a place called ‘Shenā of the treasure’, at noon in the middle of the day, in the month of July, she heard the sound of steps behind her.

Rīšānā. Although this can be synonymous with šallīṭā and aḥīdā, for clarity it will always be translated here as ‘headman’. 103 This term, Sūryāyē, increasingly becomes an identifying label in the Islamic period, connected with the Syriac language and non-Chalcedonian Christianity. 104 This term, Rūmāyē (Arabic: rūm or rūmīyūn), also increasingly becomes an identifying label in the Islamic period, connected with the Greek language and Chalcedonian Christianity. 102

‫‪113‬‬

‫‪40‬‬

‫‪41‬‬

‫‪42‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܟܕ ܡܢ ܙܒܢܬܐ ]‪ [M113r‬ܩܕܡܝܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܕܒܢܗ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܡܪܝ ܐܫܥܝܐ ܢܨܝܒܝܢܝܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܒܢܝܢܗ ܕܥܕܬܐ �ܘ ܐܫܟܚܘ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܗܕܐ ܥܠܬܐ‬ ‫ܡܒܛܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ]‪ [P172v‬ܠܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝ ܐܬܐܠܨ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘ� ܫܒܩܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܕܢܐܓܘܪ ܦܥ� ܕܢܥܒܕܘܢ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܒܢܝܢܗ ܕܥܕܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܘܐܬܐ ܠܘܬ ܓܘܪܓܝ ܪܝܫܢܐ ܒܪ ܠܥܙܪ‬ ‫ܢܚܠܝܐ ܕܫܠܝܛ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ ܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܒܥܐ ܡܢܗ ܕܢܟܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܠܒܢ̈ܝ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܬܚܝܬ ܫܘܠܛܢܗ ܘܢܐܡܪ ܠܗܘܢ ܐܝܟ ܕܢܥܕܪܘܢܝܗܝ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܒܢܝܢܗ ]‪ [P173r‬ܕܥܕܬܐ ܕ� ܢܒܛ�ܘܢܝܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܢܬܠܘܢ ܠܗ ܓܒ� ܐ ܐܘܟܝܬ ܦܥ̈�‬ ‫ܢܣܛܘ�ܝܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܓܘܪܓܝ ܪܝܫܢܐ � ܡܦܣ ܗܘܐ ܛܒܐܝܬ ܒܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܐ� ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܫܡܥܐ‬ ‫�ܚܝܩܐ ܒܠܚܘܕ ܕܫܡܥ ܗܘܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܘܓܘܪܓܝ ܪܝܫܢܐ ܘܐܘܟܝܬ ܡܠܟܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܐܬܪܢ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܕܢܚܠ ‪ 105‬ܩܪܝܬܐ ]‪ [A321‬ܠܘ ܣܓܝ ܡܗܝܡܢ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܣܘ�ܝܝܐ ܡܛܠ ܕܒܡܥܪܒܐ ܥܡ �ܘܡܝܐ ܐܬܪܒܝ ܗܘܐ ܘܐܬܥܝܕ ܡܢ ܗܟܢ �‬ ‫ܡܗܝܡܢ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܝܬܝܒ ܗܘܐ ܒܒܝܬܗ ܕܪܝܫܢܐ ܓܘܪܓܝ ܢܚܠܝܐ ܘܐܝܬܝܘ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܫܡܗ ܟܘܡܝ‪ .‬ܘܗܕܐ ܐܢܬܬܐ‬ ‫ܠܘܬܗ ]‪ [P173v‬ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܐܢܬܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܡܢ ܚܣܢܐ‬ ‫ܟܕ ܣ�ܩܐ ܗܘܬ ܡܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܥ�ܒܝܐ ܒܐܘܪܚܐ ܘܟܕ ܡܛܬ ܠܕܘܟܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܫܢܐ ܗܝ ܕܣܝܡܬܐ ‪ 106‬ܒܦܠܓܗ ܕܝܢ ܕܝܘܡܐ ܒܥܕܢ ܛܗܪܐ ܒܦܠܓܗ ܕܬܡܘܙ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒܬܪܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܝܪܚܐ ܫܡܥܬ ܩܠ ܗܠܟܬܐ ܡܕܡ ܡܢ ]‪[M113v‬‬

‫‪. The toponym in M could be read as shelā.‬ܗܝ‬

‫‪.‬ܕܐܢܚܝܠ ‪A:‬‬ ‫ܕܣܝܡܬܐ ‪A omits‬‬

‫‪105‬‬ ‫‪106‬‬

114

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

Afraid of the sound she had heard, she turned her face back and beheld what looked like a black dog. She was greatly terrified, and when she wanted to turn her face back to the front she was no longer able to do so. Her face remained twisted backwards for three days and nights, and she could not eat or drink anything. When her husband heard that Mar Simeon of the Olives had come up to Anḥel from the city of Nisibis, he took his wife and arrived at Anḥel, where he entered Mar Simeon’s presence while the latter was seated with the headman George. He begged the holy man to heal his wife, but the holy man refused his request and replied: ‘I am a sinful man, a servant of God, and this matter that you are asking of me is not in my hands’. But the woman’s husband, together with many crowds who had previously heard about the signs, miracles and wonders that the holy Mar Simeon had performed, began to supplicate him to attend to the woman. George, too, urged him on along with them. The holy man was barely persuaded and only agreed to their petition when he saw that they would compel him by force. He stood up and prayed, offering incense before God; he wept bitterly and brought some vessels into which he put some water and blessed it. With it he anointed the woman’s face and made her drink some. At that very moment her face was straightened and she sat down with her face in an even better state than before. She began speaking clearly as though she had nothing wrong with her at all. Everyone who saw this miracle gave thanks and praise to God, also acclaiming Mar Simeon. 43.

When George saw this happen, the holy Mar Simeon grew in his opinion, and he looked upon him as if he was an angel of God. From that day onwards he held Mar Simeon in great honour, together with all the holy men of our region. He wrote and sent (letters) to all his dominion (stating) that they should come and assist Mar Simeon in the building of the church.

‫‪115‬‬

‫‪43‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̇‬ ‫ܠܒܣܬܪܗ ܘܚܙܬ ܐܝܟ ܕܡܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܟܕ ܕܚܠܬ ܡܢ ܩ� ܕܫܡܥܬ ܐܦܢܝܬ ܐܦܝ̈ ̇ܗ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܩܕܡܝܗ ܘ� ܐܬܡܨܝܬ‬ ‫ܕܟܠܒܐ ܐܘܟܡܐ‪ .‬ܘܙܥܬ ܛܒ ܘܟܕ ܒܥܬ ܕܬܗܦܟܝ ܐܦܝ̈ ̇ܗ‬ ‫ܠܒܣܬܪܗ ̈‬ ‫ܬܠܬܐ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܝܡܡܝܢ‬ ‫ܦܪܨܘܦܗ‬ ‫]‪ [P174r‬ܬܘܒ‪ .‬ܘܗܘܬ ܕܟܕ ܦܬܝܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܥܠܗ‬ ‫ܘܬܠܬܐ ̈ܠܝ�ܘܬܐ ܘ� ̈ܡܝܐ ܫܬܝܬ ܘ� ܡܕܡ ܐܟܠܬ ܣܟ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܫܡܥ‬ ‫ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ]‪ [A322‬ܣܠܩ ܡܢ ܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ �ܢܚܠ ܫܩܠ‬ ‫ܐܢܬܬܗ ܘܡܛܐ �ܢܚܠ ܘܥܠ�ܠܩܕܡ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܟܕ ܗܘ ܝܬܝܒ ܠܘܬ ܪܝܫܢܐ‬ ‫ܓܘܪܓܝ‪ .‬ܘܒܥܐ ܡܢܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܢܚܠܡ �ܢܬܬܗ ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ � ܩܒܠ ܦܝܣܗ‬ ‫ܘܦܢܝ ܠܗ ܕܐܢܐ ܓܒܪܐ ܚܛܝܐ ܥܒܕܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܘ� ܡܛܝܐ ܠܝ ]‪ [P174v‬ܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܒܥܠܗ ܕܐܢܬܬܐ ܥܡ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟܢܫܐ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܒܐܝܕܝ ܕܫܐܠܝܬܘܢ ܡܢܝ‪̇ .‬ܗܘ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܫܡܝܥ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܡܢ ܩܕܝܡ ܥܠ ܐܬܘܬܐ ‪107‬‬ ‫ܘܚܝ� ܘܬܕܡ�ܬܐ ܕܣܥܪ ܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܢܣܥܪܝܗ �ܢܬܬܐ ܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܦܝܣ ܥܡܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܫܪܝܘ ܘܡܬܟܫܦܝܢ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܐܦ ܗܘ ܓܘܪܓܝ‪ .‬ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܠܡܚܣܢ ܐܬܛܦܝܣ ܠܗܘܢ ܘܩܒܠ ܦܝܣܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܥܠ ܕܚܙܐ ܕܒܩܛܝܪܐ �ܨܝܢ ܠܗ‪ .‬ܩܡ ܘܨܠܝ ܘܐܥܛܪ ܩܕܡ �ܗܐ ̈‬ ‫ܒܣܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܟܐ ܡܪܝܪܐܝܬ ܘܐܝܬܝ ̈ܡܐܢܐ ܘܐܪܡܝ ܒܗ ̈ܡܝܐ ܘܒܪܟ ]‪ [P175r‬ܐܢܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܡܫܚ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܫܩܝܗ ܡܢ ܗܢܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܒܗ‬ ‫ܦܪܨܘܦܗ ܕܐܢܬܬܐ ̇ܗܝ ]‪[M114r‬‬ ‫ܡܢܗܘܢ ]‪[A323‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܦܪܨܘܦܗ ܛܒ ܡܢ ܕܒܩܕܡܝܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܫܪܝܬ‬ ‫ܦܪܨܘܦܗ ܘܝܬܒܬ ܘܬܩܢ‬ ‫ܒܥܕܢܐ ܐܬܬܪܨ‬ ‫ܡܡ�� ܦܫܝܩܐܝܬ ܐܝܟ ܗܘ ܕ� ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܟܐܒܐ ܣܟ‪ .‬ܘܟܠܡܢ ܕܚܙܐ ܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܬܕܡܘܪܬܐ ܘܐܘܕܝ ܘܫܒܚ �ܠܗܐ ܐܦ ܩܠܣ ܠܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܚܙܐ ܓܘܪܓܝ ̈‬ ‫ܕܗܘܝ ̇ܗܠܝܢ ܣܓܝ ܝܪܒ ܒܥ̈ܝܢܘܗܝ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܚܐܪ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܐܝܟ ܡ�ܟܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܗܘ ܝܘܡܐ ܘܠܗܠ ܛܒ ܡܝܩܪ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܠܗ ]‪ [P175v‬ܠܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ܕܐܬܪܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܬܒ ܘܫܕܪ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܒܢܝܢܗ‬ ‫ܠܟܠܗ ܐܘܚܕܢܗ ܕܢܐܙܠܘܢ ܥܡܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܢܥܕܪܘܢܝܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܥܕܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ ‪M:‬‬

‫‪107‬‬

116 44.

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

More than three hundred workmen went down with Mar Simeon, and they completed the building of the church in Nisibis, as we said. And because of its magnificence and ornamentation all the faithful used to gather to it to pray. For this reason, the church became enriched with countless faithful, and all the strangers, poor and beggars, and the workers who came to the city of Nisibis, would find rest in this church, and all their needs were fulfilled by it. They would gather day and night, because he had endowed it for every bodily and spiritual need. The holy man was assisted by all the faithful, of all regions, and they would send him gifts and funds. Further, because of the honour of the king of the Muslims, and to win over their hearts, he built a large and beautiful mosque next door to the church, adorning it with great honour. He also provided a banquet, stocked with the best things in the city. All his expenses he took from that church. Thus he used to please all the Muslims, the religious experts 108 and prayerleaders who gathered there and came to the congregational mosque. 109 Because of this, and similar things, the holy Mar Simeon of the Olives was praised, honoured and liked by all the Muslims, and they used to help him in everything that he was doing. Even the governors of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn used to give him gold, silver and gifts to administer.

Paqīhē. This is a Syriac plural of the Arabic (singular) word faqīh (Arabic plural: fuqahā’), which means an expert in jurisprudence, but I think here it intends more broadly those knowledgeable in Islamic law. 109 P and M have lwjm‘. One could take the waw to be a mīm and read limajma‘ (‘to the place of assembly’), but Andrew Palmer tells me that the text here is likely influenced by the Turoyo Syriac dialect, in which ‘to the mosque’ = lū-jāmi‘. In Arabic jāmi‘ signifies the major mosque in a city, usually translated in English as ‘congregational mosque’. A uses the Syriac word for mosque: masgidā, from Arabic masjid. Note that we have no reference outside of the corpus of Simeon-related texts to his building of a mosque in Nisibis. Harawī, Ishārāt, p. 60, tells us that the first mosque in Nisibis was called ‘the mosque of Banū Bakra’ and that it was the ancient congregational mosque, but does not say when it was built. 108

‫‪117‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܫܡܠܝܘܗ‬ ‫ܘܒܢܐܘܗ‬ ‫ܬܠܬܡܐܐ ܦܥ̈�‬ ‫ܘܢܚܬ ܥܡ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܝܬܝܪ ܡܢ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܨܒܬܗ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ‬ ‫ܫܒܝܚܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܠܥܕܬܐ ܕܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܐܝܟ ܕܐܡܪܢܢ‪ .‬ܘܡܛܠ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܨܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ]‪ [A324‬ܕܢܨܠܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܒܗܕܐ ܥܠܬܐ ܥܬܪܬ ܥܕܬܐ ܒܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ܕ�‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܢܝܢ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܟܣܢܝܐ ܘܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܚܕܘ�ܐ ]‪ [P176r‬ܘܦܥ� ܕܐܬܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܠܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܒܗܕܐ ܥܕܬܐ ܡܬܬܢܝܚܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܟܠܗ ܣܘܢܩܢܗܘܢ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܡܬܡ� ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܨܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̇‬ ‫ܕܐܥܬܪܗ ܒܟܠ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܒܠܝܐ ܘܒܐܝܡܡܐ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܘܢܩܢܝܢ ܦܓ�ܢܝܐ ܘ�ܘܚܢܝܐ‪ 110 .‬ܘܐܬܥܕܪ ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܢ ܟܠ ]‪[M114v‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܘܗܒܬܐ ܘܢܦܩܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ܕܒܟܠ ܐܬ�ܘܢ ܘܡܫܕܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܘܕܢܒܣܡ ܠܒܝ̈ܗܘܢ ܠܩܘܒܠܗ ܒܢܐ ܥܠ� ̇‬ ‫ܓܒܗ‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܐܝܩܪܐ ܕܡܠܟܐ‬ ‫ܕܥܕܬܐ ܡܣܓܕܐ ܘܪܒܐ ܘܫܦܝܪܐ ܘܨܒܬܗ ܛܒ ܡܝܩܪܐܝܬ‪ [P176v] .‬ܘܣܡ ܦܬܘܪܐ‬ ‫ܛܘܒܝܢ ܕܒܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠܗܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܡ� ܟܠ ̈‬ ‫ܢܦܩܬܗ ܡܢ ܥܕܬܐ ܗܝ ܕܫܩܠ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܨܠܝܢܐ ܕܨܝܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܐܬܝܢ‬ ‫ܛܝܝܐ ܘܦܩܝ̈ܗܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܢܝܚ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܠܘܔܡܥ‪ 111 .‬ܡܛܠ ܗܠܝܢ ܘܕܐܝܟ ܗܠܝܢ ܐܬܩܠܣ ܘܐܬܝܩܪ ܘܐܬܪܚܡ ]‪[A325‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܡܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܛܝܝܐ ܘܡܥܕܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܒܟܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܝܗܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܕܗܒܐ ܘܣܐܡܐ‬ ‫ܡܘܢ ܕܥܒܕ ܗܘܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ ̈ܫܠܝܛܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܘܗܒܬܐ ܕܢܦܪܢܣ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܦܓ�ܢܝܐ‬

‫ܠܡ ܘ�ܘܚܢܝܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܠܡܣܓܕܐ ‪A:‬‬

‫‪110‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬

118

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

As a result of the multitude of rich gifts and abundant alms that he dispensed among people of all states and conditions they used to call him ‘Mar John the Merciful’. 112 45.

After he had built the madrasa of the Muslims, the holy Mar Simeon renovated the monastery of the Bearer of God, and the monastery of Mart Febronia, the Martyr, to the west of the church he had built. In it he established nuns and ‘daughters of the covenant’, providing them with religious regulations and rules. 113

46.

He also built the monastery of Mar Dimet to the southwest of the church he had built, adorning it with all that was necessary. For these three splendid monasteries which he had rebuilt he bought shops, courtyards and houses, so that they might be set up for their requirements, (such as) for lighting and for buildings, whenever they were in need of necessary expenses.

47.

He built a house for the great mill-stone to the northeast of the church of Mar Theodore that he had built. Around the mill(house) he built a wall with a tower and joined it up with the town’s outer wall, opening up a gate for it inside the city. It is known as ‘the mill-stone of Mar Simeon of the Olives’ up to this day, and he donated (the income from) this mill-stone to the Abbey of Qartmin.

48.

He purchased fine baths, donating them to the monastery of Mar Elisha that he had built. He authorized in writing that everything that was in excess of the requirements of these monasteries that he had built, and of the church of Mar Theodore, should come to his own Abbey of Qartmin. When all the faithful would come down and participate in the church’s feast day, the monks of the Abbey would receive the ‘first-fruits’, and these were sent by the patriarch Julian to the monks of the Abbey.

The reference is to the patriarch of Alexandria known as John ‘the Almsgiver’ (610–19). 113 Literally: regulations and rules of the fear of God. 112

‫‪119‬‬

‫‪45‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܕܡܘܗܒܬܐ ]‪ [P177r‬ܥܬܝ�ܬܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܙܕܩܬܐ ܫܦܝ̈ܥܬܐ ܕܡܫܦܥ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܣܘܓܐܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܟܠ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܘܫܚܢ ܩܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܚܢܢ ܡܪܚܡܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܩܘܡܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ̇‬ ‫ܚܕܬܗ‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܒܢܗ ܠܡܕܪܣܗ ‪ 114‬ܗܝ‬ ‫ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܝܠܕܬ �ܗܐ ܘܠܕܝܪܐ ܗܝ ܕܡܪܬܝ ܦܒܪܘܢܝܐ ܣܗܕܬܐ ܗܝ ܕܠܡܥܪܒܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܗ ܕܝ�ܝܬܐ ܘܒܢ̈ܬ ܩܝ̈ܡܐ ܘܣܡ ܠܗܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܥܕܬܐ ܕܒܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܩܝܡ ̇‬ ‫ܘܩܢܘܢܐ‬ ‫ܬܚܘܡܐ‬ ‫)ܕ(ܕܚܠܬ �ܗܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪46‬‬

‫ܘܬܘܒ ܒܢܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܗܝ ܕܡܪܝ ܕܝܡܛ ܕܠܬܝܡܢܐ ܡܥܪܒܝܐ ܡܢ ܥܕܬܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܫܟܠܗ ܒܟܠܡܐ ܕܣܢܝܩܐ ]‪ [M115r‬ܗܘܬ‪ .‬ܘܙܒܢ ܠܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫]‪ [P177v‬ܕܒܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܠܬ ܕܝ�ܬܐ ܫܒܝܚܬܐ ܕܒܢܐ ܚܢܘܬܐ ܘܕ�ܬܐ ܘܒܬܐ ܐܝܟ ܕܢܬܩܝܡܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܣܘܢܩܢܐ ܕܝܠܗܝܢ ܠܢܗܝ�ܐ ܘܒܢ̈ܝܢܐ ܟܠ ܐܡܬܝ ]‪ [A326‬ܕܡܣܬܢ̈ܩܢ ܥܠ‬ ‫ܢܦܩܬܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܢܢܩܝܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪47‬‬

‫ܘܒܢܐ ܒܝܬܐ ܠܪܚܝܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܕܠܡܕܢܚܐ ܘܠܓܪܒܝܐ ܡܢ ܥܕܬܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܪܘܤ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕܒܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܢܐ ܫܘܪܐ ܠܒܪ ܡܢ ܪܚܝܐ ܘܒܘܪܓܐ ‪ 115‬ܘܫܡܠܝ ̇ܗ ܥܡ ܫܘܪܐ ܒܪܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܘܐܦ ܦܬܚ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܬܪܥܐ ܠܓܘ ܒܡܕܝܢܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܩܪܝܬ ܪܚܝܐ ܕܡܪܝ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܫܟܢܗ ܗܕܐ ܪܚܝܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫]‪ [P178r‬ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܩܪܛܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܙܒܢ ܒ�ܢ̈ܐܣ ‪ 116‬ܫܦܝ�ܬܐ ܘܫܟܢ ܐܢܝܢ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ �ܝܫܥ ܕܒܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܬܒ‬ ‫ܘܙܕܩ ܕܟܠ ܡܕܡ ܕܝܬܪ ܡܢ ܣܘܢܩܢܐ ܕܗܠܝܢ ܕܝ�ܬܐ ܕܒܢܐ ܘܡܢ ܥܕܬܐ ܕܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܪܘܤ ܢܐܬܐ ܘܢܡܛܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܡܗܝܡܢܐ ܕܢܚܬ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܫܬܘܬܦ ܗܘܐ ܒܥܐܕܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ ܗܝ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܢܣܒܘܢ ܪܝܫܝܬܗ ܠܗܘܢ ܘܗܕܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܫܪܪܗ ܗܕܐ ܠܕܝ�ܝܐ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ‬

‫‪48‬‬

‫‪.‬ܠܡܕܪܫܬܐ ‪Arabic: madrasa; A gives the Syriac equivalent:‬‬ ‫‪Greek: pyrgos, Arabic: burj.‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫‪Greek: balaneia.‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪115‬‬

120

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

These places became a great support and of much assistance to the Abbey of Qartmin. In this way he (Mar Simeon) adorned the Abbey with all sorts of regal goods, purchasing for it villages, shops and many mill-stones. 49.

Once the reputation of Mar Simeon of the Olives had grown in the four quarters of the created world he became afraid of the jealousy of evil and envious men, lest they do him harm, because of the gold he was distributing to the poor, and lest ill-disposed Muslims be instigated against him. The heads of the Abbey took common counsel with the patriarch, Mar Julian, that he should consecrate him bishop. The heads of the monastery imparted this to the patriarch without the holy Mar Simeon being aware, since he did not wish to be honoured with the rank of the priesthood; rather, he ran away from it, out of his great humility.

50.

When God willed, Mar Elia bar Gufne, bishop of the city of Harran, died, and a man of eloquence from all the Church was sought out and elected to be bishop of the city of Harran, (namely Simeon), seeing that there was no one greater than Mar Simeon in the entire Church, for he was capable of responding to all sorts of disputations and questions. (This was necessary) because there still remained in Harran the old leaven of idol worship, and the teachings 117 of the Manichaeans, who resided in the city of Harran and the surrounding regions like tares that had appeared among the wheat in the land of Syria. 118

In the margin is written the adjective ‘Roman’, and this appears in the main text in M, so yielding literally: ‘the Roman teachings of the Manichaeans’. A has: ‘the Roman teachings and of the Manichaeans’. 118 Chronicle of Zuqnin, pp. 224–26, states that the Manichaeans were still active in Harran in the 760s. However, in Christian sources the term Manichaean was often applied to a variety of non-Christian syncretic belief systems. For what religious traditions might have existed in Harran see Green, City of the Moon God. 117

‫‪121‬‬

‫‪49‬‬

‫‪50‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫]‪[P178v‬‬ ‫ܘܗܘܝ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܘܟܝ̈ܬܐ ܣܡܟܐ ܪܒܐ ܘܥܘܕܪܢܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‪ [A327] .‬ܘܗܟܢܐ ܗܕܪܗ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܒܟܠܗܝܢ ܛܒܬܐ ܡܠܟܝܬܐ ܘܙܒܢ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܩܘ�ܝܐܤ ܘܚܢ̈ܘܬܐ ܘ�ܚܘܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܝܪܒ ܫܡܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܒܐܪܒܥ ܦܢ̈ܝܢ ܕܒܪܝܬܐ ܕܚܠ ܡܢ ܚܣܡܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܒܢܝܢ̈ܫܐ ܒܝ̈ܫܐ‬ ‫ܘܚܣܡܐ ܕܢܒܐܫܘܢ ܠܗ ܡܛܠ ܕܗܒܐ ]‪ [M115v‬ܕܡܦܠܓ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܛܝܝܐ ̈‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܥܠ ܡܣܟܢܐ ܕ� ܢܬܬܙܝܥܘܢ ܠܩܘܒܠܗ ̈‬ ‫ܡܣܝܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܕܐ ܥܒܕܘܗܝ‬ ‫�ܝܫܝ ܥܘܡܪܐ ܘܥܒܕܘ ܡܠܟܐ ܓܘܢܝܐ ܥܡ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ]‪ [P179r‬ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐܘܕܥܘܗ �ܝܫܝ ܥܘܡܪܐ ܠܗ ܠܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܟܕ �‬ ‫ܕܢܣܪܚܝܘܗܝ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܪܓܝܫ ܗܘܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܡܛܠ ܕ� ܨܒܐ ܗܘܐ ܕܢܬܝܩܪ ܒܕܪܓܐ‬ ‫ܕܟܗܢܘܬܐ ܐ� ܥܪܩ ܗܘܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܡܛܠ ܡܟܝܟܘܬܗ ܪܒܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܨܒܐ �ܗܐ ܘܥܢܕ ܡܪܝ �ܝܐ ܒܪ ̈‬ ‫ܓܘܦܢܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܚܪܐܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܥܕܬܐ ܕܢܗܘܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܠܚܪܐܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܓܒܝ ܘܐܬܥܩܒ ܓܒܪܐ ܡܠܝ� ܡܢ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܟܠܗ ܥܕܬܐ )ܕ(ܪܒ ܡܢ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܡܛܠ ܕ� ܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܣܦܩ ܗܘܐ ܕܡܦܢܐ ܘܠܘܬ ]‪ [P179v‬ܟܠ ]‪ [A328‬ܕ�ܫܝܢ ܘܫܐܘܠܝܢ‪ .‬ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ܕܫܪܝܟ ܗܘܐ ܒܚܪܐܢ ܚܡܝܪܐ ܥܬܝܩܐ ܕܕܚܠܬ ܦܬܟ�ܐ ܘܡܢ ̈ܝܘܠܦܢܐ ‪ 119‬ܕܡܢܝ̈ܢܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܚܕܪܝܗ ܘܐܝܟ ܙܝܙ̈ܢܐ ‪ 120‬ܡܬܚܙܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕܥܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܚܪܐܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܘܒܐܬ�ܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܒܝܢܬ ̈ܚܛܐ ܒܐܪܥܐ ܕܣܘܪܝܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܪܗܘܡܝ̈ܐ ‪In the margin of P and in the text of M there is added the word:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪.‬ܝܘܠܦܢܐ ܪܗܘܡܝ̈ܐ ܘܕܡܢܝܢܝ̈ܐ ‪A has:‬‬ ‫‪120‬‬ ‫‪Greek: zizania.‬‬ ‫‪119‬‬

122

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

51.

And it happened that Muḥammad the Emir, son of Marwān, 121 (one of) the emirs of the Muslims, who was a religious expert, 122 was in charge of the whole of Mesopotamia and the whole of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. He also had authority over Harran and had established a porta, 123 that is, its madrasa. For this reason, too, it was necessary that the bishop for Harran should be an eloquent teacher and disputant who could stand up to these adversaries.

52.

The members of the Abbey (of Qartmin), as we mentioned, assembled concerning him, lest there be some supposition that (he was elected) because of the finds that the boy David, his sister’s son, had made. And all these (members) were present on that occasion, 124 and the writer concerning that era, Moses of Anḥel,125 said as follows:

Muḥammad ibn Marwān was appointed by the caliph ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) as governor of north Mesopotamia and Armenia in 692; he died ca. 720. 122 It is unclear why Muḥammad ibn Marwān is designated a faqīh here, as in the Muslim tradition he is only known as a general and governor. Possibly it is a reflection of the fact that in these early days, before there were officially appointed judges, generals and governors dispensed justice. 123 This must be the Latin porta, (city) ‘gate’. Muslim madrasas, in the sense of a formal building with officially appointed teachers, only emerged in the eleventh century; before that mosques and public spaces would be used for instruction in Islamic law, and it seems to be meant here that an area by the city gate was designated for this purpose in Umayyad Harran. Note that Harran in P and M can be written either as ‫ ܚܪܐܢ‬or as ‫ܚܪܢ‬. 124 Or it could mean that David’s finds were made present at one time. The sense here is obscure. 125 This is plausibly the father of Daniel bar Moses of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, who is mentioned in the introduction to the chronicle of Dionysius of Telmahre as author of an ecclesiastical history from around the mid-eighth century (Chronique de Michel le syrien, p. 378 [10.XXI]). 121

‫‪123‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬

‫‪52‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ ܦܩܝܗܐ‬ ‫ܘܓܕܫ ܕܐܦ ܡܘܚܡܕ ܐܡܝܪܐ ܒܪ ܡܪܘܢ ܐܡܝ�ܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܦܩܝܕ ܥܠ ܟܠܗ ܒܝܬ ܢܗ�ܝܢ ܘܥܠ ܟܠܗ ܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪ 126 .‬ܫܠܝܛ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ ܡܛܠ ܗܕܐ ]‪[P180r‬‬ ‫ܒܚܪܢ ܘܐܩܝܡ ܦܘܪܛܐ ܐܘܟܝܬ ܡܕܪܣܗ‬ ‫ܡܬܒܥܐ ܗܘܐ ܕܢܗܘܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܠܚܪܢ ܓܒܪܐ ܡܠܝ� ܘܡ�ܦܢܐ ܘܕܪܘܫܐ‬ ‫ܘܕܩܐܡ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܩܘܒ� ]‪ [M116r‬ܗܠܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܐܦܝ‬ ‫ܘܨܒܘ ̈‬ ‫ܒܢܝ ܥܘܡܪܗ ܐܟܡܐ ܕܐܡܪܢܢ ܡܛܠܬܗ ܕ� ܬܗܘܐ ܡܣܒܪܢܘܬܐ ܕܥܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܟܚܬܐ ܕܐܫܟܚ ܕܘܝܕ ܛܠܝܐ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܛܝܒ ܗܠܝܢ ܟܠܗܝܢ ܗܘܝ ܒܚܕ‬ ‫ܙܒܢܐ ܘܐܡܪ ܡܟܬܒܢܐ ܕܡܛܠ ܙܒܢܐ ܗܘ ܕܗܘ ܡܘܫܐ ܢܚܠܝܐ ܗܟܢܐ ܕܡܬܝܕܥ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ]‪ [A329‬ܒܙܒܢ ‪ 127‬ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܗܢܐ ܕܐܬܛܒܒ ܫܡܗ ܒܐ�ܒܥ ܦܢ̈ܝܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܬܘܬܐ ܕܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܚܝ�‬ ‫ܕܒܪܝܬܐ ܡܛܠ ܣܘܓܐܐ ܕܬܕܡ�ܬܗ ]‪[P180v‬‬ ‫ܡܪܚܡܢܘܬܗ ܘܡ�ܦܢܘܬܗ ܘܟܐܢܘܬܗ ܘܙܕܝܩܘܬܗ‪.‬‬

‫‪M and A mention only Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, not Mesopotamia (bēt nahrīn).‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܒܙܒܢܢ ‪A:‬‬

‫‪126‬‬ ‫‪127‬‬

124

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

Mar Simeon in our time was well known, his name having been talked of in the four quarters of creation thanks to the many miracles, wonders and signs that he was performing, (along with) his compassion, his teaching, his uprightness and his justice. Further, the name of Mar Simeon of the Olives shone out in the presence of bishop Thomas, 128 who lauded him greatly. And everyone there bore witness to him, 129 although the patriarch Mar Julian was well aware of Mar Simeon, being better acquainted with him than anyone else. 53.

When they were assembled to select a head for Harran, while each individual was choosing as he wanted, along came Mar Theodotus, 130 a friend of Mar Simeon of the column, and confidant 131 of this Mar Simeon, as well as fellow student of the patriarch Mar Julian. He told the patriarch about Mar Simeon of the Olives, and the patriarch spoke to the synod of all the bishops and to all who were present there. His advice proved to be acceptable to them, and they were pleased with it, seeing that they were all well aware that the holy Mar Theodotus was not giving them advice about the elect Mar Simeon of the Olives out of any worldly consideration, but because the glorious Mar Simeon of the Olives was a ‘chosen vessel’, his entire way of life being dependent on God.

This may be the Thomas, bishop of Amid, who attended the synod of Mar Shīlā in 705–6 (Chronicle of Zuqnin, p. 155, s.a. 1017 AG). 129 I.e. to his worthiness to take on the office of bishop of Harran. 130 This cannot be the famous Mar Theodota of Amid, since he died in 698. Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, 163, suggests identifying him instead with Theodotus of Germanikea, whose death in 1039 AG (737–38) is noted in Chronicle to 819, 17. The copyist of A states in a footnote that the Theodotus mentioned here was an itinerant monk, with no abode to shelter him nor possessions to concern him, probably confusing him with the famous Theodota of Amid, who was a wandering ascetic before becoming bishop of Amid. 131 Instead of r’zh, A has ’rmh; this makes no sense and is probably just a mistake for ’rzh, which is an alternative spelling of r’zh. 128

‫‪125‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܬܘܒ ܐܕܢܚ ܫܡܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܩܕܡ ܬܐܘܡܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܘܩ�ܣܗ‬ ‫̈ܣܓܝܐܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܣܗܕ ܠܗ ܟܠ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܘ ܬܡܢ ܟܕ ܛܒ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܣܓܝ ܡܦܣ ܗܘܐ ܒܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܚܟܡ ܗܘܐ ܒܗ ܝܬܝܪܐܝܬ ܛܒ ܡܢ ܟ�ܢܫ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬

‫ܘܟܕ ܨܒܘ ܕܢܐܓܒܘܢ ܪܝܫܐ ܠܚܪܢ ܟܕ ܟܠ ܚܕ ܐܝܟ ܨܒܝܢܗ ܓܒܐ ܗܘܐ ܐܬܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ‪ 132‬ܪܚܡܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ]‪ [P181r‬ܕܐܣܛܘܢܗ ܘܒܪ ܪܐܙܗ ‪ 133‬ܕܗܢܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܒܪ ܬܪܒܝܬܗ ܕܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܠܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܘܗܘ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܐܡܪ ܠܣܘܢܢܕܘܤ‬ ‫ܟܠܗܘܢ ܘܟܠ ܕܐܬܛܝܒ ܬܡܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܩܒܠ ܗܢܐ ܡܠܟܐ ܥܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܘܚܕܝܘ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܡܛܠ ܕܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܦܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܚܣܝܐ ]‪ [A330‬ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܪܘܛܐ ܕܠܘ‬ ‫ܡܛܠ ܡܕܡ ܦܓܪܢܝܐ ܡܠܟ ܠܗܘܢ ܡܛܠ�ܓܒܝܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܒܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܡܐܢܐ ܗܘ ܓܒܝܐ ܗܘ ]‪ [M116v‬ܢܨܝܚܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ]‪[P181v‬‬ ‫ܘܒܐܠܗܐ ܬ� ܗܘܐ ܟܠܗ ܕܘܒܪܗ‪.‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܒܫܦܘܠܝ ܓܪܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܗܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ‬ ‫ܡܗܠܟ ܗܘܐ ܠܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܠܗ ܒܝܬܐ ܕܢܥܘܠ�ܠܗ ܘ� ܡܥܪܬܐ ܠܣܬܪܗ‪ .‬ܡܗܠܟ ܗܘܐ ܒܣܬܘܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܝܘܬܐ ܡܬܟܢ̈ܫܢ ̈‬ ‫ܗܘܝ ܘܐܬ�̈ܢ �ܝܩܪܗ ܡܢ ܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܗܠܟ ܒܗ‪ .‬ܘ�‬ ‫ܒܬܠܓܐ ܘܒܓܠܝܕܐ‬ ‫ܩܢܐ ܗܘܐ ܡܕܡ ܕܢܪܢܐ ܒܗ ܣܟ‪.‬‬ ‫‪133‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܒܪ ܐܪܡܗ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪The copyist of A adds in a footnote:‬‬

‫‪132‬‬

126

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

54

Mar Theodotus, the friend of Mar Simeon of the column, was perfect, and everyone who heard (him speak) testified concerning the many virtues of Mar Simeon of the Olives.

55

After these things they wrote a letter sending for Mar Simeon of the Olives, and (a threat of) suspension from the patriarch and all the synod, so that by all means he should set out and come to them, not saying a word or asking the reason.

56

When the letter reached the Abbey of Qartmin, he was unable to object. He set off and came to them against his will, and under compulsion. After he had prayed in front of the altar, he took his seat in the presence of the patriarch and all the bishops. Then the patriarch began to urge him to accept being consecrated bishop, and all those assembled there likewise urged him to accept the patriarch’s counsel. They wearied themselves in urging him for three days and three nights, but he still did not agree. In the end, when he saw that he was causing offence to the patriarch and the bishops and he remained under (threat of) suspension from them, and that he was being forcibly pressured by his friends, he consented to this, not out of his own wish or wholeheartedly, but rather lest the patriarch would be offended at him and lest he himself would be guilty and so lose his (heavenly) reward.

57

Everyone present there was greatly delighted, and so Mar Simeon of the Olives was consecrated (bishop) at the hands of the glorious patriarch of Antioch, the holy Mar Julian. (It was) at the beginning of June, at the great feast of Pentecost, in the year 1011 of the Greeks, 134 and the entire Church was hugely pleased at this.

134

I.e. 700 CE. The same date is given in Chronicle to 819, p. 13.

‫‪127‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܛܐ ܪܚܡܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܐܣܛܘܢܗ ܓܡܝܪ ܗܘܐ ܘܟܠܡܢ ܕܫܡܥܘ‬ ‫ܣܗܕܘ ܡܛܠ ܣܘܓܐܐ ܕܡܝܬ�ܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܒܬܪ ܗܠܝܢ ܟܬܒܘ ܘܫܕܪܘ ܒܬܪ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܐܓܪܬܐ ܘܟܠܝܢܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܣܘܢܢܕܘܤ ܕܡܢ ܟܠ ܦܪܘܣ ‪ 135‬ܢܩܘܡ ܘܢܐܬܐ ܠܘܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܘܡܢ‬ ‫ܕ� ܡܠܬܐ ܘܕ� ܥܠܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪56‬‬

‫ܘܟܕ ܡܛܬ ܐܓܪܬܐ ܠܘܬܗ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ � ܐܬܡܨܝ ܕܢܥ�ܐ‪ .‬ܘܩܡ ܘܐܬܐ‬ ‫]‪ [A26‬ܠܘܬܗܘܢ ܒܩܛܝܪܐ ܕ� ܒܨܒܝܢܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܨܠܝ ܩܕܡ ܡܕܒܚܐ ]‪[P182r‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‪ .‬ܗܝܕܝܢ ܫܪܝ‬ ‫ܘܟܢ ܝܬܒ ܩܕܡ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܘܩܕܡ ܣܘܢܢܕܘܤ‬ ‫ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܕܢܦܝܣܝܘܗܝ ܕܢܩܒܠ�ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܕܢܣܪܚܝܘܗܝ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܘܟܠܗ‬ ‫ܟܢܫܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܬܡܢ ܬܘܒ ܐܦܝܣܘܗܝ ]‪ [A331‬ܕܢܩܒܠ ܶܡܠܟܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܝܡܡܝܢ ܘܬܠܬܐ ܠܝ�ܘܢ �ܝܘ ܥܡܗ ܒܦܝܣܐ ܘ�‬ ‫ܕܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ‪ 136 .‬ܟܕ ܬܠܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܬܬܦܝܣ‪ .‬ܠܚܪܬܐ ܟܕ ܚܙܐ ܕܡܬܟܫܠ�ܥܠ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܘܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܘܗܘ ܦܐܫ‬ ‫ܡܢܗܘܢ ܬܚܝܬ ܟܠܝܢܐ ܘܒܩܛܝܪܐ ܐܬܥܨܝ ܡܢ �ܚܡܘܗܝ ܘܫܠܡ ܠܗܕܐ ܠܘ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܨܒܝܢܗ ܐܘ ܡܢ ]‪ [P182v‬ܟܠܗ ܠܒܗ ܐ� ܕ� ܢܬܟܫܠ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܢܬܚܝܟܘܢ ‪ 137‬ܘܢܐܒܕ ܐܓܪܗ‪.‬‬

‫‪57‬‬

‫ܘܚܕܝܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܗܢܘܢ ܕܐܬܛܝܒܘ ܬܡܢ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܘܐܬܬܣܪܚ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ]‪ [M117r‬ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܐܢܛܝܘܟܝܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܝܕܝ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܡܫܒܚܐ‬ ‫̄‬ ‫ܒܪܝܫܗ ܕܚܙܝܪܢ ܒܥܐܕܐ ܪܒܐ ܕܦܢܛܝܩܘܣܛܝ ܒܫܢܬ ܐܝܐ ܕܝܘܢ̈ܝܐ ܘܐܬܦܨܚܬ ܒܗ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܥܕܬܐ ܛܒ ܪܘܪܒܐܝܬ‪.‬‬

‫‪Greek: poros.‬‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܝܘܗܝ ܕܢܩܒܠ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪ܶ .‬ܡܠܟܗ ܕܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ‬ ‫‪137‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܢܬܚܝܒ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪135‬‬

‫ܗܝܕܝܢ ܫܪܝ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܘܟܠܗ ܟܢܫܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܬܡܢ ܬܘܒ‬

‫‪136‬‬

128

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

58

Mar Simeon secretly set his heart to escape from the burden of priesthood. He gave as an excuse that he (had to) go and visit the Abbey and the monasteries that he had built. The patriarch bade him go and settle his affairs in his Abbey and the monasteries, and then go to his flock in Harran.

59

He went down to Nisibis and visited the churches he had built and the monastic establishments he had completed. He appointed as his deputy Mar Jovinian, the hermit and holy stylite who had been enclosed in the tower of the monastery of Mar Elisha that he (Simeon) had built. This man had been the chief disciple of Mar Simeon of the Olives; he was outstanding in his godly way of life, like Mar Simeon his teacher. He (Mar Simeon) appointed him his deputy in everything and instructed all his disciples in the divine canons, (telling them) to keep them religiously.

60

The holy Mar Simeon stole away and went off without anyone at all being aware. 138 He arrived at a small monastery belonging to the fortress of Fenek, on the banks of the river Tigris. Now this fortress is opposite the ancient town of Raqta, belonging to the Persians. 139 He went in and hid in the monastery without anyone at all being aware. He remained in a dark place in the cistern for a year without tasting anything apart from being nourished by divine strength and the vision of heavenly light.

Dolabani, Maktabzabnē, passes over Simeon’s flight (sections 60–65). This sentence belongs with the previous one at the end of §59, which is a time clause (‘When he appointed him…he stole away’); I have separated them in the Syriac text to match Brock’s English translation 139 Fenek (or Phenek) is likely the Pinaka of Strabo (16.1.24) and the Phaenicha of Ammianus Marcellinus (20.7.1), who says that it is also called Bezabde. Syriac sources know Fenek as a monastery and Bezabde (Syr. Bēṯ Zabdē) as a city. About 13 km north of modern Cizre (Gazarta/Jazīrat ibn ‘Umar) there have been found remains either side of the Tigris (of a fortified settlement on the right/west bank and of a fort/monastery on the left/east bank), which are plausibly of Bezabde/Fenek (see Algaze et al., ‘The Tigris-Euphrates’, pp. 42–45). Presumably Raqta, or Rqata, is another name for Bezabde. 138

‫‪129‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬

‫‪59‬‬

‫‪60‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܗܘ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܣܡ ܒܠܒܗ ܡܛܫܝܐܝܬ ܐܝܟ ܕܢܥܪܘܩ ܡܢ ܝܘܩܪܐ ܕܟܗܢܘܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܠܗ ]‪ [P183r‬ܥܠܬܐ ܕܢܐܙܠ ܘܢܣܥܘܪ ܥܘܡܪܗ ܘܕܝ�ܬܐ ܕܒܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܦܩܕ ܠܗ‬ ‫ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܕܢܐܙܠ ܢܕܒܪ ܣܘܥܪܢܗ ܒܥܘܡܪܗ ܘܒܕܝ�ܬܗ ܘܟܢ ܢܐܙܠ� ܠܚܪܢ‬ ‫ܡܪܥܝܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܥܕܬܐ ܕܒܢܐ ܘܠܕܝ�ܬܐ ܕܫܟܠܠ‪ .‬ܘܐܩܝܡ‬ ‫ܘܢܚܬ ܠܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܘܣܥܪ ]‪[A332‬‬ ‫ܬܚ�ܘܦܗ ܠܡܪܝ ܝܘܒܢܝܢܘܤ ܝܚܝܕܝܐ ܘܐܣܛܘܢܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܚܒܝܫ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒܒܘܪܓܐ ‪ 140‬ܕܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ �ܝܫܥ ܗܝ ܕܒܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܗܢܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ ܪܝܫ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܠܡܝܕܘܗܝ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܘܛܒ ܫܦܝܪ ܗܘܐ ܒܟܠܗܘܢ ܕܘܒ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫]‪� [P183v‬ܗ�̈ܐ ܐܝܟ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܪܒܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܣܡܗ ܬܚ�ܘܦܗ ܒܟܠܡܕܡ‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕ ܬܘܒ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܬܠܡܝܕܘܗܝ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܟܠܗ‬ ‫ܩܢܘܢܐ �ܗ�̈ܐ ܕܢܛܪܘܢ ܐܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܕܚܠܬ �ܗܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܓܢܒ ܢܦܫܗ ܘܐܙܠ ܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܟܕ � ܡܪܓܫ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܐܢܫ ܣܟ‪ .‬ܘܡܛܐ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܚܕܐ ܙܥܘܪܬܐ ܗܝ ܕܦܢܟ ܚܣܢܐ ܕܥܠ�ܓܢܒ ܕܩܠܬ‬ ‫ܢܗܪܐ‪ .‬ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܢ ܚܣܢܐ ܠܘܩܒܠ ܪܩܛܐ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܥܬܝܩܬܐ ܕܦ�ܣܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܥܠ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܛܫܝ ܬܡܢ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܗܝ ܟܕ ]‪ � [M117v‬ܪܓܝܫ ܒܗ ܐܢܫ ܣܟ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܒܕܘܟܬܐ ܕܚܫܘܟܐ ]‪ [P184r‬ܒܓܘ ܓܘܒܐ ܘܦܫ ܬܡܢ ܫܢܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܟܕ � ܛܥܡ‬ ‫ܡܕܡ ܐ� ܐܢ ܗܝ ‪ 141‬ܕܡܢ ܚܝ� �ܗܝܐ ܘܚܙܬܐ ܕܢܘܗܪܐ ܫܡܝܢܐ ܡܬܬܪܣܐ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪P adds in margin in (Karshūnī) Arabic ‘keeper of the tower’ (ḥāfiẓ al‬‬‫‪.‬ܝܘܒܢܝܘܣ ‪burj). Note that M spells his name as‬‬ ‫‪141‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܐ� ܬܝܟ ܗܝ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪140‬‬

130

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

61

When the monks of the Abbey of Qartmin heard that he had taken flight, and not knowing where he was hiding, they were sorely grieved over him and greatly upset. Some of them began going around searching in the Abbeys and monasteries (hoping) to find him. Others put on sackcloth and spread ashes beneath them: with tears, groans and bitter weeping they offered prayer and supplication concerning him to God, (asking) that He might reveal to them where he was hidden and that he might be brought back to them, so that they would not become orphans and be cut off and perish, and so that the flock which had been betrothed to him would not be widowed without ever seeing him or rejoicing at him.

62

God saw the suffering and distress of the monks. After a year while he (Simeon) remained (hidden), with them begging with tears and making supplication, He (God) revealed and made known to them through an angel where he was hiding. When the monks of the Abbey of Qartmin went after him, they found him in the monastery of Qal‘at d-Fenek, that is, the fortress of Fenek, confined in a cistern with divine light shed above him. Angels of God were in converse with him, while his tears were drenching his pillow at the bottom of the cistern and the water (from his tears) flowing in such quantity that it reached up to his waist as he stood there.

63

On seeing these things the monks gave thanks and praise to God who had cast his love into the heart of the elect Mar Simeon of the Olives. They raised him up from the cistern; he did not resist their wish, but came with them to the holy Abbey of Qartmin. After remaining with them for a few days he again took flight from them by night, without anyone being aware. He went secretly to his village Habsenus, where he got down into a deep cistern to the east of the church. He resided there for a year without anyone being aware, with the sole exception of his disciple Basil. The whole reason for this flight and refusal of priesthood was because they had forcibly imposed the episcopacy upon him. Accordingly, he confined himself there in that cistern, awaiting the divine bidding.

‫‪131‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪61‬‬

‫]‪ [A333‬ܘܟܕ ܐܫܬܡܥܬ ܗܕܐ ܠܕܝ�ܝܐ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܥܘܡܪܗ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ܕܥܕܩ ܠܗ ܘ�‬ ‫ܝܕܥܝܢ ܐܝܟܐ ܡܛܫܝ ܐܬܐܒ�ܘ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܣܓܝ ܘܥܩܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܕܪܟܬ ܐܢܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܢܗܘܢ ܫܪܝܘ ܡܥܩܒܝܢ ܘܟܪܟܝܢ ܒܥܘܡ�ܐ ܘܒܕܝ�ܬܐ ܐܝܟ ܕܢܫܟܚܘܢܝܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܡܢܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܕܡܥܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܣܩܐ ܠܒܫܘ ܗܘܘ ]‪ [P184v‬ܘܩܛܡܐ ܦܪܣܘ ܬܚܘܬܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܒܚܢ̈ܓܬܐ ܘܒܟܝܐ ܡܪܝܪܐ ܘܬܟܫܦܬܐ ܚ�ܦܘܗܝ ܘܒܥܘܬܐ �ܠܗܐ ܡܩܕܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕܢܓ� ܠܗܘܢ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܐܝܟܐ ܡܛܫܝ ܕܢܝܬܘܢܝܗܝ ܠܘܬܗܘܢ ܕ� ܢܬܝܬܡܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܢܬܓܙܘܢ ܘܢܚܪܒܘܢ ܒܬܪܗ ܘܕ� ܬܪܡܠ ‪ 142‬ܡܪܥܝܬܐ ܕܐܬܡܟܪܬ ܠܗ ܟܕ �‬ ‫ܚܙܬܗ ܘ� ܐܬܦܨܚܬ ܒܗ‪.‬‬

‫‪62‬‬

‫ܘܚܙܐ �ܗܐ ܚܫܗܘܢ ܘܛܘܪܦܗܘܢ ܕܕܝ�ܝܐ‪ .‬ܒܬܪ ܫܢܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܕܦܫ ܟܕ ܒܟܝܢ ܘܒܥܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܡܬܟܫܦܝܢ ܓ� ܠܗܘܢ ܘܐܘܕܥ ܐܢܘܢ ܒܝܕ ܡ�ܟܐ ܕܐܝܟܐ ]‪ [P185r‬ܡܛܫܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܐܙܠ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܥܘܡܪܗ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ܒܬܪܗ ܐܫܟܚܘܗܝ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܩܠܥܐ‬ ‫ܕܦܢܟ ܕܗܝ ܗܝ ܚܣܢܐ ܕܦܢܟ ܟܕ ܚܒܝܫ ܒܓܘ ܓܘܒܐ ܘܢܘܗܪܐ ]‪� [A334‬ܗܝܐ‬ ‫ܐܫܝܕ ܥ�ܘܗܝ‪̈ .‬‬ ‫ܙ�ܚܢ ̈‬ ‫ܘܡ�ܟܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܒܥܢܝܢܗ ܘܕܡܥ̈ܘܗܝ ܟܕ ̈‬ ‫ܐܣܕܘܗܝ ܒܐܫܬܗ‬ ‫ܕ ܓܘܒܐ ܘܐܬܝܢ ܡܝ̈ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܗܘܝ ܥܕܡܐ �ܣܪ ]‪ [M118r‬ܚܨ̈ܘܗܝ ܡܢ ܣܓܝܐܘܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܟܕ ܩܐܡ ܒܝܢܬܗܘܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪63‬‬

‫ܘܡܢ ܕܚܙܘ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܐܘܕܝ ‪ 143‬ܫܒܚܘ �ܠܗܐ ܕܐܪܡܝ ܚܘܒܗ ܟܠܒܗ ܕ ܓܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ‪ [P185v] .‬ܘܐܣܩܘܗܝ ܡܢ ܓܘܒܐ ܘ� ܥ�ܐ ܨܒܝܢܗܘܢ ܘܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܡܗܘܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܩܠܝܠ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܬܐ ܦܫ ܒܝܢܬܗܘܢ ‪144‬‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ܥܪܩ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܒܠܝܐ ܟܕ � ܐܪܓܫ ‪ 145‬ܒܗ ܐܢܫ ܣܟ‪ .‬ܘܐܙܠ ܒܟܣܝܐ‬ ‫ܠܩܪܝܬܗ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ ‪ 146‬ܘܢܚܬ ܠܓܘܒܐ ܚܕ ܥܡܝܩܐ ܕܠܡܕܢܚܐ ܡܢ ܥܕܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܥܡܪ ܒܓܘܗ ܫܢܬܐ ܚܕܐ ܘ� ܐܪܓܫ ܒܗ ܐܢܫ ܐ� ܐܢ ܬܠܡܝܕܗ ܒܣܝܠܝܘܤ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܟܠܗ ܗܕܐ ܕܥܪܩ ܗܘܐ ܟܕ ܡܫܬܐܠ ܡܢ ܟܗܢܘܬܐ ܘܕܒܩܛܝܪܐ �ܨܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܒܠܚܘܕ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܒܫ ]‪ [P186r‬ܬܡܢ ܢܦܫܗ ܒܓܘ ܓܘܒܐ ܗܘ ܟܕ ܡܣܟܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܠܦܘܩܕܢܐ �ܗܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܬܬܪܡܠ ‪; one expects‬ܬܪܡܠܝ ‪Thus A; P+M:‬‬

‫‪142‬‬

‫‪.‬ܐܘܕܝܘ ‪A:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܩܘܝ ܩܠܝܠ ܝܘܡܬܐ ܒܝܢܬܗܘܢ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪145‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܪܓܝܫ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪146‬‬ ‫‪; thus also in §65 and §83 (A, see n. 179), suggesting this‬ܚܒܢܘܣ ‪M:‬‬ ‫‪143‬‬ ‫‪144‬‬

‫‪may be a variant spelling for the name of this village.‬‬

132

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

64

After a year an angel from God appeared to him, telling him as follows: ‘Arise and go to your flock in Harran. I will assist you the whole time of your life, and even after your death many miracles will be performed by your bones for whoever takes refuge in them with faith’.

65

The angel also appeared to the patriarch, Mar Julian, informing him about the flight of Mar Simeon of the Olives, about his confinement and where he was hidden, and about his refusal of a (episcopal) flock and the burden of priesthood. He (the angel) told him: ‘Now write and send your disciples after him to bring him along to go to his flock. He is confined in a cistern to the east of the church of Habsenus, his village. I have ordered him not to resist or to argue’.

66.

Then the patriarch, the holy Mar Julian, of the city of Antioch, wrote (a letter) and sent it with his disciples. Once these envoys had reached his village Habsenus, (guided) by the Holy Spirit, they identified the cistern; he went towards them and they called out to him by name. When he answered they handed him down the patriarch’s letter. He kissed it as he received it, then, weeping and in tears, he ascended (from the cistern) and set off with them to the patriarch. On arriving (at the patriarchal residence), he entered and prostrated himself before the patriarch. They were overjoyed at (seeing) one another, and spent many days in conversation, pleased and delighted at the sight of one another.

67

The patriarch then wrote (a letter) and sent it to the people of Harran, telling them to come and fetch their shepherd. They came along and took Mar Simeon in great honour and much ceremony. As he was about to enter Harran all the citizens came out to meet him, receiving him with immense joy at the third milestone, just as if he was one of God’s angels. He took his seat on the (episcopal) throne in great serenity, though he wore shabby clothing, for, to tell the truth, he surpassed all the bishops of his time in the labours of a godly mode of life. (For this) he was held in love and honour by all.

‫‪133‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪64‬‬

‫ܘܒܬܪ ܫܢܬܐ ܐܬܓܠܝ ܠܗ ܡ�ܟܐ ܡܢ �ܗܐ ܕܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܗܟܢܐ ]‪ [A335‬ܕܩܘܡ‬ ‫ܙܠ�ܠܡܪܥܝܬܐ ܕܝܠܟ ܚܪܢ‪ 147 .‬ܐܢܐ ܡܥܕܪ ܐܢܐ ܠܟ ܟܠܗ ܙܒܢܐ ܕ ̈ܚܝܝܟ ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܡܘܬܟ ̈‬ ‫ܚܝ� ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ ܢܣܬܥܪܘܢ ܡܢ ܓ�ܡܝܟ ܠܟܠ ܐܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܬܓܘܣ ܒܗܘܢ ܒܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪65‬‬

‫ܘܐܬܓܠܝ ܡ�ܟܐ ܠܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܘܐܘܕܥܗ ܥܠ�ܥܪܘܩܝܗ ܕܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܘܐܦ ܥܠ ܚܒܘܫܝܗ ܘܕܐܝܟܢܐ ܡܛܫܝ ܘܥܠ ]‪[P186v‬‬ ‫ܡܫܬܐܠܢܘܬܗ ܕܡܢ ܡܪܥܝܬܐ ܘܝܘܩܪܐ ܕܟܗܢܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܡܪ ܕܗܫܐ ܐܢܬ ܟܬܘܒ ܘܫܕܪ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܠܡܝܕܝܟ ܒܬܪܗ ܕܢܝܬܘܢܝܗܝ ܕܢܐܙܠ�ܠܡܪܥܝܬܗ‪ .‬ܗܐ ܚܒܝܫ ]‪[M118v‬‬ ‫ܒܓܘܒܐ ܕܠܡܕܢܚܐ ܡܢ ܥܕܬܐ ܕܚܒܣܢܘܣ ܩܪܝܬܗ‪ .‬ܐܢܐ ܦܩܕܬܗ ܕ� ܢܥ�ܐ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܢܬܚܪܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪66‬‬

‫ܗܝܕܝܢ ܟܬܒ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܕܐܢܛܝܘܟܝܐ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ‪148‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܫܕܪܗ‬ ‫ܥܡ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܝܙܓܕ ܐ ܟܕ ܡܛܘ ܠܩܪܝܬܗ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ ܡܢ ܪܘܚܐ‬ ‫ܬܠܡܝܕܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܗܢܘܢ ܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ܐܫܬܘܕܥܘܗܝ ]‪ [P187r‬ܠܓܘܒܐ ܘܐܙܠ ‪ 149‬ܠܗܘܢ ܘܩܪܘ ܒܫܡܗ‪ .‬ܘܥܢܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܢܫܩܗ ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܘܩܒܠܗ‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ܘܗܢܘܢ ܐܘܫܛ ܝܗܒ ‪ 150‬ܠܗ ܐܓܪܬܗ ܕܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܟܐ ܘܡܕܡܥ ]‪ [A336‬ܣܠܩ ܘܐܙܠ ܥܡܗܘܢ ܠܘܬܗ ܕܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܡܛܐ‬ ‫ܒܚܕܕܐ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܘܗܘܘ ܒܥܢܝܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܥܠ ܘܣܓܕ ܠܗ ܠܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܕܝܘ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܕܕܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ܟܕ ܡܬܒܣܡܝܢ ܘܚܕܝܢ ܘܪܘܙܝܢ ܒܚܙܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܕܕܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪67‬‬

‫]‪[P187v‬‬

‫ܗܝܕܝܢ ܟܬܒ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܘܫܕܪ ܒܬܪ ܚ�ܢܝܐ ܕܢܐܬܘܢ ܘܢܣܒܘܢ ܠܪܥܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܝܠܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܘ ܘܢܣܒܘܗܝ ܠܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܒܐܝܩܪܐ ܪܒܐ ܘܙܘܚܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܡܛܐ ܕܢܐܥܘܠ�ܠܚܪܢ ܢܦܩܘ �ܘܪܥܗ ܘܩܒ�ܘܗܝ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫�ܬܠܬܐ ܡܝ̈� ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܒܢ̈ܝ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܘܚܕܝܘ ܒܗ ܪܘܪܒܐܝܬ ܐܝܟ ܡ�ܟܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܝܬܒ ܥܠ ܟܘܪܣܝܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܒܘܫܐ ܫܝ̈ܛܐ ܠܒܫ ܗܘܐ ܕܫܪܝܪܐ ܠܡܐܡܪ ܕܥܒܪ‬ ‫ܒܡܫܝܢܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܐ�‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܒܙܒܢܗ ܒܥ̈ܡ� ܕܕܘܒ�ܘܗܝ �ܗ�̈ܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܚܒܒ ܘܐܬܝܩܪ‬ ‫ܠܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܟ�ܢܫ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܕܝܠܟ ‪A omits‬‬

‫‪147‬‬

‫‪, which helps to complete the sense.‬ܐܓܪܬܐ ‪A adds‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܐܫܬܘܕܥܘ ܠܓܘܒܐ ܘܐܙܠܘ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪150‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܗܢܘܢ ‪, which seems more apt after‬ܐܘܫܛܘ ܝܗܒܘ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫‪149‬‬

134

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

68

From that time on, every locality that wanted a bishop would choose one from the Abbey of Qartmin. One reason was because it had been marked out and founded by angels; another was because people imagined that they would all be like Mar Simeon of the Olives, compassionate teachers and holy wonder-workers. There were (indeed) from the Abbey perfect and godly bishops, the like of whom do not exist anywhere else in the world.

69

Mar Simeon had been refined like gold in the furnace of temptations, and his gold was shown and seen to be pure and of the best quality. He was held in love and honour by the people of Harran and those of Edessa, indeed by all believers, but to outsiders he was fearsome and held in great awe. He became head and in charge over all the bishops of the western region, and his reputation grew even greater than that of the patriarch. He was held in especial love and honour by the people of Edessa, and by the priests and monks in its mountain, since he used to visit them regularly and to supply all their needs. He was strict with divine zeal in the case of anyone who transgressed in matters of church affairs, and he restored all the ordinances of the fathers of old. He was much loved by all the faithful, especially by the faithful among his flock, and they were so attached to their love and devotion for him that they all swore by his prayers.

70

He instructed those who were sick with the Manichaean, pagan or Jewish religion. They all took refuge in his prayers and came to the Church, being baptized and becoming true Christians. He taught them to anathematize Mani and all his teaching, and to reject paganism and Judaism. Once he had instructed the whole of Harran, he baptized and instructed most of the Jews in the surrounding villages. He told them not to slaughter a goat or any other domestic animal on a Sunday, except in cases of mortal danger. He admonished them concerning fasting and prayer, as well as concerning compassion and love, and about the observance of Sunday, Wednesday and Friday, and they accepted his words with great joy.

‫‪135‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬

‫‪69‬‬

‫‪70‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܡܢ ܗܘ ܙܒܢܐ ]‪ [P188r‬ܘܠܟܐ ܟܠ ܕܘܟܬܐ ܕܒܥܝܐ ܚܣܝܐ ܡܢ ܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‪ .‬ܚܕܐ ܡܢ ܡܛܠ ܕܪܫܝܡ ܘܡܫܬܣ‬ ‫ܓܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ]‪[M119r‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܡ�ܟܐ ܘܐܚܪܬܐ ܡܛܠ ܕܡܣܒܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܕܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܝܟ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܝܢ ܗܘܘ ̈ܡ�ܦܢܐ ]‪ [A337‬ܘܡ�ܚܡܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܩܕܝܫܐ ܘܣܥ�ܝ ̈‬ ‫ܚܝ�‪ .‬ܘܗܘܘ ܡܢܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܓܡܝ�ܐ ܘܐܠܗ�̈ܐ ܕ� ܗܘܐ ܒܥܠܡܐ ܐܟܘܬܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܒܚܪ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܐܝܟ ܕܗܒܐ ܒܟܘܪܐ ܕܢܣܝ̈ܘܢܐ ܘܐܬܓܠܝ ܘܐܬܚܙܝ ܕܗܒܗ‬ ‫ܕܟܝܐ ‪ 151‬ܘܪܝܫܝܐ‪ [P188v] .‬ܘܐܬܪܚܡ ܘܐܬܝܩܪ ܡܢ ܚ�ܢܝܐ ܘܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܒܢܝ ܐܘܪܗܝ ܘܡܢ‬ ‫ܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ܘܥܠ ܒ�ܝܐ ܕܚܝܠ ܗܘܐ ܘܙܝܥ ܛܒ‪ .‬ܘܗܘܐ ܪܝܫܐ ܘܦܩܘܕܐ‬ ‫ܥܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܦܝ ̈‬ ‫ܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܦܢܝܬܐ ܡܥܪܒܝܬܐ ܘܝܪܒ ܫܡܗ ܝܬܝܪ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܒܢܝ ܐܘܪܗܝ ܘܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ‪ .‬ܘܝܬܝܪܐܝܬ ܐܬܪܚܡ ܘܐܬܝܩܪ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܟܗܢܐ ܘܕܝ�ܝܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܒܛܘܪܗ ܡܛܠ ܕܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܒܟܠܥܕܢ ܘܡܡ� ܗܘܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܘܢܩܢܝܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܚܪܝܦ ܗܘܐ ܒܛܢܢܐ �ܗܝܐ ܘܥܠ ܟܠ ܕܥܒܪ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ‬ ‫]‪ [P189r‬ܣܘܥ�ܢܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ ܘܬܪܨ ܗܘܐ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܛܘܟܣܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܐܒܗܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܩܕܡܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܣܓܝ‬ ‫ܪܚܝܡ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ܘܝܬܝܪܐܝܬ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܒܢܝ ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ‪152‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܡܪܥܝܬܗ ܘܗܟܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܣܪܝܟܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܚܘܒܗ ܘܒܪܚܡܬܗ ܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܒܨܠܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܝܡܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܬܠܡܕ �ܝܠܝܢ ܕܟܪܝܗܝܢ ]‪ [M119v‬ܗܘܘ ]‪ [A338‬ܒܡܢܝܢܝܘܬܐ ܘܒܚܢܦܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܝܘܕܝܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܒܨܠܘܬܗ ܡܬܓܘܣܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܐܬܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܘܥܡܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ‪ 153‬ܘܗܘܝܢ ܟ�ܝܣܛܝܢܐ ܫ�ܝܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܠܦ ܐܢܘܢ ܕܢܐܚܪܡܘܢ ]‪ [P189v‬ܠܡܐܢܝ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܠܟܠܗ ܚܪܢ ܬܠܡܕ‬ ‫ܘܠܟܠܗ ܝܘܠܦܢܗ ܘܕܢܟܦܪܘܢ ܒܚܢܦܘܬܐ ܘܒܝܘܕܝܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܘܐܦ ܠܣܘܓܐܐ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܚܕ�ܝܗ ܐܥܡܕ ܘܬܠܡܕ‪ .‬ܘܦܩܕ ܐܢܘܢ ܕܒܚܕ‬ ‫ܝܘܕܝܐ ܕܒܩܘ�ܝܐ‬ ‫ܒܫܒܐ � ܢܩܛ�ܘܢ ܓܕܝܐ ܐܘ ܒܥܝܪܐ ܐܚܪܢܐ ܣܛܪ ܡܢ ܐܢܢܩܝ ܕܡܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܙܗܪ ܐܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܥܠ�ܨܘܡܐ ܘܨܠܘܬܐ ܘܡܪܚܡܢܘܬܐ ܘܚܘܒܐ ܘܥܠ ܢܛܘܪܘܬܐ ܕܚܕ ܒܫܒܐ ܘܕܐܪܒܥܐ‬ ‫ܘܕܥܪܘܒܬܐ ܘܗܢܘܢ ܒܚܕܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܡܩܒܠܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܣܘܕܗ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܒܟܘܪܐ‬

‫̈‬

‫ܕܢܣܝܘܢܐ ܕܟܝܐ ‪A repeats here the words‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܝܬܝܪܐܝܬ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܒܢܝ ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫‪153‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܐܬܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܘܥܡܕܝܢ ܗܘܘ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫‪151‬‬ ‫‪152‬‬

136

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

71

He also received the gift of healing from God, like the holy Apostles. 154 Thus God performed at his hand mighty signs and wonders, a few of which we will describe because of your love of God, (namely those) which are a delight to hear and likewise those which we have seen, felt with our hands, and heard from his holy companions. For this reason, the elect and true archpriest, this wise helmsman, did not allow in the Church during his lifetime any stumbling block or dispute; rather, he crowned and adorned the orthodox Church with all sorts of godly ordinances. This was not just with his own flock, but in all the surrounding region.

72

The following was the custom of the holy Mar Simeon once he had become bishop. After celebrating the Feast of Pentecost in Harran he would go and visit the Abbey of Qartmin, and the monastery where he had resided on its column, where he was planting olives. Similarly, he (visited) the churches and monasteries which he had built and renovated in Nisibis, the border town, and he strengthened the members of his Abbey with all kinds of beneficial actions suitable for holy monks.

73

When Mar Simeon came from Harran to the Abbey of Qartmin this second time, God so willed it that Mar Yuhanon, the bishop of the Abbey and of all Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, died. In his place Mar Iwannis, 155 from the Abbey itself, was elected bishop for the holy Abbey of Qartmin.

After Simeon’s instruction/conversion of Jews, Dolabani, Maktabzabnē, p. 92, inserts a note about his presence at the Synod of Manzikert in 726, derived from Chronique de Michel le syrien, p. 459 (11.XX). 155 M omits mention of this person, probably by accident. A has Iwannis in the text, but Lazarus in the margin, written by a later hand, and this is adopted by Dolabani, Maktabzabnē, p. 92. 154

‫‪137‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪71‬‬

‫ܘܩܒܠ ܡܘܗܒܬܐ ]‪ [P190r‬ܕܐܣܝܘܬܐ ܡܢ �ܗܐ ܐܝܟ ̈ܫܠܝܚܐ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܣܥܪ‬ ‫ܐܝܕܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫�ܗܐ ܒܝܬ ̈‬ ‫ܐܬܘܬܐ ܘܬܕܡ�ܬܐ ܪܘ�ܒܬܐ ܕܩܠܝܠ ܡܢܗܝܢ ܟܬܒܝܢܢ‬ ‫ܠܚܘܒܟܘܢ �ܗܝܐ ‪ 156‬ܕܪܓܝܓ ܠܫܡܥܐ ܕܐܝܟ ܗܠܝܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܕܚܙܝܢܢ ܘܓܫܢ‬ ‫ܒܐܝܕܝܢ ܘܫܡܥܢܢ ‪ 157‬ܡܢ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ܚܒ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܡܛܠ ܗܢܐ ܓܒܝܐ ܪܝܫ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟܗܢܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܘܒܪܢܝܛܝ ܚܟܝܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܕ� ܫܒܩ ]‪ [A339‬ܕܗܘܐ ‪̇ 158‬‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܥܕܬܐ ܒܝ ̈ܘܡܬܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܗܕܪܗ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܐܪܬܘܕܘܟܣܝܬܐ ܒܟܠܗܘܢ ܛܘܟܣܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܟܫ� ܐܘ ܚܪܝܢܐ ܘܫܟܠܠ‬ ‫�ܗ�̈ܐ‪ [P190v] .‬ܘܗܝ ܗܕܐ � ܗܘܐ ܒܡܪܥܝܬܗ ܠܚܘܕ ܐ� ܘܒܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫]‪ [M120r‬ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ ܕܚܕ�ܘܝ‪.‬‬

‫‪72‬‬

‫ܘܗܢܐ ܗܘܐ ܥܝܕܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܡܢ ܟܕ ܗܘܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܒܬܪ ܕܡܫܡ�‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒܚܪܢ ܥܐܕܐ ܕܦܢܛܝܩܘܣܛܝ ܐܬܐ ܗܘܐ ܘܣܥܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܗ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܥܡܪ ܒܐܣܛܘܢܗ ܐܝܟܐ ܕܢܨܒ ܗܘܐ ܙ�̈ܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܠܕܝ�ܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܥܕܬܐ ܕܒܢܐ ܘܚܕܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܕܒܝܬ ̈‬ ‫ܬܚܘܡܐ ܘܡܫܪܪ ܗܘܐ ܠܒܢ̈ܝ ܥܘܡܪܗ ܒܟܠܗܝܢ ܛܒܬܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܟ ܕܡܨܝܐ ܠܕܝ�ܝܐ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪73‬‬

‫ܘܟܕ ܐܬܐ ܗܘܐ ]‪ [P191r‬ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܡܢ ܚܪܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ܗܕܐ ܙܒܢܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܬ�ܬܝܢ ܨܒܐ �ܗܐ ܘܥܢܕ ܡܪܝ ܝܘܚܢܢ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܘܕܟܠܗ ܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܓܒܝ ܒܕܘܟܬܗ ܡܪܝ ܐܝܘܢܝܣ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܡܢܗ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܪܘ�ܒܬܐ ‪� here, and earlier in the sentence omits‬ܗܝܐ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܫܡܥܢ ‪Thus all mss, though one would expect‬‬ ‫‪158‬‬ ‫‪ is from Greek: kybernētēs.‬ܩܘܒܪܢܝܛܝ ‪. Note that‬ܕܢܗܘܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪156‬‬ ‫‪157‬‬

138

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

74.

While Mar Simeon was still in Harran, before coming to his Abbey, he was instructed by the patriarch to go with three other bishops who would escort him to his flock (at the Abbey), so that he might be accepted and confirmed by it, seeing that there was a hostile opposing faction which did not want him. On their arrival at Hesna d-Kepha, which is beside the river Tigris, 159 they were received (well) in Hesna itself and in its surrounding villages. However, when they travelled on to the region (of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn) and reached the village of Esya‘, which is today called Esse, a famous village, some of the ring-leaders of the hostile faction came along (from the village) named Bar Kalbe. 160 These ring-leaders sent messengers to Mar Simeon and his companions telling them to get out of the village of Esya‘: whoever has any concern for their own honour they should get out, otherwise we will come and drive them out forcibly, with blows. It was the time of the Liturgy when the messengers reached (the place) of the bishops, and since they had already got everything ready to celebrate the Divine Mysteries, the bishops stayed on and did not leave.

75

One messenger returned to inform the opponents of these things, namely that the bishops had said: ‘We will not leave until we have celebrated the Divine Mysteries’. Then those wretched ring-leaders went and poured virulent abuse on the bishops. They did not let them gather up their belongings but chased them out. They (the bishops) crossed over to a nearby monastery, beneath the crag which is above the village of Esya‘.

This is modern Hasankeyf, an ancient city on the south bank of the Tigris. It was called Cepha (Latin) or Kiphas (Greek) in the late antique period, when it was the base for a Roman legion and the seat of a bishop. 160 These are the two villages south of Hasankeyf named Esi and Binkelp that appear on early 20th c. maps; they are indicated in Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, Map 1. 159

‫‪139‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬

‫‪75‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܟܕ ܗܘ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܥܕܟܝܠ ܒܚܪܢ ܗܘܐ ܥܕ � ܢܡܛܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܗ ܐܬܦܩܕ‬ ‫ܠܗ ܡܢ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܠܗ ]‪) [A340‬ܘ(ܠܬܠܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܚܣܝܐ ܥܡܗ ܕܢܐܙܠܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܢܥܒܪܘܢܝܗܝ ܒܡܪܥܝܬܗ ‪ 161‬ܐܝܟ ܕܢܬܩܒܠ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܘܢܫܬܪܪ ]‪ [P191v‬ܡܛܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܥܠܕܒܒܐ ܡ ̈ܕܠܩܒܢܐ ܕ� ܨܒܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܗ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܡܛܐ ܠܚܣܢܐ ܕܟܐܦܐ ܕܥܠ‬ ‫ܕܩܠܬ ܢܗܪܐ ܘܐܬܩܒ�ܘ ܿ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܚܣܢܐ ܘܒܩܘ�ܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܚܕ�ܝܗ‪ 162 .‬ܘܪܕܘ ܘܐܬܘ �ܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܛܘ ̤�ܣ ܼܿܝܥ ܩܪܝܬܐ ܕܡܬܩܪܝܐ ܝܘܡܢܐ ̤ܐ ̤ܣܐ ܡܫܡܗܬܐ ‪ 163‬ܘܐܬܘ ̈‬ ‫ܐܢܫܐ ܡܢ ܛ�ܘܢܐ‬ ‫ܗܢܘܢ ܕܠܩܘܒܠܗܘܢ ܕܫܡܗ ܒܪ ̈ܟܠܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܫܕܪܘ ‪ 164‬ܗܢܘܢ ]‪ [M120v‬ܛ�ܘܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܝܙܓܕ ܐ ܠܘܬ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܚܒ�ܘܗܝ ܕܢܦܩܘܢ ܡܢ ܐܣܝܥ ܩܪܝܬܐ ܐܢ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܪܚܡܝܢ ܐܝܩܪܗܘܢ ]‪ [P192r‬ܢܦܩܘܢ ܘܐܢ � ܐܬܝܢܢ ܘܡܦܩܝܢܢ ܠܗܘܢ ܒܩܛܝܪܐ‬ ‫ܐܝܙܓܕ ܐ ܠܘܬ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܚܣܝܐ ܡܛܝ ‪ 165‬ܗܘܐ ܥܕܢܐ ܕܩܘܪܒܐ ܘܐܬܩܢܘ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܒܡܚܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܢܟܗܢܘܢ �ܐܙܐ �ܗ�ܐ ܘܐܬܬܘܝܘ ܘ� ܢܦܩܘ ܗܘܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܦܢܐ ܐܝܙܓܕܐ ܘܐܘܕܥ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܕܠ ̈‬ ‫ܩܘܒܠܝܐ ܕܐܡܪ ‪̈ 166‬‬ ‫ܚܣܝܐ ܕ� ܢܦܩܝܢܢ ܥܕܡܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܩܪܒܝܢܢ �ܐܙܐ �ܗ�̈ܐ‪ .‬ܗܝܕܝܢ ܗܢܘܢ ]‪ [A341‬ܛ�ܘܢܐ ̈ܕܘܝܐ ܣ�ܩܘ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܙܚܐ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ‪ .‬ܘ� ܐܪܦܝܘ ܐܢܘܢ ܕܢܚܙܩܘܢ ܥܠ ܩܢܝ̈ܢܗܘܢ ܘܪܕܦܘ‬ ‫ܕܚܣܝܐ ܥܡ ܨܥ� ܐ‬ ‫]‪ [P192v‬ܐܢܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܥܒܪ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܚܕܐ ܩܪܝܒܬܐ ܕܬܚܝܬ ܫܢܐ ܕܠܥܠ ܡܢ ܩܪܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܐܣܝܥ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܒܟܠܗ ܡܪܥܝܬܗ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪The two main verbs in this sentence should either both be plural re‬‬‫‪) or both singular, re‬ܡܛܘ >‪ -‬ܡܛܐ ‪ferring to Simeon and the bishops (so‬‬‫‪ is‬ܚܣܢܐ ‪; thus A). Note also that‬ܐܬܩܒܠ >‪ -‬ܐܬܩܒ�ܘ ‪ferring to Simeon (so‬‬ ‫‪/city (f.).‬ܡܕܝܢ̱ܬܐ ‪treated as feminine, perhaps by assimilation to‬‬ ‫‪163‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܩܪܝܬܐ ܡܫܡܗܬܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪164‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܫܡܗ ܒܪ ܝܠܒܐ ܘܫܪܘ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪̣ .‬ܕܡܢ ܩܪܝܬܐ‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫‪, which makes better sense; i.e. when the‬ܡܛܘ ܡܛܝ ‪. A has:‬ܡܛܘ ‪Read:‬‬ ‫‪).‬ܡܛܝ ܗܘܐ( ‪), the time of the liturgy had arrived‬ܡܛܘ( ‪messengers arrived‬‬ ‫‪166‬‬ ‫‪. Note that P and M quite often use a singular verb before a‬ܕܐܡܪܘ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪plural subject, perhaps influenced by Arabic, where it is the norm.‬‬ ‫‪161‬‬ ‫‪162‬‬

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THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

However, the men chasing after the bishops arrived at the monastery of the crag and chased them out from there as well, with insults and abuse even harsher than the previous time – something that neither pagans nor Jews would do was what these insolent men did! 76

Mar Simeon, however, left them barking like dogs, not replying to them a single word. He descended to a wood below the village and entered the church that was there, all by himself. He prayed and supplicated God with feeling and deep-felt groans. All of a sudden those wretched and insolent ring-leaders were smitten with all kinds of severe blows. An angel struck their leader with a rod of wrath and he departed from this life. The people with him all came with many intercessors from among the monks of the Abbey (of Qartmin), as well as others who were present there. They fell at the feet of Mar Simeon, begging him with tears to pray for them, seeing that they had wronged him and his fellow bishops. The holy Mar Simeon said: ‘For your hearts’ sake, O my fathers, I have prayed for these people, but the arrow that has left the bow does not return empty: this is because of their insolence in not allowing me to celebrate the Divine Mysteries’.

77

Then Mar Simeon set off with his fellow bishops to go to the holy Abbey (of Qartmin). They had not gone far when the Lord rained down furious hailstones on Bar Kalbe, the hamlet of those bullies, and (almost) all of them departed this life, only a few escaping.

78

When the bishops entered the Abbey of Qartmin, they received a blessing from the holy shrines, and stayed there a few days. They then went down to the monastery close by Sīrwān, which belonged to the Abbey of Qartmin. From there they travelled to the mountain of Sinjar, visiting another monastery there that belonged to the Abbey. Then they went to Nisibis, where they received a blessing from the churches and monasteries which the holy Mar Simeon had built.

‫‪141‬‬

‫‪76‬‬

‫‪77‬‬

‫‪78‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܬܘܒ ܡܛܘ �ܕܘܦܐ ܒܬܪܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܣܝܐ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܫܢܐ ܘܪܕܦܘ ܐܢܘܢ ܐܦ ܡܢ‬ ‫ܕܚܢܦܐ ̈‬ ‫ܒܒܙܚܐ ܘܨܥ� ܐ ܕܩܫܝܢ ܡܢ ܙܒܢܬܐ ܩܕܡܝܬܐ ܡܕܡ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܝܘܕܝܐ � ܣܥܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܬܡܢ‬ ‫ܣܥܪܘ ܗܠܝܢ ܡ�ܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܐܪܦܝ ܐܢܘܢ ܟܕ ܢܒܚܝܢ ܐܝܟ ̈‬ ‫ܟܠܒܐ ܘ� ܦܢܝ ܠܗܘܢ ܘ�‬

‫ܚܕܐ ܡܠܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܢܚܬ ܠܥܒܐ ܕܠܬܚܬ ܡܢ ܩܪܝܬܐ ܘܥܠ�ܠܥܕܬܐ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܐ ܬܡܢ‬ ‫ܗܘ ]‪ [P193r‬ܒܠܚܘܕܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܨܠܝ ܘܒܥܐ ܡܢ �ܗܐ ܥܡ ܚܫܐ ܘܓܥܬܐ ܚܢܝܓܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܫܚ�ܦܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܒܡܚܘܬܐ ܡܪܝ�ܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܫܝܠ ܒܠܥܘ ܗܢܘܢ ܛ�ܘܢܐ ̈ܕܘܝܐ ܘܡ�ܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܚܐ ܡ�ܟܐ ܒܫܒܛܐ ܕܪܘܓܙܐ ܠܪܝܫܐ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ ܘܣܦ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܚܝܐ ܕܙܒܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܦܝܣܢܐ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫]‪ [M121r‬ܘܗܢܘܢ ܕܐܝܬ ܗܘܘ ܥܡܗ ܐܬܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܥܡ‬ ‫ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܘܐܚ�ܢܐ ̈ܣܓܝܐܐ ]‪ [A342‬ܕܐܬܛܝܒܘ ܬܡܢ‪ .‬ܘܢܦ�ܘ ܩܕܡ �ܓ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܟܕ ܒܟܝܢ ܘܒܥܝܢ ܡܢܗ ܕܢܨ� ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ]‪ [P193v‬ܡܛܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܚܣܝܐ ܚܒ�ܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘܐܡܪ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܡܛܠ�ܠܒܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܣܟ�ܘ ܒܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܝܠܟܘܢ ̄ܐܘ ܐܒܗܝ ܨܠܝܬ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܕܗܠܝܢ ܐ� ܓܐܪܐ ܕܢܦܩ ܡܢ ܩܫܬܐ � ܦܢܐ‬ ‫ܣܪܝܩܐܝܬ ܘܗܕܐ ܡܛܠ ܡܪܚܘܬܗܘܢ ܕ� ܫܒܩܘܢܝ ܕܢܫܡ� ܠ�ܐܙܐ �ܗ�̈ܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܚܣܝܐ ܚܒ�ܐ ܕܝܠܗ ‪ 167‬ܘܡܛܘ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ‬ ‫ܫܩܠ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܩܠܝܠ ܐܒܥܕ ܘܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܐܡܛܪ ܡܪܝܐ ܟܐܦܐ ܕܒܪܕܐ ܘܪܘܓܙܐ ܡܪܝܪܐ ܥܠ ܒܪ‬ ‫̈ܟܠܒܐ ܗܝ ܐܓܘܪܣܐ ܕܗܢܘܢ ]‪ [P194r‬ܛ�ܘܢܐ ܘܟܠܗܘܢ ܣܦ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܚܝܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܕܚܕܢܐ ܐܬܦܠܛܘ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܥ�ܘ ̈ܚܣܝܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ܐܬܒܪܟܘ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܘܟܝܬܐ ܩܕ�̈ܫܬܐ ܘܟܬܪ‬ ‫ܒܗ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬܝܗ ܗܘܬ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܡܬܐ ܩܠܝܠ‪ .‬ܘܢܚܬ ܠܕܝܪܐ ܕܥܠ�ܓܢܒ ܣܪܘܐܢ‬ ‫ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ ܬܡܢ ܐܫܩܠ�ܠܛܘܪܐ ܕܫܝܓܪ ܘܣܥܪ ܠܕܝܪܐ ]‪ [A343‬ܐܚܪܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬ ܬܡܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܘ ܠܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܘܐܬܒܪܟܘ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܥܕܬܐ ܘܕܝ�ܬܐ ܕܒܢܐ ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܚܒ�ܘܗܝ ‪A:‬‬

‫‪167‬‬

142

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

79

On Mar Simeon’s return to Harran, the headman Gabriel of Anḥel turned up and made a request to the holy man, saying to him: ‘I beg of you, O holy father, pray for me, because you cursed me on that occasion along with those impudent ring-leaders when you came to the village of Esya‘’. The elect Mar Simeon replied, saying to him: ‘Far be it from me ever in my life to have hurled a curse on anyone, my son. It was God who sought to punish the impudent men because they had despised his holy priests and bishops’. All who heard this were astonished and amazed at the patience of Mar Simeon.

80

Another man, whose name was Abraham, from Hesna d-Azyat – that is Qal‘at Eskiye in the valley of Gehenna 168 – was led astray by Satan and he stole three hundred silver coins from a neighbour of his from Hesna d-Azyat, also called Abraham. When Abraham, the owner of the money, had spent a long time begging Abraham, the thief of the money, to return his money, not only did the latter refuse his plea, but he actually denied having stolen anything. After coaxing and pressing him a great deal, all to no effect, the two Abrahams, the owner and the thief of the money, approached Mar Simeon of the Olives, who happened to be present there in those days, having himself come to Hesna d-Azyat. The holy man made many entreaties to the thief Abraham, but he did not comply. Then he arranged with the owner of the money to let the thief keep a hundred coins on condition he return the rest. The owner accepted the holy man’s advice, but the thief then denied that he had anything at all on him belonging to the other man. The owner of the money then put pressure on the holy man to curse the thief, but the holy man was unwilling to do so. Instead, he made a pact with them that after three days they should come to him at the Abbey of Qartmin and he would resolve their dispute.

The valley (wadi) of Gehenna is in the east of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn and runs into the Tigris; see the Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, Map 1. 168

‫‪143‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬

‫‪80‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܟܕ ܦܢܐ ܠܚܪܢ ܐܬܛܝܒ ܠܘܬ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ]‪ [P194v‬ܫܡܥܘܢ ܪܝܫܢܐ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ‬ ‫ܢܚܠܝܐ ܘܒܥܐ ܡܢܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܟܕ ܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܒܥܐ ܐܢܐ ܡܢܟ ̄ܐܘ ܐܒܘܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܨ�‬ ‫ܥܠܝ ܡܛܠ ܕܠܛܬܢܝ ܒܗܘ ܙܒܢܐ ܟܕ ܐܬܝܬ ܥܡ ܗܢܘܢ ]‪ [M121v‬ܛ�ܘܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܡ�ܚܐ �ܣܝܥ ܩܪܝܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܦܢܝ ܠܗ ܓܒܝܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܐܡܪ ܠܗ ܕܚܣ ܠܝ‬ ‫ܒܪܝ ܕܫܪܝܬ ܠܘܛܬܐ ܒܐܢܫ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܝ ̈‬ ‫ܝܚܝ‪ .‬ܐ� ܗܘ �ܗܐ ܬܒܥ ܘܐܬܢܩܡ ܡܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܩܕܝܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܕܫܡܥ ܬܗܪܘ‬ ‫ܠܟܗܢܘܗܝ ̈ܚܣܝܐ‬ ‫ܡ�ܚܐ ܡܛܠ ܕܫܛܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܕܡܪ)ܘ( ܥܠ ܡܓܪܬ ܪܘܚܗ ܕܡܪܝ ]‪ [P195r‬ܫܡܥܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܬܘܒ ܐܢܫ ܐܚܪܝܢ ܡܢ ܚܣܢܐ ܕܐܙܝܛ ܗܘ ܕܗܘ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܩܠܥܐ ܕ ̤ܐ ̈ܣ ܑܟ ̤ܝܐ ܕܐܝܬܘܗܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܠܬܡܐܐ‬ ‫ܒܢܚ� ܕܓܗܢܐ ܕܫܡܗ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ ܐܒܪܗܡ ܐܛܥܝ ܒܗ ܣܛܢܐ ܘܓܢܒ‬ ‫̈ܙܘܙܐ ܕܣܐܡܐ ܡܢ ܚܕ ܓܒܪܐ ܫܒܒܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܡܢܗ ܕܚܣܢܐ ܕܐܙܝܛ ܕܐܦ ܗܘ ܫܡܗ‬ ‫ܕܙܘܙܐ �ܒܪܗܡ ܓܢܒܐ ̈‬ ‫]‪ [A344‬ܐܒܪܗܡ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܣܓܝ ܐܦܝܣܗ ܐܒܪܗܡ ܡܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܙܘܙܐ‬ ‫ܕܢܬܠ�ܠܗ ̈ܙܘܙܘܗܝ ܘ� ܩܒܠ ܦܝܣܗ ‪ 169‬ܐ� ܟܦܪ ܗܘܐ ܕ� ܓܢܒ ܡܢܗ ܡܕܡ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪ [P195v‬ܘܟܕ ܣܓܝ ܫܕܠܗ ܘܐܦܝܣܗ ܘ� ܐܬܬܦܝܣ ܘܒܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܒܝܘܡܬܐ ܗܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܬܛܝܒ ܘܐܬܐ ܠܬܡܢ ܠܚܣܢܐ ܕܐܙܝܛ ܗܘ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܘܩܪܒܘ ܗܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܒܪܗܡ ܡܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܙܘܙܐ ܘܐܒܪܗܡ ܓܢܒܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܦܝܣܗ ܩܕܝܫܐ �ܒܪܗܡ ܓܢܒܐ ̈‬ ‫ܒܣܓܝܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܘ� ܐܬܬܦܝܣ‪ .‬ܘܐܥܒܕ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܒܡܪܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܙܘܙܐ ܕܢܫܒܘܩ ܠܗ ܠܓܢܒܐ ܡܐܐ ̈ܙܘܙܐ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܢܐ ‪ 170‬ܠܗܢܘܢ ܕܫܪܟܐ‪ .‬ܗܘ ܡܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܙܘܙܐ ܩܒܠ ܡܠܟܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܓܢܒܐ‬ ‫ܟܦܪ ܗܘܐ ܕܠܝܬ ܠܗ ܠܗܢܐ ܡܕܡ ]‪ [P196r‬ܨܝܕܝ ܣܟ‪ 171[M122r] .‬ܗܘ‬ ‫ܡܪܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܙܘܙܐ �ܨܗ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܢ�ܘܛܝܘܗܝ ܠܓܢܒܐ ܗܘ ܕܝܢ ܩܕܝܫܐ � ܨܒܐ‪ .‬ܐ�‬ ‫ܣܡ ܠܗܘܢ ܬܢܘܝ ܒܬܪ ܬܠܬܐ ̈ܝܘܡܝܢ ܢܐܬܘܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ܨܝܕܘܗܝ ܘܫܪܐ‬ ‫ܒܝܢܬܗܘܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܘ� ܝܗܒ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܢܚܢܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪171‬‬ ‫‪M: the top half of folio 122 is restored with a modern transcription‬‬ ‫‪taped onto the page. Palmer tells me that it is in the hand of Dolabani.‬‬ ‫‪169‬‬ ‫‪170‬‬

144

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

81.

Three days later they turned up at the Abbey before the holy Mar Simeon. Once again the holy man urged the thief (to return the money), but he denied having taken anything at all from him (the other man), Satan having instructed him in theft and impudence. Then, without anyone having suggested to him or constrained him to take an oath, he rushed up to the holy Mar Simeon, grasping him by the right hand and uttering dire and forceful oaths to the effect that he had not stolen anything. Whereupon the owner of the money responded by saying: ‘I have confidence in God that, if you have lied to Him and to the holy bishops and His saints, He will speedily exact justice from you’. No sooner had he spoken than punishment overtook the thief who had made this oath: his face was turned backwards, he was smitten with bitter wrath and remained in severe pain. He then returned the three hundred coins to their owner, with not a coin missing. The angel of wrath smote him on the spot and he died, departing this temporal life and going off to eternal torment. All who heard gave thanks and praise to God, at the same time being filled with awe, while commending the holy Mar Simeon.

82

When the holy Mar Simeon of the Olives came the third time to the Abbey of Qartmin, his relations and all the people of his village Habsenus came along and carried him off in great pomp and splendour to their village. He was received by all the people of the region, who showed great faith. He prayed for them and blessed them, while they rejoiced in him as though he was one of God’s angels. He donated to their church books, equipment, 172 and everything that was needed. He restored and rebuilt the church from the foundations, adorning it with all sorts of fine and beautiful fittings. Formerly it had been dedicated to Mar Simon Peter, but from that day on, until our own day, it has been called the church of Mar Simeon of the Olives.

Ṭaksē, from Greek taxis, ‘order’, can refer to books giving the order of service as well as vestments, church furniture and the like.

172

‫‪145‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬

‫‪82‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܡܛܘ ܒܬܪ ܬܠܬܐ ̈ܝܘܡܝܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܠܘܬ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܗܝܕܝܢ ܐܦܝܣܗ ܬܘܒ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܠܓܢܒܐ ܘܗܘ ܟܦܪ ܗܘܐ ܕ� ܫܩܠܬ ܡܕܡ ܡܢܗ ‪173‬‬ ‫ܣܟ ܘܣܛܢܐ �ܦܗ ܓܢܒܘܬܐ ܘܓܘܡܕܢܘܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܐܢܫ � �ܦܗ ܐܘ �ܨܗ‬ ‫ܕܢܐܡܐ ܗܘ ܐܣܬܪܗܒ ]‪ [P196v‬ܘܩܪܒ ܠܒܟ ܝܡܝܢܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܚܣܝܢܬܐ ܕ� ܓܢܒ ܡܕܡ‪ .‬ܗܝܕܝܢ ܦܢܝ ܡܪܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܝܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܡܘܡܬܐ ܩܫܝ̈ܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܙܘܙܐ ܘܐܡܪ‬ ‫ܕܡܗܝܡܢ ܐܢܐ ܒܐܠܗܐ ܕܐܢܗܘ ܕܕ ܓܠܬ ܒܗ ܘ ̈‬ ‫ܒܚܣܝܐ ‪ 174‬ܘܒ ̈‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܘܗܝ ܗܘ ܬܒܥ‬ ‫ܠܝ ܡܢܟ ܩܠܝ�ܝܬ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ � ܫܡܠܝ ܡܠܬܗ ܐܕܪܟܗ ܓܙܪ ܕܝܢܐ ܠܓܢܒܐ ܕܝܡܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܦܟ ܦܪܨܘܦܗ ܠܒܣܬܪܗ ܘܒܠܥ ܒܪܘܓܙܐ ܡܪܝܪܐ ܘܦܫ ܟܕ ܡܫܬܢܩ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܠܬܡܐܐ ̈ܙܘܙܐ ]‪ [P197r‬ܘ�‬ ‫ܡܪܝܪܐܝܬ‪ 175 .‬ܘܗܝܕܝܢ ܐܦܢܝ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܡܪܐ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܒܕ ܡܢܗܘܢ ܘ� ܚܕ ܙܘܙܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܗ ܒܥܕܢܐ ܗܘ ܡܚܝܗܝ ܡ�ܟܐ ܕܪܘܓܙܐ ܘܣܦ ܘܡܝܬ‬ ‫ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܚܝܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܙܒܢܝ̈ܐ ܘܐܙܠ�ܠܬܫܢܝܩܐ ܕܠܥܠܡ‪ .‬ܘܟܠܡܢ ܕܫܡܥ ܐܘܕܝ‬ ‫ܘܫܒܚ �ܠܗܐ ܘܕܚܠ ܛܒ ܘܩܠܣ ܠܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܬܘܒ ܟܕ ܐܬܐ ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ]‪[A346‬‬ ‫ܙܒܢܬܐ ܬܠܝܬܝܬܐ ܐܬܘ ܠܘܬܗ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܓܢܣܗ ܥܡ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܒܢܝ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ‬ ‫ܩܪܝܬܗ ]‪ [M122v‬ܘܒܙܘܚܐ ܘܒܐܝܩܪܐ ܪܒܐ ܐܘܒ�ܘܗܝ ܠܩܪܝܬܗܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܩܒܠ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܐܬܪܐ ]‪ [P197v‬ܒܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܨܠܝ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ ܘܒܪܟ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܛܟܣܐ‬ ‫ܟܬܒܐ‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ܘܚܕܝܘ ܒܗ ܐܝܟ ܡ�ܟܐ ܕܐܠܗܐ‪ .‬ܘܫܟܢ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܗܝ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܫܟܠܗ ܒܟܠ ܛܘܟܣܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܢܗ ܡܢ ܕܪܝܫ‬ ‫ܘܚܕܬܗ‬ ‫ܘܟܠܡܘܢ ܕܣܢܝܩܐ ܗܘܬ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܛܒ ܘܕܫܦܝܪ‪ .‬ܡܛܠ ܕܡܢ ܩܕܝܡ ܥܠ ܫܡ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܟܐܦܐ ܒܢܝܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܗܘ ܝܘܡܐ ܘܠܗܠ ܐܬܩܪܝܬ ܥܕܬܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪[A345‬‬

‫‪.‬ܘܬܘܒ ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܐܦܝܣܗ‬

‫ܠܓܢܒܐ ‪. A begins this sentence:‬ܡܢܗ ܡܕܡ ‪M+A:‬‬

‫‪173‬‬

‫‪ and‬ܒܐܠܗܐ ‪. M omits‬ܕܡܓܠܬ ‪; P wrongly writes‬ܕܓܠܬ ܒܗ ܒܚܣܝܐ ‪M+A:‬‬ ‫‪̈ .‬‬ ‫ܘܒܩܕܝܫܘܗܝ ‪ instead of P+A’s‬ܘܒܩܕܝܫܘܬܗ ‪has‬‬ ‫‪175‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܩܫܝܐܝܬ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪174‬‬

146

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

Now when he had received the baptismal anointing at the hands of the priest, he had been named ‘Simeon’ after Simon Peter, for it was God’s will that he should grow to be a head of the Church. 83

Now the house of the holy man’s father was below the wall of the church, to the southeast of his village, and to the southwest of his village he built for them a small but fine and pleasant monastery out of hewn stones. Within it he erected a chapel and a circular column for recluses. He consecrated the chapel in the name of Mar Lazarus, the glorious labourer, whose monastery is close by Harran, the (episcopal) city of Mar Simeon. He brought part of the relics of the holy Mar Lazarus from that monastery and placed them in the one that he had built close to his village, Habsenus. Monks flocked to the monastery and they took it in turns to live as recluses in the tower. 176 The majority of the monks were from Habsenus, and there were some other monks of Habsenus living in the monastery of Mar Zebina, which is next to Habsenus, its kastron. 177 In this monastery of Mar Lazarus the holy Mar Simeon of the Olives settled priests, elders and faithful deacons, and notable persons, while in the village he established a school with godly teachers.

Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 105, suggests that ‘what is meant is that the community assured the succession so that there was always a stylite in residence’, not that the monks took it in turns to act as stylite. He also points out (ibid., p. 105) that the round tower still standing in the monastery of Mar Lazarus at Habsenus bears an inscription dating its construction to 1103 AG (791–92). Its construction has, therefore, been falsely ascribed to Simeon, unless it replaced an earlier structure erected by him. 177 I.e. the kastron (see n. 5 in this chapter for significance of this term) for the monastery of Mar Zebina. The latter is probably to be identified with the monastery of Zebinos that Procopius, De Aedificiis, 5.9.32, says was restored by Justinian. 176

‫‪147‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܐܝܕܝ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܐ ܕܫܩܠ ‪ 178‬ܪܘܫܡܐ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܟܗܢܐ ܥܠ ܫܡ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫ܟܐܦܐ ܩܪܘ ܠܫܡܗ‪� .‬ܗܐ ܨܒܐ ܝܪܒ ܘܗܘܐ ܪܝܫܐ ܠܥܕܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬

‫]‪[P198r‬‬

‫ܘܒܝܬܐ ܕܐܒܘܗܝ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܠܬܚܬ ܡܢ ܫܘܪܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ ܡܕܢܚܐ ܘܬܝܡܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܢܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܛܒ ܠܡܥܪܒܐ ܬܝܡܢܐ ܡܢ ܩܪܝܬܗ ‪ 179‬ܕܝܪܐ ܚܕܐ ܙܥܘܪܬܐ ]‪[A347‬‬ ‫ܘܗܕܝܕܬܐ ܘܫܦܝܪܬܐ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܟܐܦܐ ܦܣܝ̈ܠܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܒܢܐ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܗܝܟ� ܘܐܦ ܐܣܛܘܢܐ‬ ‫ܓܠܝ�ܝܐ ܠܚܒܝ̈ܫܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܩܕܫ ܠܗܝܟ� ܥܠ ܫܡ ܡܪܝ ܠܥܙܪ ܦܠܚܐ ܢܨܝܚܐ‬ ‫ܕܕܝܪܗ ܥܠ�ܓܢܒ ܚܪܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܝܬܝ ܡܢܗ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܠܥܙܪ ܡܢܬܐ ̇‬ ‫ܡܢܗ ܕܗܝ ]‪ [P198v‬ܕܝܪܐ ܘܣܡ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܗܕܐ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܒܢܐ ܥܠ�ܓܢܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܩܪܝܬܗ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܟܢܫܘ ̇‬ ‫ܠܗ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܠܗܕܐ ܕܝܪܐ ܘܗܘܘ ܒܒܘܪܓܐ ܚܒܝܫܝܐ‬ ‫ܟܠ ܚܕ ܒܙܒܢܗ‪ .‬ܘܣܘܓܗܘܢ ܕܕܝ�ܝܐ ܡܢ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܗܘܘ ܘܐܦ ܐܚ�ܢܐ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ ܥܡܪܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܙܒܝܢܐ ܕܥܠ�ܓܢܒ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܣܒܐ ܘܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ‬ ‫]‪ [M123r‬ܩܐܣܛܪܐ ‪ 180‬ܕܝܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܗܕܐ ܕܝܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܠܥܙܪ ܩܫܝ̈ܫܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܫܡܫܢܐ ܘܓܒ�ܐ �ܒܐ ܐܥܡܪ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܗܘ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�ܬܐ ܐܩܝܡ‬ ‫ܒܩܪܝܬܐ ܒܝܬ ܐܣܟܘܠܝ ]‪̈ [P199r‬‬ ‫ܕܡ�ܦܢܐ �ܗ�̈ܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܘܡܐ ܕܫܩܠ ‪M and A:‬‬ ‫ܕܗܝ ܚܒܣܘܣ ‪A adds‬‬ ‫‪ further on in‬ܚܒܣܢܘܣ ‪ and‬ܚܒܣܘܣ ‪̣ (it uses both‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܘܒܢܐ ܠܗܘܢ ܛܒ ܠܡܥܪܒܐ ܬܝܡܢܐ ‪this section); M omits‬‬ ‫‪180‬‬ ‫‪Latin: castrum; Greek: kastron; see n. 5 above in this chapter.‬‬ ‫‪178‬‬ ‫‪179‬‬

148

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

There were in Habsenus teachers, instructors, readers, exegetes, the like of which are not to be found anywhere else in the world, because the people of this village were sharp-witted and receptive of learning, as they still are today. 181 84

Mar David, the son of the sister of Mar Simeon of the Olives, had nephews who were skilled teachers and fine scribes: these were three priest monks, Mar Timothy, Mar Job and Mar Iyar. (All three were) wonderful and respected scribes who had learnt the scribal art from Mar Daniel of Kenderib, the leading scribe at that time. 182 They copied books whose accuracy and quality was unparalleled in the Church. Mar Simeon took care of their needs and he taught them accurately in reading with the points, and their reputation began to spread in the Church.

85

When Mar Simeon of the Olives returned from the city of Harran a fourth time to the Abbey of Qartmin, he paid great attention to the embellishment of the Abbey, as we have already mentioned. He had copied for it princely books of the Old and New Testaments, taken from both translations, the ‘Seventy’ and the Peshitta. He also gave funds for the copying of numerous splendid books, many of which still survive to this day, either in the Abbey itself, or in the region, (written) in the handwriting of Mar Daniel of Kenderib. Among other authors, one of the books is the Chronicle arranged by Jacob of Edessa, with many diagrams.

Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, pp. 161–62, argues that the complimentary reference to the residents of Habsenus of Simeon’s time and ‘today’ supports the idea that Simeon’s great-nephew, Job, himself a native of Habsenus, wrote the original Life. 182 Daniel is placed in the ninth century by Barsaum, Scattered Pearls, p. 19, though the late eighth century is more likely if Simeon’s great-nephews studied under him. For ‘scribal art’ P and M have ‫ܬܟܬܘܒܘܬܐ‬, whereas A has ‫ܟܬܘܒܘܬܐ‬, which is the standard term. 181

‫‪149‬‬

‫‪84‬‬

‫‪85‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ̇‬ ‫ܘܡܦܫܩܢܐ ܕ� ܐܝܬ ܒܥܠܡܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܒܚܒܣܢܘܣ ̈ܡ�ܦܢܐ ܘܐܡܘ�ܐ ܘܩ�ܘܝܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܩܒܠܝ ܝܘܠܦܢܐ ܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܒܢܝ̈‬ ‫ܐܟܘܬܗܘܢ ܡܛܠ ܕܚ�ܝܦܝ ]‪ [A348‬ܙܘܥܐ‬ ‫ܩܪܝܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܚܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ ܠܗ ܠܡܪܝ ܕܘܝܕ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܒܢ̈ܝ ̈‬ ‫ܘܡ�ܦܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܟܬܘܒܐ �ܝܫܝܐ ܬܠܬܐ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܘܩܫܝ̈ܫܐ ܕܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܡܪܝ ܛܝܡܬܘܤ ܘܡܪܝ‬ ‫ܡܗܝ�ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܝܘܒ ܘܡܪܝ ܐܝܪ‪ .‬ܟܬܘܒܐ ܬܗܝ�ܐ ܘܝܩܝ�ܐ ܕܝ�ܦܘ ܠܬܟܬܘܒܘܬܐ ܡܢ ܡܪܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܢܝܐܝܠ ܟܢܕܪܝܒܝܐ ܪܝܫ‬ ‫ܟܬܒܐ ܚܬ�̈ܬܐ‬ ‫ܟܬܘܒܐ ܕܗܘ ]‪ [P199v‬ܙܒܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܬܒܘ‬ ‫ܘ�ܝܫܝܐ ܕ� ܗܘܐ ܐܟܘܬܗܘܢ ܒܥܕܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܝܨܦ ܗܘܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܒܕܝܠܗܘܢ ܘܐܠܦܘ‬ ‫ܐܢܘܢ ܚܬܝܬܐܝܬ ܒܩܪܝܬܐ ܥܡ ̈‬ ‫ܢܘܩܙܐ ܘܫܪܝ ܡܬܛܒܒ ܫܡܐ ܕܝܠܗܘܢ ܒܥܕܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܦܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܙܒܢܬܐ ܕܐܪܒܥ ܡܢ ܚܪܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ܥܒܕ ܝܨܝܦܘܬܐ ܘܒܛܝ�ܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܥܠ�ܨܘܒܬܗ ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܝܠܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡ�ܟܝܐ ܕܕܝܐܬܝܩܝ ܥܬܝܩܬܐ ܘܚܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܟܬܒܐ‬ ‫ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ܐܝܟ ܕܐܡܪܢܢ‪ .‬ܘܟܬܒ ܠܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܢ ܬ�ܬܝܗܝܢ‬ ‫ܡܦܩܬܐ ܗܝ ܫܒܥܝܢܝܬܐ ]‪ [P200r‬ܘܦܫܝܛܬܐ‪ .‬ܬܘܒ ܝܗܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢܦܩܬܐ ‪ 183‬ܘܐܬܟܬܒܘ ܟܬܒܐ ]‪ [A349‬ܣܓܝܐܐ ܡܠܟܝܐ ܘ�ܝܫܝܐ ܕܣܓܝܐܐ‬ ‫]‪ [M123v‬ܡܢܗܘܢ ܩܐܝܡܝܢ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܝܘܡܢܐ ܒܗ ܒܥܘܡܪܐ ܘܒܐܬܪܐ ܡܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܟܬܒܐ‬ ‫ܟܬܘܒܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ ܕܐܟܘܬܗ ܕܚܕ‬ ‫ܟܬܝܒܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܕܢܝܐܝܠ ܟܢܕܪܝܒܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܡܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܡܟܬܒ ̈ܙܒܢܐ ܗܘ ܕܨܘ�ܬܗ ̈‬ ‫‪184‬‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ ܡܢ ܛܘܟܣܘܗܝ ܕܝܥܩܘܒ ܐܘܪܗܝ‬ ‫ܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ‪.‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫‪.‬ܢܦܩܬܐ ‪ to‬ܗܝ‬

‫ܫܒܥܝܢܝܬܐ ‪A omits from‬‬

‫‪̈ .‬‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܢ ‪This is the m.pl. emphatic form; one expects f.pl. absolute:‬‬

‫‪183‬‬ ‫‪184‬‬

150

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

These and many other books were copied for the Abbey at the hands of two brothers, in both the flesh and spirit, the excellent scribes Mar Joshua Simeon and Mar Ḥāyē, and the skilled illuminators and learned scribes of the great monastery of the glorious and famous village of Kfar Tebnā, by the gates of Harran, the episcopal seat of Mar Simeon of the Olives. 86

After Mar Simeon died, Mar David, his nephew, completed the Testament and these books which we have mentioned. He donated to the Abbey a hundred and eighty other volumes whose titles are written down, along with other donations, in other documents. All the (outstanding) donations of Mar Simeon were fulfilled by Mar David, his nephew, after his uncle’s death.

87

When Mar Simeon used to send from Harran, by the hands of his disciples, gold and silver and numerous gifts, he would buy up villages and mills, shops and numerous farms, orchards and gardens, donating them to the Abbey during all his lifetime. His nephew did likewise during all the days of his life too, making donations of many magnificent regal objects in the Abbey and in all the region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. They decorated and adorned the Abbey with all sorts of furnishings, spiritual and material, in the church: flasks for the holy oil (myron), vestments, patens and chalices of gold and silver, hangings, curtains and gilded veils without comparison anywhere in the world.

88

Mar Simeon of the Olives set down important teaching, with arguments, against all the heresies, and against the Arabs, 185 in clear language, confirmed by all sorts of testimonies from Scripture and the natural world. He made his teaching as abundant as a great fountain, and as a result he was held in love and honour by the princes, governors and leaders of the Muslims.

Note the use of ‘arabāyē here to indicate Muslims, rather than ṭayyāyē as has been used above, perhaps because of its Biblical precedent, unless there is some connection being made with neighboring Beth ‘Arbaye. 185

‫‪151‬‬

‫‪86‬‬

‫‪87‬‬

‫‪88‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟܬܘܒܐ �ܝܫܝܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܟܬܒܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐܚܐ‬ ‫ܒܐܝܕܝ‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܟܬܒ ܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪186‬‬ ‫�ܘܚܢܝܐ ܘܦܓ�ܢܝܐ ܡܪܝ ܝܫܘܥ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܡܪܝ ܚܝܐ ܘܨܝ�ܐ ܡܗܝ�ܐ ܘܟܬܘܒܐ‬ ‫]‪ [P200v‬ܚܟܝ̈ܡܐ ܕܒܕܝܪܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܕܒܟܦܪ ܬܒܢܐ ܩܪܝܬܐ ܡܝܩܪܬܐ ܘܡܫܡܗܬܐ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬܝܗ ܡܪܥܝܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܕܐܝܬܝܗ ܥܠ�ܬܪܥ ܚܪܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܟܬܒܐ ܕܐܡܪܢܢ‬ ‫ܫܡܠܝܗ ܠܕܝܐܬܝܩܝ ܘܠܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܕܥܢܕ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܡܪܝ ܕܘܝܕ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�ܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܫܟܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܡܐܐ ܘܬܡܢܝܢ‬ ‫ܫܡܗܝܗܘܢ ܥܡ ̈‬ ‫ܕܘܒܩܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ ܕܟܬܝܒܝܢ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܟܬܒܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܫܘܟܢܐ ܐܚ�ܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܘܟܢܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܗܘ ܡܪܝ ]‪ [A350‬ܕܘܝܕ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܫܡܠܝ ܐܢܘܢ ܟܕ‬ ‫]‪ [P201r‬ܥܢܕ ܚܠܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܡܢ ܚܪܢ ܡܫܕܪ ܗܘܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܒܝܕ ܬܠܡܝ ̈ܕܘܗܝ ܘܕܗܒܐ ܘܣܐܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܫܢܐ‬ ‫ܣܓܝ̈ܐܐ ܘܙܒܢ ܗܘܐ ܩܘ�ܝܐ ܘ�ܚܘܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܚܢܘܬܐ ܘܡܙ�ܥܬܐ ܣܓܝ̈ܐܐ ‪ 187‬ܘܦ�ܕܝܣܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܓܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܫܟܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܟܠܗ ܙܒܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܘܗܝ‪ 188 .‬ܘܡܪܝ ܕܘܝܕ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܗܟܢܐ ܥܒܕ‬ ‫ܫܒܝܚܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܨܒܘܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܡܠܟܝܬܐ ܫܟܢ‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܝܘܡܬܐ‬ ‫ܒܥܘܡܪܐ ܘܒܐܬܪܐ ܟܠܗ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܗܕܪܘܗܝ ܘܨܒܬܘܗܝ ]‪ [M124r‬ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܒܟܠ ̈‬ ‫ܛܟܣܝܢ ]‪� [P201v‬ܘܚܢܝܐ ܘܦܓ�ܢܝܐ ܕܒܥܕܬܐ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܩܣܛܐ ܕܡܘܪܘܢ ܘܦܝ̈ܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܟܣܐ ܕܕܗܒܐ ܘܕܣܐܡܐ ܘܡܬ�ܐ ܘܦ�ܣܐ ܘܘ�̈� ̈‬ ‫ܘܦܝܢ̈ܟܐ ̈‬ ‫ܡܕܗܒܬܐ ܡܕܡ ܕ� ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒܥܠܡܐ ܐܟܘܬܗܘܢ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܣܡ ܗܘ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܡ�ܦܢܘܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܘܕ�ܫܐ ܠܘܩܒܠ ܟܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܣܗܕܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ�ܣܝܣ ܘܠܘܩܒܠ�ܥ�ܐܒܝܐ ‪ 189‬ܒܡܠܬܐ ܚܠܝܡܬܐ ܕܡܫܪܪܐ ܒܟܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܥܬܪܗ ܠܡ�ܦܢܘܬܗ ‪ 190‬ܐܝܟ ܡܒܘܥܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܟܬܒܝܬܐ ܘܟܝܢܝܬܐ‪[A351] .‬‬ ‫ܘܥܠ ܗܝ ܐܬܪܚܡ ܘܐܬܝܩܪ ܡܢ ̈ܡܠܟܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܛܝܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܫܠܝܛܢܐ ]‪ [P202r‬ܘ�ܝܫܢܐ‬

‫‪.‬ܡܪܝ ܝܫܘܥ ܘܡܪ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܡܪܝ ܝܚܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪̈ (cf. n. 179 above). Note‬‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ ‪= m.pl. emph., one expects f.pl. emph:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪ appear lighter.‬ܘܚܢܘܬܐ ‪ to‬ܘܕܗܒܐ ‪that in P the words from‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪188‬‬ ‫‪, perhaps influenced by its occur‬ܕܚܝܘܬܐ ‪Thus A; P+M have, wrongly,‬‬‫‪rence earlier in the sentence.‬‬ ‫‪189‬‬ ‫‪ = Grk. hairesis.‬ܐ�ܣܝܣ ‪, which is the more usual spelling. Note‬ܥ�ܒܝܐ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪190‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܪܕܝܗ ܠܡ�ܦܢܘܬܗ ‪A:‬‬ ‫ܘܐܥܬܪܗ‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪186‬‬ ‫‪187‬‬

152

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

This was also because of his compassion and lavish charitable giving which was (applied) to all ranks and conditions. All who saw him were amazed at him. 89

Now, because of Mar David, his nephew, and (because of) Mar David’s nephews, Mar Timothy, Mar Job and Mar Iyar, the excellent scribes and conscientious teachers, all their relatives came from their village of Habsenus and settled in the village of Beth Man‘em, and in its monastery of Mar Abhay, to the south of the Abbey (of Qartmin). They came because of the disturbances and fighting that took place, but also so as to be close to the Abbey. They are known as ‘the family of Mar Timothy’ up to this day. In due course he (too) made huge donations to the Abbey.

90

What can we say of this Mar Simeon of the Olives who shone out so gloriously and whose reputation has forever spread to the entire Church? (What can we say) of the endowments he made, of the care he had for the poor, the destitute and the strangers, of his concern for the churches and monasteries? His reputation went out to the four quarters of the created world. The sick, the afflicted, the paralysed and the possessed, gathered to him from everywhere, and he distributed to them the assistance that each asked for. He became a safe refuge for all the faithful in every town and region, and he was also a mediator between God and human beings. However much we talk about him, his actual story would defeat the words of any narrator or speaker.

91

It is time for his ship to put in to rest in the harbour, for the pitcher is close to the cistern 191 and every human being travels to eternity. The resplendent and elect Mar Simeon grew old and full of days, and so God wanted to give him rest from this temporal life. When he perceived that the end of his life was approaching, he appointed his nephew David to be his successor as bishop in the see of Harran. He himself came to the Abbey of Qartmin, just as it had been revealed to him by God.

191

Qohelet (Ecclesiastes) 12:6.

‫‪153‬‬

‫‪89‬‬

‫‪90‬‬

‫‪91‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܐܚܪܬܐ ܡܛܠ ܡܪܚܡܢܘܬܗ ܘܐܦ ܫܦܝܥܘܬ ̈ܙܕܩܬܗ ܕܥܠ ܟܠ ̈‬ ‫ܩܘܡܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܘܫܚܢ‪ .‬ܘܬܗܪܘ ܒܗ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈ܚܙܝܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܛܠ ܡܪܝ ܕܘܝܕ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܘܒܢ̈ܝ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚܘܗܝ ܡܪܝ ܕܘܝܕ ‪ 192‬ܡܪܝ ܛܐܡܬܐܘܣ‬ ‫ܟܬܘܒܐ ܫܦܝ�ܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡ�ܦܢܐ ܙܗܝ�ܐ ܘܗܢܘܢ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܓܢܣܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܡܪܝ ܐܝܘܒ ܘܡܪܝ ܐܝܪ‬ ‫ܟܠܗ ܐܬܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܢ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ ܩܪܝܬܗܘܢ ܘܥܡܪ ܒܒܝܬ ܡܢܥܡ ܩܪܝܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܒܕܝܪܐ ܕܝܠܗ ܕܡܪܝ ̈‬ ‫ܐܒܚܝ ܕܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ]‪ [P202v‬ܠܬܝܡܢܐ ܡܢ ܥܘܡܪܐ‪ .‬ܐܬܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܓܘܫܝܐ ܘܩܐ�ܣܐ ܕܗܘܘ ܘܐܦ ܕܢܗܘܘܢ ܩܪܝܒܝܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܟܢܝܘ‬ ‫ܡܢ ܥܠܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܪܒܬܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܛܐܡܬܐܘܤ ܥܕܡܐ ܒܝܘܡܢܐ ܘܠܚܪܬܐ ܫܟܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܫܘܟܢܐ‬ ‫ܪܘ�ܒܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܢܐ ܢܐܡܪ ܥܠ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܕܢܨܝܚܐܝܬ ܐܬܗܕܪ ܘܐܬܝܕܥ ܫܡܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܫܘܟܢܐ ܕܫܟܢ‬ ‫ܒܟܠܗ ܥܕܬܐ ܥܕܡܐ ܠܥܠܡ‪ .‬ܘܥܠ ]‪[A352‬‬ ‫]‪[M124v‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܝܨܝܦܘܬܗ ܕܥܠ ܡܣܟܢܐ ܘܒܝܫܐ ܘܐܟܣܢܝܐ ܘܒܛܝ�ܘܬܗ ܕܥܠ�ܥܕܬܐ ܘܕܝ�ܬܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܫܡܗ ܒܐܪܒܥ ܦܢ̈ܝܢ ܕܒܪܝܬܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܟܢܫܘ ]‪ [P203r‬ܠܘܬܗ ܡܢ ܟܠ ܕܘܟ‬ ‫ܘܢܦܩ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܟ�ܝܗܐ ܘܐܠܝ�ܐ ܘܡܫ�ܝܐ ܘܕ�ܘܢܐ ܘܦܠܓ ܠܗܘܢ ܟܠ�ܥܘܕ�ܢܝܢ ܠܟܠܚܕ ܐܝܟ‬ ‫ܫܐܠܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܗܘܐ ܢܘܚܐ ܘܒܝܬ ܓܘܣܐ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ܕܒܟܠ ܐܬܪ ܘܡܕܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܡܨܥܝܐ ܒܝܬ �ܗܐ ܠܒܢ̈ܝܢܫܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܡܐ ܕܢܐܡܪ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܙܟܝܐ ܬܫܥܝܬܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܡܠܫܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܠܟܠ ܡܠܬܐ ܕܐܡܘ�ܐ‬ ‫ܐ� ܙܒܢܐ ܗܘ ܕܢܢܝܚ �ܦܗ ܠܘܬ ܠܡܐܢܐ ܕܢܝܚܐ ܡܛܠ ܕܩܪܝܒܐ ܗܝ ܩܘܠܬܐ‬ ‫ܠܓܘܒܐ ܘܐܙܠ ܒܪܐܢܫܐ ܥܠܡ ܥܠܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܣܐܒ ܘܣܒܥ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܢܨܝܚܐ ]‪ [P203v‬ܘܓܒܝܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܘܨܒܐ �ܗܐ ܕܢܢܝܚܗ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܚܝܐ‬ ‫ܗܠܝܢ ܙܒܢ̈ܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܕ ܪܓܫ ܕܩܪܒ ܫܘܠܡܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܚܝܘܗܝ ܐܣܪܚ ܠܡܪܝ ܕܘܝܕ ܒܪ‬ ‫ܚܬܗ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܒܕܘܟܬܗ ܠܚܪܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܗ ܘܡܪܥܝܬܗ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܗܝ ܕܡܪܝ‬

‫ܕܘܝܕ ‪A:‬‬

‫‪192‬‬

154

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

He arrived, bringing (with him) fine provisions and outstanding gifts for the whole of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. He was received with great honour by the members of the Abbey of Qartmin and by the whole region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. During the period of his old age he rested in his cell. 92

He renovated the Abbey with everything necessary, buying for it many properties through his disciples. The whole populace of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn was delighted with him, and the people of Harran were also pleased with his nephew, Mar David, as their bishop, who had replaced him (Simeon) on the (episcopal) throne, having been entrusted with all of its governance. 193 They were as pleased with him as they had been with his uncle, Mar Simeon, since he (David) had learnt all his (Simeon’s) ways, and he added to his beneficial activities many times over.

93

When Mar Simeon saw and heard of all these things concerning his nephew he was extremely pleased, especially because of the donations and furnishings that his nephew placed in the Abbey. Likewise with his disciples – Mar Basil, Mar Gregory, Mar Zechariah, and Mar Cyril, the brother of Zechariah of ‘Aynwarda 194 – these illustrious men adorned the Abbey during the lifetime of Mar Simeon and after his death.

94

After he had spent three years and three months in the Abbey, his departure from this life approached. He summoned his disciples, his close associates and (other) members of the Abbey, and asked them for their prayers, and he prayed over them.

Chronicle to 819, p. 17, states that Simeon’s successor as bishop of Harran was named Thomas, not David. At some stage David, Simeon’s nephew, has mistakenly been identified with a much later David, who was bishop of Harran in the mid-ninth century. (see Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, 162). ܰ ܻ‫ܥ‬, A: ‫ܥܻ ܰܝܢܘܪܕܢܝܐ‬. Cyril and Zechariah feature in an inscription 194 P+M: ‫ܝܘܪܕܢܝܐ‬ of 776–77; see Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 163, and ̈ ), Bilge, Mar Gabriel Manastiri, p. 312. Note that M writes brothers (‫ܐܚܘܗܝ‬ but P and A have the singular, so M is most likely mistaken. 193

‫‪155‬‬

‫‪92‬‬

‫‪93‬‬

‫‪94‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܗܘ ܟܕ ܐܬܐ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ]‪ [A353‬ܐܝܟܢܐ ܕܐܬܓܠܝ ܠܗ ܡܢ �ܗܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܐ ܟܕ ܛܥܝܢ ̈ܙܘܕܐ ̈‬ ‫ܛܒܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܕܫܢܐ �ܝܫܝܐ ܠܟܠܗ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܩܒܠ‬ ‫ܒܐܝܩܪܐ ܪܒܐ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܒܢܝ ܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ ܘܐܬܪܐ ܟܠܗ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܬܬܢܝܚ‬ ‫ܒܙܒܢ ܣܝܒܘܬܗ ]‪ [P204r‬ܒܩܠܝܬܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܚܕܬܗ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܒܟܠ ܡܕܡ ܕܙܕܩ ܠܗ ܘܙܒܢ ܠܗ ̈‬ ‫ܕܘܟܝܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܬܐ‬ ‫]‪ [M125r‬ܒܐܝ�ܝ ܬܠܡܝ̈ܕܐ ܕܝܠܗ‪ .‬ܘܚܕܝܘ ܒܗ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܒܢ̈ܝ ܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ ܘܚܕܝܘ‬ ‫ܚ�ܢܝܐ ܒܡܪܝ ܕܘܝܕ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܕܩܡ ܒܟܘܪܣܝܗ ܟܕ ܐܓܥܠܗ ܟܠܗ‬ ‫ܦܘܪܢܣܐ‪ .‬ܘܚܕܝܘ ܐܝܟ ܕܒܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܚܠܗ ܡܛܠ ܕܝܠܦ ܟܠܗܝܢ ܐܘ�ܚܬܗ‬ ‫ܘܐܘܣܦ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܛܒܬܗ ܒܐܥ̈ܦܐ ̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܚܙܐ ܘܫܡܥ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܗܠܝܢ ܥܠ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ]‪ [P204v‬ܚܕܝ ܚܕܘܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܪܒܬܐ ܘܝܬܝܪܐܝܬ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܘܛܘܟܣܐ ܕܣܡ ܒܥܘܡܪܐ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ‪ .‬ܕܐܦ‬ ‫ܫܘܟܢܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܠܡܝܕܘܗܝ ܕܐܝܬܝܗܘܢ ܡܪܝ ܒܣܝܠܝܘܤ ܘܡܪܝ ܓܕܝܓܪܝܘܤ ܘܡܪܝ ]‪[A354‬‬ ‫ܙܟܪܝܐ ܘܡܪܝ ܩܘܪܝ�ܘܤ ܐܚܘܗܝ ܕܙܟܪܝܐ ܥܝܘܪܕܢܝܐ ܗܠܝܢ ܢܨ�̈ܚܐ ܗܕܪܘܗܝ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ‬ ‫ܒܙܒܢ ̈‬ ‫ܚܝܘܗܝ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܘܐܦ ܥܘܢܕܢܗ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܕܗܘܐ ܒܥܘܡܪܐ ܬܠܬ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܘܬܠܬܐ ܝ�ܚܐ ܩܪܒ ܝܘܡ ܫܘܢܝܗ ܕܡܢ‬ ‫ܚܝܐ ܗܠܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܩܪܐ ܠܬܠܡܝ̈ܕܘܗܝ ܘܒܢ̈ܝ ܪܐܙܗ ܘܒܢ̈ܝ ܥܘܡܪܗ ܘܫܐܠ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫�ܨܠܘܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫]‪ [P205r‬ܘܨܠܝ ܥܠܝܗܘܢ‪.‬‬

156

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

He gave them instructions about his Abbey, its endowments, its canons and its regulations. He set over his Abbey heads and various officers in charge of its organisation and governance. He asked for the prayers of all the members of his monastery and church (in Habsenus), and the people of his region. He prayed over each one of them, and forgave all (who had transgressed) his canons, rules and prohibitions. He made the sign of the cross in the four directions, and then said, weeping and with great emotion: ‘Lord, into your hands do I lay down my soul’. 95

Thus he fell asleep to repose in quiet, leaving this world full of troubles and grief, entrusting himself into the hands of God. It was on the great Sunday of Pentecost, at the beginning of June in the year 1045 of the Greeks. 195

96

He lived for 110 years, and the day of the birth of Mar Simeon of the Olives was carefully researched and it was found to be in the year 935 of the Greeks 196 at the beginning of the month of June. When he had grown to the age of twelve he was ordained deacon at the beginning of June; at the age of fifteen he became a monk, again at the beginning of June; and likewise he became a priest, at the age of twenty-five, at the beginning of June. Aged seventyfive he became bishop at the beginning of June, and he remained thirty-five years in the episcopacy. Once again, it was at the beginning of June that he departed to his Lord in peace. The peaceful angels received his pure and holy soul, and it was mingled among the upright and just in that peaceful haven of joys.

97

When the news of his death broke, people gathered from all the surrounding districts: twelve bishops turned up, two thousand monks, four thousand priests and deacons, plus innumerable crowds of the faithful laity, men, women and children.

= 734 CE. Chronicle to 819, p. 17, also says that he died on 3rd June, AG 1045, but states, correctly, that it was a Thursday, not a Sunday. 196 = 623–24 CE. A has 975 AG (663–64) instead of 935, probably misreading lomadh (30) as ‘ayn (70). 195

‫‪157‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܩܢܘܢܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫ܫܘܟܢܘܗܝ ܘܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܘܢܡܘܣܘܗܝ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܦܩܕ ܐܢܘܢ ܘܥܠ�ܥܘܡܪܗ ܘܥܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܦܩܘܕܐ ܘܫܠܝܛܐ ܘܡܕܒܕܢܐ ܥܠ ܛܘܟܣܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܩܝܡ ܠܥܘܡܪܗ �ܝܫܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܕܒܪܢܘܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܫܐܠ�ܨܠܘܬܐ ܡܢ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܒܢܝ ܕܝܪܗ ܘܥܕܬܗ ܘܒܢܝ ܐܬܪܗ‪ .‬ܘܨܠܝ‬ ‫ܘܢܡܘܣܘܗܝ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܥܠ ܟܠ ܐܢܫ ܘܚܣܝ ܥܠ ܟܠܗܘܢ ̈‬ ‫ܘܟܠܝܢܘܗܝ‪ .‬ܘ�ܪ‬ ‫ܩܢܘܢܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܨܠܝܒܐ �ܪܒܥ ]‪ [M125v‬ܦܢ̈ܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܐܡܪ ܟܕ ܒܟܐ ܒܚܫܐ ܪܒܐ ܡܪܝ ̈‬ ‫ܒܐܝܕܝܟ ܣܐܡ‬ ‫ܐܢܐ ܢܦܫܝ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬

‫ܘܢܚ ܘܫܟܒ ܫܢܬܐ ]‪ [P205v‬ܕܢܝܚܐ ܘܫܢܝ ܡܢ ܥܠܡܐ ܗܢܐ ܡ� ܛܘ�ܦܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܐܝܕܝ �ܗܐ‪ .‬ܝܘܡ ܚܕ ܒܫܒܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫]‪ [A355‬ܘܥ̈ܩܬܐ ܘܐܓܥܠ ܢܦܫܗ‬ ‫̄‬ ‫ܕܦܢܛܝܩܘܣܛܝ ܒܪܝܫܗ ܕܚܙܝܪܢ ܫܢܬ ܐܡܗ ܕܝܘܢ̈ܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܚܝܐ ܡܐܐ ܘܥܣܪ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܘܐܬܒܩܝ ܘܐܬܒܚܢ ܝܘܡ ܡܘܠܕܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܫܬܟܚ ܝܘܡ ܡܘܠܕܗ ܕܐܬܝܠܕ ‪ 197‬ܫܢܬ ̄‬ ‫ܨܠܗ ܕܝܘܢ̈ܝܐ ‪ 198‬ܒܪܝܫܗ ܕܚܙܝܪܢ ܝܪܚܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܟܕ ܝܪܒ ܘܗܘܐ ܒܪ ̄‬ ‫ܝܒ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܐܬܬܣܪܚ ܡܫܡܫܢܐ ܒܪܝܫܗ ܕܚܙܝܪܢ ܘܒܪ ܝ̄ܗ‬ ‫ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܗܘܐ ܕܝܪܝܐ ܒܪܝܫ ܚܙܝܪܢ ܝܪܚܐ ܘܐܦ ܒܪ ̄‬ ‫ܟܗ ]‪ [P206r‬ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܗܘܐ ܩܫܝܫܐ‬ ‫̄‬ ‫ܒܪܝܫܗ ܕܚܙܝܪܢ‪ .‬ܘܒܪ ܥ ̄ܗ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ ܐܦܝܤܩܘܦܐ ܒܪܝܫܗ ܕܚܙܝܪܢ ܠܗ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ‬ ‫ܒܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܘܬܐ ܟܬܪ‪ .‬ܘܒܗ ܬܘܒ ܒܪܝܫܗ ܕܚܙܝܪܢ ܝܪܚܐ ܫܢܝ ܠܘܬ ܡܪܗ ܒܫܝܢܐ‪.‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܠܗ ܠܢܦܫܗ ܕܟܝܬܐ ܘܩܕܝܫܬܐ ܘܐܬܚܠܛܬ ܥܡ‬ ‫ܡ�ܟܐ ܡܫܝ̈ܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܩܒ�ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈ܟܐܢܐ ܘܙܕ�̈ܩܐ ܒܠܡܐܢܐ ܡܫܝܢܐ )ܕ(ܚܕܘܬܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪97‬‬

‫ܘܟܕ ܢܦܩ ܛܒܐ ܕܫܘܢܝܗ ܐܬܟܢܫܘ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܐܬ�ܘܬܐ ܕܚܕ�ܝܗܘܢ ܘܐܬܛܝܒܘ ܬܪܥܣܪ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܬ�ܝܢ �ܦܝܐ ܘܩܫܝܫܐ ܘܡܫܡܫܢܐ ܐܪܒܥܐ �ܦܝܐ ]‪[A356‬‬ ‫ܘܢܫܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܟܢܫܐ ]‪ [P206v‬ܕܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ܘܥ̈ܠܡܝܐ ܓܒ�ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܛܠܝܐ ܕ� ܡܢܝ̈ܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪96‬‬

‫‪.‬ܘܐܫܬܟܚ ܝܘܡ ܡܘܠܕܗ ܕܐܬܝܠܕ ‪M and A omit:‬‬ ‫‪ (935).‬ܨܠܗ ‪ (975); probably a mistake for‬ܨܥܗ ‪A:‬‬

‫‪197‬‬ ‫‪198‬‬

158

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

For seven days they performed the services in front of the resting place of the glorious man. In the funeral procession they escorted him with great ceremony as he was laid in the northern burial place on the middle side of the Beth Qadishe, 199 further in from that of Mar Samuel and Mar Simeon of Qartmin. His sarcophagus was filled with precious unguents and spices – myrrh, aloes and expensive herbs – by the faithful, the notables and merchants who had come from Harran, his see. All the sick, the afflicted and the debilitated who approached his resting place were healed. (For this reason) the faithful barely allowed his sarcophagus to be closed up and interred. 98

He was laid in the Beth Qadishe in the Abbey of Qartmin. God had performed, and goes on performing, all kinds of mighty wonders, miraculous healings and many great works of succour, by means of the bones of the glorious Mar Simeon of the Olives, for everyone who with love and faith approaches his resting place. This assistance continues today even more than during his lifetime, through his prayers and those of all his fellow saints, above all of the Holy Virgin, the Bearer of God, Mary, and those of the prophets, apostles, martyrs, confessors, hermits, monks, the upright, the priests and holy fathers and orthodox teachers, especially the elect and perfected ones who are buried in the Abbey. May the Lord cause his peace to rest on all the world, and remove from the churches and monasteries everywhere all evil warfare, bitter captivity, famine, plague, the heavy blows of (divine) wrath and harmful chastisements, amen.

99

May the mercy of God be upon everyone who keeps vigil in prayer, honouring the memory of Mar Simeon the glorious worker, and upon the feeble writer and learned reader. Upon the faithful who listen may mercy and compassion be outpoured, amen.

199

Literally: ‘the house of saints’.

‫‪159‬‬

‫‪98‬‬

‫‪99‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫ܘܫܡܫܘ ܩܕܡ ܫܟܝܢܬܗ ܕܢܨܝܚܐ ܫܒܥܐ ̈‬ ‫ܝܘܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܙܝܚܘ ‪ 200‬ܘܠܘܝܘܗܝ ܒܐܝܩܪܐ‬ ‫ܪܒܐ ܘܣܡܘܗܝ ܒܓܘܪܢܐ ܓܪܒܝܝܐ ܕܒܓܒܐ ܡܨܥܝܐ ܕܒܒܝܬ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ]‪[M126r‬‬ ‫ܠܓܘ ܡܢ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܘܐܝܠ ܘܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܡ�ܘܗܝ ܠܓܘܪܢܗ ̈‬ ‫ܐܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ܘ�ܝܫܢܐ ܘܬܐܓ�ܐ ܕܐܬܘ ܡܢ ܚܪܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܗ ܘܡܪܥܝܬܗ ܟܠ ܗ�ܘܡܐ‬ ‫�ܝܫܝܐ ܘ�ܝܚܢܐ ܒܣܝ̈ܡܐ ܘܡܘܪܐ ܘܥ�ܘܝ ܘܥܩ�ܐ ܝܩܝ�ܝ ̈‬ ‫ܕܡܝܐ‪ .‬ܘܟܠ ܟ�ܝܗܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܢܣܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܡܚܝ� ]‪ [P207r‬ܕܐܬܩܪܒܘ ܠܫܟܝܢܬܗ ܐܬܚܠܡܘ‪ .‬ܘܠܡܚܣܢ‬ ‫ܫܒܩܘܗܝ ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ ܕܢܬܬܚܕ ܥ�ܘܗܝ ܓܘܪܢܗ ܘܐܬܩܒܪ‪.‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܬܣܝܡ ܒܒܝܬ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ܒܓܘ ܥܘܡܪܗ ܕܩܪܬܡܝܢ‪ .‬ܘܣܥܪ ܘܗܐ ܣܥܪ �ܗܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܡܝܗܬܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܚܝ� ܘܥܘܕ�ܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܣܓܝܐܐ ܡܢ ܓ�ܡܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܣܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܟܠ�ܬܕܡ�ܬܐ ܪܘ�ܒܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܢܨܝܚܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�ܬܐ ܠܟܠ ܕܒܚܘܒܐ ܘܗܝܡܢܘܬܐ ]‪ [A357‬ܡܬܩܪܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܒܝܘܡܝ ̈‬ ‫ܚܝܘܗܝ ܕܒܝܕ‬ ‫ܠܫܟܝܢܬܗ‪ .‬ܘܗܐ ܝܘܡܢ ܣܥܪ ܟܠ�ܥܘܕ�ܢܝܢ ܝܬܝܪ ܡܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܗ ܘܕܟܠܗܘܢ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ̈‬ ‫ܟܢܘܬܗ ]‪ [P207v‬ܝܕܝܥܐܝܬ ܕܒܬܘܠܬܐ ܩܕܝܫܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܕܝܚܝܕܝܐ ܘܕܝ�ܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܕܡܘܕܝܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܣܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܘܕܫܠܝܚܐ‬ ‫ܘܕܢܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܝܠܕܬ �ܗܐ ܡܪܝܡ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܕܐܒܗܬܐ ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܓܒܝܐ‬ ‫ܘܡ�ܦܢܐ ܬ�ܝܨܝ ܫܘܒܚܐ ܝܬܝܪܐܝܬ‬ ‫ܘܕܟܗܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܕܟܐܢܐ‬ ‫ܘܓܡܝ� ܐ ܕܒܥܘܡܪܐ ܣܝܡܝܢ ܘܡܛܟܣܝܢ‪ .‬ܢܫܪܐ ܡܪܝܐ ܘܫܠܡܗ ‪ 201‬ܒܟܠܗ‬ ‫ܥܠܡܐ ܘܢܥܒܪ ܡܢ ̈‬ ‫ܥܕܬܐ ܘܕܝ�ܬܐ ܕܒܟܠ ܐܬܪ ܘܦܢ̈ܝܢ ܟܠ ܚܪܒܐ ܒܝܫܐ ܘܟܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܒܝܐ ܡܪܝܪܐ ܘܟܠ ܟܦܢܐ ܡܘܬܢܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܡܚܘܬܐ ܘܫܒܛܐ ܕܪܘܓܙܐ ܘܟܠ ܡ�ܕܘܬܐ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܡܟܝ̈ܢܘܬܐ ܐܝܢ ܘܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪ [M126v; P208r‬ܘܢܗܘܘܢ �ܚܡܘܗܝ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܥܠ ܟܠܡܢ ܕܫܗܪ ܘܫܗܪ ܘܡܨ�‬ ‫ܘܡܝܩܪ ܠܕܘܟܪܢܗ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܦܠܚܐ ܢܨܝܚܐ ܘܥܠ ܟܬܘܒܐ ܡܚܝ� ܘܥܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܩܪܘܝܐ ܡܗܝܪܐ‪ .‬ܘܥܠ‬ ‫ܫܡܘܥܐ ܡܗ�̈ܡܢܐ �ܚܡܐ ]‪ [A358‬ܘܚܢܢܐ ܢܫܬܦܥܘܢ ܐܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪.‬ܘܙܝܚܘܗܝ ‪A:‬‬ ‫‪ has dropped out of P and M.‬ܫܝܢܗ ‪; possibly‬ܫܝܢܗ ܘܫܠܡܗ ‪A:‬‬

‫‪200‬‬ ‫‪201‬‬

160

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

100

May all of us feeble sinners be held worthy of forgiveness of sins and wrongdoings, and may we all arrive at a good end, and be saved and delivered from Hell and the torments reserved for evildoers, through the prayers of the saints everywhere, and of those who have pleased and are pleasing to (Christ our) God, to Whom praise, honour, dominion and worship are due, along with his Father and Holy Spirit, now and always, for eternity, amen.

101

Mar Job, the nephew of Mar David, who was the nephew of Mar Simeon of the Olives, wrote this narrative, seeing that people used to come year by year at the beginning of June to the Abbey in order to celebrate the feast of the glorious worker and athlete, Mar Simeon. They also celebrated another festive feast in his praise, namely on the 3rd of January.

102

Pray, my brethren, for Rabban Gabriel, the nephew of Mar John, bishop of the Abbey, from the family of the House of Patrick of (the village of Beth) Sbirina, who produced this narrative and the service of prayer and the absolution for the holy Mar Simeon of the Olives. He wrote them in Harran and brought them to the Abbey in the year 1005 of the Greeks. 202

103

This Rabban Gabriel and his brother, Rabban Elisha, had great concern for the Abbey and they renovated it. During their time there were 270, i.e. two hundred and seventy, bound volumes in the Abbey, along with countless other objects.

’h = 693–94 CE. This date is obviously wrong, since it precedes Simeon’s death; Dolabani, Maktabzabnē, p. 100, gives the date as 799 (corresponding to 1110 AG) without explanation. Probably a letter between the āleph and hē has been accidentally omitted, but there is no way to know what letter. Barsaum, Tur Abdin, p. 60, refers to a manuscript in the library of Qartmin Abbey that was copied in 1480 AG (1168–69) by Rabban Gabriel of Beth Sbirina, nephew of Mar John, bishop of Qartmin; Palmer, Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, p. 161 n. 102, plausibly identifies him with the Rabban Gabriel mentioned here. Note that the account of the debate of Simeon ‘Abī Qurra’ with al-Ma’mūn in Ms. Paris. Syr. 238 also claims Gabriel of Beth Sbirina as its copyist.

202

‫‪161‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫‪100‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܘܡܚܝ� ܠܚܘܣܝ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܚܘܒܐ ‪203‬‬ ‫ܘܚܛܗܐ ܘܢܬܡܢܥ ܟܠܢ‬ ‫ܘܢܫܬܘܐ ܟܠܢ ̈ܚܛܝܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܠܥܒܕܝ‬ ‫ܠܚܪܬܐ ܛܒܬܐ ܘܕܢܬܦ�ܐ ܘܢܫܬܘܙܒ ܡܢ ܓܝܗܢܐ ܘܡܢ ܬܫܢ̈ܝܩܐ ܕܢܛܝܪܝܢ‬ ‫ܒܝ̈ܫܬܐ ܒܝܕ ̈‬ ‫ܨܠܘܬܗܘܢ ܕܩܕ�̈ܫܐ ]‪ [P208v‬ܕܒܟܠ ܐܬܪ ܘܦܢܝ̈ܢ ܘܕܟܠ ܕܫܦܪܘ‬ ‫ܘܫܦܪܝܢ �ܠܗܐ ܕܠܗ ܝܐܐ ܫܘܒܚܐ ܘܐܝܩܪܐ ܘܐܘܚܕܢܐ ܘܣܓܕܬܐ ܘ�ܒܘܗܝ ܘܠܪܘܚܗ‬ ‫ܩܕܝܫܐ ܗܫܐ ܘܒܟ�ܙܒܢ ܘܠܥܠܡ ܥܠܡܝܢ ܐܡܝܢ‪.‬‬

‫‪101‬‬

‫̇‬ ‫ܟܬܒܗ ܠܗܕܐ ܬܫܥܝܬܐ ܡܪܝ ܐܝܘܒ ܒܪ ܐܚܘܗܝ ܕܡܪܝ ܕܘܝܕ ܒܪ ܚܬܗ ܕܡܪܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�ܬܐ ܟܕ ܒܟܠ ܫܢܐ ܒܫܢܐ ܐܬܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܘܥܒܕܝܢ ܗܘܘ ܥܐܕܗ‬ ‫ܕܦܠܚܐ ܢܨܝܚܐ ܐܬܠܝܛܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܒܪܝܫܗ ]‪ [P209r‬ܕܚܙܝܪܢ ܝܪܚܐ‪ .‬ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܥܒܕܘ ܗܘ ܠܗ ܥܐܕܐ ܐܚܪܢܐ ܕܚܘܓܝܐ ܐܘܟܝܬ ‪ 204‬ܕܩܘܠܣܐ ̄‬ ‫ܓ ܒܟܢܘܢ ܐܚܪܝܐ‪.‬‬ ‫ܐܘ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚܝ ܨܠܘ ܥܠ ܪܒܢ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ܒܪ ܐܚܘܗܝ ܕܡܪܝ ܝܘܚܢܢ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ‬ ‫ܕܥܘܡܪܐ ܡܢ ܓܢܣܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܦܛܪܝܩ ܣܒܝܪܢܝܐ ܕܗܘ ܐܝܬܝ ܬܫܥܝܬܐ ]‪[A359‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܚܘܣܝܐ ܕܥܠ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ‪ .‬ܟܬܒ ܐܢܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܕܐ ܘܛܟܣܐ ܕܨܠܘܬܐ‬ ‫̄‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܚܪܢ ܘܐܝܬܝ ܐܢܘܢ ܠܥܘܡܪܐ ܫܢܬ ܐܗ ]‪ [M127r‬ܕܝܘܢܝܐ‪.‬‬

‫‪103‬‬

‫ܘܣܓܝ ܝܨܝܦ ܗܘܐ ܥܠ�ܥܘܡܪܐ ܗܘ ܪܒܐܢ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ]‪ [P209v‬ܘܪܒܐܢ �ܝܫܥ‬ ‫ܪܥ ܐܘܟܝܬ ‪ 205‬ܡܐܬܝܢ ܘܫܒܥܝܢ ̈‬ ‫ܐܚܘܗܝ ܘܚܕܬ ܗܘܘ‪ .‬ܒܙܒܢܗܘܢ ܒܥܘܡܪܐ ̄‬ ‫ܕܘܒܩܐ‬ ‫ܕܟܬܒܐ ܘܣܘܓܐܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܨܒܘܬܐ ܐܚ�ܢܝܬܐ ܕ� ܡܢܝܢ‪206 .‬‬

‫‪102‬‬

‫‪F‬‬

‫̈‬

‫‪ inserting a waw unexpectedly (such as‬ܘܚܘܒܐ ‪Thus A; P and M have‬‬ ‫‪here, between two nouns in construct), as they quite commonly do.‬‬ ‫‪204‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܕܚܘܓܝܐ ܐܘܟܝܬ ‪A omits‬‬ ‫̄‬ ‫‪205‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܪܥ ܐܘܟܝܬ ‪) and omits‬ܘܚܕܬ ‪ (P+M:‬ܘܚܕܬܘ ‪A writes, correctly,‬‬ ‫‪206‬‬ ‫‪.‬ܨܠܘܬܗܘܢ ܫܘܪܐ ܬܗܘܐ ܠܢ ‪A add‬‬ ‫‪203‬‬

162 104

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

And now finally I, a wretched sinner, have written it out, (I who am) born on his feast day, by the name of Deacon, or rather a monk and sojourner who is the son of the Deacon Mar John, whose soul is at rest, from the God-favored village of Kafraza. 207 I beg every reader and listener, whoever may read and hear this, not to lay blame on me, since I am not a scribe or a reciter, but due to the needs of the time and the lack of scribes I have carried out these tasks and completed the narrative of the holy Mar Simeon of the Olives on the thirteenth day of the month of July. 208 May his prayer be with us and everyone who has played a part in this, whether with the paper or its writing. Amen. Pray for our fathers and our brothers, spiritual and physical, O expert and discerning readers. 209

Or Kfarze, a village in the district of Midyat; its modern Turkish name is Altintaş. 208 M has ‘10th of the month of ylyny’, the latter word perhaps representing the word for July in Syriac (’ylwl) or Latin (iulius). 209 A omits this paragraph, except for the petition to the reader, and instead reports that it was copied by Chorepiscopus (Kūrāyā) Nu‘man Aydın on 4th July 1955 and donated to the Mar Barṣawmo church in Midyat (text given in n. 210 below). 207

‫‪163‬‬ ‫‪104‬‬

‫‪4. EDITION AND TRANSLATION‬‬

‫̇‬ ‫ܟܬܒܬܗ ܐܢܐ ܕܘܝܐ ܘܚܛܝܐ ܒܪ ܨܘܡܘܗܝ ܒܫܡ ܡܫܡܫܢܐ ܐܘܟܝܬ‬ ‫ܘܗܫܐ ܐܚܪܝܬ‬ ‫ܕܝܪܝܐ ܫܪܝܘܐ ܒܪ ܡܫܡܫܢܐ ܝܘܚܢܢ ܡܢܚ ܢܦܫܐ ܡܢ ܩܪܝܬܐ ܡܚܣܢܬ ܒܐܠܗܐ‬ ‫ܟܦܪܙܐ‪ 210 .‬ܒܒܥܘ ܡܢ ܟܠ ܩܪܘܝܐ ܘܫܡܘܥܐ ܕܩܪܐ ܘܫܡܥ � ܬܥܕܠܘܢܢܝ ܡܛܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܟܬܘܒܐ‬ ‫ܕܠܘ ܟܬܘܒܐ ܐܝܬܝ ܐܘ ܩܪܘܝܐ ܐ� ܡܢ ܐܢܢܩܝ ܕܙܒܢܐ ܘܡܢ ܚܣܝܪܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܒܕܬ ܗܠܝܢ ܫܠܡܬ ܬܫܥܝܬܐ ܕܩܕܝܫܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܬܠܬܥܣܪ ܝܘܡܝܢ‬ ‫ܒܬܡܘܙ ‪ 211‬ܝܪܚܐ‪ .‬ܨܠܘܬܗ ܥܡܢ ܘܥܡ ܟܠ ܐܝܢܐ ܕܐܫܬܘܬܦ ̇‬ ‫ܒܗ ܐܢ ܒܟܪܛܝܣܐ‬ ‫̄‬ ‫ܒܟܬܝܒܬܗ‪ .‬ܐܡܝܢ ܨܠܘ ܥܠ ̈‬ ‫ܐܒܗܝ ̈‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܚܝ ܕܪܘܚ ܕܦܓܪ ܐܘ ܩ�ܘܝܐ ܡܗܝ�ܐ‬ ‫ܐܘ‬ ‫ܦ�ܘܫܐ‪212 .‬‬ ‫‪F‬‬

‫‪M has only the first six words of this sentence, omitting the rest.‬‬ ‫ܶ‪ (see n. 208ܳ above).‬ܒܐܝ�ܘܠ ‪, possibly meaning to write‬ܥܣܪܐ ܒܐܝܠܝܢܝ ‪M:‬‬ ‫ܽ ܳܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ̇ ܳܢܐ ܺ‬ ‫‪212‬‬ ‫ܥܡܐܢ ܐܝܟ ܶ ‪A omits this paragraph and has instead:‬‬ ‫ܡܚ ̣ܝ� ܟܘܪ�ܐ ܢ‬ ‫‪210‬‬ ‫‪211‬‬

‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܰ̈ ܶ‬ ‫�ܗܘܢ ܰܚ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܝܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܰܘ ܽܕܟ݀ ܽ‬ ‫ܨ� ܳ ̈ܘܬܗ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܽ ܳ ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܣܘ ̇ܝܳ ܳܥܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܡܛ݀ ܰܠ‬ ‫ܒ� ܰܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܳ ܕܙ�‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫�ܥ ܳܘܕܪ ܢܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫݀‬ ‫݀‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܗ ܳ‬ ‫ܫܥ ̣ܝܬܐ ܡ ܳܘܬܪ ܢ ̣ܝܬܐ ܐܝ̇ܟܢܐ ܕܟ ̇‬ ‫ܘܓܝܐ ܘܩܪ�ܢܐ ܕܐܒܗܐ ܘܐܚܐ � ̣ܘܚ�ܝܐ ܟܬܒܬ ̇‬ ‫ܠܡܢ‬ ‫ܠܗܕܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܕܢܶܩ ܶܪܐ ܢܶ ܰܣܒ ܽ� ܳ‬ ‫ܒܚܐ ܰ� ܳ� ܳܗܐ ܕ ̇ܥ ܰܡܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܚܡܘܗܝ‪ܳ .‬ܒ ̇ܒܥܘܽ‬ ‫ܘܣ ܳ‬ ‫ܒ� ܰ‬ ‫ܘܬܪ ܳܢܐ ܰ‬ ‫�ܚ ܰ� ̈ܘܗܝ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܕ ܰܢܩ ܶܪܒ ܽܫ ̣ܘ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܪܐ ܰ‬ ‫̣ ܽ ̣‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܠ ̇ ܳܕܩ ܶܪܐ ܰܢܣ ܰܪܚ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ݀‬ ‫ܡܚ ̣ܝ ܳ� ܰ‬ ‫ܘܚ ̣ܘ ܳܣ ܳܝܐ ܰܥܠ ̇ ܳܟ ܽܬ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܒܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܨܠܘ ݀ ܳܬ ܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܠ ܐ ܳܒ ܰܗ ̈ܘܗܝ ܽܕܪ ̣ܘܚ‬ ‫ܘܥ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܡܰܢ ܰܟ ܶ ܰ ܰ ݀ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̄‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܪܨܘܡܐܳ‬ ‫ܕܬ ܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕܡܪܝ ܰܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܕܦܓܪ‪ .‬ܐܬܟܬܒܬ ܐܪܒܥܐ ܒܬܡܘܙ �ܪܚܐ ܕܫܢܬ ܐܨܢܗ ܡ ܕܫܢܐ �ܥ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܒܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܕ�ܕ‪.‬‬

APPENDIX 1.

SIMEON AT THE FUNERAL OF MAR GABRIEL The text below is from the end of the Life of Gabriel, which forms part of a compilation of the lives of the three founding fathers of the Abbey of Qartmin (Samuel, Simeon and Gabriel) known collectively as the Qartmin Trilogy. I take it from the edition of Andrew Palmer (Monk and Mason on the Tigris Frontier, microfiche supplement, pp. lxxxviii–xc), who made it principally on the basis of the London manuscript BL Add. 17265. 1 The first part of this manuscript was written around the eleventh century, but presumably the latter half of it was damaged at some point thereafter and had to be repaired, for it is written in a hand of the thirteenth century. The section on the death of Gabriel and the resurrection of a youth trampled to death by the crowd attending the funeral appears in this latter part of the manuscript. This episode is at times identical in its wording to the Life of Simeon of the Olives (§§3–6), which I illustrate below by bolding those words in the English translation that appear in both Syriac texts. The words in bold show where the wording is exactly the same in both texts, but the whole narration of this incident is very similar in both texts, and so it is evident that they are somehow related. There is more than one way of accounting for this relationship, but one possibility is that the original version of the resurrection miracle at Gabriel’s funeral concerned a ‘certain young Wright, Catalogue, pp. 1140–41. I have slightly adapted Palmer’s translation in order to facilitate comparison with the Life of Simeon.

1

165

166

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

man’, whose name was not specified, as indeed is the case in §24 of the Life of Gabriel given below. This version of the incident was then read by a copyist of the Life of Simeon (perhaps the Rabban Gabriel of ca. 1200 mentioned in §102 of the Life), who decided to identify the ‘certain young man’ with Simeon so that the latter could be linked with the founders of Qartmin Abbey. This version of the Life of Simeon became known to the thirteenth-century copyist of the Qartmin Trilogy, who accepted the identification of Simeon with the resuscitated youth and added an extra section, the §25 given below, drawn from the Life of Simeon and other pertinent sources. 2 Section 24

‫ܗܝܕܝܢ ܟܕ ܐܬܟܢܫ ܟܢܫܐ ܣܓܝܐܐ ܥܦܝܘܗܝ ܒܐܝܩܪܐ ܘܒܙܘܚܐ ܘܒܝܘܡܐ ܗܘ ܕܬܡܢܝܐ ܩܒܪܘܗܝ ܒܒܝܬ‬ ‫ ܘܒܥܕܢܐ ܕܩܪܒ ܟܢܫܐ‬.‫ ܘܥܒܕܘ ܐܘܟܪܣܛܝܐ ܕܢܫܬܘܬܦ ܥܡܐ ܡܛܠ ܕܐܬܥܝܦ ܡܢ ܟܦܢܐ ܘܨܗܝܐ‬.‫ܩܕ�̈ܫܐ‬ ̈ ‫ ܒܪ‬.‫ܬܚܘܬܝܗܘܢ ܚܕ ܛܠܝܐ‬ ̈ �‫�ܚܕܕܐ ܢܦܠ‬ ̈ ‫ܠܡܫܬܘܬܦܘ ܒܩܘܪܒܢܐ ܘܡܢ ܕܚܒܨܘ ܘܙܪܒܘ‬ ‫ܢܫܐ ܝܕ�̈ܥܐ‬ ̈ ‫ ܘܐܗܦܟܘ ܟܗܢܐ ܠܩܘܪܒܢܐ‬.‫ ܘܐܬܬܕܝܫ ܡܢ ܥܡܐ ܘܡܝܬ‬.‫ܘܪ�̈ܫܢܐ ܘܐܝܬܘܗܝ ܐܝܟ ܒܪ ܥܣܪܝܢ ܫܢ̈ܝܢ‬ ̈ ̈ ‫ܬܡܢܡܐܐ ܕܝ�ܝܐ ܘܫܪܟܐ‬ ‫ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܘܗܠܝܢ‬ ‫ ܘܐܬܘ ܗܠܝܢܢ ܥܣ�ܐ‬.‫ܠܡܕܒܚܐ ܘܗܘܬ ܒܟܬܐ ܪܒܬܐ ܕܛܒ‬ ̈ ‫ܕܟܗܢ̈ܐ‬ .‫ܥܠܡܝܐ ܘܐܘܒ�ܘܗܝ ܠܛܠܝܐ ܕܡܝܬ ܘܥܠ�ܥܪܣܗ ܕܢܨܝܚ ܫܘܦ�ܐ ܡܪ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ܣܡܘܗܝ‬ ‫ ܘܡܢܕܪܝܫ ܗܦܟܘ ܐܝܬܝܘ ܠܗ ܠܚܡܐ‬.‫ܘܒܪܟܘ ܒܨܠܘܬܐ ܟܠܗܘܢ ܥܡ ܬܟܫܦܬܐ ܘ� ܩ� ܘ� ܪܓܫܬܐ‬ ‫ ܘܗܘܐ ܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܣܕ�ܝܢ ܣܕ�ܝܢ‬.‫ܕܩܘܪܒܢܐ ܘܠܕܡܐ ܕܒܟܣܐ ܘܣܡܘ ܥܠ�ܥܪܣܗ ܕܡܪ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ‬ ̈ ‫ܘܓܘܕܝܢ‬ ̈ ‫ ܘܒܟܘ ܘܨܠܝܘ ܘܐܬܟܫܦܘ �ܠܗܐ ܚܠܦ ܥܢܝܕܐ ܘܩܪܝܢ‬.‫ܓܘܕܝܢ ܟܠ ܚܕ ܒܕܘܟܬܗ ܘܕܪܓܗ‬ .‫ ܘܐܝܟ ܦܘܩܕܢܗ ܕܐܠܗܐ ܫܘܪ ܛܠܝܐ ܟܕ ܠܝܬ ܒܗ ܫܘܡܬܐ‬.‫ܗܘܘ ܠܢܨܝܚܐ ܡܪ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ�ܠܥܘܕܪܢܗܘܢ‬ ‫ ܡܫܡܫܢܐ ܗܘܐ ܓܝܪ ܛܠܝܐ ܕܚܝܐ‬.‫ ܘܐܬܡܠܝܘ ܚܕܘܬܐ ܘܪܘܙܐ‬.‫ܘܬܗܪܐ ܪܒܐ ܐܚܕ ܠܟܠܗܘܢ ܘܫܒܚܘ �ܠܗܐ‬ .‫ܘܣܡܘ ܥܠ ܕ�ܥܘܗܝ ܠܦܝ� ܕ�ܐܙܐ ܘܫܘܬܦ ܠܟܠܗ ܥܡܐ ܟܗܢܐ ܦܓܪܐ ܘܕܡܐ ܕܡܫܝܚܐ‬ When a great crowd was assembled (for Gabriel’s funeral), they enshrouded him with honor and ceremony, and on the eighth day they buried him in the House of Saints. They celebrated the Eucharist in order that the people might receive communion, because they were debilitated by hunger and thirst. When the congregation went up to receive communion, at the moment when they were (most) crowding and jostling one another, a certain

Simeon’s father is not mentioned in the Life of Simeon as we have it (see ch. 1 above). Most of the content of §25 could come from Chronicle to 819, pp. 13–14 or Chronicle to 846, p. 233 (though only the latter mentions the Synod of Mar Shīlā, which is reported also by Chronicle of Zuqnin, p. 155).

2

APPENDIX 1: SIMEON AT THE FUNERAL OF MAR GABRIEL

167

young man fell down beneath them. He was the son of distinguished and prominent people and about twenty years of age. He was trampled by the people and died. 3 The priests returned the sacrament to the sanctuary and there was very great lamentation. Then those ten bishops came with those eight hundred monks and the remaining secular priests, and they took away the young man who had died and they placed him on the bier of that victor in virtue, Mar Gabriel. Everyone knelt in prayer as supplicants and not a sound was to be heard. Then they went back and fetched out again the Bread of the Sacrifice and the Blood in the chalice and placed (them) on the bier of Mar Gabriel. The whole congregation were in their rows and groupings, each one according to his rank and position. They were weeping and praying and supplicating God on behalf of the deceased, and they also summoned the victorious Mar Gabriel to their aid. Then at God’s command the young man leapt up without a bruise on him. Everyone was seized with great amazement and glorified God. They were filled with joy and gladness. Now since the resurrected young man was a deacon, they put on his (fore)arms the sacramental paten and a priest 4 administered to the entire people the Body and Blood of Christ. Section 25

‫ܘܗܢܐ ܛܠܝܐ ܗܘܝܘ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܒܪ ܐܢܫ ܝܕܝܥܐ ܘܡܫܡܗܐ ܡܘܢܕܪ ܫܡܗ ܕܡܢ ܚܒܣܢܘܣ‬ ̈ ‫ ܗܢܐ ܕܒܗ ܒܗܢܐ ܥܘܡܪܐ ܐܬܬܠܡܕ ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܬܠܬ�̈ܢ ܘܬ�ܬܝܢ‬.‫ܩܪܝܬܐ ܕܒܗ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܕܛܘܪ ܥܒܕܝܢ‬ ‫ܫܢܝܢ‬ ̈ ‫�ܦܐ ܘܚܕܥܣܪ ܘܒܫܢܬ‬ ̈ ‫ ܕܐܝܬܝܗ ܫܢܬ‬.‫ܗܘܐ ܐܦܝܣܩܘܦܐ ܠܚܪܢ ܡܕܝܢܬܐ‬ ‫�ܦܐ ܘܬܡܢܬܥܣ� ܐ ܕܒܗ‬ ‫ ܘܒܗܕܐ ܫܢܬܐ ܒܢܐ‬.‫ܐܬܟܢܫܬ ܣܘܢܕܘܣ ܒܥܘܡܪܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܫܝ� ܘܩܡ ܡܪܝ ܝܥܩܘܒ ܡܦܫܩܢܐ �ܘܪܗܝ‬ ‫ ܘܒܢܐ ܠܡܣܓܕܐ‬.‫ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܕܡܪܝ ܬܐܘܕܘܪܘܣ ܒܢܨܝܒܝܢ ܠܓܘ ܡܢ ܬܪܥܐ ܡܕܢܚܝܐ‬ ̈ ̇ .‫ܘܩܕܫܗ ܠܥܕܬܐ ܗܝ ܝܘܠܝܢܐ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܕܬ�ܝܨܝ ܫܘܒܚܐ‬ .‫ܠܛܝܝܐ‬ ‫ܕܡܢ ܬܝܡܢܗ ܕܥܕܬܐ ܒܝܬ ܨܠܘܬܐ‬ ...‫ܘܣܓܝ ܐܝܬ ܗܘܘ ܠܡܡܠܘ ܥܠ ܗܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܕܙ�̈ܬܐ ܐ� � ܢܚ�ܘܛ ܫܪܒܐ ܒܫܪܒܐ‬

Palmer reverses the order of this and the previous sentence in his translation. 4 The Life of Simeon, §6, implies that it is Simeon himself who administered communion, but most likely the verb should be plural (‫ܫܘܬܦܘ‬, see note to §6 above), referring to the ‘priests’ mentioned beforehand, or the word kāhnā, as appears here in the Life of Gabriel, has dropped out. 3

168

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

This young man was Mar Simeon of the Olives, the son of a certain distinguished notable whose name was Mundhar, of the village of Habsenus, which is in the region of Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. He (Simeon) began his schooling in this Abbey (of Qartmin) and thirtytwo years later he became bishop of the city of Harran. That was in the year one thousand and eleven (AG = 699–700 CE), and in the year one thousand and eighteen (AG = 706–7) the synod met at the Abbey of Mar Shīlā and Mar Jacob the Commentator took office (as bishop) in Edessa. In this year also, Mar Simeon of the Olives built the church of Mar Theodore in Nisibis within the eastern gate. He built a mosque to the south of it as a prayer place for the Muslims. The church was consecrated by Julian, patriarch of the Orthodox. There is much (more) that could be said about this Mar Simeon of the Olives, but let us not mix one tale with another…

APPENDIX 2.

SIMEON AT THE COURT OF AL-MA’MŪN There exists a very popular account of a religious debate between the Melkite bishop of Harran, Theodore Abū Qurra (d. ca. 830), and a number of Muslim theologians at the court of the caliph alMa’mūn (813–33). At some point a West Syrian Christian decided to take this debate and replace its original central character with a holy hero from his own community, namely Simeon of the Olives. Presumably the latter was chosen both because of his renown and because he had, like Theodore, been bishop of Harran. The substance of the debate remained pretty much the same, and the only major change to the original Melkite text was the addition of a conclusion that explains why Simeon had come to see the caliph in Baghdad and sets out how the latter rewarded Simeon for his victory over the Muslim theologians by permitting him to establish religious buildings in Nisibis, Harran, Sinjar and Ṭūr ‘Abdīn. For this conclusion the author drew heavily on the Life of Simeon, evidently intending to make the narrative more specific to him. There is one other notable difference between the Melkite and West Syrian versions of this disputation, namely the provision of a date. The former version offers no date at all; modern scholars often assign it to 829 CE, but this is only based on the reference of a thirteenth-century chronicler to an encounter between the caliph and the bishop in that year, which he specifies as 1140 of

169

170

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

the Greeks and 214 of the Muslims. 1 By contrast, the West Syrian version specifies, often more than once, that the debate took place in 1104 AG (792–93) and 172 AH (788–89). Leaving aside the discrepancy in the Seleucid and Hijri dates, this is earlier than one would expect given that al-Ma’mūn only became caliph in 813, and this may be why some manuscripts say that the debate took place ‘in the days of Hārūn al-Rashīd’ (789–809). It is tempting to argue that the West Syrian author took his date from the thirteenth-century chronicler and accidentally wrote 1104 instead of 1140. This would suggest that the repurposing of the Melkite text was accomplished after 1234 CE, when the thirteenth-century chronicler completed his work. The failure of the chronicler to mention a West Syrian version of this debate text would also support this assumption. In any case, the repurposing was likely done at a sufficient chronological remove for the anachronism of Simeon, who died in 734, debating with al-Ma’mūn in the ninth century to be irrelevant or unknown to the author and his audience. A terminus ante quem is provided by the date of our earliest manuscript, Paris syr. 238, which was completed in 1473 CE. 2 The debate of Theodore Abū Qurra at the court of al-Ma’mūn has been the object of a number of studies, editions and translations, but the version of it that incorporates Simeon has not enjoyed such attention. Ignace Dick edited the introduction and conclusion of it from just one of the extant manuscripts that contain it, namely Paris arab. 5141, 3 but this is the most divergent of all the West Syrian versions. I present here the earliest one, Paris syr. 238, with variants from three other witnesses indicated in the footnotes so as to give an impression of the degree of variation Bertaina, The Debate of Theodore Abū Qurra, pp. 224–25 (citing and discussing the report of the Anonymous Edessan chronicler of 1234). However, note that the chronicler refers readers to a written copy of the debate, which may mean he has inferred the encounter from this ‘book’. 2 Ms. BL Or. 1017, written in 1675 AG (1364 CE), which chiefly contains the works of Bar Hebraeus, has a marginal note about ‘Mar Simeon of the Olives’, who is called by the Arabs ‘Abū Qurra’ and who was in Baghdad in 1135 AG (824), but according to Wright (Catalogue, p. 901) the note is ‘of recent date’. 3 Mujādalat Abī Qurra, ed. Dick, pp. 121–24. 1

APPENDIX 2: SIMEON AT THE COURT OF AL-MA’MUN

171

that exists between the extant manuscripts. 4 Most of the differences are minor, and so I will only translate those that change the narrative or give additional information. Manuscripts used P1 = Paris syr. 238, 167a–188a (167–71 is in Arabic, the rest in Karshūnī; dated 1473) S = Berlin syr. 247 (Sachau 87), 1b–47b (Karshūnī, dated 1845) M = Mingana syr. 190, 1a–24a (Karshūnī, dated 1874) P2 = Ms. Paris arab. 5141, 73b–85b (Arabic, dated 1887) Conventions

The Arabic of these manuscripts is simple, but largely correct, with some of the usual ‘Middle Arabic’ features, which I have left in place rather than emending them to make them conform to ‘Classical Arabic’ norms. 5 Chiefly, this concerns the omission of the masculine singular indefinite accusative ending (‫ًا‬-), the use of the ‫�ن‬- form of the masculine sound plural for all cases, and the use of the imperfect indicative for the subjunctive. I do, however, supply hamzas, which are rarely and erratically given in the manuscripts, but which tend to be viewed by my colleagues as essential. In order not to clutter the footnotes excessively I do not note very minor divergences from P1 in S, M and P2, such as an additional waw, or different forms of the same word (e.g. participle Bertaina, An Arabic Account, p. 368, lists 15 examples of the ‘Jacobite’ recension, which includes the four I use in this Appendix. In his list is Paris syr. 204, but this is a Melkite, not Jacobite/West Syrian, text, Sachau 111, which is incomplete (only the first six folios are present), and Jerusalem St Mark 133, which contains only the debate, not the introduction or conclusion (the sole indication of a West Syrian provenance is the addition of ‘from the village of Habsenus’ after the name ‘Abī Qurra bishop of Harran’ on fol. 1r). Also on his list is Mingana 444 (Karshūnī, dated 1890), which is extremely close to Mingana 190. 5 For discussion of the problems of these two terms see Fischer, ‘What is Middle Arabic?’. 4

‫‪THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES‬‬

‫‪172‬‬

‫‪rather than active verb). The ‘=’ sign indicates that the wording‬‬ ‫‪is the same as in P1 (bar these very minor divergences).‬‬

‫‪INTRODUCTION TO WEST SYRIAN VERSION OF THE DEBATE‬‬

‫]‪ 6[P1.167a‬وأيضا ً نكتب ��اد�� مار �معون ا��ي هو أ�ي قوره اسقف نصيب�ن‬ ‫و��ان مع أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن هارون ا��شيد ‪ 7‬و��ا�ة من وجوه قر�� والب��ي مع ��ا�ة‬ ‫أ��ى من من )‪ (sic‬ك�ن ف��م من ا����س متك���ن من الع�� �ي ����هم من‬ ‫ا��س���ن‪ 8 .‬وأ�ما��م هؤ��ئ‪��� 9 :‬د ا�ن عبد ا��� ا��ا�مي وا��اه�� ا�ن ا��را�ي وا��اه��‬ ‫ا�ن ا��واز�ي ‪ 10‬وسا�� ا��مدا�ي وصعصعا ا�ن �ليل الب��ي وكث���ن ا���ن ح��وا‬ ‫معهم‪ 11 .‬وهذا مار �معون أص�� من طور العباد من قر ية ا�مها �بسناس‪ 12 .‬ع�ض‬ ‫�� طر يق إ�ى بغداد وأ�ى ووصل إ�ى عند ا��أمون ا��ي هو أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن ا�ن هارون‬ ‫ا��شيد ‪ 13‬ا��وفق السعيد ا��امس من أو��د ‪ 14‬عباس الطاهر�ن من العيوب وا��دناس‪.‬‬ ‫و��ع ا��أمون من أرباب دولته وا��ك��� ا���ن ك�نوا معه �ي ذل� الع�� ‪ �� 16 ...15‬قال‬ ‫ا��أمون‪ :‬يا ��ا�ة أش��ي أن تناظرون و��ادلون هذا أ�ي قوره ‪...17‬‬ ‫‪This section corresponds to S.1b–2a, M.2b–3a, P2.72b.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬ونكتب ا���اد�� ال�ي صدرت ]م‪ :‬عند ا��أمون ا�ن؛ ب‪� :2‬ي أيام[ هارون ا��شيد �ليفة‬ ‫بغداد مع ا��ب مطران �معون من طور العباد من قر ية ا�مها �بسناس‪ .‬وتضيف مِ‪ :‬وقد صارت �ي‬ ‫سنة ��انية ومائة وأربعة ]و يُكتب فيما ��ت‪ [۱۱۰۴ :‬وسنة ها��ة اثن�ن وسبع�ن أي ا��س���ن ��ي‬ ‫عثمان‪ .‬وتضيف ب‪ :2‬وذل� �ي سنة مائة واثن�ن وسبع�ن ��ر ية وألف ومائة وأربعة يونانية‪ .‬وتضيف‬ ‫س‪ :‬سنة ألف وأربع�ن اليوناني�ن وسنة سبع�ن واتن�ن ل��س���ن‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬م‪+‬س‪ :‬مع ��ا�ة من وجوه قر�� والب��ة ومع ��ا�ة ا���ن ومما ك�ن معهم من ا��تك���ن من الع��اء‬ ‫�ي ����هم من ا��س���ن‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬وصارت هذه ا��باحثة من وجوه قر�� والب��ة ومع ��ا�ة آ���ن‬ ‫ومما ك�ن معهم من ا��تك���ن من الع��اء ا��س���ن‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 9‬م‪+‬س‪+‬ب‪ :2‬وهم‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬س‪ :‬ا��واض��‪ ,‬ب‪ :2‬البواز�ي‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬م‪+‬س‪ :‬وا���ن ح��وا معهم‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬و���هم من ا���ن ح��وا معهم‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 12‬س‪� .‬ي م و ب‪ 2‬تظهر هذه ا����� �ي ��اية النص؛ انظر ا��امش السادس‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 13‬س‪+‬م‪] :‬م‪ :‬وا��ب مطران �معون قد[ ع�ض �� طر يق إ�ى بغداد ووصل إ�ى عند ]م‪ :‬ح��ة[‬ ‫ا��أمون ا��ي هو أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن ا��ليفة ا�ن هارون ا��شيد ‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬و�ي أن ا��ب مطران �معون ك�ن‬ ‫ع�ض �� �اية بوصو�� إ�ى بغداد عند ا��ليفة يأ�ي ذ��ها �ي آ�� ��ابنا ف��ا وصل ����ة ا��ليفة هارون‬ ‫ا��شيد‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬م‪+‬س‪ :‬أو��د العباس؛ ب‪�� :2‬ي العباس‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 15‬م‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬أرباب دولته والع��اء‪ .‬س‪ :‬أرباب دولته وا��ك��� ا���ن ك�نوا ساكن�ن معه �ي ذل�‬ ‫الع�� )ه��ا(‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪P1 and S here repeat the names of the Muslim theologians listed above.‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬س‪ :‬أن ��ادلون هذا أ�ي قوره‪ .‬م‪ :‬أن ��ادلوا هذا ا��ب أبو قوره‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬يا ��ا�ة ا��ا���ن أش��ي‬ ‫من�� أن ��ادلوا هذا ا��ب أبو قوره‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬

APPENDIX 2: SIMEON AT THE COURT OF AL-MA’MUN

173

[P1] We will also write down the debate of Mar Simeon, who is Abī Qurra, 18 bishop of Nisibis and Harran, with the commander of the faithful Hārūn al-Rashīd 19 and a group of notables of Quraysh and al-Basrī, 20 together with another group who were with them in the session and who were knowledgeable theologians among the Muslims in attendance. The names of them were: Muḥammad ibn ‘Abdallāh al-Hāshimī, Ibrāhīm ibn al-Jarā‘ī, Ibrāhīm ibn al-Khawāzi‘ī, 21 Sālim al-Hamdānī, and Ṣa‘ṣa‘a ibn Khalīl al-Baṣrī, as well as many others who were present with them. This Mar Simeon was originally from Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, from a village named Habsenus. He took up the road to Baghdad and traveled until he arrived in the presence of al-Ma’mūn, who was the commander of the faithful, son of Hārūn al-Rashīd, the fortunate and favored, the fifth (caliph) of the Abbasids, who are free of faults and blemishes. Al-Ma’mūn assembled the religious experts of his realm and the elders who were flourishing in that age and then he said to the gathering: I want you to discuss and debate with this Abī Qurra…

All manuscripts mostly make the first part of the name into an invariable form, Abī, though strictly this is a genitive. The second part of the name is written Qūrra (with final ta-marbūṭa) in P1, S and M, and Qurrā (with final alif maqṣūra) in P2; for simplicity I will always write Qurra. 19 Most manuscripts (including M and S) say ‘in the presence of alMa’mūn son of Hārūn al-Rashid’ and indeed it is al-Ma’mūn who presides over the debate in all versions, Melkite and West Syrian, so possibly an ibn, ‘son of’, has dropped out here. P2, M and S add the date of the debate: P2 has 1104 (AG = 792–93) and 172 (AH = 788). M has 104 AG (but written below the line: 1104) and 72 AH; S has 1040 AG and 72 AH (in both M and S one is presumably meant to understand 72 as shorthand for 172). 20 M, S and P2 say ‘notables of Quraysh and Basra’. 21 These two Ibrāhīms are clearly the same person; in most Melkite versions of the debate the name of the second person is Hārūn ibn Hāshim al-Khuzā‘ī. 18

‫‪THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES‬‬

‫‪174‬‬

‫‪[The Debate of Abī Qurra with Muslim theologians] 22‬‬

‫‪CONCLUSION TO WEST SYRIAN VERSION OF THE DEBATE‬‬ ‫‪Simeon asks the caliph for permission to build‬‬

‫‪ [P1.185ab] 23‬قال �� أ�ي قوره‪ :‬ا��� يا سيدي أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن و يا �ليفة ا��� �ي أرضه‬ ‫إ��ي ر�ل غ�يب وقد قصدت العتبة ا��ليفتية �ي حوا�ج ا��� ف��ا ��ور و�����‬ ‫ر��‪ 24 .‬وأما )أنا( ما طلبت م�ي عن أ�� ا��ديان أو��ته ل� با��حسان منك‪25 .‬‬ ‫وا��ن أر�� من إحسانك و�نعامك ا��ا��ة إن ك�ن ���� تنعم ��� ‪ 26‬وتعطي�ي‪ :‬ار��‬ ‫�ي واط�� أ��ي ح�ى أ��ي ‪ 27‬بيع وأد��ة وأيضا ً مسا�د ‪ ��� 28‬ا�� ا��� العظ��‪ .‬ف��ا‬ ‫�مع ا��أمون ما طلب أ�ي قوره فرح فر�ا ً عظ��‪ 29 .‬وقال‪ :‬قد طلبت يا أ�ي قوره طلبة‬ ‫وا��� وما بقيت‪ ،‬أحسنت أحسنت يا أ�ي قوره ا��ي قد قررت أمانتك ومن ا��ن ما‬ ‫د�ن سوا دينك‪ 30 .‬قال �� أ�ي قوره يا أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن ا��� أن ب��ي هو ضعيف وفيه‬ ‫مواضع ��تا�ة إ�ى بيوت الص��ة و��ى بيع وأد��ة ومسا�د‪ 31 .‬إن ر�مت �ي أبن��ا‬ ‫يكون من فضل�‪32 .‬‬ ‫‪[P1] Abī Qurra said to him: ‘Know, my lord commander of the‬‬ ‫‪faithful and caliph of God on His earth, that I am a solitary man‬‬

‫‪The manuscripts all now give the text of the debate which is broadly‬‬ ‫‪the same as that given in the Melkite versions, the earliest extant version‬‬ ‫‪of which is found in Vatican Borgia Arabic 135, dated to 1308 and edited‬‬ ‫‪and translated in Bertaina, An Arabic Account, 388–464.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪This section corresponds to S.41b, M21ab, P2.83b.‬‬ ‫‪ 24‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬وقال أ�ي قوره ��م�� ا��ؤمن�ن ]ب‪ :2‬يا أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن[‪ :‬أنا ر�ل غ�يب وقد قصدت‬ ‫إ�ى العتبة ]م‪ :‬عتبة[ ال�� يفة ا��ليفية ]م‪ :‬وا��ليفة؛ ب‪ :2‬ا��م��كية[ �ي ]ب‪ :2‬قضاء[ حوا�ج ف��ا ر��‬ ‫ا��� و����� ]م‪�� ����� :‬ور؛ ب‪ :2‬ر�� ا��� و��ور الناس[‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬وما ]ب‪ :2‬قد[ طلبت م�ي عن أ�� ا��ديان ]م‪ :‬م�ي عن أ��ي و��قيق ا��ديان[‬ ‫أو����م ل� با��حسان منك ]ب‪ :2‬قد أو��ت ل� بقدر جهدي[‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 26‬س‪+‬م‪ .‬ب‪�� :2‬ن إنعامك الوافرة نطلب أن‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫أ��ا‬ ‫س‪+‬م‪ :‬اط�� أ��ي واعطي�ي ��سوم ح�ى ]م‪ :‬ل���[ أ��ي‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬تط�� �ال سبي�� وتعطي�ي ً‬ ‫ل��� أ��ي‪.‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪This word is written in the manuscript first in Arabic script and then‬‬ ‫‪again in Syriac script.‬‬ ‫‪ = 29‬س‪+‬م‪ .‬هذه ا����� ناقصة �ي ب‪.2‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬س‪+‬م‪ :‬وقال طلبت وما بقيت ]م‪ :‬ما أبقيت[ أحسنت يا أ�ي قوره ا��ي ]س‪ :‬قد[ قررت أمانتك‬ ‫و�� د�ن سوى دينك‪ .‬هذه ا����� ناقصة �ي ب‪.2‬‬ ‫‪ = 31‬س‪+‬م‪ .‬ب‪�� :2‬ن ب��دنا ��تا�ة إ�ى ذل�‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 32‬س‪+‬م‪ :‬إن ���� �ي ح�ى أ��ي و يكون ل� ثوا� ًا عظ��‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬و يكون ل� الثواب وا���� العظ��‪.‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬

APPENDIX 2: SIMEON AT THE COURT OF AL-MA’MUN

175

and I came to the caliphal threshold (only) for the needs of God, in which there is pleasure and satisfaction for all mankind. As for (me), I have never (before) made a request of my own regarding any of the religious matters that I have just clarified to you (in the preceding disputation) by your good will. But now I seek your beneficence and ample generosity, if you wish to show me favor and grant me (a request): give me written authorization to build churches, monasteries and also mosques in the name of God Almighty’. When al-Ma’mūn heard what Abī Qurra sought, he was overjoyed and said: ‘You have made a great request, Abī Qurra, by God and by what you have preserved. 33 You have done well indeed, 34 Abī Qurra, you who have strengthened your faith’. From now on there will be no religion save yours. Abī Qurra said to him: ‘Know, commander of the faithful, that my country is deficient and in it are places needing prayer-houses, and also churches, monasteries and mosques. If you command me, I will build them and it will be by your favor’. 35 Simeon tells the caliph how he acquired his money

‫ من أ�ن ل� ذهب وفضة ح�ى‬:‫ �� قال �� ا��أمون يا أ�ي قوره‬36 [P1.185b-86a] ‫ ا��� يا أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن أن ك� عبدًا يك�� �� عن مو��ه‬:‫ قال �� أ�ي قوره‬37 ‫تعمل ذل�؟‬ ‫ وأنا ا��ن يا أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن أنا عبدك وأنت مو�ى‬38 .��‫��ب �ليه ا���� والغضب الشد‬ ‫ قال �� ا��أمون وما �ي النصي�ة‬39 .‫فيجب ��� العبد أن ينصح مو��ه ���يع ما يكون‬

Presumably meaning the Christian faith. The word ‘you have done well’ is written twice, possibly by accident, though maybe for emphasis, so I add ‘indeed’. 35 S and M have: ‘and you will have a great reward’; P2 has: ‘and you will have the reward and the great recompense (of eternal life)’. 36 This section corresponds to S.42a–43b, M21b–22b, P2.83b–84b. ‫ ا��هب‬:2‫ ونفقات؛ ب‬:‫ من أ�ن ل� ذهب وفضة ]س‬:[‫ ا��ليفة‬:2‫ قال �� ا��أمون ]ب‬:2‫ب‬+‫م‬+‫ س‬37 ‫ تصنع[ هؤ��ء؟‬:2‫والفضة[ ح�ى تعمل ]ب‬ ‫ من[ مو��ه‬:‫ ليع�� سيدي[ أن ك� عبدًا يك�� �� عن ]م‬:2‫ ا��� يا أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن ]ب‬:2‫ب‬+‫م‬+‫ س‬38 .[‫ والغضب‬:2‫ب‬+‫��توجب �ليه ا���� ]م‬ ‫ العبد[ وأنت مو��ي ��ب ��� العبد‬:2‫ يا أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن[ أنا عبدك ]ب‬:‫ وا��ن ]م‬:2‫ب‬+‫م‬+‫ س‬39 ‫ ��يع ما‬:2‫ ���يع[ ما يكون ]ب‬:‫ أن أظهر[ ��يع ]س‬:2‫ يظهر[ ��و��ه ]ب‬:‫ ���[ أن ينصح ]م‬:2‫]ب‬ .[‫عندي من ا��مور‬ 33 34

‫‪THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES‬‬

‫‪176‬‬

‫يا أ�ي قوره؟ ‪ 40‬قال أ�ي قوره‪ :‬ا��� يا أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن أن ا��ل� صاحب مدينة ��و��ه‬ ‫د�ل �ي ب��دنا وسباها سبية عظيمة وأ�ذ جوار ‪ 42‬ومماليك‪ .‬وأ�ذ �ي �ي ���� اليساره‬ ‫ا�ن اخ�ي‪ 43 .‬وك�ن ا��ل� مشعوب به ‪ 44‬وأراد ا��ل� أن ��ع�� من بعض أو��ده‪.‬‬

‫‪41‬‬

‫و��ا أراد ا��� أن ��لصه من ال�كفر ��ن ا��ل� ك�ن ك�فر يعبد ا��صنام ‪ 45‬فأرسل‬ ‫ا��� �ليه �ي ا��ال وجع وورم �ي �لقه ‪ 46‬وك�ن ��تنق‪ 47 .‬فد�ل إليه ر�ل من أهل‬ ‫ب��دنا ‪ 48‬وقال ل��ل� ليس أ�د ي�� يك من هذا الوجع ا��ي أنت فيه إ�� �معون من‬ ‫طور العباد‪ �� 49 .‬و�ه ا��ل� �ل�� ح�ى أح�� عنده ف��ا ح��ت عند ا��ل� ‪50‬‬ ‫فطلب م�ي ��ارقة ح�ى أ�� يه من وجعه‪ 51 .‬فقمت وصليت وطلبت من ر�ي‪52 .‬‬ ‫وغسلت الصليب ا��ي ك�ن م�� واسقيته من ماه‪ 53 .‬و�ي �ال وقته فرج ا��� عنه‬ ‫وطاب وآمن و�اد إ�ى أمانة ا��سيح‪ �� 54 .‬قال �ي‪ :‬اطلب م�ي ح�ى أ�� يك‪ 55 .‬فطلبت‬

‫‪ = 40‬س‪ .‬م‪/‬ب‪ :2‬قال ا��أمون‪/‬ا��ليفة‪ :‬وما هو ذل�؟‬ ‫‪ 41‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬قال ا��� يا سيدي أن مل� مدينة س��وان‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 42‬س‪ .‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬جواري‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 43‬س‪ :‬أ�ذ �ي ���� الي��ه ا�ن أخ�ي من قر ية �بسناس‪ .‬م‪ :‬أ�ذ من ���� الي��ى ا�ن قر ية �بسناس‪.‬‬ ‫ب‪� :2‬ي ���� الي��ه ك�ن �ي ا�ن أخت من قر ية ���ى �بسناس‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 44‬س‪ :‬وك�ن ا��ل� متعوب با��‪ .‬م‪ :‬وك�ن ا��ل� مشعوب‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬وك�ن ا��ل� مشعو� ًا‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 45‬س‪+‬م‪�� :‬ن ا��ل� ك�ن ك�فر و�ا�� ا��صنام‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬من ال�كفر وعبادة ا��صنام‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 46‬س‪+‬م‪ :‬وجع شد�� وورم �لقه‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬أب��ه بوجع شد�� وورم �لقه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 47‬س‪ :‬وك�ن ��تنق‪ .‬م‪ :‬وك�ن ح�ى ��تنق‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬وك�د أن ��تنق فعجزت ا��طباء عن ����ه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 48‬س‪+‬م‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬فد�ل إليه ر�ل من ا����ة وقبل ا��رض ب�ن ��يه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 49‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬وقال ل��ل� ليس أ�د ]ب‪ :2‬وقال ليع�� سيدي ا��ل� أنه �� يقدر أ�د أن[ ي�� يك‬ ‫من هذا الوجع ]ب‪�� :2‬ضك[ الشد�� ا��ي أنت فيه إ�� �معون العا�� ا��ي من طور العباد‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 50‬س‪+‬م‪ �� :‬و�ه ا��ل� ��رباز ]م‪�� :‬ر��ار[ �ل�� ح�ى أح�� ]م‪ :‬أظهر[ عنده و��ا ح��ت عند‬ ‫ا��ل� ��رباز ]م‪�� :‬ر��ار[ و�دته يتلف ]م‪ :‬وهو تلفان[ ‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬ف��ا �مع ا��ل� ��ل� أرسل إ�ي ح�ى‬ ‫أح�� عنده فأجبته إ�ى ذل� وسافرت إ�ى أن وصلت إ�ى ح��ة ا��ل� ��ر��ار ا��ذكور فو�دته وهو‬ ‫�ي �ا�� العدم‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 51‬س‪+‬م‪ :‬فطلب ]م‪ :‬م�ي[ ��رقة ]م‪��� :‬قة[ ح�ى أ�� يه من وجعه الشد��‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬فطلب م�ي ﺑ��قة‬ ‫ح�ى أ�� يه من ��ضه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 52‬س‪+‬م‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬ف��ا رأيت ذل� استعنت ��يدي و�ال�� أن يعين�ي ��� ذل� من أ�ل ��بة‬ ‫ا��سيحي�ن ا���ن مأسور�ن عنده ومن ��ب�ي ���ن أخ�ي فصليت بانكسار قلب وطلبت من ر�ي‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 53‬س‪ .‬م‪ :‬وغسلت الصليب ا��ي �ي ع�ي ��ا وأسقيته‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬و�سلت الصليب ا��ي ك�ن عندي‬ ‫أع� الس��ح وأسقيته ماه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 54‬س‪+‬م إ�� أ��ما تضيفان "من كفره" بعد "�اد"‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬فبإذن ا��� تعا�ى من ذل� ا��رض وفرج‬ ‫ا��� عنه بعد أن آمن با��� وك��ته ورو�ه حسب أمانة ا��سيحي�ن‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 55‬س‪+‬م إ�� أ��ما تضيفان "ا��ل�" بعد "قال �ي"‪ .‬ب‪ �� :2‬قال �ي‪ :‬اطلب ما ��اء و��تار فقبلت‬ ‫ا��رض‪.‬‬

APPENDIX 2: SIMEON AT THE COURT OF AL-MA’MUN

177

‫ ف��ا أتينا أنا وا�ن‬56 .‫منه ا�ن أخ�ي �� أنعم ��� �ي ا�ن أخ�ي وأعطا�ي هو وأحسن إ�ى‬ ‫ و�ن �ي بعض ا��يام‬58 :�‫ ا��� يا �ا�ي ما أقول ل‬57 :‫أخ�ي إ�ى د��ي قال �ي الص�ي‬ ‫ فو�دت‬60 .‫ إ�ى مغارة وا�دة �لف صيد‬59 ‫د�لت مع مل� ��وان �ي هذا ا��بل‬ ‫ ف��ا مضيت أنا والص�ي ل��غارة و�دت ��� قال �ي الص�ي‬61 .��‫��انة ف��ا ما�� ً كث‬ 62 .‫��انة من عهد ا��وم من قد�� ا��مان‬ The caliph said: ‘How did you get the gold and silver to do these things?’ Abī Qurra said: ‘My lord should know that every slave who hides something from his master merits condemnation and severe anger. However, I now, O commander of the faithful, I am your slave and you are my master, and the slave must advise his master about all that will come to pass’. The caliph said: ‘And what is that?’ He (Abī Qurra) said: ‘Know, O commander of the faithful, that the king, lord of the city of Sīrwān, 63 entered our country, took many prisoners and enslaved many women and men. There was also taken from me, among all the captives, 64 my

‫ ط��[ ك� الي��ه‬:‫ فطلبت منه ا�ن أخ�ي وأعطا�ي وأحسن إ�ي وطلبت أيضًا وأط�� ]س‬:‫م‬+‫ س‬56 ‫ وطلبت ا��سارة أن ��دهم إ�ى ب��دهم فأعطا�ي‬:2‫ ب‬.‫ رجعوا[ ك� وا�د إ�ى قريته‬:‫ح�ى رجع ]س‬ .‫سؤا�ي وأحسن إ�ي‬ ‫ وسافرنا من عنده أنا وا�ن أخ�ي وا����ى و��ا أتينا ب��دنا قصد ك� منا مك�نه‬:2‫ ب‬.‫م‬+‫ = س‬57 .‫وقصدنا أنا وا�ن أخ�ي إ�ى ا���� ا��ي ف��ا موضعنا فقال �ي الص�ي‬ .2‫ب‬+‫م‬+‫ = س‬58 �‫ ا��ل� ��ر��ار[ مل‬:2‫ب‬+‫ من[ بعض ا��يام د�لت مع ��رباز ]م‬:‫ ك�ن �ي ]س‬:2‫ب‬+‫م‬+‫ س‬59 .‫ ا��ي��[ إ�ى ناحية الشمال‬:‫س��وان �ي ا��بل ا��ي هو مقابل قلعة ا��ه�� ]س‬ ‫ أي[ شقيف وع�� �لف صيد‬:‫ �ارة وا�د إ�ى مغاره[ ]م‬:‫ ود�لت إ�ى مغارة وا�دة ]س‬:‫م‬+‫ س‬60 .��‫ ود�لت �ي مغارة فيه من شقوق ا��رض تابع ًا صيدًا ح�ى أمس‬:2‫ ب‬.��‫ ح�ى[ أمس‬:‫]س‬ �‫ فكتمت ذل� و�� أ��� ا��ل‬:2‫ تضيف ب‬.‫ وقت[ ا��وم‬:‫ من عهد ]م‬:‫م إ�� أ��ما تضيفان‬+‫ = س‬61 .‫��ر��ار به و�� ���ه إ�� أنت فقط‬ ‫ والص�ي[ إ�ى ا��غارة‬:‫ فقلت �� قم ���� إليه[ ف��ا مضيت أنا وا�ن أخ�ي ]س‬:2‫ب‬+‫ ]م‬:2‫ب‬+‫م‬+‫ س‬62 ‫ رزقًا[ كث�� من عهد ا��وم‬:‫ ���[ قال الص�ي حقا ً ��انة فضة وذهب ورزق ]س‬:2‫و�دت مثل ما ]ب‬ .[��‫ من زمان عهد ا��وم زمان القد‬:2‫ ب‬.��‫ ومن زمان قد‬:‫من ا��مان القد�� ]س‬ 63 P1 writes Sīrwāndah, but S, M and P2 have Sīrwān, which agrees with the Life of Simeon. 64 P1 has yasārah, S and P2 have yasrah, and M has yasrā. I take this to be a colloquial form of, or mistake for, asārā, ‘captives’. Note that S, M and P2 add to the end of this sentence: ‘from a village called Ḥabsanās’.

178

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

nephew. The king was very fond 65 of him and wanted to make my nephew one of his own children. When God wanted to purify him of his unbelief, for he was an infidel and idolater, He sent upon him at once pain and swelling in his throat, and he was suffocating. 66 Then a man from the people of our country 67 entered his presence and said to the king: ‘No one can cure you of this pain that you are in except for Simeon from Ṭūr ‘Abdīn’. 68 Consequently, the king 69 sent (word) to me that I come to him, and when I entered the king’s presence 70 he requested from me a miracle 71 to cure him of his pain. So I stood up, prayed and petitioned my master. 72 I washed the cross that I had with me and sprinkled him with water from it. Immediately God relieved him and he got better; he believed and returned to the faith of Christ. Then he said to me: ‘Request of me (what you want) so that I may reward you’. Accordingly, I requested from him my nephew; 73 he was generous to me with respect to my nephew, gave him to me and treated me well. When I and my M, P1 and P2 have mash‘ūb and S has mat‘ūb, which do not make sense here, but in the margin of P1 is written mashghūf, ‘very fond of’, which certainly fits better. 66 P2 adds ‘and the doctors were unable to treat him’. 67 P2 has ‘a man from the family/kin/clan’ and adds that ‘he kissed the ground before him (the king of Sīrwān)’. 68 All manuscripts use the equivalent Arabic expression: Ṭūr al-‘Ibād, which literally means ‘mountain of the worshippers/slaves (of God)’. 69 The other manuscripts give his name as Shahrbāz (S) or Shahrīzār (M and P2). 70 S/M/P add: ‘I found him about to perish/perishing/in a state of debilitation’. 71 I write here khāriqa/‘miracle’, as this must be what is intended, but all the manuscripts offer variations on the root ḥ-r-q, which means to burn or rub together. 72 P2 has a much longer sentence here: ‘When I saw that, I appealed to my Lord and Creator to help me in that, out of love of the Christians who had been imprisoned by him (Shahrīzār) and for love of my nephew, and then I prayed with a contrite heart and petitioned my Master’. 73 M and S add the request that all the captives be freed; P2 only has this latter request and does not mention the nephew. 65

‫‪179‬‬

‫‪APPENDIX 2: SIMEON AT THE COURT OF AL-MA’MUN‬‬

‫‪nephew arrived at my monastery, 74 the boy said to me: ‘Take note,‬‬ ‫‪my uncle, of what I am telling you. One day I entered, (while I‬‬ ‫‪was) with the king of Sīrwān in this mountain, 75 into a certain‬‬ ‫‪cave in pursuit of some game. Then I found a chest in which was‬‬ ‫‪a lot of money. 76 When I and the boy went to the cave, I found,‬‬ ‫‪just as the boy said to me, a chest from the age of the Romans of‬‬ ‫‪ancient times.‬‬ ‫‪The caliph gives Simeon leave and support to build‬‬

‫‪ [P1.186a-87a] 77‬وهذا ك�ن السبب إ�ى قصد �دمة ا��و�ى وا���يء إ�ى عتبتك‬ ‫ال�� يفة‪ 78 .‬وا��ن إن ك�ن ل� ��ذا ا��هب �ا�ة فل� هو يصلح وأنت أحق به‪.‬‬ ‫و�ن ك�ن ��ب إ�ي أ��ي بيع وأد��ة ومسا�د يكون ذل� بأ��ك و���� �ي ح�ى أ��ل‬ ‫��ضاتك و��ورك‪ �� 80 .‬تعجب ا��أمون و��يع من ح�� هناك ��ا نطق به أ�ي‬ ‫قوره‪ �� 81 .‬من بعد ذل� د�ا ا��أمون وصاح بوز��ه ك�ن يقال �� معفنا ا�ن جعفر‬ ‫ال��م��‪ 82 .‬وقال ��‪ :‬اكتب ���ي قوره منشور ��يح وتوقيع ثابت مقبول ‪ 83‬ح�ى ‪84‬‬ ‫ينقبل �ي ��يع الب��د أ��م يعزوا و ي��موا أ�ي قوره و ��بوه ��� ��ن حبيناه‪ 85 .‬و�� أ�د‬ ‫‪79‬‬

‫‪P2 has: ‘Then I, my nephew and the captives departed from him, and‬‬ ‫‪when we reached our country every one of us headed for his own place’.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪S, M and P2 add that the mountain ‘is opposite the fort of al-Ahyam‬‬ ‫‪(S: al-Haytham) in the direction of the north’.‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪P2 add ‘I concealed that and did not inform King Shahrīzār about it,‬‬ ‫‪nor anybody else except for you alone’.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫‪This section corresponds to S.43b–45a, M22b–23a, P2.84b–85a.‬‬ ‫‪ 78‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬وهذا هو السبب ا��ي ]ب‪ :2‬به[ قصدت �دمة ا��و�� وعتبتك ال�� يفة ]ب‪:2‬‬ ‫�دمة أعتاب�� ال�� يفة[‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 79‬س‪+‬م إ�� أ��ما تضيفان‪ :‬يا سيدي‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬فإن ك�ن ل� �ا�ة به فأنت أحق‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 80‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬و�ن ك�ن ]س‪ :‬من[ صدقاتك ��ب ]ب‪ ��� :2‬قلت أن[ أ��ي فيه بيع ]س‪+‬م‪ :‬وأد��ة[‬ ‫ومسا�د حسب ]س‪+‬م‪ :‬يكون ب[ أ��ك و��سومك وار�� �ي ح�ى أ��ل ��ضاتك ]ب‪ :2‬فأنا أ���‬ ‫ك� ما ��ب و��تار[‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 81‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬تعجب ا��أمون ]ب‪ :2‬ا��ليفة[ و��يع ]ب‪ :2‬هو و[ من ح�� ]س‪+‬م‪ :‬هناك[ من‬ ‫���وة منطقه وك��مه اللطيف ]ب‪ :2‬و�قراره با��ق[‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 82‬س‪+‬م‪ �� :‬بعد ذل� بعث ا��أمون ود�ا وز��ه وك�ن ا�مه معفنا ا�ن جعفر ال��م��‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬وأ�� أن‬ ‫���� وز��ه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 83‬س‪+‬م إ�� أنه يُكتب �ي م‪ :‬منشورة ��ي�ة‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬وقال �� اكتب ���ي القرى منشور ثابت أ��ه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 84‬يُكتب �ي النص‪ :‬حيت‪ ،‬وهو خطأ وا�ح‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 85‬س‪+‬م‪ :‬ل��� يقبل �ي ��يع الب��د ]م‪ :‬ا��ب��د[ ح�ى يعزوه و ي��موه و ��بوه ��� ]م‪�� :‬ن[ حبيناه‬ ‫و��مناه‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬نافذ لك� من قرأه با���بة وا���ام‪.‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬

‫‪THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES‬‬

‫‪180‬‬

‫��د �ي ��ه ك��م‪ 86 .‬وأنه يب�ي بيع وأد��ة ومسا�د �ي ك� موضع ��اء و ��تار و يفعل‬ ‫و ���� ��� ����‪ 87 .‬وك� من ��الفه يكون قد �الفنا ومن �� يقب�� ما يكون قد قبلنا‬ ‫و ��ب �ليه ا���� وال��م‪ 88 .‬فأ�ابه معفنا وقال‪� :‬معا ً وطا�ة يا أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن �� كتب‬ ‫منشور عظ�� ��يب ��يح �دا ً وأعطاه ���ي قوره‪ 89 .‬ود�ا أيضا ً ا��أمون ر��� ً من‬ ‫و��ئه وك�ن أم�� من العراق يقال �� حسن ا�ن حس�ن العرا�ي‪ 90 .‬وقال �� أم�� ا��ؤمن�ن‪:‬‬ ‫يا أم�� حسن‪ .‬قال‪ :‬لبيك يا �ليفة ا���‪ .‬قال به ا��أمون‪ :‬قم �ذ معك ألف فارس‬ ‫وام�� �ي �دمة أ�ي قوره وكن ��ت ���ه و يكون أ��ه �ليك و��� ��يع من‬ ‫���� معك‪ 91.‬قال �� أم�� حسن‪� :‬معا ً وطا�ة يا �ليفة ا��� و���ي قوره ��بك‪ .‬قال‬ ‫�� ا��أمون‪ :‬من ا��ن �� ��ي�ي وجهك إ�� بأ�� أ�ي قوره‪92 .‬‬ ‫‪This was the reason for (my) intention to serve my lord and com‬‬‫‪ing to your noble threshold, for if you have need now of this gold‬‬ ‫‪it is proper for you (to have it) and you are the most deserving of‬‬ ‫‪it. And if you want for me to build churches, monasteries and‬‬ ‫‪mosques, that will be done according to your command and you‬‬ ‫‪should give me written authorization so that I can accomplish‬‬ ‫‪your satisfaction and pleasure. The caliph and those present there‬‬ ‫‪were amazed at the (clear) articulation of Abī Qurra. 93 Thereupon‬‬ ‫‪al-Ma’mūn called out, summoning his vizier, whose name was‬‬ ‫‪Ma‘fanā ibn Ja‘far al-Barmakī. 94 He told him: ‘Write for Abī Qurra‬‬

‫‪86‬‬ ‫أ��ا‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬وقد‬ ‫س‪+‬م‪ :‬و�� يكون أ�د من الناس ��د �ي وجههك��م واكتب فيه أن قد أعطينا �� ً‬ ‫أعطيناه أ��ا ً‪.‬‬ ‫‪ٍ = 87‬س‪+‬م إ�� أ��ما تضيفان‪ :‬و ��تار ]م‪ :‬و����ي[ ووا�د �� يعارضه ����وه‪ = .‬ب‪ 2‬إ�� أ��ا تضيف‪:‬‬ ‫من دون ��احم و�� مقاوم‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 88‬س‪+‬م إ�� أ��ما تبد��ن "��ب" ب "��توجب"؛ ب‪ :2‬ومن �الفه وقاومه فقد �الفنا وقاومنا‬ ‫و يكون مستوجبا ً ل��م وا���� ومن أطا�ه وأحسن إليه يكون معنا قد فعل ذل� و يكون مستوجبا ً ���زاء‬ ‫ا��سن منا‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 89‬س‪+‬م‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬فكتب الوز�� ��� أ��ه سيده منشورا ً ��يبا ً فوق العادة وأعطاه ���ي القرى‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 90‬س‪+‬م إ�� أ��ما تضيفان "عظ��" بعد "أم��"‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬بعد أن أرسل معه ا��م�� )ا(��س�ن �ن العرا�ي‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 91‬س‪+‬م )��حظ أنه يُكتب �ي س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ 1‬قوم وكون ��ل قم وكن[‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬و��بته ألف فارس‬ ‫وأ��ه أن يكون ��ت أ�� أ�ي القرى هو وفرسانه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 92‬س‪+‬م‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬وأن �� يعود إ�ى بغداد إ�� بأ��ه‪ .‬قال‪ :‬السمع والطا�ة ل� �� ���بك أ�ي القرى‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪S+M have ‘the refinement of his logic (manṭiq) and the elegance of his‬‬ ‫‪speech’; P2 has ‘the refinement of his logic and his affirmation of the‬‬ ‫‪truth’.‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫‪This person is presumably meant to be the son of Ja‘far ibn Yaḥyā al‬‬‫‪Barmakī, who was indeed vizier of Hārūn al-Rashīd, but according to‬‬

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a valid decree with a clearly recognizable (royal) stamp so that it will be accepted in all the country (saying) that its inhabitants will give Abī Qurra support and hospitality and love him as we have loved him. And that no one should contradict him. And (say) that he may build churches, monasteries and mosques in every place he wishes and prefers, and he may do and decide whatever he wants. Whoever opposes him opposes us and whoever does not accept him does not accept us, and he is due condemnation and censure’. Ma‘fanā replied saying: ‘I hear and obey, O commander of the faithful’, then he wrote an impressively wonderful and very valid decree and gave it to Abī Qurra. Al-Ma’mūn also summoned a man from among his commanders, who was an emir from Iraq named Ḥasan ibn Husayn al-‘Iraqi, and the commander of the faithful said to him: ‘O Emir Ḥasan’. ‘At your service, O caliph of God’, replied (Ḥasan). Al-Ma’mūn told him: ‘Go take with you one thousand horsemen and proceed in the service of Abī Qurra and be at his direction; his command will be over you and over all who go with you’. Emir Ḥasan said: ‘I hear and obey you, O caliph of God, and your love for Abī Qurra’. Simeon returns home to carry out his building

‫ وأما‬96 .‫[ �� قام أ�ي قوره وباس ا��رض قدام ا��أمون وباس ركبته‬P1.187ab] 95 ‫ فأنعم‬97 .‫ جُعلت فداك و�ن ك��مك ��� ا��أس والع�ن‬:‫أم�� حسن قال ���ي قوره‬ ‫ا��أمون ��� أ�ي قوره و��ف ا��م�� حسن وأعطاهم نفقات كث��ة من ذهب وفضة‬ ‫ ف��ا ك�ن بعد‬99 .‫ فودعوه وطلعوا من عند ا��أمون فر��ن م��ور�ن‬98 .�‫و��� ذل‬

Muslim historians Ja‘far fell out with the caliph and his son did not succeed him. This Ma‘fanā is also mentioned in the Life of Simeon, §35, which presumably has it from an early version of this Mujādala/Debate. 95 This section corresponds to S.45a–47a, M.23ab, P2.85ab. ‫ �� قام أ�ي القرى وقبل ا��رض‬:2‫ ب‬."‫م إ�� أ��ما تبد��ن "باس ركبته" ب "قبل ركبتيه‬+‫ = س‬96 .‫ب�ن ��ي ا��ليفة ود�ا �� ��وام ا��ل� والنعم‬ .‫ ���[ أوجبته ��� وك��مك ��� ا��أس والع�ن‬:‫ أم�� حسن قال ل��أمون جعلت فداك ما ]س‬:‫م‬+‫ س‬97 .2‫هذه ا����� ناقصة �ي ب‬ .‫ فأ�لع ا��ليفة ���ي القرى ول��م�� ا��س�ن ا��لع السنية‬:2‫ ب‬.‫م‬+‫= س‬98 ‫ فودعوه وان��فوا‬:2‫ ب‬.‫ ا��ل� ا��أمون ا��ليفة ا�ن هارون ا��شيد‬:‫م إ�� أنه يُكتب �ي س‬+‫ = س‬99 .‫وهم م��ور�ن بعد أن قب��ا العتبة ال�� يفة‬

‫‪THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES‬‬

‫‪182‬‬

‫ع��ة أيام �اد أ�ي قوره وأم�� حسن إ�ى باب ا��أمون وباسوا العتبة ال�� يفة‪.‬‬ ‫و��جوا من بغداد ومعهم �ي �دم��م ألف فارس‪ 101 .‬و��ا وص��ا إ�ى نصيب�ن طلع‬ ‫إ�ى لقا��م �ا�� نصيب�ن وأ����م وأ����م‪ 102.‬وقبل منشورهم وقال‪ :‬السمع والطا�ة‬ ‫��م�� ا��ؤمن�ن وقال‪ :‬أنا و��يع أهل ب��دي هم �ي �دمت��‪ �� 103 .‬بنا أ�ي قوره بيعة‬ ‫��يبة ومس�د كب�� �ي نصيب�ن وأوقف ��� البيعة ست دك�ك�ن ول��س�د ستة‪104 .‬‬ ‫ومضوا إ�ى مدينة ��ان و��يع العس�� معهم �� طلع �ا�� ��ان التقاهم وأ����م‬ ‫وأ����م �اية ال���امة‪ 105 .‬وقرأ منشورهم وقال السمع والطا�ة ��م�� ا��ؤمن�ن �� قال‬ ‫��م أنا وب��دي فدا��‪ �� 106 .‬قام أ�ي قوره وبنا بيعة ومس�د �ي مدينة ��ان وأوقف‬ ‫�ل��م ع���ن دك�ن‪� �� 107 .‬اد أ�ي قوره وأم�� حسن ووص��ا إ�ى طور العباد إ�ى قر ية‬ ‫�بسناس‪ 108 .‬وك�ن ف��ا بيعة قد��ة أ����ا وبناها كب��ة �ديثة �د��ة و�موها ���‬ ‫ا�مه‪ 109 .‬و��ى قر ية �ي بقعة أرض و�ميت ��� ا�مه وبنا عندها ر�ات�ن و�ماهم‬ ‫ر�اوات الق�� إ�ى ا��ن‪ 110 .‬وبنا د�� �د�� فوق ا���ات�ن و�ماها د�� داﻳل‪ 111 .‬و�اد‬ ‫إ�ى د��ه وهو ينعرف د�� قرطم�ن وبنا فيه هيك� عظ��‪ 112 .‬وأقام مصا�� و��ا�� كث��ة‬ ‫‪100‬‬

‫‪ = 100‬س‪+‬م‪ .‬هذه ا����� ناقصة �ي ب‪.2‬‬ ‫‪ = 101‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ 2‬إ�� أن يكتب �ي س‪ :‬مدينة بغداد‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 102‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬و��ا وص��ا إ�ى مدينة نصيب�ن طلع قدا��م ]ب‪�� :2‬قاهم[ صاحب ]م‪ :‬وا�ي[ نصيب�ن‬ ‫]ب‪ :2‬ا��تو�ي �ل��ا[ وأ����م وأ����م ]ب‪ :2‬عنده �إ��ام[‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 103‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬وقبل منشورهم وقال ]ب‪ :2‬وقر ّ ب[ السمع والطا�ة وقال أنا و��يع ب��دي فدا��‬ ‫]م‪ :‬قدام��[ و�ي ت��ف�� ]ب‪�� :2‬ن ��يعنا �ي ت��ف��[‪.‬‬ ‫‪ٍ = 104‬س‪+‬م‪ .‬ب‪ �� :2‬بنا أ�ي قوره بيعة ومس�د �ي نصيب�ن لك� م��ا أوقف ستة دك�ك�ن‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 105‬س إ�� أ��ا تضيف‪ :‬أ�ي قوره وأم�� حسن‪ .‬م‪ :‬ومضوا مدينة ��ان‪ .‬ب‪ �� :2‬توجهوا إ�ى مدينة‬ ‫��ان ف��قاهم ول��ا وأ����م �اية ا����ام‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 106‬س إ�� أ��ا تبدل "فدا��" ب "قدام�� و�ي ت��ف��"‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬وقبل منشورهم‪ .‬هذه ا����� ناقصة �ي‬ ‫م‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 107‬س‪ .‬م‪ :‬وأوقف ��م ع���ن دك�ن‪ .‬ب‪ :2‬فبنوا �ي ��ان بيعة ومس�د أوقفو ��م ع���ن دك�ن‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 108‬س‪+‬م‪� �� :‬اد أ�ي قوره وأم�� حسن ووص��ا إ�ى بيت أبوه �ي طور العا���ن ]س‪� :‬ا���ن[ إ�ى قر ية‬ ‫�بسناس‪ .‬ب‪ �� :2‬مضوا من هناك إ�ي قر ية أه�� �بسناس �ي طور العا���ن‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 109‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬وك�ن ف��ا بيعة قد��ة وك�نت صغ��ة ]ب‪ :2‬بيعة صغ��ة قد��ة[ قام و����ا ]ب‪:2‬‬ ‫فهد��ا[ وبناها �الية كب��ة ]س‪ :‬و�د��ة[ ��يبة ]ب‪ :2‬وبناها واسعة[ ود�اها ]س‪ :‬ود�ا ا�مها[ ���‬ ‫ا�مه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 110‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬وم�� إ�ى موضع ���ا ]ب‪ :2‬يقال ��[ تل عباد �ي بقعة ق�� ]س‪ :‬باقعة أمد[ وبنا‬ ‫فيه ]ب‪ :2‬هناك[ بيعة وبنا عندها ]ب‪�� :2‬ا���ا[ ر�ات�ن ]ب‪ :2‬وقفا ً ��م[ و�ماهم رحوات الق��‬ ‫]س‪ :‬القر[ إ�ى اليوم‪.‬‬ ‫‪ = 111‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ 2‬إ�� أن ��مل ب‪ 2‬ك��ة "�د��"‪.‬‬ ‫‪ٍ 112‬س‪+‬م‪+‬ب‪ :2‬ورجع ]س‪� :‬اد[ أ�ى د��ه يعرف د�� ]ب‪ [���� :2‬قرطم�ن ]م‪ :‬قر���ن[ وبنا ف��ا‬ ‫]ب‪ :2‬هناك[ هيك� عظ�� ]ب‪ :2‬هيك ً�� عظيم ًا؛ س‪ :‬كب��[‪.‬‬

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‫ وبنا‬114 .‫ وبنا طاحون�ن أ�� �ي بيت وا�د �ي رأس ا��اء �ي ا��رماس‬113 .‫�ي العمر‬ ‫��ر�ة وغ�س ف��ا اثنع�� ألف أصل زيتون و�ي ��� �انب ��وان وأوقف ��يع‬ ‫ �� من ذل� أط�� أ�ي قوره ��م�� حسن وأعطاه مواهب‬115 .‫ما بنا ��� د�� العمر‬ 116 .‫كث��ة وأنعم �ليه وود�ه ����� وس��مه‬

[P1] Then Abī Qurra got up, kissed the ground before al-Ma’mūn and kissed his knee. As for the emir Ḥasan, he said to Abī Qurra: ‘I was put at your disposal and your word is my command’. AlMa’mūn was generous to Abī Qurra, honored the emir Ḥasan, and gave them ample funds in gold, silver and the like. They bade farewell to al-Ma’mūn and departed from him happy and pleased. After ten days Abī Qurra and the emir Ḥasan returned to the gate of (the palace of) al-Ma’mūn, kissed the noble threshold and left Baghdad with the one thousand horsemen in their service. 117 When they arrived at Nisibis, the ruler of the city came out of meet them; he gave them lodging and treated them generously. He accepted the decree and said: ‘I hear and obey the commander of the faithful’, and he added: ‘I and all the people of my country are at your service’. Then Abī Qurra built a wonderful church and a big mosque in Nisibis and he endowed the church and the mosque with six shops each. They continued on to Harran, accompanied by all the troops. 118 Then the ruler of Harran came out to meet them; he gave them lodging and treated them very gen-

‫ وأقام‬:2‫ ب‬.(‫ �ي د�� العمر )سا�� ا����� ناقصة‬:‫ س‬.[‫ وأقام مصا�� و��ا�� كث��ة �ي د�� العمر‬:‫ م‬113 .‫أمور ًا و��ارات كث��ة �ي د�� العمر‬ .‫ ��ر[ ا��رماس بيوت ور�اوات‬:‫م‬+‫ وبنا �ي ]س‬:2‫ب‬+‫م‬+‫ س‬114 [��‫ ا��ي ع‬:2‫ ��ل[ ��ر�ة عند مدينة س��وان وغ�س ف��ا اثنع�� ]ب‬:2‫ وبنا ]ب‬:2‫ب‬+‫م‬+‫ س‬115 ‫ و�ي ��� �انب مدينة س��وان[ وبنا هناك بيعة ��� ا���ر‬:‫م‬+‫ غصن[ زيتون ]س‬:2‫ألف أصل ]ب‬ ���� ��‫ ال�ي ����ا بعك�زته وأفاضه طيبات وأ��أ ا��ر��[ واش��ى هناك معينات و��ات�ن وأرا‬:‫]س‬ ‫ د��[ واش��ى‬:‫ جبل[ سن�ار وبنا هناك د�� ًا ]س‬:‫ وأوقفهم إ�ى د��[ العمر وانتقل إ�ى ]س‬:2‫ب‬+‫]م‬ .‫ إ�ى د��[ العمر‬:2‫��ات�ن وأرا�� وأوقفهم ���� ]ب‬ ‫ ا��م�� احس�ن[ وأعطاه‬:2‫ أ�ي قوره سبيل[ أم�� حسن ]ب‬:‫م‬+‫ وبعد ذل� أط�� ]س‬:2‫ب‬+‫م‬+‫ س‬116 .‫ وأنعم �ليه[ وود�ه ����� وس��مة‬:‫م‬+‫مواهبا ً كث��ة ]س‬ 117 This extra ten days’ stay is not explained and is not mentioned in P2. One is perhaps meant to assume that it was needed to prepare for their journey to northern Mesopotamia. 118 I presume this refers to their 1000 horsemen, though it could mean troops from the garrison at Harran.

184

THE LIFE OF SIMEON OF THE OLIVES

erously. He read their decree and said: ‘I hear and obey the commander of the faithful’, and added: ‘I and my country are at your disposal’. Then Abī Qurra set about building a church and a mosque in the city of Harran and endowed them with twenty shops. Next Abī Qurra and Emir Ḥasan departed and reached Ṭūr ‘Abdīn and the village of Habsenus. It had an old church, which he knocked down and rebuilt as a large, modern, new church and he named it after himself. He also built a village on a plot of land and it was named after him. He constructed there two mills and called them ‘the mills of the fortress’ 119 (and this name has endured) until today. Above the mills he built a new monastery and called it Dā’il Monastery. He then returned to his own monastery, known as the Monastery of Qartmin, and he erected in it a huge chapel. He established facilities and many residences in the Abbey. He constructed two other mills in a single house at the head of the water on the (river) Hirmās. He built a farm and planted in it 12000 olive stock, and this was beside (the city of) Sīrwān. 120 All that he built he endowed to the abbey monastery. After that Abī Qurra released Emir Ḥasan, giving him many presents and showing him generosity, as well as wishing him farewell and safe journey. Colophons

‫ وكت��ا ا��اهب‬.‫[ وك�نت هذه ا���اد�� سنة ألف وأربعة اليونان‬P1.187b-88a] ��� ���‫ ��أل ك� من قرأ ي��حم ��� الك�تب ا��سك�ن ر��ة ا‬.‫���ائل من باس��ينا‬ .‫من قال أم�ن‬

P1 and S just have ’lqr, which makes no sense, but P2 and M have ’lqṣr, ‘the fortress’, 120 S, M and P2 say that ‘he built there a church on the rock and bought water sources, orchards and lands’ (S add ‘he struck it with his staff and made it pour out good things/sweet waters [written ṭybwt, presumably a Syriacism for ṭayyibāt] and heal the sick) and that he then went to Sinjar, where he also built a monastery and bought orchards and lands and gave them as an endowment to Qartmin Abbey. Given that these three manuscripts all include this information it is likely that P1 accidentally left it out. 119

APPENDIX 2: SIMEON AT THE COURT OF AL-MA’MUN

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This debate took place in the year 1004 of the Greeks. 121 The monk Gabriel of Beth Sbirina wrote it. 122 May all who read it call for mercy upon the wretched scribe and (may) God’s compassion (be) upon all who say amen.

‫ ا��مور‬:2‫ ا���اد��؛ ب‬:‫[ وك�نت هذه ا��باحثة ]س‬M.23b-24a, S.47a, P2.85b] :‫ ألف[ وأربعة ليونان ]س‬:‫�ي عهد ا��ليفة هارون ا��شيد[ سنة ألف ومائة ]س‬ :‫ يونانية[ وسنة اثن�ن وسبع�ن ها�� ية أع�ي ��ي عثمان ]س‬:2‫لليونان�ن أع�ي ا��وم؛ ب‬ ‫ وهذا‬:2‫ وهذا مار �معون ]ب‬.[‫ سنة مائة واثن�ن وسبع�ن ��ر ية‬:2‫ا��س���ن؛ ب‬ ‫ يوم[ عيد العن��ة صار �ماس و�ي‬:‫م‬+‫ا��ذكور أ�ي القرى ا�مه مار �معون[ �ي ]س‬ ‫ يوم[ عيد العن��ة صار قسيس و�ي‬:‫ يوم[ عيد العن��ة صار راهب و�ي ]س‬:‫]س‬ ��‫ صار انتقا‬:‫ يوم[ عيد العن��ة ]م‬:‫ و�ي ]س‬.‫ يوم[ عيد العن��ة صار مطران‬:‫]س‬ :‫ صار انتقا�� من هذا العا�� الفا�ي إ�ى �ا�� البا�ي ا��و�ا�ي؛ س‬:2‫من هذا العا��؛ ب‬ ‫تني ّح وزواد ك�� صار بقوة روح القدس وا��نبثق من ا��ب ا��ي هو مع ا��ب‬ [‫وا���ن ���د و����د إ�ى أ�� ا�����ن أم�ن‬ This disputation [M: debate] took place in the year 1004 [M+P2: 1104] of the Greeks, I mean the Rum, and in the year 72 of the Hijra, I mean the Ottomans [S: the Muslims; P2: year 172 of the Hijra]. This aforementioned Abī Qurra was named Mar Simeon. On the feast of Pentecost he became a deacon, on the feast of Pentecost he became a monk, on the feast of Pentecost he became a priest, and on the feast of Pentecost he became a metropolitan (bishop). Also on the feast of Pentecost [M: he was transported from this world; P2: he was transported from this perishable world to the everlasting spiritual world; S: he came to rest and all was provided for by the power of the Holy Spirit and the inspiration of the Father; It (the Holy Spirit) is worshipped and glorified together with the Father and the Son for ever and ever amen].

P1 and S have 1004 (692–93), which is impossible for a debate in the Abbasid period; probably it should read 1104 (792–93) like M and P2, though this is still too early to suit the reign of al-Ma’mūn (813–33). 122 A person of the same name is cited as the copyist of the Life of Simeon and of a manuscript in the library of Qartmin Abbey that bears the date 1480 AG (1168–69); see ch. 5 above, §102 and n. 77 thereto. Coincidentally an impossible date is given there too: 1005 AG, which is very close to the incorrect date here (1004 AG) 121

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Each of these manuscripts – M, P2 and S – mentions its scribe and date of copying: M: Matthew son of Paul, guardian of the church of Our Lady in Mosul, 1874 CE (masīḥiyya) P2: David son of Elias the deacon, from Bahshiqa, one of the villages of Mosul, August 1887 CE (masīḥiyya) S: ‘Abd al-Masīḥ, March 2156 AG (yūnāniyya, = 1845 CE).

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INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES A Abbā Sallārā, 67, 76–77 ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Zubayr, 44, 59, 68 ʿAbd al-Malik, caliph, 19, 44, 59, 68, 70, 75, 122 n.121 ʿAbd al-Masīḥ, scribe, 186 Abhay, monastery of, 152 Abraham, bishop of Nisibis, 74 headman, 59, 92 of Kashkar, 51, 74, 77 of Hesna d-Azyat, 81, 142–44 Biblical figure, 18 Abū Mūsā al-Ashʿarī, 13 Abū ʿUbayda ibn al-Jarrāḥ, 16 Abū Yūsuf, 15 Ādhorprazgard, 60–61 Aḥo of Rēshʿaynā, 59 n.31, 66 al-Ahyam Citadel, see Haytūm Citadel Aleppo, 42 Amid, 18 n.30, 19, 30, 50, 62, 75, 90, 108

Ammianus Marcellinus, 61, 128 n.139 al-Andarin (Androna), 64 n.49 Anḥel, 11, 41 n.88, 81, 112, 114, 122, 142 Arbāyistān, Sasanian province, 50 n.6, 67, 69, 74 ʿArbuba, 80, 98 Armenia, church of, 10 province, 122 n.121 Arzān, 50 Awgin, 98 monastery of, 51, 67, 76 ʿAyn Warda, 11, 154

207

B Babel, see Babylon Babylon, see Baghdad Baghdad, 5, 30, 32, 34, 36 n.74, 44–45, 61, 104– 5, 110, 169–70, 173, 183 Bahshiqa, 186 Balīkh, river, 57–58 Bālis, 58 Bar Kalbe, 138, 140 Bar Ṣawmā, monastery of,

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45 n.99 Barṣawmā, church of, viii, 79, 162 n.209 Basil, disciple of Simeon, 130, 154 Baṣra 13, 173 Beth Alūṣā, 67 Beth ʿArbaye, 50, 60–61, 67, 90, 112 Beth Maḥlam, 88, cf. 82 Beth Manʿem, 152 Beth Zabde, 61, 128 n.139 Bishapur, 75 Bishr ibn Marwān, 20 C Cizre, see Jazīrat ibn ‘Umar Constantine I, emperor, 90 Constantine II, emperor, 50, 90 Constantinople, siege of, 19 Constantine of Harran, 11 n.18 Cyriacus, metropolitan of Nisibis, 70 Cyril of ʿAyn Warda, 11, 154 D Dāʾil Monastery, 184 Daniel bar Moses, 122 n.125 Daniel of Kenderib, 148 Dara, 45 n.99, 62 David, nephew of Simeon, 2, 8, 27–28, 33, 90, 94, 96, 122, 154

Dayrūnītā, see Lower-Monastery Demetrius, military general, 6, 59 n.31 fortress of, see Ṭūr ʿAbdīn, fortress of Dimeṭ, monastery of Mar D., 71, 118 Dionysius of Telmahre, 122 n.125 Diyār Muḍar, 69–70 Diyār Rabīʿa, 69–70 E Egypt, 37, 48, 76 Edessa, 30, 45, 57, 69, 90 n.32, 108, 134 Elia bar Gufne, bishop of Harran, 31, 120 Elim Dağı, volcano, 51 Elisha, brother of Gabriel of Beth Sbirina, 160 Elisha (Elīshāʿ), monastery of Mar E., 71, 118, 128 Epiphanius, bishop of Nisibis, 74 n.72 Esha‘ya of Nisibis, 112 Esya‘ (Esse), 136, 138, 140, 142 F Fars, region of, 60, 74 Febronia, Mart, 71, 102, 110, 118 Fenek, 128, 130 Filasṭīn, jund, 69 n.61 Fortress of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn, see Haytūm Citadel

INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES Fusṭāṭ, 16 n.23 G Gabriel, monastery of, see Qartmin, abbey of of Anḥel, headman, 142 of Beth Sbirina, 1 n.2, 5– 6, 25, 35, 160, 166, 185 of Qartmin, 5, 7, 14, 17, 27–29, 32–33, 74 n.72, 84, 165–68 Gehenna, valley of, 142 Gejkar Cave, 52 George son of Lazarus, headman, 41 n.88, 112, 114 Gregory, disciple of Simeon, 154 H Ḥabīb, bishop of Edessa, 60 Habsenus, 2, 5–6, 11, 27– 28, 36 n.74, 49, 82, 88, 130, 132, 144, 146, 148, 152, 156, 168, 171 n.4, 173, 184 Ḥajjāj ibn Yūsuf, 20 Harran, 2, 5, 7, 10–12, 16, 18, 26, 30–33, 35, 45, 57, 59, 68–70, 75, 81, 108, 120, 122, 124, 128, 132, 134, 136, 138, 142, 146, 148, 150, 154, 158, 160, 168–69, 173, 183–84 Hārūn al-Rashīd, caliph,

209

37–38, 43, 69, 104, 108, 170, 173, 180 al-Ḥasaka, 51, 77 Ḥasan ibn Ḥusayn, 108, 181, 183–84 Hasankeyf, 50, 138 Ḥāyē, scribe, 150 Haytūm Citadel, see Ṭūr ʿAbdīn, fortress of Hesna d-Azyat, 140 Hirbemerdon Tepe, survey of, 50 Hirmās, river, 67, 71, 77, 184 Hishām ibn ʿAbd al-Malik, caliph, 58 Ḥiṣn Kayfā, see Hasankeyf Ḥiṣn Maslama, see Madīnat al-Fār Ḥnānīshoʿ, catholicos, 20, 77 I Ibn Aʿtham al-Kūfī, 70 Ibn al-Zubayr, see ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Zubayr Ibrāhīm ibn al-Jarā‘ī (alKhawāzi‘ī), 39–40, 104, 173 Iraq, 20, 52, 74, 181 Ishōʿyahb II of Gdālā, 70 Ishōʿyahb III of Adiabene, 17 Iṣṭakhr, 60 Iwannis, bishop of Qartmin, 136 ʿIyāḍ b. Ghanm, 69–70, 72 Iyar, scribe, 148, 152

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Izla, Mount, 51, 62, 65, 67, 74, 77 J Jacob of Edessa, 148, 168 Jacob the Recluse, 50 Ja‘far ibn Yaḥyā alBarmakī, 108, 180 Jaghjagh, river, see Hirmās Jarrāḥ, wādī, 60 Jazīrat ibn ʿUmar, 51, 61, 65, 128 n.139 Jerusalem, 8, 12, 32, 41, 96 Job of Beth Man‘em/Ḥabsenus, 5, 6 n.8, 11–12, 15, 32 n.52, 35, 48, 148, 152, 160 John of Beth Sbirina, 5–6, 160 John of Dailam, 44 n.99 John of Dasen, 20, 68 John of Kafraza, 162 John the Almsgiver, patriarch, 118 John the Arab, 51 Joshua bar Yozadak, 96 Joshua Simeon, scribe,150 Jovian (Jovinian), 71 n.65, 128 Jubayr b. Isḥāq, 72 n.69 Judaean Desert, 76 Julian, patriarch, 10, 118, 120, 124, 126, 132, 168 Justinian, emperor, 146 n.177 K Kafraza, 162

Kallinikos, see al-Raqqa Karacadağ, volcano, 49 Kfarbe, 77 n.81 Kfar Tebnā, 150 Kfarze, see Kafraza Khabur, river, 51–52, 54, 56–59 basin, 47–48, 51, 53–56, 58–59, 61–62, 67, 74, 77 Khusrow II, emperor, 60, 75 Komentiolos, 62 Kufa, 20 L Lake Van, 52 Lazarus of Harran, 18 monastery of Mar L., 146 Lazarus, headman of Ṭūr ʿAbdīn, 59, 92, 112 of Qartmin, 136 n.155 Lower-Monastery, 49, 59, 61, 65–66, 68, 86 M Madāʾin, 20 Madīnat al-Fār, 57–58 Ma‘fanā (M‘apnā) ibn Ja‘far al-Barmakī, 108, 180– 181 Makḥūl al-Shāmī, 16 al-Ma’mūn, caliph, 5, 27, 30, 35–38, 40, 43, 102, 104, 106, 108, 170, 173, 175, 180– 81, 183, 185 n.121 court of, 6–7, 9 n.14, 17, 32, 169 ff.

INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES Manzikert, 10, 136 Mardanshāh, 20, 75 Mardin, 24–36, 39–41, 45, 79 Maslama ibn ʿAbd al-Malik, 69 Mayperqāṭ (Ar. Mayyāfāriqīn), 50 Mercimekli, 49 Michael, scribe, 18 Michael the Syrian, 42 Midyat, viii, 25–26, 40, 49, 79, 162 Moses of Anḥel, 120 Mosul, 19, 59, 72, 186 Muʿāwiya, caliph, 45 n.99 Muḥammad, the Prophet, 42–43 Muḥammad ibn ‘Abdallāh al-Hāshimī, 39–40, 104, 173 Muḥammad ibn Marwān, 10, 19–20, 68, 70, 75 122 Mundhar, father of Simeon, 17, 27–28, 168 Mydonios, river, see Hirmās N Najran, Christians of, 43 Nehemiah, 96 Nisibis, churches of, 2, 5, 12, 15, 59, 68, 70–71, 102, 110, 116, 128, 136, 140, 168–69, 183 city, 10, 14, 16, 19–21, 30–31, 48–54, 59–61, 67–76, 100, 108

211

Nusaybin, see Nisibis P Paul the Mourner, 18 n.30 Pazarköy, 65–66 Peroz, king of Nisibis, 14, 41 n.88 (Parūz), 75, 100 Phenek, see Fenek Procopius, 61–63, 146 n.177 Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, 62 Q Qalʿat Eskiye, 142 Qal‘at Haytūm, see Ṭūr ʿAbdin, fortress of Qāmishlī, see Nisibis Qardagh, abbot, 77 Qardu, region, 50 Qartmin, abbey of, 5–8, 10– 12, 14, 17, 19, 24, 26– 29, 31, 33, 46–47, 57– 58, 72, 78–80, 82, 84, 94, 116, 118, 120, 128, 132, 134, 138, 140, 142, 150, 152, 156, 158, 163 Qaṣr, river, 66 Quraysh, 173 R al-Raqqa, 57, 69, 194, 198 Raqta (Rqata), 128 Rēshʿaynā (Ar. Raʾs alʿAyn), 50, 66, 72 Rhabdios, fort, 34, 49, 59

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al-Ruhā, see Edessa S Sābā Pīrgūshnasp, 58–59 Sālim al-Hamdānī, 39, 104, 173 Ṣa‘ṣa‘a ibn Khalīl al-Baṣrī, 39–40, 104, 173 Saul, monastery of Mar S., 98 Samuel, 82, 158, 165 Saryā, river, 60–61 Shābūr II, emperor, 60–61, 74, 86 Shahrbaraz, 5, 8–9, 29, 32, 41, 59–60, 80, 90, 94 Shīlā, synod of Mar S., 11, 124 n.128, 166, n.2, 168 Simeon of the Olives, passim Simon Peter, 144 Sinai, Mt., 42 Sinjar, 17, 140, 169, 184 Sīrwān, 17, 29, 40–41, 59– 66, 68, 78, 80, 86, 88, 94, 177–79, 184 Sisauranōn, see Sīrwān Sulaymān b. Ṭarkhān alTaymī, 16 Symeon of Samosata, 24 Syria, 16, 23, 57, 69, 77, 120 T Tell Arius, 66 Tell Beydar, 56 Tell Hamoukar, 53, 56, 64, 73

Tell Maḥrē, 57 Tell Tuneinir, 66, 74, 77–78 Tella, 90 n.32 Theodore Abū Qurra, 7, 32, 35–37, 32, 35–37, 40, 45, 169–70 Theodore, Church of Mar T., 70–71, 110, 118, 168 Theodota of Amid, 11, 19, 23–24, 45 n.99, 124 n.130 Theodotus of Germanikea, 124 n.130 Theodotus, friend of Simeon (maybe = Theodotus of Germankea), 124, 126 Thomas, bishop of Amid, 11, 124 bishop of Harran, 33, 154 n.193 Tigris, river, 49–50, 60–61, 75, 90, 128, 138, 142 n.168 Tikrit, 76 Timothy, scribe, 148, 152 Ṭūr ʿAbdīn region, 2, 8, 11, 17–18, 29, 40, 45, 47, 49–54, 70, 74, 82, 88, 92, 98, 112, 116, 123 n.126, 136, 138, 150, 154, 169, 173, 176, 184 fortress of, 5–6, 9–10, 34, 41–42, 49, 59–60, 62, 66, 90, 92, 94, 112, 179 n.75

INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES U ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Ziyād, 20 ʿUmar I ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, caliph, 8, 12, 14–15, 43– 44 ʿUmar II, caliph, 15 ʿUtba b. Ghazwān, 13 V village clusters, 59 Y Yaʿqob, bishop of Nisibis, church of Mar Y., 68 Yoḥannān of the Sedrē, patriarch, 74

213

Yūḥannā, monastery of Mar Y., 76 Yuhanon, bishop of Qartmin and Ṭūr ‘Abdīn, 136 Z Zagros, mountains, 61 Zāmyasp, 60 Zayd ibn Hāshim alKawāzilī, 39–40, 104, 173 Zebina, monastery of Mar Z., 146