The Lebanese-Phoenician Nationalist Movement: Literature, Language and Identity 9781350988873, 9781786730121

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‘Bawardi presents an innovative combination of thorough textual research and theoretical arguments. The volume highlights the complex links between ideologies and language that have contributed to forming the PhoenicianLebanese identity.’ Fruma Zachs, Professor and Head of Middle Eastern History, The Department of Middle Eastern History, University of Haifa

Cover: JOSEPH BARRAK / Staff. Christian Lebanese people wave national flags and portraits of General Aoun while they stage a protest on 4th November 1989 in front of Baabda presidential palace in East Beirut.

THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT LITERATURE, LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY

BASILIUS BAWARDI

‘Basilius Bawardi takes an original methodological perspective, based on literary criticism and studies on the history of ideas.’ Arkadiusz Płonka, Assistant Professor, Institute of Oriental Studies,Jagiellonian University

THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

Basilius Bawardi is Senior Lecturer at Bar Ilan University and Oranim College, Israel. He holds a PhD in Arabic Literature and Language from the University of Haifa. He has published in the journals Middle Eastern Literature and AlKarmil and in the books Ottoman Reform and Muslim Regeneration; The Lebanese Anthology of Mūrīs ‘Awwād and Monotheism & Ethics: Historical and Contemporary Intersections Among Judaism, Christianity and Islam.

BASILIUS BAWARDI LITERATURE, LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY

Should Lebanon be part of the Arab world? The question of belonging has formed the basis of the political, religious and cultural tensions in Lebanon, to the point that sectarian conflict on the country’s future contributed significantly to the outbreak of civil war in 1975. This book focuses on the development of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement that struggled against the hegemonic status of Arabic language and culture. The Phoenician-Lebanese were a predominantly Maronite Christian group who attempted to remove themselves from the Muslim and Arab world throughout the twentieth century. Their demands for self-definition as a nation and their desire to establish their own culture were rooted in the concept of their ancient Phoenician past. Basilius Bawardi examines four prominent authors who formed the basis on which all engaged so-called Phoenician literature was built: Shārl Qurm, Sa‘ īd ‘Aql, Mayy Murr and Mūrīs ‘Awwād. The literary corpus of these writers was a critical component of the political activity that strove to distinguish the native Lebanese inhabitants from their Arab-Muslim neighbours. Studying these authors’ works in both a literary and historical way, Bawardi shows how language was used to promote a specific political agenda and identifies the strong connections between language, literature and nation building. As well as revealing the nationalist struggle as it emerges in prose and poetry, the book discusses the history and formation of modern day Lebanon and why language and literature are so crucial for members of a national minority.

Design: Simon Goggin W W W. I B TA U R I S . C O M

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Basilius Bawardi is Senior Lecturer at Bar Ilan University and Oranim College, Israel. He holds a PhD in Arabic Literature and Language from the University of Haifa. He has published in the journals Middle Eastern Literature and Al-Karmil and in the books Ottoman Reform and Muslim Regeneration; The Lebanese Anthology of Mu¯rı¯s ‘Awwa¯d and Monotheism & Ethics: Historical and Contemporary Intersections Among Judaism, Christianity and Islam.

‘Bawardi presents an innovative combination of thorough textual research and theoretical arguments. The volume highlights the complex links between ideologies and language that have contributed to forming the Phoenician-Lebanese identity.’ Fruma Zachs, Professor and Head of Middle Eastern History, Department of Middle Eastern History, University of Haifa ‘In his book, Basilius Bawardi presents three Lebanese poets: Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql (1912– 2014), May(y) Murr (1929– 2008), and Mu¯rı¯s ‘Awwa¯d (born in 1934). Their literary work reflects two contemporary anti-Arab, and anti-Sunni, partly overlapping movements in Lebanon: Phoenicianism, proclaiming the Phoenician origins of the Lebanese people, and linguistic nationalism, which aims to introduce Lebanese Arabic as the official national language in the country, and to replace Arabic script with the new Latin alphabet created by Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql. Although these ideological trends have been studied in recent years by several scholars, Bawardi takes an original methodological perspective, based firstly on literary criticism and studies on the history of ideas. As he has previously translated into Hebrew sections of Mu¯rı¯s ‘Awwa¯d’s work, he is also sensitive to its linguistic form.’ Arkadiusz Płonka, Assistant Professor, Institute of Oriental Studies, Jagiellonian University

THE LEBANESEPHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT Literature, Language and Identity

BASILIUS BAWARDI

Published in 2016 by I.B.Tauris & Co. Ltd London † New York www.ibtauris.com Copyright q 2016 Basilius Bawardi The right of Basilius Bawardi to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by the author in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. References to websites were correct at the time of writing. Library of Modern Middle East Studies 185 ISBN: 978 1 78453 237 6 eISBN: 978 1 78672 012 2 ePDF: 978 1 78673 012 1 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library A full CIP record is available from the Library of Congress Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: available Typeset in Garamond Three by OKS Prepress Services, Chennai, India Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY

To my mother Tarez and father Hanna, who left this world long before their time. May this book be a loving memory of their short stay in this world.

CONTENTS

Note on Transliteration Acknowledgements

ix xi

Introduction

1

1. Historical Background: The Birth of the Phoenician-Lebanese National Thought 2. Phoenician-Lebanese Literature: Founding Generation 3. The Second Generation: Mayy Murr and Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d 4. Summary – or is it the End of the Phoenician Movement?

19 53 89 127

Appendix I Appendix II Appendix III Appendix IV

137 143 145 149

Notes Bibliography Index

155 179 191

NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION

Arabic terms have been used throughout this book. For the most part, transliteration is in accordance with the International Journal of Middle East Studies. In the case of some names of individuals or families, I have chosen the name most commonly used by these individuals or families themselves. In some cases I also chose to write the titles of books, articles and poems in Lebanese dialect.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The research underlying this book started with conversations with the late Professor David Tzemah of the department of Arabic Language and Literature at Haifa University. I was studying for my MA at the time. Professor Tzemah brought to my attention several ideological texts written by members of a separatist Lebanese nationalistic group. The result of these conversations was my MA thesis, submitted in 1998. Under the supervision of Reuven Snir, I analysed the nationalistic discourse of two groups: the Phoenician-Lebanese and the Syriac. I owe a great debt to Professor Snir, for his meticulous, thorough supervision, and his ongoing encouragement. This book is based in many ways on this research, the subject of which is of personal interest to me as a descendant of a family of Lebanese origin. I am much intrigued by the complex interaction between nationalistic ideology and literary creation. The book reveals this complexity, as well as that of Arab nationalism. The unique voice of the Lebanese nationalistic movement demonstrates the colorful fabric of Arab nationalism and identities. These questions interest me not only in terms of academic research, but also in my everyday life. In writing this research I benefitted from the help of many good friends and colleagues, who generously contributed their knowledge and energies. Special thanks are due to: Professor Angelika Neuwirth from Freie Universita¨t in Berlin, Fruma Zachs from the Middle East Department at Haifa University, Professor Joel Walters, Dr Livnat Holtzman, Professor Eliezer Schlossberg, Professor Tzvi Langermann, Professor Binyamin Abrahamov of Bar Ilan University, thank you for

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being good friends and colleagues. To Professor Arkadiusz Płonka from jagiellonian University in Krakow for generously spending time listening and thinking with me, for reading a previous version of this book and making many helpful comments which contributed greatly to the final outcome. I would also like thank Professor Kais Firro, of Haifa University and Dr Nurit Melnik and Professor Neima Barzel of Oranim College. I also wish to thank the Research and Evaluation Authority in Oranim College for their financial support. My deep thanks to Ms Maha Najjar for her generous assistance in preparing this book, and to Ms Marion Lupo, Ms Suha Sibani and Dr Keren Abbou Hershkovits for editing it with such care and skill. Last, but definitely not least, my family; without the support I received from you all, this book would not have materialized. My wife, Joanna, did all in her power (and then some) to give me the time and space needed to write this book. I thank her for years of friendship and support. To my son Hanna and my daughter Raya who made me see the world from a different perspective. While working on the final draft, Ivon Nakhleh Faranesh, my second mother, passed away after a brave fight against a vicious disease. I wish to honour her memory for being there for me all these years, I am sorry she cannot see the printed version. There are many others who helped me along the way, more than I can mention here. All faults remain my own.

INTRODUCTION

On 1 September 1920, General Gouraud of France announced the establishment of Greater Lebanon (the country known as Lebanon today). This announcement changed the demographic fabric of the mutasarrifiyya (province) of Mount Lebanon due to violent reactions ˙ among the inhabitants of the area, particularly between the Christian and Druze populations. This bloodshed brought about yet another development: the French, determined to protect their prote´ge´s – the Christian inhabitants of the area – announced the establishment of the council of the mutasarrifiyya, headed by Maronite Christians. This ˙ council was granted autonomy in running Mount Lebanon. In 1943, Lebanon declared its independence after years of French mandate. The composition of the government represented the various ethnic and religious/confessional groups inhabiting this region; a Maronite Christian president and a Sunni Muslim prime minister. However, the declaration of independence and the establishment of a political body could not erase ethnic and religious differences or long years of animosity. A highlight of these differences is clearly visible in yet another bloody event, the civil war of 1975 along with the diversity in attitude toward the Palestinian problem. The main reason for this – as well as other confrontations between the different sects and groups inhabiting the Lebanese region – was nationalistic identity: Would it be in the best interests of the Lebanese to be part of the Arab world, or should they seek the protection of and a close relationship with France, and thus with Europe?

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The question of belonging was the basis for most political, religious and cultural struggles between the various sects in Lebanon. There are three main nationalistic concepts in Lebanon: Arabic, Syrian, and Phoenician-Lebanese. Each ethnic group or sect had its own view of Lebanon’s place among the world’s nations; it was perceived either as part of the Arab (and, hence, Muslim) world, or as a part of the emerging Syrian state (still adhering to the Muslim and Arab world, but restricted to the Syrian region only, with Lebanon having a special status within Syria). The last group, consisting of a few Muslim voices, but predominantly Maronite Christian, wished to disconnect itself completely from the Muslim and Arab world, and to see itself as a unique region with a different, unique culture. Based on the common assumption that there is a correlation between language and the construction of national movements, I claim that the national, religious and ideological struggle in Lebanon also gave rise to a linguistic and literary struggle. The various sects chose to empower the language that they had created, spoke, and used for communication in order to emphasize the cultural difference between themselves and the other groups. The choice of one’s own language clearly represents the various levels of the national struggle. Furthermore, the choice of language illustrates the interdependence between the linguistic expression and the construction of a particular nationality. The book traces the development of Phoenician-Lebanese nationality through the prism of literature until the early 1990s, the end of the Lebanese civil war. Through analysis of the poems and novels of several prominent authors belonging to this group, the book shows how language was used and at times manipulated in order to promote political agendas and social concepts. I argue that the nationalistic struggle was evident in the linguistic debate among the Christian, and in particular Maronite, inhabitants of Lebanon, leading to the use of “Lebanese” in hitherto unexplored literary territories. Not only that, the very language underwent changes and saw several shifts in various aspects, both of form and of content. To understand the importance of language for the construction of nations and nationalistic concepts, we must first look at the role of language within the nation-building process.

INTRODUCTION

3

Language in the Social, National and Ideological Spheres Language is more than a means of communication; it is also a complex system of symbols, signs, signifiers and meanings. It is therefore considered the most important social and educational tool and an important element in the individual and collective national identity. Language delineates the cognitive, cultural and national boundaries of a group. These boundaries differentiate between those who speak a specific mother tongue and those who do not. Language also plays an important role in the general sphere of a given society and, the higher its status, the more important its symbolic value and vitality. According to Leibkind, language acts as a strong symbol for dissatisfied groups. The association between language and identity is embedded in the social and national context of specific language groups.1 In other words, the importance of a language varies according to social and national situations. Its importance grows or declines in close relation to the social, political and national needs of the group; language is also considered a unifying element for a specific culture and a strong symbol of its collective identity. It includes emotional, historical and cognitive baggage that can create national and social collectives.2 The centrality of a language within the social and national spheres reflects also on the consolidation of individual as well as collective and ethnic identities. It is usually the most eminent symbol among ethnic symbols as it carries within it the past and points to present and future aspirations.3 Language is a means of selfdefinition and reflects on relations between different ethnic and cultural groups.4 Nonetheless, its importance and value change according to context and situation. The importance of a language derives from its being a symbol of national identity, and reflects the uniqueness of a specific national group. Unlike ethno-cultural characteristics and elements of the past, which both act as important national components,5 language is in daily use and touches the actual life of each individual within the group. In addition to this traditional role as a means of communication, language is considered more effective in unifying the group and is a reason for national pride as well as as the means to express the uniqueness of a specific heritage.6 In many cases, language is involved in nationalistic struggles between dominant national groups and ethnic, religious and national minorities. These are not only national but also linguistic

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minorities trying to defend their language vis-a`-vis that of the majority. This is, in fact, a defence of one of the most important components of nationality. The Canadian philosopher, Will Kymlicka, has a unique approach to the value of language as part of a national struggle. According to Kymlicka, a person’s ability to change conceptions and values is limited, as the source of these values is the culture into which he or she was born. Hence any choice between values and goals is in fact a process of examining the various possibilities that a specific culture can offer. Moreover, a person is entitled to a defence over his/her right to make meaningful life choices. Thus, the culture, which is a necessary framework for these choices, must also be protected. The culture of minorities is under constant threat from the majority culture and is therefore in need of special protection. The defence of the language and literature of a minority is the embodiment of the sense of belonging of any minority group. The empowerment of a minority’s culture through language and literature enhances the ability of the members of that minority to make meaningful choices in their lives. Such a choice cannot be made from within the cultural way of life of the majority.7 Protecting a choice relates to the term “language rights”. According to Pintu, in most cases in a heterogeneous society the language of the majority receives a prominent position while those of the minorities are pushed aside. Members of ethnic minority groups are usually under pressure to abandon their mother tongue and adopt the language of the majority. Since they see any attempt to change their language as a threat to their identity, their reaction, in most cases, is resistance and an increase in their use of their own language. This reaction is closely related to the question of a national minority’s language rights, which are defined as the minority’s right for the use and preservation of their mother tongue.8 A minority’s language is also a cultural marker. A person’s culture and language have more than an instrumental value; it is also an existential value. According to Reaume: Most people value their language not only instrumentally, as a tool, but also intrinsically, as a cultural inheritance and as a marker of identity as a participant in the way of life it represents. Their language is a repository of the traditions and cultural

INTRODUCTION

5

accomplishment of their community as well as being a kind of cultural accomplishment itself. It is the vehicle through which a community creates a way of life for itself and is intrinsically bound up with that way of life.9 There are three ways in which language acts as a cultural identity marker. Firstly, language is an embodiment of cultural perceptions – the language of a particular culture expresses in a unique way its values and its world view. The meaning of a word in a particular language is closely related to the social and cultural context in which it is rooted. Some cultural perceptions are impossible to translate and still keep their original meaning.10 Language is a medium that reflects linguistic and other components of a culture – the association between language and cultural perceptions, as explained above, leads to the second meaning, i.e. language as a cultural marker of identity. The linguistic components of a culture such as poems, proverbs and idioms, are written and expressed in a language that is deeply embedded in that same culture. The second way in which language acts as a marker of identity relates to texts that people have written throughout the years, using all the building blocks that language can offer. “Text” denotes written texts as well as spoken ones which include all forms of cultural discourse, such as jurisprudence, religion, ideology, jokes, road signs – all of which are connected and expressed in a language spoken by a group of people. These texts are used on a daily basis; without it life would be impossible in that culture. Thirdly, language is a cause for cultural identification – the third way through which language acts as a marker of cultural identification connects the first and second meanings. A language encapsulates particular cultural conceptions and acts as a means for the collection of the entire cultural creation. People who speak the same language relate to it as an axis for cultural identification. In other words, language carries a symbolic meaning for its native speakers by voicing a particular system of values, past memories and achievements.11 The three above-mentioned roles of language as a cultural marker are intertwined. Language allows one to express private feelings and connect them to existing cultural perceptions. In this manner, one’s personal feelings can be understood by other members of one’s cultural

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community. Cultural texts in a specific language embody common cultural perceptions and express complex cultural ideas. The fact that language allows the expression of the unique cultural views of its speakers, and that they use it in order to create virtual texts, turns the language into a real symbol and an object of identification. In addition, when discussing the identities of minorities, it is important to differentiate between traditional and acquired identity. Traditional identity is based on the historical narrative of the minority community. Its importance relies on the preservation of the basic components of the minority’s national identity against the control of the majority. Therefore it is also part of the minority’s wish to maintain a distinction and a distance from the culture, language and dominant history of the majority. Acquired identity is, in fact, a tool used by minorities to negotiate with the majority. By adopting parts of the majority’s identity, members of minority groups can be part of the cultural fabric of the country. Nonetheless, they can retain their own identity while adding to it specific components needed for everyday life, such as language, costumes, behaviour, and symbols. Traditional approaches to ethnic identity place emphasis on stability and the importance of historical tradition, but also take into account processes of adjustment as well as linguistic and cultural change occurring among members of a national minority. However, the concept of a “stable identity” is currently challenged. It has recently been pointed out that there is a need to allow flexibility in the definitions of identity and language. While ethnic parameters allegedly act as clearcut boundaries, these boundaries may constantly move, change and reconfigure. Members of a national minority might adopt or even invent linguistic behaviour in order to negotiate identity.12 Eric Hobsbawm’s ideas are very important in this context. According to Hobsbawm,13 all structures related to the modern concept of “nation” starting from the nation state, through national flags and national holidays, ending in national history and even the nation’s name and national education given in the national language, are all new constructions. Therefore, all these nation-state phenomena attempt to impose a national continuation to the history of regions where several contemporary nation-states have established their border stations. Nations have pointed out the different ways through which certain

INTRODUCTION

7

characteristics were invented but attributed with antiquity, characteristics that were supposedly “traditional” and “natural” to the nationality of European states. According to Hobsbawm, national traditions are the consequent of inventions whose purpose is to create social and communal cohesion among the citizens of the nation-state. The process of inventing traditions intensifies in times of major social, economic or cultural change, times when there is a significant need to preserve the community’s cohesion and stability. Hobsbawm claims that the establishment of traditions is designed to block the democratic impulse of the people. He attributes the invention of the tradition and the establishment of national identity to the needs of a ruling elite and its political targets. Whereas these traditions were intended to endow social and political institutions with credibility, they were nonetheless very much invented and newly constructed. This is, in fact social, engineering intended to serve the political needs of the ruling elite. Ethnolinguistic vitality is crucial for the preservation of language as a national identity marker of both the traditional and acquired identity. Language is vital for conducting the national and spiritual discourse of a minority group. As Giles puts it: Language vitality depends on three main variables: status, demography and institutional support. According to this approach, there is a direct link between the lingual vitality of large ethnic groups and their ability to preserve their native tongue and social identity.14 The vitality of a language can and should be measured through several parameters, including various spheres of life. Following the theory of Urie Bronfenbrenner, the individual is a part of an ecological environment. People are influenced by and interact with the various systems comprising this environment: (a) the microsystem – the directly related system – for instance, the set of rules and values instilled by the immediate family and surroundings; (b) the mesosystem – the intermediate system – relations between the various microsystems, such as the interaction between parents and teachers. At this point this system has an indirect influence on the individuals. And there is (c) the exosystem – the exterior system – although the individual has no direct relation with this system, it has a significant influence over the people.

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THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

And lastly (d) the macrosystem – the set of relations between the various systems – political, economic, and cultural institutions, which influence the above-mentioned systems in various ways.15 Measured through circles of influence, linguistic vitality can shed light on the vitality and influence of language and of literary texts on members of a national minority. This measurement also allows us to examine the linguistic process that a linguistic minority is undergoing: its components, its tools of expression and so on. One of the expressions of the consolidation of the Christian community in Lebanon as a nation and, in particular, the majority of the Maronite community, is the creation of a unique literary corpus and definition of a unique language. Like the models of the national linguistic groups presented by Fishman, Re´aume and Gon (in Singapore, the Middle East, Turkey, France, Scotland, Canada and the US), the Phoenician-Lebanese model developed along similar lines.16 The turn of the twentieth century in the Middle East brought to the fore various nationalistic discussions, some of which engaged with use of language. A case in point appears in the writings of the Islamist reformer Rashı¯d Rida¯ (1865– 1935). In 1898, Rida¯ published two significant ˙ ˙ articles voicing his objections to attempts to replace Classical Arabic writing and teaching with Egyptian dialect writing and the replacing of Arabic letters with a Latin script. The name of the two articles “A New Trauma Regarding Arabic”17 indicates the scope of Rashı¯d Rida¯’s ˙ objection to this call. The replacement of Classical Arabic meant the destruction of the Arab nation and playing into the hands of the colonial interests of the West. In the second article, also titled “A New Trauma Regarding Arabic”18 he attacked the Western Orientalists, blaming them for not having any sensitivity to the Arabic language or Arab and Islamic culture. In response to the involvement of Orientalists and employees such as the engineer William Willcocks (1852–1932) in Egypt, calling for the imposition of vernacular Egyptian and the replacement of the Arabic alphabet, Rida¯ stressed that those Western Orientalists would never serve ˙ the Arab and Islamic world and that they had no intention of improving Arabic but rather wished to destroy the long-lasting cultural hold of Classical Arabic, and thus to empty Arab/Islamic religion and culture from its rich legacy and values. Such calls, according to Rida, weaken the ˙ standing of the eastern Muslim individual vis-a`-vis the colonial West.19

INTRODUCTION

9

The al-Diya¯’ journal also played an active role at the start of the twentieth century in the debate of this thorny issue. ‘Ibra¯hı¯m al-Ya¯zijı¯, the owner and chief editor of al-Diya¯’, specialized in the Arabic language and its history and turned the journal into one of the most important sources of lexicographical renewal in Arabic. From the series of articles he dedicated to this issue, it is clear that he saw no need to change Arabic lettering and believed that fusha¯, while needing profound change, could ˙˙ be the representative language of the Arabs and their culture and would not hinder them from progress.20 One might say that the opinions of ʾIbra¯hı¯m al-Ya¯zijı¯ and Muhammad ˙ ‛Abdu¯ are a reaction to the efforts of the Orientalists who spoke out against fusha¯ as a mother tongue for the Arabs. The support of Wilhelm ˙˙ Spitta and K. Vollers for ʿa¯mmiyya and their claim that fusha¯ does not ˙˙ contribute to the advancement of Arabic21 was a strong foundation for the position of the Britsh regime in Egypt and the other Mandate areas, a position that was understandable, given the systemic perspective of the British mandate in Egypt. The British understood the power of Arabic in structuring national identity in Egypt and throughout the mandate, and so they strove to weaken fusha¯ by interfering with the language of study at ˙˙ private schools and by trying to strengthen the use of ʿa¯mmiyya as an established written language. Many orientalists were pushing in this direction. The Swede, Carlo Landberg, was interested in the Syrian dialect; the Frenchman, Louis Jacques Bresnier (1814–1869), was interested in the Algerian dialect; and the British, John Selden Willmore, was interested in the Egyptian dialect.22 However, and despite many objectors, specifically in Egypt a number of voices emerged in support of these ideas, calling for a dramatic change in lingual approach to Arabic. Among these was ‛Abd al-‛Azı¯z Fahmı¯, a member of the Language Academy in Cairo, who in 1944 submitted a proposal to replace the use of Arabic letters with Latin letters. This was a very weighty proposal, since it came from a key figure in the Language Academy.23 ʿUthma¯n Sabrı¯, al-Junaydı¯ Khalı¯fı¯, Niqu¯la¯ ˙ Yu¯suf, ’Anı¯s Frayha, and Hammu¯dı¯ ’Ibra¯hı¯m al-Mulla¯ also voiced their ˙ ˙ opinions in Fahmı¯’s footsteps supporting the writing of Arabic in Latin letters, or at least they were in favour of the use of ʿa¯mmiyya instead of fusha¯, thereby laying the groundwork for langauge movements within ˙˙ the Arab world offering a different lingual space24 while at the same time defying and provoking the mainstream view.25

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Language in the Lebanese Sphere The Christian groups in Lebanon striving for self-definition, in particular the Maronites, wished to construct their uniqueness in terms of culture and literature vis-a`-vis Arab culture and Islamic religion. They constructed their past as rooted in the Phoenician community which once resided in the region. Thus they associated the current Maronite community with a northern Semitic identity based on their language of liturgy – Syriac (one of the Aramaic dialects), which also echoed the language of the ancient Phoenician people. Once defined as descendants of the Phoenicians, and recreating the boundaries of their culture through Aramaic, they could also distance themselves from the southern Semitic identity, the Arabs, and their language, Classical Arabic.26 Thus the centrality of language as a representation of the Phoenician past supports my basic argument, that the choice of language was a tool and integral part of nation building. Contrary to Mahmu¯d al-Batal,27 ˙ ˙ who sees the use of Lebanese dialect as a linguistic issue, i.e. part of the diglossic nature of the Arabic language, I argue this is a political issue. In other words, I see the contest between the fusha¯ (Classical Arabic) and ˙˙ the written form of the Lebanese idiom as a crucial part of the Maronite struggle for national and cultural independence. Thus, reading the writings of members of the Phoenician-Lebanese nationalist group required contextualization not only in terms of literature and literary conventions, but also in terms of the nationalistic struggle they expressed. My reading combined several analytical methods, including literary criticism, new criticism theories and neo-historicism. Reading literary texts within a historical context allows us a better understanding of the text while using its content as historical data. Such reading connects literary reality with historical facts and introduces literature into a branch of the historical discipline. This kind of reading analyses the literary text according to the elements closely related to the author’s intention and set of national and ideological ideas. The literary text is discovered in many cases as a locus where historical, social and national truths are centred. Moreover, the literary text acts as an interpreter of a general historical process. It does not replace the purely historical text, but rather complements it,

INTRODUCTION

11

bringing a diversity of historical views. In such cases, the literary text becomes central for the development of ideological, national and historical ideas. By expressing these ideas, literature also enhances and disseminates them among various audiences in a manner accessible to various strata, and in some sense literature and history fertilize and enrich each another: ideology uses literature to disseminate its ideas, while literature borrows subjects from ideology. This close interaction requires a historical reading of the Phoenician-Lebanese literary text as this book presents.28 This book looks into the form and contents of the texts and demonstrates their close association with the ideological ideals of their authors and also how these very texts were not only a means of expressing the authors’ sentiments, but also their wish to disseminate their ideas and educate their audience, and to persuade them of the truth of their ideas. Understanding the artistic elements of the nationalistic text allows us to unearth its underlying ideological aspects and eventually reach a better understanding of it as a historical object, a nationalistic call, and as art.29 Texts written by members of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement reflected a process that recognized the potential power of engaging literature in an ideological-historical struggle. Such writings were a counter-reaction to the official canonic Arabic text. They were part of the creation of a cultural alternative which would, in turn, assist the development of the Phoenician-Lebanese nation. These texts attempted to provide solutions to the struggle between the Christian minority identifying with the ancient Phoenician nation and the Arabo-Muslim majority, whose nationality is Arab. In its national struggle, the Phoenician-Lebanese nationalistic movement strove to differentiate between the Maronite minority and the Arabo-Islamic majority and thus demanded self-definition as a nation entitled to its own territory. The following chapters show that in addition to much political activity and diplomatic contacts at the local and international level, members of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement also conducted a textual and linguistic struggle. This is revealed in the role of language and, in particular, the roles attributed to language by the various authors. This analysis shows that the construction of a new language was part of the construction of a separatist nation for the Maronite community, distancing the Maronites

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THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

from their Arabo-Muslim surroundings, and illustrating the profound connection between the Maronites and a specific territory – Lebanon. By including motives and elements from their Lebanese, Phoenician and Syrian heritage, the Phoenician-Lebanese authors wished to construct a separatist Lebanese collective. The analysis is based on the works of Sha¯rl Qurm, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql, Mayy Murr and Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d, four prominent Phoenician-Lebanese authors and political activists. Through their political and creative work, the linkage between language, literature and nation building becomes clear. These four authors formed the basis upon which all engaged Phoenician literature was built. This literary corpus is a critical component of the political activity and a manifestation of the political agenda that strove to distinguish the native Lebanese inhabitants from their Arab-Muslim neighbours. Nonetheless, before delving into the literary enterprise, I believe that a general historical survey is needed, in order to understand the events prior to those directly related to the birth of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement. Thus, the first chapter offers a brief introduction to the history and formation of modern-day Lebanon: the political and historical events in the Middle East and Europe and a broad picture of the various military powers, nationalistic entities and political groups involved. The subsquent three chapters are each devoted to a specific author, but also to a particular phase of the Lebanese nation and the Phoenician-Lebanese political movement. Thus, Chapter 2 focuses on the intellectual and literary activity of Sha¯rl Qurm and Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql. Sha¯rl Qurm’s activity in both spheres is considered as the cornerstone of Phoenician literature and intellectual activity as Qurm was among the founders of the “Young Phoenician” political and separatist movement. He published in French thus addressing a specific national and international audience. ‛Aql, the poet, translated his work into Arabic and was greatly influenced by his writing. The importance and the manipulation of language will be discussed frequently throughout the book. My analysis of Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’s literary output includes several theoretical approaches: historical and literary/critical as well as sociolinguistics. The thorough survey of his political and literary activities shows how such activities were influenced by and reflected historical events and

INTRODUCTION

13

processes. The literary analysis of the main motives in his literary work and in the language he used shed light also on his political agenda and aspirations. Chapter 3 is devoted to the literary activity of two younger authors: Mayy Murr and Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d. Both dedicated their literary creations to the Phoenician past as they saw it, as well as the association between this past and the political status of the present-day inhabitants of Lebanon. In addition, both authors, particularly ‛Awwa¯d, voice their criticism of various aspects of Lebanese society. The struggle of the Phoenician-Lebanese intellectuals against the hegemonic status of Arabic language and culture involved literary and political activity which challenged the foundations of Classical Arabic as the only representative of all ethnic and national groups in the Arab world. The following chapters will demonstrate the route by which major authors of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement attempted to achieve the separation from the Classical Arabic, and replace it with a local language – the Lebanese. Studies discussing the linguistic call of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement focused on Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql work, rather than the larger frame and contexts of this work. For instance, Simon Jargy was the first Western scholar to discuss the double featured revolution of Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’s book Ya¯ra, in his article “Vers une re´volution dans les lettres arabes? A propos de Yara de Saı¨d Akl”.30 This revolution is based on two basic principles; firstly, the transformation of the language, from the Classical Arabic to the “Lebanese Language”, and secondly, replacing the Arabic lettering to a modified Latin script. The paper argues that it is very difficult to point out the exact reasons for the many supporting or rejecting responses the book encountered. According to Jargy, it mainly represents the interest the book generated. Jargy argues that ‛Aql’s main purpose in Ya¯ra was to raise the status of the local Arabic dialect – the Lebanese language–presenting it as the only single language for any written purpose. Several other people had called for the use of Lebanese prior to the publication of Ya¯ra. However, ‛Aql was the first to implement this call and actually publish a book in Lebanese. Ya¯ra presents a real challenge to the status of Classical Arabic. Jargy doubts that ‛Aql had political motivations of any kind, and that the importance in ‛Aql’s revolutionary act is the replacement of the alphabet. These two points are further discussed and challenged

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THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

throughout this book. Another problematic point in Jargy’s analysis is the chances of success. Jargy argues that ‛Aql’s revolution had significant chances to generate support and make a real change in Lebanon. Not all scholars shared Jargy’s optimism regarding the likelihood this revolution would succeed. The famous orientalist, Charles Pellat, responded to Jargy’s paper and criticized these two points in his article “A` propos d’une re´volution dans les lettres arabes”.31 According to Pellat, the political aspects in any discussion related to local dialects in the Arab world are rather obvious. Pellat also disagrees with Jargy’s reading of the potential in ‛Aql’s revolution, arguing that this revolution had no chance of succeeding in the historical, social and political context of the 1960s. Pellat bases his estimation on the fact that ‛Aql’s work was conducted without any scientific background or assistance. Furthermore, Pellat argues that dialects evolve and change in a particular political contexts. Thus, any attempt at anticipating the chances of success must take into account the particular political situation. As a case in point, Pellat discusses the Maltese language. Originally Maltese was considered a dialect of Arabic; however as early as 1090 it was exposed to different influences when the Normans conquered the island. By 1250, the population has fully Christianized and the language of the inhabitants of the island became more and more distant from Classical Arabic. As a result, Maltese developed new words, borrowed from Sicilian and Italian. In other words, Maltese developed from a dialect of Arabic into an official independent language. Currently, this is the spoken and written language of the island of Malta. It is written in Latin script and maintains several unique linguistic phenomena that distinguish it from other languages (mainly Italian and English, which were major sources of influence in its formative periods).32 However, Pellat argues that this particular case is not similar to the Lebanese case or any other local dialect in the Arab-speaking world. Malta is a Christian island, not a Muslim one. Moreover, it took Maltese several hundreds of years to consolidate and become an official language. It only received acknowledgement in 1934. In 1973 Heinz Grotzfeld published yet another paper analysing ‛Aql’s linguistic call and writing, based on the above-mentioned Ya¯ra and Newwa¯r by Ju¯sı¯f Ghusayn. In his article “L’expe´rience de Sa’id

INTRODUCTION

15

’Aql. L’arabe libanais employe´ comme langue litte´raire”,33 Grotzfeld emphasized that the actual writing in a local dialect was not that revolutionary; rather, the revolutionary aspects of these two books are in their use of the dialect for unique genres such as translations of world classics or the New Testament. Grotzfeld also mentions Said ‛Aql’s publishing house Ya¯ra, and explains that the translations published there were made independently by the translators; however, they yielded to ‛Aql’s linguistic call and their translations and use of his suggested script represent their support and enthusiasm for the possibilities embodied in this revolution. Nonetheless, Grotzfeld joins Pellat in doubting the revolution’s chance of success. The importance of the Arabic language and the Arabic script is deeply rooted in the lives of people throughout the Arabic-speaking world and is used in both religious and literary spheres. Turning one’s back on Arabic means severing ties with the Arab world, an action Grotzfeld doubts the Lebanese were really interested in. Arkadiusz Płonka, is one of the most important scholars currently dealing with the revolution suggested by Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql. In his book: L’ide´e de langue libanaise d’apre`s Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql,34 Płonka documents and analyses the various aspects of this phenomenon both in terms of sociolinguistics as well as dialectology. For his studies Płonka uses a large amount of primary sources, including interviews with ‛Aql from the time he lived in Lebanon, as well as from the magazine Lubna¯n/Lebnaan. In his article “Le nationalisme linguistique au Liban autour de Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql et l’ide´e de langue libanaise dans la revue ‘Lebnaan’ en nouvel alphabet”,35 Płonka presents the “Dual Linguistic Revolution” of Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql, linked to the idea of a Lebanese language, expressed in his political magazine Lubna¯n/Lebnaan in the new script. The “Dual Revolution” of ‛Aql plans to lessen the diglossic situation by recognition of the vernacular as a national and official language of Lebanon, as well as replacing Arabic script with a new script is significantly distinguished from transliteration systems. Płonka presents a critical analysis of the rating of the journal Lubna¯n/Lebnaan in new script in the context of Arabic dialectology. The slang processes are designed to discredit political opponents. Their purification of Lebanon is part of the “phe´nicism” and “libanism” trying to separate Lebanon from the Arab world.

16

THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

Płonka explains that ‛Aql’s calls for adaption of a Latin/Phoenician alphabet and the use of the vernacular as the official and national language of Lebanon, might dismantle the linguistic and political unity of the Arab world and empower the rejection of the use of Classical Arabic, especially in the liturgy of the Maronite Church. Płonka states that the journal is one of the most violent examples of hostility against Palestinians, but in addition the magazine has other xenophobic and racist elements that are embedded in the vocabulary of disease and contamination. Another important scholar who dedicated much of his time to the Phoenician movement and Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’s work is the Lebanese scholar Frank Salameh. His doctoral dissertation, entitled “Inventing Lebanon: Lebanonism in the Poetry and Thoughts of Saı¨d Akl”36 and his book, based on his dissertation, “Language, Memory, and Identity in the Middle East: The Case for Lebanon”,37 draw the reader’s attention to the various linguistic approaches prevailing within the Arab world. These approaches do not align with the general consensus of the linguistic and cultural uses represented by Classical Arabic. Salameh considers ‛Aql’s literary and intellectual experience as an example of a radically different cultural and linguistic thinking. His studies pave the way for in-depth inquiry of the national and linguistic orientation represented by ‛Aql. Besides the strongly ideological dimension of Salameh’s work, which is sometimes far away from scientific objectivity, my critical remarks concern the absence in his book of some basic, fundamental sources for the subject. I think, among others, about Płonka’s doctoral thesis from Sorbonne (2003), published in 2004 by Geuthner,38 his paper in Arabica,39 and my paper in Arabic “Bayn al-Sahra¯’ wa-l-Bahr. Bahth fı¯ Ta’thı¯r al-Qawmiyyatayn al˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Lubna¯niyya al-Fı¯nı¯qiyya wa-l-Su¯riyya ‘Ala¯ al-’Adab al-‘Arabı¯ alMu‘a¯sir”.40 Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql also plays a central role in Asher Kaufman’s ˙ book, Reviving Phoenicia: The Search for Identity in Lebanon,41 which elaborates the historical process of the development of the PhoenicianLebanese idea both within and outside Lebanon. The author dedicates a whole chapter to the writings of ‛Aql, whom he sees as an important layer in the development of Phoenician thinking and its part in Lebanon’s literary and cultural sphere. Two of his other studies: “From ‘la colline inspire´e’ to ‘la montagne inspire´e’: Maurice Barre`s and Lebanese nationalism”42 and “Tell Us Our

INTRODUCTION

17

History: Charles Corm, Mount Lebanon and Lebanese Nationalism”,43 shed light on Sha¯rl Qurm and his pioneering ideas for the establishment of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement. In her article “Linguistic Green Lines in Lebanon”,44 Fida Bizri published an important paper discussing the linguistic changes in Lebanon as a tool to differentiate boundaries between the country’s different factions. This paper refers to Lebanon as a laboratory of a microcosm of the linguistic diversity of the region. The linguistic question is central to the construction of identity in Lebanon, as is it an important identity signifier in this crossroads of religion, ethnic origin, gender and politics. The first section of the paper relates to the question of national language as articulated by several poets, who volunteered to serve the people as planners of language. She does so through the work of two poets Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql and Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d. The two authors are very different in their literary style; nonetheless they both aim at the same target: achieving recognition of Lebanese as an official language. Both of them considered Arabic and Islam as significant impediments, diverting the Lebanese society from its natural path. This struggle thus required cutting all ties with Arabic culture and language, as well as with Islam. Looking back, one sees that ‛Aql and ‛Awwa¯d did, indeed, have a significant influence on the development of local pride and sensitivity towards the Lebanese local dialect. Each poet had his own style, but they shared a very similar starting point. Both of them considered Arabic and Islam as significant impediments, diverting Lebanese society from its natural path. Thus, they both struggled to achieve acknowledgement in the Lebanese language as an official language. Indeed, among the achievements of ‛Aql and ‛Awwa¯d one can count their part in forming and constructing local pride and great sensitivity for the colloquial Lebanese. In her book, The Origins of the Lebanese National Idea: 1840 – 1920,45 Carol Hakim claims that it is nationalist ideas and dreams that have aroused the greatest passion within the Arab world, dividing countries, ruling elites within the same country and even families. The consequent multiplicity of ideas generated a very inconsistent and ambivalent history of nationalist progress. Her book focuses on the history of the nationalist aspirations with the region of modern-day Lebanon. Her analysis shows that despite the autonomy granted to the mutasarrifiyya in 1861, Mount Lebanon lacked prosperity and stability,

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THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

so that after the end of World War I there was plenty of room for Lebanism to grow and, indeed, myths and ideas did develop and were formulated by members of the Lebanese clerical and secular elite within the Maronite community. This approach concurs with the evidence presented in this book regarding the role of language, literature and identity in the Lebanese national movement.

CHAPTER 1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: THE BIRTH OF THE PHOENICIAN-LEBANESE NATIONAL THOUGHT

This chapter will discuss the historical and political developments which led to the formation of the Phoenician movement from the nineteenth century onward. The discussion will cover two domains, on the one hand, historical and political events and, on the other, literary and philosophical creation. I maintain that these two domains cannot be discussed or understood separately, and that they reciprocally construct each other. This is a central claim in this book that will become more and more evident throughout the chapters. This chapter focuses on how the political entity of independent Lebanon emerged. One of the major issues is the definition of the Lebanese territory, a definition which entails different concepts of the ideal nationality of the inhabitants of Lebanon, as well as the ideal relationship between them. The development of the Phoenician movement emerged from a secular Syrian movement, striving to separate from the Ottoman Empire. Thus a suitable starting point would be the ideas that led to the rise of nationalistic thought among Syrian intellectuals and politicians, to be followed by the events and changes that led to the separation of the Lebanese movement from the Syrian movement.

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THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

Parallel to illustrating the historical events I discuss and analyse the intellectual writing of various members of the different movements. This analysis discusses the Phoenician movement in various localities around the world such as Alexandria, New York and Paris. Special attention is paid to the Hizb al-Kata¯’ib al-Lubna¯niyya ˙ (henceforth al-Kata¯’ib) (the Phalanges Party) as a major player in the development of Lebanese nationalism. The present chapter focuses on the political events leading to this development, while the following chapter expands on the poetic and literary manifestations of these ideas. Finally, I discuss the formation of al-Kata¯’ib – the Phalanges Party. In many ways it is this political party that shaped the separatist Lebanese identity. It was one of the first and most assertive speakers on behalf of Lebanese uniqueness vis-a`-vis the Arabo-Muslim world, and called for Lebanese cultural and political independence. Party members were also the most prominent voices asserting the Phoenician roots of the Christian residents of the Lebanese region. The political activity of the Phalanges party, as well as other prominent groups among the Lebanese nationalists, brought to the fore yet another need – the need to recreate and reconstruct the past so that it manifested their political concepts and aspirations. The acts and writings expressing Syrian and Lebanese nationalistic ideas resonated throughout communities of Syrians living outside the region. Their response to the local voices calling for a change of rule and for a definition of clear boundaries for each nation was expressed in political and intellectual essays. These essays discussed the boundaries of the geographical region of Syria and its history. This is the second phase in the consolidation of Syrian, and later also Lebanese, nationalistic ideas. It seems that during the late nineteenth century, Syrianism was the most dominant concept among the nationalists of the area. Though most intellectuals and political activists did not hold well-defined nationalistic ideas or a clearly articulated political agenda, their strong association with Syria as the territory to which they belonged was clearly stated.1 Before World War I, the majority of Arabs were not yet prepared to implement a separation from the Ottoman Empire. As we see in the next sub-chapter, Christian Arabs tended to favour complete independence.2

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

21

Syrianism in the Nineteenth Century: Proto-Nationalism and Redefined Identity The development of a separatist view of Lebanon can be traced back to the second half of the nineteenth century. During that period, the Syrian national movement was taking its first steps, declaring its wish for independence and self-definition vis-a`-vis the Ottoman Empire. Starting from 1860, the area of Mount Lebanon was considered as a specific region with its own unique community – the mutasarrifiyya. The definition of ˙ the area and its Christian inhabitants as a uniquely demarcated region was initiated after several violent incidents against Christians in Aleppo and Mount Lebanon. These events made it clear that for this particular community to prosper in security, they needed some distance from the rest of the population and some kind of autonomy. The unique quality and distinction of the Lebanese region from other Syrian areas (stretching from the Taurus Mountains in the north to Gaza in the south), was acknowledged and discussed by various Syrian intellectuals and political leaders. Special cultural characteristics and a distinct nature that exists nowhere else were attributed to the Lebanese region. The following section discusses this uniqueness in literary texts, political essays as well as historiographic writing demonstrating this approach. The idea of a Greater Syria was first articulated during the 1860s by the Lebanese3 intellectual, Butrus al-Busta¯nı¯ (1819– 83) under the ˙ influence of Protestant missionaries.4 Al-Busta¯nı¯ was a prominent figure in the second half of the nineteenth century who considered Arabism as his cultural affiliation while defining Syria as his territorial homeland. His loyalty to the Ottoman Empire was not in question.5 Fruma Zachs6 states that proto-nationalism in the Syrian case, in the nineteenth century, is the stage at which certain variants in the identity of groups of people began to coalesce. These changes in identity were mainly a means of cultural identity, motivated by economic and social changes and the desire of certain groups of people to build their self-identity or to redefine the identity they already possessed, rather than manifestations of aspirations for political self-determination. This process of constructing self-identity could also be thought of as a prerequisite for the eventual creation of a national identity. In the second half of the nineteenth century, as a result of internal and external interactions, a bourgeois middle class developed in Beirut

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THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

comprised of intellectuals and merchants. Most of the intellectuals worked diligently on developing the Arabic language and Arab civilization. In addition, on the national and political level, they encouraged local Syrian and Arab patriotic nationalist thought. These developments were influenced by several factors, including the Western political, social, and educational influence on the area, Christian missionary activities, and the civil war in Lebanon and Syria in 1860, which confirmed to the conflicting sides the urgent need for a non-sectarian solution that would allow the different groups of this area to live together peacefully and cooperatively. I argue that two major components reflected the consolidation of the new Syrian thinking during the nineteenth century. The first is the literary output – mainly the narrative fiction. In this genre one can detect Syrian elements – some hidden, while others were clearly visible. Syria was described as a unique region with its own distinct past and special features. It was a place and a culture to be proud of. A leading theme was the Syrian nature, which allowed for the emergence of a distinctive people who nurtured it and clearly differentiated it from other peoples residing in neighboring regions. The second component was the new historiography, which placed at its centre the Syrian territory and the Syrian people, emphasizing their unique features. One of the first authors whose writing demonstrates these two components, was a journalist, poet and literary critic, Khalı¯l al-Khu¯rı¯ (1836– 1907). Al-Khu¯rı¯’s writings and contributions to the construction and consolidation of Syrian nationality have been neglected by modern scholarship; the following will be an attempt to bridge this existing lacuna.7 His literary work was among the first to address and engage with the construction and consolidation of Syrian nationality. Though lacking in terms of literary value, these texts nevertheless had immense influence over subsequent generations of Lebanese authors and politicians. Al-Khu¯rı¯ supported the modernization of the Arab world. He maintained, however, that this modernization should not be a blind imitation of the West; rather it should be a balance between the original Oriental-Syrian-Arab character and the new knowledge coming from the West. For instance, he called for educating women, arguing that this was the only way to make them productive members of society.8

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

23

In 1858, al-Khu¯rı¯ established a newspaper – Hadı¯qat al-ʼAkhba¯r. ˙ This platform provided al-Khu¯rı¯ and other members of his milieu with a platform where they could express and discuss their new ideas. It also served as an educational tool, making their economic and social ideas visible and accessible to many social strata of the Lebanese region. The newspaper was a great success and, as of the 1860s, was published twice a week. Its publication ceased in 1911, a few years after al-Khu¯rı¯’s death. Al-Khu¯rı¯’s concept of the Arabic language and its role in triggering social and cultural changes is an interesting gateway to his nationalistic ideas. According to Al-Khu¯rı¯, the Arabic language needed modernization in order to deal with the various spheres of modern life. Consequently, language should become an instrument of modernization in the renaissance of the Syrian Arab nation, or even all Arab countries.9 Al-Khu¯rı¯’s arguments for the rewriting of the classical Arabic local historiography were part of the various manifestations of the emerging Syrian identity. Thus, his writings revealed his political aspirations, expressing his pride in his belonging to the Syrian homeland. Al-Khu¯rı¯ glorified his homeland’s nature (tabı¯ ‘a) and geography, defining it as ˙ unique among other regions of the world. Indeed, these two themes, nature and geography, played a significant part in the construction and expression of this new territorial identity. These two subjects, nature and geography, can be conceived as part of the classical travel account, yet sometimes without actual traveling, since the writers were local people who wrote about their own city and society. The third theme constructing Syrian identity was biographies of men of religion (‘ulama¯’) and notables (’a‘ya¯n) from these cities and towns, including descriptions of their customs. This new historiography existed in parallel with the traditional kind, but did not replace it. Its authors were Christian intellectuals, especially Greek Orthodox and Protestants, mainly from coastal towns such as Beirut and Tripoli who began to publish books with titles that included the term ‘Syria’. As their writings strove to encourage a new concept, which was also the source of a new identity, namely Syrian, the chief subject of their books was Greater Syria as one entity, as a country; and they began to pen its history, geography, archaeology and, to some extent, its physical nature. Most of the books belonging to this new

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THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

genre were written after 1860, following the civil war in Mount Lebanon and Damascus, and are referenced in al-Khu¯rı¯’s book, Khara¯ba¯t Su¯riya¯ (The Ruins of Syria). Some other examples of the new historiography are the following: ’Ilya¯s Matar (1857 –1910) wrote al-‛Uqu¯d al-Durriyya fı¯ Ta¯rı¯kh ˙ al-Mamlaka al-Su¯riyya (Decades of Pearls in the Annals of the Syrian Kingdom), published in Beirut in 1874. In 1881, the Greek Orthodox Jurjı¯ Yannı¯ (1854–1941) published in Beirut Ta¯rı¯kh Su¯riya¯ (History of Syria). The modern genre was more accessible to a wider audience and introduced them to this new Syrian concept, or identity, in their own language. Through these books, the intellectuals could convey their own vision as a reality to the inhabitants of Syria.10 In terms of the local geographical literature, from about 1870 onwards, the geographic perception that was part of local historiography became evident also in authentic Syrian narrative fiction. This kind of writing was based mainly on classical descriptive geography and travel accounts, which were influenced by the Western model. An important example of such a combination is Al-Khu¯rı¯’s pioneering work Wayy, ’Idhan Lastu bi-’Ifranjı¯ (Alas, I’m not a foreigner). It is a local Arabic narrative fiction, which represents an embryonic stage of the modern Arabic novel and it preceded those literary works commonly referred to as the first fictional narratives, specifically the works of Fransı¯s al-Marra¯sh (1835– 1874) and Salı¯m al-Busta¯nı¯ (1848– 1884). Narrative techniques that combine traditional Arabic and Western narrative styles were reflected clearly in the translations published in Al-Khu¯rı¯’s newspaper. Al-Khu¯rı¯ published his above-mentioned work in Hadı¯qat ˙ al-ʼAkhba¯r consecutively from issue no. 93, 3/1 (November 1859) to issue no. 151, 7/23 (March 1861). This work can be read as a reaction to the local social and educational developments that were taking place in the second half of the nineteenth century. As usual, al-Khu¯rı¯ wanted to balance the dominating foreign influence on the literary taste with a local creative production that treated various local phenomena. The text was a kind of social observation accompanied by severe criticism of hollow and false Westernization/Europeanization. Wayy, ’Idhan Lastu bi-’Ifranjı¯ deals with the theme of the interaction between East and West, highlighting the necessity of achieving a balance between the two cultures, and the need to preserve the original Syrian identity in order to achieve real modernization.11

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

25

The central personality who interwove the geographic dimension into literature, namely the novel in the incipient development of an authentic Arabic fiction, was the above-mentioned intellectual Salı¯m al-Busta¯nı¯ from Beirut. By 1862 he had already replaced his father, the leading intellectual, Butrus al-Busta¯nı¯, as dragoman (interpreter) at the ˙ American consulate in Beirut. The following year he was made deputy principal to his father at the National School, where he headed the departments of history, nature and English. This background was reflected later in his literary writing in his periodical al-Jina¯n (The Paradises), which he published and edited with his father between the years 1870 and 1886. Al-Jina¯n was published twice a month and was very well known among the populations of Greater Syria, Iraq, and Egypt; it even reached readers in European capitals such as London, Paris, and Berlin. In contrast to other newspapers in the region of Syria and in the Arab provinces until that time, al-Jina¯n paid special attention and devoted large and regular sections to literary issues and included newly introduced genres, such as the ’uqsu¯sa (short story), romantic and ˙ ˙ historical novels. Salı¯m was part of a Christian Arab middle class circle that encouraged local patriotism and saw ‘Syrian nature’ and geography as fertile soil for an advanced civilization. He underlined these two elements – Syrian nature and geography – and their link to the Syrian individual, in his authentic literary writing in al-Jina¯n, sometimes using the plot as a tourist guide to give readers as much geographical information as possible on what he termed ‘the Syrian region’, i.e. Greater Syria. He strove for two goals: the first was didactic, namely to educate his audience (both women and men) in general, and to instruct them on the magnificent landscape and ruins of the Syrian region in particular. Thus the narrator in his novels develops from an individual traveler to the voice of the collective. The second was to provide his readers with a primordial bond with their land, history, and civilization, which for him were an integral part of these geographical locations. Salı¯m perceived them not merely as geographical sites, but also as sources to evince and document the magnificent civilization that was part of the Syrian collective memory, and to construct a Syrian patriotism and pride in its population. Thus for Salı¯m, nature and geography played a critical role in creating Syrian identity.12

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To sum up, the development of geographical writing was one of the important factors that helped the transition from classical writing to constructive narrative fiction. The change in form entailed also a change in subjects discussed, and reflected the new ideas and concepts prevailing in the region. Changes in local identity in Syria and Lebanon occurred first during the nineteenth century in the name of local patriotism, and were promoted through geographical writing. As we shall see, during the twentieth century, this style of writing was one of the elements that aided the spread of ideas in the name of national identity.13 Following the changes in self-identity, new genres and styles of which geo-literature is one were created, frequently to become the new tool that would disseminate this new evolving identity. The literary work of Salı¯m al-Busta¯nı¯ was central, and one of the first experiments that contributed to this process. These developments towards Syrianism and historiography in the nineteenth century paved the way for Phoenician-Lebanese thinking during the twentieth century. In fact, with the downfall of the Ottoman Empire, and even earlier, Lebanese intellectuals called for complete separation from Ottoman rule, and the emphasis was on Syrian independence and even the independence of a Lebanese province – the mutasarrifiyya. Within this feeling of uniqueness, developed ˙ the separatist approach that eventually led to the separation from the Arabo-Islamic world and to the establishment of the local PhoenicianLebanese sense of belonging. One should be aware that the Phoenician-Lebanese national struggle was not a unique phenomenon. Rather, at the same period the Middle East was awash in a wave of territorial fights and nationalistic struggles. Some nationalistic-separatist movements called for a separation from the Arab world as a national definition and as a culture. In Egypt, for example, a group attempting to disengage from the Arab world defined the Egyptians as descendants of the ancient Pharaohs, rather than as part of the Arabo-Muslim world. This group glorified the Pharaonic past and culture, while the Arab present was disregarded and rejected.14 In the geographic region of Lebanon, one can find two movements striving for self-definition while rejecting the Arab world (in terms of culture and national identity): the Phoenician-Lebanese movement, and the Syrian nationalistic movement led by the intellectual ’Antu¯n Sa‛a¯da.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

27

Thus, before turning to the Phoenicians, I will survey briefly the development of the Syrian movement. This survey will allow us to have a better understanding of the region and the political stirrings of the time. It is important to bear in mind that, to some extent, both the Syrian and the Phoenician-Lebanese nationalists were discussing the eventual destiny of the same region. However, while the Phoenicians were focusing on Lebanon, the Syrians considered Lebanon as a starting point from which a wider region including Greater Syria, Iraq and Cyprus would be brought under their rule. The principles of such nationalism were formulated, though not completely structured, by ’Antu¯n Sa‛a¯da, a ˙ migrant of Lebanese origin living in Brazil.15 Upon his return to Lebanon in 1920, he found his homeland under French rule and the neighbouring countries under either French or British colonialism. He was startled to learn that there was no struggle against this colonialism. Sa‛a¯da blamed his co-patriots for lacking nationalistic awareness. He could find no explanation for this lack of awareness, other than cultural suffocation. Wishing to bring about a change in his country and its civilization, in 1932 Sa‛a¯da established the Syrian Nationalist Party in Beirut.16 The Syrian Nationalist Party was formed under the heavy influence of the Fascist and Nazi movements. Indeed, Sa‛a¯da made his admiration of the Fascist movement very clear, and stated that he considered it “the only way towards the achievement of liberty, order and legality”. One example of Fascist influence was the establishment of a youth movement; the Syrian Nationalist Party was the first to found an integral local model of a youth organization, following the guidelines of the Hitler Youth and Italian Fascist youth movements of the 1930s.17 It was probably his father’s strong influence and education which planted the seeds of such ideas. Dr Khalı¯l Sa‛a¯da (1857–1934) wrote several scientific articles in diverse disciplines, and was a leading intellectual of the Lebanese community in South America. In Argentina he established the periodical al-Majalla, which had become the mouthpiece of Arab, mainly Syrian, communities in Buenos Aires, and later this expanded to the whole of Brazil. Dr Sa‛a¯da was fascinated by the Arabic language and Arab civilization, but he considered the Syrian nation as the main catalyst that would lead the Orient towards

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progress. Syria, with its illustrious past, was capable of leading the renaissance of oriental peoples from their current state of ignorance and retardation to: [A] modern Syria which conveys a constructive mission for the orient, just as Phoenicia had conveyed a constructive mission for the world. I mention the glory of Ancient Syria by way of prelude for the role awaiting Modern Syria in reconstructing the orient. Phoenicia in ancient times produced a civilization that enlightened the world and led it to prosperity, so will modern Syria provide the world with a modern civilization in the 20th century, which will form the advent of a new era for the entire Near East.18 Growing up in such an intellectual atmosphere, Sa‛a¯da Junior implemented his father’s aspirations for Syria and advocated for the adoption of Syrian nationalism to help revive the Arab world. Striving for Syrian national independence was for Sa‛a¯da just a step, rather than the final goal. Independent Syria would bring independence and progress for the entire Arab world. Thus, he was aiming for a wider struggle against foreign involvement in the Middle East and religious dominance over Syria and the Middle East in general.19 For Sa‛a¯da, the Social Syrian Nationalist Party was a tool to establish a new society, based on principles of secularism and enlightenment. He wished to discard traditionalism, religious symbols and other manifestations of what he perceived as backwardness.20 Some of his opinions, once again reflecting the influence of Nazi and Fascist teachings, called for the detachment of Syria and Syrians from their Arab surroundings. So, for example, he called for a separation of the Syrian nation from the Arab nation for reasons of genetics and genetic mix: Syrian geniality and intellectual superiority over their surroundings and others, is non disputable [. . .] and one cannot but admit the reality of genetic anomalies and the existence of cultivated dynasties and inferior dynasties, and the principle of sanguineous and racial kinship, and this explains the mental superiority of the Syrians which does not originate from a pure

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

29

mixture but a kind of sublime harmonious mixture coexisting in harmony with its environment.21 Moreover, the Syrian genetic breed with its joint Phoenician, Canaanite, Chaldaic and Hittite roots is of a supreme rank in its “inner self ” and “mental capacity” and “physical forms”, to the Arab breed which allowed itself to blend with inferior dynasties, therefore losing its particularity and its position among the “superior breeds”.22 The separation from the rest of the Arab world was a critical part in Sa‛a¯da’s intellectual endeavour. He argued against belonging to an oriental Arab civilization, considering it an inferior civilization which would lead to stagnation and destruction: “I said that the Syrians are not Orientals. Not Orientals in their mentality or in their spirituality [. . .] we are not oriental, nor nirvana believers, and we do not head towards dissolution but towards survival.”23 Sa‛a¯da stressed the need to develop the intellect as a central mechanism in the process of knowledge and comprehension, without which no progress or civilization would have any value.24 These principles and teachings became popular among circles of educated youth who were less privileged socially and financially. Wishing to create a distinguished intellectual and cultural basis for his new party, Sa‛a¯da attracted a number of poets and authors. These writers expressed their dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs in their prose and poetry, and thus fulfilled one of Sa‛a¯da’s intellectual ambitions – the reconstruction of a literary corpus expressing criticism, but also presenting interests and aspirations for a better future. This new literature employed and implemented ancient symbols from what Sa‛a¯da considered to be Syria’s glorious past.25 In Sa‛a¯da’s eyes, literature was to be conscripted in the service of political doctrine, and formed one of the major fundaments in augmenting the principles of the party. Sa‛a¯da realized that literature, as conceived by his party, had a role in understanding the new way of life, and therefore had to include new substances which would elevate the human soul to ultimate perceptions. He argued that: But behind the claim of a new literature one seeks to achieve new understanding of life, which elevates the soul to higher horizons and enables it to reach new standards of mental insight, which

30

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comprise new superior values that formulate the desires of life and its longings, otherwise any renewal in form without renewal of the fundaments is rather a waste of time, a temporary pleasure that has no future except in arid repetition.26 Sa‛a¯da differentiated clearly between Arabic literature, which he defined as being material and shallow, and Syrian literature, which he saw as profound and entrenched in the human soul. According to Sa‛a¯da, Arabic romantic literature was a materialistic literature, sanctifying the body and limited to traditional patterns of expressions, “Materialistic love which takes its shape in pleasures of the flesh, is the paramount motive of Arabic literature.”27 In contrast, in its romances Syrian literature expresses the great agony of souls that endure hardship in order to transcend major obstacles. It is comprehensive epic literature, one might say, which goes beyond formal materialism, “our truth which does not see love as cheeks and bosoms and human figures [. . .] but our truth sees love as beautiful souls.”28 There is a single element connecting Syrians with the Arab world – the Arabic language. This linguistic link, however, in no way contradicts the intellectual and spiritual independence of Syrian civilization, with its separate, particular heritage. Language is no more than an instrument of expression but it cannot form an integral nation: [N]either language nor religion and not even both of them jointly, turn people into one nation [. . .] belligerent conquests and altering a people’s language and religion through conquests, do not eradicate the [origin of the] conquered nation. Arab conquest has substituted Syrian by Arabic and altered the religion of most Syrians, but Syrian culture dominates the Arabic language.29 Sa‛a¯da wished to pull the rug from under the feet of society and the establishment by suggesting earth-shattering concepts. He considered the political and social establishment to be corrupt, traditionalism and religious institutions as stumbling blocks in the path of modernity and progress. He wished to discard this past, which gave priority to sectarian or familial symbols, without any consideration of personal capabilities and merits, in favour of a new world.

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31

Among the authors who joined his party one can find: ’Adu¯nı¯s (‘Alı¯ ’Ahmad Sa‛ı¯d) (1930), Yu¯suf al-Kha¯l (1917 – 1987), Sa‘ı¯d Taqiyy al˙ Dı¯n (1894 – 1960), Fu’a¯d Sulayma¯n (1912 – 1952), and others who, through their party membership, expressed their dismay at the deteriorating cultural and civil atmospheres dominating their country.30 However, in no stage of the intellectual life of Sa‘a¯da or his followers did he discard Arabic as a tool of communication of literary expression. His critique addressed the Arabs as a nation, but never challenged Arabic as a legitimate and useful language, natural to Syrians. The Syrian nationalistic movement eventually merged into panArabism. Though they are still active in Lebanon, they stopped calling for a separation from the Arab world or Arab culture. The Syrian past is glorified, but as part of Arab history, and not as a distinct culture or heritage. However, the Phoenician-Lebanese movement took a different historical and ideological path.

Lebanese Nationalism: From Maronite Mountain to Sectarian State31 The year 1908 is considered a central turning point in the emergence of the idea of a Greater Lebanon and later in defining Mount Lebanon and its vicinity as the heart of Syria, historically related to the Phoenician civilization. In this context it is worth mentioning that Arab nationalism of that time did not contradict Lebanese and Syrian nationalism as such, “Its objective was challenging the Ottoman nationalism on one hand and fighting religious extremism on the other. While Ottoman nationalism was adhering to centralisation, the other three forms of nationalism – Arab, Lebanese and Syrian – strove for decentralisation.”32 Such decentralization manifested itself in 1909 in the form of the establishment of secret associations which initiated contacts with European countries in order to prepare the separation from the Ottoman Empire. It is important in this context to examine the complexity of the Greater Lebanon issue and the roots of the Phoenician idea. One should note that the development of the Lebanese idea to set Lebanon apart from the Arab world began with the concept of separating Syria from the

32

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Ottoman Empire. As shown in the previous section, this process started at the end of the nineteenth century and continued during the twentieth century in Syrian-Lebanese communities outside Lebanon through two main approaches: the first was the idea of a Greater Lebanon, in terms of expanding the borders of the existing province. The second called for Syrian independence with Lebanon as a unique entity. These two ideas can be traced as they developed in the early twentieth century through analysis of the writing of Lebanese intellectuals who, for the first time, called for the political and national independence of Lebanon and Syria. There is no doubt that the two ideas crossed paths during the early 1900s, and that both used similar terminology in their efforts to break free from the rule of the Ottoman Empire. In many cases it became clear that the independence of Syria entailed the independence of Lebanon as well. During the peace talks at Versailles and following the actual signing of the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, the division between Lebanon and Greater Syria became even clearer when the demand for Lebanese independence was submitted separately from the demand for the independence of Greater Syria; Lebanese nationalists call for the expansion of the region of the mutasarrifiyya in order to establish a new ˙ entity – Greater Lebanon. The achievements leading to the establishment of Greater Lebanon in 1920 should be considered as the final parts of a process starting before and during World War I. In that period, the name of Lebanon gained a well-defined significance after the announcement of the establishment of the governorate province – the mutasarrifiyya – in 1861, following the ˙ confrontations and massacres between the Christians and the Druze in Lebanon, as well as in Syria. However, the name Lebanon was not officially mentioned as a well-defined term, until after the establishment of this Lebanese province – the mutasarrifiyya.33 The Maronite Christian ˙ striving toward the creation of a Christian national home had apparently gained momentum in the 1840s, with the support of France and other Catholic countries: “These attempts have led to sharp reactions, particularly from the Druze. This is possibly one of the factors that led to the massacres of 1860 – let this land be ours or theirs.”34 In this context, we might mention that Bishop Niqu¯la¯ Mura¯d (died 1862) is apparently considered the first Maronite to lay the foundations of the theory of Lebanese nationalism, when he called for political unity of the whole Mount Lebanon area under control of the Lebanese emirate.35

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

33

The writings of the Jesuit father, Henri Lammens, concerning Greater Lebanon are credited as having influenced the formation of Syrian, and later Lebanese, national thinking during the early 1900s. Lammens lived in Beirut at the end of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. The most important of his works is Tasrı¯h al-’Absa¯r ˙ ˙ Fı¯ Ma¯ Yahtawı¯ Lubna¯n Min al-’A¯tha¯r (Realising the Sights through the ˙ Ancient Monuments that Lebanon Contains) from 1914, parts of which were published in the Beirut-based magazine, al-Mashriq, from 1902.36 Lammens’ writings served as an intellectual basis for the emergence of a broad Syrian nationalistic concept. His later book, published in 1921, was entitled Tarı¯kh Su¯riya¯ (The History of Syria), and had a profound effect on the consolidation of nationalistic ideas among Syrian nationalists. However, as is demonstrated below, the same texts and ideas also served the supporters of Lebanese particularism among the Syrian nationalists. The Syrians were described as a clearly defined nation, possessing all the basic components to enable them to develop into a nation independent of its Arab surroundings: Father Lammens provided a historical context for establishing a nationalist secular multi-confessional movement, independent from Pan-Arabism within the geographical boundaries of Syria [. . .] on the other hand, Father Lammens maintained in his book a “thin line” that differentiates the Lebanese refuge from the rest of Syria [. . .] thus providing a historical prelude for the existence of the state of Greater Lebanon which was actually founded by the French a few months prior to the publication of his book. His book, The History of Syria, became a reference for all Syrian nationalists everywhere, as well as the Christians who supported Lebanonization in Lebanon.37 Another significant work is La question du Liban (The Lebanese Question) published in 1908, by M. Jouplain, which was the pseudonym of the Lebanese Bu¯lus Nujaym.38 Influenced by the writings of Henri Lammens concerning Greater Lebanon, in this book Nujaym calls for the expansion of the territory of the Lebanese mutasarrifiyya, to ˙ include Beirut in the centre, Marji‘yu¯n in the south and ‘Akka¯r in the north. It seems that Nujaym had contacts among the organizational council of the Lebanese mutasarrifiyya. His book, as suggested by Firro, ˙

34

THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

was probably used by members of the representatives of the council during the 1919 Peace Conference in Versailles as the basis for their demands.39 Jouplain’s book contained the first explicit reference to the territorial definition of Greater Lebanon. Nujaym also refers to the Maronite’s unique affiliation to this specific territory. This was the first time in which geography – rather than religion – acted as a uniting motivation. This change is significant in view of the fact that the regions annexed to Greater Lebanon are populated mainly by Muslims.40 The emergence of the idea of Lebanese particularism which called for the separation of Lebanon into an independent state expanding beyond the boundaries of the mutasarrifiyya, developed during the early ˙ twentieth century among the members of the Lebanese and Syrian diaspora residing in Paris, Egypt, the United States and Latin American countries. These diaspora communities are considered the catalyst for the realization of the objectives of Lebanese and Syrian nationalism. Despite their minor size, they played a crucial role in the crystallization of the Lebano-Christian aspirations, both national and secular. The fact that this ideology emerged from within the diaspora communities, far from Lebanese soil, can be considered the result of the iron hand of the Ottoman regime against the local population.41 The standpoints expressed by these diaspora Christian communities show similarities with the views of the Muslim movements with regard to maintaining Arab culture. Remarkably, such tendencies among Christian intellectuals living outside of Lebanon created a mental position which possessed many psychological characteristics resembling those of Islamic ideology. It was based on a religious concept, expressed politically through religious narratives.42 Lebanese local nationalism became consolidated in two main locations: the Lebanese diaspora and Syria. During the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, these localities produced different approaches to the status of Lebanon within the region which included discourse regarding its affiliation to the Ottoman Empire. However, the events of World War I and its aftermath were significant catalysts for the consolidation of these positions. Furthermore, the peace talks in Versailles were in fact a forum of debate for these various positions.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

35

The Syrian intellectuals of the diaspora communities, which at this point in history considered Lebanon as an integral part of Syria, generated two basic approaches concerning nationalistic aspirations. The first called for the expansion of the territories of the Lebanese mutasarrifiyya in order to create an independent Greater Lebanon. The ˙ second approach, represented by Shukrı¯ Gha¯nim and ’Ayyu¯b Tha¯bit, suggested establishing a Greater Syria, including the mutasarrifiyya, as ˙ a separate entity. Among these communities one should mention the diaspora in Egypt, which thus followed the views of the Lebanese Union Party headed by the Lebanese immigrant Yu¯suf al-Sawda¯, who emphasized the necessity of granting independence to Lebanon within its natural boundaries. His book Fı¯ Sabı¯l Lubna¯n (For the Cause of Lebanon), published in 1919, was among the first to link modern-day Lebanon with its Phoenician past. Al-Sawda¯ was active in strengthening the association and recognition of the importance of Phoenician history for the development of Lebanon and the Lebanese nation. Most of his intellectual and political activity was conducted within the Lebanese community residing in Alexandria in the early twentieth century. Though he never actually joined the Phoenician movement, he was loyal to many of its ideas and took part in the movement’s political activity. In 1945 he was appointed the Lebanese ambassador to Venezuela. In 1909, al-Sawda¯ established the Lebanese Union Association in Cairo, which called for the annexation of the Biqa¯‛ to the area of the mutasarrifiyya in order to support the economy of the Mount Lebanon ˙ region. The second phase of his plan was to establish a Greater Lebanon. In other words, for the first time, al-Sawda¯ suggested a distinct Lebanese region – one separate from Greater Syria.43 The Lebanese community of New York followed the example of the Egyptian Lebanese community in adopting the idea of a Greater Lebanon, mainly after the Lebanese Renaissance (al-nahda). The ˙ Association, led by Na‛u¯m Mukarzil, intensified its activity among the Lebanese community in New York. In 1919 they adopted the standpoint which called for redefining Lebanon within its national and geographical boundaries, so as to correspond to the map drawn up by the French army in 1860–1861.44 Mukarzil’s political activities were not confined to the Lebanese community in New York. He was an active participant in the Versailles

36

THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

Peace Conference of 1919, where he collaborated with the Lebanese Maronite Patriarch ’Ilya¯s al-Huwayyik, trying to persuade the French ˙ government to support the establishment of Greater Lebanon. Apparently, the activism of these two figures had created a desire for change in the official French position towards the region. The Lebanese delegation to the Versailles Peace Talks representing the Maronite community within Lebanon and outside it was to present the decisions of the Administrative Council of Mount Lebanon. The delegation, led by al-Huwayyik, needed to confront yet ˙ another representative delegation of the region led by prince Faysal, ˙ who suggested ruling Greater Syria, including the Lebanese area.45 Al-Huwayyik, representing a large part of the Lebanese community, ˙ wished this area to be acknowledged as a distinct community independent of the Syrian nation.46 Under pressure from the Lebanese diaspora, the French Chamber of Commerce played an important role in convincing the French government to accept the ideas presented by the Lebanese and Patriarchal delegations. The delegations pushed toward the concept of establishing an independent Lebanese national home within wider boundaries.47 Members of the Lebanese Christian community living outside Lebanon supported yet another position. They followed the outlines of the French suggestion of establishing a Greater Lebanon as a separate entity from Greater Syria. This second position adopted by Lebanese Christian communities in the diaspora supported the establishment of Greater Syria, which would include Lebanon as a separate entity from the Ottoman Empire. The borders of Greater Syria envisaged and suggested by the members of the Syrian Central Committee, which represented the Paris community, and the Syria-Mount of Lebanon Liberation League, which represented the New York community, were similar to those conceived of by the French Chamber of Commerce. The pressure applied by the different committees, addressing either the Lebanese or Syrian question, had a common objective: the separation of Syria from its Arab surroundings while detaching Lebanon from Syria. The dissemination of the idea of a Greater Syria, mainly in the Paris and New York communities, was achieved, inter alia, via the establishment of various committees. One of these, the Syrian Central

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

37

Committee, was established during World War I in Paris. This committee was led by the Maronite, Shukrı¯ Gha¯nim, and its main task was to make known the idea of a Greater Syria throughout the world. The Syrian position represented by Gha¯nim and his colleague, Dr Georges Samni, was to a large extent similar to the French position concerning border issues and the complete rejection of an independent Arab entity.48 It is important to consider that according to Gha¯nim and Samni, Syrian nationalism did not nullify a Lebanese nationality. Furthermore, as will be explained later, they considered the very existence of Syrian nationality as comprising several distinct communities. The Syrian region, though geographically united, did not enjoy social or political unity. Under the Ottomans, the area was divided into several regions, each with its own governor and rule. The inhabitants were also of diverse ethnicities and religions. In order to construct a united Syrian entity, both Gha¯nim and Samni argued that Syria must rule itself. They further maintained that this regime should be based on the principles of democracy, secularism and decentralization, and have a constitution. The region should be divided into autonomous provinces, defined along the lines of the predominant national or religious element in each province, with one nationalistic spirit as a moral basis, which would allow all religious or ethnic groups to act in full cooperation. Gha¯nim and Samni maintained that once the boundaries of Syria and its provinces were decided upon, Lebanon would take its place as a cultural and political model for the rest of the provinces.49 The most significant association in this context was the Syria-Mount of Lebanon Liberation League, based in New York, which acted according to the ideas of the above-mentioned Central Syrian Committee headed by Shukrı¯ Gha¯nim in Paris. This league could exert much influence as its members were among the most respected and influential members of the diaspora community. Among its members were politicians, poets and authors, such as Jubra¯n Khalı¯l Jubra¯n (1883– 1931), Mı¯kha¯’ı¯l Nu‛ayma (1889–1988), ’Iliyya¯ ’Abu¯ Ma¯dı¯ ˙ (1894– 1957), Nası¯b ‛Arı¯da (1887– 1946), ’Amı¯n al-Rayha¯nı¯ (1876– ˙ ˙ 1940), and ’Ayyu¯b Tha¯bit (1882–1947), who later became president of the Lebanese Republic.

38

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Some of the poets and authors who took part in the League made significant contributions to the formation and consolidation of other literary movements in Arabic prose and poetry. These authors integrated Romanticism into Arabic literature. One important example is al-Ra¯bita al-Qalamiyya (The League of the Pen). This was one of ˙ the formative movements of the new Arabic literature in the early twentieth century.50 The end of World War I and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire served as a turning-point for the inhabitants of the Middle East. During the Versailles Peace Conference, the victors, mainly France and the United Kingdom, divided the region between themselves. The residents of the Middle East perceived this moment as a time to express their nationalistic ideas and cultural preferences. Syria and the Lebanon mutasarafiyya were represented by more than one delegation. Each ˙ delegation stood for different communities in the area and supported a variety of positions regarding the best governmental solution. One of the delegations was headed by Prince Faysal, who represented the ˙ Arabic standpoint which aspired to an Arabic-Islamic kingdom that would include Lebanon. This standpoint was not accepted by other communities, particularly the Christians. This League had enjoyed a close relationship with the Syrian committee in Paris and exerted a significant part of the pressure on the French government – directly through influencing the participants at the Versailles Conference and indirectly through the United States. In a memorandum to the Versailles Conference, the members of the League rejected the demands submitted by the Hija¯zı¯ delegation, and emphasized their being non-Arabs, and that the Arab language was forced upon them during the Arab occupation of Syria.51 The authors of this memorandum called the French to maintain their long years of protection of independent Syria: The Syrians, who belong to progressive elements all over the world, emphasize their consensus concerning a federal union within the natural boundaries of Syria, under the protection and guidance of one great democratic power. A unique bond throughout history and the current educational relations and economic interests, as well as the more realistic issue of their active intervention which protected us from termination in 1860, all

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

39

these reasons explain our tendency toward France [. . .] and we call upon it to accept our protection and guidance.52 Consequently, Lebanese and the Syrian nationalism stood shoulder to shoulder against the Arab nationalism with its link to Islam, both as a religion and as a civilization. Study of the historical texts related to Lebanese, Syrian or Arab nationalism reveals the ambiguity and mystery concerning the definition of each of them separately or all of them jointly. The pre-World War I period, and the period of the war itself, witnessed a changing definition among those who laid the foundations of these notions of nationalism. These changes and the fluidity of definitions created ambiguity among the supporters of these nationalistic ideas, and thus many of the initial supporters, changed sides due to lack of identification with current developments.53 This ambiguity can be seen clearly in the definition of the notions “Syrian nationalism” and “Arab nationalism” both of which include some similarities while, on the other hand, one finds some differentiation when defining the notion of Lebanese and Syrian nationalism. Concerning Syrian and Arab nationalism, there was no regional conceptualization of both notions. This might be related to the fact that the first supporters of the growing Arab nationalism had included figures such as Najı¯b al-‛A¯zu¯rı¯ (d.1916) and ’Amı¯n al-Rayha¯nı¯. As part ˙ of these efforts to disengage from the Ottoman Empire, the notion of nationalism contained the two aspects of nation and homeland. According to one point of view, the nationalistic notion included the natural borders of Syria while according to another viewpoint it included the Arab peninsula and the Fertile Crescent (modern-day Arabian Gulf and Iraq, respectively). As a result of the contradiction inherent in Christian political thought between reality, the familiar and the tangible regarding Greater Syria, and envisaging the greater and inclusive Arab entity of all Arab countries, a real conflict was created; at a later phase, and to a different extent, it affected all peoples of the Arab world. Christian national awareness had created a polarization between an inclusive narrow nationalism and a wider all-inclusive nationalism.54 The events of pre-World War I and afterwards were highly influenced by the texts and intellectual works of four major Christian scholars: Khayralla¯ Khayralla¯, George Samni, Nadra Mutra¯n and Jacques Tha¯bit. ˙

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THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

All of them wrote books and essays between 1912– 1920 discussing and exploring the terms “Syria” or “Syrian”. These texts demonstrate the various approaches toward the territory, its borders, the nature of its wished-for rule and the roles of the different groups comprising it. These texts also demonstrate the great confusion regarding the status of Lebanon and its relationship with Syria.55 In the eyes of these intellectuals, Lebanon was seen as the driving force that would help create a coherent Syrian nation in the state-to-be under a French protectorate, the so-called French Syria. In his book, Khayralla ignores the history of the Muslims in Syria, and considers the area of Mount Lebanon and its vicinity as the heart of Syria, historically related to the Phoenician civilization. Mutra¯n considered France as an appropriate role model for the future ˙ Syrian state. In other words, Mutra¯n envisaged a Syrian government ˙ based on principles similar to those in France. In addition, France should be Syria’s protector and supporter en route to independence. French victory, therefore, would guarantee the creation of the new Syria. The introduction to Mutra¯n’s book was written by one of his colleagues, the ˙ above-mentioned Shukrı¯ Gha¯nim. Gha¯nim held opinions similar to those of Mutra¯n regarding the role of France in constructing the new ˙ Syria. As long as France remained in control, all regional issues relating to Mount Lebanon or any other part of Syria would be settled. Gha¯nim linked the history of Mount Lebanon to the Phoenician civilization, thus paving the way for the creation of a Greater Lebanon, by mentioning Phoenicia time and again along with Greater Lebanon.56 George Samni’s book stressed yet another aspect, the specific characteristics of Lebanon within the Syrian region. The use of “Syrian” and “Lebanese” alternately, followed the regional solution suggested by the French. Throughout the book, Samni associated the history of Syria with Mount Lebanon and the Maronites. A somewhat different approach can be found in the writing of Jacques Tha¯bit who maintained that Lebanon should be considered a separate cultural entity from the Syrian political entity. His concept of Syria stressed the uniqueness of Syria (and therefore of Lebanon) among other regions of the Middle East, seeing its historical roots in the ancient Phoenician kingdom. Therefore, both Syria and Lebanon should be differentiated from Arabism both as a culture and as a political entity.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

41

Tha¯bit reached the conclusion that despite the consecutive military and cultural occupations of Syria, the Phoenician civilization had remained a centre of enlightenment for the rest of the world. Tha¯bit considered the foreign interventions in Syria, whether Egyptian, Greek, Byzantine, Arab or Ottoman, as occupying and oppressive forces while, at the same time, he regarded the Crusaders as liberating campaigns of Syria and Lebanon where the Maronites resided. Tha¯bit’s definition of legitimate rule seems to be slightly odd. One explanation could be that the Crusaders were considered as saviours from the Arab-Islamic rule over the region and therefore a liberating force. Nonetheless, any foreign rule was not considered palatable. Mutra¯n and Tha¯bit also saw an important economic aspect to the ˙ establishment of a Syrian state. Both envisaged many economic benefits for Christians all over the world and in Lebanon in particular.57 Another important aspect arising from the writings of the above-mentioned authors was that the Christian inhabitants of Lebanon in general and the Maronites in particular, possessed unique historical, political and cultural features. This uniqueness should be protected by the Great Powers, particularly France, due to their past relationship. The most important feature is, in my opinion, the call for the exclusion of Syria and Lebanon from their Arab surroundings. The depiction of the Arab culture was, to say the least, not positive. The Arab presence in the area and the cultural and historical association with Arabs and Muslims were excluded and were denied any value. The main reason for the difference between the inhabitants of Syria and Lebanon and the rest of the Middle East lies first and foremost in the Phoenician roots and the Phoenician culture. In more than one way, the Versailles Peace Talks and the decisions made by the League of Nations put forward the various possibilities, and forced Syrian leaders to face reality and make some compromises. The 1920 announcement of the establishment of a Greater Lebanon under a French mandate, by General Henri Gouraud (1867 – 1946), the representative of the French Government in the Middle East and Commander of the French Army in the Levant, set in motion many of these changes. One of the major difficulties of this new state was finding a balance between the various groups of inhabitants in the territory. While the

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THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

Christians wished to continue their role as rulers in the mutasarrafiyya, ˙ other groups rejected this aspiration and thus, in a way, the very foundation of Lebanon that would be defined as “A French creation for the benefit of Maronite interests.”58 The gain of a wider geographic demarcation, however, created a problem of relating to the non-Christian inhabitants of Lebanon. It created a new sectarian balance which meant an end to the monosectarian vision of the minor Lebanon. The post-1920 Greater Lebanon, with a population that differed from the Mount Lebanon inhabitants, also meant the end of the idea of Lebanon as a Christian Home.59 Unexpectedly, George Samni had a change of heart. As mentioned earlier, Samni had been one of the strong supporters of establishing a Syria that would include Lebanon. Upon abandoning this idea, he was one of the first to call for returning to the mutasarrifiyya system, ˙ and thus to a minor Lebanon. The preservation of a Christian majority had apparently been the basis for adopting this thought, given the fact that in 1926 Samni was the editor-in-chief of Correspondence d’Orient, which had served as a platform for these ideas. In 1926, less than four months after the declaration of the Lebanese Republic, he published an article entitled “Toward a Smaller Lebanon”, in which he wrote “A large number of those who have struggled toward the birth of Greater Lebanon and who worked on the Lebanese constitution, are now in Paris, intensifying their efforts and contacts with its government, demanding the return to the boundaries of a smaller Lebanon and declaring a national home for the Christians, totally independent from Syria.”60 The political rivalry between Bisha¯ra al-Khu¯rı¯ and Emile Edde´, who asked the former to form his first government in 1927, was an indication of this inter-Christian struggle. Al-Khu¯rı¯’s success in forming a government had proven the superiority of the reconciliatory approach of adopting the Lebanese reality, ensuring that Sunni Muslims, Shi‛i Muslims and Druze would participate in the building of the state. Al-Khu¯rı¯’s view was reflected by “[. . .] his awareness of the Muslim presence and what this presence implied in terms of reconciliation. To this end he saw the essence of not condemning the Arab nationalism [. . .] this while Edde´ considered Lebanon an enlarged Christian homeland.”61 Immediately after the declaration of Greater Lebanon, efforts were made to modify this “Lebanese-ness” and to adapt it to the

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43

nature of the multi-confessional Lebanon, and to search for common ground between the different groups. These efforts were reflected in the writings of the businessman and poet, Mı¯shı¯l Shı¯ha¯, who expressed his reservations regarding the idea of ˙ Arab unity; nonetheless he insisted on strengthening contacts with Arab countries and Arab culture.62 Through his banking and business activities, Shı¯ha¯ maintained good contacts with Muslims and Christians. ˙ According to Firro: “These contacts taught him the importance of economic relations as a tool of changing people’s views and behavior.”63 Shı¯ha¯’s views reflected those of other senior Christian businessmen in ˙ Beirut, who saw in the Arab countries a natural market for their economic activities,64 and urged the facilitating of contacts with these countries. A case in point is the financial activities of two Lebanese businessmen, Emile Busta¯nı¯ and Bisha¯ra Khu¯rı¯, who had accumulated their fortune due to close ties with the Arab world and economic projects there.65 One manifestation of the change in positions among Maronite leaders is the shift that can be detected in Mı¯shı¯l Shı¯ha¯’s opinions ˙ regarding the Lebanese state. In his early essays he expressed a very strong acceptance of Lebanon’s past as Phoenician and the identity between being Lebanese and being a Maronite. Nonetheless, once Greater Lebanon was established, his opinions were challenged by a reality which included several groups, ethnicities and religions. At this point in his career, his definition of Lebanese shifted from an exclusive Christian group into a more inclusive one, thus allowing for non-Maronites and even non-Christians to be part of the newlyestablished state. According to Shı¯ha¯, a Lebanese is a descendant of the ˙ Phoenicians, regardless of their current religion or cultural affiliation; Lebanon is the territory, stretching from Mount Carmel in the south to ’Arwa¯d and the Taurus mountains in the north. In other words, Shı¯ha¯ ˙ considered any inhabitant of Lebanon as a descendant of the Phoenicians. Yet the population of Lebanon is composed of a Semite and European mixture, accumulated over time. At the present, this mixture is the Lebanese people. By denying any importance to the Semite elements in Lebanese culture and society, Shı¯ha¯ managed to impede Arabism from referring to ˙ this cultural aspect in order to create Lebanese Arabism. Nevertheless, Shı¯ha¯’s Lebanese-ness respected the presence of other confessional ˙ groups as entities within the nation’s unity, regarding this form of

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nationalism as conciliatory, and directed at nation-building within sovereign boundaries.66 Shı¯ha¯’s concept of the character that Lebanon should assume stems ˙ from considering Lebanon as a unique nation composed of a number of confessional minorities, formed over earlier decades. Through his attempts to study the terms jus soli and jus sanguinis, Shı¯ha¯ managed to ˙ formulate his theory concerning the establishment of “a political structure, based on a council formed by representatives of all confessional groups, a stronghold of democracy where all conflicts and disputes would be resolved”.67 Shı¯ha¯’s return to his Phoenician roots and his profound study of these ˙ roots can be related to what he called the jealousy and greed of the neighbouring countries and cultures. He tried to compare the “living half which is close to its history and linked to its ways of life, culture and language, with the other semi-dead half, of which nothing remained except in fossils and museums”.68 The above debate demonstrates the various attempts to construct the emerging Lebanese state. The Phoenician-Lebanese nationality was one of several possibilities. It prevailed among the Christians of the country and had a profound influence over the final image of Lebanon. The following section will discuss the main features of the Phalanges party as an arena which allowed for one of the developments of the PhoenicianLebanese nationality.

The Lebanese Phalanges Party: A New Form of Lebanese Nationalism The Phalanges Party was established in 1936 by Pierre al-Jumayyil, designated originally as an activist youth movement with the aim of fortifying the idea of Lebanese independence. During the early 1940s, Phalanges became a major part of the Maronite Christian opposition movement, in their attempts to stand against the ideas of Bisha¯ra alKhu¯rı¯ in formulating the principles of the National Pact.69 Al-Khu¯rı¯ expressed a more inclusive position and considered all the inhabitants of the region as Lebanese. The Phalanges, on the other hand, were more selective in their approach and defined Lebanon as a Maronite state, thus excluding all other sectarian groups from inhabiting the region.

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45

This party played a major role in promoting the idea of a Phoenician Lebanon, working in collaboration with other institutions that cultivated this kind of nationalism especially the Maronite church and the Guardians of the Cedars,70 fighting shoulder to shoulder against Arabists and Pan-Islamists in Lebanon from the 1970s. The social circumstances in the 1930s created a favourable climate for the launching of this party, based on moral views which Entelis argued were: “The result of a process of social growth, which found its roots in the particular history of the Lebanese Nation and the specific religious influence of western Christianity.”71 During the early 1930s, the members of the party were influenced by the Nazi idea of a pure race. Al-Jumayyil’s appreciation of these concepts was expressed during his 1936 visit to Berlin. The moral views of the party can be summarized in the belief in the interwoven trinity: God, Nation and Family. Whereas this belief is considered the raison d’eˆtre of the Lebanese nation, God is the basic pillar for the continuity of any nation. The family is the cornerstone of any social action. It is there that every person is treated with love and piety and where both national and nationalist feelings are nurtured. On the other hand, the nation provides the link between the nuclear social group, the family, and the general social group, which is the homeland. It combines the intimacy of the first and the totality of the latter.72 Later on, the trinity of God, Nation and Family as the main cornerstone for the existence of a nation were expressed in literary texts and essays written by Lebanese intellectuals. One can follow the ideological development of the party until 1973 through three major phases. The first phase, between 1936 and 1943, was characterized by a strong, rather stringent, link to the idea of Lebanon’s independence, with Maronite nationalism as a major catalyst in motivating people to join the party.73 The second phase starts in 1943 with the signing of the National Pact, and the changes caused by the political events of that year. The second phase of the party’s activity is characterized by additional involvements in the political field. This phase can be characterized in institutional changes. These changes included the foundation for the establishment of a system which would be able to face the democratic challenge in the Lebanese political sphere. A major feature of the phase was the adoption by the party of Lebanese Nationalism, using the same

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terminology laid down by the theoreticians of this Nationalism at the beginning of the twentieth century, including the specific elements of the so-called Maronite Nationalism.74 The third phase started with the events of the civil war of 1958. This phase was characterized by the acceptance of a small number of non-Christians into Lebanese nationality. During the first two phases, Lebanese nationalism as defined by the Phalanges remained intact, their basic guideline being that the Lebanese nation was a distinct political group, distinguished from its Arab neighbours. By doing so, they excluded non-Christians from taking part in the Lebanese nation they had envisaged. However, as the Arab world and in particular Arab nationalism, under Jama¯l ‛Abd al-Na¯sir (Nasser) had increasing influence on the Lebanese scene, it ˙ was inevitable that the Phalanges had to reconsider its agenda. With the growing influence of Nasserism, the Phalanges leaders demonstrated their willingness to allow non-Christians a significant role in Lebanese nationalism. One might say that, after 1973, the party witnessed some fundamental developments concerning its position toward the totality of internal relations among the various Lebanese confessional groups. In the first stage, these relations were characterized by a conciliatory attitude in order to win over the Arab Muslim side in Lebanon, alongside a resolute acknowledgment of the necessity of seeing Arabism from another angle which could be reconciled with the special qualities of the Lebanese situation: What the Muslims, and especially the Palestinians, should realize, is that the Christians believe in Arabism in their particular way, viewing it and the Palestinian question with their minds and not through partisanship. It is then normal that they are less emotional, something that is usually interpreted as a lack of enthusiasm, which is the worst interpretation. We at the Kata¯’ib see Lebanon first, then Arabism and then all other interests.75 This point of view was the source of a new terminology which had become widely used in discussions in the Lebanese political arena, such as “forced Arabism”, “Arabism of cultural belonging” and “Arabism by force”. All of these terms expressed the reservations of the continuous

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47

struggle within the ruling Christian sectors concerning the acceptance or rejection of an Arab presence.76 The events of the second Lebanese civil war in 1975 and the years that followed forced the Phalanges Party to make decisions concerning its perception of Lebanese identity. One might observe, at this stage, a fanatic policy of Lebanese nationalism, enclosed in itself, rejecting any other stream in Lebanon, even if the price was the use of fire arms, and fighting to this end: “We will turn Lebanon into scorched earth but we will not allow it to lose its identity and its existence, and its value without which life has no value and no purpose.”77 The Phalanges’ ideological fight against the Arab Muslim or Palestinian forces was compounded later on by actual fighting. The fight was directed against anyone they considered as opposed to Christian Lebanon, particularly the Maronites. The political sphere, in which the Phalanges played its special role at this stage, can be defined through its political alliances in 1976 within the framework of Jabhat al-Huriyya ˙ wa-l-’Insa¯n (The Front of Freedom and Man), which later came to be known as al-Jabha al-Lubna¯niyya (The Lebanese Front). This was a purely Christian group which called for the fortification of Lebanese nationalism vis-a`-vis the growing Islamic and Palestinian expansion on Lebanese land. It consisted of predominantly Maronite organizations, such as Guardians of the Cedars, the Lebanese Order of Monks and the Maronite League, and it enjoyed the support of the Holy Spirit University of Kaslı¯k.78 The memorandum submitted by the Maronite League, led by Sha¯kir ’Abu¯ Sulayma¯n, to the French envoy, Maurice Couve De Murville, in November 1975, bore the title: “A summarized, objective, true and open-hearted memorandum, to help understand the Lebanese question.”79 This memorandum illustrates Maronite concepts regarding several critical issues, such as Islam, Lebanon, the construction of Lebanon, as well as their ideas regarding Lebanese political, social and cultural balance. The last issue they mentioned was the decision to create a Greater Lebanon, which they considered disastrous. The contents of the memorandum brings to the fore the bigotry and tense atmosphere prevailing in Lebanon at that time; these feelings were part of the public sphere of the Maronite community. Reading this memorandum reveals the general sphere loaded with sectarianism in Lebanon, as reflected by the Maronite Christian wing.

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The ideas in this memorandum are similar to the components of the Lebanese theories of the beginning of the twentieth century, deliberately ignoring the existence of any non-Christian groups in Lebanon. The memorandum defined Islam as an oppressive hostile religion, with which co-existence was impossible. Based on this belief, the idea of considering Lebanon as a country of Muslim-Christian co-existence was excluded. Moreover, this memorandum considered Lebanon as a refuge for oppressed minorities under Islamic regimes. Concerning the National Pact, the memorandum refers to it as a tragedy which has opened the gates of Lebanon, which was fortified by its Lebanese nationalism, in the face of a destructive Arab attack. The authors of this memorandum emphasized that the solution could be found in a complete separation between Christians and Muslims, and the return to a smaller Lebanon, as it was known in the era of the mutasarrifiyya. These ˙ opinions are similar to those of George Samni and his followers, as expressed in his 1926 essay “Toward a Smaller Lebanon”. In this essay Samni explained the dangers he saw in extending the border of Lebanon for the Christian inhabitants of the region.80 The events of the 1970s proved him right. However, his advice was never implemented. Against this background, the Phalanges Party played a leading role in guiding and supporting these activities. In other words, the Party had, at this stage, deviated from the very restricted reconciliation, which was clear in the third stage mentioned above. It moved towards the implementation of Lebanese nationalism in a more extreme version than before, accompanied by imposing itself by military force, with the help of it military wing: the armed militia. In this context, one ought to mention the sectarian tendency which prevailed among the leaders of the Phalanges Party, and the Lebanese Front after 1975. For instance, Edward Hanı¯n, secretary general of the ˙ Lebanese Front considered anyone who was not Maronite as a guest in Lebanon who thus could not take part in the nationalistic fight for independence. According to Hanı¯n, the Lebanese nation was the ˙ Maronite community. All other residents on Lebanese soil were nothing more than welcome or unwelcome guests.81 This was the main agenda that the Phalanges promoted during the early 1970s. The denial of the right to be part of the Lebanese nation for any group other than the Maronites was acknowledged and openly supported by the Maronite Church.

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At that given moment, it is a nationalism based on a single religious and confessional view, closely linked to the monastic establishment and the Maronite Church, with the monks striving since the nineteenth century to disconnect Lebanon from its Islamic and Arab surroundings. The dismissal of the idea of Arab nationalism emerges from the antagonism towards Islam by the supporters of the Lebanese inclination. Such supporters repeatedly associated Arabism with Islam, and envisaged Arab nationalism as a disguise for Muslim dominance over Lebanon, the sole Christian country in the Middle East. On the other hand, they continuously affirmed the organic affinity between the Church and Lebanese nationalism, with the Lebanese terrain as fertile soil for the enhancement of this relationship, while claiming that the Arab world, under no circumstances, could form a suitable environment for the Church and for the Christians, or for Lebanese nationalism with its specific features antagonistic to Arabism.82 This leads to the conclusion that the advocates of “Lebanese-ness” had closed themselves off from the circle of civilized Arabism and asserted their not being Arabs at all. Instead, they claimed that they were descended from a pure breed, which goes back to their real ancestors – the Phoenicians. One crucial issue discussed in the following chapters is the use of the Arabic language. As explained in the introduction, the use of language and script are part of a nationalistic definition, forming as well as stemming from this definition. Therefore, the language used by intellectuals defining the boundaries of a Lebanese land and nation was also a tool to demonstrate the boundaries they wished to create. The fact that Arabic was not only the language of the region but also represented Arabo-Islamic culture was certainly problematic. The various solutions suggested during the twentieth century were in fact part of the process of Lebanese nation-building, and represented how leaders of the Maronite nationalistic movement considered their community vis-a`-vis the Arabo-Muslim world. As mentioned above, one might identify the general goals which “Lebanese-ness” attempted to achieve, as follows: 1. Resolve the controversy regarding the definition of Lebanese identity through proposing a broad-based nationalist doctrine.

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2. Provide legitimacy for the multi-confessional society in Lebanon and its democratic system. 3. Establish an effective doctrine as a counterbalance against the rapid expansion of Arab nationalism and its popular appeal among the Lebanese. Along these lines, “Lebanese-ness” as defined and used by the Phalanges Party, in particular among Christian organizations and the Maronite Church, had a dual role: a) create a specific Lebanese past, and thus support Lebanese independence; b) support the uniqueness of the Lebanese nation and its difference from other peoples, “races” and ethnic groups in its immediate surroundings.83 Contemporary Lebanon, its people and its civilization, as seen by the advocates of “Lebanese-ness”, is nothing more than the product of the heritage of its ancestors, the Phoenician heritage that spread enlightenment and civilization to other peoples. Its supporters claimed that the Lebanese people, though small in size, constantly makes an immense contribution to the peoples inhabiting the Mediterranean in the quest for knowledge. The task of the Lebanese is to bring enlightenment to the rest of the world. Their basic guidelines, which include faith in people and recognition of the value of life, as well as belief in liberty and openness to the world, should be adopted by all peoples.84 Nevertheless, the concept of “Lebanese-ness” as perceived by the Phoenicians adopted the entire Phoenician heritage as a tool with which to create a distinction between the inhabitants of Lebanon and the surrounding Arab-Islamic environment. This historical distinction could support the establishment of a larger confessional basis which included the Lebanese Muslims under its auspices: The ruling Christian establishment in Lebanon was in crucial need of a different rhetoric which would provide a historic justification for the existence of a Greater Lebanon independent from Syria and Arabism, and which would be accepted by all inhabitants of the coastal towns.85 As mentioned earlier, this link between Phoenicia and Modern Lebanon manifested by the Maronite community was intended to strengthen the special quality of the people of this land. The Maronites were the largest

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Christian denomination in Lebanon; they accepted this inclination in absolute terms and developed a sense of Lebanese nationalistic identity through their sectarian particularities, which, in the nineteenth century, came into conflict with the Druze inhabitants of Lebanon, and later in the twentieth century with the Sunni Muslims, inside and outside Lebanon.86 As a result of the sense of alienation from Muslim society among a significant part of Lebanon’s Christians, and the feelings of anxiety as a minority seeking to preserve itself: The Christians did not see themselves as radically different from the Arab Muslims, but rather as superior. They were even convinced that being liberated from Islamic rule would not be sufficient, and rather, they needed direct protection by Christian Europe.87 These feelings of alienation and superiority had accompanied the Christian inhabitants of Lebanon (especially the Maronites) since the establishment of Greater Lebanon. The Maronites have always expressed such feelings; however, their manifestations changed in the degree to which they have been expressed.88 The essence of the conflict has always been between acceptance of the Arab surroundings and its civilization or its rejection and alienation in order to preserve itself. With its new boundaries, Greater Lebanon cannot survive without direct and daily interaction with the Arab economy. Greater Lebanon, with its people of merchants, i.e. the Phoenicians, since the time of the Phoenicians, would head toward downfall if it pursued the boycott of Arabism. Arab political leaders, including the Lebanese, were aware of this aspect, which led them to a dual adaptation of their lives: “Lebanese-ness” with an Arab facet – an imposed reality of another dream.

Conclusion Throughout the twentieth century the supporters of Lebanese nationalism faced various challenges. One of the major challenges was their attempt to disengage from the Arab world and its cultural features. In the shadow of this regional nationalistic Lebanese sphere, a distinct literature emerged which saw as its mission the dissemination of its principles and their cultural support. One of the outcomes of the

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challenges and the need to construct a Lebanese identity was the emergence of a new literary style and forms of expression. These were created as part of the Lebanese Maronites’ efforts to define themselves as a separate entity, distinct from other Lebanese communities and certainly from the Arab nation being created at the time. To a large extent, therefore, it is a literature placed in the service of political and ideological objectives, glorifying, on the one hand, the rich Phoenician Lebanese past and its civilization as the cradle of human civilization and, on the other hand, attempting to prove the ignorance and rigidity of Arab civilization and the limits of its language in expressing the enigmas of the Lebanese Phoenician literary creations. The next two chapters illustrate the special features of LebanesePhoenician literature through sample analyses of literary works which represent the literary production in the service of Lebanese nationalism. The literary corpus produced by members of the Phoenician movement is analysed, with special sections devoted to their choice of themes and of language, demonstrating how the events described and discussed here were the basis for essays, poems and novels authored by supporters of the idea of Phoenicia-Lebanon. The analysis also shows how these texts played a role in the construction of a Lebanese nation as perceived by the Phoenicians. The discussions are structured and organized in chronological order to demonstrate how these literary texts attempted to plan a new language originating from the Lebanese dialect, thereby expressing the language policy of the Phoenician-Lebanese national movement. The main feature of this policy was the creation of a language and therefore also the writing of literary texts which made clear distinctions between the Phoenician and the Arab world.

CHAPTER 2 PHOENICIAN-LEBANESE LITERATURE:FOUNDING GENERATION

The formation of the Lebanese nationality influenced and was influenced by various aspects of life: political, economic, social, and cultural. Whereas modern scholarship has devoted much attention to political development, both national and local, the literary aspects of the Phoenician movement have been rather neglected. Above all, the contribution of poetry to the construction of the Phoenician ideology has rarely been studied.1 Hence, this chapter shows how poets adhering to the ideas and concepts of Lebanese-Phoenician nationality not only articulated these ideals through their literary writing, but also acted as a tool to disseminate these ideals among various strata of society. Their literary work constituted an indispensable layer in the construction and development of this nationality. By using distinct subject matter and, at some point, even a completely different language, the work of these poets created a clear distinction between the Arab and the Lebanese Phoenician nationalities. The supporters of the Phoenician movement were aware of the importance of literature as a fundamental element in recreating Phoenician civilization and its separation from Arab cultural history, which was mainly represented by the Arabic language. The cultural revival of Phoenicia required the abolition of Lebanon’s historical and cultural ties with the Arabs, with Arabic and with Islam. Such a move, so they believed, would bring an end to the political bonds and

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dependency of Lebanon on the Arab world, ultimately leading to the end of Lebanon being perceived as an Arab country, or part of a larger Arab nation and culture. As discussed in the previous chapter, the emergence of a particular nationality in Lebanon, and the Phoenician-Lebanese movement was made possible and was motivated by several social, economic and political developments. The main argument of the Phoenician movement was that Lebanon should free itself from the constraints of Arab culture and nationality, as it was a culture that had been forced upon Lebanon by the power of the sword. It was time for Lebanon to return to its former grandeur, its great Phoenician past. This political process gave birth to a rich and dynamic literary corpus as well as new interpretations of ancient history. This corpus formed an intellectual alternative and provided a historical and cultural basis for the claims and statements made by politicians and ideologists. Nonetheless, this new intellectual corpus was not only the result of Phoenician ideology, in many ways it took part in its consolidation and its dissemination to the Lebanese people. This can be seen in the contribution of early authors, the first generation, especially Sha¯rl Qurm and Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql who are the focus of the present chapter. Following a short overview of Qurm, the chapter is devoted most to ‛Aql’s poetry since it is the literary output of the Phoenician movement in Arabic and the Lebanese dialect that is under discussion. Though Qurm made a significant contribution to the formation and consolidation of the movement, all his writings were published in French. I contend that the main purpose of these writings was neither literary nor artistic pleasure; they were intended as a means of disseminating political and ideological values and ideas. These texts made the movement’s ideological beliefs available and accessible to all social strata and age groups. Their literary work was used as a stepping stone for the reconstruction of the Lebanese nation as one based on Phoenician roots, a distinct and separate nation from its Arab neighbours. These texts were ideological, both in their content and in their use of language. Moreover, these texts were embedded in their political, ideological and social contexts and cannot be seen separately, as they played such a prominent role in the shaping and construction of a particular Lebanese nationality.

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Sha¯rl Qurm: “The First Lebanese”2 The creation of Greater Lebanon in 1920 can be considered the first step in the establishment of the Phoenician-Lebanese cultural project, i.e. the dissemination of the Phoenicians’ political agenda through publication of literary texts. The cultural project of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement probably started with the establishment of La Revue Phe´nicienne magazine in 1919. I argue that this cultural project is both an outcome and a part of the ideological, nationalistic and political activity of the movement. In the term, cultural project, I include all the cultural activities produced and promoted by members of the movement, such as literary or historical writing. Their activity was more than the production of texts and included public lectures, festivals, poetry readings, television shows and radio programmes on pirate, i.e. non-authorized, stations. Members of the movement also worked among schoolchildren, writing children’s books and organizing theatre performances. For this particular audience, authors such as Mayy Murr used a different kind of language and propagated their ideas through drawings and didactic exercises. These books concentrated on Phoenician mythology while completely ignoring and omitting any trace of Arab culture. Their activities in reconstructing a Lebanese identity were limited to the historical and political sphere, as mentioned above. The poet, ideologist, theorist and businessman, Sha¯rl Qurm (1894– 1963), started his cultural activities3 by supporting the project of Greater Lebanon, together with the poet and businessman Mı¯shı¯l Shı¯ha¯.4 As I mentioned, ˙ Qurm established the magazine La Revue Phe´nicienne and a publishing house of the same name in 1919.5 Within a short period of time, the magazine became the focus for the followers of the Lebanese-Phoenician movement. The magazine called upon the Lebanese people to believe in the spirit of Lebanese thought, asking them to return to the source of Lebanon, i.e. Phoenicia. It also gathered under its wing many Lebanese who had been writing professionally in French. These writers, allied together in a group calling itself the Young Phoenicians, enjoyed the support of the French government at various levels. The magazine expressed hostility toward Arabs and Arabism. Another interesting feature was the French influence upon members of the group. They were deeply influenced by French culture, deriving their national ideas from

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French nationality, particularly the French theorist (but also considered an extremist and anti-Semitic), M. Barres (1862–1923), who was an intimate friend of Sha¯rl Qurm and Hiktu¯r Khla¯t (1888–1977), the ˙ leaders of this group.6 In addition to Barres they were also influenced by the writings of Charles Maurras (1868– 1952) and Paul De´roule`de (1846– 1914). France’s attempts to bring the message of its culture to the rest of the world became a model for the cultural and political activity of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement. The Young Phoenicians’ appreciation of French culture and the French model of disseminating its message were reflected in many of the magazine’s articles which glorified France, its civilization and its political activities. One of the major issues in French nationalism, and in the writings of the above-mentioned authors, was the idea of seeing France, its civilization and its culture as superior to all other cultures and nations. Their regarding the good of the nation as the highest value one should strive for supported the idea of dying for the good of the nation and the homeland. These French nationalists drew their symbols from and based their narratives on stories of ancient Christian France. The Young Phoenicians took their cue from the French nationalistic movement in terms of using the past as an ideal to aspire to as well as following the French model of claiming their nation as superior to others. Later, the idea of sacrificing one’s life for the good of one’s people was reflected not only in their intellectual essays and political agenda but also in their poetic writing. The timing of the establishment of the magazine was not purely accidental. It seems that it coincided, deliberately, with the declaration of Greater Lebanon as an almost independent entity in order to give it cultural support; and it began to formulate Lebanese alternatives in harmony with this new entity. The language of this magazine reinforced the desired cultural distinction. It was the language of France, the guardian of Lebanon’s independence, the Western language closest to the followers of this intellectual direction. From this point of view, French had become the first instrument of literary expression, while the Lebanese vernacular had become their means of daily communication. For these writers, classical Arabic had lost its prominence as a language of communication or a means of intellectual expression. Nonetheless, they did not deny its existence.

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The texts which appeared in the magazine included the main literary motives that were the basic principles of the Phoenician movement. Love of the country, self-sacrifice for the good of the nation and the magical nature of Lebanon as well as the close association with Western civilization, the Lebanese cultural contribution to the world and hostility against Arab culture and language were the main elements of the Phoenician writing.7 The Young Phoenicians also adopted the Mediterranean culture. They did not, however, consider the whole Mediterranean area as worth adopting, but only its European element.8 This idea took a smaller part in the thinking of later members of the movement, such as ‛Aql, Murr, and Ru¯ha¯na¯. Later, the focus was on the Phoenician past rather than ˙ Mediterranean culture. In the years that followed the declaration of Greater Lebanon, Qurm’s activities joined several other actions conducted by other members of the movement, intended to consider Lebanon closer to European culture, or what they called “Hada¯rat Hawd al-Mutawassit” (the civilization of the ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Mediterranean Basin).9 Thus, they placed Lebanon within a EuropeanChristian and Mediterranean context, rather than an Arabic one.10 Qurm followed the footsteps of the French cultural and political establishment on the one hand, and the Lebanese Church, specifically the Maronite establishment, on the other. It seems that Qurm’s cultural vision of Lebanon, as expressed in his literary writings in general, corresponds with these two tracks which are united in their vision regarding Lebanon – as a French cultural, political and ecclesiastical establishment. Qurm emphasizes that if Mediterranean culture is to achieve a special intellectual system representing the ideal human being, then “only Christianity offers the means of salvation and survival”.11 He therefore encourages those in charge of raising this cultural flag to integrate materialistic interests and spiritual values, provided that Christianity is the basic motivation for this: Since Christianity, even in the eyes of those who do not believe in it, is one of the most serious modernizing acts in the spiritual fields, and one of the events of the Mediterranean in the chronological order and moreover, as I see it in my faith as a divine interference in the fate of humanity, the human culture in this sea that is interested in saving our civilization [. . .] has to take care of

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everything that has been taken from Christianity in building our civilization, and take care of anything that we might take from it in our last support, in order to study it and defend it and to call for it.12 According to Qurm, contemporary Lebanese literature is based on four pillars “on which the ideal temple is based, which we call ‘civilization’ and they are: love of God, love of humanity, love of homeland, and love of the family”.13 On these pillars, Qurm establishes the basis for the followers of Phoenician nationality. Through his poetry he provides a cultural and intellectual basis for politicians, as we have seen in the Lebanese Phalanges Party (al-Kata¯’ib). As will be discussed later, he also set an example for other poets and intellectuals such as Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql (b. 1912) and Mayy Murr (1929– 2008), especially in using Phoenician symbols. Later, the idea of love took the form of ideal supreme human values, such as love of the homeland and love of God; it also encompassed beauty and purity. Qurm was the first to consider “Lebanese thought”, calling strongly for the establishment of Lebanon on a Phoenician-national basis; nonetheless, he refrained from writing in Arabic, or using the Lebanese dialect. Qurm did not consider French a foreign language. Rather he attributed great importance to the French language for the people of Lebanon, a language just as important as the Lebanese dialect.14 In fact, Qurm published only in French. As mentioned earlier, his masterpiece La Montagne Inspire´e (The Inspired Mountain) was originally published in French. Qurm won the international Edgar Allan Poe prize in 1934 for this book of poems. It gives us a clear picture of Qurm’s political and national agendas, as well as his views of past and presentday Lebanon. Though these poems relate the glorious past of the Lebanese, they are in fact an attempt to reconstruct the future of Lebanon, as seen by Qurm and his colleagues. This idea was first suggested and promoted by the French nationalist, Barras. This book, The Inspired Mountain, comprises a few dozen poems praising Lebanon, its beauty and its inhabitants throughout the ages. The country is depicted as the leading centre of culture in the world, and enumerates the various Lebanese contributions to humanity as a whole. Moreover, he claims, their political strength stems from their superior culture and scientific knowledge.15

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Qurm maintains that Lebanon has remained steadfast on its land thanks to its wise and proud people. Though repeatedly invaded and conquered, the Lebanese spirit will not be defeated. All the invaders will eventually be cast away into the sea, leaving only faint memories of their short presence.16 The poet deals with the unique features of the Lebanese nation: love of its children, resistance and steadfastness, worship of the Creator, high intellectual abilities, love of their fellow men, wherever they are. The small dimensions of Lebanon, says Qurm, hide the greatness of its people.17 A few poems were translated into classical Arabic (al-fusha¯) by ‛Aql, ˙˙ one of Qurm’s contemporaries and another important poet of the Phoenician movement. His translations typically had a florid rhetorical style. There could be several reasons for translating this poem into classical Arabic; al-Mashriq, the magazine that published it, maintained a high level of classical Arabic under its chief editor, Father Luwı¯s Shaykhu¯ (1859– 1927).18 ‛Aql translated yet another important poem by Qurm into Arabic in 1936, titled “Ba‛labak”.19 The use of Arabic at this period was considered appropriate and acceptable. A case in point is Yu¯suf al-Sawda¯, the above-mentioned Alexandrian intellectual, who was among the supporters of Lebanese nationalism. Nonetheless, he expressed his appreciation of the Arabic language and did not consider the use of classical Arabic ( fusha¯) as a threat to the movement or its ˙˙ ideology. It is important to note that al-Sawda¯ did not join the Phoenician-Lebanese movement, even though he supported many of their ideas. For instance, al-Sawda¯ argued that the use of Arabic as an official language was a manifestation of the independence of the Lebanese state.20 Though Qurm expressed much criticism against the Arabs, the culture they represent and their actions against Lebanon, he did not see the use of Arabic as in any way compromising the ideals of the Young Phoenician movement. One of the poems appearing in The Inspired Mountain, “Ba‛labak”, is a symbol of Qurm’s view of Lebanon. By recreating Lebanon’s glorious past, he calls for the Lebanese nation to stand upright and be proud. Lebanon, as depicted in “Ba‛labak”, is the origins of human society, a country whose inhabitants are great heroes, protected by divine providence. This past should be a beacon, illuminating the way for the Lebanese of today, leading them into the future, and encouraging them

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to be strong and to recognize the importance of their civilization. The importance of this poem can be seen not only in its contents, but also in the continuous reading and translations of it. The poem was translated twice; each translation demonstrates the developments the Phoenician movement was undergoing at the time of translation. The first translation into classical Arabic was by Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql and appeared in 1936.21 It followed traditional Arabic poetry meter, and included complex metaphors as well as classical diction and phrases. In 1983 the poem was again translated by Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d, but this time into the Lebanese vernacular, a translation that ‛Awwa¯d defined as “Lebanonization”.22 His work was characterized by a greater flexibility than ‛Aql’s translation. The main reason is the nature of colloquial Lebanese and a lack of commitment to strict syntax and norms. The use of Arabic meter shaped ‛Aql’s translation into a more complex poem in terms of poetic imagery as it requires the reader to think deeply about its phrases in order to appreciate the full impact of the poem. For example, for ‛Awwa¯d the people of Ba‛labak are “tall”, and nothing more, while for ‛Aql they “Rise high like a palm tree, high and proud”. As ‛Aql used it, the figure of speech conveys the meaning in a richer manner. In this case the “palm tree” not only implies the people’s height, indicating power and pride but also brings to the fore other associations such as patience and attachment to the land, thus suggesting victory. ‛Aql also omits the name of the mythological Phoenician hero – Hercules – from his translation, replacing it with the expression: “The shadow of an unarmed brave person”. ‛Awwa¯d, on the other hand, not committed to a traditional translation, retains the Phoenician name and says: “The shadow of Hercules”. In this way, his translation appears to be closer to the desired Phoenician atmosphere. Similarly, ‛Aql’s phrase: “And around you there is blueness and light” shows that he is using the “blue colour” as it is used in the traditional metaphorical style among Arab poets,23 while ‛Awwa¯d makes use of a foreign words that have deeper and richer meanings: “The eternal lapis lazuli that shines upon you”. In addition to its blue colour, the words “lapis lazuli” carry the additional meaning of a precious stone; this metaphor increases the value of the city to represent both the blue colour of its water and sky as well as its considerable monetary value.24

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‛Awwa¯d’s translation demonstrates the change that the Lebanese national movement underwent immediately after the country became independent in the 1940s. It is actually a representation of the solution to a conflict among Lebanese nationalists – those who wished to have some association with the Arab culture, and those who saw it as a devastating influence on Lebanon. This conflict was not limited to academic circles and studies, but was part of public discourse and echoed even in children’s theatre. All sides were competing for attention by rewriting history and history books intended for schools. One striking example is the publication of two history books during the 1930s, each representing a different course of events. In 1935 Zakı¯ Naqqa¯sh and ‛Umar Fa¯rru¯kh wrote a history book for elementary schools entitled Su¯riya¯ wa-Lubna¯n (Syria and Lebanon). In it they emphasized the history of Arab Lebanon. Two years later, in 1937, ’As‛ad Rustum and Fu’a¯d ’Afra¯m al-Busta¯nı¯ published yet another history book where they emphasized the special qualities of Lebanon vis-a`-vis other Arab nations.25 The use of language is yet another layer in the formation of the Phoenician movement. The new translation of one of Qurm’s important poems marks the solution to this conflict, the rejection of Arabic as a language for a literary discourse regarding Lebanon. Vernacular Lebanese became the dominant language for poetic writing as well as academic texts, while Arabic was completely ignored. By introducing the themes of glorification of Lebanon as a geographic region and the Lebanese nation, Qurm paved the way for a generation of poets and writers adhering to the Lebanese-Phoenician ideology. Among the authors who were influenced and in many ways followed his footsteps were Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql, Mayy Murr, Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d, and Rafı¯q Ru¯ha¯na¯. The purpose of this glorification was not only to show the ˙ beauty of Lebanon or to describe its nature for purely poetic or prosaic pleasure, but to raise the prestige of today’s Lebanon through glorifying its past. This literature, in many aspects, was employed in the service of the Lebanese doctrine. The following sub chapter deals with another supporter of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement and poetry, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql. A chronological review of his work focusing on two elements in his writing – the themes he incorporated in his poems and the language he used – reveals just how much the Phoenician movement and the writing of poetry went hand-in-hand.

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Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql: The Founder of Phoenician-Lebanese Literature Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql was born in Zahla in 1912.26 He was brought up on Phoenician ˙ ideals as they were part of his education at school and also emphasized at home, particularly by his mother, who was also the source of his love for poetry.27 ‛Aql greatly admired ’Antu¯n Sa‛a¯da and was a member of the ˙ Syrian National Party established by Sa‛a¯da. However, once his Christian inclinations became clear, Sa‛a¯da excluded him from the party, arguing that religious concepts did not fit the party’s secular features.28 ‛Aql took part in Lebanon’s fight for independence from the French mandate in the early 1930s. During these years he also started publishing political and literary essays and poems. He became famous for a series of articles that he wrote in several magazines and newspapers such as al-Mashriq edited by Shaykhu¯ and al-Dabbu¯r edited by Yu¯suf Mukarzil. In these articles he discussed various issues such as philosophy, politics, poetry and art in general. Once Greater Lebanon was declared in 1947, he ran for a formal position in the government. At different periods, he served as Minister of Education and Minister of Economy in the Lebanese government.29 In discussing and analysing ‛Aql’s main literary works, my main focus is his choice of themes, language and alphabet, which can be seen as stemming from political developments and representing his Phoenician ideology. The first study to examine the nature and unique characteristics of Phoenician literature was probably ‛Aql’s paper “Al-Shi‛r al-Lubna¯nı¯ bi-l-Lugha al-Faransawiyya” (“Lebanese Poetry in French”).30 This article was published in Al-Mashriq in 1935. The paper discusses in detail the poetry of Sha¯rl Qurm, Mı¯shı¯l Shı¯ha¯, ’Ilı¯ Tiya¯n and Hiktu¯r ˙ Khla¯t, among the major Young Phoenician poets; the discourse ˙ presented by ‛Aql deals with the appropriate features he sees in Lebanese poetry. He also mentions a breaking point and change in Lebanese poetry once Phoenician poetry started to be published. ‛Aql argues that, traditionally, Lebanese poetry followed in the footsteps of Eastern-Arabic poetry, with passion as a central motive. Nonetheless, the French influence on Lebanese poetry is different and represents enlightenment and rationalism. Until French poetry was introduced into the Lebanese-Arabic literary sphere, poetry was superficial and ridiculous, as it followed the Arabic

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poetic model. Arabic poetry, according to ‛Aql, “cannot be a role model for the pupils of human and esthetic goals”.31 If Arabic literature, ruled by passion, cannot be a role model, then French literature and poetry can be the saviour and provide a model for Lebanese poetry and literature. For the first time, ‛Aql presents the reader with the nature and structure of Phoenician-Lebanese literature and distinguishes it from Arabic-Lebanese literature. The five main elements of this Lebanese poetry are as follows: creativity, veracity, profound philosophical ideas, descriptions of the human soul, and glorification of the homeland. In addition to these elements, ‛Aql also discusses the structure he considers most appropriate for this new poetry: complex artistic writing, which only hints from afar and does not express ideas directly. By using this indirect form of expression, the author wishes to evade the possibility of making short-lived assertions.32 One should be aware that, at this point, ‛Aql expressed no reservations against writing or using classical Arabic. He wrote poetry and intellectual essays in this language, discussing various issues, including Lebanese nationality. However, it is important to note that even at this early stage of his political and poetic career he considered French a better language, both in terms of linguistic expression and in terms of poetic expression. He was thus putting forward a mild – yet clear – criticism of Arabic as a language less adequate for literary expression. The above-mentioned division between Lebanese literary texts influenced by the Arab culture of the East, and those influenced by the West, would be part of the subsequent generation of Phoenician poets and would be evident in their publications. The first literary work to pronounce this distinction was the poetic play al-Majdaliyya (Magdalena). At the beginning of his career, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql wrote in classical Arabic prosody employing a high register. His early poems featured well-known episodes from the Holy Scriptures. For instance, his first literary work33 Bint Yifta¯h (Jephthah’s Daughter) in 1935 was based on Chapter II of the ˙ Book of Judges. Bint Yifta¯h opens with an essay discussing the art of ˙ playwriting.34 However, his star shone with the publication of his second work, mentioned above, entitled al-Majdaliyya (Magdalena) in 1937.35 This poetic play was inspired by the meeting between Jesus

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Christ and Mary as related in the Book of John.36 As in the case of Bint Yifta¯h, this long narrative poem also includes an introductory essay, ˙ discussing the values that poetry should reflect. The introductory essay in Bint Yifta¯h soon became a milestone in modern Arabic poetry. In fact, in this essay, ‛Aql first introduced symbolism into Arabic poetry. Although several symbolical features had already appeared in Bint Yifta¯h, the poem was a mixture of romanticism ˙ and classicism interspersed with lyric stanzas revealing the poet’s natural tendencies toward the romantic style. Al-Majdaliyya represents a more mature use of this new poetic style.37 Al-Majdaliyya was influenced by nineteenth century French symbolism. This literary and artistic movement was established by Charles Baudelaire (1821– 1867), Ste´phane Mallarme´ (1842– 1898), Paul Verlaine (1844– 1896) and Arthur Rimbaud (1854– 1891). Symbolic poetry concentrates on the role of language to transmit deep feelings and thus to converse with the external world. In other words, this kind of poetry aims to bring the innermost feelings of man to the fore, by creating similitudes between the world and the emotional reactions of human beings. Symbolic language is special and inevitably leads to different symbols of the words, which are not perceived as the lexical meaning they denote, but the various symbols they comprise. Symbolic poetry believes in the inner force of the word and its unique sound pattern.38 ‛Aql was much influenced by French symbolism and was in favour of indirect and deep expression. He opposed direct expression that prevents the reader from thinking and contemplating the ideas presented in the poem. Like French poets, ‛Aql’s symbolic writing illustrated an idealistic world, unrelated to the physical dimensions of everyday life. In addition, he also emphasized the use of the unconscious style in his versification. In this poem ‛Aql demonstrated his ability to create a harmony between melody and rhythm, and to coordinate consonants with vowels, exploiting the potential music embedded in them. The form and the content of the poem together create a unique feeling in the reader, filling him with awe and spiritual inspiration. Beauty, for ‛Aql, is the key element in most of his poems, as he is influenced by the voice of Western symbolists who saw symbolism basically as “the religion of beauty”.39 Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql played a prominent role in leading Arab symbolism toward the discovery of a new language of expression, differing from the

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classical one and independent in its manner of expression, based on music, beauty and new ideals. Under his guidance, symbolism became consolidated and prominent as a poetic stream in Arabic poetry. Symbolism in modern Arabic poetry did not originally attempt to emphasize the social or political aspects of life, but rather to express the author’s excitement regarding beauty and esthetics. It was the artistic aspect of beauty that acted as a motivating power for the Arabic symbolism, pushing it into an awakening. ‛Aql’s symbolic approach, in particular his choice of sound patterns and words with multiple meanings, paved the way for a different kind of writing in Arabic poetry. His greatest contribution seems to be the preference for the deep and the mysterious over direct expression. He had a profound impact on modern Arabic poets who have followed his artistic style and poetic method. The political events of the mid-twentieth century, especially the emergence and declaration of new states in the Middle East led, inter alia, to changes in various aspects of poetry writing. Confronting the problem of the Palestinians and their presence on Lebanese land required intellectuals to face an acute problem. Their poems reflected reality; they could not, therefore, ignore these major events taking place around them. Furthermore, during this period, Lebanese poets and intellectuals were introduced to new modes of poetry-writing and new literary styles. These changes were reflected in how poetry was written at the time. During the 1950s, Arabic poetry needed a combination of two literary streams: romanticism and the new symbolic approach. In order to proceed toward modernism,40 they merged the sublime, the mundane, and the flexible – features derived from the traditional Romantic approach along with the mysterious and ambiguous, which stem from symbolism and modernism. Three central themes prevail throughout al-Majdaliyya as well as in ‛Aql’s later love poems: love, beauty and humility. Spiritual love and humility in their Christian interpretation, underlay ‛Aql’s view of “beauty”, consequently shaping his perception and representation of “womanhood”. Women soon became shining stars in the world of ‛Aql’s poetry and prose. For him, a woman symbolizes life and truth. The beauty of a woman is an ideal – absolute beauty, that cannot be attained, but one can but feel its warmth. The hero’s long journey in search of an ideally beautiful woman is in fact a metaphor and a symbol for man’s

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search for the truth. Love becomes holiness; the search for love is a search for the sublime. The call of the body where lust exists and the call of the soul where prayer exists, specifically the prayer of joy are intertwined and cannot be separated.41 Beauty is the radiant face of existence. Beauty continuously drives man to strive for more, leading to a union between the parts of the universe, and to freedom, where life is a mistress of itself. The union of the intellect and beauty leads to man’s greatest pleasure. Between the publication of al-Majdaliyya in 1937 and 1960, ‛Aql published two collections of poetry in classical Arabic focusing on the theme of love. These are Rindala¯ (Rindala) in 195042 and ’Ajmalu Minki? La¯! (More Beautiful than You? No!) in 1960.43 These two collections use the same poetic theme as al-Majdaliyya, i.e. love, beauty and humility. In fact, all of his love poems followed a variation on the same themes. It is likely that the non-development of ‛Aql’s concept of love is due to his treatment of it as an ideal. This love bears mystic elements of a human striving to leave his mundane body and individual experience and to be one with the sublime and spiritual.44 For that reason one should not be surprised at the lack of change in his love poetry over more than 30 years, despite the political and emotional changes which must have occurred as a result of the poet’s maturity and life experience.45 By the mid-1940s, ‛Aql had made his Phoenician ideals public in yet another mode of expression. For the first time he published a fulllength poem in the service of the Phoenician-Lebanese national ideology – Qadmu¯s (Cadmus). The publication of Qadmu¯s in 1944 coincided with the independence of New Lebanon, a political event in which ‛Aql played an active role. The publication of Qadmu¯s represented ‛Aql’s reservations regarding the Lebanese National Convention published at the same time. This convention called for adhering to Arabism. The narrative of Qadmu¯s, using modern-day Lebanese dialect, provides an alternative world history, with Phoenicia and Phoenicians at its centre. Furthermore, this literary piece emphasized the path which, in ’Aql’s opinion, Lebanon’s nationality needed to follow – i.e. that of Lebanese Phoenician nationalism. Qadmu¯s is based on a Phoenician myth which was later incorporated into Greek mythology. It is the story of Qadmu¯s (Cadmus), Prince of Sidon, ¯ ru¯b (Europa), who had been who went out looking for his young sister ’U

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tricked by Zeus into leaving Lebanon. Cadmus considered this an act of treason and betrayal on the part of the gods, and therefore decided to bring Europa back despite all the dangers of such a journey. Zeus kept a wild dragon as a guard at the door of the prison in which Europa was kept. The dragon was to keep her safe from the jealousy of his other wives but also to make sure that she could never leave. Once the dragon was killed, Europa was also to die. Cadmus left his country, ignoring the warnings of the blind man, the Greek Oracle; he was also unaware of the secret link between the life of the dragon and that of his sister.46 In the meantime, Europa asks her servant, Mira, to persuade Cadmus to give up his mission, but he refuses. Determined to save Europa, Cadmus kills the dragon. Once the dragon is dead, its teeth fall to the ground and turn into loyal soldiers who follow Cadmus everywhere and help him to build the city of Thebes.47 Cadmus’ joy over killing the dragon was mixed with his grief over his dead sister, who becomes a martyr.48 Ideologically Qadmu¯s is a story of great heroism and splendour; it depicts Phoenicia’s glorious past and the Phoenicians’ unmatchable courage. These virtues are represented both by Cadmus’ actions as well as Europe’s beauty which initiated the journey in the first place.49 This is an example of how ‘Aql uses the ideal of beauty and love for a woman, and how beauty and love can set processes in motion and bring about changes in the realm of the gods and in the world of human beings. The narrative describes how the Phoenicians came to rule Greece. Though the act of conquering another country is censured in other cases, the Phoenician invasion and conquest is depicted as an act of compassion, filled with love and beauty. The Phoenician conquest did not bring destruction or suffering to the peoples invaded, but brought salvation and revived the land:50 We are different from other invaders, we settled the desert And changed it into rivers and gardens We planted the cities, planted the thought in the earth And gave an example for the other invaders. The difference between the Phoenicians and the rest of the world becomes evident through the heroes’ ability to bring about changes.

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They are motivated by love and illuminated with the fire of knowledge. These three themes – love, light and power (to do things, to change the world and so on) – are a central axis in this and other poems written by ‘Aql. Love, light and power are clearly associated with Lebanon in Europa’s description of her homeland: It is my homeland, and Lebanon a promise [It is] Not a cedar, not mountains nor water, My homeland is love, in love there is no grudge And it is light that will not fade: work hard, a hand creating beauty and mind Do not say: my nation pillages the world; we are neighbors of the nations and kin.51 Another interesting point in the poem is the division of knowledge and the contribution of the several nations to knowledge. ‛Aql mentions four major cities whose inhabitants contributed to world civilization; the first is the city of Tyre and its Phoenician inhabitants. They are credited with the discovery of metals and masonry. Their most glorious achievement, however, is the invention of the alphabet in Jbail. The second city to contribute to the world is Jerusalem. This city is the origin of monotheism: the cradle of Judaism and the Bible and, later, of Jesus Christ. Jesus brought with him more of God’s words but also the message of love and compassion, which became prominent elements in Christianity (and thus in Lebanese heritage); he also added the religious law by spreading the value of Love among humankind. The third city is Antioch; its greatest contribution was the cultivation of philosophy. The fourth city is Damascus which, under the rule of Caliph Mu‛a¯wiya Ibn ’Abı¯ Sufya¯n (602– 680), became a major intellectual and cultural centre, according to ‛Aql. The sciences cultivated in Damascus were transmitted to the whole world. At first glance, this might seem a contradiction in ‛Aql’s historiography, an Arab ruler as a person who made significant contributions to the world seems to be illogical. However, careful reading and understanding of his philosophical assumptions provide an explanation for this unexpected piece of information and a reinforcement of his historical narrative. According to ‛Aql, the Umayyad Caliph Mu‛a¯wiya made these contributions despite

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his Arab origins. Mu‛a¯wiya’s success was made possible because he left the Arabian Peninsula and moved to Damascus – a city whose wonderful climate had such an amazing and beneficial effect that he could shake off his Arab origins and become a Damascene. Indeed, argues ‛Aql, only the strong foundations laid down by Mu‛a¯wiya, made it possible for the Islamic Empire to thrive for so many years. In other words, ‛Aql attributes the Muslims’ achievements to their ancestors’ contacts with Phoenician lands and their learning from them.52 The conflict illustrated in Qadmu¯s is a poetic metaphor in which ‛Aql sees the present as the fight of the Lebanese for their survival. It is also a suggestion of a solution to the crisis of the 1940s. Just as Cadmus knows how to use his strength to build but also to destroy in order to keep Lebanon safe, so should the Lebanese of today act. The Lebanese are love and moderation, they are justice, but they are also strong and proud. Should anybody try to harm them, they will rise, and they will fight back, strong and courageous. So says Cadmus: They wanted it [the situation] bloody, let it be even bloodier And let it be the distinguishing mark of the passing of time Between the sword of the aggressors and the sword whose blade destroys, But in destroying – it builds.53 As with earlier poems, Qadmu¯s reflects a reality and represents the author’s ideology and political agenda. ‛Aql presents an alternative historiography and constructs a past for the Lebanese. This past is interesting not only as a history to enjoy but also to learn from. It is the cultural foundation on which Lebanon should rebuild itself and emerge triumphant. Though Qadmu¯s features glorious actions by Lebanese heroes, it never became popular. The fact that it was based on a Phoenician myth made it far less accessible to the average Arabic reader. The implicit and explicit use of Phoenician themes was imposed on the reader, who could not identify with them. The political aspect of the book was far too obvious.54 The second ideological work influenced by his Lebanese-Phoenician doctrine is Lubna¯n ’In Ḥaka¯ (Lebanon: If It Could Speak), published in 1960.55 The book is characterized by its condensed, metaphoric

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language. Even though this is a book of prose, its language is poetic and complex.56 In the introduction ‛Aql explained that this was a kind of guide book – “Touring Lebanon, Lebanon the civilization”.57 The book comprises 38 separate stories of Lebanon’s past, its heroes, and its natural beauty. Here, as in Qadmu¯s, ‛Aql recreates a glorious past, a past that should make present-day Lebanese proud, strong and confident. This past is not just a pleasant story with which to spend one’s leisure time: it is a signpost directing the Lebanese to the right path. Lebanon is portrayed as the “Lost Paradise” on Earth; it is an ember that has never been extinguished. It needs only rekindling. Throughout the book ‛Aql depicts the past as a Utopia: a beautiful land, a heroic nation, industrious, brave and strong. Other nations are inferior and look up to Phoenicia for knowledge and protection. In other words, ‛Aql rewrites Lebanon’s history, reconstructing the past through myths and poems. Literature in this aspect is more flexible and provides more space for different interpretations of the past. Literature, therefore, is a better medium for ‛Aql to express the passion that he feels for Lebanon-Phoenicia. He rejects any attempt to challenge the authenticity of the information he discloses in his book, arguing that his book “in its historical chapters is not afflicted with an inferiority complex, but clings to history”.58 The book aspires to be didactic and educational for the coming generations. It serves as cultural evidence for the sons of Lebanon, who are ignorant of their culture: The ground on which you tread holds a story of glory. Each piece of earth is a chapter in history, a story of love and giving, and a part of civilization. Who knows it? Who knows how to relate it? Two, three, four [people] at most. Though two million Lebanese pass incomparable beauty every day, they do not recognize it.59 Though ‛Aql portrays his interest in Lebanese nationality as completely haphazard, it seems that something did instigate this interest, most probably his meeting with Sha¯rl Qurm.60 After their first meeting ‛Aql took upon himself to translate Qurm’s works from French to Arabic. He was also interested in Qurm’s political thought.

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The following pages demonstrate through several narratives how ‛Aql appropriates world history into the Phoenician-Lebanese past, and how he uses these stories to glorify and enhance the status of Lebanon among the nations of the world. My first example is the depiction of Pythagoras as Phoenician in Lubna¯n ’In Hạ ka¯. Pythagoras, according to ‛Aql, is wrongly thought to be Greek. Though indeed Pythagoras’ parents were Greek, he was conceived in Lebanon where his parents spent their honeymoon. They enjoyed their stay in al-Jina¯n al-Mu‛allaqa¯t (The Hanging Gardens), in the most beautiful and one of the most magnificent cities of the world – Sidon: It is said that before their magnificent wedding party, they asked the Oracle of Delphi to tell them their fortune. The Oracle told them that they would give birth to a child who would bring virtue to all humanity and for all time, but on condition that the groom would know his bride only in the most beautiful city, the city of high culture [taste and intelligentsia], the capital of the world. The lips of the Oracle opened and he said: “Sidon!”61 His mother, Bertince, stayed in Lebanon so that her son would grow up at the hearth of wisdom, while his father left to resume his duties in Greece. After 30 years, she was still singing to her son: You are Lebanese, my son In Sidon, on the slopes of the mountain of scent, you were born You are Lebanese, my son Even if the Greeks bear a grudge against me [“Lebanese”] a title that Homer, the father of the poets, would be proud of.62 Another Greek figure that ‛Aql depicts as Phoenician is Homer. His father was Phoenician, and his ship was wrecked in a storm. At the beginning of his life he was called Milisigin. He later changed his name into the Greek, Homer, a change which broke his mother’s heart. At the end of his life he acknowledges his Phoenician origin: As soon as he turned nine, he told his mother that he intended to travel and that he loved nothing more than the sea and the lands he

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saw in his imagination. This country was populated with the descendants of the gods; they could speak the language of the gods. It is Phoenicia! His mother said in her heart, remembering the father who was the cause both of her misery and her joys.63 Before embarking upon his journey in search of this beautiful country he addressed his companions, the groups of shepherds and hunters, and said: I intend to go on a trip up above, carrying my people, the offspring of gods, the speakers of the language of the gods, and the river that was merciful to my mother. And Athens, I came to say goodbye to you, Athens, who succeeded Sidon and Tyre.64 Though critical and opposed to the Arabic-Islamic culture, ‛Aql does show some appreciation toward certain Arab figures; one of them is ‛Abd al-Rahma¯n al-’Awza¯‛ı¯ al-Bayru¯tı¯, the eighth century Muslim jurist. ˙ However, ‛Aql never mentions his Arabic origins. In fact he considers him to be a part of Lebanese culture. ‛Aql gives a few biographical details and quotes some of al-’Awza¯‛ı¯’s sayings. The information he chooses depicts a person who is committed to his love for Lebanon, and his love and compassion for his fellowmen. These are features which ‛Aql had already established as fundamental in Phoenician culture ever since ancient times. Al-’Awza¯‛ı¯ was born in Ba‛labak in Lebanon and lived most of his life in Beirut and Damascus. He died in Damascus; nonetheless, on his death bed, he asked for his remains to be transported to and buried in his beloved Beirut.65 Al-’Awza¯‛ı¯’s tolerance and compassion are demonstrated through sayings and short anecdotes: Sifting the just from the unjust, replies ‛Abd al-Rahma¯n, is ˙ embedded within us from childhood, as is the distinction between ugliness and beauty. [. . .] “And as for the one who hits you, hit him back,” replies ‛Abd alRahma¯n, “it is your right; this is called justice”. [. . .] ˙ ‛Abd al-Rahma¯n continues: “However, it is better to be silent [i.e. ˙ forgive] the wrongdoer. His punishment is indeed justice, but to forgive is love. And Love is above Justice”.66

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The Imam al-’Awza¯‛ı¯ adhered to his preaching, sometimes at the expense of putting his life at risk. He protested against the wa¯lı¯ (governor) of Lebanon, Sa¯lih bin ‛Alı¯, and his actions against the Lebanese people, ˙ following their rebellion in 759– 760. He reproached the governor for acting unjustly. The governor’s decision to exile and kill many members of the ’ahl al-dhimma (referring mainly to Christians and Jews) from the Mount of Lebanon was unacceptable according to al-’Awza¯‛ı¯’s criteria of proper and compassionate behaviour.67 ‛Aql never described al-’Awza¯‛ı¯ as an ‘Arab’ or a ‘Muslim’. His ignoring of al-’Awza¯‛ı¯’s ethnic origins lies in contrast with his descriptions of other non-Phoenician figures. Greek and Phoenician figures are usually associated with a specific ethnic group and national origin. Though al-’Awza¯‛ı¯ receives some appreciation by ‛Aql, it seems that this appreciation was merely lip service to the Muslim community of Lebanon; in the course of Lebanese history (including several centuries of Islamic-Arabic rule), al-’Awza¯‛ı¯ is singled out from the entire AraboIslamic civilization, and shown as representing his own uniqueness rather than the community from which he originated. Later, al-’Awza¯‛ı¯’s figure assumed a national Lebanese dimension. A case in point is the description of the Lebanese intellectual ’Antu¯n ˙ Qa¯za¯n, of al-’Awza¯‛ı¯ and his role in the formation of a Lebanese entity: Thus we see that the tolerant Lebanese spirit is embodied in the soul of al-’Awza¯‛ı¯. Al-’Awza¯‛ı¯ who puts great emphasis on the value of brotherhood among all people [. . .] His call for love and justice led to harmony and peace and harmony among various Lebanese groups. I swear on my life that this is the foundation of every nationality. It does not harm him that he did not manage to maintain diversity among its individuals, but it was enough for him that he erased discrimination and propagated peace and wove its hidden threads into the patriotic conscience and national emotions.68 Lubna¯n ’In Ḥaka¯ discusses another universally known figure as having strong associations with Lebanon and the Lebanese nation – Jesus Christ. He is mentioned in two separate, though complementary, narratives which portray Jesus from Nazareth as a spiritual son of Lebanon. Lebanon played a prominent role in delivering Jesus’ divine

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message. He was baptized in the waters of the Jordan River gathered from the melting snow of Mount Hermon, one of the two mountain chains of Lebanon. And so says ‛Aql: Most of what we know is that when Jesus began his divine mission on earth, he agreed to be baptized only in the waters of the river that runs from one of the mountain chains in Lebanon. Thus, our first snow was the first to receive him and his divine message.69 Later, after Jesus had declared his divinity, the Lebanese were the first to follow his message. According to ‛Aql, this demonstrates why the Lebanese aspired to the divine and spiritual throughout history and disregarded the mundane. ‛Aql puts the following words into Jesus’ mouth: The mountains bring peace to the people And the hills bring wheat Return to me and I will come back to you Test me on this And I will open an aperture in the sky for you And I will shower you with blessings which cannot be contained And the people will envy you Because a desirable land you will be.70 ‛Aql’s narrative describes another incident in which the life of Jesus intersects Lebanon’s history. He situates the miracle of changing water into wine in Qa¯na¯ in Lebanon, rather than in Qa¯na¯ of the Galilee in Palestine (the poet Mayy Murr discussed this theme in great detail, as explained in the following chapter). These two formative events, the baptism and the changing of water into wine, are deeply rooted in Lebanon’s geography. Jesus tells his mother about the Lebanon that he loves: You know mother, I forgot to tell you [. . .] What? After my visit to Lebanon I will become another person. My friends will go there with me without knowing it. But after I perform a miracle there, as you asked me, they will know that I am

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another person. It seems that I will be reborn in Qa¯na¯, in the land of Lebanon. And what about Bethlehem? I will not forget it. They will call me Jesus of Jewish Bethlehem and the Messiah of the Lebanese Qa¯na¯, because in Qa¯na¯ they will believe in me.71 One of the intriguing narratives of this book is ‛Aql’s depiction of the ancient Palestinian people who lived in the land of Canaan, particularly in “Qalb Filastı¯n” (the Heart of Palestine). ‛Aql considers the ˙ inhabitants of Palestine to be blood-brothers of the people of Lebanon, branching out from the same origin, and united against a common enemy, the Egyptian pharaohs. However, politics had a devastating effect on the leaders of the Palestinians: they became corrupted and made their people invade Sidon in order to take control of the natural resources buried in its soil. However, one Palestinian, who hated fighting, told his Lebanese sweetheart about this conspiracy, and she warned the elders of Sidon. Unfortunately, her warnings were of no avail. The Palestinians conquered Sidon and destroyed it.72 “Qalb Filastı¯n” may be viewed as a warning to the Palestinians of ˙ 1960, reminding them that they were once allies but, once betrayed, they will fight back.73 He considers the existence of the Palestinians on Lebanese land as a threat to the existence of Lebanon, as well as a destructive factor for its economy. The solution of the Palestinian problem should not be through the appropriation of the good resources of a sister country.74 ‛Aql substantiates the literary and non-literary material of Lubna¯n ’In Ḥaka¯ in a theoretical essay. He wrote the introduction to George Ska¯f’s book Haqa¯’iq Lubna¯niyya (Lebanese Facts); the two books were published in the same year – 1960. In this essay he discussed the various dimensions of Lebanese culture that he considered important. The ideas and thoughts in this essay echo the stories appearing in Lubna¯n ’In Ḥaka¯. Both texts glorify Lebanon’s past and geography. Consequently, both texts praise the greatness of the Lebanese character. Who, asks ‛Aql, wins the honour of belonging to Lebanon? All the Lebanese, and I mean those who were born on the earth that is made of droplets of musk, and under these skies, which have

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an incomparable blueness, and are fresher than anything that the hand of God baptized. And also those who belong to this earth and these skies by choice; it is impossible that any one of them will be less than the other.75 It seemed that ‛Aql saw for his book a readership composed of two main groups. The first consisted of those who believed in Arabism and saw Lebanon as part of Arab culture, the Arab Lebanon. This group, according to ‛Aql, was uprooting Lebanon from its origins, depriving it of its true heritage. The second group consisted of those who saw Lebanon as a separate entity.76 ‛Aql consciously and deliberately used literature as a means to achieve his political ambitions: to plant the seeds of pride in the hearts of the Lebanese. ‛Aql rejects any attempt to challenge the authenticity of the information he presents, saying: “Its historical chapters are not afflicted with an inferiority complex but cling to history.”77 The author does not hesitate to appropriate any significant character of world history into Lebanese cultural heritage. The cultural heritage to which ‛Aql belongs is outside the circle of Arab heritage. For him, Arabism is a marginal heritage, when compared to the glorious Phoenician past. ‛Aql does aspire to change the future through reference to the past. Therefore, the message of Lubna¯n ’In Hạ ka¯ and of most of his poems and prose transcends the present time, becoming a history for the future.78 He wished to construct the Lebanese nation by retelling the Phoenician past and associating it with the Lebanese present and with the geography of today. First and foremost, he uses literature to make the people proud of their history, proud of their past and distinct from the rest of the world: For nearly a quarter of a century, I have happened by chance by the spirit of Lebanon. I did not go to it; it came to me and told me about its supreme great presence. Since that chance meeting, I have come to know it, to study its history deeply and to read texts that revealed its greatness. I have been given the chance to unearth the history of human thought which had been forgotten; a history that until now was considered worthless by some and negligible by others. But when my fingers started scattering the pearls, and playing with the most beautiful thoughts that the human mind

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ever produced, an emotion rattled in my heart, I felt as if I were reborn: the Greeks themselves were not more glorious. I realized that if we left this history to be forgotten, we would all die, to let the ancient past pour down on the thirsty minds of humans. I opened a number of educational institutes here to teach this exciting knowledge. I did that alone and I still do so. Today, as the study of Lebanese literature is at its peak, I have no fear of an aggressor attempting to attack this nation’s great heritage [i.e. Lebanon], no matter how strong the aggressor is. Our pupils are here; they have not attained their full power yet, but they are willing to face death.79 ‛Aql’s words form a picture of the world as he sees it, where Lebanon and the Lebanese lead the entire human race. The present status of the Lebanese nation reflects their glorious past, but also their great ingenuity and power.

Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’s Ideological Call for the Lebanese Language and the Lebanese Script ‛Aql’s writings expressed his political agenda in several ways. As mentioned earlier, the contents of his prose, poems and essays focused on Lebanon and the Lebanese nation as a distinct and independent nationality. The poems illustrated a magnificent past and a heroic people. Their content is intended to serve as a historical account of Lebanon, expressed in a manner that would make the Lebanese more familiar with their Phoenician heritage. In addition to the straightforward arguments included in his books and essays, he used another tool to propagate his political agenda: he created a language that he defined as “Lebanese”. This language was the vernacular but instead of using the commonly used letters, i.e. Arabic script, he used the Latin script with a few modifications.80 ‛Aql preferred the “daily spoken language” on the grounds that it was lively and dynamic. As a written language bound by strict rules, classical Arabic had lost its vividness, and was associated with a rigid syntax, inflections and declensions, making it impossible to know the function of the word without vowels. ‛Aql went one step further and created a completely independent language. According to Al-Kha¯zin,

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‛Aql’s choice of the Latin script was the result of his claim that these letters were originally invented in Jbail by the Phoenician, thus this alphabet belongs to Lebanon by right. The changes that he introduced were not modifications, but written in their original form.81 As explained in the introduction, language is a major tool for the construction and consolidation of national group. It is an accessible means of communication as well as a tool to create affiliation between people. Sharing a common language could enhance cohesion. Language is an important cultural manifestation, constituting one of the critical components of independent nationality. Through this particular lens one should study ‛Aql’s critique against Arabic and for the Lebanese language.82 While ‛Aql’s narratives provided an alternative historiography, the new alphabet and his daring use of the vernacular was an additional step in constructing the specific Lebanese nationality. Thus, the Lebanese vernacular – with its new letters – was employed to separate Lebanon from its Arab Muslim environment. According to Ru¯ha¯na¯, ‛Aql’s first attempts at using Latin letters ˙ were already made in the late 1920s. Ru¯ha¯na¯ emphasizes that Mayy ˙ Murr mentions poems being written in 1928, but these poems are currently lost. In a book dedicated to the revolution of the letter in ‛Aql’s writing, Ru¯ha¯na¯ presents the only surviving poem, a love poem ˙ authored in 1930 utilizing Latin letters and Lebanese language.83 Murr and Ru¯ha¯na¯ transcribed the poem into classic Arabic and received ‛Aql’s ˙ approval, though they never published the transcription.84 Ru¯ha¯na¯ ˙ claims that he saw yet another poem in ‛Aql’s personal library, also in Latin letters, entitled “al-Buhayra” (“The Lake”), presumably the ˙ Lebanese translation of Alphonse De Lamartine’s poem of the same name (1790– 1869) “Le Lac”.85 The first time ‛Aql published a work in the Latin alphabet was 1948. The poem “Meshwa¯r” (“A Short Stroll”) appeared in al-Dabbu¯r (Hornet) magazine.86 Later he published a few more poems in Sawt al-Jabal (The ˙ Voice of the Mountain) magazine.87 Though the use of the vernacular was not new, ‛Aql’s publications in the vernacular were ground-breaking as it was uncommon for a poet of his calibre to use this form of the language. Moreover he used it for new literary genres, not only prose or poetry, but also intellectual essays. His introduction to Mishı¯l Tra¯d’s ˙ (1912– 1998) collection of poems, Jelna¯r (Guelna¯r) in 195188 was more

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than an intellectual exercise or a demonstration of erudition, it was a political statement. For the first time the vernacular served to express complicated and sophisticated philosophical ideas, thus demonstrating the language’s rich vocabulary and diverse registers. ‛Aql encouraged writing in this language by setting himself as a role model and a pioneer in using the spoken vernacular as a language of intellectual expression – one with a weight equal to that of classical Arabic.89 ‛Aql, however, was not constant in his choice of language or script. Throughout the 1950s he published in classical Arabic, and in the Lebanese vernacular with Arabic scripts as well as in the Latin script. The political process intended to unite Lebanon and Syria and thus introduce Lebanon into the United Arab Republic, sparked a civil war between Lebanon’s various ethnic and religious groups in 1958. These political events, the fear of being drowned in the Arabic-Muslim world and the loss of their uniqueness, led ‛Aql and other separatists into calling more vigorously for the use of the Lebanese vernacular as their only language and the application of the modified Latin script. This was yet another layer in the construction of a particular Lebanese nationality and the differentiation between Lebanon and its AraboMuslim neighbors. By the end of the 1950s, ‛Aql openly and forcefully called not only for replacing the Arabic language but also for replacing the Arabic letters with Latin script for the Lebanese vernacular for all forms of communication.90 The 1958 pact between Syria and Egypt was a cause of great distress for ‛Aql and other Christian intellectuals. This political move pushed him to more extreme moves. One of these was to completely reject Arabic as a language of intellectual communication or cultural activity – a step that he had previously refrained from taking. As mentioned earlier, ‛Aql did not consider Arabic as completely useless, but suggested restricting its use. However, by 1958 he demanded the complete abandonment of the language and the political and cultural elements it embodied.91 This is the same motive that led ‛Aql to place all his literary weight in favour of leaving the circle of Arab culture, this time by ignoring or discrediting its significance, and rejecting its presence or its formal symbols: its letters.

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In 1961 ‛Aql published Ya¯ra, a collection of poems in a modified Latin script. This is the most famous book he wrote in Latin script. In 1962, he announced the establishment of the Ya¯ra Publishing House, which was dedicated to the publication of literature and essays written in the “Lebanese language”. Under the auspices of Ya¯ra, the poet Joseph al-Ghusayn (b. 1937) published a collection of poems entitled Newwa¯r ˙ (see also p. 14). His was the second book published in the vernacular with a modified Latin script. In the same year, ‛Aql announced a monthly prize of 1,000 Lebanese pounds to Lebanese and non-Lebanese citizens working in the field of education. Naturally, the prize was given to anyone who supported the Lebanese thinking that ‛Aql called for, writing in the spirit of LebanonPhoenicia, such as the researcher Yu¯suf al-Ḥu¯ra¯nı¯ for his book Lubna¯n fı¯ Qiyam Ta¯rı¯khihi (Lebanon within the Values of its History)92. The prize was awarded for 13 consecutive years. In his endeavour to set the Lebanese dialect in Latin letters as a living and important language, ’Aql also initiated an enterprise of translating classical texts into the Lebanese vernacular – also published under the auspices of Ya¯ra.93 Although ‛Aql spoke and wrote passionately in favour of this Lebanese language, as he defined it, he did not publish original poems in the Latin script between Ya¯ra in 1961 and 1975. All his publications from that period were in classical Arabic. Nonetheless he expressed support for authors who wished to publish in the Latin script. For some of these publications he wrote the introduction in Lebanese language and in the new alphabet. Additionally, his publication house Ya¯ra published a series of translations into Lebanese of world classics (for example John’s Gospel, Plato, La Fontaine, Phoenician poets, Shakespeare, etc.) entitled ’Ajmal ketub el-‛a¯lam.94 It is possible that Lebanon’s economic and political relations with other Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia, the Arab Emirates and Egypt, made ‛Aql less vigorous in his call for separation. It is also possible that Lebanon enjoyed a somewhat more relaxed atmosphere during that period, which contributed to his relative silence. The civil war of 1975 between the Palestinians and several Lebanese communities shattered this delicate balance. This violent crisis was a critical turning-point in ‛Aql’s political thought and poetry.

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The civil war of 1975 led to the strengthening of the Lebanese national movement and the cultural heritage of Lebanon as a reaction to the outbreak of the sectarian war. Assisted by the poetess, Mayy Murr, and her husband, Alfred Murr, ‛Aql founded the newspaper Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan (Lubna¯n/Lebnaan) on 24 January 1975. There is some resemblance in the roles played by Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan and its predecessor, La Revue Phe´nicienne. Both journals provided the Phoenician Lebanese movement with a place to express its political ideas and to further develop their cultural project.95 It was also a place in which to implement their cultural agenda by using the new script created by ‛Aql. Initially the magazine used both Arabic and Latin letters, but since 1983 it has restricted its publications to Latin script only. 96 Jarı¯ dat Lubna¯ n/Lebnaan generated great support from the adherents of the idea of Phoenician-Lebanese nationality. Throughout the years, they have published prose, poetry and essays. ‛Aql’s demand to use the Lebanese vernacular instead of classical Arabic and the Latin alphabet instead of the Arabic did not revolutionize his poetry or his creative styles. Thus, the importance of ‛Aql’s poems written in the Lebanese vernacular lies in its symbolism and the implementation of national terms and ideas.97 While his artistic esthetic and styles remained the same, his themes changed. An analysis of the content of ‛Aql’s poetry demonstrates two distinct phases. The change in themes corresponds to the political events of the civil war in 1975. At about that time ‛Aql added theological poetry to his repertoire, and also wrote more vigorously on political issues. These two subjects were a reflection of his political ideas and represented the social and political conflicts in which he was involved. His work reflected the struggle against the two groups he considered to be Lebanon’s greatest enemies: the Palestinians and those who designated a significant role for Arabic and Islam within Lebanese nationality. As I mentioned before, another way in which he expressed these views was in his activities as editor of the weekly newspaper, Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/ Lebnaan (1975–1990). This newspaper was one of the fiercest outlets of the Phoenician group. It was dedicated to the spread of the spirit of Lebanese-Phoenician thought by publishing essays and articles on

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political and poetical issues, allowing members of the movements and supporters of its agenda to express their ideas. It was also a rather effective medium to disseminate their ideas. Although the first issues were in standard Arabic and in Arabic alphabet the articles published in Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan were written strictly in the Lebanese vernacular, either in Arabic or in Latin characters. The newspaper’s declared purpose was to sift out foreign elements from Lebanese culture and society, and it constantly attacked the Palestinians and those who considered Lebanon as an Arab country. The newspaper published political and intellectual essays and devoted a special place to Lebanese literature. The main themes of these literary works included attacks on Palestinians, Arabs, Arabism, and the Lebanese left. In addition to the regular writers – Mayy Murr and her husband Alfred – the magazine also published the works of many other authors and intellectuals such as Etienne Saqr, ˙ Gilbert Khalı¯fı¯, and Rafı¯q Ru¯ha¯na¯. All the authors who published in the ˙ magazine supported the idea of separating Lebanon from the Arabic heritage and Islamic culture. One of the interesting articles that ‛Aql published in Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/ Lebnaan was a form of the “Ten Commandments” which summarized the Lebanese-Phoenician agenda and envisioned the future he saw for Lebanon. ‛Aql asked every Lebanese to memorize his “Hal 10” (“The 10”): 1. No Palestinian should remain on Lebanese land. 2. Lebanon will act for its own benefit. It will initiate political relations with other nations based on their progress and their commitment to civil rights. 3. The Lebanese language with its international alphabet must become the official language of Lebanon, and its culture must be a mixture of its great culture and world heritage. 4. Lebanon must not suspect of any of the Lebanese groups.98 5. The Lebanese must govern themselves in an egalitarian manner. 6. The Lebanese government must be future-oriented and heroic, and the army must be internationally respected. 7. The percentage of foreigners living in Lebanon must be reduced to a carefully selected 4 per cent. 8. Lebanese land and nationality must be given to the Lebanese people only.

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9. Lebanon must cultivate Lebanese greatness. The leaders of the world should take part in establishing a unified world. 10. The Lebanese people must again become what they had been in the past, pioneers of all the civilized nations.99 These Ten Commandments were intended to define Lebanon’s independence and its position vis-a`-vis other world nations. They were also intended to differentiate between the various inhabitants of the country and their status. Furthermore, the publication of these commandments in the Lebanese dialect and in the new alphabet introduced by ‛Aql was yet another means to define this language as the Lebanese language – an independent language and a cultural feature of the Lebanese nation. Issues of Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan openly attacked the Palestinian people.100 The newspaper is full of defamation of Palestinians, calling them “refugees”, “foreigners”, “Lebanon is the cemetery of Palestinians”; “The gallows for those who still utter the word Palestine”, etc. In addition, one can identify the strongly-worded message against Palestinians during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982. ‛Aql, Murr, and others discussed Israel as Lebanon’s last salvation. The symbols of the Palestinian leadership, especially Ya¯sir ‛Arafa¯t, the chairman of the Palestinian Liberation Organization at the time, were described as “rude”, “despicable”, and so on.101 Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan repeated its dogmatic rejection of the Arabic heritage of Lebanon, referring to the existence of another distinguished past and a more sophisticated civilization, the cradle of all world civilizations. However, the political situation created a new justification connected to the real Lebanese situation: “Why are we not Arabs? For a thousand reasons. One of them is that Arabism requires us to keep the Palestinians with us.”102 ‛Aql continuously argued against Arabs living in Lebanon and discredited any contribution of Arabs to Lebanese culture. Specifically, he denounced the right of the Palestinians to live in Lebanon. As mentioned earlier, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’s poetry did not change in terms of poetic style but only in its themes. In addition to constantly attacking the Palestinians, and warning against their negative influence over Lebanon, he also discussed man’s relationship with God, and God’s relationship with Lebanon.

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Between 1975, and until its closing in 1990, Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan was one of the major places where Latin script was in use. However, the Latin script never generated many supporters in Lebanon or outside the country. The use of this script was limited to the rather small milieu of the Lebanese-Phoenicians. Moreover, it remained an intellectual experiment, an ideological expression, in which the general population never took part. Nor did it expand into other literary genres. As I see it, there is a crucial moral contradiction between the content and the themes of Phoenician literature. On the one hand, the authors stressed the philosophical-metaphysical aspect of Lebanese greatness and its culture. Portraying themselves as preaching beauty and morality, they were deeply disturbed when facing brutality – usually Arab brutality, particularly brutal Palestinian-Islamic behaviour. However, when one reads the essays published in Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan and in Latin script in general, the themes and the contents demonstrate different concerns on the part of the Phoenicians. Authors preached for bloodshed, calling upon their fellow Lebanese to kill Palestinians and Arabs. No trace of humanity or love for mankind is evident in these texts. This clear contradiction between values and actions demonstrates the great distance between the Arab world and the Lebanese-Arab culture.

The Contents of ‛Aql’s Poetry after 1975, Written in Latin Script In addition to the change in language and letters, ‛Aql also introduced new subjects, mainly theological. Nonetheless, the tools he used to express his ideas and concepts remained the same. He continued to use symbolic writing and described an ideal world where love, heroism and God would prevail. In 1978, ‛Aql started publishing poems in the format of limericks under the title “Khuma¯siyya¯t” (“Limericks”). These poems were published in Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan in Latin script. They were short and composed of cadenced sentences. The poems discussed one of the three subjects mentioned earlier: love, heroism and God. The first were devoted to inspiring hope in the souls of Lebanese mothers who had lost their sons in the civil war. ‛Aql considered the sacrifice of young men in the name of redeeming Lebanon as more important than staying alive, heroism being preferred to life:

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And you say this boy that you gave birth to? So that the bullets of crows will eat him If only he stayed a dream and you did not shake him? No, and it is enough if you bury him You will not bury his sword which defended Lebanon.103 In this poem ‛Aql preaches to the mothers to willingly give up their sons, so that they will fight for their country’s future; he argues that the act of death is more empowering than the act of birth. In yet another poem “sh-Sharr” (“The Evil”), the poet addresses his homeland, encouraging it to hit evil on its head in order to eliminate it. ‛Aql promises his homeland his full support in striking the evil power with all his might: This who turned out to be the evil [Looks like] he did not like Your judgment, you hit and hurt him, you did not yield And we follow your lead, and on his head we will hit As long as we are the sword which is in your hand.104 Here ‛Aql discusses the Palestinians and their devastating influence on Lebanon. He sees them as ungrateful, the incarnation of evil. Instead of appreciating the hospitality of the Lebanese, they became dark and corrupting elements; thus they deserve to be beaten and expelled. The image of the Palestinian depicted in this poem corresponds to that published in other genres. Lebanon (love for Lebanon, sacrificing one’s life for the country and so on) and God constitute two pillars of his life and poetry. These two elements are critical for the survival of the Lebanese nation and they are intertwined. Lebanon’s very existence depends on belief in God, because God is Lebanon’s protector and the ultimate cause of its progress and development. Consequently, turning away from God is impossible.105 In his theological poetry, ‛Aql describes a mystical state with the ultimate aspiration to let go of one’s corporal elements and unite with God. In his poem “Wejj Alla” (“God’s Face”), he describes the various ˙˙ stages through which man has to go in order to be able to see the shining face of God. These stages are very similar to the path in which Su¯fı¯

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disciples have to take in order to reach the ultimate level of worshipping God. These similarities brought Jayyu¯sı¯ to argue that ‛Aql was influenced by Sufism and Su¯fı¯ poetry in particular.106 We see that in “Raka‛tillak” (“I Knelt in Front of You”), all the elements of the universe, including living creatures and nature itself, kneel before the throne of Almighty God, the Master of this world. Above all, the mind that tamed the world also participates in the kneeling, as an acknowledgement of God’s greatness.107 ‛Aql was persistent in his style as well as his choice of materials and themes even after the civil war calmed down at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s. These themes corresponded to his previous publications in classical Arabic, as shown in the collection of poetry, Khuma¯siyya¯t al-Siba¯ (Limericks of Youth), published in 1991.108 ˙ The poems in this collection are more complicated in their poetic diction, which ‛Aql mastered in classical Arabic, than in the spoken vernacular Arabic. The poems tend to be more human and international.109 They seem to be from his ideological poems published in Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, especially in the period of severe conflict during the civil war. He returns to his rich symbolic language, taking into consideration the rules of traditional poetry writing, but in his characteristic language, he uses different metaphors and dictions from the classical language with which his readers are familiar. Khuma¯siyya¯t al-Siba¯ can be defined as theological metaphysical poetry. ˙ In these poems ‛Aql demonstrates once again an interest in Sufism, which has noticeably become part of his literary production.110 From that period, his ideas of unity with the Divine Self, and the revelation of God in everything and everywhere became prominent elements in his poetry: O you the wealthy As exhaustion [I am] A journey within moans Me, who am I? A journey within God.111 The poem points out the degree of the obliteration of the self and a person’s unity with God. This aspect is also similar to the Sufi concept. For ‛Aql, man is part of nature that God created, and nature is

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completely integrated with God’s omnipotence. In this way, the parts of the universe unite to compose a complete harmony. Once again the choices that ‛Aql made regarding the language of writing seems to be unclear. Though he preached passionately that one should write and publish in the Lebanese Latin script, he was never really committed to this language. In fact, most of his income was earned from publications in classical Arabic. Moreover, when publishing his complete works he did not include Latinized poems. The only list that included a single Latinized text – Ya¯ra – was the second edition of the play Qadmu¯s, which included a list of his publications.112 In fact, we can use this claim to put forward the opposite point of view. It is likely that ‛Aql repeatedly returned to classical Arabic because he was sure that his books in modified Latin fonts were not popular in the Arab world. What confirms this assumption is that he omitted the titles of all his works written in Latin script from the list of his complete works published in 1992.113 In 1999 ‛Aql published his last three books, two in the Lebanese vernacular using Latin script and one in French. The books were published by the Dergham Publishing House in Beirut. The first is called ‛Ashtarim, the name of a Phoenician heroine; it is composed of 3,000 lines of narrative poetry. The second is a Mass (’edde¯s) Missa Solemnis, a religious mass of the Maronite rites in which he tries to substitute the Maronite prayers with something new. The third is Sagesse de Phe´nicie: Quintains (The Wisdom of Phoenicia: Quintains). In view of the above, the degree of ‛Aql’s intellectual, cultural and political abilities clearly appears in his support of the PhoenicianLebanese trend as a movement of political and cultural independence. This literary practice is clearly an integral part of his cultural independence of his environment, and his entity as a Lebanese rather than anything else: “Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’s culture has no value whatsoever if it does not write the truth and the truth is that I am Lebanese; so I write in Lebanese.”114 He supports his doctrine with various writings on political and cultural levels. From this perspective, ‛Aql can be considered the ideological father of this trend, and the second Lebanese after Sha¯rl Qurm, as we mentioned earlier, whom ‛Aql liked calling “the first Lebanese”.115 His severe words reflect the intellectual basis for ‛Aql’s thought and writings. He is not willing to be identified with Arabism in any possible

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way. Thus, he found a new sphere of inclusion that would better fit his definition of his identity. These spheres of belonging influenced and were reflected in his literary works in various periods and genres. His political agenda, calling for the complete exclusion of Arabic heritage, was expressed both in the themes and in the form of his work. By using the Lebanese language, and the unique script he adopted, he made his rejection of Arabism visible and clear. As shown above, by divorcing himself from the Arabic language, he rejected Arab culture and heritage. This chapter dealt with several historical and literary changes that shaped and constructed the early stages of Phoenician poetry. I have shown how the Young Phoenician movement’s writings in French led to their distancing from the Arab world and their becoming closer to the European one. I have also claimed throughout the chapter that the writings of members of the movement, and Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’s in particular, were derived from but also helped to construct the nationalistic ideals of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement. By discussing the changes in language suggested by ‛Aql I have shown that the use of another language was not simply the result of artistic and literary considerations, rather it stemmed from the need to separate itself from classical Arabic and to create a new language representing Lebanon’s independence. ‛Aql’s call for new choices both in terms of style and in terms of language had a profound effect on the next generation of Phoenician authors. In the following chapter I discuss these influences while analysing two other major authors: Mayy Murr and Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d.

CHAPTER 3 THE SECOND GENERATION: MAYY MURR AND MŪ RĪ S ‛AWWĀ D

The previous chapter was devoted to the contributions of two important poets and intellectuals of the Phoenician-Lebanese Movement: Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql and Sha¯rl Qurm. The contribution of these two authors should be examined not only in the light of the scope of their publications or their popularity but also by their influence on succeeding generations of poets and politicians. This influence can be seen in several aspects: introduction of new literary motifs and styles, common themes and the languages of writing and expression. This chapter focuses on authors belonging to the second generation of Phoenician-Lebanese supporters, Mayy Murr and Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d in particular, since their work had a profound influence on the development of Phoenician-Lebanese poetry. Furthermore, the poems they produced were clear and homogenous both in terms of their poetic style as well as in their choice of themes and their nationalistic elements.

Mayy Murr, “the First Poetess, the First Historian” Mayy Murr was born in 1929 in the village of Bitighrı¯n, in the northern (Matn) district of Lebanon,1 and died in Beirut on 18 March 2008. Murr and her husband, engineer Alfred Murr, were active members of the Phoenician-Lebanese movement.

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Murr’s poetry was intertwined with her academic studies and research in the fields of geography and history, consequently, her poetry and her academic writing echoed each other.2 The following review of her poetic achievements shows how she applied her academic research and didactic skill to her literary work. Clearly, her choice of material was, in many cases, intended to erase the Arabic elements and heritage prevailing in the Lebanese society of her time. In both her literary and academic work, Lebanon is depicted as the origin of all major human achievements. Like her teacher and role model, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql, Murr also wrote extensively on theological issues. Her essays and poems discussed the importance of the country and its people for world religions and civilization. In addition to attributing the invention of the alphabet to the Lebanese, and situating the miracles of the loaves and the fishes, and the wine in Lebanon, Murr also argued that the Virgin Mary was, in fact, Lebanese. The poet maintained that Noah had built his ark with cedars from Lebanon. Both the Virgin Mary and Noah are more than religious figures; they are also symbols which represent generation and life. Her poetry reflected her nationalistic agenda and her perception of Lebanon as the cradle of world civilization. Murr expressed her ideas in three languages: French, classical Arabic and “Phoenician-Lebanese” (in both Arabic and Latin script). Just as the texts in all three languages depict similar ideas and motifs, the choice of a particular language does not entail any change in style or choice of subject matter. Regarding the Lebanese vernacular: some of her poems were written in Arabic script; one example was ’Ilı¯ssa¯,3 a poetic historical drama in which the events are derived from Phoenician myths. Some of the poems were written in the modified Latin script; one such book of poems was “Bxebbak” (“Bhebbak; I Love You”),4 an example of ˙ classical love poetry. The series of stories for younger readers entitled A Series of the Most Beautiful Tales of Lebanon –Phoenicia was written in classical Arabic. This is a series of 12 stories aimed at instilling the values of Lebanon-Phoenicia’s culture and a love for Lebanon in the younger generation. The stories, for instance “’Ufaddiluki Tara¯bulus ‛ala¯ Nafsı¯” ˙ ˙˙ (“Tripoli, I Prefer You to Myself”), elevated the love that a child should feel for his country.5

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Murr also wrote in French. The collection entitled: Pourquoi Les Roses? (What are the Roses For?)6 is a collection of love poems written in a classical style or free verse prose forms, which won the ‛Aql Prize. Poe´sie Trisme´giste (Poems Three Times in their Glory)7 is a collection of prayers for man and for Lebanon. In addition, she wrote a large number of essays which were published in Lebanese and French newspapers.8 In her work, Murr – like ‛Aql – discusses idealism, lofty values, beauty, and love. She is idealistic in her love, and in her constant glorification of cultural Lebanon and God. We notice the similarity between Murr’s principal themes and ‛Aql’s. This is not by chance, as Murr is influenced by the Lebanese spirit that began with ‛Aql, in addition to her own strong religious beliefs and her exposure to French literature; this was due to living within a Lebanese environment which was based on French culture, her studies in France, and her activities in the movement for a Phoenician Lebanon. Her poems discussed several aspects of Lebanon’s glory. As well as spiritual love, a topic which had already appeared in ‛Aql’s work, glory was the basis that allowed the Lebanese to pave the way for prominent historical figures to emerge with their inventions and messages. Murr’s main purpose was to demonstrate the greatness of civilized LebanonPhoenicia and its heroism. This greatness is what entitled the country to rule the world. One of the longest and most important poems dealing with the splendor of Lebanon is the above-mentioned ’Ilı¯ssa¯. It is an historical poetic drama telling the story of ’Ilı¯ssa¯, a Phoenician heroine, the founder of the Phoenician kingdom. The drama includes many heroic events derived from Phoenician myths. Without exception, all the wars described end with the victory of the Lebanese.9 ’Ilı¯ssa¯ reveals the cultural role of the Lebanese-Phoenician woman.10 Through her, the splendour of Lebanon and its Phoenician culture are depicted together with the heritage which shines a bright light on all humanity. ’Ilı¯ssa¯ emerges from historical events into an attempt to form a different type of documentation. It is a selective documentation of everything that was beautiful in that long-ago age of pure love and infinite heroism. This poem, as well as others that present a female figure as its heroic protagonist, demonstrates the grandeur of Lebanon and its Phoenician heritage. In this grand culture, even women – traditionally

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considered weak and less creative than the male figures – are strong. They fight for their country, rather than wait for a male hero to come to the rescue. Your death, O my beloved, will not be for nothing And we will never allow injustice to rule. For your sake even what is beyond this world becomes attainable And the tyrant will be further afflicted with oppression.11 As in the case of ‛Aql, it seems that the epic poem, a genre recently introduced into Arabic literature, is the best genre through which Murr can express her nationalistic agenda. The epic provides her with a broader literary space for her esthetic literary talent, as well as more opportunities to show some historical aspects blended with imagination and legend. Consequently, she is not committed to proven historical facts, and this allows her to propagate her thoughts about the greatness of Lebanon with some intentional exaggeration. Her work Lubna¯niya¯da¯ is a prominent example of a glory poem. The epic was written in the Lebanese dialect in Arabic script and was published sporadically in Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan between 1975 and 1982 while she was the chief editor of the newspaper. The passages of Lubna¯niya¯da¯ resonate with Phoenician associations and connotations. One of the Phoenician images that appears in the poem and plays a decisive role is the Phoenix, a well-known figure in Phoenician mythology. The Phoenix will undoubtedly return to reestablish an altar in historical Baalbek (Ba‛labak) and tell the hidden truth of the civilization that will rise out of its ashes:12 This Phoenix will tell and come back It will tell and its voice will see And above, the eagles will listen and be proud.13 The poem narrates the stories of mythological figures; nonetheless the plot is aimed at portraying Lebanon as a religious centre and the cradle of monotheism. Murr claims that the Phoenician heritage of the figures was the basis for their monotheistic belief in God. Murr’s poems do not simply glorify the Phoenician past as it is known historically; they also undertake the mission of conducting academic

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studies that demonstrate the greatness of that history, and refute the attempts of hiding the proposed facts regarding Lebanon’s influence in creating all the fundamentals of cultural development in our time. ‛Aql had already started the project of remolding history in his work, Lubna¯n ’In Ḥaka¯ (Lebanon If It Could Speak), and in his encouragement of other writers who undertook this mission, such as Yu¯suf al-Ḥu¯ra¯nı¯ in his above-mentioned book, Lubna¯n fı¯ Qiyam Ta¯rı¯khihi (Lebanon within the Values of its History). However, Mayy Murr and her husband, Alfred Murr, were more active in this field than others, depending as much as possible on historical facts, trying hard to attribute anything related to human development to Lebanese-Phoenician origins. Murr intended to publish her studies in a multi-volume work entitled: Lubna¯n-Fı¯nı¯qiya¯ ’Arḍ ’ı¯l ‛Abr Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n-Fı¯nı¯qiya¯ ‛Imla¯q al-Tawa¯rı¯kh (LebanonPhoenicia Land of Eil, beyond the History of Lebanon-Phoenicia, the Giant of Histories).14 From this perspective, Murr’s poems provide an echo of what she tries to say through historical data. She therefore enlisted many of her poems in the service of the Lebanese doctrine, searching for historical roots in Lebanon-Phoenicia’s past.15 Thus, in her view, literature becomes a history of the greatness of Lebanon. Literature is closer to the soul than dry historical facts; as a result, it can increase the possibility of empathy with these thoughts. These poems are mostly connected to Murr’s Christian theological world. She published many of them in periodicals for religious communities, notably in the community pamphlet of the diocese of Beirut and Bint Jbail – ’A‛rif Kha¯ssatı¯ (I Know what is Mine).16 What is ˙˙ exciting in these poems is the fact that they were written in classical Arabic in a purely traditional style. Arabic did not prevent Mayy Murr from praising the values of civilized Lebanon-Phoenicia. On the contrary, she employed it as she did the vernacular Lebanese written in Arabic script or a modified Latin script in order to attribute to LebanonPhoenicia a pioneering role in embracing lofty spiritual values. Murr wrote these poems at the end of the bloody conflict in Lebanon, following her attack on the Palestinians and everything Arab during her participation in the editing of Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan. Thus, like the changes in ‛Aql’s choice of language, the period of writing in classical Arabic takes place during a period of relative peace in which language does not constitute a threat to the Lebanese national entity.

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The best example illustrating the use of history in the poems is “Ḥatta¯ Ya’tı¯” (“Until He Comes”).17 This is a poetic narrative version of the Biblical story in which God chooses Noah as a means of continuing humanity, while faithless people perish in the flood.18 As I mentioned, Murr wrote this poem as part of her claim that Noah was originally from Lebanon. The poem is packed with pseudo-historical information supported by historical studies, which she included in the preface. The poem associates Jesus Christ with Noah’s lineage; both figures are thus not only situated in the land of Lebanon but they stem from a Phoenician background and Phoenician roots, and therefore represent the greatness and importance of this heritage. Murr introduced into her poem an element of historical background to support her theory which claims that the biblical Noah was of Phoenician origin and that Jesus Christ descends from his lineage: Our historian Sinkhu¯nı¯ ’Atin, maintains that ’U¯r-’A-Nu¯s (who is Noah according to our research) is the son of ‛Alyu¯n and Beirut. ¯ r-’A-Nu¯s to They who gave him his two names: Shmı¯m and ’U heaven [. . .]. After the Flood he lived in al-Biqa¯‛. His holy grave is located in Karak Nu¯h near Zahla and Baalbek (Ba‛labak) – ˙ Hilyupu¯lı¯s (Heliopolis), the summer resorts of his son Sa¯m. Sa¯m is Kru¯nu¯s-’ı¯l, or Hilyus, or Zohal or Sa¯tu¯rn, or Ra¯‛, and the first king ˙ in Lebanon-Phoenicia and the world, and he is one of the forefathers of Jesus, according to the Gospel of St. Luke.19 God tells Noah to build an ark so that he and his family will be saved from the Flood, promising Noah that his descendants will survive and flourish afterwards. In the poem, the final resting place of the ark is Mount Hermon which is, according to Murr, either Mount Sanı¯r or Mount Nisı¯r: ˙ And above Ḥirmu¯n the ark anchored The kingdom of Noah reaches to the Heavens.20 Although the poem focuses on the story of Noah and the Ark, it also has a connection to the crucifixion. The last parts of the poem relate that the wood taken from the remains of the Ark were later used to make the cross on which Jesus was crucified:

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Cedar? Come here, I was answered, be the wood for the crucifixion And to you will come. . .– Who will come? – Jesus!21 God, then, refuses no request made by the cedar of Lebanon, giving this country the honour of being the Saviour of humanity again. From Murr’s perspective, Lebanon takes a leading role in serving the world, as it endured the agony of the Via Dolorosa so that the eternal joy of the resurrection could be achieved. From a technical point of view, the poem has a classical structure and follows the traditional style. The first part of the line is written according to the khafı¯f (a light meter),22 and the lines are divided into two halves, each of which has an independent meaning, despite the narrative style that imposes continuity between the lines. The rhyme scheme is uniform in all the lines. The sonority is derived from the rich traditional Arabic vocabulary, and one is aware of some classical rhetorical elements imposed by the traditional style. One of the more prominent characteristics that Murr uses is epanalepsis: al-tasdı¯r or radd al-‛ajuz ‛ala¯ al-sadr (repeating the same word-quru¯h ˙ ˙ ˙ at the end of each half-line, or at the beginning and the end of the same line):23 . . .‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺃ ّﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﱏ ﻧﺪﻭﺏ ﻗﺮﻭ ﺡ‬ ‫ ﺳﺘﺸﱼ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﺡ‬،‫ﺑﲆ‬- ‫ﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﱼ‬ And the worlds are nothing but scars of sprouting sores. . . Wish it will be healed. O, Yes, the wounds will be healed Another typical element is paronomasia, the technique of punning, between the two words appearing at the beginning and the end of the second half of the following line of verse: ‫ﻗ ّﺮﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻮﻑ ﳝﴜ‬ ‫ﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﺢ‬ َ ‫ ﺑﺌ‬،‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴّﺤﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻥ‬ My justice made a decision, it will destroy [All] Those who [filled] the universe with pus, O, how terrible this pus is Her command of classical Arabic rhetoric is shown most in “’Arduna¯ al˙ Muqaddasa” (“Our Holy Land”). This poem is written in Bası¯t, a ˙

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compound meter. Once again, a classical structure is used to illustrate Lebanon’s grandeur and its holiness. Above all, this structure serves Murr in her endeavour to demonstrate one of Lebanon’s greatest contributions to the world – monotheism: This title [the Land of ’il] of our land has accompanied it for as long as it has existed, and will be its laurel [sign of victory] forever [. . .] Yes. This is what we have concluded from the archeological objects and writings that we have found. Yes, there are many ancient written artifacts – and some of them are by Sı¯nku¯nı¯ ’Atin of Beirut, he who summarized the work of our ancient historians. The writings include the Phoenician epics of Phoenician ’Uga¯rı¯th and the monuments of the Egyptian Naba¯ta¯ that gave Lebanon-Phoenicia the title “the land of ’il”.24 As we mentioned earlier, a recurrent motif in Murr’s poetry is the Phoenix resurrected from the dead; it also appears in “’Arduna¯ al˙ Muqaddasa”. It is the Phoenix that changes into an eagle flying over Lebanon to bring good tidings to the world and to prepare humanity for the divine prophecies. These prophecies will be revealed only in the land of Lebanon, the land of light competing with the holy light of the sun. The narrative echoes the Biblical text from The Book of Ezekiel 17:3: “And say, Thus saith the Lord GOD; A great eagle with great wings, long winged, full of feathers, which had diverse colors, came unto Lebanon, and took the highest branch of the cedar.”25 Murr says: And the Invisible asks: Who returned the Phoenix to us As a new eagle, yes, he has news for us Like yesterday is today showering us with bliss from his sky The sun will kneel; the Lord of the sun has shone within us [. . .] He is the light that increases and becomes brightness.26 According to Murr Lebanon-Phoenicia’s fate depends only on God’s will. The intentions and actions of other nations of the world cannot control Lebanon; its fate is decided by a decree from Heaven, full of God’s angels. Thus, no wonder its victory is inevitable, and Lebanon will certainly triumph over its enemies:

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Our destiny? The angels shall dictate it They announced [the coming of] the God who purified them By the arch of triumph that passed above by my land And by stars O Lebanon-Phoenicia shouts: we shall obtain victory. But who are these enemies that God will help Lebanon to overcome? Are they the Arabs? The Palestinians? Israel? This question remains open, as Murr gives no hints in the poem. The important point is that, although the year is 1994, and Lebanon is not engaged in fighting, she still sees Lebanon-Phoenicia in a state of war from which it will eventually emerge victorious. Although Murr is committed to the traditional classical style in structuring the two above-mentioned poems, she also employs nontraditional linguistic elements. One example is the use of the definite article al-Ta¯’iyya.27 Traditionally, this article defines the noun rather ˙ than the verb. Murr, however, as well as other modern poets, used this al-Ta¯’iyya to define the verb; this was one of their acts of defiance against ˙ the traditional Arabic structure. This aspect became more popular in modern Arabic poetry during the revolution against traditional language as the poets claimed that it makes their poetic language livelier, closer to everyday language, as it increases the elements of speed and motion in its expression.28 However, Murr’s use of this style does not meet the expected poetic goal within such a rigid traditionalism that dominates the poem. Its use, therefore, is artificial to some extent, and strange in a conservative atmosphere. The above examples demonstrate the structure and style of this poem and emphasize her command of classical Arabic. Ironically these elements were manipulated for the glorification of Lebanon-Phoenicia. This comes in opposition to the Phoenician movement’s rejection of Arabic language, culture and heritage. It becomes quite clear that Arab culture could not be completely eliminated from Lebanon. Murr and other members of the movement used the tools that Arabic allowed them once they faced the need to do so. They did not discard Arabic blindly, but made careful, judicious choices. The poem glorifies Lebanon’s land and nature, the combination of these features gave birth to its beauty and radiance. Thus, Lebanon is the only country allowed to embrace the heavenly prophecies which will

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bring salvation to humanity. Analysing the contents of this poem shows that it reiterates the ideas and meanings of previous poems discussing Lebanon’s greatness. These poems are dominated by expressions praising Lebanon’s nature, its beauty, love, holiness, heroism and its being the cradle of civilizations. The poems turn out to be poetic variations of the same themes and content devoted to one national assignment – taking pride in Lebanon.29 Another project, mentioned earlier, that Murr undertook in 1985 was the writing of a series of stories for children, bearing the name: ’Ajmal Qisas Lubna¯n-Fı¯nı¯qiya¯ (The Best Stories of Lebanon-Phoenicia).30 Murr co˙ ˙ operated in this project with her husband Alfred, and, to a larger extent, with her daughter Lı¯na¯ Murr-Ne‛mi. Another contributor to the project was the author Mı¯shı¯l Ki‛dı¯, who simplified her writings so that they would suit the children’s level of reading. Most of Murr’s subject matter is Phoenician mythology; her poetry is thus embedded in Phoenician symbols and its past. Her poems mention Phoenician cities, as well as gods and prominent figures of Phoenician mythology such as ’Ilı¯ssa¯, Europa and Hercelia. It seems that these stories were written with one goal in mind: the instilling of Lebanon-Phoenicia’s past culture into the hearts and minds of the younger generation. She was aware of the importance of such a project for the education of young children in the realm of Lebanese nationality. Murr, therefore, repeatedly uses the familiar motifs to extol LebanonPhoenicia. Writing for children allowed her a different kind of writing. Books for children legitimize a soaring into the world of imagination; she could thus describe the Phoenician past in a more dramatic fashion. Let us delve into one of her stories and catch a glimpse of her exaggerated style when discussing the Phoenician past. For this purpose I have chosen the story of “’Ufaddiluki Tara¯bulus ‛ala¯ Nafsı¯” (“I Prefer ˙ ˙˙ You, Tripoli, to Myself”).31 The plot of the story dates back to the middle of the second millennium BC when Europa and her son Mı¯nu¯ (Minos) return to Tripoli, the greatest city in Phoenicia. The story was narrated earlier in a different form in ‛Aql’s Qadmu¯s (Cadmus). This narrative prevails in several additional Lebanese-Phoenicians texts, as it demonstrates Lebanon’s greatness and how it influenced the world. The highlights of Cadmus’ story were discussed in the previous chapter. Europa was abducted by Zeus her from her original homeland

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Lebanon-Phoenicia. Her brother Cadmus went out looking for her. After killing the dragon guarding Europa, thus causing his sister’s death, Cadmus did not return to Phoenicia, but conquered Greece, establishing the first Greek city, Thebes. Cadmus’ migration to Greece had significant implications on the intellectual progress of humanity as a whole, as it led to the transmission of Phoenician knowledge; in particular, he endowed the world with the Phoenician alphabet which originated in Jbail. Minos was the first-born son of Europa32 and succeeded his father, Zeus, as the ruler of Crete. Minos was also the founder of a great Greek Empire, which expanded as far as Egypt and the Arabian Peninsula. However, it did not include Lebanon-Phoenicia as his mother, Europa, asked him not to occupy it, a request he granted as he knew of her love for her original homeland. Europa was eager to visit Tripoli, the most important of the Phoenician cities and the capital of the land of God, the most beautiful spot on earth: – – – –

Do you feel any pain? Only the pain of yearning. I understand [. . .] we are nearer to the land of Lebanon-Phoenicia. My heart beats within me for a land which is the land of God, and our land. – That is why today you are more beautiful than any beauty.33 The ambition of Minos was to build a port in Tripoli bearing his name, but he avoided making a decision until King Shahar, the King of Tripoli, ˙ gave him permission. However, a messenger from Queen Ma¯nwa¯, Shahar’s sister, assured him that Shahar had died, and that she, Ma¯nwa¯, ˙ ˙ was now Queen of Tripoli. Ma¯nwa¯’s husband, Pu¯rfı¯ryon, had been in Minos’ prison without his wife’s knowledge, because he had dared to try to occupy the island of Crete. Shahar had given his secret to the ˙ messenger, asking that his sister not be told: I am the only one who knows the secret, and she does not. Her brother, the King, confided in me before his death, saying: Do not let my sister know that I did not want to fight Minos in Crete in

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order to bring her husband back to his homeland. And added: especially that Pu¯rfı¯ryon was wrong. He should not have tried to seize the islands that belong to Minos, King of Crete.34 Minos and Europa became Queen Ma¯nwa¯’s guests and enjoyed generous Phoenician hospitality and the natural beauty of the place. In the course of time, the relationship between Minos and Ma¯nwa¯ developed, and an ideal love relationship grew between them. In order to protect her son’s name, Europa encouraged Minos to leave Tripoli and to continue his journey to Jbail. Indeed, Minos left after he spoke to Ma¯nwa¯, who assured him that she would not give up her Kingdom of Tripoli, and would continue waiting for her husband despite the strong feelings she had for him. Before his departure, Minos handed the messenger a message promising that he would set her husband free from captivity. There were many wars and events that Murr omitted from the narrative, yet she made a point of mentioning the status of the Arabian Peninsula as a Phoenician colony, ruled by Minos: After my visit to Lebanon-Phoenicia, I will continue my way to the south where the colony of our great Pu¯ntu¯s-Yamm that is mostly called ‛Arabu¯s [i.e. the Arabian Peninsula]. There I will sail my ships, and sow the seeds of Phoenicia in the barren desert. There I will also sail my ships and plant it with many of our Heraclites and many like King Mı¯nos.35 The praises of Lebanon and the description of its greatness among the world’s nations take on a contemporary aspect when Murr discusses the relationship between the Phoenicians and the Arabs. According to Murr, the Arabian Peninsula was a Lebanese colony and the Arabs were actually under Phoenician occupation. This occupation was the beginning of progress for the Arabs. Minos brought with him knowledge and compassion for the people which contributed to the Arab nation in the past and also in the present. The motif of Phoenicia as an enlightened ruler appears also in the works of ‛Aql and Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d.36 Like ‛Aql, Murr chose to not mention the rivalry and constant wars between the Phoenician cities, or the treatises between Phoenicians and other foreign nations against their fellow Phoenicians, events that characterized Phoenician history.37 Instead she described Phoenicia as an

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ideal place, deserving the right to be called “God’s land”, and the Phoenician was depicted as an ideal person. The story, like other texts comprising this series, combines Greek and Phoenician myths, heroes and symbols. Phoenician heroes are intertwined with Greek myths and dynasties of Greek figures. Moreover, the Phoenician figures are depicted as the founders of these dynasties. Mayy Murr ushers her reader into the world of Phoenician heroes and mythology. Her stories are intended to teach the readers and direct them into drawing the following conclusions: 1. The ancient times of Lebanon-Phoenicia were full of challenges and heroic deeds carried out not by ordinary human beings, but by characters that made history and influenced the civilizations of the world. Whatever their origins, these figures were connected directly or indirectly with the greatness of Lebanon-Phoenicia. 2. Lebanon-Phoenicia sent out to Greek civilization men who raised Greece to be the master of the world. It seems as though Murr is saying that Greek civilization would not have arisen if it had not completely relied on that of Lebanon-Phoenicia. Consequently, the civilization of modern Europe originates from the genius of Lebanon and its heroes: “The generations will glorify Tyre, the only city whose godly name deserved to be given to a continent that would some day be the center of civilization.”38 3. From Lebanon-Phoenicia, the land of beauty and healing of the illnesses of the soul, the land of the cedars, the styrax trees and roses, emanates the smell of great sacrifices, and pure love overcomes the desires of the heart. More than that, the love of homeland and people is deeper than the individual love of the self. Similar to ‛Aql, Murr also sees the Lebanese as a separate nation, quite distinct from others in the region and also from the Arab nations which surround modern day Lebanon. This distinction is religious: whereas the other nations were pagan and later became Muslim, Phoenicia was the place where Jesus preached his divine message and performed miracles. There are also historical and cultural differences. Murr’s poems and prose writings stress the differences between Lebanon and Lebanese culture not only through the subject matter of the poems, but also by applying academic methodologies to the texts. She introduces historical facts in

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the preface, or within the narratives. By addressing different audiences, both youngsters and adults demonstrate the importance she associates with young children as the future soldiers of the great Lebanese nation. In the texts intended for young children and adolescents she employs a didactic approach. At the end of each story, for instance, Murr devotes some space to discussing several educational points through which she tries to formulate the historical events mentioned in the story; she employs a style that helps one understand the text, supporting her messages with facts and quotations from some historical sources. Two of these are: “Learn by heart some of our great things” and “Some of the best things that have been said about us”. Some sections also include “reading comprehension”, “vocabulary,” and “beautiful expressions”. These provide another opportunity Murr exploits to repeat her national concepts regarding Lebanon’s past and its relationship with the present. A similar approach to the young reader can be observed in the writings of the poet Rafı¯q Ru¯ha¯na¯ (born in 1949) who went through a ˙ touching transformation from insulting Arabic to writing in it and teaching its grammar. He, too, was interested in publishing the series Lubna¯n al-Kalima (Lebanon the Word), containing eight short stories for children, published in 1992 by Da¯r al-Fikr al-Lubna¯nı¯ (Lebanese Thought Publishing House). The main message of the series deals with values of love and beauty, sacrifice, loving others and preferring them to oneself. Ru¯ha¯na¯’s stories are considered to be part of scholastic literature ˙ for children. However, they do not direct the readers toward one particular political stream, but rather toward the meaning of humanity. Ru¯ha¯na¯ refrains from frequently using historical characters from the ˙ Phoenician past, except in one story, ’Ilı¯ssa¯,39 where he returns to the story of the letters of the alphabet that came from Jbail. Beautiful ’Alı¯ssa¯, the main character who rejected all proposals of marriage made to her by princes of the earth, as well as those of the kingdoms of the sea and the moon, hopes that her expected bridegroom will come: From an earth that lives in the heart of the sea and domed skies [. . .] and he asks me about naming letters, and we name it alphabet [. . .] letters that were held with kindness, that breaks forth from all the springs in the earth, and beauty that all the waves in the sea seek and an ideology that fills the sky with stars.40

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Ru¯ha¯na¯ also concludes his stories written in classical Arabic with helpful ˙ linguistic points: exercises in grammar, inserting vowel points into paragraphs and syntactic analysis. This might not have been considered strange were it not for the fact that, in the early 1980s, this writer had been one of the enthusiastic proponents of Lebanese-Phoenicians writing in the colloquial language and with Latin letters, and to abandon Arabic as the language of literature since he claimed that it adversely affected one’s intelligence. In his column “They Are Asking Me”41 in a Lebanese newspaper, Ru¯ha¯na¯ claimed a connection between being liberated from ˙ the Palestinians and the Arabs, i.e. national liberation, and cultural liberation. The first is easier to achieve than the second which, he maintained, could only be achieved by a commitment to writing in a colloquial language in Latin letters. Thus, like others in the Lebanese nationality group, Ru¯ha¯na¯’s linguistic standpoint underlines the ˙ tranquility of the events in Lebanon, with no connection to the change of the national-political situation. The economic factor, that is to say the marketing of his books, might have led to this extreme change. To sum up, Murr employs several motifs in her prose and poetry, including a love for Lebanon and the love of God. These themes can be observed in her academic writings as well in her literary work for young people and adults. Her works, published in Arabic and in the Lebanese dialect, demonstrate similar concepts, and her writings in French also follow the same path. In the following section, I wish to draw attention to some of her French publications and analyse these similarities.

Mayy Murr’s French Writings: Repeated Themes One of her most important books of poems is her last one, Poe´sie Trisme´giste, which includes her usual motifs of love of Lebanon, love of God and love in general.42 The collection is characterized by its theological, mystic, philosophical and emotional elements. “Nature occupies a major place in this book; this ideal world prevails in most of the poems of this collection. The different poems focus on similar themes [. . .].”43 However, one can summarize all these elements in the repeated interactions between Lebanon and God. Lebanon, the civilized entity and spirit, has no existence except through its infinite connection with Providence, with God. From Lebanon spring all the components of philosophy and nature; through its love the consciousness of the poet

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opens; and through Lebanon, Murr becomes united with God through Sufi interaction. In this collection, Murr once again demonstrates Lebanon’s greatness, which derives from that of God. God chose Lebanon to be the place where Jesus began to spread his divine message, when he changed water into wine at a wedding in Qa¯na¯ (Cana). Murr argues that this village is Lebanese, located in southern Lebanon, near the city of Tyre, and not the village called today Kufr Qa¯na¯ (Kafr Cana) in northern Galilee. She devotes a long poem to this entitled “Cana du Liban” (“Cana of Lebanon”)44 praising the country, the land of prophecies. It is also a description of the events at this wedding with a holy ambiance, where swallows crossed the skies of Lebanon and eagles spread their wings in its space, where the ancient secret has slumbered.45 However, the secret of Qa¯na¯ was revealed near Tyre, where Jesus blessed the land of the poetess (Murr), and where wine was poured into goblets.46 The theological elements can be noted from the contents of the poems as well as from the dedication at the beginning of the book. Murr dedicated this collection of poems to Pope John Paul II.47 Another interesting Christian element prominent in Murr’s poetry is Christian love and Christian forgiveness. In “Non, Liban ne sera scinde´” (“No, Lebanon will not be Divided”) Murr asks God to forgive the ruthless invaders who terrified and wounded her country. God is not only love and compassion; he is also Lebanon’s weapon against those invaders. The Lebanese will emerge victorious from any confrontation, not because of their superior military power, but because of their special relationship with God, and God’s love for them. For Murr, Lebanon is God’s gift.48 Lebanon’s special place in God’s heart is also evident in other poems. For instance, “Liban-Phe´nicie est a` toi” (“Lebanon-Phoenicia is Yours”) illustrates a conversation between God and Lebanon. God promises the country that its suffering will end and that Lebanon will come to reside near God’s throne.49 The description of Lebanon as a wounded entity appears also in “O Douloureuse, O Toute Me`re” (“Oh You Suffering Woman, Oh Every Mother”).50 The poem was written after the death of her son Kama¯l in 1986.51 The people responsible for the wounds of Lebanon are given a face and a definition. Murr blames the “strangers” for invading Lebanon, corrupting the country of Lebanon and spreading pain and suffering among its inhabitants. Furthermore, Murr also blames the nations of the

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world, who took Lebanon’s blessing when they could but, in time of need, they remained silent and did not reach out to Lebanon; they let the “strangers” destroy Lebanon. A similar accusation directed against “foreigners” appeared also in Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan while Murr served as its editor.52 Another interesting and unique element in her poetry is her unconventional use of the theme of the desert. Murr, well versed in classical poetry, introduces the desert into her poetry as a metaphor for forces of evil, a power coming to destroy her country and send its land into dark desolation. This comes as a complete contrast to the usual themes commonly associated with the desert in Arabic poetry. In traditional Arabic poetry, the desert is full of positive images of brave and generous warriors; it is a land of great heroism and passion. However, in Murr’s poetry and prose, the desert is a symbol of oppression, the Arab oppressor.53 It seems reasonable to say that the desert can be seen as a symbol of the Arab-Syrian military occupation of Lebanon and the Palestinian settlements in Lebanon. Murr deliberately avoided calling her country “Lubna¯n” only. Instead, she insisted on calling it Lebanon-Phoenicia, pointing out the connection between Lebanon and its Phoenician past. She thus tried to neutralize the role of Arab culture in Lebanon, denying its existence in the historical image of her country. In the company of her husband, Alfred Murr, she accepted the invitation of the Israeli authorities in 1983 to visit Israel. During that visit the couple met with the Israeli prime minister at the time, Menachem Begin, for nearly an hour. The official purpose of the meeting was Murr’s desire to express her gratitude to the mothers of the Israeli people and their government for the sacrifice of their sons to help Christian Lebanon against the Arabs-Muslims and the Palestinians. Murr did not see for a second the Israeli conquest of Beirut, which was open aggression against Lebanese sovereignty, as an insult to Lebanon’s national dignity. On the contrary, she considered the Israeli invasion of Lebanon as its salvation, bringing to an end its troubles which were caused by the “foreigners”.54 There is no doubt that her national-political activities both nourished and influenced her literature. This literature was intended directly and indirectly to fight Arab culture and its literature, whether by ignoring the Lebanese Arab heritage or by attempting to eradicate from the

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Lebanese landscape one of its most visible landmarks: classical Arabic. Murr, however, like other Lebanese authors, lived in deep conflict and paradox regarding the use of Arabic: whether or not to continue using classical Arabic as the language of writing and literature, or to substitute it with the Lebanese and the modified Latin script. This conflict was clearly demonstrated in her literary works written for children. There, the national orientation regarding the Lebanese-Phoenician idea is direct, with none of the literary evasiveness that can be found in her poetry. All her stories for children were written in classical Arabic, which was given full vowel markings and diacritics for the children’s guidance. In addition to other educational aims, she guides the child at the end of each story in understanding this language. This contradictory treatment can be attributed to the peace that reached Lebanon in the middle of the 1980s, or the economic element compelling some Lebanese authors to practise literary writing in classical Arabic in order to expand the number of “consumers” in the Arab world. In view of the above analysis of Murr’s writings, she may be considered a member of the first group of authors who supported the idea of Lebanese-Phoenician nationality. She enriched Lebanese literature with a variety of work dealing with repeated themes such as love, Lebanon, and God. She enlisted all her literary activities in support of Lebanese-Phoenician culture, as well as the political sphere in which she tried very hard to impede the penetration of Arab culture into Lebanon. Nonetheless, poetry, drama, children’s literature, and literary prose were not the only genres that the authors of the Lebanese-Phoenician literature used to implement their national ideas. Another important genre was the novel. The first novel in the “Lebanese language”, entitled t-Taswı¯ni (The Fence), was written by Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d and published in ˙ 1985.55 The following section analyses ‛Awwa¯d’s contribution to the Lebanese national literary corpus.

Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d: The Revolutionary Virgil Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d initially published his work under the pseudonym, Virgil, the classical Latin poet, in Sawt al-Sha¯‛ir (The Poet’s Voice) ˙ magazine, at the end of the 1950s.56 His choice of name indicates how he perceived himself and his poetry, associating his words with a touch of divinity or, at the very least, the touch of someone who has an intimate

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knowledge of the secrets of the universe. His topics ranged from love poems to reprimands and criticism of various social and religious phenomena. ‛Awwa¯d was born in 1934 in the village of Bsa¯lı¯m in the Matn ˙ district of north Lebanon. His family was poor, a fact which obliged him to go to work at an early age. His childhood and early youth were spent alternately in a Jesuit convent in the village of Ghazı¯r and in large Lebanese cities where he worked hard. Life in the convent was a refuge for him; he even considered becoming a Jesuit priest but never accomplished this ambition.57 His education in the Jesuit convent was Western, mostly French curricula, in its outlook and did not include classical Arabic education (accept for a very few lessons demanded by the State). It included theological works, such as the writings of Jean de la Croix and Saint Teresa. In addition to major Christian theological texts, he studied Western literature and Western philosophy. In the convent he also became aware of the Lebanese issue. This is where he was first introduced to Lebanese poetry and to the use of the Lebanese vernacular for different intellectual expressions. Of particular importance was his acquaintance with Father Paul Elias who introduced him to Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’s literature and with Rufa¯’ı¯l Nahla (Nakhli) who preached in the ˘ Lebanese vernacular. It was in this theology-rich environment, receptive to Western influences and supportive of the Lebanese-Phoenician issue, that ‛Awwa¯d grew up and developed his literary skills. However, on leaving the convent and moving to the big city, he encountered a different reality: He arrived in the city that had been ashamed of him yesterday, and he shouted at her face: O the city of stone that is sunk in the foam of dull colors. O market of illusion to which no one returned except those who had nothing tasty except bread. It’s me. I have come and will cross you mile by mile. Your illusion might splash on me, but will not change the color that I love.58 He appreciates Western art and music; symphonies by Beethoven and Mozart were his favorites.59 In terms of his literary development, his move to the city had a profound influence over his work and his poetic style. His close

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friendship with the poet Yu¯suf al-Kha¯l and the group of Majallat Shi‛r broadened his knowledge of Western poetic styles. Al-Kha¯l also published ‛Awwa¯d’s first book of poetry, ’Aghna¯r (Aghnar) in 1963.60 ‛Awwa¯d differs from other Phoenician authors, particularly ‛Aql and Murr, in his treatment of love. He is more realistic and less symbolic; his love poems do not depict ideals or far-fetched symbols, but everyday experiences and people. He frequently depicts a woman’s physical beauty and expresses the pleasure of lustful love. However, this did not prevent him from maintaining a delicacy of expression combined with a beautiful musical flow. In his poem “’essa ‛ala l-Makhaddi” (“A Story on ˙˙ the Pillow”) ‛Awwa¯d moves between dream and straightforward physical lust. The dream wavers between hope and reality. The dream acts as a mask behind which the heroes are allowed to perform actions forbidden by conventional norms and customs.61 In his love poems, ‛Awwa¯d assumes the role of the preacher and defender of values and morals. He distinguishes between two kinds of love. On the one hand there is innocent passion, and libertinism, and on the other there is hypocritical love, which is nothing but extravagance and betrayal. Published in 1963,’ Aghna¯r describes love as simple and pure. His second book of poetry, ’Endı¯l es-Safar (Qindı¯l al-Safar-The Lamp of Travel) published in 1970, is a harsh criticism of hypocritical behaviour. This book demonstrates a change in the poet’s concept of love and accuses his contemporaries’ corruption of love as insincere, a faked emotion. ‛Awwa¯d of the ’Endı¯l is more critical and far more realistic.62 In general, ‛Awwa¯d’s poetry aspires to be universal rather than an individual experience.63 He sees the defence of the suffering man as the poet’s responsibility. It is from this perspective that one should analyse his fourth book ’A¯kh (A Sigh of Pain) (1974). This book rails against the institution of the Church, accusing it of betraying those who came to seek shelter within it. In addition, ‛Awwa¯d blames God directly because He has not helped the oppressed, though they have devoted their life to Him. ‛Awwa¯d conducts a conversation with God treating him almost as human, reproaching him for his reluctance to help, and demanding that He take responsibility for what happens to His worshippers. These conversations play a significant role in the existential, political and social criticism of this book. The presence of God in

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‛Awwa¯d’s poetry and in this book in particular is crucial to the author’s plea for social and existential change in Lebanon’s present state. ‛Awwa¯d, as well as several other modern Arab poets, like ’Adu¯nı¯s and Nazı¯h ’Abu¯ ‛Afash, touches upon the most sacred and sensitive debates within Arab and Lebanese society – the involvement of God in the exploitation of mankind. In order to clarify this point, ‛Awwa¯d converses with God, and through this dialogue, ‛Awwa¯d demonstrates his anger and frustration at the current state of affairs. In other words, ‛Awwa¯d exploits the exchange of words with God to argue against all the forces and elements he considers to be the cause of the social problems of the present: all the entities (God and the institution of the clergy included), the perpetual corruption, immorality and human suffering.64 However, in the poetry of ‛Awwa¯d that we are about to explore, we shall meet a poet who is not merely disapproving. Instead, he offers a deep existential observation on what he sees as a world crumbling around him. It is in this context that he “discloses the shame” of the divine morals. The poet opens the chapter “Marhaba Alla” (“Hello God”) with a ˙ ˙˙ general statement that negates the axiomatic religious claim according to which bad people go to hell. To that ‛Awwa¯d answers: “As long as God sends people to hell, we will not agree with one another.”65 This claim symbolizes that poet’s refusal to classify humans according to pre-determined religious rules. He refuses to allow God to continue his ancient role of inflicting eternal punishments on humans. ‛Awwa¯d is praying for a compassionate God who spreads bliss and mercy upon the world. Similar ideas and pleas are evident in other poems of that period. In another poem “’Ila¯h Bidu¯n Sha‛b” (“A God without believers”) the poet asks God to descend from his throne and give his place to a new God, the true God the human race is waiting for: The hand of existence clock is turning, alone it will turn And you are asleep And your story is sleeping And the land/earth is talking about a new God Who will distort the features of hell, who will extinguish it And will illuminate it all over again, as a celebrating piazza. Who will erase the primordial sin

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And will catch the snake of the Garden of Eden Before the story unfolds, and will set it on fire during the celebration. [. . .] You call to the land but no one answers And the Land will be mad at you, and will only echo in return They don’t want you any more They don’t want you any more Stop screaming close the window The land is ours and the heaven, pack them and take them If so you wish, go, run, shut up Your time is up and the play has long Continued without you66 This emotionally packed poem reveals the poet’s strong feelings and criticism against God, who resides in his heavens inattentive and not yielding to human cries for help, for salvation for comfort. God had failed his role, betrayed his creation. Furthermore, God is the reason for stagnation in human existence. He prevents people from moving onward, beyond the boundaries set by God and his representatives on earth. ‛Awwa¯d calls upon God to let go of ancient rules and sins, as these are a great burden preventing both men and their God from improving, progressing and achieving the goodness they aspire to. In another poem, “Sala ‛a Sawt Wa¯ti” (“A Prayer in a Low Voice”), ˙ ˙ ˙ ‛Awwa¯d yet again argues with God. By paraphrasing the all-important Lord’s Prayer, “Our Father which art in Heaven” he turns it into an accusation against God. The intertextuality and links with the Bible strengthen the poet’s criticism against the ecclesial institution and allow him to deepen and enrich his text.67 The poet raises harsh criticism against political institutions in general and the Lebanese institution in particular. Already in 1974 he calls for rebellion against the government. He blames the government for bringing suffering and enslavement to the Lebanese people. They are to blame for the poverty, for the exploitation of Lebanon. His “’Iza el’Asa¯yid Sa¯ru Ne¯s” (“If Poems were to Become People”) ‛Awwa¯d launches ˙ ˙ his critique against what he sees as the root of the current political and social situation.

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And you arrive, in front of you iron Behind you iron Half the people stand spying for you The other half screams Hero, Saint But this time it is important there are many of us They are leaving the night Leaving disaster Leaving the cry of children They are those who waited until they tired And those that out of the tired sigh they came And those who grew with the promises and memory68 Towards the end of the poem, the author spells out his call for a violent revenge. He promises the corrupt ruler that he will be secretly dragged from his bed, and will be tied with the same threads of silk he used to wear.69 This can be easily categorized as a protest poem, and demonstrates the difference between ‛Awwa¯d and the rest of the Phoenician movement. This protest is general, against all symbols of corruption and exploitation, unrelated to their religious affiliation. Up to the present, ‛Awwa¯d is a beacon in the dark, calling to fight against culminating social polarization in Lebanon.70 This poem, as most other poems in this book, calls for a fundamental change in Lebanese society, against all the elements that perpetuate sectarianism, vice and fraud. In another poem, “Malik Beyru¯t” (“The King of Beirut”) ‛Awwa¯d demonstrates the evils he sees embedded in the relationship between businessmen and governmental officials. These relations allow for the maintenance of a status quo from which high officials and the economic elite have a lot to benefit, but all the rest suffer: Oh you who sells the key to tourists That your pockets are wide and full of silence That you are only a shadow, a resting ghost Above the royal sit, you are a rock that was never sculptured [. . .] A sword whose story is over and done, thrown Under the stairs [. . .] And you are wielding flowers above a coffin [. . .] A black day you are, a yellow laugh

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A red dream that pours out wounds Terror walking from house to house [. . .] And now my pages dance your story And will continue to write poetry until you die71 This poem stresses the role of poetry in fighting against corruption. Poetry will catalyze social protest against political and economic corruption; poetry is the light shining out in the dark. In contrast to other poems, this poem is very specific in its criticism of governmental institutions. It is not a general protest against a general universal villain, but specifically points an accusatory finger against what he considers the cause of the social condition in contemporary Lebanon. In doing so, ‛Awwa¯d plays out the role he designated for poets, not only to voice the problems or criticize them, but to be specific, without hiding anything, without favouring any side, to be loyal to the truth, to honesty and to those whose he claims to represent. It is important to pay attention to ‛Awwa¯d’s language, while he is indeed the voice of the unheard ordinary people, those who have no power, those who are pushed and shoved and constantly exploited, yet his language is never simple. It is rich and full of metaphors. The author masters the “Lebanese language” but uses, nonetheless, a very high register. It is innovative and artistic, allowing the reader to fully grasp the depth of his feelings. A very good example is the line: “your pockets are wide and full of silence”. The pockets are full, referring to the profit the king of Beirut makes (while disregarding his own country’s needs), but immediately, those pockets are associating with silence. This silence represents the King’s neutrality and lack of activity, preserving the social, political and economic status quo thus allowing him to increase his control over both people and institutions. His silence empowers him. Reading his poetry from the 1970s and until today cannot be understood to the full unless one addresses the linguistic restrictions that ‛Awwa¯d defines.72 His tone is different from his previous books and is more vigorous: He started believing, and he was not alone, that the big tragedies are not solved but by the powerful. He released poetry and made it accessible to the people who waited for Heaven’s forgiveness

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[. . .] He sharpened his words on the grinding stone of the linguistic revolution.73 The linguistic revolution was never defined in his poetic or intellectual writings. It seems that a major part of this revolution was the exclusive use of the Lebanese vernacular. In contrast to other authors of the Phoenician group, ‛Awwa¯d was committed to writing in the Lebanese vernacular. Furthermore, he refused to define it as a dialect or vernacular but described it as the “Lebanese language”, thus ascribing to this language autonomy and independence vis-a`-vis the Arabic. ‛Awwa¯d perceives the Arabic language as the cause of stagnation in Lebanon. He sees it as a language that limits one’s ability to express oneself and causes backwardness. According to ‛Awwa¯d, only the Lebanese language can express the true nature of the Lebanese nation. The collection Ḥaki Gheyr Shekel (Unusual Talk), published in 1973, is a revolutionary text, heavily criticizing Arabic language and culture. Later in his life, ‛Awwa¯d expressed his feelings regarding the importance of the linguistic revolution: Ḥaki Gheyr Shekel was a strong shock for the Lebanese language which was still at an early poetic stage. He [the poet] proclaimed his language as deriving from the fountain of Lebanon. Tomorrow this language will become our children’s language, and will free us from the misery of the language of the ja¯hiliyya generation [i.e. Arabic-Islamic control].74 Lebanese is not the only language to express ideas and thought, but also the best one to do so for a Lebanese. This language is closely associated with Lebanese life and existence. His criticism appears also in his reproaches against ‛Aql’s Arabic writings. He called on ‛Aql to stick to writing in the vernacular: “Why did he [‛Aql] waste his genius using an impotent language, a language that cannot create masterpieces? Why did he plant his seeds in a land which was not his own?”75 His stance against the use of Arabic and his strong feelings against Arab culture appear clearly in the political positions he maintained during the 1975 civil war. When the war started ‛Awwa¯d did not leave Beirut. He saw himself as a soldier fighting with his pen and with

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Lebanese words. He believed that literature at this stage was not silenced by the roar of guns. Later he said the following: In war he did not hide behind the colorful curtains of poetry [. . .] and a gun cannot win unless behind it there is a word that hits the target. He threw in his weight and it was a historical moment for him as well as for Lebanon when he stood in the middle of the war and announced in the Lebanese language using his strong voice: here is Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d.76 In addition to the linguistic criticism that ‛Awwa¯d had against the use of Arabic, he also had more political reservations, associating Arabic with the language of the enemy, the language of war, the language of the oppressors. One of his most important literary works in which we notice how ‛Awwa¯d enlisted his literature in the service of his Lebanese national ideology is his first novel written in the Lebanese language – t-Taswı¯ni ˙ (The Fence). This fence is a wall built of stones of various sizes, placed one above the other without cement, thus enabling water to trickle through the stones without causing any damage. The author wrote an introduction to his work, explaining the reason for writing this novel, stating that t-Taswı¯ni bears the responsibility for revealing the truth ˙ regarding religious institutions which had been turned into institutions of affluence, luxury and material gain. These institutions became part of the ruling elite, constantly running after gold, thus becoming an instrument in the hands of the rulers and condoning the rulers’ errors.77 In his approach toward the ecclesial institution in Lebanon, ‛Awwa¯d differs from other authors supporting the Phoenician-Lebanese movement, such as ‛Aql and Murr. He accused this institution of being condescending and patronizing and neglecting true Christian principles of love and compassion. This critique is particularly interesting vis-a`-vis the unique interaction between the Maronite high clerics and the Lebanese national movement. His criticism is eloquently expressed in the plot of t-Taswı¯ni, where the church, churchmen and churchwomen ˙ come under attack. The destructive union between the political and ecclesial institutions will lead to the destruction of Lebanon. The country is left alone to cope with the Arab and the Western world. Israel, who had been a friend,

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turned its back on Lebanon, leaving it to work out its own problems.78 Thus, t-Taswı¯ni calls upon the people of Lebanon to wake up, and to ˙ realize how corrupt their world has become. The plot describes the life of a young Lebanese woman, Mirya¯m. She spent her childhood with her parents in a country house near a convent where she was educated and practised her hobby of drawing. Her father was a very distinguished person with modern original thoughts, rejecting flattery and hypocrisy, including the hypocrisy of the Church that had become, in his view, a despotic authority controlling and manipulating weak people behind the mask of a merciful religion. After her parents were killed in one of the frequent bombings during the 1975 civil war, Mirya¯m is forced to seek refuge at the convent Sayyidit z-Zuhu¯r (Our Lady of the Flowers), where she vows to become a nun dedicated to the service of Jesus Christ. The book is composed of Mirya¯m’s memories, in the form of flashbacks, describing the events of a whole year; it reflects her emotional conflicts as she tries to come to a decision between accepting life in the convent or rejecting it and returning to her old life. As the plot evolves, Mirya¯m starts having second thoughts regarding her vows. Through her simple life with the nuns, the author introduces the reader into the closed world of Lebanese convents and uncovers the truth behind the walls. In most cases these are large buildings, with extensive gardens, wrapped in an atmosphere of holiness. This idealistic description is shattered constantly throughout the story, where the author reveals grim details of convent life, the hypocrisy of its inhabitants and the corruption of the leaders of the clerical community. The author takes every opportunity to criticize the lifestyle of the people in charge of convents, describing them as slaves to money instead of performing their holy mission – helping the needy. The dialogue between Mirya¯m and Maria, the Abbess of the Poor Jesus Convent, demonstrates just how far the nunnery has come from its true designation. Mirya¯m suggests that the nuns contribute a small amount of money to establish a centre for talented children from poor families so that the convent can take care of them until these young people can join the service of the homeland. The offer was rejected by the nuns.79 Following the nuns’ refusal, Mirya¯m is certain that her place is not in the convent and decides to leave. That t-Taswı¯ni – the high wall – ˙ surrounding the convent is an expression of her true feeling that the

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church is daily moving farther away from the people. She is haunted by thoughts about continuing down that path. The exact opposite to the Abbess, who represents a corrupt authority, is Sister Albirta (Alberta) with her love, passion and strong faith derived only from the Gospels. Albirta is the light shining in the darkness of the convent. She is depicted as a soldier in the battlefield of the nunnery. With her strong faith, she silently repairs what the high authority of the Church has spoiled. In addition, she keeps Mirya¯m’s secrets and directs her towards good actions. After many long pages of dialogue between Mirya¯m and various inanimate objects (including a tree and a bench) the events start moving toward the climax. Mirya¯m is engaged in an emotional conflict, not sure which is the right path to follow. Are the church and the service of God the right place for her? Should she follow the footsteps of Albirta or does the Abbess embody the right path? A chance meeting with Murqus (Marcus) al-Knı¯sa¯tı¯ changes her world, and the physical need for a man’s love arises within her. The two meet each other one afternoon, when Mirya¯m looks through her window, over the closed walls of the convent, and sees Marcus reading a book under a tree; soon after they start exchanging letters. Mirya¯m discovers that he is also alone, the son of a family that had been was brutally separated and destroyed by the war. After Mirya¯m makes her final decision to leave the convent, she tells her dear friend Albirta, who advises her to be patient and to consider the matter further, but Mirya¯m’s decision is firm. She therefore fixes an appointment with Marcus, who brings her a garment from a nearby house. She throws Marcus the key to her father’s home from the top of the wall. Fate, however, does not smile on the young couple. At the time of their appointed meeting, heavy bombing starts and lasts for several days, preventing her from going out to meet Marcus. The end of the novel is open; the reader is unsure whether or not Marcus was killed in this shelling, and whether or not he was taken to the army. In either case, the ugly war has deprived Mirya¯m of the opportunity to return to a calm and normal life. Once again, she has missed the chance for love. Following these events, the author writes a celebratory mass in three voices:

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From a notebook of Murqus (Marcus) al-Knı¯sa¯tı¯. It was found under Mirya¯m’s pillow at home. He started writing it on the night when she gave him the key, and he leaned his exiled head on her pillow.80 The author praises pure love and beauty and poetry, the only things that even in time of war remain stable and have universal value.81 The plot reveals ‛Awwa¯d’s positions regarding God, Christianity, Christian theology and the Church. While he is very critical of the ecclesial institution, he is not against Christianity. He opposes the exploitation of the simple Lebanese people and the Church’s negligence in protecting them. The Church chose materialism over love and compassion, and thus lost ‛Awwa¯d’s appreciation for ever. The novel’s setting allows ‛Awwa¯d to voice his political agenda and nationalistic ideas. His treatment of these issues, however, takes a romantic approach. It expresses a superficial view of the Church’s fundamental problems, thus weakening his critique. The narrator’s language is very poetic which, in many situations, contradicts the ugliness of actual events. He tries to criticize reality using unrealistic tools and a theological language. If ‛Awwa¯d had intended to reveal the Church’s practices and shortcomings, the novel does not provide the reader with clear information or serious arguments against these wrongs. Throughout the novel his criticism is very mild and does not voice the harsh statements he makes in the introduction to the novel where he claims that the novel intends to criticize the practices of the Church toward the needy. From the Lebanese-Phoenician perspective, this novel is a bit far from the Arab atmosphere in its general aspects. The names of the characters are all foreign, unrelated to Arab names although, understandably, the nuns are given names of Christian saints. However, giving Mirya¯m’s father the name of ’Arzu¯n Bu¯ ’Ana¯tir,82 bears unmistakable Phoenician ˙ fingerprints, as it is related to the cedar, as it was called in the past (’Arzu¯n means small cedar tree). The name has a clear connection with the father’s character. He is a revolutionary who wants change, the son of a Phoenician genius, the intellectual who rejects tradition. It seems that by using this name, the author hints that the revolution will be carried out by these people, who are characterized by LebanesePhoenician qualities.

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Among the situations that help us define the viewpoint of this Lebanese-Phoenician novel is the description of Marcus al-Knı¯sa¯tı¯; Marcus symbolizes the Lebanese victim suffering from Arab savagery and brutality. In one of his messages to Mirya¯m in which he tells her of his past, he describes how the Arab armies, like beasts, gathered and destroyed his Lebanese family.83 Another way in which the author stresses his nationalistic idea is through Mirya¯m’s father; the similarities between the father’s character and the author indicate ‛Awwa¯d’s viewpoint regarding rebellion against Arab hegemony. Another key element of the novel can be seen in the characteristics that ‛Awwa¯d attributes to the Arabs. In addition to his various accusations against the Arabic language, against the hypocrisy of the world and the lack of progress associated with the language, he also associates Arabs and Muslims with brutality and immoral acts. One of the most disturbing paragraphs in the novel is Marcus’ description of the conquest of his village and the fate of his older sister: My sister, who was very pretty and whose skin was as pale as almond-blossom, was sold to mercenaries and refugees. They took her to the tent and drank an American alcoholic beverage. In the tent were ten people, but my sister, her sweet heart stopped beating at the entrance of the tent. They thought she had killed herself as a revenge for her kidnapping. They sexually assaulted her before her body got cold, they started biting her, regarding her rape as their victory over her [. . .]. Then they cut off her fingers to remove her rings; they amputated her arm so that they could take her bracelet. They smuggled the bracelets to the Syrian officers who needed more bracelets. They stabbed her body with Palestinian knives, and drew the map of Palestine on her back, as a memory of their joint life in the past, and then they threw her body into a ditch. My third sister was eaten by Libyan and Iranian mercenaries; she was nine, and they were accustomed to eating little girls of that age. They drank wine over her body, although such an act was religiously prohibited. When she was completely cold, they emptied a sack of sand, put her body in it and threw her into the river. In these descriptions ‛Awwa¯d expresses his great resentment and anger against the brutal behaviour of Arab armies. This paragraph relates the

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sufferings of the Lebanese Christian who pays a terrible price for his religious beliefs. The Lebanese Christian pays with his blood and with his honour for the Arabs’ cultural and religious commandments. According to ‛Awwa¯d, the Islamic commandments that ban alcohol and sexual deviations prevailing among Muslims cause severe cultural aberrations among Muslims. The Lebanese Christian becomes a victim of these perversions. The Arab is represented as a treacherous, perverted, immoral and ruthless creature. These traits reflect not only the Arabs’ behaviour, but also their religion, culture and, most of all, their language. Thus, argues ‛Awwa¯d, such people cannot be considered part of the civilized Christian Lebanese circle. It is possible that ‛Awwa¯d’s intention was to stress the differences between the Lebanese people, in particular the Christian Lebanese and the Arabs. By doing so he reinforces the need to separate LebanesePhoenician nationality from Arab nationality. In addition, by mentioning Iran/Islam, ‛Awwa¯d’s criticism is directed not only against the Arabs but against Muslims in general. They all suffer from a distorted set of morals, unable to live according the harsh rules of their religion. The problem is deeply rooted in Islam and its prohibitions. Through this description, ‛Awwa¯d expresses the attitude of the Arab and Muslim world (Palestinians, Libyans, Syrians, and Iranians), with its barbarous armies who raped the pure Lebanese values of beauty. It is a world with no moral values, attacking the weak, bringing its diseases into graceful Lebanese reality. The uniqueness of this approach is the clear association of the Arab world with Islam. ‛Awwa¯d’s attack against the Arabs is an attack against Islam; we can see this through his mention of Iran, which also participated in practising murder and wine-drinking, which is prohibited by Islam. ‛Awwa¯d exploits his novel to propagate his criticism of Arabic literature and the Arabic language. In his opinion, Arabic is a dry language which, for all its antiquity, is far from beautiful.84 Those, whose education is based on Arabic grammar and literature, have memories affected by drowsiness, which become infertile.85 A unique and intriguing issue in ‛Awwa¯d’s novel is the association he sees between the Arab intellectual and the Socialist Communist intellectual. In a scene depicting the conversation between Miryam’s

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father and her suitor, her father finds out that the young man has a Master’s degree in Arabic literature. The father, who holds PhoenicianLebanese principles and values, reveals to the reader his opinion about this young man, and the negative ideas he represents. Although he may hold a degree in classical Pre-Islamic literature, in his view his degree is worthless. The young man who came to ask for the daughter’s hand seems ignorant because he does not know who Goethe, Hegel or Nietzsche were. Though the young man sees himself and defines his ideology as Communist, he lives very differently from Communist ideals. He teaches in seven schools and spends his afternoons working as a merchant, earning large amounts of money and spending it. The author uses the figure of Mirya¯m’s suitor as a tool to demonstrate his contempt for several groups in Lebanese society: the hypocrisy of the merchants, who care only about money; the Communists who also care only about money; and the educated intellectuals, whose knowledge is limited in its scope, and are blind to the progress the world has made since the days of the Ja¯hiliyya. ‛Awwa¯d puts the Arabophil and the Communists in the same spot: both are considered to be causing damage to and taking part in the destruction of his beautiful Lebanon.86 Thus, t-Taswı¯ni serves as a platform from which the author can ˙ disseminate and illustrate Lebanese-Phoenician nationality. The novel, with its linguistic elements far removed from classical Arabic and its contents full of attempts to denigrate Arab history, people, culture, and language, constitutes another link within the framework of the literature of Lebanese nationality which sees any lack or shortcoming in the Arab culture and its landmarks as a national gain for the Lebanese. This novel is a fascinating demonstration of Phoenician literature as it has developed since the early 1920s. It challenges the Arabic aspect of Lebanese life. Initially the author directs his criticism internally, i.e. against the Christian community, especially against the institutions of Christianity – the Church and the clergy in Lebanon. However, it soon becomes clear that this is not the main focus of his criticism. ‛Awwa¯d strongly opposes the cruelty of war and its horrible outcome for the Christian Lebanese population. The Lebanese Christian finds himself surrounded by the viciousness of the Arabs.

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The novel enumerates the actions Arabs have committed against Lebanese Christians. Among the guilty are not only the Arabs, but all those who support their culture, language and politics. Those he blames for the degradation in Lebanon include the Communists and the Lebanese pro-Arab left-wing political parties. Stylistically, the novel lacks the techniques of a modern novel, particularly the element of ambiguity, and any consequent revelations. The author advances the plot of the novel without taking into account the role of the reader. The plot moves on without surprises, providing the reader with the information needed to understand the progression of events or the characters. In so doing, the author deprives the reader of the literary pleasure that the processes of discovery and revelation provide.87 Although the author attributes the description of the events to a substitute character using the pronoun “I”, which increases the feeling of verisimilitude and removes an obstacle between the illusion of the text and the reader,88 he returns – in his own persona – to emphasize this illusion when Mirya¯m is engaged in imaginary dialogues that cause the events to lose their thematic connection. Inserting the dialogues within the text not only negatively affects the development of the events toward the crisis, but also prevents the reader from indulging in the world of the literary text and from the other world that the author creates – Mirya¯m’s character, which takes the role of narrator, does not interact with the events as an independent character. She is a mask behind which ‛Awwa¯d hides, dictating his thoughts to the reader. Mirya¯m’s point of view becomes his point of view. This characteristic prevents the novel from being a complete organic unit.89 ‛Awwa¯d’s view regarding the Church as an institution confirms the connection between his emotional views and Mirya¯m’s. The introduction destroyed the independence of the text, turning his heroes into puppets manipulated by the author’s hand. ‛Awwa¯d’s criticism against the Church does not end with admonishing its behaviour toward the Christians of Lebanon, but also relates to its blind acceptance of traditional taboos without considering their influences. In Ta‛m el-Khebz w-el-Mara (The Taste of the Bread and of the Woman, ˙ 2007) ‛Awwa¯d brings to the fore yet another crucial problem – premarital intercourse. This issue is one of the most explosive issues in Arab society and in Lebanon in particular; nonetheless, no other author was brave enough to address it. In this novel, ‛Awwa¯d criticizes the Church’s position against sexual relations before marriage, as he sees this stance as

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a cause of agony for young men and women. ‛Awwa¯d is a unique voice in the Arab world promoting intercourse outside the socially recognized framework of marriage. His standpoint should be understood within the social revolution he suggests; he calls upon the Lebanese people and the religious institutions to wake up, to remove the grains of sand from their eyes, and see the truth. To be part of the modern Western world means to be modern in many aspects, one of which is a reconsideration of what should be acceptable sexual behaviour. It seems that Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d’s greatest contribution to PhoenicianLebanese literature is his anthology, L-’Antolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sˇe’r. Men el˙ ’alf et-te¯lit ’abl el-Ması¯h la-sent 1982, n.p.: Mata¯bi’ m’assasit Halı¯fi. 1983 ˙ ˙ ˘ (The Lebanese Anthology a poetry from the third millennium BC till 1982), a collection of Phoenician poems starting with Phoenician mythology and moving to the 1980s.90 This anthology can be viewed as an introduction to or an expose´ of the literary corpus produced by a member of the movement. In this work, ‛Awwa¯d introduces several poetic patterns from various Lebanese poets. It seems that one of the purposes of this anthology was to demonstrate the grandeur of Lebanese civilization, as it is represented in its abundant poetic contribution, a contribution that never disappeared despite the devastating wars that have taken place repeatedly on Lebanese soil.91 One of the most obvious features of the book is his unusual use of the local Lebanese language. As in his other works, ‛Awwa¯d remained committed to writing in the Lebanese vernacular. His anthology was the first work of literary criticism to use this form of the language. In the introduction he says: If the language in which we wrote the masterpieces of the past has changed, the Lebanese spirit has remained and continues to move with us from one language to the other. The transformation from the Phoenician [language] to the Greek and later to the Latin and finally to the Lebanese Aramaic [. . .] is not so different from the move of a family from one house to another.92 The anthology is in fact a climax in his utterances against the Arabic language. According to ‛Awwa¯d, the Lebanese vernacular is actually the language of the Lebanese people; a language separate and different from classical Arabic, just as the Lebanese nation is a separate nation and not part of the Arab nation. He disagrees with the common opinion, that

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Arabic was merely a stage in the development of the Lebanese dialect. Consequently, Lebanon, with its cultural and national identity, becomes a distinct nation, an independent civilization within Arab civilization as a whole.93 ‛Awwa¯d’s view of the Lebanese language as a distinct entity constitutes an important element of the Phoenician ideology. This ideology developed and gathered supporters both from within and outside of Lebanon. ‛Awwa¯d’s supporters consider Lebanon’s heritage, its past and its culture as disconnected from the Arab heritage. Arab culture is linked to Lebanon only through violence and occupation. Thus they consider such links between the two cultures as ruinous for Lebanon and the Lebanese, a direct cause of Lebanon’s decline. A case in point is ‛Awwa¯d’s words in the Anthology:94 And if at one time in our history we fell into degeneration, it is the degeneration that was brought upon us with the [Muslim] usurper. The longest usurpation that was inflicted upon us was the one that started in the seventh century.95 ‛Awwa¯d does not reject the civilization and the language of other occupiers of Lebanon, such as the Greeks or the Romans. In fact, he considers them a complementary addition to the history of Lebanon.96 However, the Arab Islamic occupation that took place in the seventh century and its civilization, specifically its language, are – in his opinion – an insult to Lebanese progress and development, and an erosion and suppression of freedom and human dignity: The Eastern basin of the Mediterranean fell into the sin of exodus to the unknown that leads to a long conflict. Imagination is cold, the dignity of human life is thrown into the vaults of militant tyrants; generations come one after the other and similarly continue the process of human reproduction.97 The Lebanese Anthology is a work that presents examples of poetry of various and unusual kinds. These are selections that try to focus the spotlight on Lebanese literature, which exists on the margins of the Lebanese or Arabic poetry, and transport it from its neglected status to a position of recognized poetic existence. ‛Awwa¯d worked in a

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semi-methodical way and converted the language of Lebanese poetry into the vernacular; it was an attempt to turn it into a national language reflecting cultural and educational examples, establishing an alternative to the Arabic language and Islamic culture. However, a note is necessary here, relating to the moral dimension provided by this anthology. The reader of these selections will notice that the writer has limited his commitment to the concept of the Lebanese and Phoenician national atmosphere, which is cut off from the developments in the Lebanese world. The poetry included in the selections does not reflect the political conditions that accompanied the timing of this anthology’s publication. Consequently, the commitment is to a spiritual idea separate from the political and social interactions in Lebanon. They are the ideal selections. The analogy here connects urban life and progress, contrasting it with rural life associating it with a lack of progress. In other words, once Lebanon is described as a rural place, the reader is deducing that there is no intellectual development there. In other words, the “strong side” of the Lebanese spirit is closer to the pastoral ideal that is natural and based on sincere relationships immersed in rural life. The intellectual, ambiguous, complicated cultural interaction that formulates the essence of modernism, one which characterizes the new world, is represented by Lebanon more than any other Arab country. Lebanon in these selections is the “other Lebanon” that is immersed in the simplicity of its cultural relations, despite the intensity of the political, cultural and social system that characterized it in that specific period. This anthology remains a rich and unique work that introduces the reader to unusual examples of literature that increase the Arabic textual possibilities and bring in a different cultural aspect that challenges the common, familiar pre-defined text, and contributes to the dynamics of literature and culture, two elements which constitute the foundation against the cultural erosion and deadly stagnation.98 ‛Awwa¯d’s writing is deep and free at the same time. On the one hand, he pays heed to the rules of artistic writing and addresses various issues with great care and thoroughness. On the other hand, his writing is free: it is spontaneous and flowing. Unlike the work of Sa‘ı¯d ‛Aql, Mayy Murr and Mı¯shı¯l Tra¯d, ‛Awwa¯d’s ˙ poetry is not bound by unnecessary artificiality. He says that he writes

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from the naive viewpoint of a child observing the world. It seems that this viewpoint determines the choice of words, metaphors and style. His style is simple, yet it is sophisticated and special. His poetry is alive and kicking; his choice of words and style makes it easy for readers of various ages and levels of education to feel comfortable with it and to appreciate it. Among the various authors supporting Phoenicianism, ‛Awwa¯d’s voice is brave and unique. He was the first to break the boundaries of themes, the first to step out of the thematic triangle of pure love, the love of God and the love of Lebanon. He was the first to bring to the fore social and national problems, and the first to deal with existential anxieties of the Lebanese people. Moreover, he was not afraid to point an accusing finger at the Maronite Church and against God. For ‛Awwa¯d, the construction of the Lebanese-Phoenician nationality is not only a political issue; it is also a social issue. Thus one needs first to rectify the social distortions, and then the nation will be strong and powerful. He is unique in addressing these social issues and in considering the social aspect of nation building to be crucial. Thus, the linguistic and political revolutions that ‛Awwa¯d calls for constitute, in fact, a social revolution.

Summary We can say that the group of Lebanese authors who believed in the doctrine of Lebanese-Phoenician nationality undertook work in the sphere of culture in order to establish a distinct cultural Lebanese project, based on the Lebanese-Phoenician heritage, deliberately ignoring the Arab cultural foundations related to Lebanese history. These authors tried to establish the foundations of another culture which, in its psychology, was far removed from that of the Arabs, Arabism and Islam. Most, if not all, of these foundations come from the background of Christianity that has accompanied and supported the Lebanese-Phoenician project in all forums from the beginning of the twentieth century. Consequently, the Lebanese-Phoenicians intended to establish the first landmark of Lebanese-Phoenician culture, i.e. its language, and through it to strike at Arabic literature, because they considered finding any shortcoming in it a victory for the

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cultural environment they were publicizing. Arabic, in their opinion, was a symbol of backwardness as well as a reason for it; they saw it as an ancient and impotent language. Besides, it is connected with the Arabs and Islam, which excludes it from the circle of superior languages connected to modern creative ones such as the European languages that the Lebanese-Phoenicians considered the heirs of Phoenician culture.

CHAPTER 4 SUMMARY — OR IS IT THE END OF THE PHOENICIAN MOVEMENT?

What is pan-Arabism? How does it work in everyday life? These questions hold great significance for many politicians, the official representatives of various political and nationalistic groups.1 One can hear these topics discussed at fundraising events in political speeches and agendas, in books, movies, songs and more. But do these issues have a bearing on everyday life? The current state of research does not give us answers to this particular question. However, should you ever enter a chat room, where Arab-speaking surfers are discussing various subjects, one finds very little mention of pan-Arabism. People will address one another or insult one another, indicating the speaker’s country of origin. When studying the development of nationalistic movements in Lebanon, the question of pan-Arabism stands in contrast to other possible nationalistic definitions, such as Lebanese particularism, Christian particularism and Phoenician-Lebanese nationality. The PhoenicianLebanese consider pan-Arabism as a problem for the development of Lebanon and as one of the fundamental reasons for the destruction of the once proud and prosperous culture of Lebanon. Thus one of the main targets of Phoenician-Lebanese criticism was directed against Arabism in general. Members of this movement regarded their country, their language and their religion as a contrast to Arabism and Islam. For Lebanon to regain its past glory, it had first to disengage from its Arab-Islamic present.

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Mount Lebanon is a region of great beauty but a region of bloodshed and sectarian struggles. Its independence achieved at the end of the nineteenth century and the separation from Greater Syria were not the end of the struggle but, in fact, its starting point. Lebanese intellectuals, mainly Maronites, searched for further reinforcements of their particularism and uniqueness vis-a`-vis neighboring communities and religious sects. Leaders of the Maronite community considered themselves different and separate from their surroundings, not only in terms of religion but also in terms of their culture and ancient past. This book has shown how Lebanese intellectuals reinvented a past for their community, associating it with the Phoenicians who inhabited the region thousands of years ago. Throughout the book I have illustrated the various methods used by members of the Young Phoenician movement to construct this Phoenician past embedded in present nationalistic ideas. The literary and intellectual activities of members of the Phoenician movement were designated as a substitute for the hegemonic AraboMuslim narrative of the past. The Young Phoenicians rejected the prevailing narrative, as it had failed to acknowledge the uniqueness of the inhabitants of Lebanon in terms of religion, culture and language. By reviving the past as Phoenician, they created a different concept of Lebanon and the Lebanese. According to this new perception of the past, the inhabitants of Lebanon have been different from their neighbours ever since the dawn of history; current inhabitants of the region were the descendants of the ancient Phoenicians, a people known for its courage, innovative ideas and skills. Moreover, the Phoenicians had played a prominent role in world civilization as discoverers, inventors and, above all, as those who had invented writing. Of all the communities and sects comprising the current Lebanese, the Maronites are closest to the ancient Phoenicians. Thus it is their duty and designated role to lead Lebanon and maybe even the world. As already demonstrated by Hayden White,2 the writing of history is a selective choice of the events of the past, and their integration into a narrative. While the events remain, our perception of these events changes constantly while combining them and re-structuring them into different stories. The Phoenician historiography appropriated the past as part of the nationalistic struggle for self-definition. By attributing

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themselves to Phoenicians (rather than to any other local or Arab/ Muslim people) they created distinguished themselves from their neighbours. By narrating their past as utterly different from that of their neighbours, they recreated themselves as a people with its own unique culture and religion, as well as a role among the world’s nations, and were thus entitled to their own territory and independence. This construction of the past allowed the Phoenician movement to achieve two main goals. The first was to create a historical basis for a nationalistic and cultural ideology. The second was to prove that its status was misunderstood by the rest of the world. In other words, the members of the Movement were reacting to the Orientalist ideas put forward and supported by French scholars such as Ernest Renan,3 not by proving them wrong, but by joining them. The Young Phoenicians acknowledged the inferiority of the East vis-a`-vis the West; nonetheless, they perceived themselves not as belonging to the East but to the West. Moreover, they considered their ancestors to be the leaders of the West, a role they would like to assume again. Moreover, they presented themselves as the guardians of Christianity in the Middle East. This assumption, i.e. that they are the guardians of Christianity, has been the major reason for their expectation of protection from the international community in, for instance, the Versailles Peace Talks. Throughout the book I have demonstrated how members of the Phoenician movement used the written and spoken word as an instrument to disseminate their political and also, at times, their religious agenda. The literature produced by members of the movement was enlisted for the advancement of its main ambition – to establish an independent country (although the border and inhabitants of this country altered and evolved with time). The most prominent feature of the Arabic language is its diglossic nature. The Phoenician-Lebanese cultural and literary activity stemmed from the multiplicity of linguistic layers, ranging from the high classical Arabic to the low local dialects, with the latter considered marginal and at times even hostile to the classical language. One of the questions that emerges in this book is in which of the models of the linguistic variants of Arabic literature does literary and linguistic activity take place, and what is its goal? This book has demonstrated that the literary, cultural and linguistic activity of the Phoenician-Lebanese encouraged the opposite linguistic

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involvement, i.e. from the dialect to the classical. This is an intentional diversion of the Lebanese language from the normative classical, as part of their struggle for national and cultural uniqueness.4 The choice of linguistic codes5 emphasizing the prestige of classical Arabic cannot be found among the Phoenician’s activity. On the contrary, they do not acknowledge the privileged status of the classical variant. Thus, their choice of codes and register derives from nationalistic and separatist motives. The polarity model,6 multi-linguist model7 and contiglossic model,8 all view the diglossic situation of Arabic as one where various variants of the classical and dialect exist side by side. The Phoenician-Lebanese supporters reject this conceptualization. They consider Lebanese as an independent language developed within a unique cultural and historical existence, rather than as a dialect. Phoenician literary writing should be studied as the realization of a national minority – a desire to express itself in its own language and to safeguard its culture, religion and literature. However, this literature should also be examined in light of the historical context: it was mainly written during a civil war 1975–1990. This context gave rise to harsh feelings and violent expressions against neighbouring peoples and even the international community. The literary writing of the Phoenician Lebanese expressed these feelings and their nationalistic aspirations not only through its vocabulary but also by choosing a particular language and a particular alphabet, differentiating their culture and history from that of the world around them. The attempt at reconstructing a sequence of events, and applying new meanings and implications to the past, brings about a new order of things, one that recreates a picture of the past that complies with their current perception of their longed-for status. By associating the Maronites with the Phoenicians, the Maronites can explain and enhance their differences from their neighbours. The past is used as both a reason and an explanation for the present. As descendants of the Phoenicians, they cannot be considered as Arabs or as Semites. Rather, they are Europeans, a Western people, and even they consider themselves as superior to Western people, a nation of great fame and importance. The world’s prosperity should appreciate their ancestors, and acknowledge their contributions to society by granting them independence and the right to rule their country. The world should also

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acknowledge the superiority of the Lebanese people over the others in the Middle East. This reconstruction of the past is intended to establish the Lebanese past as Phoenician, and to put forward the right of the present inhabitants to maintain their uniqueness. It is also intended as a counterreaction to the Arabo-Islamic notion of the past and the hegemonic narrative of the past. The four authors whose literary works were examined manifest this process of constructing the past together with present-day interests and aspirations. Their poems, essays and novels demonstrate the tensions between the Arabo-Islamic narrative of the past, and perception of the present and their narrative, where the Phoenician past is central. This narrative is both the justification and the promoter of their demand for self-definition as a people and a nation and is thus entitled to its own territory. Enhancing the use of a particular language is one of the tools available to a minority to prevent itself from being drowned within the majority’s language, culture and religion. Thus the construction of a literary narrative should be studied as part of the nationalistic fight for definition not only in terms of the actual ideas and words they express, but also that the use of a particular language was, in itself, part of the fight. Another point made in the introduction is that the more active and more vibrant the language, the more influence it has in constructing and achieving social cohesion. Therefore, if a minority communicates using its own language, this very use of a particular language empowers and reinforces nationalistic definitions. While it is clear that other sects and communities of Lebanon used Lebanese language, nonetheless the Phoenician Lebanese considered it as their mother tongue. All other speakers of Lebanese consider it secondary to the revered classical Arabic. These communities are nothing but guests, building on ancient Phoenician culture and language. A decrease in the use of language will usually weaken one’s sense of belonging to a group. Let us examine the achievements of the Phoenician movement through the lens of linguistic vibrancy. As mentioned, the founders of the Phoenician movement took special care to define a language, not only a political terminology. By using French and Lebanese and then making provocative claims against classical Arabic, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql, Mayy Murr and Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d made their political arguments stronger. They created an alternative historical narrative by rejecting the accepted

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means of expression – the fusha¯ – and giving precedence to the ˙˙ Lebanese dialect. Here, however, one meets a conundrum: although ‛Aql’s poems met with great popularity throughout the Arabic-speaking world, his political and ideological statements were less appreciated. A case in point was the centenary of his birth celebrated at several events. The main two were the celebration organized by the Notre Dame University al-Luwayza, with the collaboration of the Maronite church and the Maronite Patriarch, Butrus al-Ra¯‛ı¯. The second was organized by the ˙ Lebanese government, in ‛Aql’s home town, Zahla, on 29 July 2011, in ˙ the presence of Minister of Culture Ga¯bı¯ Liyu¯n. Both celebrations brought to the fore the uncomfortable feelings arising from ‛Aql’s political and ideological aspirations. While his poetic and literary work was highly praised, his political involvement, especially his praise of the Israeli military and the encouragement he voiced for the killing of Palestinians, did not receive such a warm welcome.9 Sama¯h ’Idrı¯s, the ˙ editor of al-’A¯da¯b, published a harsh criticism against the celebrations. In a paper entitled: “The Praises for Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql: Oh How I hate this Lebanon”, ’Idrı¯s argued that ‛Aql did not represent Lebanon but only a racist, separatist part of it. ’Idrı¯s represented a group of Lebanese intellectuals opposed to ‛Aql’s political opinions, but who nevertheless, greatly appreciated his literary activities. Indeed, in contrast to ‛Aql’s poems of love and beauty, there were calls for violence and hate. One of the most controversial statements that he made as early as 1935 was the claim that the Arabic language and Arabic literature could not express the true intentions of the Lebanese author.10 This statement positions Arabs versus Lebanese, and defines a hierarchy in which Arabic and the Arabs occupy an inferior position. In 1975, ‛Aql expressed this claim in harsher words: “I’d rather cut off my right arm than be an Arab.”11 Both claims represent his wish to disengage himself from Arabism and Islam and the symbols of their culture: their language, literature and nationality. In 1935, ‛Aql discussed the problems that he saw in using the classical Arabic term – fusha¯ – for a Lebanese person. Moreover, he ˙˙ outlined an alternative which could enable a Lebanese author to express his or her feelings in a more suitable way, one which would allow his or her words to demonstrate the complexity and depth of their feelings. This would enable Lebanese literary creations to reach audiences all over

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the world. ‛Aql mentioned five principles: creativity, veracity, deep philosophical notions, description of the human soul and glorification of the homeland.12 According to ‛Aql, Arabic is unable to implement these principles, thus preventing Lebanese literature from realizing its actual potential and becoming eternal. This particular message represents the beginning of a literary and ideological process, initiated by ‛Aql and the Phoenician-Lebanese movement, for the founding of an alternative language and literary corpus which would replace Arabic language and literature. ‛Aql criticizes Arabic not only as a language but also as a culture. He addresses his criticism against Arabic society and culture in general. He claims that this culture cannot contain human balance relying on reason, feelings and lust. This last characteristic dominates the Arab man and his culture, therefore, neither AraboIslamic literature nor its language can represent the Lebanese nation and its culture. Another example demonstrating that ‛Aql’s popularity was not related to his political agenda is the striking difference between his popularity and that of Mayy Murr. While both poets write about love and beauty, the poems of Murr never gained a wide audience. It seems that one of the major reasons for this is the strong religious connotations and its Lebanese context. Whereas ‛Aql’s poem can be disconnected from the Lebanese context, and understood as universal, Murr’s poems cannot. Writing in the Lebanese dialect gained some appreciation and admirers among the inhabitants of Lebanon. However, changes throughout the Arabic-speaking world brought to the fore some challenges that people such as Sha¯rl Qurm and even Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql could not have anticipated. The flourishing of satellite television and private television stations encouraged a particular kind of global communication. In their search for audiences, the owners of television stations are striving to construct a language with the largest possible common basis thus encouraging the emergence of a new language, the “white language”. This language encompasses elements of many dialects understood by Iraqis, Lebanese, Moroccans and many other Arabic speakers on the face of the earth. In an age in which chat rooms and virtual friends on Facebook are, to a large extent, replacing personal interaction, and Tweets are replacing articulated words, language

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becomes a tool serving people throughout the world; some make use of this “white language” so that this striving to develop one unique dialect hinders the dissemination of ideas and theories. Phoenician writings indeed voiced the movement’s political agenda, but it also served as the basis for an alternative historical and cultural narrative. These texts were also intended as an axis around which people could create and reinforce communal ties, thus empowering their community in terms of religion, ethnicity and culture. Paradoxically, the great emphasis members of the movement placed on language and unique forms of writing turned out to be an obstacle since globalization and market forces do not encourage differentiation, but are bringing about a unification and standardization of many processes – including the use of language. Under such conditions, it is hard to justify a unique language or to disseminate ideas. The ranks of the movement are therefore shrinking.13 It is not clear which of the above-mentioned issues (including problems in acquiring public recognition, difficulties in disseminating their ideas), or the change in historical context (the end of the Lebanese civil war), has reduced the interest in the literary creations of Phoenician-Lebanese authors and poets. The struggle against Arabic as a language and as a culture was highly associated with the civil and political state of the Maronite community of Lebanon and the inhabitants of Lebanon in general.14 During the early days of Lebanese nationalism, the struggle for national definition was reflected in the powerful demand to disengage from Arabic. During the times of fighting for independence and self-definition, and in periods of civil war, the arguments against Arabic were harsh and uncompromising. This was a time when the Maronite community was converging, thus needing features of distinction from their surroundings. The tone was somewhat softened once the civil war of the 1990s had ended. Nonetheless, the criticism is still heard, and Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’s doctrine is still relevant. A case in point is Rafı¯q Ru¯ha¯na¯’s forthcoming book ˙ of ‛Aql’s doctrine and in particular his Revolution of the Letter (sawrit el-harf) in the trunk of (sSwara l-leghawiyye l-muzdawije).15 ˙ The question of language and the position of classical Arabic remain in the eye of the storm even today. Though the Phoenician movement is smaller in proportion, and has less influence over public opinion, it is

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still there, and is still demanding special recognition of Lebanese as a language in its own right. In contrast to how Syrian nationalists act and perceive themselves, Phoenician-Lebanese continue to strive and wish for nationalistic and religious separation from the rest of the Arab world. Though they no longer use severe terminology, nor launch fierce attacks against Arab culture or nations, they still maintain a negative approach against the Classical Arabic language. It seems that the most appropriate way to end this book would be to look at how present-day Phoenician-Lebanese relate to Arabic. In an interview for the New Lebanon electronic newspaper,16 Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d illustrates the difficulties of his generation in keeping the fire of the revolution burning: Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql did not complete his project [of revolutionizing the Lebanese language] he started in the 1960s when he published Ya¯ra¯. Today we need a scholar [a linguist] who will continue what our great poet started, [we need him so he can] fix the broken minds in Lebanon and in the Middle East. The non-spoken dead language is to be blamed for this breakdown.17 It seems that the political and military balance in Lebanon cannot guarantee peace and quiet for the inhabitants of Lebanon. It is more than possible that the atmosphere of the Arab Spring will bring unity to Lebanon, but it is also possible that in such an atmosphere, sectarianism and past animosity will be brought to new and fierce life. Geographic and nationalistic separation will probably lead to linguistic and cultural distinction. Thus the Phoenician ideology might still have a last word to say.

APPENDIX I

Telephone Interview with Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql, held on Monday 5 January 1998 Q: How does Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql define Lebanon? Through this question I attempt to elicit your point of view about the influence of PhoenicianLebanese tendency on Lebanese literature. Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: Let me first deprecate your definition of tendency: The Phoenician tendency. There is no such a name. Since Lebanon, as Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql defines, has three inseparable names: Phoenicia, Lebanon, Creativity/ Creation (’Ibda¯‘). In this matter it is similar to naming other countries with different names, for instance, England is called: England, Great Britain, and the United Kingdom. However, the other names that are given to Lebanon are not real, but are mere inventions of journalists that only serve for political profits. Therefore, I totally reject any other name than this trinity. Q: Who is a poet in your point of view? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: A poet is a person who has managed to recognize the universe, in this matter there is no difference between a poet and a philosopher; they both attempt to explain the universe. However, a poet offers his literary knowledge through beauty. If the poet abandons the beauty in his knowledge, then he becomes a philosopher. A poet combines both; therefore his mission is harder, since it is the mission of beauty. Q: Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql is known for his call, back in the early sixties, to abandon the Arabic language and script in favour of Latin script and vernacular Lebanese dialect. What is your current position on this matter?

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Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: Again, I do not agree with your use of the expression “dialect”. There is no spoken Lebanese dialect but there is a colloquial Lebanese language. A living language that interacts with daily life and that has its letter – that I put – and that is perfect, according to linguists around the world. Arab people call it slang for obvious political reasons. Only colloquial language is the living language, therefore, the classical Arabic language is dead since it is a non-colloquial language. In the definition of [the] Larousse dictionary for the expression “living language”, Larousse emphasizes that it is only the colloquial language. Nevertheless, Larousse defines the dead language as the language that people stopped using in their daily life. It is the language that is totally connected to syntax. So you cannot recognize the role of each word unless you understand the punctuation. The colloquial language is far from being dead. It is remarkable that there are dead languages, like Arabic, that have more literature than the colloquial language; however, the colloquial language remains superior since it is spoken, while the language dies because another language stepped in its place. A language is a tongue, when it is not used it dies. We write in Arabic or Syriac or Latin, however we do not speak it because it is dead. Q: Aren’t you diminishing the value of the Arabic language with this saying? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: I am, for example, a Maronite Christian, my original language is Syriac, and the language of Greek orthodox is ancient Greek, and the language of Latin people is Latin, but these are all dead languages since they are not [i.e., spoken, they are not in daily use: BB]. The same is for Arabic. Today there are other languages that have taken its place: Iraqi, Egyptian, Algerian and so on. Q: And the Palestinian? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: Not exactly. From this point of view the Lebanese language includes the language of Palestine, Jordan and Syria. You are not speaking Palestinian but Lebanese, and it is a mistake to define it with any other name. French, for instance, includes half of Belgium, a quarter of Switzerland and part of Canada. So why can’t the Lebanese language include the three countries?

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Q: What is the origin of the name of your book Ya¯ra? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: I borrowed the name from Lebanese-Phoenician mythology, after the discoveries of Ra¯s Shamra¯, an innocent Phoenician heroine; I loved her because of her resemblance to the Virgin Mary. The name in origin is Ya¯yra¯, but I modified it to Ya¯ra. Q: How come then, that Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql writes in classical Arabic in spite of its being dead? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: I write in three languages: Lebanese, Arabic and French, and each time I use letters of the same language. I don’t think it is a shame that I write Arabic. Some, like the narrator Sa‘ı¯d Taqiyy al-Dı¯n, even claim that I am the best in writing prose in Arabic. The poet Sulayma¯n al-‘I¯sa¯, a Syrian poet said that if Arab gives birth to one Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql every 100 years, they will last for billions of years. I write it only as a scientist, I don’t want my people to write it. Frankly, if I had written my Arabic books in Lebanese language instead, they would have made miracles. Q: In his book The Lebanese Anthology and in his introduction to the book Yesterday We Were Children, Murı¯s ‘Awwa¯d reproaches you for writing al-Majdaliyya and Qadmu¯s in classical Arabic. What do you say about that? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: I do accept his reproach. Had these two books been written in Lebanese or even French, they would have had much more successful influence. Q: But aren’t you canceling the most significant link that ties the Arabs together? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: There is no “Arab people” today. This is the problem. There are Iraqis, Egyptians, Syrians and Palestinians. Each people speak their own colloquial language. You, the Palestinian people, were the first to be harmed by this. Do you recognize why Zionism defeated the Arab world? I will explain it to you. When the Palestinian problem started escalating back in 1948, Zionism deluded you that the main conflict is between the Arab world and Zionism, and that is false. If I were a Palestinian, God forbid, I would have said it out loud: I am only a Palestinian, the conflict is between the people of Palestine: Christians, Muslims and Jews on the one hand, and Zionism on the other hand; that is to say between foreigners and native people. By the way, I say this

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wherever I go in the neighbouring countries, and I love them more when they call themselves Egyptians or Syrians. Q: What about the language? ˙ usayn, Dean of Arabic Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: When I used to meet with T˙a¯ha¯ H Literature, I spoke Lebanese and he spoke Egyptian. I am familiar with the Egyptian language because my uncles live there, and when phrases became complex we switched to French. Where is Arabic? It is dead. The Arab world has three heroes: the people that speak colloquial languages, the cinema people who recognize the importance of colloquial language in marketing their movies and therefore they appreciate it, and Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql, who writes using colloquial language systematically. Q: But Arabic has a wider market? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: When Shakespeare wrote his literary works, he wrote in English, which was not widely spread amongst the literary circles. However, he sought to use a lively language other than Latin, the language of literature at that time, because he recognized that he was writing for the future. This is what I do. On the other hand, the greatest ˙ usayn, did not publish more than writers in Arabic, me and T˙a¯ha¯ H 3,000 copies of each work. Is this the market you are talking about? Q: In the list of the author’s works of your last work in 1992, you did not register your works written in Latin letters, why? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: That is because I did not write them in Arabic, whereas the list was to include Arabic works only. Q: What is your opinion regarding Arab culture? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: I am very much aware of Arab culture. I am aware of it and I teach it, but it is not my culture. I know it and I love it, but I don’t belong to it, I am Lebanese and I belong to the Lebanese culture. I think many people misunderstood my attitude towards the Arab culture due to not distinguishing between the two [Arabic and Lebanese: BB]. Q: Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql’s writing in Lebanese language, is it part of his cultural independence? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: This is part of my cultural independence, yes. However, more important is that it is part of the truth. Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql’s culture has no value unless it is written truthfully, and the permanent truth is that I am

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Lebanese, thus I write Lebanese. The truth is existence. Our Lord Jesus confirmed: the truth sets you free. I am Lebanese because Lebanonism is the correct matter. Lebanon’s culture implemented Europe’s culture. There are two types of culture: active and dynamic. You act through culture, thus you exist. If it were not for its cultural activity, Lebanon would have not existed. Lebanon exists through its essence, its culture. For instance: Euclid the Lebanese, the author of The Elements, whose scientific views are studied until today. And Qadmu¯s who introduced to the world the keys to the secrets of knowledge: the letters of the alphabet. Arabs acted at their time, but on the level of present cultural activity they ceased to exist, since their cultural activity is limited. Culture is made through cultural productivity that was creative at its time and remained so through ages. Q: Were you influenced by Sha¯rl Qurm [one of the first who called for the Lebanese idea]? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: He was the first Lebanese who dared to say that he is only Lebanese, rather than an Arab, at a time that this was hard to declare [the beginnings of the twentieth century: BB.]. This is his major contribution. Q: Do you have any interactions with the poet ’Adu¯nı¯s? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: We don’t have literal relations. All there is that he tries to approach me. I don’t like what they write [the group of Shi‘r magazine and ’Adu¯nı¯s is among them: BB.]. They write nonsense, and they are specialists in writing against other poets, which is not my business. I write literature not gossip. Yu¯suf al-Kha¯l once suggested that I run Shi‘r, but I refused. Q: What is your latest literary project? Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql: In two months two books in Lebanese script – that is to say Lebanese language – will be published by Derga¯m Publishing House in Beirut: ‘Ashtarı¯m, a Phoenician heroine, this book has about 3,000 lines of narrative poetry. And the second book ’edde¯s (A Mass) for Maronite Liturgy, also in Lebanese, in which I attempt to replace the Maronite liturgy with something new. Note: At the end of the interview, Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql recommended that I retain the colloquial language in literature use, for my output to be more successful.

APPENDIX II

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Poems by Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql and Mı¯shı¯l Ki‛dı¯ written in modified Latin Script

APPENDIX III

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APPENDIX III

147

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A Text from Lubna¯n/Lebneen magazine and a copy for two first pages of the magazine

APPENDIX IV

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APPENDIX IV

151

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APPENDIX IV

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Mayy Murr’s Autobiography and Texts by Mayy Murr for children

NOTES

Introduction 1. Karmela Leibkind, ‘Social psychology’, in J.A. Fishman (ed.), Handbook of Language and Ethnic Identity, Oxford, 1999, p. 132. 2. Elana Shohamy and S. Donitsa-Schmidt, Differences in Attitudes, Stereotypes and Priorities regarding Hebrew and Arabic of Jews and Arabs in Israel, Tel-Aviv, 1998, p. 31. 3. Barabara Bosch, ‘Ethnicity markers in Afrikaans’, International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 1440 (2000), pp. 51 –68. 4. John Edwards, ‘Bilingualism, education and identity’, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development/9/1 (1988), pp. 203– 10; Grace Feuerverger, ‘Jewish-Canadian and nonnative language learning: A socialpsychological study’, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 10/4 (1989), pp. 227 – 30. In this context, Kathryn Woolard and Bambi A. Schieffelin, state ‘Where linguistic variation appears to be simply a diagram of social differentiation, the analyst needs to identify the ideological production of that diagram’. ‘Language ideology’, Annual Reviews (1994), p. 61. 5. Joshua Fishman, Langage in Sociocutural Change, Stanford, 1972, p. 32. 6. Ibid., pp. 124–223; Yasir Suleiman, A War of Words: Lanugage and Conflict in the Middle East, Cambridge, 2004, p. 38. 7. Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, Oxford, 1995, pp. 82 – 3; p. 105. See also S.J. Anaya, Indigenous Peoples in International Law, New York, 1996, p. 126. See the opposite opinion by Skutnabb-Kangas who sees the argument made by Kimlicka ‘as a dangerous obstacle to real Linguistic Diversity and part of the assimilation myths leading to linguistic and cultural genocide instead of Linguistic Human Rights’. See the discussion in Dafna Yitzhaki, ‘Minority languages and language policy:

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8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

13. 14.

15.

16.

17.

18. 19.

NOTE

TO PAGES

4 –8

The case of Arabic in Israel’ (Ph.D diss., Israel, 2008), p. 34, and compare with T. Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000, p. 280. Mintal Pintu, ‘Language rights, immigration and minorities in Israel’, Mishpat Umimshal [Law and Governance], vol. 1 (2006), p. 224. Denise G. Re´aume, ‘Beyond personality’, in W. Kymlicka and A. Patten (eds), Language Rights and Political Theory, Oxford, 2003, p. 271, p. 283. Fishman, 1991, p. 21. Denise G. Re´aume, ‘Official language rights’, in W. Kymlicka and W. Norman (eds), Citizenship in Diverse Societies, Oxford, 2000, pp. 245–7, 251. Angela Creese et al., ‘Multicultural heritage and learner identities in complementary schools’, Language and Education, 20/1 (2006), pp. 23 – 43; Mary Bucholtz, ‘Identity and interaction’, Discourse Studies 7/4 – 5 (2005), pp. 584– 614. Eric Hobsbawm, ‘Introduction’, in E. Hobsbawn and T. Ranger (eds), The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge, 1992, pp. 1 – 14. H. Giles et al., ‘Towards a theory of language in ethnic group relations’, in H. Giles (ed.), Language, Ethnicity and Inter-Group Relations, New York, 1977, pp. 307– 43. Urie Bronfenbrenner, ‘Lewinian space and ecological substance’, Journal of Social Issues 33/4 (1977), pp. 199 – 212; Bronfenbrenner, ‘Toward an experimental ecology of human development’, American Psychologist, 32/7 (1977a), pp. 513 – 31. This model emphasizes the importance of language for the development of national definitions. Language planning of ethnic or national groups encourages the consolidation of these groups as unique and separate from hegemonic group/ majority. See Jonathan Pool, ‘National development and language diversity’, in Joshua A. Fishman, Advances in the Sociology of Language, vol. II, 1972, pp. 213– 30. Rashı¯d Rida¯, ‘Sadma Jadı¯da ‛ala¯ al-‛Arabiyya’, Al-Mana¯r, 1/6 (1897), ˙ ˙ pp. 102– 4; Rida¯, ‘Sadma Jadı¯da ‛ala¯ al-‛Arabiyya’, Al-Mana¯r, 1/7 (1897a), ˙ ˙ pp. 120– 8. Ibid. Stadlbauer states that the ideological forces in post-colonial Egypt gave rise to linguistic conflicts: ‘the desires for historical and linguistic nostalgia on one hand, and for modernization of language and society on the other. Religious conservatives, fueled with anti-Western sentiments and historical nostalgia, argue for a superiority of Classic Arabic, and its purity is strongly anchored in Muslim Arab history, morality, and nationalism. They relate “authentic” Egyptian identity to Islamic laws and values that are uncorrupted by the West [. . .] This causes the religious conservatives to fight to keep Classic Arabic undiluted with foreign borrowings.’ Susanne Stadlbauer, ‘Language ideologies in the Arabic diglossia of Egypt’, Colorado Research in Linguistics vol. 22 (2010), pp. 1–19. Compare also with Suleiman, The Arabic Language, 2003; Suleiman, A War of Words, 2004; Niloofar Haeri, Sacred Language, Ordinary People, New York, 2003.

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157

20. ’Ibra¯hı¯m al-Ya¯zijı¯, ‘al-Lugha al-‛A¯mmiyya wal-Lugha al-Fusha¯’, al-Diya¯’, ˙˙ _ 4 (1901), pp. 57 – 65; ’Ibra¯hı¯m al-Ya¯zijı¯, ‘al-Lugha al-‛A¯mmiyya wal-Lugha al-Fusha¯’, al-Diya¯’, 4 (1901), pp. 320 – 6. ˙˙ _ 21. K. Vollers, The Modern Egyptian Dialect of Arabic: A Grammar with Exercises, Reading Lessons and Glossaries, Translator: F. C. Burkitt. Cambridge, 2011; Weninge, Stefan (ed.), The Semitic Languages: An International Handbook, Berlin, 2012, pp. 853 – 4. 22. Reem Bassiouney, Arabic Sociolinguistics: Topics in Diglossia, Gender, Identity, and Politics, Washington, 2009, p. 238; Shlomit Shraybom-Shivtiel, ‘The question of Romanisation of the script and the emergence of nationalism in the Middle East’, Mediterranean Language Review 10 (1998), pp. 179 – 96; Liesbeth Zack. ‘Key to Mass Literacy or Professor’s Hobby: Fiske’s Project to write Egyptian Arabic with Latin Alphabet’, al-‛Arabiyya 47 (2014), pp. 1 – 19. 23. ‛Abd al-‛Azı¯z Fahmı¯, al-Huru¯f al-La¯tı¯niyya li-Kita¯bat al-Lugha al-‛Arabiyya, ˙ al-Qa¯hira: Da¯r al-‛Arab li-Busta¯nı¯. N.d. 24. As part of the process of building national identities in the Middle East, in this context it is worth mentioning that Kurdish-Syrian poet, Koneˆ Res¸, stated that the Kurdish minority headed by the Bader Khan family adopted the Latin font and published the first Kurdish journal in Latin letters (Hawa¯r) in Damascus in 1932, and the journal Ru¯za¯nu¯ in Beirut in 1943, also in Latin letters. See: http://www.rojava.net/koneresh.hevpeyvin.hejaribrahim%2007.05. %202005.htm. 25. Hammu¯dı¯ ’Ibra¯hı¯m al-Mulla¯. Tiba¯‘at al-Lugha al-‘Arabiyya bi-l-Huru¯f ˙ ˙ ˙ al-La¯tı¯niyya, Baghda¯d, 1956; Al-Junaydı¯ Khalı¯fa, Nahwa ‛Arabiyya ’Afdal, ˙ ˙ Bayru¯t, n. d.; ‛Uthma¯n Sabrı¯, Nahwa ’Abjadiyya Jadı¯da, al-Qa¯hira, 1964. Sa‛ı¯d ˙ ˙ Nafu¯sa Zakariyya¯, Ta¯rı¯kh al-Da‛wa ’ila¯ al-ʿA¯mmiyya wa-’A¯tha¯ruha¯ fı¯ Misr, ˙ al-’Iskandariyya, 1964; ‛Abd al-Jabba¯r al-Qazza¯z, al-Dira¯sa¯t al-Lughawiyya fı¯ al-‛Ira¯q, Baghda¯d, 1981; al-Sayyid Rizq al-Tawı¯l, al-Lisa¯n al-‛Arabı¯ wa-l˙ ’Isla¯m, Makka, 1986; Ju¯rj Tra¯d, ‛Ala¯ ’Aswa¯r Ba¯bil: Sira¯ʽ al-Fusha¯ wa-l˙ ˙ ˙˙ ‛A¯mmiyya fı¯ al-Shi‛r al-‛Arabı¯ al-Mu‛a¯sir, Bayru¯t, 2001. 26. Joseph John, Language and Identity; National, Ethnic, Religious, New York, 2004, p. 194. See also Butros Dau, Religious, Cultural and Political History of the Maronites, Lebanon, 1984, p. 12. 27. Mahmoud Al-Batal ‘Identity and language tension in Lebanon’, in A. Rouchdy (ed.), Language Contact and Language Conflict in Arabic: Variations on a Sociolinguistic Theme, London, 2002, pp. 91–2. 28. Sarah Maza, ‘Stephen Greenblatt, new historicism, and cultural history, or, what we talk about when we talk about interdisciplinarity’, Modern Intellectual History, 1/2 (2004), pp. 249 – 65; Jurgen Pieters, ‘New historicism: Postmodern historiography between narrativism and heterology’, History and Theory 39/1 (February 2000), pp. 21– 38; Daniel Wickberg, ‘What is the history of sensibilities? On cultural histories, old and new’, American Hstorical Review (June 2007), pp. 661 – 84.

158

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29. Leroy Searle, ‘New criticism’, in M. Groden, M. Kreiswirth and I. Szeman (eds), The Johns Hopkins Guide to Literary Theory and Criticism, Baltimore, 2005, pp. 691 – 8. 30. Simon Jargy ‘Vers une re´volution dans les lettres arabes? A propos de Yara de Saı¨d Akl’, Orient, 17 1961, pp. 93– 101. 31. Charles Pellat, ‘A` propos d’une re´volution dans les lettres arabes’, Orient, 19 (1961), pp. 107– 11. 32. Concerning the Maltese language, see Helen Borland, ‘Heritage languages and community identity building: The case of a language of lesser status’, International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, vol. 8, 2/3 2005, pp. 109–23; Carmel Cassar ‘Malta: Language, literacy and identity in a Mediterranean island society’, National Identities, 3/3 (2001), pp. 257–75; Karla Mallette, European Modernity and the Arab Mediterranean: Toward a New Philology and a CounterOrientalism, Philadelphia, 2010, pp. 100–31; Lydia Sciriha, ‘The rise of Maltese in Malta’, Intercultural Communication Studies XI: 3 (2002), pp. 95–106. 33. Heinz Grotzfeld, ‘L’expe´rience de Sa’id ’Aql’, Orientalia Suecana, 22 (1973), pp. 37 – 51. 34. Arkadiusz Płonka, L’ide´e de langue libanaise d’apre`s Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql, Paris, 2004. 35. Arkadiusz Płonka, ‘Le nationalisme linguistique au Liban autour de Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql et l’ide´e de langue libanaise dans la revue ‘Lebnaan’ en nouvel alphabet’, Arabica 53/4 (2006), pp. 423– 71. 36. Franck Salameh, ‘Inventing Lebanon: Lebanonism in the poetry and thoughts of Saı¨d Akl’ (PhD diss., Brandeis) 2004. 37. Salameh, Language, Memory, and Identity in the Middle East: The Case for Lebanon, Lanham, 2010. 38. Mentioned by Nina Bogdanovsky, bibliographer for Slavic and Eastern Languages and Literatures (Boston College Libraries) in her ‘Guide of selected resources’ concerning further studies for Salameh’s book, see: http://www.bc. edu/sites/libraries/facpub/languagememory/guide.pdf. 39. See Płonka, L’ide´e de langue libanaise, 2004 and ‘Le nationalisme linguistique au Liban’, 2006. 40. See Bası¯lyu¯s Bawa¯rdı¯, ‘Bayn al-Sahra¯’ wa-l-Bahr. Bahth fı¯ Ta’thı¯r al-Qawmiyya˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ tayn al-Lubna¯niyya al-Fı¯nı¯qiyya wa-l-Su¯riyya ‘Ala¯ al-’Adab al-‘Arabı¯ al-Mu‘a¯sir’, ˙ (MA thesis), Hayfa¯, 1998. ˙ 41. Asher Kaufman, Reviving Phoenicia: The Search for Identity in Lebanon, London, 2004. 42. Kaufman, ‘From “la colline inspire´e” to “la montagne inspire´e”: Maurice Barre`s and Lebanese nationalism’, in M. Avitbol (ed.), France and the Middle East: Past, Present and Future, Jerusalem, 2004, pp. 225–46. 43. Kaufman, ‘Tell us our history: Charles Corm, Mount Lebanon and Lebanese Nationalism’, Middle Eastern Studies, 40/3 (May 2008), pp. 1 – 28. 44. Fida Bizri, ‘Linguistic Green Lines in Lebanon’, Mediterranean Politics, 18/3 (2013), pp. 444– 59. 45. See Carol Hakim, The Origins of the Lebanese National Idea: 1840– 1920, Los Angeles, 2013.

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Chapter 1 Historical Background: The Birth of the Phoenician-Lebanese National Thought 1. See Hassan Kayali, Arabism and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, California, 1997, p. 212. 2. See Adeed Dawisha, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair, Princeton, 2003, pp. 32 – 3. 3. At this period of time, when referring to Lebanon I refer to the geographical region, rather than to nationality. 4. Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798– 1939, London, 1967, ch. 4. According to Kaufman, in 1914 Nadra Mutra¯n published a book deeply ˙ influenced by al-Busta¯nı¯’s ideas regarding nationality and national identities of the Syrian region. Kaufman, Reviving Phoenicia, p. 7. 5. Butrus Abu-Manneh, ‘The Christians between Ottomanism and Syrian nationalism: The ideas of Butros Al-Bustani’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 11 (1980), p. 304. See also: Kaufman, Reviving Phoenicia, p. 7. 6. See Zachs, The Making of a Syrian Identity. Intellectual Marchants in Nineteenth Century Beirut, Leiden, 2005, p. 2. The present sub-chapter, ‘Syrianism in the nineteenth century: Proto-nationalism and re-defined identity’, is derived mainly from this important book, unless otherwise indicated. 7. One of the few contemporary scholars analyzing al-Khu¯rı¯’s work is Fruma Zachs, ‘Pioneers of Syrian patriotism and identity: A re-evaluation of Khalil al-Khuri’s contribution’, in A. Beshara (ed.), The Origins of Syrian Nationhood Histories, Pioneers and Identity, London, 2011. 8. See Bawardi, ‘First steps in writing Arabic Narrative Fiction: The case of Hadiqat al-’Akhbar’, Die Welt des Islams, 48 (2008), pp. 184– 5. 9. See ibid., pp. 173– 4. 10. Bawardi, ‘Adu¯nı¯s and the implied identity towards an ideological poetical text’, Quaderni di Studi Arabi, 2 (2007), pp. 206– 8; Zachs, The Making of Syrian Identity, pp. 173–83. 11. For more information regarding this narrative fiction, see Bawardi, ‘First steps’, pp. 189–94; Stephan Guth, Bru¨ckenschla¨ge. Eine integrierte ‘turkoarabische’ Romangeschichte (Mitte 19. bis Mitte 20. Jahrhundert), Wiesbaden, 2003, pp. 10–47. 12. Zachs and Bawardi, ‘Ottomanism and Syrianism, patriotism in Salı¯m al-Busta¯nı¯’s thought’, in F. Zachs and I. Weismann (eds), Ottoman Reform and Muslim Regeneration, London, 2005, pp. 111– 26; Bawardi, ‘Adu¯nı¯s and the implied identity’, pp. 207– 13. 13. In the next chapter, see how Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql used geo-literature writing to promote his Phoenician-Lebanese national identity, especially in his book Lubna¯n ’In Haka¯ (Lebanon If It Could Speak). ˙ 14. See David Semah, Four Egyptian Literary Critics, Leiden, 1974; Salameh, ‘Inventing Lebanon’, pp. 22 – 33.

160

NOTE TO PAGES 27 –31

15. Regarding Sa‛a¯da, see, Adel Beshara, Syrian Nationalism: An Inquiry into the Political Philosophy of Antun Sa‘adeh, Bayru¯t, 1995; Antun Sa’adeh: The Man His Thought, An Anthology, London, 2007; The Origins of Syrian Nationhood Histories, Pioneers and Identity, London, 2011; Adel, ‘Some distinguishing Aspects of Sa‛adeh’s thought’, lecture, Georgetown University, 1982. 16. L.Z. Yamak, The Syrian Social Party: An Ideological Analysis, Cambridge, Mass., 1966, p. 53. 17. M. Mendel, ‘Fascist in the Levant in the 1930s and 1940s’, Archiv Orientali, vol. 55, 1987, pp. 1 – 17, 1987, p. 3 18. Badr Al-Ha¯jj, Al-Duktu¯r Khalı¯l Sa‘a¯da, London, 1987, p. 124. This book includes ˙ his biography and a list of his works, some of them previously unknown. 19. ’Antu¯n Sa‛a¯da, Al-Muha¯dara¯t al-‘Ashr, no place, no publisher, 1956, p. 135. ˙ ˙ ˙ 20. Ibid., pp. 19, 25. The contempt for religion and religious symbols is yet another similarity between father and son. Sa‛a¯da Sr. considered Islam and Christianity to be impeding the advancement of the oriental world. See alHa¯jj, Al-Duktu¯r Khalı¯l Sa‘a¯da, p. 12. ˙ 21. Sa‛a¯da, Al-Muha¯dara¯t al-‘Ashr, pp. 46 – 7. ˙ ˙ 22. Ibid., pp. 52 – 3. 23. Ibid., p. 93. 24. About his opinion on intellect and religion see: Sa‛a¯de Al-Muha¯dara¯t al-‘Ashr, ˙ ˙ pp. 93 – 6. 25. Sa‛a¯da, Al-’A¯tha¯r al-Ka¯mila, Bayru¯t, 1960, p. 48. According to Zeidan, Sa‛a¯da was one of the pioneers in developing the concept of commitment in modern Arabic literature. See J. Zeidan, ‘Myth and Symbol in the Poetry of Adonis and Yusuf Al- Khal’, Journal of Arabic Literature, 10 (1979), p. 73. 26. Sa‛a¯da, ‘Al-Qawmiyya wa-l-’A¯da¯b’, Fı¯ al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya (Bayru¯t 1980), p. 361. 27. Ibid., p. 360. 28. Ibid., p. 370. 29. Sa‛a¯da, Maba¯di’ al-Hizb al-Qawmı¯ al-Su¯rı¯ al-’Ijtima¯‛ı¯ wa-Gha¯ya¯tuhu, Bayru¯t: ˙ no publisher, 1972, p. 126. See also Sa‛a¯da, Al-Muha¯dara¯t al-‘AShr, p. 55. ˙ ˙ 30. For detailed account of Syrian nationalism and its influence on modern Arab literature see Abu-Manneh, ‘The Christians between Ottomanism and Syrian nationalism’, pp. 287– 304; Ja¯k Amateis, Yu¯suf al-Kha¯l wa-Majallatuhu Shi‘r, Bayru¯t, 2004; Muhammad Jama¯l Ba¯ru¯t, Al-Hada¯tha al-’U¯la¯, Dubay, 1991, ˙ ˙ pp. 13– 61; Muhammad Jama¯l Ba¯ru¯t, ‘’Adu¯nı¯s. Wa-Shi‛r’. Al-’A¯da¯b 9/10 ˙ (2001), pp. 60 – 8; Ba¯sı¯lyu¯s Bawa¯rdı¯, Bayn al-Sahra¯’ wa-l-Bahr, pp. 40 – 7; ˙ ˙ ˙ pp. 180– 211; Bawa¯rdı¯,‘’Adab al-Qawmiyya al-Lubna¯niyya al-Fı¯nı¯qiyya’, ˇ pp. 7 – 79; Francesca M. Corrao, ‘Si‘r’: Poetics in Progress’. Quaderni di Studi Arabi XVIII (2000), pp. 97 – 104; Sharbil Da¯ghir, Tawa¯shuja¯t al-’Ayduyu¯lu¯jya¯ wa-l-Hada¯tha: Sa‘a¯da wa’Adu¯nı¯s’, Fusu¯l 2/12 (1998), pp. 145– 72; al-Ha¯jj, ˙ ˙ Al-Duktu¯r Khalı¯l Sa‘a¯da, 1987; ‛Abd al-‛Azı¯z Maqa¯lih ‘Ta’ammula¯t fı¯ al˙ Tajriba al-Naqdiyya ‛Ind Sala¯h ‛Abd al-Sabu¯r, ’Adu¯nı¯s, Kama¯l ’Abu¯ Dı¯b’, ˙ ˙ ˙ Fus. u¯l 2/3(1991), pp. 91 – 108; Raja¯ al-Naqqa¯sh, ‘Hal li-l-Shi‘r al-Jadı¯d

NOTE

31.

32.

33. 34. 35.

TO PAGES

31 –32

161

Falsafa?’, al-’A¯da¯b (1962), pp. 35 – 41; ’As‘ad Razzuq, Al-’Ustu¯ra fı¯ al-Shi‘r ˙ al-‘Arabı¯ al-Mu‘a¯sir. Al-Shu‘ara¯’ al-Tammu¯ziyyu¯n, Bayru¯t, 1959; Sa‘a¯da, ‘Al˙¯ Qawmiyya wa-l-’Ada¯b’, pp. 360– 78; Reuven Snir, ‘A study of elegy for al-Hallaj’, Journal of Arabic Literature, 25 (1994), pp. 245– 58; L.Z. Yamak, The Syrian Social Party: An Ideological Analysis, Cambridge, 1966; J. Zeidan, ‘Myth and Symbol’, pp. 70– 94. The present subchapter greatly benefited from Kais Firro’s book: Inventing Lebanon: Nationalism and the State under the Mandate, 2003. I am grateful to Professor Firro for his endless patience and willingness to share his thoughts with me. Milhim Qurba¯n, Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n al-Siya¯sı¯ al-Hadı¯th, Bayru¯t, 1980, vol. 2, ˙ ˙ p. 368. This temporary and unwritten accord of resisting Turkization, did not last long, however. The Christian supporters of a particular Lebanese nationalism submitted demands to the members of the Versailles conference, separate from those issued by a joint Muslim–Christian Lebanese delegation, at the 1913 Arab Conference in Paris. See: Al-Salı¯bı¯, Bayt bi-Mana¯zil Kathı¯ra: al-Kaya¯n al˙ Lubna¯nı¯ Bayn al-Tasawwur wa-l-Wa¯qi‛, Bayru¯t, 1990, p. 212. Regarding the ˙ secret meeting held at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the same period see also, Muhammad Zu‘aytir, Al-Mashru¯‘ al-Ma¯ru¯nı¯ fı¯ Lubna¯n. Judhu¯ruhu wa˙ Tatawwura¯tuhu, Bayru¯t, 1986, pp. 342–4. ˙ Al-Salı¯bı¯, Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n al-Hadı¯th, Bayru¯t, 1967, p. 12. ˙ ˙ Qurba¯n, Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n, vol. 2, p. 365. See his monograph, published in 1844, Notice historique sur l’origine de la nation Maronite, traduit et pre´sente´ par Joseph Mouawad et Antoine Koual. See Nicolas Murad, 1988. He was the first to strengthen the relationships between France and Syria-Lebanon. Historians state his famous sentence to France: ‘We are the slaves of your Majesty (‘Nahnu ‛Abı¯d Jala¯latikum’) in 1844. He considered ˙ France the savior of Syria and Lebanon. It was no mere coincidence that this call was launched by a Christian Maronite cleric. Maronite clerics had great influence in all political affairs inside the Lebanese emirate, and later in the mutasarrifiyya, ˙ and even later within Greater Lebanon and the current Lebanese state. See in this context: Butros Dau, Religious, Cultural and Political History of the Maronites 1984; A. Frankel Ephraim, ‘The Maronite patriarch’, The Muslim World, pt. 1. vol. 66. no. 3. pp. 213–25; and: pt. 2. vol. 66. no. 4, pp. 245–58, 1976; M. Kais Firro, Inventing Lebanon: Nationalism and the State Under the Mandate, London-NewYork, 2003, pp. 15–41; ’Asad Rustum, Lubna¯n fı¯ ‘Ahd al-Mutasarrifiyya, Bayru¯t, ˙ 1973, pp. 300–13; al-Salı¯bı¯, Bayt bi-Mana¯zil Kathı¯ra, Bayru¯t, 1990, pp. 121– ˙ 42; Noel Spencer, The Role of the Maronite Patriarchate in Lebanese Politics: From 1840 to the Present, 1963. P. John Entelis states that Mura¯d was the ‘first Maronite to stress the need for a unified political system in the mountain and, thereby, the first Maronite to lay down the following modern Lebanese nationalist thesis’. Entelis, Pluralism and Party Transformation in Lebanon: Al-Kataʼib, 1936–1970, Leiden, 1974, p. 34. See also Hakim, The Origins of the Lebanese National Idea, 2013.

162

NOTE TO PAGES 33 – 39

36. Kaufman, Reviving Phoenicia, pp. 32 – 3. 37. Al-Salı¯bı¯, Bayt bi-Mana¯zil Kathı¯ra, pp. 174–5. Compare with Kaufman, ‘Henri ˙ Lammens and Syrian Nationalism’, in Adel Beshara (ed.), The Origins of Syrian Nationhood Histories, Pioneers and Identity, London, 2011. pp. 108–22. 38. See Firro Inventing Lebanon, pp. 17 – 18. 39. Ibid., p. 18. 40. Ibid. 41. Zu‘aytir, Al-Mashru¯‛ al-Ma¯ru¯nı¯ fı¯ Lubna¯n. Judhu¯ruhu wa-Tatawwura¯tuhu, ˙ Bayru¯t, 1986, pp. 339– 43. 42. Hisha¯m Shara¯bı¯, Al-Muthaqqafu¯n al-‛Arab wa-l-Gharb. ‛Asr al-Nahda ˙ ˙ 1875– 1914, Bayru¯t, 1978, p. 124. 43. Bisha¯ra Al-Khu¯rı¯, Haqa¯’iq Lubna¯niyya, Bayru¯t, 1961, vol. 1, pp. 80 – 1. See ˙ in this context the important research concerning al-Sawda¯ and his activities in Egypt and later in Lebanon in strengthening the Lebanese nationality, in Ju¯rj Ha¯ru¯n, Yu¯suf al-Sawda¯, Bayru¯t, 1979. See also al-Sawda¯ in Christopher Stone, Popular Culture and Nationalism in Lebanon: The Fairouz and Rahbani Nation, New York, 2008, pp. 20 – 1. 44. For more information, see ’Ilı¯ksa¯ Nif, Al-Mughtaribu¯n: Tajribat al-Hijra al-Ba¯kira ’ila¯ ’Amrı¯ka¯, Damascus, 1989, p. 344; see also Mukarzil’s own discussion, Na‛u¯m Mukarzil, Mukhta¯ra¯t al-Khawa¯tir, New York, 1971. ˙ 45. Zayn, Al-Sira¯‛ al-Dawlı¯ fı¯ al-Sharq al-’Awsat wa-Wila¯dat Dawlatay Su¯riya¯ wa ˙ ˙ Lubna¯n. Bayru¯t: Da¯r al-Naha¯r li-l-Nashr, 1971, p. 316. 46. Al-Khu¯rı¯, Haqa¯’iq Lubna¯niyya, vol. 1, p. 96; Qurba¯n, Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n al-Siya¯sı¯ al˙ Hadı¯th, vol. 1, p. 158; Zu‘aytir, Al-Mashru¯‛ al-Ma¯ru¯nı¯ fı¯ Lubna¯n, pp. 388–9. 47. Zu‘aytir, Al-Mashru¯‛ al-Ma¯ru¯nı¯ fı¯ Lubna¯n, p. 361. 48. The members of the committee emphasized their absolute loyalty to France. The founding declaration of the Association stated: ‘Our goal is to realize the liberation of Syria, under French leadership.’, ibid., p. 359. 49. Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798– 1939, p. 286. 50. See M.M. Badawi, A Critical Introduction to Modern Arabic Poetry, Cambridge, 1975, pp. 179–203; Badawi, A Short History of Modern Arabic Literature, Oxford, 1993, pp. 34–52; Salma Khadra Jayyusi, Trends and Movements in Modern Arabic Poetry, Leiden, 1977, pp. 85–138; Jayyu¯sı¯, Al-’Ittija¯ha¯t wa-l-Hạ raka¯t fı¯ al-Shi‘r al-‘Arabı¯ al-Hạ dı¯th, Bayru¯t, 2001, pp. 101–86; A.G. Karam, ‘Gibran’s concept of modernity’, in I.J. Boullata & T. De Young (eds), Tradition and Modernity in Arabic Literature, Fayetteville, 1997, pp. 29–42; Mounah Khouri, Studies in Contemporary Arabic Poetry and Criticism, Piedmont, 1987, pp. 42–71; S. Moreh, Modern Arabic Poetry 1800–1970, Leiden, 1976, pp. 82–122; R.C. Ostle, ‘Ilya Abu Madi and Arabic poetry in the inter-war period’, in R.C. Ostle (ed.), Studies in Modern Arabic Literature, Wilts, 1975, pp. 34–45; Ostle, ‘The Romantic poets’, in M.M. Badawi (ed.), The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, Cambridge, 1992, pp. 82–131. 51. Zu‘aytir, Al-Mashru¯‛ al-Ma¯ru¯nı¯ fı¯ Lubna¯n, pp. 378– 9. 52. Ibid., p. 379.

NOTE TO PAGES 39 – 44

163

53. In this context, compare the example of Sa¯ti‛ al-Husarı¯, who shifted his ideas ˙ ˙ ˙ from Ottomanism to Arabism, see L. William Cleveland, The Making of an Arab Nationalist: Ottomanism and Arabism in the Life and Thought of Sati AlHusari, Princeton, 1971, pp. 176– 7. 54. Shara¯bı¯, Al-Muthaqqafu¯n al-‛Arab wa-l-Gharb, pp. 123–4. See also Al-Salı¯bı¯: ˙ ‘In the new Arab world, born of the ruins of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, Arabism was a popular idea. But, at that time, it was no more than a poetic term without the necessary attention to its notions’. Al-Salı¯bı¯, Bayt ˙ bi-Mana¯zil Kathı¯ra, p. 60. 55. See Firro, Inventing Lebanon, pp. 15 – 37. 56. Ibid., pp, 23 – 9. 57. Ibid., ch. 1. 58. Al-Salı¯bı¯, 1990, p. 47, states that ‘It was not allowed from the viewpoint of ˙ Arab nationalism to give the Lebanese republic, which is a French creation, any kind of recognition as a national state of its own.’ 59. Hourani, The Emergence of the Modern Middle East, London, 1981, p. 146. 60. See Mas‛u¯d Da¯hir, Lubna¯n: al-’Istiqla¯l, al-Mı¯tha¯q wa-l-sı¯gha, Bayru¯t, 1977, ˙ ˙ pp. 207–8. Compare with Kama¯l Al-Ha¯jj, Falsafat al-Mı¯tha¯q al-Watanı¯, ˙ ˙ Bayru¯t, 1961; ’fı¯ Ghurrat al-Haqı¯qa’, Al-Nadwa al-Lubna¯niyya (February ˙ 1966), pp. 38 – 52; and ’Imı¯l Al-Busta¯nı¯, Al-Mı¯tha¯q al-Watanı¯ wa Lubna¯n ˙ al-Mustaqbal, Bayru¯t, 1960. 61. Qurba¯n, Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n al-Siya¯sı¯ al-Hadı¯th, p. 373. About the standpoint of Edde´ concerning the unity of the Lebanese soil see: Zamir, 1978, pp. 232– 5. 62. Firro, ‘Lebanese Nationalism versus Arabism’, pp. 1 – 27. 63. Firro, Inventing Lebanon, ch. 1. 64. Hourani, The Emergence of the Modern Middle East, p. 145. 65. See: Da¯hir, Lubna¯n: al-’Istiqla¯l, al-Mı¯tha¯q wa-l-sı¯gha, p. 247. ˙ ˙ 66. Firro, Inventing Lebanon, ch. I. 67. ’Albı¯r Mansu¯r, Qadar al-Ması¯hiyyı¯n al-‛Arab wa-Khiya¯ruhum, Bayru¯t, 1995, ˙ ˙ p. 133. Concerning the importance of the geographical dimension according to Shı¯ha¯, see also: Firro, Inventing Lebanon, p. 35. ˙ 68. Mansu¯r, Qadar al-Ması¯hiyyı¯n al-‛Arab, p. 133. Regarding the Lebanese ˙ ˙ linguistic plurality and polyglot, see Firro, Inventing Lebanon, p. 36. 69. For more information concerning the party, see for example, Marie-Christine Aulas, ‘The socio-ideological development of the Maronite community: The emergence of the Phalanges and Lebanese forces’, Arab Studies Quarterly 7/4 (Fall 1985), pp. 1 – 27; Frank Stoakes, ‘The super vigilantes: the Lebanese Kata’eb party as builder, surrogate, and defender of the State’, Middle East Studies, 11/3 (October 1975), pp. 215 – 36; Itamar Rabinovich, War for Lebanon, 1970– 1985, New York, 1985, pp. 61 – 5; ’Amı¯n Najm, Falsafat al-‛Aqı¯da al-Kata¯’ibiyya, Bayru¯t, 1966; Bya¯r Al-Jumayyil, ‘fı¯ al-Mu’tamar al-Sa¯dis ‘Ashar li-Hizb al-Kata¯’ib al-Lubna¯niyya’, Al-Naha¯r, ˙ 2 September 1973, pp. 4, 11.

164

NOTE

TO PAGES

45 –51

70. Hurra¯s al-’Arz (Guardians of the Cedars), A Lebanese extreme anti-Palestinian and ˙ anti-Arab militia, founded by Etienne Saqr (alias ’Abu¯ ’Arz), 1975. On Guardians ˙ of the Cedars see Mordechai Nisan, The Conscience of Lebanon: A Political Biography of Etienne Sakr (Abu Arz), London, 2003, pp. 23–59; Tom Russell, ‘A Lebanon Primer’, MERIP Report, No. 133 (June 1985), pp. 17–19. 71. P. John Entelis, ‘Belief-system and ideology formation in the Lebanese Kata¯’ib party’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 4 (1973), p. 154. In those years at least, the party was influenced by the Nazi organizational administrative structure ideology, as was the Syrian Nationalist Party. About the extent of al-Jumayyil’s fascination with Fascist parties as demonstrated by his visit to Berlin in 1936, see Rendell 1985, p. 95. 72. Jamı¯l Jabir Al-’Ashqar, Al-Haraka al-Kata¯’ibiyya. Mafhu¯m ‘Aqı¯datiha¯, ˙ Ta¯rı¯khuha¯,’Ahda¯fuha¯, Bayru¯t, 1949, pp. 115–16. 73. Entelis, ‘Belief-system and ideology formation’, p. 155. 74. Ibid. 75. Quote of Pierre al-Jumayyil in 1976 as cited in Qurba¯n, Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n alSiya¯sı¯ al-Hadı¯th, vol. 2, pp. 194, 197. ˙ 76. See for example, Mansu¯r, Qadar al-Ması¯hiyyı¯n al-‛Arab, pp. 207– 22; Qurba¯n, ˙ ˙ Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n al-Siya¯sı¯ al-Hadı¯th, 1980, vol. 2, pp. 193–200. ˙ 77. Al-Jumayyil as quoted in 1976 by Qurba¯n, Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n al-Siya¯sı¯ al-Hadı¯th, ˙ vol. 2, p. 250. 78. Zu‘aytir, Al-Mashru¯‛ al-Ma¯ru¯nı¯, p. 684. About the generous support by religious organizations for the establishment of an independent Christian homeland separated from the hostile Arab Islamic world, in their view, see: Rendell, 1985, pp. 114, 154. 79. The contents of this memorandum were published in al-Hurriyya magazine, ˙ issue 752 of 21 December. Large parts of it were also published in Beirut newspaper, on 22 December 1975, pp. 4 – 5. For the main passages of this memorandum, see Zu‘aytir, Al-Mashru¯‛ al-Ma¯ru¯nı¯, pp. 690– 707, 1098. 80. See Da¯hir, Lubna¯n: al-’Istiqla¯l, al-Mı¯tha¯q wa-l-Sı¯gha, pp. 207– 8. ˙ ˙ 81. ’Idwa¯r Hanı¯n, ‘Min ’Idwa¯r Hanı¯n ’ila¯ Salı¯m al-Lawzı¯’, Al-Hawa¯dith, ˙ ˙ ˙ 9 September 1977, p. 12, see also Qurba¯n, Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n al-Siya¯sı¯ al-Hadı¯th, ˙ vol. 2, p. 244. 82. Entelis, ‘Belief-system and ideology formation’, pp. 160– 1. For the opposite opinion, which does not accept linking Arabism to Islam as indicated here, see Clovis Maksoud, ‘Lebanon and Arab Nationalism’, Politics in Lebanon, New York, 1966, pp. 247– 8. 83. Entelis, ’Belief-system and ideology formation’, p. 165. 84. See al-Jumayyil’s words in this context in: H. Kemal Karpat, Political and Social Thought in the Contemporary Middle East, New York, 1968, p. 108. 85. Ibid., p. 214. 86. Ibid., p. 79. 87. Shara¯bı¯, Al-Muthaqqafu¯n al-‛Arab wa-l-Gharb, p. 125. 88. Compare with Kama¯l Al-Ha¯jj, ‘Qawmiyya¯t ’Iza¯’ al-Qawmiyya al-Lubna¯niyya’, ˙ ’Ab‘a¯d al-Qawmiyya al-Lubna¯niyya, Al-Kaslı¯k, 1970.

NOTE

Chapter 2

TO PAGES

53 –57

165

Phoenician-Lebanese Literature: Founding Generation

1. See for example Salameh, Language, Memory and Identity; Płonka, L’ide´e de langue libanaise; ‘I¯ma¯n Biqa¯‛ı¯ Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql: Al-’Ibha¯r ’ila¯ Fı¯nı¯qiya¯, Bayru¯t, 1995. ˙ 2. As referred to by ‛Aql, see Appendix 1. 3. See Kaufman, ‘Tell us our history’, pp. 1 – 28, for an elaborate analysis of Qurm’s biography and political activities. 4. Concerning his writings, see Hartman, ‘the first boat and the first oar: Inventions of Lebanon in the writings of Michel Chiha’, Radical History Review 2003, pp. 37 – 65; Firro, ‘Lebanese nationalism versus Arabism’, pp. 1 – 27. 5. ‛Awwa¯d believes that the first issue of the magazine was published in 1920, but this is inaccurate. See L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʿr. Men el-ʾalf et-te¯lit ʾabl ˙ el-Ması¯h la-sent 1982. 1983 n.p: Mata¯biʿ mʾassasit Halı¯fi, p. 453. ˙ ˙ ˘ 6. Kaufman ‘Tell us our history’, p. 64. 7. Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql, ‘Al-Shi‛r al-Lubna¯nı¯ bi-l-Lugha al-Faransawiyya’, Al-Mashriq, 33, 1935(a), pp. 384– 93. 8. Elyahu (Epstein) Elat emphasizes in ‘The Zionist Phoenician in Lebanon’, Cathedra 35 (1985) his diplomatic relations, as a representative of the Zionist movement with Sha¯rl Qurm and ’Albirt Naqqa¯sh. Elat relates the contents of conversations he had in 1931 with several of the movement’s leaders. Qurm confessed to Elat that there is a cultural unity between the Phoenician idea in Lebanon, based on the glorious past of Phoenicia, and the ancient Jewish culture in Israel. Elat, Qurm and Naqqa¯sh established a cultural collaboration (the Lebanese– Israeli association) and economic collaboration (the construction of a dam in the Litani River intended provide energy and irrigation to Lebanon and Israel). With the end of World War II it became extremely difficult for these connections to continue, both for security reasons in the Jewish yishuv, as well as for inner changes among the Maronites and the rise of Bsha¯ra al-Khu¯rı¯ to government. Thus none of the programmes became a reality; see Elyahu Elat, ‘The Zionist Phoenician in Lebanon’, Cathedra, 35 (April 1985), pp. 109– 24. 9. For more information regarding the Mediterranean idea see Ahmad Beydoun, ’extreˆme Me´diterrane´e: le libanisme contemporain a` l’e´preuve de la mer’, La Me´diterrane´e libanaise, Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 2000, pp. 25 – 60; Charbel Tayah, ‘L’humanisme me´diterrane´en dans la pense´e de Charles Corm, e´crivain libanais de l’entre-deux-guerres’, Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient Me´diterrane´en, 37 2003, pp. 53 – 8; Eyal Zisser, ‘The Mediterranean idea in Syria and Lebanon: Between territorial nationalism and pan-Arabism’, Mediterranean Historical Review, 18/1, 2003, pp. 76 – 90. 10. For his point of view regarding this, see Sha¯rl Qurm 1936, pp. 94 – 104. See also Elyahu (Epstein) Elat’s writings, after he had met Qurm and ’Albirt Naqqa¯sh in Lebanon in 1934. Epstein argues that Qurm wished to see Lebanon separated from the Arab world or Arab Syria. Epstein also emphasizes

166

11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16. 17.

18.

19.

20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29.

NOTE

TO PAGES

57 –62

the fact that the association called ‘Young Phoenicia’ was supported by the French government. See Elyahu Elat, The Diary of San Francesco, Tel-Aviv: Dvir, 1971, pp. 181– 2. Qurm, ‘Fi Mu’tamar al-Bahr al-Mutawassit’, Al-Mashriq 34/1, p. 100. ˙ ˙ Ibid., p. 103. Ibid., p. 96. The magazine paved the way for several writers and poets to express their national ideas in French, as part of the cultural support of Lebanese nationality. As appearing in La Montagne Inspire´e translated into Arabic by Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql, no title mentioned. See Qurm, 1941, pp. 21– 2. ‛Awwa¯d, Mata¯bi’ m’assasit Halı¯fi, ˙ ˘ p. 453. Qurm, ‘‛An al-Jabal al-Mulham’, Al-Mashriq, 39/1, 1941, pp. 22 – 3. Ibid., pp. 23–4. The motif of Lebanon as a small country together with the greatness of its inhabitants appears also in contemporary poetry. See for instance Fayru¯z’ song ‘Bi’u¯lu Zghayyar Baladi’ (‘They Say My Homeland is Small’). For more information regarding Fr Shaykhu¯, see Robert B. Campbell, ‘The Arabic Journal, al-Mashriq: Its Beginnings and First Twenty-Five Years Under the Editorship of Père Louis Cheikho’ (PhD diss.) 1972; Kamı¯l Heshaime, Al’Ab Luwı¯s Shaykhu¯: Ma¯ Katabahu wa-ma¯ Kutiba ‛anhu, Bayru¯t, 1979. See also Louis Pouzet, ‘Shaykhu¯, Luwı¯s’, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn Brill Online, 2012. Reference. Ben-Gurion University of Negev. 10 October 2012, http:// referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/shaykhuluwis-SIM_6897. Qurm, ‘Fi Mu’tamar al-Bahr al-Mutawassit’, p. 99. See also Bawardi, ‘The ˙ ˙ Lebanese anthology of Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d’: Towards a centralizing of the national literature’, in Arkadiusz Płonka (ed.), Mu¯rı¯s ‘Awwa¯d. Translations & Interpretations/ Mu¯rı¯s ‘Awwa¯d. Traductions & Interpre´tations, Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 2010, pp. 60–2. Ha¯ru¯n, Yu¯su¯f al-Sawda, p. 99. From La Montagne Inspire´e translated into Arabic by Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql see ‛Aql, ‘Ba‛labak’, Al-Mashriq, 34/2, 1936, pp. 345– 50. Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. She’r. pp. 35–6; Bawardi, ‘The Lebanese ˙ anthology of Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d’, pp. 60–2. ‛Aql, ‘Ba‛labak’, pp. 345– 50. ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. She’r. pp. 35–6. ˙ Al-Salı¯bı¯, Bayt bi-Mana¯zil Kathı¯ra, pp. 252– 3. ˙ Several sources give ‛Aql’s date of birth as 1911 (as in Who’s Who 1997, p. 29), however, it was proven to be wrong. Ru¯birt Ka¯mbil, ’A‛la¯m al-’Adab al-‛Arabı¯ al-Mu‛a¯sir: Siyar, wa-Siyar Dha¯tiyya, ˙ Bayru¯t, 1996, p. 955; Al-Kha¯zin, Kutub wa-’Udaba¯’, Bayru¯t, 1970, p. 295. Nisan, The Conscience of Lebanon, p. 21. For more information regarding his biography and linguistic activities, see ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. She’r. pp. 487–8; Ka¯mbil, ’A‛la¯m al-’Adab ˙ al-‛Arabı¯ al-Mu‛a¯sir, pp. 955–7; al-Kha¯zin, Kutub wa-’Udaba¯’, pp. 295–304; ˙

NOTE TO PAGES 62 –67

30. 31. 32. 33.

34. 35. 36. 37.

38.

39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44.

45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50.

167

Płonka, L’ide´e de langue libanaise; Płonka, ‘Le nationalisme linguistique au Liban’, pp. 423–71; Płonka, ‘Sayaba¯n ou l’anomie au Liban, pp. 145–51; Joseph Sokhn, Les Auteurs Libanais Contemporains, Bayru¯t, 1972, pp. 17–28; Who’s Who in Lebanon Dictionary 1997–1998, London, 1997, pp. 29–30, See especially Salameh, ‘Inventing Lebanon’, pp. 114–88; Salameh, Language, Memory, and Identity, pp. 113–258. Hanrı¯ Zughayb, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql ’In Haka¯, Bayru¯t, 2012; Ju¯rj ˙ Ghurayyib, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql wa-l-Ghazal al-Khalla¯q, Beirut, 1963. ‛Aql, ’Al-Shi‛r al-Lubna¯nı¯’, pp. 381– 93. Ibid., p. 382. Ibid., pp. 381– 92. Although at present it is thought that Bint Yifta¯h was ‛Aql’s first literary ˙ composition, Al-Kha¯zin argues that there was another text by ‛Aql that was never published. This text discussed world history and literatures. However, al-Kha¯zin gives no further details nor does he show a copy of the abovementioned manuscript. See Al-Kha¯zin, Kutub wa-’Udaba¯’, p. 295. See ‛Aql, Bint Yifta¯h. ˙ See ‛Aql, al-Majdaliyya. Jayyusi, Trends and Movements, vol. 2, p. 489; Jayyu¯sı¯, Al-’Ittija¯ha¯t wa-lḤaraka¯t, p. 517. The present sub-chapter dealing with the analysis of al-Majdaliyya and its esthetic aspects and symbolism is derived mainly from Jayyusi, Trends and Movements, vol. 2, pp. 492– 9; Jayyu¯sı¯, Al-’Ittija¯ha¯t wa-l-Ḥaraka¯t, pp. 522 –82, unless otherwise indicated. For symbolism, see Marshall Olds, ‘Literary symbolism’, in D. Bradshaw and K. J.H. Dettmar (eds), A Companion to Modernist Literature and Culture, Malden, 2006, pp. 155–62; Laurence M. Porter, The Crisis of French Symbolism, Ithaca, N. Y., 1990; Richard Shryock, ‘Becoming political: Symbolist literature and the Third Republic’, Nineteenth-Century French Studies 33 (3–4), 2005, pp. 385–98. Jayyusi, ‘Modernist Poetry in Arabic’, p. 139. Ibid., pp. 139– 41. Ju¯rj Al-Ha¯jj, Al-Farah fı¯ Shi’r Sa‘ı¯d ‘Aql, al-Majdaliyya, Qadmu¯s, Rindala¯ ˙ ˙ 1981, pp. 90 – 1. ‛Aql, Rindala¯, Bayru¯t, 1950. ‛Aql, ’Ajmalu Minki? La¯, Bayru¯t, 1960. For the influence of Sufism on modern Arabic literature, see Snir, ‘Su¯fiyya bila¯ ˙ Tasawwuf “Isla¯mı¯”’, pp. 129– 46; Snir, Religion, Mysticism and Modern Arabic ˙ Literature, Wiesbaden, 2006. Jayyusi, Trends and Movements, vol. 2, pp. 503– 6; Jayyu¯sı¯, Al-’Ittija¯ha¯t wa-lḤaraka¯t, pp. 532–8. ‛Aql, Qadmu¯s, Bayru¯t, 1947, pp. 36 – 7. Ibid., pp. 114– 16. Ibid., p. 125. Ibid., p. 45. Ibid., p. 47.

168 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57.

58. 59. 60.

61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79.

80.

NOTE TO PAGES 68 –77 Ibid., p. 87. Ibid., pp. 15 – 19. Ibid., pp. 88 – 91. Jayyusi, Trends and Movements, vol. 2, p. 503; Jayyu¯sı¯, Al-’Ittija¯ha¯t wa-l-Ḥaraka¯t, p. 532. See ‛Aql, Lubna¯n ’In Haka¯, ˙ For this metaphoric language, see ibid., pp. 54, 123. Ibid., p. 9. Compare with Khalı¯l al-Khu¯rı¯’s and Salı¯m al-Busta¯nı¯’s writing in the nineteenth century, see Bawardi, ‘Adu¯nı¯s and the implied identity towards an ideological poetical text’, Quaderni di Studi Arabi 2, 2007. Wilyam Al-Kha¯zin, Kutub wa-‘Udaba¯’, p. 300. ‛Aql, Lubna¯n ’In Haka¯, p. 10. ˙ In a telephone interview conducted with ‛Aql, he stressed the unique status of Qurm. According to ‛Aql, Qurm was the first person to declare himself a Lebanese-Phoenician, at a time when declaring this publicly was unacceptable and strange. See Appendix I for full text of the interview. ‛Aql, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql Shi‛ruhu wa-Nathruhu, Bayru¯t, 1992, pp. 13 – 16. Ibid., pp. 13 – 16. ‛Aql, Lubna¯n ’In Haka¯, p. 55. ˙ Ibid., p. 58. Ibid., p. 83. Ibid., p. 81. Fı¯lı¯b Hittı¯, Ta¯rı¯kh Su¯riya¯ wa-Lubna¯n wa- Filastı¯n, Bayru¯t, 1972, p. 168. ˙ ‘Antu¯n Qa¯za¯n, ’Al-’Awza¯‛ı¯ fı¯ Takwı¯n al-Qawmiyya al-Lubna¯niyya’,’Ab‛a¯d ˙ al-Qawmiyya al-Lubna¯niyya, Al-Kaslı¯k, 1970, pp. 24 – 9. ‛Aql, Lubna¯n ‘In Haka¯, pp. 88 – 9. ˙ Ibid., pp. 88 – 9. Ibid., pp. 263– 4. Regarding the story ‘Qalb Filastı¯n’ (‘The Heart of Palestine’), see ‛Aql Lubna¯n ˙ ’In Haka¯, pp. 88 – 9. ˙ ‛Aql acted upon his preaching. A few years later, during the 1975– 1990 civil war, he called for the deportation of Palestinians from Lebanon. ‛Aql, Lubna¯n ’In Haka¯, p. 231. ˙ ‛Aql, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql Shi‛ruhu wa-Nathruhu, vol. 4, p. 126. Ibid., pp. 134– 5. Al-Kha¯zin, Kutub wa-‘Udaba¯’, p. 300. Ibid., p. 299. ‛Aql, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql Shi‛ruhu wa-Nathruhu, vol. 4, pp. 129–30. He later reinforced his claims arguing: ‘Due to my writings and to what I have published, the knowledge of Lebanon as an indestructible homeland has been planted in the hearts of famous Lebanese.’ See Ka¯mbil, ’A‛la¯m al-’Adab al‛Arabı¯ al-Mu‛a¯sir, p. 956. ˙ Al-Kha¯zin, Kutub wa-‘Udaba¯’, p. 297; Salameh, Language, Memory, and Identity, pp. 215 –58.

NOTE

TO PAGES

78 – 83

169

81. See the full text of the interview with the poet in Appendix 1. 82. Concerning the importance of language in developing national thought, see for example D. Ravid & L. Tolchinsky, ‘Devoloping linguistic literacy: A comprehensive model’, Journal of Child Language, 29/2, 2002, pp. 449–88. 83. Rafı¯q Ru¯ha¯na¯, ‘Thawrat al-Harf ‛Inda Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’ (MA thesis) 1983, p. 89. ˙ ˙ Ru¯ha¯na¯ recently published his private conversations with Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql in a book ˙ titled: Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql Baydar Majd wa-Jama¯l (Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql: A Granary of Fame and Beauty), see Ru¯ha¯na¯, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql Baydar Majd wa-Jama¯l, Kisrawa¯n, 2012. ˙ 84. Ru¯ha¯na¯, Thawrat al-Harf ‛Inda Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql, pp. 90 – 1. ˙ ˙ 85. Compare with Alphonse De Lamartine, ‘Le Lac’, Oeuvres d’Alphonse De Lamartine, Bruxelles, 1840, pp. 36 – 7. 86. Marilyn Booth, ‘Poetry in the Vernacular’, The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, Cambridge, 1992, p. 472. 87. ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʿr, p. 488. ˙ 88. See Tra¯d, Jelna¯r Bayru¯t, 1992. For more information concering Tra¯d see Ellie ˙ ˙ Kallas, ‘Michel Tra¯d, in Memoriam’, Arabica, tome L 4 (2003), pp. 447– 63. ˙ And see also Kallas’ translation of Jelna¯r into French in Michel Tra¯d, Guelnaˆr, ˙ Beirut, 2007. 89. ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʿr, p. 487. ˙ 90. Ibid., p. 487. 91. Qurba¯n, Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n al-Siya¯sı¯ al-Hadı¯th, vol. 2, p. 394. ˙ 92. Yu¯suf Al-Hu¯ra¯nı¯, Lubna¯n fı¯ Qiyam Ta¯rı¯khihi. Bahth fı¯ Falsafat Ta¯rı¯kh Lubna¯n: ˙ ˙ al-‛Ahd al-Fı¯nı¯qı¯, Bayru¯t, 1972. This author has another important book describing the creation of Phoenician nationalism – Al-Hu¯ra¯nı¯, Nazariyyat ˙ ˙ al-Takwı¯n al-Fı¯nı¯qiyya Wa-’A¯tha¯ruha¯ Fı¯ Hada¯rat al-’Ighrı¯q, 1970. ˙ ˙ 93. Review the complete list of the books published in Ya¯ra in Ka¯mbil, ’A‛la¯m al-’Adab al-‛Arabı¯ al-Mu‛a¯sir, vol. 2, p. 957. Also compare with Płonka, ˙ ‘Le nationalisme linguistique au Liban’, 2006, p. 438. 94. Ibid., p. 438. 95. Nonetheless, it should be noted that in la Revue Phe´nicienne, Phoenicianism was the prime interest of the journal, but rather one among several topics discussed. In the 1970s Lubna¯n/Lebnaan had a different range of priorities and affiliations. As a political organ of the extreme Maronite militias Guardians of the Cedars, Lubna¯n/Lebnaan dedicated far more space to the Phoenician cause. I would like to thank Professor Arkadiusz Płonka for pointing this out. 96. ‛Aql emphasized that the only reason preventing the magazine from being published in a modified Latin font was the lack of a computer programme. See Appendix 1. 97. Khalı¯l ’Ahmad Khalı¯l, Al-Shi‛r al-Sha‛bı¯ al-Lubna¯nı¯, Bayru¯t, 1974, p. 16. ˙ Regarding the importance of his national poetry, see Booth, ‘Poetry in the Vernacular’, 1992, p. 472. 98. ‛Aql does not explain what ‘suspect’ means in this context. 99. Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, 163, 21 February (1979); Zu‛aytir, Al-Mashru¯‛ al-Ma¯ru¯nı¯ fı¯ Lubna¯n, p. 553. See text in Appendix 3. ‛Aql repeated those statements against

170

100.

101.

102. 103. 104.

NOTE TO PAGES 83 –86 Palestinians in a televised interview in Jizı¯l Khu¯rı¯-Qası¯r’s programme ‘Hiwa¯r ˙ ˙ al-‛Umr’ (‘The Dialogue of Life’) on the Lebanese channel LBC, 1 February 1998. See Rafı¯q Ru¯ha¯na¯’s articles in Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, where he attacked all ˙ Palestinians without exception, their ‘insipidness’ and ‘savageness’, using Ru¯ha¯na¯’s words. Lubna¯n/Lebnaan 355, 26 Oct. ‛Aql also expressed his ˙ enthusiasm and support of the massacre in Sabra¯ and Shatı¯la¯ saying: ‘All ˙ Lebanon is with you, carry on’, Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, 358, December 1982. See, for example, the two issues of Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, 360 and 363, 1982. See a copy of the first pages of the two issues in Appendix 3. On hate speeches in Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, see Płonka, ‘Sayaba¯n ou l’anomie au Liban’, pp. 145– 51. Płonka analyzes the use of language in anti-Arab forces such as the Guardians of Cedars writings and speeches. He demonstrates how language is used in order to insult the enemy. The new coined word maswakhkhaana/mawsakhkhaana ‘the place where there is dirt’, for example, is used in such contexts to mean ‘Palestinian camp’. For the various strategies of symbolic violence and expressive language, see Płonka, ‘Le nationalisme linguistique au Liban’, pp. 449 –55. And see also ibid., pp. 145– 51. The words of ‛Aql, Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, 353 (1983). Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, Issue No. 133 (1978), and see Zu‛aytir, Al-Mashru¯‛ alMa¯ru¯nı¯ fı¯ Lubna¯n, p. 552. See a copy in Latin characters in Appendix 2. Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, Issue No. 360 (1982). A similar theme appears in other poems praising Lebanon such as Mı¯shı¯l Ki‛dı¯’s (b. 1942), ‘Seyf el-Batal’ ˙ (‘The Hero’s Sword’). See Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, Issue No. 351 (1982): O Bassa¯m my son, your country Don’t let it distress you Lebanon wants you With blood, faith, With soul, faith, it does not matter Your heroic sword greets you.

105. See, for instance, his poem ‘‘Allamtani Rabbi’ (‘‘Allamǝtnı¯ Rabbı¯’, ‘My Lord, You Taught Me’), where the author discusses the interaction between God and men. See Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, Issue No. 361 (1983). 106. Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, Issue No. 342 (1982). Jayyu¯sı¯ points out the similarities between ‘Aql’s words and the Su¯fı¯ poet Ibn al-Fa¯rid, and especially his ‘al˙ Ta¯’iyya al-Kubra¯’ (the title refers to the rhyming of the poems and means that the last letter of the rhyme is Ta¯’), see Jayyusi, Trends and Movements, p. 495; Jayyu¯sı¯, 2001, p. 523. 107. Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, Issue No. 351 (1982). See also ‛Aql, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql Shi‛ruhu wa-Nathruhu, vol. 6, p. 206. 108. See ibid., vol. 7. 109. That does not mean that his poetry in dialect/’Lebanese language’ does not contain elements of this trend. On the contrary, his first writing proves that he

NOTE TO PAGES 86 – 92

110.

111.

112. 113.

114. 115.

171

followed this orientation. See Moreh, Modern Arabic Poetry 1800– 1970, p. 311; S. Mu¯rı¯h, Al-Shi‘r al-‘Arabı¯ al-Hadı¯th 1800– 1970, Tatawwu¯r ˙ ’Ashka¯lihi wa-Mawdu¯‘a¯tihi Bi-Ta’thı¯r al-’Adab al-Gharbı¯, al-Qa¯hira, 1986, ˙ p. 445. ‛Aql’s constant claims against Arab culture and his rejection of any possible contribution it might have on Lebanon are confronted at this point with the Sufi elements found in his poems. It is possible that though he was very passionate in his wishes to dispense with Arab culture, it was still almost impossible for him to make a clean break from Arabic influences. Arabic heritage probably influenced more aspects of his life than he was willing to consider or acknowledge. ‛Aql, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql Shi‛ruhu wa-Nathruhu, vol. 7, p. 186. The mystical trend has been popular in modern Arabic poetry since the 1950s. For religion, mysticism and modern Arabic literature see Snı¯r, Rak‘ata¯n fı¯ al-‘Ishq; Snir, Religion, Mysticism and Modern Arabic Literature. For instance, Qadmu¯s, 1961, published by al-Maktab al-Tija¯rı¯ li-l-Tiba¯‛a wa-l˙ Nashr. ‛Aql also mentioned Ya¯ra¯ and Khuma¯siyya¯t in ‛Aql, Lubna¯n ’In Haka¯, ˙ ‛Aql includes both prose and poetry in his collections. See ‛Aql, Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql Shi‛ruhu wa-Nathruhu, He stated that the list of books contains what has been published in classical Arabic fusha¯, see Appendix 1. ˙˙ See Appendix 1. Ibid.

Chapter 3 The Second Generation: Mayy Murr and Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d 1. Unless otherwise indicated, Murr’s biographical details are derived from an autobiography she sent me. See the full document in Appendix 4. See also Who’s Who 1997, pp. 194– 5. See also, http://gotc-se.org/history/may_murr. html. The official website of the Guardians of the Cedars, a right-wing party the Murr couple supported ideologically and financially. 2. Mayy Murr wrote her dissertation at the University of Lyons, France; it was entitled ‘Geo-Politics of Lebanon’, See Appendix 4. 3. See Mayy Murr, ’Ilı¯ssa¯, Bayru¯t, 1968. 4. Murr, Bxebbaq, Ju¯nya, 1978. 5. Murr, ’Ufaddiluki Tara¯bulus ‛Ala¯ Nafsı¯, Du¯ra¯, 1985. See the complete titles ˙ ˙˙ of the tales in: http://gotc-se.org/history/may_murr.html. 6. Murr, Pourquoi Les Roses?, Paris: Grassin, 1967 7. Murr, ‛’Arduna¯ al-Muqaddasa’, Sada¯ al-Haqq, Bayru¯t, 1994. ˙ ˙ ˙ 8. See the complete list of the books in Appendix 4 and, http://gotc-se.org/history/ may_murr.html. 9. ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʿr, pp. 269– 70. ˙ 10. Ibid., p. 489. 11. Ibid., p. 286.

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92 –98

12. The poet ’Adu¯nı¯s (‛Alı¯ ’Ahmad Sa‛ı¯d) also uses this symbol, the phoenix, in ˙ his poem ‘Rama¯d ‛A¯’isha’ (‘‛A¯’isha’s Ashes’). See Zeidan, ‘Myth and Symbol in the Poetry of Adonis’, p. 78. 13. ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʿr, p. 275. ˙ 14. As far as I know, the manuscript was never published. 15. Ma‛n ‛Arab, Su¯r Ha¯dirat Fı¯nı¯qiya¯, Bayru¯t, 1986. ˙ ˙ ˙ 16. The periodical changed its name several times; one of the names was Sada¯ al˙ Haqq (The Echo of Truth). ˙ 17. The author considers it an epic aiming at proving Noah’s Phoenician origins. See Murr, ‘’Hatta¯ Ya’tı¯’. Sada¯ al-Haqq, Bayru¯t, 1995, p. 90. ˙ ˙ ˙ 18. Ibid., p. 91. 19. Ibid., p. 90. 20. Ibid., p. 91. 21. Ibid. 22. On the Arabic prosody, see Roger Finch, ‘Notes on Arabic Prosody.’ Alif: Journal of Comparative Poetics, 4 1984, pp. 42– 62; James Monroe, ‘Oral Composition in Pre-Islamic Poetry’, Journal of Arabic Literature, vol. 3, 1972, pp. 1 – 53; B. Utas & L. Johanson, Arabic Prosody and its Applications in Muslim Poetry, Istanbul, 1994; Farhat J. Ziadeh, ‘Prosody and the initial formation of Classical Arabic’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 106, No. 2, 1986, pp. 333 – 8. Compare also with Sı¯mah, ‘Al-Shi‛r al-‛A¯mmı¯ al-Lubna¯nı¯ wa-l˙ ˙ Filastı¯nı¯, wa-Mushkilat al-’Awza¯n.’ Al-Karmil – ’Abha¯th fı¯ al-Lugha wa-l˙ ˙ ’Adab, 13 (1992), pp. 95– 143. 23. For more information regarding this style, see ‛Abd al-‛Azı¯z ‛Atı¯q, ‛Ilm alBadı¯‛, Bayru¯t, 1985, pp. 224– 32. 24. Murr, Sada¯ al-Haqq, p. 55. The poet prefaced the poem with a pseudo˙ ˙ historical introduction, as she did in the above mentioned poem ‘Hatta¯ Ya’tı¯’, ˙ where she attempted to prove the holiness of Lebanon. 25. The King James version: http://bibleresources.bible.com. 26. Murr, Sada¯ al-Haqq, p. 55. ˙ ˙ 27. See Murr’s poem ‘Hatta¯ Ya’tı¯’, Sada¯ al-Haqq, p. 91, and her poem ‘Our Holy ˙ ˙ ˙ Land’, ibid., p. 55. She used the verbs ‫( ﻟﻠﻮﺛّﻨﻮﻩ‬lil-Waththanu¯hu, made him into an idol) and ‫( ﺍﻟﻘﻴّﺤﻮﻩ‬al-Qayyahu¯hu, filled him full of pus). ˙ 28. See Moreh, Modern Arabic Poetry 1800– 1970, p. 281; Mu¯rı¯h, Al-Shi‘r al‘Arabı¯ al-Hadı¯th 1800– 1970, p. 411. 29. Among the poems that the poet composed in classical style and structure is the poem ‘Maryam Quddu¯sat al-Qiddı¯sı¯n’ (‘Mary the Most Sacred among the Saints’). This was also introduced with a preface emphasizing the deep connection between the Virgin Mary and Lebanon, ‘In our prayers we call you the Cedar of Lebanon, to keep your residence among us.’ In the poem the poet repeats the themes mentioned above, such as the holiness of Lebanon and the major role that Lebanon plays in Christianity. See Mayy Murr, ’A‛rif Kha¯ssatı¯, 16 (1994), pp. 12 – 13. ˙˙ 30. See complete list in Appendix 4.

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31. This is the eighth and last story in the series, published in 1985. The publisher promised to publish the rest of series by the end of 1986. However, the list of books in Murr’s biography she sent me in 1997 and the updated list on the internet suggest that publication had stopped by 1985. See Murr 1985, www.gotc-se.org/history/may_murr. 32. Unlike the known Greek mythology, ‛Aql’s Europa is human, rather than a goddess. 33. Murr, ’Ufaddiluki Tara¯bulus ‛Ala¯ Nafsı¯, Dawra, 1985, p. 12. ˙ ˙˙ 34. Ibid., p. 5. 35. Ibid., p. 8. 36. See, for instance, the tragedy of Qadmu¯s, Similar motifs are apperant also in Qadmu¯s by Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql, as discussed in the previous chapter. 37. Al-Kha¯zin, Kutub wa-’Udaba¯’, p. 300. 38. Murr, ’Ufaddiluki Tara¯bulus ‛Ala¯ Nafsı¯, p. 13. ˙ ˙˙ 39. Both Ru¯ha¯na¯ and Murr wrote stories named ’Ilı¯ssa¯, which can demonstrate the ˙ great significance of this symbol for the Phoenicians. 40. See Ru¯ha¯na¯, ’Ilissa¯, Bayru¯t, 1992, p. 16. ˙ 41. Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, Issue No. 351 (October 1982), p. 4. 42. See Appendix 4 for the poet’s autobiography. How the poet discusses her publications in French reflects the importance she associates with these motifs. 43. Ju¯rj Ghurayyib, Mayy Murr fı¯ Qasa¯’id Muthallathat al-‛Azama¯t, 1995, pp. 14–15. ˙ ˙ 44. Murr, Poe´sie Trisme´giste, 1994, p. 128. 45. The poet prefaced the poem with a historico-theological piece entitled ‘C’est Cana du Liban’ (‘This is Cana of Lebanon’), while trying to prove her theory and quoting from the Bible. See Murr, ibid., p. 127. See also p. 83, ch. 2 of present book. 46. See the opposite reaction of the Christian Arabs in Israel in Ju¯nı¯ Mansu¯r, ‘Kufr ˙ Kanna¯ Hiya Hiya Qa¯na¯ al-Jalı¯l’, Al-Kalima, 1994; Sa¯mı¯ Ghurayyib, ‘Kufr Qa¯na¯ al-Jalı¯l Bayn al-Ma¯dı¯ wa-l-Ha¯dir’, Al-Kalima, 1994. ˙ ˙ ˙ 47. Murr, Poe´sie Trisme´giste, p. 7. 48. From ‘Non, Liban ne sera scinde´’ (‘No, Lebanon will not be Divided’). See Murr, ibid., pp. 208– 9; Ghurayyib, Mayy Murr fı¯ Qasa¯’id Muthallathat al˙ ‛Azama¯t, pp. 56 – 7. ˙ 49. Murr, Poe´sie Trisme´giste, pp. 141– 2. For a full analysis of the poem and translation into Arabic see Ghurayyib, Mayy Murr fı¯ Qasa¯’id Muthallathat ˙ al-‛Azama¯t, p. 42. ˙ 50. Murr, Poe´sie Trisme´giste, pp. 217– 23. 51. The Murr family announced a monthly Kama¯l Murr Prize, named after Mayy Murr’s son who died during the civil war, ‘to any person who has rendered outstanding services to God and Lebanon’. See Appendix 4 and the website www.gotc-se.org/history/may_murr. 52. Murr, Poe´sie Trisme´giste, pp. 220– 1. 53. See ‘E´loignez-vous de´sert’ (‘Go away, oh you Desert’) in Murr, ibid., p. 216.

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105 –111

54. She stated: ‘My home became worthless, and the Lebanese women owe Israeli women a lot’. See Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, Issue No. 342 (1982), p. 1. 55. ‛Awwa¯d, t-Taswı¯ni. ˙ 56. ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʾr. p. 493. ˙ 57. Ibid., p. 493. See the unique book of Arkadiusz Płonka (ed.), Mu¯rı¯s ‘Awwa¯d. Translations & Interpretations/Mu¯rı¯s ‘Awwa¯d. Traductions & Interpre´tations, Paris, 2010, which contains several articles on ‛Awwa¯d’s life and poetic activity. See Płonka 2010, pp. 21 – 36. 58. ‛Awwa¯d, Mbe¯reh Kenna Wle¯d, Bayru¯t, 1984, p. 16. ˙ 59. Ibid., p. 15. The introduction to the book includes his biography. 60. The collection is considered to be one of the poetic achievements of Lebanese vernacular poetry. The poet, with his Western culture and historical sensibility regarding the language, managed to create what is called ‘the Lebanese myth’. See Gha¯lı¯ Shukrı¯, Shi‛runa¯ al-Hadı¯th ’ila¯ ’Ayn?, Bayru¯t, 1991, p. 70. ˙ 61. From his collection ’Aghna¯r, 1963. See ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʿr, ˙ p. 319. 62. From the poem ‘Niswe¯n Mlawwani’ (‘Colored Women’), see ibid., p. 320. 63. In this context, note the comparison between Lebanese and Egyptian vernacular poetry, and how the latter leans toward universal humanity. See Moreh, Modern Arabic Poetry 1800– 1970, pp. 310– 11; Shukrı¯, Shi‛runa¯ alHadı¯th ’ila¯ ’Ayn?, pp. 56 –62. ˙ 64. The poet joins a long line of modern Arab poets that used God to destroy existing social and political norms. As I stated elsewhere: ‘The trend of disapproval is a major feature in modern Arabic poetry. In our view, it is the salient characteristic of the confrontation between the old and the new, including and especially the moral and ethical sphere.’ See Bawardi, ‘The ethics of Nazı¯h ‘Abu¯ ‛Afash’, 2011, p. 259. 65. ‛Awwa¯d, ’A¯kh, Bayru¯t, 1974, p. 58. 66. Ibid., pp. 82 – 6. 67. Ibid., pp. 62 – 4. Concerning intertextuality in modern Arabic literature, see Muhammad ‛Azza¯m, Al-Nass al-Gha¯’ib wa-Tajalliya¯t al-Tana¯ss fı¯ al˙ ˙˙ ˙˙ Sh‛ir‛Arabı¯, Dimashq, 2001, pp. 11– 25; ‛Abd al-Qa¯dir Baqshı¯, Al-Tana¯ss fi ˙˙ al-Khita¯b al-Naqdı¯ wa-Bala¯ghı¯, Dira¯sa Nazariyya wa Tatbı¯qiyya; Luc-Willy ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Deheuvels et al., Intertextuality in Modern Arabic Literature since 1967; Sabrı¯ ˙ Ha¯fiz, ‘al-Tana¯ss wa-’Isha¯riyya¯t al-‛Amal al-’Adabı¯’, Alif, 4 1984, pp. 7 – 32; ˙ ˙ ˙˙ Sa¯su¯n Su¯mı¯kh, ‘al-‘Ala¯qa¯t al-Nassiyya fı¯ al-Niza¯m al-’Adabı¯ al-Wa¯hid’, ˙ ˙ ˙˙ al-Karmil –’Abha¯th fı¯ al-Lugha wa-l-’Adab, 7 1986, pp. 109– 29. ˙ 68. ‛Awwa¯d, ’A¯kh, pp. 52 – 3. 69. Ibid., pp. 55 – 6. 70. It is important to see that ‛Awwa¯d kept loyal to his opinions and expresses them in both his artistic creation and in the media. On 7 March 2010, ‛Awwa¯d was interviewed by Maha¯ Ba¯‛ishin, the famous presenter of the TV channel LBC, for ‘Bana¯t Hawwa¯’ (‘Daughters of Eve‘), a popular TV programme. The programme ˙ discussed the concept of VIP, and the ability of such persons to bring about

NOTE TO PAGES 111 –121

71. 72.

73. 74. 75.

76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82.

83. 84. 85.

86.

87.

175

positive change to society. However, in response to the interviewer’s questions, ‛Awwa¯d repeated his resignation from such terms and his reservations from the very possibility of the elite’s willingness to improve life for the general population. See, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v¼ajc4MseqM24&list ¼ PL4B1AC094B8CCB359&index ¼ 3. ‛Awwa¯d, ’A¯kh, pp. 48– 51. See ibid., pp. 9 – 35, especially the chapter entitled ‘The Poet’ in which he discusses many issues related to poetic processes and poetry. See also Khalı¯l Khalı¯l’s analysis concerning ‛Awwa¯d‘s poetry. Khalı¯l maintains that ‛Awwa¯d writes advanced popular poetry, surpassing the poetry of Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql and Mı¯shı¯l Tra¯d. His poetry is full of movement and deep lyrical aspects. See Khalı¯l, ˙ Al-Shi‛r al-Sha‛bı¯ al-Lubna¯nı¯, p. 54. ‛Awwa¯d, Mbe¯reh Kenna Wle¯d, p. 19. ˙ Ibid., pp. 18 – 19. ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʿr, p. 87. He believes that writing ˙ al-Majdaliyya in classical Arabic was a sin. See ‛Awwa¯d, Mbe¯reh Kenna Wle¯d, ˙ pp. 15 – 16. And when I asked ‛Aql regarding this admonition, he answered that indeed ‛Awwa¯d is right, he should never have written in Classical Arabic. See Appendix 1. ‛Awwa¯d, Mbe¯reh Kenna Wle¯d, p. 22. ˙ ‛Awwa¯d, t-Taswı¯ni, p. 12. ˙ Ibid., p. 9. Ibid., pp. 26 – 7. Ibid., p. 183. Ibid., p. 188. The mother is called ’Adila. Marcus supports the father’s beliefs, and even quotes in his letters to Mirya¯m, from the poetry of Mayy Murr. See ibid., p. 100. See also the footnote on the same page which mentions the name of Mayy Murr. Ibid., p. 103. Ibid., pp. 133 – 4. Ibid., p. 135. On this page he switches the object of his criticism. Instead of attacking intellectuals who use Classical Arabic, he now criticizes the people of Libya. ‛Awwa¯d reminds the Libyans of their Carthaginian past, when the Libyans and the Phoenicians shared a common culture, introduced by the Phoenicians. ‛Awwa¯d calls upon the Libyans to remove their rulers from their position and reinstate Phoenician culture. Ibid., pp. 133 –4. Ibid., pp. 137 – 42. ‛Awwa¯d also attacks Communist ideas in the introduction of his book, calling them ’foreign’ ideas which do not suit the ‘Lebanese climate’. See ibid., p. 11. For more information regarding the role of the reader in discovering the elements of the text, see W. Iser, The Implied Reader, Baltimore, 1978, pp. 274 – 94. According to David Alberston: ‘Iser’s theory of aesthetic response (Wirkungstheorie) differs from other theories of reader response (Rezeptionsthe-

176

88. 89. 90. 91. 92.

93.

94. 95. 96. 97. 98.

NOTE TO PAGES 121 –129 orie). Significantly, Iser does not analyze actual readings of texts, but proceeds from an ideal ‘implied reader.’ For Iser, the reader does not mine out an objective meaning hidden within the text. Rather, literature generates effects of meaning for the reader in a virtual space created between reader and text. Although reader and text assume similar conventions from reality, texts leave great portions unexplained to the reader, whether as gaps in the narrative or as structural limits of the text’s representation of the world. This basic indeterminacy ‘implies’ the reader and begs her participation in synthesizing, and indeed living, events of meaning throughout the process of reading’. See David Alberston, Wolfgang Iser, 2000. Concerning this issue, see Robert Scholes, The Nature of Narrative, Oxford, 1966, pp. 250– 1. For more information regarding this point of view in the novel, see Philip Stevick, The Theory of the Novel, New York, 1967, pp. 85 – 6. ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʾr. ˙ Ibid., p. 9. Ibid., p. 8. In this context it should be emphasized that every sentence in the book was written in the Lebanese dialect, including ‘Awwa¯d’s notes on the two covers, such as the name of the publisher, the number of copies of the book and the price. ‛Awwa¯d describes the separation between Arabic and the Lebanese language in several ways, though he names the translation into the Lebanese language ‘labnana’, Lebanization, instead of ‘ta‘rı¯b’, i.e., Arabization. See for example, ibid., pp. 32 – 3. For more information concerning Lebanese nationality, see Salameh, ‘Inventing Lebanon’, pp. 55–113; Salameh, Language, Memory, and Identity, pp. 75–112. ‛Awwa¯d, L-ʾAntolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sheʿr, p. 49. ˙ Ibid., p. 8. Ibid., p. 7. See Bawardi, ‘The Lebanese anthology of Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d’, pp. 63 – 4.

Chapter 4

Summary – or is it the End of the Phoenician Movement?

1. See for more information concerning Arabism, Christian M. Helms, Arabism and Islam: Stateless Nations and Nationless States, Washington, 1990; Rashid Khalidi et al., The Origins of Arab Nationalism, New York, 1991; Salameh, ’Inventing Lebanon’, pp. xii – xiv, pp. 1 – 40; Raghid Solh, Lebanon and Arabism: National Identity and State, London, 2004. 2. White, Metahistory: the Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe, Baltimore and London, 1973. 3. See Ya‛akov Shavit, ‘Hebrews and Phoenicians: A case of an ancient historical image and its usage’, Cathedra, 29 (September 1983), p. 178; Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, p. 789; Said 1993, pp. 123– 48.

NOTE

TO PAGES

130 –135

177

4. Regarding linguistic interference as a diversion from the norm in case of bilingualism as a result of interaction between two languages, see U. Weinreich, Language in Contact: Findings and Problems, New York, 1953, p. 1. 5. According to Bassiouney, the motivation of prestige plays a significant role in choosing linguistic codes and modes of pronunciation, when the classical language is considered more prestigious than the colloquial. Reem Bassiouney, Arabic Sociolinguistics: Topics in Diglossia, Gender, Identity, and Politics, Washington, 2009. 6. Regarding the polarity perception of two separate layers of the Arabic language as presented in the limited model of Diglossia see: G. Mejdell, Mixed Styles in Spoken Arabic in Egypt: Somewhere between Order and Chaos, Leiden, 2006, pp. 1 – 2. 7. See Clive Holes, 2 Modern Arabic: Structure, Functions and Varieties, Washington, 2004, pp. 1 – 9 for the conception of Arabic as a linguistic sphere with diverse variants co-existing and interacting. 8. For a model which rejects the idea of several kinds of Arabic, but considers all dialects as a single language with a sequence of variants see B. Hary, ’JudeoArabic in its sociolinguistic setting’, Israel Oriental, vol. 15, 1995. 9. Al-Quds, http://www.alquds.co.uk/index.asp?fname¼today\11qpt998.htm& arc ¼ data\2011\07\07– 11\11qpt998.htm. 10. ‛Aql, ’Al-Shi‛r al-Lubna¯nı¯ bi-l-Lugha al-Faransawiyya’, pp. 381 – 93. 11. As quoted in Nisan, The Conscience of Lebanon, p. 21. 12. ‛Aql, ’Al-Shi‛r al-Lubna¯nı¯ bi-l-Lugha al-Faransawiyya’, p. 381. 13. According to Płonka, there is a very small and weak continuing generation of authors writing in Lebanese language. One of the prominent figures is ’Amı¯r Hlayyil from the village of Kfar Shı¯ma¯. Hlayyil founded a journal entitled ’Arzya¯da, in which different writings in Lebanese language and in Latin script are published. See Płonka, ‘Language, Memory, and Identity’, 2011, p. 260. 14. It is important to notice that the Phoenician movement was by and large a Christian and Maronite movement. Nonetheless, there is a small number of Shı¯‛ite members among its ranks, for instance see Najı¯b Jama¯l al-Dı¯n, translator of ’Ima¯m ‛Alı¯’s Nahj al-Bala¯gha in the Lebanese language and written in the new alphabet. 15. http://www.innlebanon.com/center/tabs/tab3_2/r_tab3_2.php?id¼18. 16. http://www.nowlebanon.com/Arabic/Print.aspx?ID¼ 15898. 17. See Mansu¯r Bu¯ Da¯ghir, ‘Al-Lugha al-Lubna¯niyya bi-l-Harf al-La¯tı¯nı¯ Bayn ˙ ˙ Rasa¯’il al-Ha¯tif wa-l-‛Aql al-’Iliktru¯nı¯. . . wa-Sa‛ı¯d ‛Aql’, 2007.

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INDEX

‛Abd al-Na¯sir, Jama¯l (Nasser), 46 ˙ al-’A¯da¯b, 132 ’Abu¯ ‛Afash, Nazı¯h, 109 ’Abu¯ ’Arz see Saqr, Etienne ˙ ’Abu¯ Ma¯dı¯, ’Iliyya¯, 37 ˙ ’Adu¯nı¯s (‘Alı¯ ’Ahmad Sa‛ı¯d), 31, 109, ˙ 140, 172n12 ’Aghna¯r, 108 ’Ajmalu Minki? La¯! (More Beautiful than You? No!), 66 ’A¯kh (A Sigh of Pain), 108 ‛Alyu¯n, 94 ʿA¯mmiyya Lubna¯niyya, 9; see also Lebanese: dialect ‛Aql Sa‛ı¯d, 12 – 17, 54, 57 – 61, 62– 93, 98 Mu¯rı¯s ‛Awwa¯d, criticism of, 132– 5 ’A‛rif Kha¯.s.satı¯ (I Know what is Mine), 93 ‛Arafa¯t, Ya¯sir, 83 “’Arduna¯ al-Muqaddasa” (“Our Holy ˙ Land”), 95– 6 ‛Arı¯da Nası¯b, 37 ˙ ‛Ashtarim, 87 ’Atin, Sı¯nkhu¯nı¯, 96 ‛Awwa¯d, Mu¯rı¯s, 12–13, 17, 60–1, 88– 9, 100, 106–14, 117–25, 131, 135 ’Awza¯‛ı¯ ‛Abd al-Rahma¯n al-Bayru¯tı¯, ˙ 72 – 3 ’Ayyu¯b, Tha¯bit, 35, 37

Ba‛labak (poem), 59 Ba‛labak, 60, 72, 92, 94 Barre`s, Maurice, 56 Baudelaire, Charles, 64 Beirut, 21, 23 – 5, 27, 33, 43, 72, 87, 89, 93, 105, 113 mother of ’U¯r-’A-Nu¯s, 94 “Bhebbak; I Love you” (“Bxebbak”), 90 ˙ Bila¯d al-Sha¯m see Greater Syria Bin ‛Alı¯, Sa¯lih, 73 ˙ Bint Jbail, 93 Bint Yifta¯h (Jephthah’s Daughter), ˙ 63– 4 Bitighrı¯n, 89 Busta¯nı¯, Emile, 43 Busta¯nı¯, Butros al-, 21, 25 ˙ Busta¯nı¯, Fu’a¯d ’Afra¯m al-, 61 Busta¯nı¯, Salı¯m al-, 24 – 6 Cana see Qa¯na¯, Galilea; Lebanese Canaan, 75 Canaanite, 29 Cedar, 68, 90, 95 – 6, 117, 172n29 ’Arzu¯n Bu¯ ’Anı¯tir, 117 land of, 101 see also Guardians of the Cedars Civil war 1860, 22, 24 1958, 46, 79

192

THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

1975– 1990, 1 – 2, 47, 80 – 1, 84, 86, 113, 115, 130, 134 Correspondence d’Orient, 42 Couve De Murville, Maurice, 47 Crete, 99 – 100 Croix, Jean de La, 107 Crusaders, 41 cultural project, Phoenician–Lebanese, 55 culture, Arabic, 17; see also Lebanese: Arab culture al-Dabbu¯r, 62, 78 Damascus, 24, 68 – 9, 72 Dergham Publishing House, 87 diglossia, 10, 15, 129, 130, 177n6 al-Diya¯’, 9 Dual Revolution, 15 Edde´, Emile, 42 Elementary schools, Syria and Lebanon, 61 Elias, Paul, 107 “E´loignez-vous de´sert” (“Go Away, oh You Desert”), 174n53 ’Endı¯l al-Safar / Qindı¯l al-Safar (The Lamp of Travel), 108 Entelis, John P., 45 “’essa ‛ala l-Makhaddi” (“A Story on the Pillow”), 108 Euclid, 140 Europa (mythological figure), 98 Europe, 1, 12, 51, 101 Fa¯rru¯kh, ‛Umar, 61 fascist movement, 27 – 8 Fayru¯z, 166n17 Fı¯ Sabı¯l Lubna¯n (For the Cause of Lebanon), 35 France, 1, 8, 32, 38 – 41, 56, 91 fus. ha¯, classical Arabic, 8 – 10, 13 – 14, ˙ 16, 23, 56, 59 – 60, 63, 66, 77, 79 – 81, 86 – 8, 90, 93, 95, 97, 103, 106– 7, 120, 122, 129– 32, 134, 135, 137, 171n113, 175n75

Geo-Politics of Lebanon, 171n2 Ghazı¯r, 107 al-Ghusayn, Joseph, 80 ˙ Gospel, 80, 116; John, 94; Luke, 94 Gouraud, Henri, 1, 41 Greater Syria / Bila¯d al-Sha¯m, 21, 23, 25, 27, 32, 35 – 7, 39, 128 Guardians of the Cedars (Hurra¯s ˙ al-’Arz), 45, 47, 164n70, 169n95, 170n101, 171n1; see also Arz, Cedar Hada¯rat Hawd al-Mutawassit ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ (the civilization of the of the Mediterranean Civilization), 57 Hadı¯qat al-’Akhba¯r, 23 – 4 ˙ Haki Gheyr Shekel (Unusual Talk), 113 ˙ Hakim, Carol, 17 “Hal 10” (“The 10”), 82 Hanı¯n, Edward, 48 ˙ Haqa¯’iq Lubna¯niyya (Lebanese Facts), 75 ˙ “Hatta¯ Ya’tı¯” (“Until He Comes”), 94 ˙ Hercelia (mythological figure), 98 heritage, Arabic, 76, 82, 88, 90, 97, 105, 123, 171n110 Lebanese, 3, 12, 20, 50, 68, 77, 81, 83, 91, 123, 125 “Hiwa¯r al-‛Umr” (“The Dialogue of ˙ Life”), 170n99 al-Hu¯ra¯nı¯,Yu¯suf, 80, 93 ˙ al-Huwayyik, ’Ilya¯s, 36 ˙ Ibn al-Fa¯rid, 170n106 ˙ ’Idrı¯s, Sama¯h, 132 ˙ ’Ilı¯ssa¯ (mythological figure), 98 – 100 ’Ilı¯ssa¯, 90, 91, 102, 173n40 Implied reader, 176n87 al-‘I¯sa¯, Sulayma¯n, 138 Iser, Wolfgang, 176n87 al-Jabha al-Lubna¯niyya (The Lebanese Front), 47 Jabhat al-Huriyya wal-’Insa¯n (The ˙ Front of Freedom and Man), 47

INDEX Jarı¯dat Lubna¯n/Lebnaan, 81 – 4, 86, 92, 93, 105 Jbail, 68, 78, 99, 100, 102 Jelna¯r (Guelna¯r), 78 Jerusalem, 68 Jesus, 63, 68, 73 – 5, 94 – 5, 101, 104, 115, 140 Jews, Judaism, 73, 138, 165n8 al-Jina¯n (The Paradises), 25 John Paul II, Pope, 104 Jouplain, M. see Nujaym, Bu¯lus Jubra¯n, Jubra¯n Khalı¯l, 37 al-Jumayyil, Pierre, 44 – 5, 164n71 al-Kha¯l, Yu¯suf, 31, 108, 140 Khalı¯fı¯, Gilbert, 82 Khara¯ba¯t Su¯riya¯ (The Ruins of Syria), 24 Khayralla¯, Khayralla¯, 39– 40 Khla¯t, Hiktu¯r, 56, 62 ˙ “Khuma¯siyya¯t” (“Limericks”), 84, 171n112 Khuma¯siyya¯t al-Siba¯, 86 ˙ al-Khu¯rı¯, Bisha¯ra, 42 –4 al-Khu¯rı¯, Khalı¯l, 22 Khu¯rı¯-Qası¯r, Jizı¯l, 170n99 ˙ Ki‛dı¯, Mı¯shı¯l, 98 L-’Antolo¯jya l-lebne¯niyyi. Sˇe’r. Men el-’alf ˙ et-te¯lit ’abl el-Ması¯h la-sent, 1982 ˙ (The Lebanese Anthology a poetry from the third millennium BC till, 1982), 122– 4, 138 La Montagne Inspire´e (The Inspired Mountain), 16, 58 La question du Liban (The Lebanese Question), 33 La Revue Phe´nicienne, 55, 81, 169n95 Lammens, Henri, 33 Lebanese: Aramaic, 122 Church, 57 culture, 20, 43, 72, 76, 83, 101, 129, 133, 139 Arab culture, 84

193

communities, 32, 35, 100 dialect, 10, 17, 52, 54, 58, 66, 78, 80, 83, 87, 90, 92, 103, 107, 113, 122, 123, 133, 136 diaspora, 34 – 6 ideology, 61, 66 idiom, 10 immigrants, 35 language, 13, 15, 17, 77, 106, 112– 14, 122, 130– 8 literature, 11, 106, 122, 123, 132, 133, 136 mythology, 138 particularism, 127 script, 77, 140 see also heritage, Arabic, Lebanese; mothers, Lebanese Lebanese Front, 48 Lebanese Order of Monks, 47 Lebanese Phalanges Party (Hizb ˙ al-Kata¯’ib), 20, 44, 46, 58; 163n69 Lebanese Renaissance (al-nahda ˙ al-Lubna¯niyya), 35 Lebanese Republic, 37, 42, 163n58 Lebanese Union Party, 35 Lebanon elite, 18 intellectuals, 13, 26, 32, 45, 73, 128, 132 Lebanonization, 33, 60, 176n93 Leibkind, Karmela, 13 “Liban-Phe´nicie est a` toi” (“Lebanon – Phoenicia is Yours”), 104 Lubna¯n ’In Haka¯ (Lebanon: If It Could ˙ Speak), 69, 71, 73, 75, 76, 93 Lubna¯n al-Kalima (Lebanon the Word), 102 Lubna¯n fı¯ Qiyam Ta¯rı¯khihi (Lebanon within the Values of its History), 80, 93 Lubna¯n-Fı¯nı¯qya¯ ’Ard ’Ayl ‛abr Ta¯rı¯kh ˙ Lubna¯n-Fı¯nı¯qya¯ ‛Imla¯q al-Tawa¯rı¯kh (Lebanon– Phoenicia Land of Eil, beyond the History of Lebanon – Phoenicia, the Giant of Histories), 93

194

THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

Majallat Shi‛r, 108 al-Majdaliyya (Magdalena), 63 – 66, 138, 175n75 al-Maktab al-Tija¯rı¯ li-l-Tiba¯‛a ˙ wa-l-Nashr, 171n111 “Malik Beyru¯t” (“The King of Beirut”), 111– 12 Mallarme´, Ste´phane, 64 “Marhaba Alla” (“Hello God”), 115 ˙ ˙˙ Maronite, 1, 2, 10 – 12, 44, 130, 165n8 Church, 16, 45 – 50, 125, 132 clerics, 114, 124, 161n35 community, 8, 18, 34, 48, 128, 134 intellectuals, 128 League, 47 Liturgy, 87, 140 militias, 169n95 Nationalism, 45, 46 Patriarch, 36, 132 and passim al-Marra¯sh, Fransı¯s, 24 “Maryam Quddu¯sat al-Qiddı¯sı¯n” (“Mary the Most Sacred among the Saints”), 172n29 al-Mashriq, 33, 59, 62 Matar, ’Ilya¯s, 24 ˙ Matn, 89, 107 Maurras, Charles, 56 Mbe¯reh Kenna Wle¯d, 175n76 ˙ Mediterranean Basin, 57 men of religion (‘ulama¯’), 23 “Meshwa¯r” (“A Short Stroll”), 78 meter: Arabic, 60 compound (bası¯t), 95 ˙ light (khafı¯f ), 95 – 6 Missa Solemnis, 87 modernity, 40 mother tongue, 3, 4, 9, 131 mothers, Lebanese, 84, 104 Mount Hermon, 74, 94 Mount Lebanon, 1, 17, 21, 31, 40, 42, 128 Administrative Council of, 36 economy of, 35; see also civil war Mount Nisir, 94 ˙

Mount Sanı¯r, 94 Mukarzil, Na‛u¯m, 35, 62 Mura¯d, Niqu¯la¯, 32 Murr, Alfred, 81, 89, 93, 105 Murr, Kama¯l, 173n51 Murr, Mayy, 12, 55 – 8, 61, 74, 78, 8– 83, 88, 131– 3 mutas. rifiyya, 1, 17, 21, 27, 32 – 35, 38, 42, 48, 170n35 Mutra¯n, Nadra, 39, 159n4 ˙ Naba¯ta¯, 96 Nahla, Rufa¯’ı¯l, 107 ˘ Naqqa¯sh, ’Albirt, 165n8, 165n10 Naqqa¯sh, Zakı¯, 61 National School, 25 Nazi, 27, 28, 45, 164n71 “Niswe¯n Mlawwani” (“Colored Women”), 174n62 Noah, 90, 94, 172n17 notables (’a‘ya¯n), 23 Notre Dame University al-Luwayza, 132 Nu‛ayma, Mı¯kha¯’ı¯l, 37 Nujaym, Bu¯lus, 33 – 4 “O Douloureuse, O Toute Me`re” (“Oh You Suffering Woman, Oh Every Mother”), 104 Ottoman Empire, 18, 20, 21, 26, 31, 32, 34, 36 – 41 nationalism in, 31 Palestine, Palestinian(s), 1, 16, 46, 47, 65, 74, 75, 80 – 5, 93, 97, 103, 105, 118, 119, 132, 137, 138, 154n70, 168n73, 170n99, n100 pan-Arabism, 33, 127, 132 Pellat, Charles, 14, 15 Poe´sie Trisme´giste, 91, 113 poetry, traditional, 60, 62, 86, 95, 105 Pourquoi Les Roses, 91 proto-nationalism, 21 Pu¯ntu¯s-Yamm, 100

INDEX Qadmu¯s (Cadmus), 66 – 71, 87, 98, 100– 1, 107– 8, 113– 14, 138 Qa¯na¯, Galilea, 74, 75, 104 Qa¯na¯, Lebanese, 74, 75, 104 Qurm, Sha¯rl, 17, 70, 87, 133, 140, 165n8, 165n10, 168n60 contributions of, 54, 55 – 61, 89 works of, 12, 54 quru¯h (scars), 95 ˙ al-Ra¯bita al-Qalamiyya (The League of ˙ the Pen), 38 “Raka‛tillak” (“I Knelt in Front of You”), 86 Rama¯d ‛A¯’isha (‛A¯’isha’s Ashes), 172n12 Rayha¯nı¯, ’Amı¯n al-, 37, 39 ˙ Revolution of the Letter (sawrit el-harf), ˙ 68, 134 Rezeptionstheorie, 176n87 Rida, Rashı¯d, 8 ˙ Rimbaud, Arthur, 64 Rindala¯, 66 Ru¯ha¯na, Rafı¯q, 57, 61, 78, 82, 102, ˙ 103, 134, 170n100, 173n39 Rustum, ’As‛ad, 61 Sa‛a¯da, ’Antu¯n, 26 Sabra¯ and Shatı¯la¯, 170n100 ˙ Sagesse de Phe´nicie: Quintains (The Wisdom of Phoenicia: Quintains), 87 “Sala¯ ‛a Sawt Wa¯tı¯” (“A Prayer in a Low ˙ ˙ ˙ Voice”), 110 Salameh, Frank, 16 Samni, Georges, 37, 39, 40, 42, 48 Saqr, Etienne, 82, 164n70 ˙ Sawda¯, Yu¯suf al-, 35, 59, 162n43 sawrit el-harf (as-sawra l-leghawiyye ˙ l-muzdawije), 134 Sawt al-Jabal (The Voice of the Mountain), ˙ 78 Sawt al-Sha¯‛ir (The Poet’s Voice), 106 ˙ Sayyidit z-Zuhu¯r (Our Lady of the Flowers), 115

195

Series of the Most Beautiful Tales of Lebanon– Phoenicia, 90 Sha¯kir, ’Abu¯ Sulayma¯n, 47 Shaykhu¯, Luwı¯s, 69, 72, 166n18 “al-Shi‛r al-Lubna¯nı¯ bi-l-Lugha al-Faransawiyya” (“Lebanese Poetry in French”), 62 Shı¯ha¯, Mı¯shı¯l, 43, 55, 62 ˙ St Teresa, 107 Sufi, sufism, 86, 104, 167n44, 171n110 Sulayma¯n, Fu’a¯d, 31 al-Ta¯’iyya, 97 ˙ al-Ta¯’iyya al-Kubra¯, 170n106 Ta‛m el-Khebz w-el-Mara (The Taste of the ˙ Bread and of the Woman), 121 ta‘rı¯b (Arabization), 176n93 Ta¯rı¯kh Su¯riya¯ (History of Syria), 24, 33 Tasrı¯h al-’Abs. a¯r Fı¯ Ma¯ Yahtawı¯ Lubna¯n ˙ ˙ Min al-’A¯tha¯r (Realising the Sights through the Ancient Monuments that Lebanon Contains), 33 Tra¯d, Mı¯shı¯l, 78, 124, 175n72 ˙ Tripoli, 98, 99, 100, 23 Tripoli, I Prefer You to Myself, 90, 98 t-Tas. wı¯ni (The Fence/The Wall), 114, 115, 120 Tya¯n, ’Ilı¯, 62 Tyre, 68, 72, 101, 104 “’Ufadiluki Tra¯bulus ‛ala¯ Nafsı¯” ˙ ˙ (“Tripoli, I Prefer You to Myself”), 98 Uga¯rı¯th, 96 ‛Umar Fa¯rru¯kh, 61 United Arab Republic, 79 United Kingdom, 38, 136 United States, 34, 38 ’uqs. u¯.sa (short story), 25 Uqu¯d al-Durriyya fı¯ Ta¯rı¯kh al-Mamlaka al-Su¯riyya al- (Decades of Pearls in the Annals of the Syrian Realm), 24 ’U¯r-’A-Nu¯s, 94; see also Noah

196

THE LEBANESE-PHOENICIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

Verlaine, Paul, 64 Versailles Conference, 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 41, 129, 161n32 Virgil, 106 Wayy,’Idhan Lastu bi-’Ifranjı¯ (Alas, I’m not a foreigner), 24 white language, 133, 134 Wirkungstheorie, 176n87

World War I, 20, 32, 37, 38; pre-, 39 World War II, 165n8 Yannı¯, Jurjı¯, 24 Ya¯ra¯, 13, 14, 80, 87, 135, 138 Ya¯ra¯ Publishing House, 15, 80 Ya¯zijı¯, ‘Ibra¯hı¯m al-, 9 Yu¯suf, Niqu¯la¯, 9