The Life of Miranda, Vol. 1 sn009x82q

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THE LIFE OF MIRANDA

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TOUR OF THE UNITED STATES 57 sion from England was an accomplished fact. The American spirit of religious toleration affected him profoundly. Commendable traits in the administration of the emancipated colonies he was inclined to ascribe rather to the excellences of the English Constitution than to any intrinsic virtue in the institutions that had been evolving upon American soil. With a critical reaction he had beheld certain manifestations of dem-

ocratic spirit among citizens of the States. Yet the tone of happiness that ordinarily prevailed among the people of the New Republic made an enduring impression upon his spirit. The amorous adventures of Miranda with American ladies incited a Mexican littérateur to liken him to Casanova. Among the large group of friends and acquaintances that

he had made during his American tour there were a select number, notably Knox, Smith, and Hamilton, that he believed would be ready to help him in the execution of his secret

project to emancipate the Indies from Spanish rule. It does not appear, however, that he had determined to undertake such an enterprise at once. He still cherished the intention of making a tour of Europe to complete his education and to improve his knowledge of military affairs. On November 29, 1784, Miranda paid Captain Callahan twenty-two guineas for his passage in the ship Neptune from Boston to London.” Among the letters of introduction that the tourist carried with his cherished papers was one from William Duer to George Rose, “Secretary to the Treasury, Whitehall, London.” Simply as a contemporary estimate of Miranda, it is worth quoting at length:

“This Letter will be delivered to you by my particular Friend Col. Miranda, late Secretary to Genl. Cagigal, the governor of the Havanna, and an officer of distinguished merit in the Spanish Service.

“He has unhappily for him met with that Fate, which has © Callahan’s receipt, Mir. MSS., vol. 7. Miranda had evidently contemplated

a visit to British America; for in a “Lista de Cartas de Recomendacion” (ibid., vol. 5) there are some letters labelled “Canada.” “™ Zbid., vol. 5.

58 THE LIFE OF MIRANDA too often befallen the man of Virtue and Talents in an Arbitrary Government, the Persecution of bigoted and Intriguing Men; and it is not Improbable but the same Spirit of his Enemies may Endeavor to Extend itself to him during his Res1dence in England which he visits with a View of enlarging the Circle of his Knowledge, till the Storm which has been Unjustly raised against him is blown over. You will do an act of singular Justice and Humanity in aiding him with your advice, in promoting his Happiness and Security whilst he resides amongst you; and should he judge it advisable for attaining the last Object to have a Conference with the present Prime Minister, will you take him by the hand, and favor me with being his Introducer. “T shall not give Pain to the Feelings of my Friend to whom this Letter is delivered open, by saying what I think of his Abilities and merit as you will thank me when we have the Pleasure of meeting for giving you so valuable an Acquaintance, who will be able to give you not only a very accurate detail of that unexplored Country of which he is a native, but a much more just account of the Resources, Genius, and State

of Politics of the United States than you would be able to obtain from most of its natives.”

Chapter IV | ADVENTURES IN EUROPE On Boarp the Neptune, which carried a few other passengers and some sixty thousand guineas in specie, on December 15, 1784, Francisco de Miranda sailed from Boston. The voyager took note of the winds, the weather, and the course of the ship. His companions were in good humor, each whiling away the time according to his fancy. At his leisure Miranda read works on history and philosophy. He noticed that during the night of January 21 the mariners discerned the warning rays of a lighthouse on the Scilly Isles. After skirting the southern coast of England, where the passengers gazed at the famous

chalk cliffs, on the afternoon of January 31 the ship cast anchor in the river Thames. A day later Miranda rode through London in a hackney coach to a hotel in Pall Mall.

The metropolis of the country that he had long admired from afar was soon delineated by Colonel Miranda as an immense capital. He wrote to General Knox that he was much impressed by the infinite number of objects and the multitude of people that he had seen. He sent the general a grammar and a dictionary, presumably of the Spanish language. With the intention of presenting a complaint about the persecution to which he had been subjected in the West Indies, the colonel

visited the Spanish legation but the Minister was absent. Anxious to become informed about the activities of the recreant officer, Bernardo del Campo soon returned the call, but Miranda was not at home. Yet through divers hirelings Campo

undertook to spy upon Miranda’s movements; and he soon began a series of reports to Madrid about the conspirator. In an undated dispatch the Spanish Minister warned his court that through letters of introduction Miranda had become acquainted with many Englishmen and that he made no

secret of his grievances against Spain. Campo’s informers expressed the opinion that the suspect had “much talent, great

discernment, and more than ordinary intelligence,” but that

60 THE LIFE OF MIRANDA he was a fanatical champion of liberty. The Minister declared

that Miranda possessed plans of Spanish strongholds in America and that he had actually displayed to certain persons a plan of the Habana fortifications. “I am assured,” wrote Campo, “that he has in his possession other manuscripts

of the greatest importance. Among these papers are instruc-

tive memoirs concerning the actual condition of various provinces in the Spanish Indies, projects relating to campaigns in the American Revolution, the correspondence of our court with its commanders by land and sea, as well as the correspondence of those officers with each other and with French

commanders.” Campo was startled by reports that Miranda proposed to submit copies of important documents to the Eng-

lish Government and was convinced that his quarry was capable of promoting zealously “any audacious project” which might be proposed by Spain’s enemies. “The master stroke,” said the intriguing Spaniard, “‘would be to burn Miranda’s manuscripts or to steal them” before he could use them “in an evil manner.” *

On April 26 Colonel Miranda made another visit to the Spanish legation and left a packet of papers with a request that Campo should forward it to Madrid. Among these documents was a letter for Count Floridablanca dated April 10, 1785, declaring that because of the royal confidence which this Minister enjoyed, Miranda had addressed a petition to him in order that it might be presented to the King. In reality this petition was an autobiographical sketch that emphasized the colonel’s military service. The persecution to which he had been subjected in the West Indies was ascribed to the covert influence of jealous enemies. The officer alleged that Cagigal, whom he believed to be incarcerated in a Spanish dungeon, had had no share in his escape from Habana. With indignation Miranda avowed that the accusations against him were false and that he had labored under the disadvantage of be* Campo to Floridablanca, undated, A. G. S., estado, 8141.

ADVENTURES IN EUROPE 61 ing a creole. He besought Charles III formally to dismiss him from the royal service and to remmburse the price of his captaincy.” In view of the designs that Miranda secretly entertained in regard to the liberation of the Indies, it seems likely that one

purpose of his petition was to deceive Spain about his real intentions. Another motive that probably animated him was his urgent need of money. This interpretation is borne out by his correspondence with Francisco Arrieta. In a letter dated May 12 Miranda informed Arrieta that unfortunately he had not received certain funds which had been remitted from Habana to pay the expense of his travel. Hence he besought his compatriot to send him two thousand pesos in order that he might remmburse those friends who had relieved his financial distress.° Bernardo del Campo still sympathized with Miranda, for he invited him to dinner at the legation. Count Floridablanca soon warned Campo, however, that Miranda’s chief aim was to upbraid or defame those persons against whom he held a grudge.* There is no doubt that, at the instance of Floridablanca, Campo would have made a formal demand upon England for the fugitive colonel if her law and custom had held any promise of success.” To aid Campo in his dealings with that officer, in May and July, 1785, Floridablanca transmitted tentative replies which were obviously intended to delude

Miranda, for the Minister stated that he had been unable properly to consider his petition.®

In an epistle addressed to Arrieta on June 20, 1785, Miranda said that nothing new had occurred in his relations with *Inclosures in Campo to Floridablanca, undated, ibid. 8 Mir. MSS., vol. 7. This letter signed “Pancho” and another addressed to Arrieta dated June 29, 1785 (see infra, p. 62) bearing the same alias are among the small number of letters that have come to hand which evince any interest by Miranda in his relatives, in Caracas. Two letters from his brother-in-law,

Mir. MSS., vol. 21. .

Marcos de Orea, dated July 17, 1775, and April 15, 1776, are preserved in

“Campo to Miranda, May 25, 1785, ibid., Floridablanca to Campo, May 26, 1785, A. G. S., estado, 8141. 5 Robertson, Miranda, p. 255, note a. * Antepara, South American Emancipation, pp. 248-49.

62 THE LIFE OF MIRANDA Spain. He suggested that correspondence with himself might be secretly carried on through a party in San Sebastian. At this turn in his affairs Miranda renewed his acquaintance with

John Turnbull, the prosperous English merchant whom he had met in Spain. Further, as a collection of visiting cards covering five folio pages in his contemporary memoranda shows, Miranda now met other interesting people. Among the persons who evidently called on him were the following: Count

Andreani, Messrs. Barré, Bentham, and Fitzherbert, Major Jardine, Sir James Johnstone, and General Rainsford.’ According to the Spanish Minister, the recreant officer met Lords Howe and Sidney, Henry Pelton, M. P., and a former lord of the admiralty.® In a letter to Floridablanca dated Au-

gust 6, 1785, Campo declared that Miranda was becoming intimate with English military officers but that he was in a vacillating mood and that at times he seemed to desire restoration to royal favor. His humor and activities are suggested by the following passage from a letter: “At present philosophy, government, academies of science, sessions of Parliament, and the society of statesmen and of learned men occupy all of my time with much profit and to some extent mitigate

the pain of stern adversity.” ° Still, there is no doubt that to certain Englishmen the distracted Spanish subject aired his views about America. In the summer of 1785 the Political Herald and Review stated

that the flames of revolution had spread from the United States into the Spanish Indies and that an aspiring champion of its freedom had reached England. Among his cherished papers Miranda later filed a copy of this flattering portrait: ‘In London, we are well assured, there is at this moment a Spanish American of great consequence, and possessed of the confidence of his fellow-citizens, who aspires to the glory of

being the deliverer of his country. He is a man of sublime *Mir. MSS., vol. 7. * Campo to Floridablanca, undated. A. G. S., estado, 8141. ° Miranda to Arrieta, June 29, 1785, Mir. MSS., vol. 7.

ADVENTURES IN EUROPE 63 views and penetrating understanding, skilled in the antient and modern languages, conversant in books, and acquainted with the world. He has devoted many years to the study of gen-

eral politics; the origin, the progress, and the termination of the different species of governments; the circumstances that combine and retain multitudes of mankind in political societies ; and the causes by which these societies are dissolved and swallowed up by others. This gentleman, having visited every

province in North America, came to England, which he regards as the mother country of liberty, and the school for political knowledge. As friends to freedom, we forbear to be more

particular concerning this distinguished character. * * * We admire his talents, esteem his virtues, and heartily wish prosperity to the noblest pursuit that can occupy the powers of any mortal, that of bestowing the blessings of freedom on mil-

lions of his fellow-men.” 7°

A comprehensive interpretation of Miranda’s attitude toward the Spanish Indies at this time 1s furnished by a memorandum that he composed seven years later. After mentioning the ambitious project that he had formed for SpanishAmerican liberation while in the United States, he added: “With this object I proceeded to England early in 1785, but the embarrassment and disgust that prevailed there because of the loss of the Thirteen Colonies and the heavy expenses of the Revolutionary War did not promise an opportunity for the presentation of a design of such magnitude. Accordingly I resolved to occupy myself temporarily by an attentive examination of various governments and political systems of Europe.” ™

In the English metropolis the Venezuelan renewed his acquaintance with the American, Colonel W. 8. Smith, who on July 4, 1785, left a card at Miranda’s lodgings declaring that he wished “to pay his respects to Col. de Miranda as a friend to the rights of mankind and the Happiness of Society.” ” ” Political Herald and Review, I, 29-30. “ «Para Gensoni en Paris,” Oct. 10, 1792, Mir. MSS., vol. 45. * Tbid., vol. 7.

64 THE LIFE OF MIRANDA Smith was now acting as secretary to his father-in-law, John Adams, United States minister to London. Miranda soon fixed

his eyes upon that secretary as a congenial companion for a continental journey. His feelings were reciprocated; and on August 4, 1785, Colonel Smith asked Minister Adams for leave to make “‘a small tour on the Continent.” ** The permis-

sion was soon granted; and on August 9, after Miranda had secured through Turnbull a letter of credit on Amsterdam and had placed his cherished papers in the custody of James Penman, an English merchant whom he had met in Charleston, he departed in Smith’s company en route for Harwich. On August 10 the voyagers crossed the English Channel on a packet boat to Hellevoetsluis.* Miranda carried with him a letter of introduction from Bernardo del Campo to Spain’s Minister in Prussia. However, this epistle was offset by a cipher dispatch that Campo sent to the Spanish legation at Berlin. Further, Vergennes was incited to issue orders for the detention of the fugitive, if he should venture to cross the northern frontier of France.” On August 22 the two friends arrived at Rotterdam. There they admired the statue of Erasmus and surveyed the yachts in the harbor. They also inspected the India House. After visiting points of interest at The Hague, Leyden, and Haarlem, they proceeded to Amsterdam. While in that city they viewed the theatre, the arsenal, and the stadthaus. 'l’o a friend Miranda wrote that Holland impressed him as a “singular and most curious country.” *° The tourists then journeyed to Prussia, the ambitious, militaristic country that Miranda had long desired to see. After visiting the site of the battle of Minden, on August 29 they reached Potsdam. On the next day they made a trip to the Palace of Sans Souci; in the King’s apartments they saw “a * Adams MSS., 1784-1785, f. 174. “Turnbull to Miranda, Aug. 9, 1785, Mir. MSS., vol. 8. ** Campo to Floridablanca, Aug. 18, 1785, A. G. S., estado, 8141; Hereida to Campo, Oct. 1, 1785, ibid., 8157. To J. Penman, Aug. 14, 1785, Mir. MSS., vol. 8.

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ADVENTURES IN EUROPE 65 reading desk upon which lay open” a volume on the art of war.’ At Berlin on September 3 they addressed letters to King

Frederick William I to ask permission to attend a review of his soldiers which had attracted some distinguished visitors. This request was politely granted; and on September 5 the two colonels attended a military parade. Two days later they witnessed the “very elegant”’ maneuvers

of Prussian gendarmes and hussars where, in Smith’s words, every officer and soldier seemed “to understand his duty perfectly.”” Next they beheld four thousand men maneuvering “‘m a most masterly manner” under the command of General Mollendorf. While watching the evolutions on September 9 they met the Chevalier Duportail who was wearing the Cross of St. Louis and the Eagle of the Society of the Cincinnati. After attending a review in which the King commanding the infantry against the cavalry displayed “‘very great” military ability, the adventurous travelers visited an old, deformed, Jewish philosopher. In his journal Smith wrote that “Miranda soon took up his text and preached liberty and independence with as much zeal as ever the King of the Jews established his religious system—the Israelite contended and insisted that it was ideal and foolish.” * After visiting the Prussian military academy, on September 19 the Americans returned to Potsdam. On the wide margin of Smith’s journal Miranda indignantly scrawled a note

to the effect that certain English officers had stigmatized them as “rebels.” On September 20 they dined by invitation in the royal palace. “The dinner,” recorded Miranda in another marginal note, “was very ordinary, but the wines were good, and the pages and servants were richly dressed. A Swiss colonel,” he continued, “gave me much information about the

Prussian army.” On the next day the two friends attended some military maneuvers in which the attack was directed by General Mollendorf and the defense was managed by Prince Frederick of Brunswick. While viewing those evolutions Mi“ Smith’s Journal, ibid. ™ Antepara, pp. 42-43. ™ Mir. MSS., vol. 8. 5—I

66 THE LIFE OF MIRANDA randa had a chat with Marquis Lafayette who apparently offered him his services in case he should visit Paris. “He asked me,” said Miranda, “if I did not expect an uprising in South America, and declared that he would much like to promote its liberty. I responded with gravity that I knew nothing about that topic. Thus the conversation ended and we separated.” As he much disliked the Marquis and even suspected him of ulterior motives, the dissembling South American thwarted Lafayette’s attempt to sound his secret designs.”° Soon afterwards the travelers left Prussia for Saxony. On October 2 they went to Maxen to view the battle field where in 1759 an engagement was fought between the Austrians and the Prussians. Two days later they surveyed the field where those rivals fought a battle in 1745. ““Miranda,” wrote Smith in his lively journal, “seems very fond to give every favorable impression relative to America—he is much attached to its happiness and dignity.” ** Near Lobositz on the river Elbe the travelers reconnoitered the field where on October 1, 1756, an important battle was fought between the Austrians and the Prussians. From Luis de Onis, the Spanish chargé at Dresden, on October 3, 1785, Francisco de Miranda, who was described as a “lieutenant colonel in the service of His Catholic Majesty,” secured a pass-

port for a journey to Vienna.”* After mentioning a visit that he and Miranda made to the theatre, in an entry in his journal dated Prague, October 9, Smith revealed another side of his companion’s character when he recorded that they “went to a brothel, but its appearance was so vulgar I retired——-Miranda stayed.” *° In the imperial library of Vienna, Miranda and Smith gazed upon the first letter of the conquistador, Hernando Cortés, to Charles V. They soon visited the palace of Emperor Joseph II, viewed the university that had been constructed by Maria * Mir. MSS., vol. 8. Cf. Junius, 4 Jean Skei Eustace, p. 8, note. * Smith’s Journal, Mir. MSS., vol. 8.

* Passport signed by Luis de Onis, ibid. ™ Ibid.

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a eee ee ie eats ae fi e Il From P OW l h "ens, S tt es. #

RENOUNCES THE SPANISH KING 97 ernor of English colonies in North America. Perhaps the ex-

governor felt that Miranda was an “injured enterprising Genius” who would, as he had predicted in a booklet published

in 1780, conduct a revolution that would lead “‘to the establishment of a great Monarchy” in Spanish America.”

In any case, from January 13 to January 24, 1790,

Pownall had such full and confidential communication with Miranda about the Spanish Indies as convinced him that if the “proper occasion” arose the South American might be able to perform an “important service” for England. With Miranda’s permission the Englishman conveyed a suggestion to William Pitt that he had conversed with a foreigner on a subject of importance to English power, finance, and com-

merce, and that if the Minister desired he would transmit some preliminary communications.** Soon afterwards Pownall re-

ceived a hint that Pitt desired an interview with him. In his unrevised journal Pownall thus described his subsequent proceedings. On February 9 he went to see the Prime Minister and described the general purport of the proposed measure that would undoubtedly lay a firm basis for “the future power

of Great Britain,” would open “an almost mexhaustible source of Commerce,” and might enable her to pay a part of her national debt. This measure was to assist discontented Spanish Americans by an auxiliary naval and military force to start a revolution, while other colonists were forming an independent government. Pownall explained the condition of wealth, population, and politics in the Spanish Indies, “that all this 1s a mine ready charged” to which only a match had to be applied. He also explained that the instruments to be used were some Jesuits who had been exiled from America and

certain expatriated South Americans. “Here I introduce particularly Col. Miranda, the Person proposed to be communicated with as precisely the person in Character, Knowledge, and Activity to plan, conduct, and execute this measure, with * Pownall, 4 Memorial, pp. 26-27. :

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