The Learned King: The Reign of Alfonso X of Castile [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512805451

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FETPA.IFTÁ TW who congratulated him because "that detestable traitor, that cunning enemy, the king of Granada, at last submitted his iron neck to your authority." The pope also expressed the hope that the remnants of the rebellion would soon be crushed.30 The Resettlement of Andalusia The major task now facing Alfonso X was the reconstruction of Andalusia. The general principle that he applied was the expulsion of the Mudéjars and their replacement by Christian colonists. The work of repopulation began in earnest in the fall of 1267 after the submission of Ibn al-Ahmar. During his residence in Jerez from 2 October to 23 November and again from 12 January to ij May 1268, Alfonso X appointed partitioners to distribute lands and houses in the city and its district. Fortunately, the book of distribution drawn up after the surrender of Jerez in October 1266 has come down to us. Divided into six parishes, the city had about 2000 inhabitants. The majority (1711) were Christians, among whom were more than 1500 footsoldiers, slightly more than 200 urban knights, and 42 noble knights. Ninety Jews were settled in their own district. Although Mudéjars native to Jerez were excluded, 27 Mudéjars from other towns, with their own alcalde and their own mosque, were dispersed through the city.31 So that Jerez "might be better populated and honored," the king assigned lands and 200 maravedís to each of 40 noble knights, who had to be ready to serve him with horses and arms as his vassals.32 The Order of Calatrava also received houses and lands adjacent to the holdings of the knights of Alcántara and Santiago, on condition of maintaining a commander there equipped with horse and arms. The king restricted the num-

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ber of principal grants to thirty, probably with the intention of enhancing the power and influence of the noble knights receiving them. In 1274 his son Alfonso Fernández was entrusted with the task of establishing the boundaries between Jerez and neighboring Lebrija, Arcos, Alcalá, and Medina Sidonia.33 In the king's mind, Jerez was clearly intended to be the principal city in lower Andalusia. With a population of nearly 2000, it was four to five times bigger than other towns in the region and was surpassed only by Seville and Córdoba. Royal efforts to develop Puerto de Santa Maria and Cádiz, interrupted by the Mudejar revolt, were now vigorously pressed. Puerto de Santa Maria, directly to the south of Jerez at the mouth of the Guadalete river, provided access to the Adantic Ocean. By devoting twenty-four cantigas to the praise of Puerto de Santa Maria and the miracles wrought there by the Virgin Mary, the king hoped to attract settlers; but his hope that it would become a great port city did not reach fruition, as the number of colonists in the early years remained rather low.34 Tradition has it that Guillén de Berja and 100 men were the first to settle at Cádiz, opposite Puerto de Santa Maria on the Gulf of Cádiz. The king gave them five manors ( alquerías) and in 1263 allowed them to hold a monthly fair, exempted them from portazgo, and assured foreign merchants trading there that they would only have to pay two-thirds of the fees charged at Seville.35 After the suppression of the Mudéjar uprising, he distributed lands there to 300 setders, of whom 200 were required to be lancers and 100 crossbowmen. Many of them came from the ports on the Bay of Biscay.36 The date, 9 November 1264, when the partitioners appointed by the king were said to begin their work probably ought to be corrected to 1267. Further partitions were made on 15 January 1268 and a twelfth partition was completed by 4 May 1275. Only an incomplete text of the book of distribution is now extant.37 Despite the fact that Cádiz was not much more than a village, it was the seat of a bishopric. Pope Urban IV had agreed to establish an episcopal see there in 1263 but his death halted execution of his order. Thus Alfonso X appealed to Clement IV, who transferred the ancient see of Sidonia to Cádiz and ordered Archbishop Remondo of Seville to consecrate Fray Juan Martinez as bishop.38 Archbishop Remondo was not happy with the establishment of the new diocese, but in November 1267 at Jerez he agreed with Fray Juan Martinez, who was consecrated toward the end of the year, to delimit their respective boundaries.39 The prospects for the future growth of Cádiz and Puerto de Santa Maria seemed good to the Dominican Friar Maurice who visited there

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around 1273 and described it as "a strong and well-walled city" with a bishop. The difficulty of attracting settlers to Cádiz and Puerto de Santa Maria was great, however, because of the continued threat of invasion from Morocco, which became a reality in the 1270s. The region around Puerto de Santa Maria was so devastated that Alfonso X had to begin again by publishing a charter of population in 1281.40 Alfonso X also granted numerous concessions to other towns in the Guadalete valley in order to stimulate settlement. He accorded the noble knights of Arcos and Medina Sidonia the same privileges as his vassals in Toledo, including tax exemptions. Other setders were guaranteed the franchises of Seville. Both towns were authorized to have a market each Thursday, assuring all those who attended full security in their persons and goods. 41 Some towns in the Guadalete valley were hardly more than fortified places until the end of the century; that was the case with Vejer de la Frontera which was not repopulated until 1288, when it had 176 setders. The boundaries delimiting Medina Sidonia and its neighbors, Jerez, Arcos, Vejer, Tarifa, Algeciras, and Alcalá de los Gazules were drawn in 1269.42 Farther west, the boundaries of Niebla, Saltes, Huelva, and Gibraleón were fixed in 1267. Two years later the right of common pasturage was given to Seville, Jerez, Carmona, Gibraleón and the other towns of the region. 43 In view of the grave economic distress caused by the war, Alfonso X convened an assembly during his stay at Jerez early in 1268. Because of general complaints of the high cost of living, he summoned merchants and other good men from Castile-León, Extremadura, and Andalusia to assist him in repairing the damage done to the economy. The assembly enacted a detailed series of laws regulating prices and wages, fixing the coinage and its equivalences, controlling exports and imports, and establishing customs stations on the Bay of Biscay, in Andalusia (Huelva, Cádiz, Vejer, Jerez, and Seville), and in Murcia (Cartagena, Alicante, and Elche). Inasmuch as the new Christian setders at Jerez had to bear the brunt of housing and otherwise providing for this assembly, the king assured them that in the future they would not be compelled to give lodgings against their will and without payment.44

The Repopulation of Murcia While still preoccupied by the resolution of the war with Granada and the settlement of western Andalusia, Alfonso X was also mindful of recon-

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struction in the kingdom of Murcia. After taking initial measures to provide for defense and appointing an adelantado mayor, he turned to the task of repopulation. Only by bringing in substantial numbers of Christian settlers could the security of the region be guaranteed. With respect to Murcia itself, he ordered the Mudéjars to evacuate the city proper and to settle in the suburb of Arrixaca within forty days; there they were assured of religious liberty and the use of their own laws and customs. In order to prevent Christians and Muslims from coming to blows, a wall was erected between the city and the suburb. Cantiga 169 related how the Moors had often importuned Alfonso X to demolish the chapel dedicated to the Virgin Mary in the Arrixaca, but the Moorish king would not consent because he feared to incur Mary's wrath.45 Partitioners appointed in June 1266 carried out the third distribution (the first two were effected by Alfonso X before he became king and by Jaime I after the conquest of Murcia) which affected half the Murcian municipal district. The king approved their work on 14 May 1267, but ordered a fourth distribution to be undertaken at once. A fifth distribution in 1272 reduced the Mudéjars to less than half the area reserved to them in 1266. The book of distribution compiled in 1272 records the work of the partitioners over the previous six years. Later concessions to Christians limited the Mudéjars still further.40 A municipal council was organized in Murcia and thefiteroof Seville was given to the city in 1266, though in practice, the Fuero real became the basic municipal code.47 Other dispositions concerned the administration of justice, the obligations of citizenship, taxes and revenues, and the economic development of the city. As a means of encouraging prosperity, both a weekly market and an annual fair to be held for two weeks at Michaelmas were authorized.48 Much the same procedure was followed in the other towns. A town council was established, the fitero of Murcia was granted to the settlers, the boundaries of the municipal district were marked, and partitioners were named to distribute lands and houses. In the case of Lorca, situated aboutfiftymiles southeast of Murcia, the text of the distributions executed between 1268 and 1272 is extant. Alfonso X confirmed the second distribution (thefirstwas carried out in the years before the Mudejar revolt) in 1270; the third was completed on 7 August 1272.49 To foster settlement, the king granted exemptions from payment of the royal fifth of booty and tolls, and he gave the town royal rents of shops, mills, ovens, and baths to use for its defense. He also granted Lorca the fuero and franchises of Cór-

Figure 5. The Moors request permission from Infante Alfonso, Jaime I, Alfonso X, and cAbd Allah to remove the church of St. Mary from the Arrixaca of Murcia. Cantigas de Santa María, 169. Escorial, Ms T.i.j.

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doba, spelling out the details of municipal government, tributary and military obligations, and authorizing a fair during the two weeks before and after Martinmas. 50 In August 1265, in the midst of the Mudejar revolt, Alfonso X gave the fuero of Alicante to the Christians defending the castle of Orihuela, about fifteen miles northeast of Murcia, and pledged to reward them once he partitioned the region. 51 He determined the boundaries of Orihuela and confirmed the initial distribution of houses and lands on 15 July 1266. Three distributions were carried out between 1266 and 1271. 52 Recalling his promise to the casde defenders, he ordered them to be given a third more than other settlers. The citizens were to enjoy the franchises of Murcia, were exempted from various tributes, and were assured of the right to sell their holdings to others who would establish citizenship there. A weekly market was established and an annual fair was also authorized.53 As elsewhere, there were difficulties in persuading persons to whom lands were allotted to take up residence in Orihuela. On that account, the king had to order a fourth distribution in 1272, instructing the partitioners to dispose of unoccupied holdings. 54 In December he confirmed the latest distribution of houses and lands in Orihuela. 55 Alfonso X also tried to develop Alicante, a seaport on the coast about forty miles northeast of Murcia, giving it privileges similar to those of other towns. 56 Most importantly he sought to nurture trade and commerce there by regulating tariffs on exports and imports and giving concessions to foreign merchants. He also declared that all those, including the Templars and Hospitallers, going overseas to the Holy Land should sail from Alicante or Cartagena. 57 As some who had shared in the distribution failed to establish residence in the city, in May 1271 he required them to do so by Martinmas next, otherwise local magistrates would dispose of their holdings. 58 Cartagena, the other major seaport in the kingdom of Murcia, was also the seat of a bishopric whose extent was determined in 1266.59 As he had in Alicante, Alfonso X encouraged overseas commerce by allowing Christian merchants to bring their goods to Cartagena free of customs duties. He also permitted ship captains to keep whatever booty they might take from his enemies on the high seas.60 The king's brother Manuel, who held the lordship of Elche just south of Alicante, granted the Christian inhabitants the fuero of Seville and confirmed their privileges and the distribution of houses and lands.61 In like manner the king favored smaller settlements.62

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In spite of these measures to attact settlers, many persons were loath to take up residence on the frontier with all the dangers that that entailed; others who were somewhat braver changed their minds after a few years and abandoned their holdings. Realizing that much more needed to be done, Alfonso X, once he terminated the war with Granada, returned to Murcia in February 1271 and remained there until the fall of 1272, engaged in the task of repopulation. Many years would pass, however, before the kingdom of Murcia was well settled and prosperous.

The King of Granada and the Banü Ashqilülä While Alfonso X attended to repopulation for several years following the suppression of the Mudéjar uprising, his relations with the kingdom of Granada continued to be strained. By supporting the Banü Ashqilülä, he hoped to undermine Ibn al-Ahmar and keep his kingdom in a permanent state of weakness and disunity. Conversely, the king of Granada was anxious to compel the rebels to return to their unqualified allegiance. As the one-year truce he had given them was coming to a close, in June 1268 he visited Alfonso X at Seville, urging him to abandon the Banü Ashqilülä as he had promised. The king of Castile refused to do so, realizing that by encouraging the rebels he would always be able to keep Ibn al-Ahmar off balance. Ibn al-Ahmar was gready irritated because he knew that he would now always be kept in a species of servitude to Castile.63 During the visit, Ñuño, the son of Ñuño González de Lara, came to Ibn al-Ahmar's tent to complain of the many injuries his family had received at the hands of Alfonso X. Ibn al-Ahmar offered his sympathy and alliance if the Laras would aid him in bringing down the Banü Ashqilülä, but for the time being nothing came of this.64 Now fully determined to crush the Banü Ashqilülä, the king of Granada sent his son to besiege Málaga, one of the rebel strongholds, in June 1270, but in vain. Then, in September 1271, Ibn al-Ahmar appealed for help to Abü Yüsuf, the Marinid emir. Though moved by the pleas of the king of Granada, Abü Yüsuf was unable to respond until he had first consolidated his rule in Morocco. After defeating his principal rival in February 1272, he was ready to consider the possibility of sending troops into the peninsula.65 In the meantime, Alfonso X, busy with the settlement of Murcia, continued to maintain pressure on Granada. As a sign of his intentions, he

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pledged that when he captured Alcalá de Benzaide (Alcalá la Real), a fortress guarding the approach to Granada about forty miles to the south, he would give it to the Order of Calatrava. He also enlisted the support of Jaime I, who was preparing the Valencian frontier against a possible war with the Moors. They probably discussed the Moorish problem when they met between Requena and Buñol in February 1271. When they met again at Alicante in the following February, the king of Aragón advised Alfonso X to give up his support of the Banü Ashqllülä and establish harmonious relations with the king of Granada; but Jaime I also authorized his Catalan subjects to participate with Castile in the war against Granada.66

The Order of Santa María de España Just as his twelfth-century predecessors had entrusted the defense of advanced positions on the frontier to the military orders, Alfonso X came to the conclusion that coastal defense might also be assigned to them. Rather than add to the responsibilities of existing orders, he established a new one called the Order of Santa María de España, a title reflecting his devotion to the Virgin Mary. The Order was also known as the Order of the Star, in memory of Mary, Star of the Sea, who guided seafarers. The king's second son, Sancho, who appeared as alfírez and admiral of the confraternity of Santa Maria in 1272, was entrusted with the administration of the Order.67 In order to provide the new Order with greater cohesion and dedication, the king appealed to the Cistercian General Chapter to approve the Order's constitutions which were based on those of the Order of Calatrava. Calatrava was affiliated to the Order of Cîteaux and subject to annual visitations by the abbot of Morimond. A royal petition seconded by Juan González, master of Calatrava, was received by the General Chapter in 1270. Two years later the Cistercians entrusted the new Order to the care of the abbot of Grandselve who would have the obligation of visitation each year and of appointing the prior who would direct the conventual brethren.68 Now headquartered at Cartagena, the Order appeared under the headship of a master, Pedro Núñez, former grand commander of the Order of Santiago. Another convent was established at La Coruña on the northwest Atlantic coast and in 1274 the king gave the Order various fines levied by his court. However, in 1272 Pope Gregory X postponed giving his approval to the Order on the grounds that the military orders, though

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humble in origin, had grown overmighty in recent years. Six years later Pope Nicholas III condemned the king's unilateral action in establishing the Order without papal approval.69

The End of Ibn al-Ahmar In 1272, anxious to be on his way to the Holy Roman Empire, Alfonso X had an interview with Ibn al-Ahmar at Jaén and then left Murcia for Alcaraz. There he learned of the arrival of a contingent of Benimerines in July who attacked Vejer. He asked the nobles to join Infantes Fernando and Manuel on the frontier, but they refused because they were already conspiring with Abü Yüsuf. In the fall of 1272 they broke with the king and went into exile to the kingdom of Granada where Ibn al-Ahmar gave them a warm welcome. Though he hoped to use these new allies against the Banü Ashqllülä, he died soon after their arrival on 22 January 1273.70 As the first of the Nasrid dynasty that ruled until the final destruction of Muslim power in Spain in 1492, a period longer than the rule of the Umayyads, Almoravids, or Almohads, Ibn al-Ahmar accomplished the extraordinary feat of establishing the kingdom of Granada at a time when Christian power appeared invincible. By adroit diplomacy he maintained his independence of Castile, while also avoiding dangerous entanglements with the Muslims of North Africa. When he gave his support to the Mudejar rebels, his relations with Alfonso X altered entirely. The revolt sobered Alfonso X, who came to realize that adventures in Morocco could be dangerous if his situation in the peninsula was not secure. For that reason he tried to change the character of the population in the affected regions by expelling the Mudéjars, but the process of introducing Christian settlers was not really completed during his lifetime. One positive consequence of the Mudéjar revolt was that Jaime I and Alfonso X drew closer than they had ever been before.

13. The Quest for Empire

Perhaps Alfonso X's most consuming passion was his quest for the crown of the Holy Roman Empire. 1 Indeed, his ambition extended to the entire inheritance of Emperor Frederick II: the Holy Roman Empire, including greater Germany and northern Italy, and the kingdom of Naples and Sicily. Although he hoped to gain recognition as emperor, the focus of his attention, like that of Frederick II, was Italy. Conceiving of himself as heir to the Visigothic imperial tradition, he perhaps dreamed of uniting the Iberian and Italian peninsulas under his leadership. By gaining dominance over the western Mediterranean in this way, his plan to recover North Africa as part of the Visigothic legacy would be facilitated. Thus his aspiration to ascendancy in Spain, his projected African crusade, and his quest for the imperial tide were all linked together.

Castile and the Empire Castilian relations with the empire were longstanding. Alfonso X's greatgrandfather, Alfonso VIII, initiated a rapprochement in 1188 when he betrothed his daughter Berenguela to Conrad of Hohenstaufen, the third son of Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, but the marriage was never solemnized. Nevertheless, the attraction of an imperial alliance was such that in 1219 Berenguela arranged the marriage of her son Fernando III to Beatriz, daughter of Emperor Philip of Swabia, Barbarossa's second son. Beatriz's mother was Irene, daughter of the Byzantine Emperor Isaac II Angelus. Thus, through his mother, Alfonso X was connected to both the German and Byzantine imperial families.2 A Castilian monarch ordinarily would never have been a candidate for the imperial office, but the papal deposition of Frederick II in 1245 and continuing opposition to his son Conrad IV, who died in 1254, opened the way for Alfonso X. 3 Although a member of "that race of vipers," as the popes called the Hohenstaufen family, Alfonso X could confidently present

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himself to the German princes and the papacy as an acceptable alternative. Nevertheless, the task of convincing them that their interests would best be served by acknowledging him ultimately proved to be insurmountable. Many years before the possibility of becoming emperor emerged, Alfonso X endeavored to acquire the duchy of Swabia as part of his mother's inheritance. Beatriz and Fernando III originally expected to secure Swabia for their second son Fadrique, whose name Frederick was a reminder of his German great-grandfather. In 1240 when he was about seventeen he was sent to Italy where he remained with Frederick II until 1245, when he returned home without any assurance of the emperor's support.4 Alfonso X probably did not look with favor on his younger brother's efforts and seems to have put forward his own claims, which Pope Innocent IV promised to uphold. In his last will, however, the emperor determined that Swabia should go to his son Conrad IV.5 In his determination to eradicate the Hohenstaufen family, Innocent IV awarded the duchy to the anti-emperor, William of Holland, but Pope Alexander IV was more supportive of Alfonso X's attempts to acquire his inheritance.6

Recognition by Pisa and Marseilles Although Alfonso X had had his sights on the imperial crown for some time, he became actively involved in the quest for empire only after the death of William of Holland in January 1256. The king's ambitions began to assume substantive reality when he sought alliance with the maritime republics of Marseilles and Pisa for his projected African crusade. Marseilles gave assurances of collaboration on 17 January 1256, but when news spread of the death of William of Holland, Pisa, a Ghibelline town, decided to acknowledge Alfonso X as emperor. A long-time rival of Genoa, Pisa probably hoped to secure Castilian protection against her neighbors, as well as commercial privileges in Sicily and North Africa.7 Bandino Lancia, the Pisan ambassador, formally recognized Alfonso X as king of the Romans at Soria on 18 March 1256. After recalling the king's descent from the dukes of Swabia, to whom the imperial crown rightfully belonged, and from Manuel Comnenus, the Byzantine Emperor, Lancia declared that Alfonso X could unite the western and eastern empires as they had been in the time of Caesar and Constantine. In fact, Alfonso X was not descended from Manuel Comnenus, though Queen Violante was.8 The idea of reuniting the two empires and with them the Greek and

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Latin churches was obviously intended to gain papal backing. Then, in the name of the commune of Pisa, Lancia hailed Alfonso X as "king of the Romans and emperor of the Roman empire now vacant." Presenting the king with the Old and New Testaments, the cross and the sword, Lancia knelt and kissed his foot as a sign of fidelity. For his part, Alfonso X accepted the election, assuring Pisa of his special favor.9 In a separate pact concluded on 15 April Alfonso X pledged to send 500 knights and a number of crossbowmen to defend Pisa against her enemies. In return for commercial privileges in his domains and in Sicily, should he acquire it, and a share in his conquests in the Algarve and Africa, Pisa promised within forty days to provide ten armed galleys for four months in his service in Italy and Africa.10 Pisa's action evidently persuaded Marseilles to follow suit. As the imperial throne was vacant, the city's envoys recognized Alfonso X as emperor at Segovia on 12 September and on the next day concluded an alliance with Castile. While the king promised to defend the city against its enemies, Marseilles pledged ten galleys for three months of service in the western Mediterranean both against Christians and the Saracens of Africa. Although Charles of Anjou controlled Marseilles, the city effectively broke with him at this point.11

The Double Election of 1257 Recognition by Pisa and Marseilles was insufficient to assure Alfonso X of the imperial crown; that would come only after he was duly elected by the German princes. Soon after the Pisans acknowledged him, the king sent his envoy to France to enlist the backing of Louis IX, and then to Germany to win over the electors.12 Alfonso X's principal rival, Richard of Cornwall, brother of King Henry III of England, had already expended great sums to gain support and accepted the offer of the imperial crown from German envoys at Christmas 1256. The election, set to take place at Frankfort on 13 January 1257, was a disorderly affair. Alfonso X's supporters Archbishop Arnold of Trier and Duke Albert of Saxony excluded from the city Archbishop Conrad of Cologne, who was committed to Richard of Cornwall. Undaunted, Conrad held an election outside the city. In his own name and those of Gerhard, Archbishop of Mainz, and Ludwig of Bavaria, the Count Palatine, he elected Richard.13 Richard reported that Ottakar, King of Bohemia, sent his envoys to give his consent to the election, but there seems to be no basis whatever for that statement.14

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Refusing to accept this decision, Archbishop Arnold of Trier convened another meeting for Palm Sunday, 1 April. According to the Castillans, Pope Alexander IV urged and indeed commanded the election of Alfonso X. On the king's behalf, Archbishop Arnold reportedly offered 20,000 marks to the king of Bohemia, the duke of Saxony, and the margrave of Brandenburg, for their votes. Then, together with the procurators of Saxony and Brandenburg who were present, the archbishop elected the king of Castile. Ottakar of Bohemia, afirstcousin of Alfonso X, also seems to have consented to this election.15 Alfonso X later argued that he had been elected "by the greater and wiser part of the German princes."16 In fact, the princes had divided their votes, allowing both the duke of Cornwall and the king of Castile to claim victory. No one imagined that their dispute would continue for fifteen years.17 Richard gained a small advantage by going to Germany to be crowned by the archbishop of Cologne on 17 May 1257 at Aachen. When Alfonso X complained to Henry III, he replied that he had not aided his brother against Castile, even though Richard had been duly elected and crowned. When pressed further, the English king declared forthrightly that he would stand with Richard.18 German representatives officially informed Alfonso X of his election on 18 August at Burgos. Bishop Eberhard of Constance, the head of the delegation, recorded that he read to the assembled court, which included envoys of the kings of Bohemia, Aragón, Hungary, France, Navarre, and Portugal, papal letters recommending Alfonso X to the electors. No such letters are extant; if they were they would indicate that Alexander IV had shown his preference for the king of Castile, but an Italian chronicler stated that the pope did not wish to favor one candidate over the other.19 The pope may have concluded that Alfonso X was the preferable candidate because Richard's election would divert English resources to the empire, and weaken Henry Ill's commitment to place his son Edmund on the Sicilian throne, but all this is supposition. However that may be, Alfonso X requested time to consider the German proposal, but to no one's surprise he formally accepted the election three days later.20 He later declared that he had done so on "the counsel of the illustrious kings of France, Hungary, Aragón, Portugal, and Navarre." He emphasized that he was not moved by the ambition to rule broader lands or to enjoy greater power or riches, but rather by the desire to conserve the state of the empire in peace, justice and liberty.21 This statement implied that Louis IX of France, Bela IV of Hungary, Jaime I of Aragón, Afonso III of Portugal, and Thibault II of Navarre all coun-

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seled him to accept the crown of the Holy Roman Empire. Perhaps they did so, thinking that the pope wished it, but Jaime I, for one, later expressed reservations about Alfonso X's imperial ambitions. The Castilian monarch also asked for prayers, expressing the hope that God "who appointed us to rule over so many lands and peoples" would enable him to rule for God's glory and the utility of the people. In the expectation that he would soon come to Germany, the towns of Worms and Speyer formed a confederation on his behalf, but for the time being he pressed his claims from afar.22 He established an imperial court by appointing Albert, lord of Vienne, as seneschal; Henry, bishop-elect of Speyer, as chancellor; and his own first cousin Henry, duke of Brabant, as imperial vicar. Bandino Lancia, the Pisan ambassador, now appeared as Prothonotary of the Holy Roman Empire. 23

The Norwegian Alliance With the intention of furthering the African crusade and his imperial quest, Alfonso X also sought an alliance with Norway. The royal chronicle tells a fantastic tale to the effect that because Queen Violante had failed to produce an heir, the king was thinking of putting her aside and seeking the hand of the king of Norway's daughter, Kristin. By the time Kristin arrived in Spain, Violante had borne children, so Alfonso X handed the Norwegian princess over to his brother Felipe. This story has always been suspect and the truth appears to be otherwise.24 The possibility that Alfonso X would assert claims to the imperial throne after the death of Conrad IV probably caused King Haakon IV of Norway to probe Castilian intentions. An alliance with the king of Castile, should he become emperor, might be useful in helping to guarantee a steady supply of imported grain so necessary for the Norwegian people. Hitherto England had been the chief supplier, but as prices were rising a supplementary supplier such as Castile, which might eventually become the primary one, would be desirable. Haakon IV probably also hoped that once Alfonso X secured the imperial crown, he would assist Norway in gaining control of Lübeck, the imperial city, with access to plentiful Baltic grain. While an alliance with Norway might enhance Alfonso X's influence in northern Europe and so strengthen his imperial designs, his principal expectation was that the Norwegians would provide him with naval assistance for his proposed crusade in North Africa. 25

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A Norwegian embassy arrived in Castile toward the end of 1255 and was there when the Pisans recognized Alfonso X as emperor the following March. When the Norwegians returned home in the fall, the Castilian ambassador accompanied them with a proposal to establish the "strongest ties of friendship" with King Haakon IV. Alfonso X suggested that one of his brothers should marry the Norwegian's daughter Kristin. Haakon IV realized that if he agreed he ran the risk of offending Richard of Cornwall and possibly causing an adverse effect on Norway's commercial ties with England, but he gave his consent about a month after Alfonso X's election as emperor.26 Leaving Norway early in the summer of 1257, Kristin and her retinue sailed to Yarmouth, England, and thence to Normandy. Welcomed by Louis IX, she then made her way overland to Catalonia, where Jaime I received her warmly. Infante Luis and Bishop Pedro Fernández of Astorga joined her at Soria on 22 December and accompanied her to Burgos where she celebrated Christmas in the monastery of Las Huelgas. Alfonso X met her at Palencia and on 4 January 1258 brought her to Valladolid, where he was holding the cortes. A "numberless force of knights, barons, archbishops, bishops, and both Christian and infidel envoys" came out to greet them at the city gates. After the king described the qualities of his eligible brothers, Kristin chose Felipe, who, although he was archbishop-elect of Seville, wished to give up the clerical life and promptly did so. They were betrothed on Ash Wednesday (6 February) and the marriage was solemnized at Valladolid on 31 March, the Sunday after Easter, probably after the conclusion of the cortes. Kristin unfortunately died childless in 1262 and the Norwegian-Castilian alliance she symbolized also failed to bear fruit.27 The Norwegian princess had arrived at Valladolid while Alfonso X, preoccupied with the empire and the proposed assault on North Africa, was meeting with the cortes soon after the New Year. He likely took special pride in announcing that he had been elected emperor and probably asked the cortes for a subsidy to finance this exciting new venture. The evidence for this is a double moneda paid in 1259, consisting of one moneda owed by right because the time for collection had arrived and another given him in aid of "the affair of the empire." The first moneda was a tax payable every seven years, while the second was an extraordinary levy of the same amount to be used to finance his imperial aspirations.28 The money pledged by the cortes enabled the king in the fall of 1258 to confer money fiefs of 10,000 maravedís each on several German princes

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who became his vassals at Segovia: Duke Hugh of Burgundy; Duke Henry of Brabant, who was promised another 10,000 if he won over other princes; and Count Guy of Flanders. Early in the next year Frederick, Duke of Upper Lorraine, was appointed Grand Seneschal beyond the Rhine, with an annual revenue of 10,000 maravedís.29 All these men except Frederick were recorded as vassals confirming Alfonso X's privileges. Quite possibly the king also offered money to the dukes of Luxembourg, Brunswick and others.30

The Latin Empire of Constantinople Among the other beneficiaries of Alfonso X's generosity was Marie de Brienne, wife of Baldwin II, the Latin Emperor of Constantinople. In his continual effort to prop up his tottering empire, Baldwin II, visiting Castile in 1246, had entered an agreement with the Order of Santiago for military assistance. Alfonso X, then Infante, authorized the master of Santiago to take a company of knights to the east, but as Baldwin II was unable to finance this expedition nothing came of it. As his financial situation worsened, he mortgaged his son Philip of Courtenay to Venetian bankers, who had him in their custody from before January 1258 and released him before 1 May 1261.31 Marie de Brienne, according to the Venetian historian Marino Sañudo, persuaded Alfonso X at some uncertain date to ransom her son; the king also promised to give one of his daughters in marriage to the prince.32 The account of these events given in the royal chronicle is confused and may represent the distorted tradition remembered in the Castilian court in the early fourteenth century. In a chapter whose chronology is hopelessly jumbled, the chronicle recorded the arrival at Burgos of the empress of Constantinople whose husband supposedly was held prisoner by the Turks. The pope and the king of France each had already given her a third of the ransom money, but hearing of Alfonso X's generosity, she asked the remainder from him. Assuring her that he would give her the entire amount, he told her to return the money to the pope and the French king. Overjoyed, she accepted and spread his fame far and wide, so much so that the German princes elected him emperor.33 The empress in question was Baldwin II's wife Marie de Brienne, the daughter of John of Brienne, formerly king of Jerusalem and emperor of Constantinople. Marie's mother Berenguela, a sister of Fernando III, mar-

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ried John at Burgos in 1224. Thus Marie was a first cousin of Alfonso X and her three brothers, Alphonse, Count of Eu, Louis, Count of Beaumont, and Jean, Count of Montfort, as vassals regularly confirmed royal charters from 1255 to 1274. As her husband's agent, seeking financial and military support for the Latin Empire, Marie was in western Europe from the middle of 1249. More than likely she accompanied her relatives, Guy of Flanders, Hugh of Burgundy, and Henry of Brabant, on their journey to Castile in the fall of 1258. While each of them, as noted above, became a vassal of Alfonso X and received a money fief, Marie probably obtained a promise of financial aid in ransoming her son. While the king's gesture was surely intended to demonstrate his concern for the Latin Empire and so to win favor with the papacy, the royal chronicle was probably pleased to be able to cite Alfonso X's offer (made probably after his election as emperor) as an example of his extravagance.34 Alfonso X's expenditure of great sums of money not only at this time but for more than fifteen years thereafter prompted Jofré de Loaysa to remark that the king incurred almost unbelievable expenses and had "to ask the men of the kingdom for servicios and to impose unaccustomed levies upon them." The royal chronicle also reported that his quest for empire "brought great poverty to the kingdoms of León and Castile."35 His passionate determination to obtain the imperial crown forced him constantly to increase his request for taxes and ultimately drove his subjects into rebellion.

Guelfs Versus Ghibellines Alfonso X initially restrained his ambition to rule Sicily, but his interest was renewed after Henry III of England, who had accepted the Sicilian crown from the papacy on behalf of his second son, Edmund, had to withdraw for lack of funds in 1258. The king of Castile's great rival in Italy was Frederick IPs illegitimate son Manfred, who, after first posing as regent for Conrad IVs son Conradin, assumed the Sicilian crown in August 1258. As he strove to extend his influence into Tuscany and Lombardy, Manfred aroused the animosity of Alfonso X, who was attempting to strengthen his own position there. Alfonso X's earliest allies, Pisa and Marseilles, defected in 1257, but following these setbacks, he entered an alliance with Ezzelino da Romano, the Ghibelline leader of Padua, who was fearful of Manfred's ambitions.

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The Castilian king urged the citizens of Padua to send their representatives to him when he arrived in Lombardy, apparently on his journey to Rome. 36 He also admonished Siena, a Ghibelline town faced by a hostile Florence, to be wary of the blandishments of Richard of Cornwall, who had usurped a right that he had not gained by election and rashly put himself forward as king of the Romans. Stressing his determination to press his imperial claims as vigorously as possible, Alfonso X announced that his envoys would soon arrive in Italy. He apparently hoped to benefit from discussions with the Patriarch of Grado who arrived in Castile in October 1258 with instructions from the pope.37 Although some chroniclers reported that Alexander IV had favored Alfonso X's election, the pope could only view with alarm the Castilian alliance with the Ghibellines in northern and central Italy.38 Nevertheless, in order to further his cause both in Germany, where Richard seemed to be gaining support, and in Italy, Alfonso X evidently decided to go to Rome to be crowned by the pope.39 Inasmuch as Richard also wished to be crowned in Rome, Alexander IV sent his legates to him and to Alfonso X to dissuade them from appearing personally at the papal court. To convince the pope of the justice of his claims, the king sent his brother Manuel, Archbishop Remondo of Seville, and Master Juan, archdeacon of Compostela, to Rome, but Alexander IV refused to make any commitment to either candidate.40

The Cortes of Toledo, 1259 The quest for the imperial crown was the reason for the king's convocation of the cortes to Toledo at the close of 1259. He declared on 6 February 1260 that "we thought it well to hold our cortes in the noble city of Toledo concerning the affair of the empire." Later he also noted that he had held "our cortes in Toledo concerning the affair of the empire." 41 What precisely was determined concerning the empire is largely a matter of conjecture. Before he could go to Rome to be crowned he would need to set domestic affairs in order and assure peace with his neighbors. While continuing his diplomacy abroad he may also have wished to exhibit the magnificence appropriate to his imperial rank not only to his own subjects but also to the many foreign lords who were now his vassals. In addition, he may have chosen this occasion to proclaim his hegemony over the entire Iberian peninsula, as discussed in Chapter 10.

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Until this time Jaime I of Aragon seems to have been generally supportive of his son-in-law's ambitions; at least he gave no outward sign of opposition, but as Alfonso X's intention to lord it over the Iberian peninsula became more apparent, the king of Aragon decided to object. In the fall of 1259 he appointed a procurator to oppose any pretension to superiority over the kingdom of Aragon that Alfonso X might put forward as emperor of the Romans. 42 Furthermore, by agreeing to the betrothal of his son Pedro to Manfred's daughter Constance, the king of Aragon recognized Manfred's ascendancy in Italy and implicidy denied whatever claim Alfonso X might have to Sicily and whatever influence he might have in Tuscany. Alfonso X could not have been pleased by the defection of his father-in-law and complained that "no one in the world ever received such a great injury from another as we have received from you." Jaime I's response is unknown.43 Though unrelated to the imperial affair, the arrival at the Castilian court in the spring of 1261 of ambassadors from Baybars, the Mameluke Sultan of Egypt, bore witness to Alfonso X's growing reputation in the Mediterranean world. In the summer of the previous year, the Mamelukes won a great victory over the Mongols, effectively preventing them from overrunning Syria and forming a coalition with the crusader states against Islam. Following that triumph, Baybars seized power in Egypt and now sought to consolidate his position by securing recognition from various rulers, including Manfred and Alfonso X. The Egyptian envoys offered many exotic gifts to the king of Castile, including a giraffe, a zebra, and the skeleton of a crocodile. In addition to the advantage of being accepted as a legitimate ruler in the Mediterranean, Baybars also hoped to develop trade relations with Castile and the other peninsular states. Jaime I allied with him in the following year.44

The Ascendancy of Manfred Meanwhile, the death of Ezzelino da Romano in September 1259 deprived Alfonso X of an ally and facilitated Manfred's triumph in central Italy. The threat that Manfred represented to Tuscany prompted the Guelf city of Florence to seek assistance from both Alfonso X and Richard of Cornwall in the summer of 1260. The famous poet and scholar Brunetto Latini headed the embassy to Castile, as he tells us in his Tesoretto. On his journey homeward, he learned that Manfred's Ghibelline allies had defeated the

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Florentines and the Guelf League at Montaperti in September.45 A triumphant Manfred now sent his vicars to Lombardy and Tuscany and in 1261 he was elected senator of Rome. At that point Alfonso X's position in Italy had practically been erased. As the rising star in the central Mediterranean, Manfred also welcomed Baldwin II after the fall of Constantinople in 1261 and posed as his protector. Pope Urban IV proclaimed a crusade against the conqueror of Constantinople, the Byzantine emperor, Michael VIII Paleologus, and urged Alfonso X and the Castilian church to support it. In 1262 the Castillan clergy responded negatively to the papal appeal for money for the recovery of Constantinople, pleading poverty as a consequence of previous papal efforts to tax them and their continuing contribution to the Castilian reconquest, an attitude that Urban IV could only lament.46 In the spring of 1263, Baldwin II came to Castile seeking help; according to the Venetian chronicler, Alfonso X promised to send troops, but did nothing. More than likely he was still more concerned with his own policy in Africa and probably doubted the wisdom of committing himself to any serious effort to restore Baldwin II. 47 However that may be, Infante Felipe, sensing an opportunity for adventure and surely acting with the king's consent, proposed to lead an expedition to the Latin Empire, but nothing came of it.48

The Imperial Debate The debate between Alfonso X and Richard of Cornwall continued in the meantime. Although both men had hitherto opposed submitting their claims to papal arbitration, when Urban IV indicated his willingness in April 1262 to hear the dispute, Alfonso X appointed new envoys to present arguments on his behalf.49 After denying Richard's claim that Alexander IV had resolved the issue, Urban IV informed the king that the case would be considered in May 1264.50 By that time Richard and Henry III had been taken prisoner by the English barons, so the pope postponed the meeting until St. Andrew's Day in 1265, but his death in October threw all into confusion.51 Alfonso X's preoccupation with the Mudejar uprising from June 1264 until two years hence also prevented him from actively pursuing the matter. The new pope, Clement IV, was disinclined to encourage Alfonso X, and urged Archbishop Remondo of Seville to persuade him "to withdraw

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from the business of the empire of the Romans." Ignoring that suggestion, Alfonso X sent his representatives to Rome by 30 November 126s when his dispute with Richard was to be heard; Richard, who had just recovered his liberty, was not represented, thereby causing another lengthy postponement. Only in April 1266 did Clement IV, pressured by the Castillans, set a new date for the Friday after the Epiphany in 1267.52

Charles of Anjou and Infante Enrique If Clement IV did not want Alfonso X as emperor, it was also clear that he intended to undercut his influence in Italy and to deny Infante Pedro of Aragón's claims to Sicily. Determined to assure the independence of the papal states and to bring Manfred down, the pope persuaded Charles of Anjou, a brother of Louis IX, to accept the Sicilian throne and the role of papal champion. After being crowned as king of Sicily, Charles defeated and killed Manfred at Benevento in February 1266. Manfred's death was a blow to the Ghibellines, but it also gave Charles the opportunity to establish himself as the dominant personage in Italy. Alfonso X, while taking some satisfaction from the elimination of his rival, could not have been pleased by Charles of Anjou's triumph. Thinking perhaps that a closer alliance with the Latin Empire of Constantinople would gain him papal favor, the king of Castile attempted to arrange the marriage of his daughter Berenguela to Philip of Courtenay. Nevertheless, Clement IV denied a dispensation primarily because Philip and his father, the deposed Emperor Baldwin II, had been under Manfred's protection. Any association with Manfred was suspect in the pope's mind, but he also probably concluded that Alfonso X expected to use the alliance to further his ambitions in Italy rather than commit himself to a major effort to recover the Latin Empire.53 Alfonso X likely was annoyed to learn that his estranged brother Enrique, who had spent several years in the service of the emir of Tunis, now appeared in Italy as an ally of Charles of Anjou and lent him a substantial sum of money.54 On the pretext of facilitating the recovery of Constantinople, Enrique proposed marrying Manfred's widow, a daughter of the despot of Epirus, but the plan fell through. Charles may have realized that Enrique was an adventurer who might use the marriage to establish himself as the Ghibelline heir to Manfred's ambitions.55 Nor was Clement IV receptive to Enrique's designs on Sardinia, once held by Frederick II's son

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Enzo, but now dominated by Pisa and also claimed by Jaime I of Aragón. The pope, with the intention of diverting Enrique from Italy, tried to arrange his marriage to a daughter of Jaime I and suggested that they join Louis IX's crusade to the Holy Land.56 Denied Sardinia which he believed Clement IV and Charles had promised him, and refused repayment of his loan to Charles, Enrique concluded that there was nothing to be gained by aligning himself with the pope and the Angevins. For his part, Clement IV, still hoping to be rid of Enrique (especially after he was elected as senator of Rome in 1267), suggested a reconciliation between Alfonso X and his brother, but Enrique remained firmly entrenched in Rome. When Frederick IPs grandson Conradin entered Italy, Enrique received him in Rome in July 1268, as the true heir to the Hohenstaufen legacy. Enrique's brother Fadrique, also in exile from Castile in the service of the emir of Tunis, now stirred up Sicily in Conradin's favor. 57 When Charles of Anjou triumphed over the Ghibellines at Tagliacozzo in August, both Enrique and Conradin fell into his hands. While Conradin was executed, Enrique was thrust into prison where he remained until he escaped and returned to Castile in 1293. Fadrique retired to Tunis.58 Disturbed that a member of his family—even one whom he had sent into exile—should be held captive, Alfonso X demanded an explanation from Charles, who replied that Enrique's crimes were so great that he could not be allowed to go unpunished.59 Apparently satisfied that he had defended the family honor, Alfonso X did not press the issue. Whether he liked it or not, he had to recognize that for the time being Charles of Anjou was in the ascendant throughout Italy. Alfonso X had further cause for irritation when Philip of Courtenay's marriage to Charles of Anjou's daughter was arranged in May 1267. Not surprisingly, the Castilian king did not respond when Charles, dreaming of the recovery of Constantinople, reminded him of his earlier promise to send troops to aid Baldwin II. 60

The Empire in Litigation After litigation concerning the imperial throne had been left in abeyance for nearly a year and a half, Clement IV agreed to hear arguments after the Epiphany in 1267. Recounting the confusion surrounding the electoral process in 1257, the Castilians complained that Richard had not been elected legitimately because he bribed the electors. Thus, despite his coro-

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nation, he had no right to be called king of the Romans. Alfonso X, on the contrary, was the candidate preferred by the papacy, because, so it was alleged, Pope Alexander IV had urged the electors to choose him.61 Although Clement IV allowed time for gathering further evidence, his letters indicate that he did not believe that Alfonso X's claims were well-founded; indeed, it would seem that he hoped that the king would withdraw. The pope took advantage of the illness of one of the Castilian procurators and the murder of another to postpone any further argument until 1 June 1269.62 The death of the pope in November 1268 and the ensuing interregnum of three years, however, once again brought the judicial process to a halt.

The Ghibellines of Lombardy During the papal vacancy, the king of Castile challenged Charles of Anjou's growing ascendancy throughout Italy. Recognizing the need for allies, Alfonso X apparently reached an accommodation with Aragon, accepting Infante Pedro's claims to Sicily while directing his own efforts toward Lombardy and Tuscany. In two years of intense diplomatic activity, he tried to gather supporters there. His efforts met with success when the Ghibellines from the Lombard cities of Milan, Pavia, Parma, Vercelli, Tortona, Novara, Lodi, and Piacenza gathered at Pavia in 1271 and agreed to conclude a formal alliance with him.63 His cause also received a substantial boost when William, marquess of Montferrat, formerly an adherent of Charles of Anjou, broke with him and offered to become an ally of Castile. To cement the alliance, Alfonso X agreed to the marriage of his daughter Beatriz and William. Accompanied by representatives of the Lombard towns, William sailed for Spain on 24 August 1271 and the marriage was solemnized at Murcia a few days later. Also at that time William's daughter Margaret was betrothed to Infante Juan, third son of the Castilian monarch.64 Alfonso X was also reported ready to hedge Charles of Anjou about with a series of marital alliances in Italy and farther afield. It was said that he planned to marry one of his daughters to Count Thomas of Savoy, the other leading noble in northern Italy; another daughter would be offered to the duke of Bavaria; a niece would wed the Sardinian judge of Arborea. In order to thwart Angevin plans to assault the Byzantine Empire, Alfonso X also proposed the marriage of still another daughter to the son of

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Michael VIII Paleologus. Whether any of this was more than mere rumor is difficult to say.65 Even more extraordinary was the idea of enlisting the Mongols against the Angevins. Following the fall of Antioch to the Mamelukes of Egypt in 1268, the Mongols suggested an alliance to Jaime I. At Christmastime, Alfonso X advised his father-in-law not to trust them, but in the spring of 1269 Jaime I agreed to lead a crusade against the Mamelukes. Although Alfonso X refused to participate, he was said to have offered an illegitimate daughter as a wife to the Mongol Khan, if he would bring his forces against the Angevins.66 As a result of his alliance with the Lombards, in October 1271 Alfonso X announced his firm intention to pursue the imperial crown and to send two thousand men to Lombardy by 1 May in the next year. William of Montferrat, now designated as his imperial vicar for Lombardy, returned to Lombardy in January 1272 but the Castilian army failed to appear as scheduled.67 When the papal interregnum came to an end in September 1271 the new pope, Gregory X, announced that his principal goal was to achieve the liberation of the Holy Land. In order to do so he was intent upon the pacification of western Europe so that its united resources could be directed to the east. He had no inclination to perpetuate Alfonso X's quarrel in Italy with Charles of Anjou and in Germany with Richard of Cornwall. Nevertheless, Alfonso X was elated when he learned of Richard's death on 2 April 1272, for at last the imperial crown seemed firmly in his grasp. With an air of confidence, he asked the pope to set a date for his imperial coronation, to revoke any previous aas prejudicial to his imperial rights, and to forbid the German electors to conduct a new election. To the king's surprise, Gregory X rejected his requests on 16 September. Emphasizing that Alfonso X had never made any attempt to take possession of the empire and had never demonstrated that he had been duly elected, the pope concluded that he had no better right now than he had had fifteen years before. Richard's death did not enhance Alfonso X's claims in the slightest.68 Indeed, the German princes, encouraged by the pope, proceeded to a new election, choosing Rudolf of Habsburg on 1 October 1273. When the Second Council of Lyons opened in May of the following year Gregory X acknowleged him. Although contemporaries did not realize it, the Great Interregnum, that anomalous period in the history of the Holy Roman Empire effectively extending from the death of Frederick II in 1250, was at an end. So

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too were any chances that Alfonso X had of making good his claim to be emperor. All the maneuvering of the past fifteen years had produced nothing, but the death of Richard of Cornwall and the recruitment of allies in Lombardy gave Alfonso X hope that his time had finally arrived. The next chapter will examine the revolt of the Castilian nobility, which delayed the king's plans to go to Lombardy and to persuade the pope to accept him as emperor.

14. The Revolt of the Nobles and the Journey to the Empire

In the course of his long reign Alfonso X's innovations in matters of law and taxation provoked a growing hostility among the estates of the realm, but especially among the nobility. In his early years, some nobles rebelled because ( "perceived personal slights. The struggle in the latter part of the reign focused on constitutional issues of a more general nature. The concept of royal power exemplified in the new royal law codes was often at variance with the older medieval notion of a delicately balanced relationship between the king and his people, each having recognized rights and obligations. The king's right to adjudicate litigation in accordance with Roman law, rather than customary law, was now to be disputed, as was his right to levy extraordinary taxes to carry out his responsibilities rather than to be content with traditional sources of revenue. In the midst of this debate the king was anxiously trying to prepare for his journey to the empire.

Agitation and Conspiracy Tensions became manifest when the nobility protested the extravagance of the wedding of Infante Fernando de la Cerda, the heir to the throne, in 1269. Nevertheless, the magnates consented to the taxation of their vassals to enable the king to complete the reconstruction of Murcia and to pay their stipends. When he went to Murcia in February 1271, the nobles assembled at Lerma under the leadership of his brother Felipe and conspired actively against him while maintaining a façade of cordiality in order to allay his suspicions. The death in April 1272 of Alfonso X's arch-rival for the imperial crown, Richard of Cornwall, the development of new alliances with the Lombards, and the end of the papal interregnum gave the king reason to believe that his long-planned journey to the empire would

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now bear positive results and he asked Pope Gregory X to set a date for his imperial coronation.1 The principal source of the ensuing events is the royal chronicle, which from chapter 20 onward follows a straightforward narrative that is reasonably accurate in terms of chronology and the king's itinerary. In relating the later years of the reign the chronicle seems based on a contemporary account of events and includes various documents that likely came from the royal chancery.2 Full of expectation and enthusiasm, Alfonso X summoned the cortes to Burgos in the fall of 1272 "concerning the business of sending knights to the Roman empire."3 His intention was to set his kingdom in order so that he could fulfill his pledge to send troops to the Lombards, but just when he hoped to bring to a happy conclusion his pursuit of a prize that had eluded him for so long, malcontents among the nobility challenged him directly. Fortified by stipends received from taxes then being levied, the nobles gathered men, horses, and arms and renewed their efforts to secure allies. Infante Felipe again visited Henry I of Navarre, while other envoys were sent to the kings of Granada, Morocco, and Portugal, urging them to wage war against Castile. Good relations between Afonso III of Portugal and Alfonso X had been established in 1267, so there was little likelihood that the barons would derive any comfort from that quarter, but Ibn alAhmar was irritated by Alfonso X's continued backing of the Banü Ashqilülä, and in July a contingent of Benimerines landed in the peninsula, a sign of things to come. Abü Yüsuf, the Moroccan emir, and his son cAbd al-Wahid sent letters to Felipe, Ñuño González de Lara, Lope Díaz de Haro, Esteban Fernández de Castro, Gil Gómez de Roa, and Simón Ruiz de los Cameros, which eventually fell into the king's hands and were included in his chronicle. The Marinid ruler repeated accusations that Alfonso X issued false coinage, violated the good fuero that the nobles had used from antiquity, caused prices to rise, and removed curbs on merchants. Denouncing "Alfonso of the wrongs," Abü Yüsuf pledged to support the nobles and invited Ñuño to send his son to him, promising to make him king of the Christians in Morocco.4 While returning from Murcia at the end of August 1272, Alfonso X learned that the magnates were awaiting him, so that all outstanding issues could be resolved. Accompanied by his brother Fadrique who had returned from exile in Tunis in February, the king continued on to Lerma, where Ñuño González de Lara, Lope Díaz de Haro, Simón Ruiz de los

Figure 6. Abü Yüsuf, the emir of the Benimerines, is defeated in Morocco by Christian knights bearing the banner of Holy Mary. Cantigas de Santa María, ι8ι. Escorial, Ms T.i.j.

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Cameros, Fernán Ruiz de Castro, Esteban Fernández de Castro, Alvar Díaz de Asturias, "with great troops of cavalry, all armed and making a great riot" came to meet him. The king was astounded, "because they did not come as men coming to their lord, but as those seeking their enemies." When he reached Burgos early in September the nobles, rather than enter the city, confronted his representatives. The nobles protested that they and their vassals were compelled to be judged by fueros that the king had given to the towns in which they resided, and that he did not maintain alcaldes de Castilla or noble judges in his court to adjudicate their suits. These objections apparently were prompted by the application of the Fuero real in the Castilian and Extremaduran towns and the Espéculo (or, in its more developed form, the Partidas) in the royal court. The demand for noble judges was an assertion of the principle of trial by peers and an implied objection to the presence of Roman legists in the royal tribunal. The king responded that the nobles would enjoy their fueros as they had in the time of his predecessors and that they would not be judged according to municipal fueros unless they wished. He also promised that even though he had good judges in his court, he would name others of Castile. To the personal complaint of Infante Felipe that his wife had been done out of her inheritance when the widowed queen of Sancho II of Portugal, Mencia López de Haro, had designated Fernando de la Cerda as her heir, the king declared that he could not interfere with anyone's right to freely choose an heir. The nobles also insisted that the servicios already authorized should be collected within a shorter span of time and the king should issue charters stating that these taxes were not owed as a matter of right and would not be collected again. Alfonso X agreed, but pointed out that the taxes had been granted so he could take care of expenses incurred in the war with the Moors, to pay the stipends owed to the nobles, and to prepare for his journey to the empire. As to the nobles' objection to the alcabala, a sales tax levied in Burgos, he reminded them that they had consented to it but he was willing to exempt themfrompayment. He also promised to compel royal officials to correct any injuries they had caused the nobles.5 The Leonese nobles complained that his establishment of new settlements in León and Galicia worked to their disadvantage. In 1269, for example, he founded a new town at Puentedeume in Galicia to which he gave the fuero of Benavente. He reminded the nobles that these settlements were only made in royal domain lands, but if this continued to be an irritant, he promised to put the matter in the hands of noble knights,

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townsmen, and clerics; if they found that his predecessors had not followed this policy, he would abandon it.6 Besides responding to specific grievances, the king affirmed that if any noble had a quarrel with him, he would do justice according to the "ancient fuero" used by his predecessors and that the nobles themselves would pronounce judgment. Reacting to the charge that he impoverished the realm by grants to foreigners and his expenditures concerning the empire, he argued that this brought greater honor and esteem to his people; he also reminded the nobles that they were richer than ever before because of the many gifts and favors he had given them. After conferring among themselves, the nobles announced that they were satisfied but asked him to confirm what he had said before the cortes. He agreed and summoned "the prelates and procurators of all the towns of the realm to be in Burgos at Michaelmas" (29 September). He then entered the city while the nobles took up lodgings in the surrounding villages.7 Infante Felipe, meanwhile, had gone to seek the support of the king of Navarre, but Henry I's demand for the cession of all the land east of Burgos to the Navarrese frontier was deemed excessive. Recognizing that the stability of his throne would be better guaranteed by maintaining friendly relations with both Alfonso X and Philip III of France, the Navarrese monarch avoided any commitment to the nobles. Instead, he agreed to an alliance with Castile on 25 September 1272, to be sealed by the marriage of his infant son and heir Thibault and Alfonso X's daughter Violante.8

The Cortes of Burgos, 1272 The cortes meeting at Burgos in late September 1272 was the most important of Alfonso X's reign. Queen Violante, the king's brothers Fadrique, Felipe, and Luis, and his sons Sancho, Pedro, and Juan participated, together with many others. The heir to the throne, Fernando de la Cerda, was stationed in Seville to guard the frontier. Once the "infantes, prelates, magnates, knights, nobles, and procurators of the towns" were assembled, the nobles, expressing fear for their safety, refused to enter the city unless the king granted them a truce and allowed them to bear arms. Alfonso X declared that this was "quite contrary to reason, since all men were secure in his court and had no need for a truce nor to bear arms," but as they

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persisted, he "and all the men of the realm" went to meet them at the Hospital of Burgos, not too far from the monastery of Las Huelgas, just outside the city walls. There he affirmed the pledges already made, but the magnates now escalated their demands.9 As before, they insisted on trial by peers, protesting that they should be judged in the royal court only by two alcaldes defijosdalßoor noble judges. In this they may have been influenced by developments in Aragon where Jaime I in 1265 agreed to appoint a justiciar from the ranks of the nobility to adjudicate their suits.10 Alfonso X promised to appoint noble judges, but he pointed out that none of his predecessors had ever done so, nor had they given household offices to the nobles as he had. To their insistence that he dissolve the settlements he had made in Castile he replied that they injured no one, but he would turn the matter over to those who would consider the complaint already made concerning similar settlements in León and Galicia. The nobles' demand that he replace the merinos appointed to administer justice in Castile and León with adelantados is puzzling, but must have been prompted by a desire to undermine his efforts to restore law and order in regions where the nobles themselves were disturbing the peace. He replied that he would gladly do so once the land was pacified.11 The nobles further required that he cease collecting customs duties and that he no longer collect servicios from their vassals. Emphasizing that he levied customs duties to increase his revenues as his ancestors had done, he suggested that those who received substantial sums from his treasury ought to applaud rather than censure his efforts. As to the servicios, although the magnates had given written consent to this levy at the cortes of Burgos in 1269, he was willing to excuse their vassals from payment. The final demand was a private one: Lope Diaz de Haro and his brother Diego López asked him to restore Orduña and Valmaseda which he had taken from their father Diego López de Haro many years before. The king stated his intention to commit this and all other charges that he had wrongfully deprived magnates of their estates to the judgment of a group of knights, good men of the towns, clerics, and religious, who would swear to do justice according to law. This tribunal would also hear his complaints against the nobles. According to the fuero of Castile he was entitled first to receive amends, but he declared that he wished rather to correct any wrong that he might have done before seeking redress for wrongs done to him. The king conducted himself with great skill in this exchange, so much

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so that "all those present realized that he was in the right and in accord with law and that Felipe and the magnates were making an uproar without reason." The magnates had no ready response, but it was evident that they were unwilling to yield. Therefore, he agreed to issue charters under the royal seal upholding their fueros and rights and to observe the promises he had made in the cortes. Refusing to be persuaded, the discontented magnates withdrew from the cortes, repudiated the bond of vassalage, and prepared to go into exile to the kingdom of Granada.12 In the meantime, some of the prelates tried to widen the breach between the king and the magnates, encouraging the latter in their obstinacy, thinking that in this way he would be compelled to yield. The prelates presented the king with demands "such as were not accustomed to be granted by other kings." Their demands probably concerned the continued collection of the tercias beyond the three-year period set by Clement IV in 1265, conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and royal encroachments on episcopal and monastic lordships. Who these recalcitrant bishops were is unknown, but Ballesteros is probably correct in suggesting that Archbishop Remondo of Seville, Bishops Juan of Cádiz (both friends of the king), Fernando of Córdoba, Pascual of Jaén, and Bartolomeu of Silves did not attend the cortes because of the threat of war with the Moors. The primate, Archbishop Sancho II of Toledo, Bishops Pedro Lorenzo of Cuenca (a longstanding courtier), Tello of Palencia, and Vivián of Calahorra were also among the king's close collaborators. The sees of Compostela, Burgos, Sigüenza, Avila, Cartagena, Oviedo, and Salamanca were vacant. Those remaining, who may have put forward the demands that the king found unacceptable, were Bishops Fernando of Segovia, Agustín of Osma, Pedro of Plasencia, Hermán of Astorga, Domingo of Ciudad Rodrigo, Martín Fernández of León, Fernando of Lugo, Juan of Orense, Gil ofTúy, Muño of Mondoñedo, Gonzalo of Coria, and Lorenzo of Badajoz. Whoever they were, Alfonso X became so angry that he threatened to expel them from the realm. Nevertheless, rather than disturb the peace further and arouse the enmity of the pope, he confirmed the rights and privileges that the clergy had enjoyed in his father's time. To consider the petitions of both the prelates and magnates, he appointed a commission consisting of Queen Violante and Infante Fadrique, six magnates, four knights, four bishops, four clerics, five Franciscans and Dominicans, and seventeen townsmen. The royal chronicle concludes this chapter by remarking rather vaguely that the king continued to transact business in the cortes with the magnates, knights, and procurators of the

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towns who remained with him, "according as he understood that it was to the advantage of his kingdom."13 In fact, Alfonso X confirmed the traditional customs of the nobility and the fueros of the towns, thereby modifying significantly his plan to establish a single royal law applicable throughout his realms. The Fuero viejo, codified in its present form in the reign of King Pedro the Cruel (1350-1369), after stating that Alfonso X issued the Fuero del libro to the towns of Castile in 1255, added that they judged according to this book until St. Martin's day in November, in the era 1310 [1272]. At the time of St. Martin's day, the magnates of the realm and the nobles beseeched King Alfonso to give Castile the fueros that they had had in the time of his great-grandfather King Alfonso and of his father King Fernando, so that they and their vassals might be judged according to the fuero as they used to before. The king granted it and ordered the men of Burgos to judge according to the old fuero as they used to before.14

Thus the king agreed that the nobles would be judged by their old fueros; this would seem to imply that in disputes with townsmen they would not be subject to the municipal fueros and if they appeared in the royal court they would not be judged in accordance with the norms of the Espéculo (or Partidas). He also authorized Burgos and probably the other Castilian and Extremaduran towns to whom he had given the Fuero real to use their old fueros once again. While some historians have hesitated to accept the prologue to the Fuero viejo at face value, there is good reason to do so. The chronicle made clear that Alfonso X was willing to appoint alcaldes defijosdalgoto judge the nobles according to the old fueros. Several charters dated from 27 to 31 October 1272 reveal that the king restored the old fueros to Madrid, Soria, Béjar, Cuenca, and Sepúlveda. These charters, an essential part of the towns the fueros, privileges, and franchises that they had received from his great-grandfather Alfonso VIII, his father Fernando III, and himself. He specifically declared that the urban knights should continue to enjoy gos on Martinmas. In recompense for past services, the king confirmed to the towns the fueros, privileges, and franchises that they had received from his great-grandfather Alfonso VIII, his father Fernándo III, and himself. He specifically declared that the urban knights should continue to enjoy the privileges he had given them in 1256 and 1264 concerning the exemption of their dependents from tribute and personal services, the muster of troops, and the protection of settlements.15

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The charters provide convincing evidence of the restoration of the municipal fueros and of the king's retreat from his initial intention to impose the Fuero real as a uniform code of law for all the towns. Iglesia Ferreirós has shown that the towns wished not so much to obtain the restoration of their ancient fueros as juridical ordinances, but rather as rights and privileges. As a consequence, after 1272 an ambiguous situation existed, as the Fuero real seems to have continued in use but with modifications that assured the towns of greater control of certain matters, such as the nomination of judges. 16 These concessions probably were recommended by the king's commission to attend to the petitions of the nobles and prelates. Some issues seem not to have been wholly resolved at this time. Quite possibly the commission functioned for some time after the dissolution of the cortes and suggested the proposals embodied in the Ordinance of Zamora in 1274 and in the privileges given to the clergy at Peñafiel in 1275.17 Alfonso X did not yield in this matter without obtaining a substantial advantage in return, as the royal chronicle reveals, despite its disordered chronology. According to the chronicle, on the death of an unnamed Holy Roman Emperor (probably Richard of Cornwall who died in 1272, rather than William of Holland who died in 1256), envoys informed Alfonso X at Burgos of his election and urged him to come to accept the empire. The chronicle continues: H e took counsel with his people as to how he should go to the empire. And to facilitate this, he asked the people of the realm to give him every year, until the affair of the empire was concluded, two servicios, in addition to the tributes and rents that they owed him. And all the magnates, infanzones, knights, and men of the councils of the cities and towns of his kingdoms granted it to him. 18

This segment is inserted in a chapter of the chronicle describing Fernando de la Cerda's marriage in 1269, but I doubt that it belongs there. In 1269 the nobles agreed to a tax amounting to six servicios but it was intended to "complete the business of the frontier." 19 Urged by his allies to hasten to the empire, now that Richard of Cornwall was dead, Alfonso X was anxious to obtain a tax levy from the cortes of Burgos in 1272 that would make his journey possible. In view of the controversy over the six servicios authorized in 1269, it is unlikely that the nobles now agreed to tax themselves or their dependents. The towns probably made a grant, but the amount cited above, two servicios, is incorrect. In another chapter the chronicle reported that Alfonso X

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having assembled all the men of his realms in the city of Burgos in the cortes and in a grand assembly, they, seeing that he had need of great sums in order to carry out the journey to the empire, granted him a servicio each year for a certain time in the entire realm.20 The chronicle, I think, assumes that this grant was made in the cortes o f Burgos in 1269, but there is better reason to believe that it was in 1272. Royal charters issued two years later indicate that at an unspecified date, which I believe to be 1272, the towns of Castile, León, and Extremadura, as well as the monasteries of León (and probably of Castile also) promised the king a servicio each year, the equivalent of a moneda, for as long as he thought necessary.21 This coincides with the chronicle's evidence. The concession of an annual tribute for an apparently indefinite time was a significant gain for the king and is explicable only as a grant made in exchange for something equally weighty, such as the restoration and confirmation o f the fueros.

The Exile of the Nobles As the cortes drew to a close in mid-November, the rebellious magnates, Infante Felipe, Ñuño González de Lara, Lope Díaz de Haro, Esteban Fernández de Castro, Fernán Ruiz de Castro, Simón Ruiz de los Cameros, and Alvar Díaz de Asturias, rejected the king's suzerainty, surrendering royal castles of which they had custody, and set out for the kingdom of Granada. A t some time during the year they concluded an alliance with Ibn al-Ahmar, pledging homage and fealty and collaboration against Alfonso X. A copy o f this pact was included in the royal chronicle. 22 As the nobles made their way to the frontier, they plundered the countryside despite the truce granted by the king. In protest, he reminded them o f royal favors they had received, and charged them with violating the law. H e was especially harsh with his brother Felipe, emphasizing that the "king o f Granada is an enemy o f G o d and of the faith and of the king and his kingdoms. . . . You, as the son of King Fernando and Queen Beatriz and brother o f King Alfonso, ought to better guard the lineage whence you come and the duty that you have toward it." Hoping to detach the lesser nobility from the magnates, the king declared that the rebels were acting in an unreasonable manner: "if they demanded fueros, he gave them to them, and granted them by his word in court and also by his privilege." The nobles continued their journey, however, refusing to listen to those w h o tried to reason with them. 23

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At the urging of Queen Violante, Archbishop Sancho II, and others, the king (who remained at Toledo) again pledged to confirm the fueros of the nobility and to give up the customs duties and servicios if the magnates would return to their allegiance and would determine how a servicio might be levied so that he could conduct his affairs without ruining the kingdom; he would not claim this as a matter of right or custom. He also promised to restore the estates of the rebels and to compensate Lope Diaz and Esteban Fernández for lands which they claimed, but he insisted that Esteban regularize his marriage to Aldonza Rodriguez by obtaining her family's consent and the blessing of the church. Although he pledged to arrange a truce with Granada, he was unwilling to abandon the Banü Ashqllùlâ, whose questionable loyalty undermined Ibn al-Ahmar's position. "All these things the king grants to them so that they may accompany him to the empire and serve him as they promised."24 The magnates rejected these concessions, however, and early in 1273 presented new demands, requiring the king to confirm the traditional customs and privileges of all the estates and all the people of the realm. In a sweeping objection to legists and canonists, they emphasized that suits in the royal court should be adjudicated only in accordance with traditional law by judges of Castile and León. Reiterating their position that customs duties and servicios should be abandoned because the realm was impoverished, they also insisted that moneda forera should be levied only every seven years as in the time of his father and great-grandfather, in proportion to individual income, rather than by head, and "he should never demand other tributes." Though presumably an objection to extraordinary tributes, this would impose a severe constraint on the treasury and the king's activities. Royal attempts to regulate the transhumance of sheep prompted the magnates to contend that the pasturage toll {montazgó) should be collected only as in Fernando Ill's reign, and that the recently introduced royal toll on livestock (servicio de los ganados) should be eliminated. Royal economic policies also drew fire, as the nobles argued that the list of prohibited exports (cosas vedadas) should be restricted to those of his father's time, rather than the more detailed lists set down in 1252, 1258, and 1268. The nobles' insistence that saltpits and iron mines should be exploited as in the preceding reign was probably the result of his leasing these resources to the Jew Zag de la Maleha. Objecting that the king should grant lands only to natives of the realm, the magnates declared that if he wished to show his beneficence to foreigners, he should do so from his own income. They also had the temerity to ask for their stipends from the servicio then being collected in Castile and pardon for any injury they might have

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done on leaving his service. Finally, they protested that settlements made in León and Castile, injurious both to their interests and those of the king, should be dismanded.25 Alfonso X was quite loath to accede to these demands presented so haughtily, but on the advice of the queen, the archbishop, and the infantes, he indicated his readiness to do so. Violante and her colleagues informed the magnates that once they returned to their allegiance, they, together with the other men of the realm, would have to agree on a servicio not to be taken as a matter of right or custom that would enable the king to carry on his affairs without injury to the realm. Besides admitting that royal judges would be laymen, he would grant estates only to natives of the kingdom, negotiate the issue of royal settlements in León and Galicia, restore the estates of the exiles, and observe the truce concluded with Granada at Alcalá de Benzaide. He also promised to return Alava and Vitoria to Lope Diaz de Haro, provided that Infante Fernando, who held those lands, consented. If the nobles wished, the king would summon the cortes to affirm his pledges. Thus it would seem that in his anxiety to get on with the business of the imperial crown, Alfonso X was prepared to yield on all points with the exception of extraordinary tributes, which he would require if he wished to conduct even the most ordinary affairs of government.26 When the exiled magnates and their followers, numbering about 1200, reached the kingdom of Granada, Ibn al-Aljmar received them warmly and asked them to attack the governor of Guadix, Alfonso X's ally. Soon afterward, when Ibn al-Ahmar died on 22 January 1273, the exiles assisted his son Muhammad II (1273-1302) in securing the throne.27 Responding to Alfonso X's latest overtures, the magnates let it be known that they were willing to return to his service, as did Muhammad II, provided that the Castilian ruler abandon the governors of Guadix and Málaga. Rather than do so, Alfonso X offered several alternatives, including the cession to Castile of the ports of Algeciras and Tarifa, the payment of arrears of tribute, with a future exemption for a limited term, and some accommodation for the Banù Ashqilülä.28

The Settlement at Almagro, 1273 Meanwhile, Alfonso X began to realize that there was mounting criticism of his tax program, not only from the exiles, but also from the bishops, magnates, knights, and townspeople who had remained faithful. The an-

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nual servicios, it was objected, laid waste the land, and customs duties drove up the price of cloth and other necessities. To deal with these problems, he convoked an assembly at Almagro in the Campo de Calatrava in March 1273. Almagro was selected so Infante Fernando and others stationed on the frontier could participate and so the exiled nobles could send their messengers. Those attending included Violante, Infantes Fernando, Fadrique, and Manuel, the masters of Santiago, Calatrava, Alcántara, and the Temple, fifteen magnates (including Simón Ruiz de los Cameros, who seems to have abandoned the rebels) "and other magnates, infanzones, and noble knights, and other noble knights of the cities and towns." 29 The chronicle described the decisions taken in the assembly and Alfonso X recorded them in a charter given at Toledo on 28 March 1273 after his return from Almagro. He now agreed to cancel two of the six servicios to which the nobles had consented in 1269; he had already collected two and would collect the remaining two within the year. While emphasizing that he had every right to impose customs duties so as to increase his revenues as other kings had done, he promised to levy them only during the next six years and thereafter to eliminate them entirely. The chronicle, which spoke of one servicio granted each year "for a certain time" explained that he needed these revenues in order to maintain those who would accompany him on his journey to the empire. According to the chronicle, he also confirmed the fueros and customs of Castile and León, but the royal charter did not explicitly state that.30 A compromise was effected at Almagro as moderate views prevailed. Rather than insist that the king cease collecting all extraordinary taxes, a most unrealistic stance, it was agreed that the servicios promised by the nobles in 1269 would be reduced, but the principle of taxing their dependents was maintained as they would still have to pay two final servicios. The king would also collect customs duties for the next six years, as well as the annual servicio voted by the towns in the cortes of Burgos in 1272. From these sources the king could expect a reasonable revenue for a limited term that would allow him to govern and to complete his imperial quest. While at Almagro, Alfonso X received messages from both the king of Granada and the exiled nobles. Muhammad II wished to make peace, promising to pay arrears of tribute for two years except for Málaga and Guadix which remained under the control of the Banü Ashqllülä, and to contribute a servicio of 250,000 maravedís for the journey to the empire. The nobles seemed anxious to come to terms, but Alfonso X was now no longer willing to humor them by prolonged negotiations. He accused them of making proposals that were clearly injurious to his honor, as for

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example asking him to impose "a great tribute on the realm, so that they might gain from it and the king might lose thereby the hearts of the communities." He admonished them to return to his service at once and to be prepared to accompany him on his journey to the empire. Following the assembly of Almagro, he convened the "men of the kingdom of León and those of the Extremaduras" at Avila in late April and May 1273. He explained the situation of the kingdom of Granada and the offenses of the exiles and probably also discussed his plans for the journey to the empire. Signs that the rebel faction was beginning to disintegrate also appeared, as various of their number including Fernán Ruiz de Castro returned to their allegiance, but the others forwarded new demands. Refusing to accompany the king on his journey to the empire, they insisted that they be given the tribute due from Granada to cover their expenses since their departure from the realm. They also expected the king to aid Muhammad II in crushing the Banü Ashqllùlâ. Angered by this latest intransigence, Alfonso X ordered the destruction of all houses belonging to the exiles and declared his intention to ask Jaime I to join him in waging war against Granada. Before that came to pass, Juan González, master of Calatrava, acting on behalf of Infante Fernando, whom the king had assigned to protect the frontier, negotiated with the rebels and agreed to terms "the best he could, but not according to what the king wanted." 31 In a lengthy reply to Fernando de la Cerda's request for guidance, Alfonso X indicated his displeasure with the rebels, arguing that he had not injured them nor deprived them of their fueros. Complaining that they wished only to disinherit him, he ridiculed their intelligence and the suggestion that they were acting for the good of the realm. After denouncing those who urged him to abandon the Banü Ashqïlûlâ, he emphasized that Castile had far greater forces than Granada, and also discounted the threat of invasion from Morocco, commenting that the Benimerines had far less power than the Almohads. Because the emir was busy fighting in North Africa, Alfonso X made a dangerous miscalculation, contending that the Benimerines would not invade Spain, and if they did would have difficulty in securing ships and food supplies.32 Alfonso X also confessed that while he was at Avila, "I was sick with rheum and a little fever and I was gready upset." Linking this with the king's illness following a kick in the head at Burgos in 1269, Kinkade pointed out that "the fever and watery discharge of the eyes and nose . . . were most probably related to the worsening maxillary sinusitis and eventual squamous-cell carcinoma" that would afflict the king.33 The need to reach a settlement was now more pressing than ever. Not

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only were the troops on the frontier becoming restive, but William of Montferrat reported that the king's situation in Lombardy was disintegrating. Given the state of Alfonso X's health, he had to ask Queen Violante to join Infante Fernando at Córdoba in negotiating with the rebels. The king himself travelled to Requena on the Valencian frontier where he met Jaime I, probably between 22-28 August 1273. While the king of Aragón pledged his support in case of a Moroccan invasion or war with Granada, the count of Vintimiglia and other Lombard allies urged Alfonso X to send 500 knights to Lombardy as quickly as possible. After Jaime I departed, Alfonso X fell so seriously ill that people thought he would die but, as Cantiga 235 tells us, he was cured through the intercession of the Virgin Mary. The chronicle stated that he suffered from tertian fever, recurring intermittently every other day. Though he recovered, from that time forward his health apparently deteriorated steadily and affected his behavior.34 During July Violante and Infante Fernando engaged in hard bargaining with Ñuño González de Lara, acting for the exiles and the king of Granada. It was agreed that Alfonso X would abide by the treaty of Alcalá de Benzaide, provided that Muhammad II paid 450,000 maravedís owed for the past two years and made a gift of 250,000 for the journey to the empire. He would also have to grant the Banü Ashqllûlâ a truce for two years, but that eventually proved to be a major sticking point. As for the nobles, the terms already agreed upon at Almagro were reiterated. Once informed that an accord had been reached, Alfonso X commended his wife and son and issued charters indicating his acceptance. The nobles, however, now arrogantly demanded that they be given their stipends for the previous two years because they had not ravaged the king's lands during their absence in Granada. They also insisted that he pay for 1000 knights for the journey to the empire, instead of 500, as he planned. Fearing that the agreement would collapse, Violante and Fernando urged Alfonso X to hasten to join them. After venting his wrath, the king consented and went to Seville to seal the accords. In mid-December 1273 Muhammad II pledged homage and fealty to Alfonso X, promising to pay an annual tribute of 300,000 maravedís, and, much against his will, to grant a truce for one year to the Banü Ashqllûlâ of Málaga and Guadix. In return, Alfonso X accorded him a very high honor by knighting him. The magnates were received into favor once more, pledging to join him in his imperial quest, while he in turn extended to them the concessions made to the other nobles at Alma-

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gro. The king and his advisors erred gravely, however, when they failed to seek an accommodation with the Benimerines. The Castilians assumed that because of the peace with Granada, the Benimerines would not invade Spain and if they did so they could be repulsed.35

The Regency of Fernando de la Cerda In preparation for the most important journey of his career, Alfonso X summoned the cortes to Burgos, probably in early March 1274. A passage in the royal chronicle referring to a meeting held at Toledo should rightly be assigned to the cortes of Burgos. Those present included the king's brothers and sons, Archbishop Sancho II of Toledo, the masters of the military orders, various magnates "and all the other magnates, infanzones, and knights of the kingdoms of Castile and León." Other prelates likely attended as did representatives of the towns of Castile, León, and Extremadura.36 The business of the cortes was to establish Infante Fernando as regent during his father's absence from the realm, to arrange for a retinue to accompany the king on his journey ("the matter of sending of knights to the empire of Rome"), and to obtain the financial aid to make this possible. Alfonso X reminded the assembly that the Lombards had often entreated him to come, but it was only now that he could do so, as the realm was at peace with the Moors and the rebellious magnates had renewed their loyalty. Designating as regent his son Fernando, who had already been acknowledged as heir to the throne, the king admonished him to do justice to all, and gave him the royal seals and authority to appoint all officials. The prince was also advised to continue to support the Banü Ashqïlûlâ so as to constrain the king of Granada. The responsibility for guarding the frontier was entrusted to Ñuño González de Lara as adelantado mayor. All promised to do as the king commanded and to accept Fernando as king, should anything untoward occur to his father. Perhaps at this time the king also "caused all the towns and casdes of the kingdoms of Castile and León to do homage to his grandson, Alfonso de la Cerda . . . as . . . he had arranged with the king of France." There is reason to believe that after the birth of Alfonso de la Cerda in 1270 Alfonso X and Philip III of France made a pact giving the child preference over his uncles in the matter of the succession, should Fernando predecease his father.37 The towns of Castile, León, and Extremadura and the monasteries of

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León and probably of Castile as well made a special contribution to finance the imperial journey. They had promised to give the king each year, for as long as he thought necessary, a servicio amounting to a tnoneda. Now they pledged to give him the servicio for two years so that he could carry out the affair of the empire, but in view of their great poverty, he pledged never to demand from them in the future the servicios owed for subsequent years. "We remit them to you forever, since this year you give us the servicio as stated above"; nor would he or his successors ever demand this tax as a matter of law or custom.38 The king referred, I believe, first to the promise made by the towns and monasteries in the cortes of Burgos in 1272 to give him an annual servicio for as long as he wished, but just as he was compelled to modify the tax burden of the nobility at Almagro in 1273, so now the towns and monasteries at Burgos in 1274 demanded a comparable concession. They pledged to give him two servicios in the current year, so that he would have enough money for the journey to the empire, but thereafter they would not owe a yearly servicio for an indefinite term. The king's imperative need prompted him to surrender the right to an annual servicio for the funds necessary to accomplish his immediate purpose.39 As the cortes came to a close, Talavera and Plasencia concluded an hermandad, promising mutual love and support against all enemies, "always maintaining the sovereignty of the king." More than likely the uncertainty attending his imminent departure from the realm encouraged those towns and perhaps others to take this step to defend themselves.40 Proposals for judicial reform had probably been aired in the cortes of Burgos in 1274 as a consequence of the king's confirmation of the traditional fueros two years before. Now, according to most scholars, he convoked the cortes at Zamora in June-July 1274 and promulgated an ordinance on this question. In fact he did not convene the cortes, but he did enact a law after taking counsel with prelates, religious, magnates, and alcaldes of Castile and León, that is, with the members of his court including the judges of the royal tribunal. He outlined in writing the reasons why suits were not handled more quickly, and his councillors, scribes, and lawyers, after consultation, gave a written response. After reviewing all the ideas presented, the king promulgated an ordinance divided into four parts dealing with the roles of lawyers, judges, scribes, and himself. The principal purpose of the ordinance was to specify the casos de corte, that is, cases pertaining exclusively to royal jurisdiction and to establish the structure of the royal tribunal. The ordinance responded to problems elicited in previous meetings of the cortes and reflected the changed judicial situation after the confrontation at the cortes of Burgos in 1272.41

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The Navarrese Succession Although Alfonso X now wished to attend directly to the affair of the empire, the death of King Henry I in July 1274, leaving a two-year-old girl Jeanne, as his heir, raised the distracting question of the Navarrese succession. Immediately the kings of Castile and Aragon revived earlier pretensions to Navarre, but Alfonso X, preoccupied by his imperial interests, assigned the task of pressing Castilian claims to Fernando de la Cerda. When Fernando appealed to Jaime I for help, the king of Aragón informed him that he had his own rights to Navarre, which his eldest son Pedro would maintain.42 Early in September Fernando invaded Navarre and laid siege to Viana; though he was unable to take it, he did occupy some smaller places. Meanwhile a civil war broke out in Pamplona as factions favoring Castilian, Aragonese, and French interests contended for power. In the circumstances, the queen mother took her daughter to France to seek the protection of King Philip III, who proposed that Jeanne marry his son, the future Philip the Fair. Pope Gregory X initially refused to grant a dispensation, but reacting against Castilian pressure, he changed his mind and the betrothal was announced in May 1275. Thus the basis for the personal union of Navarre and France for the next several generations was established.43

The Journey to the Empire In advance of his own journey to Lombardy, Alfonso X dispatched some 200 to 300 knights in April 1274 to his ally, the marquess of Montferrat; by November another 800 to 900 knights arrived.44 After arranging for his fleet to join him at Marseilles, the king set out in June, proceeding from Zamora to Seville and thence eastward into the kingdom of Valencia. Jaime I welcomed him to Barcelona in January 1275 and accompanied him to the French frontier.45 Although Gregory X had urged Alfonso X to give up his imperial ambitions, the king entered France and proceeded to Beaucaire where he met the pope in mid-May 1275.46 Long before this, Alfonso X knew that the pope had dismissed his claims to the imperial throne and rejected his request to be crowned. He also knew that the German electors had chosen Rudolf of Habsburg, whom the pope acknowledged as emperor in 1274. Despite that, Alfonso X asserted his own rights. His brother-in-law Edward I of England promised to aid him against Rudolf and urged the pope to acknowledge

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Alfonso X, but in vain.47 As far as the pope was concerned, Alfonso X had to give up his pretensions to the imperial throne once and for all. The Annals of Piacenza emphasized that the conference ended in discord. The Annals of Genoa reported that although the king was said to have renounced the empire, in fact he afterward continued to describe himself as king of the Romans.48 The surest evidence that Alfonso X intended to persist in his imperial quest is found in his letter to Pavia dated at Beaucaire on 21 May. Still entitling himself "Romanorum rex semper augustus," he stated that he had met with a negative reception from the pope. Alfonso X affirmed that "our special reason" for this conference was that "the world should know and all should see that the one who ought to be the fount of justice on earth, denied justice to us." Nevertheless, he pledged to pursue the affair of the empire and to come "personally and powerfully into Lombardy with scarcely any delay." To prepare the way he sent his envoy to Italy.49 Ayala Martinez argued that Alfonso X was well aware that the pope would reject his demand for recognition because everything Gregory X had said or done thus far was contrary to the king's interest. That being the case, the king's lengthy journey through the kingdom of Aragon, an indirect and unnecessary route, was intended as a propaganda ploy to demonstrate Ghibelline strength in Spain. The king's own words in his letter to Pavia make clear that his intention was to expose the pope as one who would not give him a fair hearing. The journey to Beaucaire then was essentially a matter of propaganda, whose outcome was known and expected by everyone. With the empire out of the way, Alfonso X raised several secondary issues. On his request, Gregory X asked Rudolf of Habsburg to uphold the Castilian monarch's claims to Swabia. The pope also agreed to mediate with France concerning Alfonso X's rights to Navarre. Further, Gregory X granted him the tenth of ecclesiastical revenues for the defense of his realm for six years. Finally, they discussed an agreement between Charles of Anjou and Alfonso X, whose substance is unknown.50 By the end of July the king and the pope had concluded their business. From the pope's point of view the conference ended unsatisfactorily because Alfonso X persisted in his imperial claims and intended to continue into Lombardy where his partisans were making headway against the Guelfs. Exploiting his presence at Beaucaire, Alfonso X received a renewed pledge of loyalty from a Genoese deputation and he tried to extend his influence by arranging the marriage of his brother Manuel and the

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countess of Savoy.51 Nevertheless, when the king received news of a Moroccan invasion of Castile and the death of Fernando de la Cerda in late July, he had to alter his plans and return home. The length of the king's stay at Beaucaire and his homeward journey have caused some perplexity, but the explanation is found in Cantiga 235, a very personal account of the events of these years. The Cantiga relates that he fell ill during his stay at Beaucaire, but recovered sufficiently to travel. When he reached Montpellier in August, his physicians gave him up for dead, but once again the Virgin Mary restored him to health. Thence he made his way rapidly to Castile.52 In September, meanwhile, Pope Gregory X urged Archbishop Remondo of Seville to warn Alfonso X not to continue calling himself king of the Romans. The archbishop's counsel and changed circumstances likely had their effect because the pope informed the German princes and bishops a month later that Alfonso X had "acquiesced in our wishes in the imperial affair."53 When the king reentered Castile at the end of the year, his hope of empire was entirely dashed and he was confronted with the disastrous possibility of losing his kingdom as well.

15. The Benimerines and the Succession Crisis

The Moors of Morocco had not invaded the Iberian peninsula in force since their defeat at Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212. Now in 1275 while Alfonso X was absent from his kingdom, the Banü Marin or Marinids, known to medieval Castillans as the Benimerines, crossed the Straits of Gibraltar. The Moroccan threat preoccupied Alfonso X for the remainder of his reign, as did an unexpected but concomitant issue: the succession to the throne.

The Invasion of the Benimerines Under the forceful leadership of Abü Yüsuf Ya'qüb b. cAbd al-Haqq (1258-1286), the Benimerines destroyed the decaying Almohad empire in Morocco. 1 While eliminating all rivals, Abü Yüsuf also kept one eye on peninsular affairs. As early as 1263 and again in 1272, in response to Ibn alAhmar's appeal, he sent a small cavalry force to Spain. He also expressed his sympathy for the discontented Castilian nobles and suggested that he might be able to assist them. Alfonso X was wary of the Benimerines, but after making peace with Granada and the nobles in December 1273, he convinced himself that the Moroccans were now not likely to invade Spain; even if they did, they would be unsuccessful. Acting on a similar assumption, Jaime I, thinking to advance Catalan commercial interests in North Africa, in November 1274 promised to assist the Benimerines in taking Ceuta. By seizing Tangier in 1273 and acquiring Ceuta with Catalan help two years later, the emir now controlled the traditional ports of embarcation for armies invading Spain. Dufourcq emphasized that "by his own hands" Jaime I "had . . . installed . . . Abü Yüsuf in Ceuta and that event would be disastrous for all the Christians of Spain." 2 The threat of invasion became reality after Muhammad II, the new

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king of Granada, appealed to the Benimerines. Although he had pledged homage and fealty to Alfonso X, Muhammad II realized that he had been tricked into granting a truce to the Banü Ashqïlûlâ whose autonomy undermined his authority. As a condition for his assistance, Abü Yüsuf demanded the cession of the ports of Algeciras and Tarifa to enable him to cross the Straits at will. The first contingent of Benimerines crossed from Alcácer Seguir to Tarifa in May 1275 and then raided as far as Vejer de la Frontera and Jerez.3 At the first news of the invasion, the regent, Fernando de la Cerda, after meeting with the prelates at Peñafiel in May, hastened to the frontier but died suddenly at Villarreal on 24 July 1275. He was not yet twenty years old.4 Three weeks later on 16 August Abü Yüsuf landed at Tarifa and confirmed his agreement with Muhammad II, who was reconciled for the moment with the Banü Ashqïlûlâ. While Granadan forces pillaged about Jaén, the Benimerines spread destruction far and wide along the Guadalquivir around Córdoba, Ubeda, and Baeza. Cantiga 323 records the damage done near Seville. The Murcian Mudéjars attempted to recover control of the city, but, according to Cantiga 169, the Virgin Mary thwarted them.5 To compound Castile's misfortunes, Abü Yüsuf routed Ñuño González de Lara, adelantado mayor de la frontera, at Ecija on 7 September. With grotesque exaggeration, Ibn Abi Zarc reported that the Muslims piled high the heads of 18,000 dead Christians; mounting the pile, the muezzin then recited evening prayer. An immense booty was taken. Ñuño was killed and his severed head was sent to the king of Granada as a trophy, but he returned it to Castile for honorable interment. Mindful too of the fate the reyes de taifas had suffered at the hands of the Almoravids in the eleventh century, he became quite fearful when the Banü Ashqïlûlâ recognized Abü Yüsuf as their overlord.6 A month later on 20 October, Archbishop Sancho II of Toledo, one of the sons of Jaime I, was defeated and captured near Jaén. The Moors debated whether to hand him over to Abü Yüsuf or to Muhammad II, but the governor of Málaga settled the argument by beheading the archbishop and cutting off his ring hand. Lope Diaz de Haro now caught up with the enemy, recovering the archbishop's cross and the headless body; the Moors surrendered the head and hand and the remains were sent to Toledo for burial.7 Alfonso X's second son Sancho, just seventeen years old, now rallied the Castillans, reorganized frontier defenses, and ordered afleetto blockade Algeciras, thus cutting Abü Yüsuf's communications with Morocco.

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The Muslim offensive was halted for the time being, but the destruction of lives and property was vast.8 Given these disasters, Alfonso X could not continue his ill-fated journey to the empire, but illness at Montpellier delayed his return home. To add to his grief, his youngest daughter Leonor died suddenly, as did his nephew Alfonso, the son of Infante Manuel. Once the king recovered, perhaps in September or October, he traveled as rapidly as he could to his beleaguered kingdom. In response to his plea for help, Gregory X granted him a tenth of ecclesiastical revenues and authorized Infante Manuel, who had planned a crusade to the Holy Land, to postpone his departure until the invaders were expelled.9 At Lérida in November, the king appealed to Jaime I who promised to send his son Pedro with substantial assistance, but the revolt of the Valencian Mudéjars necessitated Pedro's presence there. Edward I of England also responded positively by permitting Bayonne in Gascony to provide Castile with warships.10 When Alfonso X entered his kingdom late in 1275 he was, in the words of Bernat Desclot, "angry and ill." Although he received a warm welcome, according to Cantiga 235, it eventually turned sour.11 A two-year truce was arranged with Abü Yüsuf, who withdrew to Morocco in January 1276 after six months in Spain, but the resumption of hostilities seemed inevitable. Alfonso X met Infante Sancho and "all the magnates, knights and men of the towns who were on the frontier" at Alcalá de Henares in December 1275 and continued his discussions with them at Toledo in January. Even though many municipal militias were present, he summoned representatives from the towns of Castile and Extremadura to counsel him concerning "the affairs of the realm," and especially "the affair of the war." Seeing the gravity of the situation, the towns promised an annual moneda for three years, payable in proportion to individual income. Two knights representing Burgos hesitated to consent for lack of authorization and had to consult their constituents.12 The Question of the Succession The sudden death of Fernando de la Cerda raised another grave problem that unsettled the peace of the realm for more than thirty years. The question, in essence, was this: should Alfonso de la Cerda, the oldest son of the dead prince, be acknowledged as heir to the throne even though he was only five years old? Or should recognition be given to Sancho, then seventeen?

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The law in this matter was not fixed and immutable, but was evolving during the reign. The Espéculo (2,16,3) stated that the throne should pass to the king's oldest son, or in default of sons, to his oldest daughter. The rights of royal grandchildren were affirmed but the possibility that the king's heir might predecease him was not considered. Nor did Alfonso X refer to that situation in 1255 when he declared that "according to the general, approved custom of Spain," thefirst-bornson, or the eldest daughter, if there were no sons, should inherit the realm.13 The Partidas (2,15,2), redacted between 1256 and 1265, introduced the right of representation. Emphasizing the principle of primogeniture and condemning the idea of a partition among the king's sons, the law stated that the eldest son should inherit all his father's dominions; if the first-born died before succeeding to the throne, his son (the king's grandson) should have the inheritance. That would seem to have assured Alfonso de la Cerda's right to the throne. Nevertheless, MacDonald drew attention to another version in which the right of a grandson was set aside in favor of the king's second son. All seem to agree that this interpolation was done after 1276 in order to justify Sancho's claim, perhaps with royal authorization. Craddock added that, whereas the earlier version set the date for the termination of a royal minority at twenty, the interpolated text put it at sixteen. Thus if the king should die suddenly, there would be no need for a regency, because Sancho was already seventeen and would reach the age of twenty in May 1278.14 Aside from the legal texts, the contemporary Catalan historian Bernat Desclot noted that Philip III of France "had an agreement with the king of Castile that after the death of Fernando, his [Philip Ill's] nephews should become kings." The French historian Guillaume de Nangis indignandy condemned Alfonso X for denying the rights of the Infantes de la Cerda. If it were not for "the perfidy and innate infidelity" of "that Pharaoh" Alfonso X, who alleged the custom of the realm, Alfonso de la Cerda would have inherited Castile. Guillaume also argued that the marriage contract between Fernando de la Cerda and Blanche provided that their first-born child should inherit the throne to the exclusion of Fernando's brothers.15 In fact, the contract, concluded on 28 September 1266, while assuming that Fernando de la Cerda would succeed, did not discuss his children's rights in case he died before becoming king.16 Pedro Afonso (d. 1354), in the Crónica de 1344, echoed Guillaume, adding that when Alfonso X "went to Rome to be emperor," he caused all the towns of Castile and León to do homage to his grandson Alfonso de la Cerda. The author implies that when the cortes of Burgos in 1274 pledged

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to accept Fernando as king should his father die while out of the country, homage was also given to the child Alfonso.17 However that may be, the strongest evidence in support of Alfonso de la Cerda's rights is found in the earliest version of the Partidas (2,15,2), stating that the king's grandson, representing the direct and oldest line of succession, had an unquestioned right to the throne, should his father predecease him. While the marriage contract did not spell this out, it seems likely that Alfonso de la Cerda's rights in case of his father's death were acknowledged in the cortes of Burgos in 1274 prior to Alfonso X's journey to the empire. In view of the extraordinary circumstances prevailing in 1275, however, there was strong sentiment that the right of representation ought to be set aside and that, in accord with the older custom favoring the younger sons of a reigning monarch, Sancho, the hero of the recent campaign against the Benimerines, should be acknowledged as heir. Indeed Lope Diaz de Haro urged the king to "summon all the councils of all the cities and towns of his kingdom to send their procurators with certain powers" to do homage to Infante Sancho. When the king consulted his brother Manuel "and others of his council," Manuel, evidendy reflecting on Alfonso X's agreement with Philip III, declared: Lord, one is not cut off from the tree of kings by an agreement; nor is the one who comes according to nature disinherited thereby. If the oldest who comes from the tree dies, the branch under him ought to rise to the top. Three things there are that are not under agreement: law, king, and kingdom. Anything that is done against any one of these is not valid and ought not to be held nor observed.

Wary of again rousing the nobility by a unilateral decision and aware of the poor state of his health, Alfonso X decided to consult the cortes. Although the royal chronicle placed the assembly in Segovia, the king was not there in 1276.18

The Cortes of Burgos, 1276 About mid-May 1276, Alfonso X convened a plenary cortes at Burgos, summoning "the prelates, barons, nobles, and certain counsellors of all the cities and towns of his realm to advise him" concerning the question of the succession. A summons requiring Salamanca to send two good men to Burgos to recognize the king's heir and to respond to the king of

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France's insistence on Alfonso de la Cerda's rights was no doubt typical of all the summonses.19 According to Jofré de Loaysa, the majority of those present supported Infante Sancho. While Juan Núñez de Lara and his brother Ñuño González urged the claims of Alfonso de la Cerda, the king's brother, Infante Fadrique, Lope Díaz de Haro, Simón Ruiz de los Cameros, Juan Alfonso de Haro, and "many others and the prelates of the kingdom and all the councils and communities of Castile and León wished and petitioned that Infante Lord Sancho should reign and they offered homage to him as the future king." Bernat Desclot also reported that Alfonso X set aside his agreement with Philip III assuring the rights of Alfonso de la Cerda, and "caused all the men of the kingdom . . . to swear to his son Sancho." As Fernando had not reigned, it was argued that his son had no right to the kingship and Sancho, as the oldest surviving son of the reigning monarch, ought to inherit the throne. In his will of November 1282 Alfonso X stated that he had reverted to the "ancient law and law of reason according to the fuero of Spain" and had designated Sancho who represented a closer and more direct line of succession than the children of Fernando de la Cerda.20 Ballesteros argued that even though the cortes discussed the issue and many bishops, nobles, and towns rendered homage to Sancho, his father vacillated and the royal chancery did not designate Sancho as fijo mayor et heredero until April 1278. Nevertheless, as early as November 1276 Sancho, addressing the king, called himself fijo mayor et heredero, a rather bold action on his part if his father had not yet recognized him as such. The chancery also gave him that title at least from November 1277.21 Given the Muslim threat and his own infirmity and increasing age, Alfonso X was obviously under great pressure to resolve the issue. The fact that Alfonso de la Cerda was a child and that Sancho had recently checked the advance of the Benimerines and had substantial support required the king to commit himself to his second son at this time. His failure to do so could only have provoked a terrible uproar which he could ill afford. The testimony of Jofré de Loaysa, the Anales Toledanos III, and Bernat Desclot that Sancho was recognized as heir in 1276 is unequivocal. Nor is it credible that prelates, magnates, and towns would have pledged homage to him if the king did not wish it. The fact that Sancho appears so loyal and assiduous in carrying out his father's will at this time suggests that he was confident in his position as the king's heir and had his assurances, as well as those of the cortes, to that effect. The rejection of Alfonso de la Cerda's claims in 1276 appears to be

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confirmed by the decision of his principal supporters, Juan Núñez de Lara and his brother Ñuño González, to withdraw to France, where they pledged homage and fealty to Philip III. 22 The cortes also debated the need to subsidize the forthcoming campaign against the Moors. Although many towns in December 1275 had granted an aid for three years, Burgos postponed consent; now her representatives, after consulting the city council, probably acquiesced, as did other cities, especially as the defense of the realm required it. The prelates, assured that the king would not demand any future servicio without consent, also agreed to a levy of three aids on their vassals.23 In order to encourage urban knights to ready themselves for war, the king updated privileges granted twenty years before exempting from taxes, except monedaforera, those suitably equipped for battle as well as their dependents.24 Long after the dissolution of the cortes, continuing financial pressures caused the king to contract with several Jewish tax farmers for the collection of all arrears of taxes estimated at 1,670,000 maravedís from the campaign of Niebla in 1261 until the current year. This intensive scrutiny of royal accounts was bound to exacerbate his relations with his subjects.25

The French Domination of Navarre Meanwhile, growing French influence in Navarre gave Alfonso X serious concern. After taking Jeanne I under his protection and betrothing her to his son, Philip III advised Castile and Aragón not to intervene. Although Infante Pedro of Aragón yielded his claims, Alfonso X sent aid to Castilian partisans in Navarre. Philip III, joined by Castilian exiles, countered by advancing toward the frontier, prompting Alfonso X to issue a formal defiance and to move up to Vitoria in the fall of 1276.26 Informed of the impending clash, Pope John XXI urged Philip III to make peace.27 Before meeting on the battlefield, the two kings negotiated the outstanding issues in two treaties concluded at Vitoria on 7 November. While reserving claims to Navarre, Alfonso X agreed to a truce until Jeanne I should come of age, to restore the castles that Fernando de la Cerda had occupied, and to receive the Laras into favor again. As Philip III still demanded that the Castilian ruler abide by his earlier promise to acknowledge his grandson's rights to the throne, Alfonso X pledged to do all in his power to persuade the nobles to revoke their oath of allegiance to Sancho, a tacit recognition that the cortes of Burgos in 1276 had indeed

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acknowledged Sancho. The king would also summon his curia of prelates and nobles before Christmas 1277 to adjudicate the dispute "according to the custom and law of our realms." If the barons would not withdraw their pledge to Sancho, the king would entrust the resolution of the issue to other nobles and prelates who had not yet acknowledged Sancho. Nevertheless, since Philip III failed to ratify the treaty its terms were not implemented and the tension between France and Castile continued.28 The Execution of Infante Fadrique While at Vitoria, Alfonso X fell gravely ill and seemed at death's door, but recovered after the book of his Cantigas was laid on his body.29 The king was obviously suffering from a dread disease that despite periods of remission continued to worsen. As it did so, his actions became more extreme, to the consternation of his people. When he returned to Burgos in March 1277 he suddenly ordered the arrest and execution of his brother Infante Fadrique and Simón Ruiz de los Cameros, thereby terrifying the nobility. Fadrique was hung at Burgos while Simón, arrested by Infante Sancho, was burned at Treviño. Jofré de Loaysa reported that the king acted "on account of certain things that he knew about them." The royal chronicle used much the same language. The likelihood is that Infante Fadrique, considering the king's ill health and Sancho's comparative youth, decided to make a bid for the throne. Without mentioning either Fadrique or Simón, Cantiga 235 related that the magnates, including the king's "closest relatives, swore together that he should not be king." Although they welcomed him on his return from Beaucaire, they secredy conspired to drive him from the throne. Nevertheless, the Virgin Mary comforted him, telling him not to worry about their disloyalty. Following his recovery, the king avenged himself on God's enemies and his own: "Just as the candle burns, so also burned the flesh of those who did not want woman." These words of Cantiga 235 implied that Fadrique and Simón were homosexuals. Because homosexual acts were thought to bring disaster upon the kingdom that permitted them, the penalties were extremely harsh (Partidas, 2,21,1-2). Saddened by the loss of his oldest son and threatened by Morocco and France, Alfonso X may have felt that toleration of his brother's homosexuality could only bring further punishment from God. In any case, Fadrique's attempt to seize the crown was treasonable. Sancho recognized the threat to his own aspi-

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[ 39; Valladolid 1258, art. 34-35, 41—43; Seville 1261, art. 18-21; Jerez 1268, art. 16-17, 20,39; Fuero real, 4,5,11. 8. Maria del Carmen Carié, "El bosque en la edad media (Asturias-LeónCastilla)," CHE 59—60 (1976): 297—374; Miguel Angel Ladero Quesada, "La caza en la legislación municipal castellana. Siglos XIII a XVIII," En la España medieval ι (1980): 208—209, 211. 9. Cortes of Haro 1288, art. 16, and Medina del Campo 1302, art. 13 E, CLC, ι : 103, 164; Miguel Guai Camarena, "Para un mapa de la sal hispana en la edad media," Homenaje a Jaime Vicens Vives, 2 vols., 1:483-497; Reyna Pastor, "La sal en Castilla y León. Un problema de la alimentación y del trabajo y una política fiscal (siglos X-XIII)," CHE 36 (1963): 42-87. 10. CAX, ch. 39-41, ρρ· 30-32; MHE, 1:320, no. 140 (13 October 1276); Ladero Quesada, "Transformaciones, 338-339. 11. CODOM, 1:69-72, no. 50 (9 April 1272). MHE, 1:8-9, no. 5 (3 April 1253); Ballesteros, "Itinerario," BRAH109 (1936): 415, η. 1 (12 April 1266); González Diez, Burgos, 137—138, no. 53 (15 April 1278). 12. Vicente Martínez Morella, Privilegios yfranquezasde Alfonso X a Alicante, 14 (25 October 1252); Estai, Documentos, 104-106, no. 3 (to Orihuela, 2 January 1273); Enrique de Vedia y Goossens, Historia y descripción de la ciudad de La Coruna, 148-150, no. 7 (2 December 1255). 13. Oceja Gonzalo, Oña, 140—141, no. 162 (8 January 1256); Ferotin, Recueil, 246, no. 215 (9 January 1274); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 687 (to Cardeña, 20 March 1274); MHE, 1:117-120, no. 56 (to the see of Cuenca, 5 August 1257). 14. Fuero real, 4,6,4-5; Represa Rodríguez, "Segovia," 294 (22 September 1256). 15. Layna Serrano, Cifuentes, 267—268, no. 2 (8 March 1254), and Atienza, 502—503 (28 October 1255); Mingüella, Sißüenza, 1:593-595, no. 221 (3 July 1263); Palacio, Madrid, 1:111-112 (14 October 1272); Barrios García, Béjar, 19—20, no. 3 (8 August 1256). 16. DAAX, 388-389, no. 362 (16 April 1269); Nieto Cumplido, Orígenes, 126-130, nos. 6 (16 April 1269), 7 (3 November 1273), 8 (20 November 1281).

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Notes to Pages 118-121

17. Julius Klein, The Mesta: A Study in Spanish Economic History, 1273-1836; Charles J. Bishko, "The Castilian as Plainsman: The Medieval Ranching Frontier in La Mancha and Extremadura," in A.R. Lewis and T. F. McGann, The New World Looks at Its History, 47-69. 18. Seville 1252, art. 31-33, 43; Valladolid 1258, art. 31-32, 40, 66, 68; MHE, 1:62-63, no. 28 (22 May 1255); Ladero Quesada, 'Transformaciones, " 359. 19. DAAX, 262-264,465-466,487, nos. 238 (19 March 1261), 444 (8 December 1278), 460 (4 January 1280); CODOM, 3:76, no. 57 (18 January 1261). 20. DAAX, 420-424, no. 398 (3 October 1272); Carmen Argente del Castillo Ocaña, "Precedentes de la organización del concejo de la Mesta," in Miguel Rodríguez, Alfonso Χ, ι : 115-125. 21. DAAX, 420—424, no. 398 (3 October 1272); Argente del Castillo Ocaña, "Precedentes," ι : 122-123. 22. MHE, 1:314, no. 140 (13 October 1276); Gonzalez, Colección, 6:117-118, no. 258 (June 1270); Klein, Mesta, 256-257; Ladero Quesada, 'Transformaciones," 356-358. 23. DAAX, 420-424, no. 398 (3 October 1272); Argente del Castillo Ocaña, "Precedentes," ι : 118—120. 24. CAX, ch. 40, pp. 30-31; DAAX, 428, no. 403 (3 July 1273). 25. Klein, Mesta, 12—13; Bishko, "Castilian as Plainsman," 61; Argente del Castillo Ocaña, "Precedentes," ι : 115-125. 26. Barrios García, Béjar, 34-39, nos. 8—11 (2 September 1273); Julius Klein, "Los privilegios de la Mesta de 1273 y 1276," BRAH 64 (1914): 202-218. 27. Barrios García, Béjar, 39-41, nos. 12 (4 February 1276), 13 (24 October); Klein, "Privilegios," 217-219; MHE, 1:333—335, no. 148 (22 September 1278); J. Rodriguez Molina, "La mesta de Jaén y sus conflictos con los agricultores, 12781359," Cuadernos de Estudios Medievales 1 (1973): 77-79 (22 December 1278). Also Floriano, Cáceres, 21—22, nos. 9 (2 February 1279), 10 (22 November 1280). 28. Luciano Serrano, Cartulario de San Pedro de Arlanza, 274—275, no. 155 (27 March 1258); Ballesteros, "Itinerario," BRAH 107 (1935): 406—408, η. 2 (to San Millán de la Cogolla, 7 January 1264); Alamo, Oña, 2:719-720, no. 604 (1 August 1272); Rodríguez, Las Huelgas de Burgos, 1:478, 482-483, nos. 97 (20 October 1272), ιοί (ι8 February 1281); Ferotin, Recueil, 252-253, no. 222 (3 March 1277); Pereda Llarena, Burgos, 194-195, 231, nos. 137 (15 September 1276), 169 (8 February 1281). 29. Klein, "Privilegios," 202-218; Klein, Mesta, 12—13; Bishko, "Castilian as Plainsman," 61. 30. González Diez, Burgos, 113-116, no. 35 (12 April 1260); Ballesteros, Serìlla, cxliv, no. 137 (15 July 1264); MHE, 2:26-27, no. 176 (3 August 1280). 31. González, Fernando III, 3:387-389, no. 809; Seville 1252, art. 11, 14—16, 38; Valladolid 1258, art. 36-37; Seville 1261, art. 23-24; Jerez 1268, art. 27, 41. Also Múñoz y Romero, Colección, 317 (to Sahagún, 25 April 1255); Ureña y Smenjaud, Cuenca, 860-862 (23 August 1256) ; Represa Rodríguez, "Segovia," 290-294 (22 September 1256); Partidas, 2,7,2. 32. María del Carmen Carié, "Mercaderes en Castilla (1252—1512)," CHE 21—22 (1954): 185-192; Sánchez Albornoz, España, 2:128-129.

Notes to Pages 121—122 33.

González Diez, Burgos,

HI—113,123—124,

nos.

34 (26

September

313

1259), 39

(26 M a y 1270). 34. Layna Serrano, Atienza, 5 0 2 - 5 0 3 (28 October 1255); Antonio Collantes de Terán, "La formación de los gremios sevillanos. A propósito de unos documentos sobre los tejedores," En la España medieval 1 (1980): 101—102, nos. 1 (15 April 1280), 2 (22 February 1282); Loperráez, Osma, 3 . - 2 1 7 - 2 2 1 , no. 81 (18 May 1283). 35. Reyna Pastor, "Ganadería y precios. Consideraciones sobre la economía de León y Castilla (siglos XI-XIII)," CHE 3 5 - 3 6 (1962): 37-55· 36. Carié, "El precio de la vida," 1 3 6 - 1 3 7 , 1 4 3 - 1 4 4 ; MHE, 2:18—19, no. 170 (28 March 1280). 37. Luis Vázquez de Parga, J.M. Lacarra, Juan Uria, Las peregrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela, 3 vols., 3 : 1 1 1 - 1 1 4 , nos. 7 8 - 7 9 (6, 29 November 1254). 38. Seville 1252, art. 37; Valladolid 1258, art. 33; Seville 1261, art. 28; César González Mínguez, El portazgo en la edad media. Aproximación a su estudio en la Corona de Castilla. 39. Alamo, Oña, 2 : 6 8 1 , 7 0 0 - 7 0 1 , 7 8 1 - 7 8 2 , 789, 791, nos. 565 (24 February 1264), 587 (6 Octrober 1270), 659 (6 July 1277), 665 (16 December), 667 (8 February 1278); Sánchez Belda, Galicia, 338, no. 779 (to San Martin Pinario, 4 April 1268); González, Colección, 5:190—191, no. 60 (to Santo Domingo de la Calzada, 26 April 1 2 7 4 ) ; Pereda Llarena, Burgos, 154—155, 1 5 9 - 1 6 8 , nos. 107 (1 June 1273), 1 1 2 - 1 2 0 (12 March 1 2 7 4 ) ; Escagedo Salmón, Santillana, 1 : 1 4 7 - 1 4 8 (26 June 1273); Ferotin, Recueil, 143, no. 216 (9 January 1274). 4 0 . González, Colección, 5 : 1 7 0 - 1 7 1 , no. 51 (to Logroño, 5 November 1254); Fernández Marco, Brumes, 341—344, no. 1 (18 January 1256); González Minguez, Portazgo, 2 1 9 - 2 2 0 , nos. 3 - 5 (to Salvatierra, 1 4 May 1259); Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, 53, 58, nos. 28 (10 May 1262), 31 (16 May 1264); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 691 (to Avilés, 30 April 1274), 9 4 3 (28 July 1281), 955 (24 December 1281). 41. DAAX, 171—172, 191—192, nos. 171 (to Seville, 22 January 1256), 173 (to Carmona, 13 February); Pérez Valera, CtudadReal, 9 , 1 1 , nos. 2 (1257), 8 (10 October 127+) · 4 2 . Loperráez, Osma, 3:187—188, no. 6 4 (16 February 1259); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 1 0 9 0 , 1 0 0 6 , nos. 6 2 4 (to Cuenca, 25 February 1267), 955 ( 2 4 July 1274). 43. Barrios Garcia, Alba de Tormes, 4 8 - 5 1 , nos. 10 (30 September 1267), 11 (7 August 1268), 12 (12 September 1271); González Diez, Burgos, 198—199, no. 11 (12 July 1281). 44. José Miguel Guai López, "La política ferial alfonsi y el ordenamiento general de ferias castellanas en su época," in Miguel Rodríguez, Alfonso X, 1:94— 114; Miguel Angel Ladero Quesada, "Las ferias de Castilla. Siglos XII a XV," CHE 6 7 - 6 8 (1982): 2 6 9 - 3 + 7 .

45. José Miguel Guai López, "Bases para el estudio de las ferias murcianas en la edad media," Miscelánea Medieval Murciana 9 (1982): 11—55, nos. 1 (to Murcia, 19 May 1266), 5 (to Orihuela, 8 April 1272), 8 (to Murcia, 5 May); CODOM, 3 : 1 0 5 1 0 6 , 1 4 1 , nos. 95 (to Lorca, 26 September 1270), 134 (to Orihuela 14 August 1274). 4 6 . González, Colección, 6 : 1 2 4 , no. 261 (to Alcáraz, 7 March 1268); AHN Documentos de la Orden de Santiago, cajón 213, no. 11 (to Montiel, 8 August 1252). 4 7 . DAAX, 116—118,169, nos. 118 (to Seville, 18 March 1254), 156 (18 June 1255);

314

Notes to Pages 123-125

Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 329 (to Cádiz, 2 May 1263); González, Colección, 6:404, no. 316. 48. González, Colección, 6:112, no. 258 (to Badajoz, 18 May 1255,19 June 1278); Floriano, Cáceres, 19—20, no. 7 (18 July 1276). 49. Juan Ignacio Ruiz de la Peña, "Poblamientos y cartas pueblas de Alfonso X y Sancho IV en Galicia," Homenaje a José María Lacarra, 3 vols., 3:36—37 (20 September 1255). 50. Guerrero Lafuente, Benavente, 422, no. 3 (22 August 1254); Ballesteros, Itinerario, 95 (to Sahagun, 2 February 1255); AM León, no. 11 (27 August 1272); Mateo Villar y Macías, Historia de Salamanca, 3 vols., 1:256 (1273); Barrios García, Alba de Termes, 37-4ΐ, 45-46, 49-5ΐ, nos. 4 (12 July 1255), 7 (31 May 1261), π (ΐ7 August 1268), 12 September 1271). 51. Angel Casimiro de Govantes, Diccionario geográfico-histórico de España, 309-310 (to La Calzada, 19 March 1270); Francisco Cantera Burgos, "Miranda bajo Alfonso X," Boletín de la Comisión provincial de Monumentos históricos y artísticos de Burgos 5 (1938): 137—151 (27 November 1254); Agapito y Revilla, Valladolid, 51—52, no. 31-xii (30 July 1263); BN MS 20268, fol. 36 (to Peñafiel, confirmed by Alfonso XI on 2 January 1346). 52. MHE, 1:37, no. 19 (to Alcalá, 14 April 1254); AC Toledo, A,3,32,13 (to Brihuega, 15 April 1254); Layna Serrano, Guadalajara, 1:30 (16 January 1253), 262 (4 July 1260); Ballesteros, Itinerario, 129, η. ι (to Pareja, 7 October 1255); CODOM, ι : 77, no. 77 (to Zorita, 24 March 1267). 53. DAAX, 116-118, no. 118 (18 March 1254); Guerrero Lafuente, Benavente, 422, no. 3 (22 August); Barrios García, Alba de Termes, 37-38, 45-46, nos. 4 (12 July 1255), 7 (31 May 1261). 54. DAAX, 169, no. 156 (to Seville, 18 June 1255); AM León, no. 11 (27 August 1272). 55. Sáez, Los Fueros de Sepúlveda, 193-194, no. 12 (16 October 1257); Privilegios reales y viejos documentos, i (Toledo), no. 8 (7 March 1261); AM León, no. 6 (4 April 1261); Ureña y Smenjaud, Cuenca, 867-868 (11 August 1268); Ramón Alvarez de la Braña, "La igualación de pesos y medidas por don Alfonso el Sabio," BRAH 38 (1901): 134-144· 56. Alfonso XI modified these regulations somewhat in the Ordinance of Alcalá in 1348 (art. 58), in CLC, 1:534. 57. González Diez, Burgos, 165, no. 82 (8 April 1279). 58. CAX, ch. ι, p. 1; Jean Gautier Dalché, "La politique monétaire d'Alphonse X," .CHE 69 (1987): 77-95, and "Remarques sur les premières mutations monétaires d'Alphonse X de Castille," in his Economies et sociétés dans les pays de la Couronne de Castille·, James Todesca, "The Monetary History of Castile-León (ca. ιιοο—1300) in Light of the Bourgey Hoard," American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 33 (1988): 129—203. 59. O'Callaghan, "The Cortes and Royal Taxation," 382—383; Todesca, "Monetary History," 160—162. 60. The dineros alfonsts weighed .04325 grams; Todesca, "Monetary History," 168—170. 61. Gautier Dalché, "Politique monétaire," 85-88; Todesca, "Monetary History," 162-166.

Notes to Pages 125—129

315

62. Escudero de la Peña, "Súplica," 58—59. The dinero prieto (also called moneda nueva por enbltmquir or moneda prieta, que non es enblanqutda) weighed .2595 grams. Gautier Dalché, "Politique monétaire," 89—92; Todesca, "Monetary History," 167-173. 6j. CAX, ch. 22, p. 18. Gautier Dalché, "Politique monétaire," 90—91. 64. Escudero de la Peña, "Súplica," 58—59. To increase the silver supply, Alfonso X asked the king of Granada to pay most of his tribute in silver; CAX, ch. 48, p. 36. 65. Todesca, "Monetary History," 174—175, identified the moneda nueva as the coin bearing the legend MONETA C A S T E L L E on the obverse and ET LEGIONIS on the reverse; there is a castle on the obverse and a lion on the reverse. But it seems unlikely that the king would not put his name on the coinage, especially as in the Setenario, 43-44, describing the minting process, he noted that the coinage was identified in this way. See note 67. 66. CAX, ch. 75, pp. 59-60. 67. González Diez, Burgos, 205—208, nos. 118 (19 May 1282), 120 (4 June 1282); MHE, 2:78-80, no. 209. Though it has been assumed that Sancho did not then mint new coinage, Todesca (in private conversation) seems inclined to modify his view (as in note 67), suggesting that Sancho may have issued the coins bearing the legend MONETA C A S T E L L E ET LEGIONIS but without the king's name. 68. Valladolid 1258, art. 29—30; Seville 1261, art. 16; Villar García, Segovia, 250—251, no. 151 (6 October 1252); A M Cuenca, 1—4 (10 March 1253); Leyes nuevas (ι March, 29 June 1260), in Opúsculos legales, 2:181-183; Barrios García, Béjar, 20—22, no. 4 (22 April 1260), and Alba de Termes, 43-44, no. 6 (1 May 1260); Procter, Curia, 284-286, no. 6 (to Sahagún, 29 April 1260); Rodríguez, La judería de la ciudad de León, 197—199 (i May 1260); Estai, Documentos, 106—no, no. 4 (30 September 1274). 69. González Diez, Burgos, 141—149, 151—155, 157, 161—162, nos. 57 (14 May 1278), 59-62 (15-16, 18-19 July), 64-65 (28, 30 July), 66 (8 August), 68 (14 August), 70 (22 September), 71—72 (6 October), 75 (16 October), 79 (20 February 1279); Barrios García, Alba de Termes, 52-53, no. 14 (15 July 1278); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 875 (to Alcalá de Henares, 29 December 1278). 70. Sánchez, Libro de los fileros de Castilla, art. 138, p. 72; Leyes del estilo, art. 204, in Opúsculos legales, 2:320. 71. Valladolid 1258, art. 12,41; Yves Renouard, "Un sujet de recherches: L'exportation de chevaux de la péninsule ibérique en France et en Angleterre au moyen âge," Homenaje a Jaime Vicens Vives, 1:571—577; Teófilo Ruiz, "Castillan Merchants in England, 1248—1350," in Order and Innovation in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honor of Joseph R. Strayer, 181—182. 72. Sánchez Albornoz, España, 2:130-131; Carié, "Mercaderes en Castilla," 303-316. 73. CAX, ch. 25, 40, 47, pp. 21—22, 30—31, 35; CLC, 1:85-86; MHE, 1:321, no. 140 (18 December 1276); Sánchez Belda, Galicia, 350, no. 808 (8 June 1278). 74. CODOM, 3:152, no. 141 (to Elche, 2 October 1277); MHE, 2:7-8, no. 163 (3 October 1279); Gautier Dalché, "Politique monétaire," 92-95. 75. González Diez, Burgos, 191—196, nos. 106-108 (13, 15 February); Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 932-933.

ji6

Notes to Pages 131—135

Chapter 9

ρ. ι.

1. Libro de las cruces, ed. Lloyd Α. Kasten and Lawrence Kiddle, prologue,

2. Robert I. Burns, "Stupor Mundi: Alfonso X of Castile, the Learned," in Burns, Emperor ofCulture, 1—13; Francisco Márquez Villanueva and Carlos Alberto Vega, eds., Alfonso X of Castile. The Learned King (1221-1284)· An International Symposium. Harvard University 17 November 1984. 3. C. M. Ajo y Sáinz de Zúñiga, Historia de las universidades hispánicas, η vols., 1:442-443, no. 13 (14 May 1263). 4. González, Fernando ΠΙ, 32:261—262, 421, nos. 709 (6 April 1243), 837 (12 March 1252); Vicente Beltrán de Heredia, Los orígenes de la universidad de Salamanca-, Agüeda Rodríguez Cruz, "La Universidad de Salamanca en el alba de su historia," Estudios sobre los orígenes de las universidades españolas. Homenaje de la Universidad de Valladolid a la Universidad de Bolonia en su IX centenario, 31-41. 5. Ajo y Sáinz de Zúñiga, Historia, 1:438—440, nos. 7-8 (9-10 November 1252), 9 (8 May 1254); Beltrán de Heredia, Cartulario de la Universidad de Salamanca, i : 604-606, no. 23. 6. Ajo y Sáinz de Zúñiga, Historia, 1:441-442, no. 11 (6 April 1255); Bourel de la Roncière, Alexandre TV, 1:101,190, 248, 252, 257, 259, nos. 336 (6 April 1255), 631 (15 July), 823 (ι October), 836, 854 (22 September), 863 (19 October). 7. Ajo y Sáinz de Zúñiga, Historia, ι : 444, 446-448, nos. 16 (14 August 1267), 19 (31 January 1271), 21 (ι January 1276), 22 (23 April 1282). 8. Luis Garcia Ballester, "La circulación de las ideas médicas en la Castilla de Alfonso X el Sabio," Revista de Occidente 43 (1984): 91—94,105-107. 9. Beltrán de Heredia, Cartulario de la Universidad de Salamanca, 1:604, 608—609, 619-620, nos. 22 (1252), 27 (1253), 39 (15 December 1273). 10. DAAX, 152—154, no. 142; Beltrán de Heredia, Cartulario de la Universidad de Salamanca, 1:606—607, no. 24; Ajo y Sáinz de Zúñiga, Historia, 1:440—441, no. 10. 11. DAAX, 255, no. 232 (25 August 1260); Ajo y Sáinz de Zúñiga, Historia, i : 442, no. 12 ( (21 June 1260). 12. Procter, Alfonso X, 3. 13. General Estoria. Primera parte, ed. Antonio G. Solalinde, 477b; Rico, Alfonso el Sabio, 97-99. 14. Procter, Alfonso X, 123—139; Gonzalo Menéndez Pidal, "Como trabajaron las escuelas alfonsíes," Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica 5 (1951) : 363-380. 15. Lloyd Kasten, "Alfonso el Sabio and the Thirteenth-Century Spanish Language," in Burns, Emperor of Culture, 33—45. 16. Fidel Fita, "Biografías de San Fernando y de Alfonso el Sabio por Gil de Zamora," BRAH 5 (1884): 321. 17. For microfiche editions of the principal texts see Lloyd Kasten, John Nitri, and Jean Anderson, Concordances and Texts of the Royal Scriptorium Manuscripts of Alfonso X el Sabio, 2 vols. 18. Setenario, ed. Kenneth H. Vanderford. Robert A. MacDonald, "Law and

Notes to Pages 135-139

317

Politics: Alfonso's Program of Political Reform," in Burns, Worlds, 173-175, dated it between 1248 and 1253. Jerry Craddock, "El Setenario: Ultima e inconclusa refundición alfonsina de la primera Partida," AHDE 56 (1986): 441-466. 19. See Vanderford's introduction to the edition, xxvi-xliii and his "El 'Setenario' y su relación con las 'Siete Partidas,'" Revista de Filología, hispánica, 3 (1941): 233-262; Procter, AlfonsoX, 65-68. 20. Rafael Lapesa, "Símbolos y palabras en el Setenario de Alfonso X," Nueva Revista de Filología hispánica 29 (1980): 247—261. 21. MHE, 2:126, no. 229. The identification of the Setenario with the Siete Partidas is not likely, as Alfonso X entitled this code the Libro de las leyes. Sancho IV, Castigos e documentos para bien vivir, ed. Agapito Rey. 22. MacDonald, "Law and Politics," 176-180; Procter, Alfonso X, 42—77; Gregory Peter Andrachuk, "Alfonso X. Courtier and Legislator," Revista canadiense de estudios hispánicos 9 (1985): 439-450. Also see ch. 3. 23. Leyes del estilo, art. 43,144, in Opúsculos legales, 2:254, 297. 24. MacDonald, Espéculo, 486-488, no. 63; Rafael Floranes, "Noticias literarias de Maestre Jacobo de las Leyes," MHE, 2:143—156. 25. Obras del Maestro Jacobo de las leyes, ed. Rafael de Urefta y Smenjaud and Adolfo Bonilla San Martín; MHE, 2:139-248; Summa de los nueve tiempos de los pleitos, ed. Jean Roudil. 26. Torres Fontes, Repartimiento de Murcia, 2—3, 91,103,131,133,135-137,157, 160,174,184, 210, 218, 220, 238, 247, and "Murcia y las Partidas,"AHDE 34 (1964): 531-545· 27. Floranes, "Maestre Jacobo de las Leyes," MHE, 2:144, n. 2; MacDonald, Espéculo, 496, no. 183. 28. Joaquín Cerdá-Ruiz Funes, "La 'Margarita de los pleitos' de Fernando Martínez de Zamora," AHDE 20 (1950): 634-738; Antonio García y García, "Obras de derecho común medieval en castellano," AHDE 41 (1971): 665-686. 29. Opúsculos legales, 2:216—231. 30. Procter, Alfimso X, 78—112; Keller, Alfonso X, 153-171. 31. See Bibliography for editions. 32. Diego Catalán and Juan Gil, "Guillelmi Petri de Calciata, Rithmi de Iulia romula seu Ispalensi urbe (a. 1250)" AEM 5 (1968): 549; Rocío Carande Herrero, Un poema latino a Sevilla de uso. Versos de Julia Romula a la urbe hispalense de Guillermo Pérez de la Calzada (uso). 33. Rico, Alfonso el Sabio, 123-130; Benito Sánchez Alonso, Historia de la historiografía española, 2 vols., 1:206—208. 34. Diego Catalán, De Alfonso X al Conde de Barcelos. Cuatro estudios sobre el nacimiento de la historiografía romance en Castilla y Portugal, and "El taller historiográfico alfonsi. Métodos y problemas en el trabajo compilatorio," Romania 89 (1963): 354-375· 35. Primera Crónica General, 2 vols., ed. Ramón Menéndez Pidal. Also Ramón Menéndez Pidal, La Crónica General de España que mandó componer Alfimso el Sabio. Discurso leído ante la Academia de la Historia, reprinted as "La primera crónica general de España," in PCG, 1 :xv-lvi. 36. Charles F. Fraker, "Alfonso X, the Empire and the Primera Crónica," Bul-

3i8

Notes to Pages 139—142

letin ofHispanic Studies 55 (1978) : 95-102, and "The Fet des Romains and the Primera Crónica General," Hispanic Review 46 (1978): 199-220. 37. MHE, 1:256-258, nos. 117-118 (22—25 February 1270); Menéndez Pidal, "La primera crónica general," 1 :xx—xxxiv; Procter, AlfonsoX, 85-103. 38. Menéndez Pidal, "La primera crónica general," 1 : xxxv—xlviii; D.G. Pattison, From Legend to Chronicle: The Treatment of Epic Material in Alphonsine Historiography. 39. Menéndez Pidal, "La primera crónica general," 1: xlviii—Ivi; Procter, Alfonso X, 108—112. 40. General Estoria. Primera parte, ed. Antonio G. Solalinde; General Estoria. Segunda parte, 2 vols., ed. Antonio G. Solalinde, Lloyd Kasten, and Victor Oelschlager; General Estoria. Cuarta parte, in Kasten, Concordances; Rico, Alfonso el Sabio, 16-207; Procter, Alfonso Χ, 82-83; Keller, Alfonso X, 166-171. 41. Juan Gil de Zamora, De preconiis Hispaniae, ed. Manuel de Castro y Castro. 42. Liber de preconiis civitatis Numantine, ed. Fidel Fita, "Dos libros (inéditos) de Gil de Zamora," BRAH 5 (1884): 134-200. 43. Fidel Fita, "Biografía inédita de Alfonso IX, rey de León, por Gil de Zamora," BRAH 13 (1888): 291-295, and "Biografías de San Fernándo y de Alfonso el Sabio por Gil de Zamora," BRAH 5 (1885): 308-328. 44. Fidel Fita, "Variantes de tres leyendas por Gil de Zamora," BRAH 6 (1885): 418-429, and, "Treinta leyendas por Gil de Zamora," BRAH 13 (1888): 187-225, and "Cincuenta leyendas por Gil de Zamora combinadas con las Cantigas de Alfonso el Sabio," BRAH 7 (1886): 54-14445. Fidel Fita, "Poesías inéditas de Gil de Zamora," BRAH 6 (1885): 379409, and, "Traslación e invención del cuerpo de San Ildefonso. Reseña histórica por Gil de Zamora," BRAH 6 (1885): 60-71, and, "Leyenda de San Isidro por el diacono Juan," BRAH 9 (1886) : 97-157. 46. Manuel Díaz y Díaz, Index scriptorum latinorum medii aem hispanorum, 297-299, nos. 1421-1430. 47. DAAX, 298-299, no. 270 (13 July 1263); González, Repartimiento de Sevilla, 2:340-341. 48. Díaz y Díaz, Index, 308, no. 1490; Rudolf Beer, "Los cinco libros que compiló Bernardo de Brihuega por orden del rey don Alfonso el Sabio," BRAH π (1886): 363-368; M.C. Díaz y Díaz, "La obra de Bernardo de Brihuega, colaborador de Alfonso X," Acta Salmanticensia 16 (1962): 145—161; Mario Martins, S.J., "Introduçâo a obra de Bernardo de Brihuega, colaborador de Afonso O Sabio," Estudos de Cultura Medieval, 2 vols., 2:105-285. 49· ES, 3 :xxxv—xxxvi; 5:522-525; 8:241-243; 9:342-343, 358-365; 10:494496; Fidel Fita, "El libro del Cerratense," BRAH 13 (1888) : 226; Díaz y Díaz, Index, 286, no. 1360. 50. Norman Roth, "Jewish Collaborators in Alfonso's Scientific Work," in Burns, Emperor of Culture, 59-71; José María Millás Vallicrosa, "El literalismo de los traductores de la corte de Alfonso el Sabio," Al-Andalus 1 (1933): 155—187. 51. Juan Manuel, Libro de la caza, ed J.M. Castro y Calvo, 11.

Notes to Pages 1 4 2 - 1 4 4

319

52. Libros del saber de astronomici del rey d. Alfonso X de Castilla, 5 vols., ed. Manuel Rico y Sínobas; Anthony Cárdenas, A Study and Edition of the Royal Scriptorium Manuscript of El Libro del saber de Astrologia by Alfonso X el Sabio-, 4 vols.; Juan Vernet Ginés, "Alfonso X y la astronomía árabe," in Estudios alfonsies: Lexicografía, lírica, estética y política de Alfonso el Sabio, 17-31. 53. Libros del saber de astronomía, 1:153; 2:1, 115, 225; 3:3, 286; 4:3, 24, 65, 77; Vernet Ginés, "Alfonso X y la astronomía árabe," 21-26. 54. Libros del saber de astronomía, prologue, 1:7-8; Procter, Alfonso X, 9-11, and 'The Scientific Works of the Court of Alfonso X of Castile: The King and his Collaborators," Modern Language Review 40 (1945): 12-29; Juan Vernet Ginés, ed., Nuevos estudios sobre astronomía española en el siglo de Alfonso X; Keller, Alfonso X, 137-140. 55. Libros del saber de astronomía, 4:111—183; Las tablas de los movimientos de los cuerpos celestiales del ilustrísimo rey Don Alonso de Castilla, ed. José Martínez Gázquez. 56. Aaron Sayvetz, "On the Alfonsine Astronomical Tables," Romance Quarterly 33 (1986): 343—348; Vernet Ginés, "Alfonso X y la astronomía árabe," 29—31; Julio Samsó, "Tres reyes magos," Revista de Occidente 43 (1984): 118—124. 57. In Kasten, Concordances. 58. In Kasten, Concordances-, Anthony J. Cárdenas, "Alfonso X's Libro de las formas e de las ymagenes: Farts and Probabilities," Romance Quarterly 33 (1986): 269-274. 59. In Kasten, Concordances; Libro conplido de los judizios de las estrellas, ed. Gerold Hilty; Procter, Alfonso X, 12—13,127. 60. Alvaro de Oviedo or Toledo, Comentario al 'De substantia orbis' de Averroes, ed. Manuel Alonso; Procter, Alfonso X, 128—129,137-138. 61. In Kasten, Concordances; Libro de las cruces, eds. Lloyd Α. Kasten and Lawrence Kiddle; Vernet Ginés, "Alfonso X y la astronomía árabe," 28—29; Samsó, 'Tres reyes magos," 113-116; Rafael Múñoz, 'Textos árabes del Libro de las cruces de Alfonso X," in Juan Vernet, ed., Textos y estudios sobre astronomía española en el siglo XIII, 175—204. 62. In Kasten, Concordances; Alfonso el Sabio, Lapidario and Libro de las formas & ymagenes, eds. Lynn W. Winget and Roderic C. Diman; Lapidario del reyD. Alfonso X (según el MS Escurialense H.I.is), ed. Sagrario Rodríguez M. Montalvo. 63. Roth, "Jewish Collaborators," 65-66; Ana Domínguez Rodríguez, Astrologia y arte en el Lapidario de Alfonso X el Sabio. 64. In Kasten, Concordances; Picatrix. The Latin Version of the Ghayat alHakim, ed. David Pingree. 65. José Muñoz Sendino, La escala de Mahoma; Enrico Cernili, Il 'Libro della Scala' e la questione delle fonte arabo-espagnole della Divina Commedia, and Nuove ricerche sul Libro della Scala e la conoscença dell'Islam in occidente; Miguel Asín Palacios, La escatologia musulmana en la Divina Commedia, 2d ed.; Julia Bolton Holloway, 'The Road Through Roncesvalles: Alfonsine Formation of Brunetto Latini and Dante—Diplomacy and Literature," in Burns, Emperor of Culture, 109—123; Procter, Alfonso X, 16—23.

320

Notes to Pages 1 4 4 - 1 4 6

66. In Kasten, Concordances; Pilar García Morencos, Libro de ajedrez, dados y tablas de Alfonso X el sabio: Estudio; Keller, Alfonso X, 147—152. 67. El Libro de Calila e Digna, eds. John E. Keller and Robert W. Linker; Libro de los engaños e asayamientos de las mujeres, ed. John E. Keller; The Book cfthe Wiles of Women, tr. John E. Keller. 68. Joseph Snow, The Poetry of Alfonso X el Sabio. A Critical Bibliography·, Procter, Alfonso X, 24-46; Keller, Alfonso X, 64—95. 69. Most of their works are in Cancioneiro da Ajuda, 2 vols., ed. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, and Cancioneiro da Biblioteca antiga Colucci-Brancuti, 8 vols., ed. Elza Paxeco Machado and José Pedro Machado; Procter, Alfonso X, 130-132. 70. Manuel Rodríguez Lapa, Cantigas d'escarnho e de maldezir dos cancioneiros medievaisgalego-portugueses, 2d ed.; José Joaquín Nunes, Cantigas i'amigo dos trovadores galegos-portugueses, 2 vols.; Cancionero de Payo Gómez Charino, almirante y poeta (siglo XIII), ed. Armando Cotarelo Valledor. 71. Epifánio Ramos, Las Cantigas de escarnio y maldecir de Alfonso X-, Alfonso X, Cantigas profanas, ed. Juan Paredes Núñez. 72. Milagro Lain, "La poesía profana de Alfonso X," Revista de Occidente 43 (1984): 145-165; Manuel de Aguiar, "Cantigas de escárnio e maldezir: urna galería de caricaturas," PortugaliaHistórica 2 (1974): 65-89; Keller, AlfimsoX, 96—110. 73. Cantigas de Santa María, 2 vols., ed. Walter Mettmann; Cantigas de Santa María. Facsimile edition by Edilán, 2 vols.; Procter, Alfonso X, 24-46; Keller, Alfonso X, 64-95· 74. José Guerrero Lovillo, Las Cantigas: Estudio arqueológico de sus miniaturas-, John E. Keller and Richard P. Kinkade, Iconography in Medieval Spanish Literature, 6—40. 75. Higinio Anglés, La música de las Cantigas de Santa Marta del rey don Alfonso el Sabio-, Julián Ribera, La música de las Cantigas-, Juan José Rey, "Alfonso X y la música de su época," AlfonsoX. Toledo 1984,103-113; Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, "Alfonso X el Sabio y la música de las Cantigas," Estudios Alfonsíes, 119-126. 76. See Israel J. Katz and John E. Keller, eds., Studies on the Cantigas de Santa María: Art, Music, and Poetry, and the journal, Cantigueiros: Bulletin of the Cantigueiros de Santa María-, Jesús Montoya Martínez, and Aurora Juárez Blanquer, Andalucía en las Cantigas de Santa María. 77. CSM, i : 102,133, prologue B, no. 10, and 2:80-81, no. 279; Juan José Rey, "El trovador don Alfonso X," Revista de Occidente 43 (1984): 166-183. 78. Walter Mettmann, "Algunas observaciones sobre la genesis de la colección de las Cantigas de Santa María y sobre el problema del autor," in Katz and Keller, Studies, 355-366. Jesús Montoya Martínez, "Algunas precisiones acerca de las Cantigas de Santa María," in Katz and Keller, Studies, 366-385, gives the king greater credit as author. 79. Joseph Snow, "Alfonso as Troubadour: The Fact and the Fiction," in Burns, Emperor of Culture, 124—140.

Notes to Pages 147-152

321

Chapter 10 1. Ramón Menéndez Pidal, El imperio hispánico y los anco reinos; Alfonso Sánchez Candeira, El regnum-imperium leonés hasta 1037. 2. Julio González, Regesta de Fernando Π, 251-293. 3. Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, De rebus Hispaniae, Bk. 7, ch. 24, p. 123; Crónica latina de los reyes de Castilla, 11-12; González, Alfonso IX, 1:55,173-182. 4. Lucas of Túy, Crónica de España, ch. 102, pp. 447-448; Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, De rebus Hispaniae, prologue, p. 1. 5. Setenario, art. 9-10, pp. 15-19; Alberic of Troisfontaines, Chronica, s.a. 1234, in MGH SS, 23:936; Linehan, Spanish Church, 104, η. 2. 6. MHE, 1:5—8, no. 4 (21 February 1253); Rodríguez de Lapa, Cantigas d'escamho, 261, no. 167. 7. MHE, 1:154—155, no. 71 (6 February 1260); DAAX, 313-316, no. 286 (20 June 1264); Mingiiella, Sigüenza, 1 ¡599-601, no. 255 (25 June 1264). 8. Fernández del Pulgar, Patencia, 2:344—345 (13 April 1274); Juan Gil de Zamora, Depreconiis Hispaniae, Bk. 5, ch. 12, p. 75. 9. PCG, ch. 813, 2:494· 10. ACA Reg. 6 Jaime I, pt. 2, fol. 218 (27 September 1259); MHE, 1:151, no. 69. π. PCG, prologue, i:cxxxiv. 12. Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, 2d ed. Enric Bagiie, 9 vols., ch. 24,1:61. 13. Anthony Goodman, "Alfonso X and the English Crown," in Miguel Rodriguez, Alfonso X, 1:39-42. 14. Crònica latina de los reyes de Castilla, 20-22; Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, ed. H.R. Luard, 7 vols., 5:365; González, Alfonso Vili, 1:854-856, 864-874. 15. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, 5:370; Frank Marsh, English Rule in Gascony upp-izsç, 136—143; J. P. Trabut-Cussac, L'administration anglaise en Gascogne sous Henry III et Edouard I de I2S4 à 1307, xxix-xxxix, 4 - 7 ; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 92—96. 16. Rymer, Foedera, 1.1, 173-174 (15 May 1253), 176-177 (24, 28 May, 29 December 1253; 5, 8 February 1254); Joseph O. Baylen, "John Marniseli and the Castillan Treaty of 1254: A Study of the Clerical Diplomat," Traditio 17 (1961): 482-491. 17. Rymer, Foedera, 1.1,178-180 (31 March, 1, 20 April 1254); Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, 5:397; Marsh, English Rule, 144-149. 18. Rymer, Foedera, 1.1,180-181 (22 April 1254); Ayala Martinez, Directrices, 61-70, 77-79· 19. On wedding preparations see Rymer, Foedera, 1.1, 179 (1 April 1254), 184—186 (18-22 July, 22—26 August). 20. Crónicas anónimas de Sahagún, ch. 88, p. 155; Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, 5:449. Many royal charters record these events, but CAX, ch. 18, p. 13, wrongly places the knighting in 1269. Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 96-102. 21. Rymer, Foedera, 1.1,188 (1 November, December 1254). 22. Rymer, Foedera, 1.2, 1-2, 4, 6-7, 13, 16, 24, 27, 31-32, 36, 39, 58-59, 6364, 73·

322

N o t e s t o Pages 152—155

23. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, 5:585-586; Goodman, "Alfonso X and the English Crown," 44—47; Ayala Martinez, Directrices, 105—115, 286—291. 24. González, Fernando III, 1:340—351, and 3:280—281, no. 721 (26 March 1244); Amparo Bejarano Rubio, "La frontera del reino de Murcia en la política castellano-aragonesa del siglo XIII," in Miguel Rodriguez, Alfonso X, 1:199—202; Robert I. Burns, "Warrior Neighbors: Alfonso El Sabio and Crusader Valencia: An Archival Case Study in his International Relations," Viator 21 (1990): 147-155. 25. Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 323-332. 26. Martín Almagro Bäsch, Historia de Albarracín y su sierra, 4 vols., 3:256— 260; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 45-52; Burns, "Warrior Neighbors," 158—162. 27. González, Fernando

I I I , 1 : 2 6 4 - 2 6 9 , a n d 3 : 4 6 - 4 8 , 5 4 - 5 7 , 381, nos. 533

(10 September 1234), 540 (31 October), 802 (15 July 1250); Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa y curia romana, 307—309, no. 42 (30 January 1237); Ayala Martinez, Directrices, 41—44.

28. Huici and Cabañes Pecourt, Jaime 7, 3:105—110, 130—133, nos. 624 (1 August 1253), 645 (9 April 1254); Maria Angeles Irurita, El municipio de Pamplona en la edad media, 131 (12 October 1253); Ayala Martinez, Directrices, 53—58, 73—76. 29. Rymer, Foedera, 1.1, 180—181 (20 April 1254); Ayala Martinez, Directrices, 61-72.

30. Crònica de Jaume I, ch. 369, 371, 7:22, 26; ACA Pergaminos de Jaime I, 1374—1375 (15 J u n e 1254); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 89, 9 6 - 9 7 .

31. Almagro Bäsch, Albarracín, 3:335—338, nos. 61-62 (4 June 1254); Huici and Cabañes Pecourt, Jaime I, 3:147-150,157-158, nos. 657-659 (8, 30 August 1254), 666 (9 October); Ayala Martinez, Directrices, 86—98, 219—220. 32. Ayala Martinez, Directrices, 99—126. 33. Huici and Cabañes Pecourt, Jaime I, 3:171-173, 176—177, nos. 682—683 (6 September 1255), 687 (23 October). 34. CAX, ch. 8, pp. 7 - 8 ; Pedro Marin, Miraculos romanzados, in Sebastián de Vergara, Vida y milagros de Santo Domingo de Silos, 131; Ferotin, Recueil, 227-228; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 129—133. 35. Procter, Curia, 284, no. 5 (1 January 1256); CAX, eh. 3, p. 5; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 133—138.

36. Pedro Marín, Miraculos romanzados, 131; Ferotin, Recueil, 227; Gregorio de Balparda, Historia crítica de Vizcaya y sus fueros, 3 vols., 2:537, no. 387; Rodríguez de Lama, Alejandro IV, 291-292, no. 309 (6 November 1257). 37. Huici and Cabañes Pecourt, Jaime I, 3:191-192,200, nos. 702 (7 February 1256), 710 (8 June); Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 220—224. 38. Juan Manuel, Libro de las armas, BAE, 51:259—260; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 138—141.

39. Huici and Cabañes Pecourt, Jaime I, 3:200-201, 229-231, 235, nos. 7 4 2 743 (8 August 1257), 749 (28 August); Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 208-212. 40. Crònica de Jaume I, ch. 371-377, 7:26—34; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 228-233.

41. ACA Pergaminos de Jaime I, no. 1650 (11 March 1260); ACA Register 11, fol. 172V (11 May); Huici and Cabañes Pecourt, Jaime 7, 4:294, no. 1216 (1 December 1260); MHE,

1:206, n o . 93 (3 M a y 1263); Ayala M a r t í n e z , Directrices,

306-334.

Notes to Pages 155-158

323

42. Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 138-141, 212—252, 338-342; Burns, "Warrior Neighbors," 155-162. 43. González, Alfonso VIII, 2:79-82, no. 44 (23 May 1158); Luis Gonzaga de Acevedo, Historia de Portugal, 6 vols., 6:119. 44. Quintana Prieto, Inocencio TV, ι : 173—176, no. 144 (24 July 1245); Crónica de cinco reis, ed. Α. Magalhäes Basto, ch. 7, pp. 183—186; CAX, ch. 7, p. 7. 45. Quintana Prieto, Inocencio TV, 1:308—310, nos. 287—288 (24-25 June 1246); Gonzaga de Acevedo, Historia, 6:110-112; Aleixandre Herculano, Historia de Portugal desde 0 começo da monarquía até ofirndo reinado de D. Afonso III, 9th ed., 8 vols., 5:66-67. 46. J. Delaville le Roulx, Cartulaire général de lOrdre des Hospitaliers de St. Jean de Jerusalem, 4 vols., 2:645-646, no. 2412 (15 August 1246); Manuel Rodríguez, Fernando III, 489 (30 September 1246); Crónica de la población de Avila, 53. 47. ACA Cartes reíais de Jaume I, no. 99 (20 December 1246); Gonzaga de Acevedo, Historia, 6:191-192, no. 15; Valls Taberner, "Relacions familiars," 4:272— 274; Antonio Brandâo, Crónicas de D. Sancho II e D. Afonso III, ed. A. Magalhäes Basto, 202, no. 2 (17 August 1246). 48. Juan Gil de Zamora, De viris Ulustribus, ed. Fidel Fita, Estudios históricos, 8 vols., 2:155; Herculano, Historia, 5:70—76, 288-290, appendix 2. 49. ANTT, Gaveta 13, Maço 9, no. 1 (10 February 1247); Quintana Prieto, Inocencio IV, 1:465—466, nos. 475, 477-478 (25-30 January 1248); Manuel Rodríguez, Fernando ΙΠ, 567—572; González, Fernando III, 1:273—275; Gonzaga de Azevedo, Historia, 6:113—118. 50. Alfonso X referred to the forty-year truce on 16 February 1267; DAAX, 352, no. 322. 51. Brandâo, Crónicas, 364-363, no. 13 (3 January 1248). 52. González, Fernando III, 3:323-324, no. 756 (27 January 1248); Brandâo, Crónicas, 142-151, 365—366, no. 14. 53. Quintana Prieto, Inocencio IV, ι : 742-743, no. 841 (13 January 1253); Brandâo, Crónicas, 186, 369-370, no. 18. 54. DAAX, 318-319, 349-353, 357-358, nos. 290 (20 September 1264), 320322 (16 February 1267), 326 (7 May); Brandâo, Crónicas, 256-257,268—269,271-272, 370—371, no. 19. Afonso III on 24 April 1260 also admitted that Alfonso X held the Algarve for life. Ibid., 146. 55. CAX, ch. 7, p. 7; Brandâo, Crónicas, 187. 56. MHE, 1:5-8,54-56, nos. 4 (21 February 1253), 24 (28 December 1254). 57- Rodriguez de Lama, Alejandro IV, 84-86, 188, nos. 63-65 (13-15 May 1255), 183 (26 July 1256). 58. Beatriz was first mentioned on 31 December 1244 when Infante Alfonso granted Elche to her; As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo, 7 vols., 3:591—592, no. 2768. Reference to her as queen of Portugal on 27 January 1254 indicates that the wedding had taken place. Brandâo, Crónicas, 187. 59. Alfonso X granted Lagos in the Algarve to Bishop Roberto; DAAX, 56—57, no. 59 (23 August 1253). Alexander IV authorized Bishop Lope of Morocco to fix diocesan boundaries; Bourel de la Roncière, Alexandre TV, 1:260, no. 873 (18 October 1255).

32+

Notes to Pages 158-163

60. ANTT, Chancelaria de Afonso III, I, fol. jv (27 January 1254); Brandäo, Crónicas, 187; Claudio Sánchez Albornoz, La curia regia portuguesa: Siglos XII y XIII, 167—168, no. i (wrongly dated 1252). 61. Quintana Prieto, Inocencio IV, 2:903, no. 1029 (1 September 1254); Brandäo, Crónicas, 194—195. 62. Gavetas, 3:587-589, no. 2764 (27 March 1270); Brandäo, Crónicas, 190191. 63. Brandäo, Crónicas, 182-183. 64. Branca was born in 1259, Fernando in 1260 (d. 1262), and Dinis in October 1261; Joaquim Verissimo Serrâo, Historia de Portugal, 3 vols., ι : 138; Brandäo, Crónicas, 237—239. 65. Afonso III granted Albufeira to Avis on ι March 1250; ANTT Livro dos Forais de Afonso III, fol. 43; Brandäo, Crónicas, 144-146. 66. DAAX, 294-295, no. 265; Brandäo, Crónicas, 186, 369-370, no. 18. Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 76, 347, shows that this could not be dated in 1253 as suggested by Mondéjar, Memorias, 75-76. 67. DAAX, 297, no. 268 (8 July 1263); Brandäo, Crónicas, 453. Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 347—348, correcdy dated this on 8 June, but Mondéjar, Memorias, 87, confused it with another document of 8 June 1264. 68. DAAX, 312—313, no. 285 (5 June 1264); Brandäo, Crónicas, 254—258. 69. DAAX, 318, no. 290; Gavetas, 3:577-578, no. 2760; Brandäo, Crónicas, 256-257; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 376-378. 70. ANTT Livras dos forais de Afonso III, fol. 76 (4 April 1265); Brandäo, Crónicas, 189, 258—261; PMH Leges, 1:706-707, 736-737. 71. PMH, Leges, ι : 217, no. 13 (4 May 1266). 72. CAX, ch. 19, pp. 14-15. 73. Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 427—432. 74. DAAX, 349—351, nos. 320-321; Brandäo, Crónicas, 191,268-269,370—371, no. 19; Gavetas, 3:575-576,578-579, 611-613, nos. 2756, 2761, 2829, and 4:543-545, no. 3485. 75. DAAX, 357-358, no. 326; Brandäo, Crónicas, 271-272; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 420—425. 76. DAAX, 351-353, no. 322; Brandäo, Crónicas, 371-372, no. 20; Gavetas, 8:302-304, no. 4365. 77. Benavides, Fernando IV, 2:140-141, no. 100. 78. PMH Leges, 1.2, 710 (4 July 1268). Chapter 11 ι. Rachel Arié, L'Espagne musulmane au temps des Nasrides (1232-1492), 29—60; Cristóbal Torres Delgado, El antiguo reino nazarí de Granada (1232-1340), 25-140; Miguel Angel Ladero Quesada, Granada. Historia de un país islámico (1232-IS71), 9—35, 73-76; L.P. Harvey, Islamic Spain, uso to isoo, 1-40. 2. González Jiménez, Origines de Andalucía, 38—43.

Notes to Pages 1 6 4 - 1 6 8

325

3. Julio González, Repartimiento de Sevilla, 2 vols.; DAAX, 10-14,16-56,58, 63—80, 85-107, nos. π - 1 4 (14 February-8 March 1253), 16-58 (28 March-i8 Au-

gust), 60—79 (21 August-3 December), 81 (8 December), 83-86 (10 December), 88-98 (18—26 December), 100—109 bis (29 December).

4. González, Repartimiento de Sevilla, 2:118—119; DAAX, 38—40, 85—87, nos. 42 (21 June 1253), 81 (8 December); González Jimenez, Sevilla, 23-41. 5. González, Repartimiento de Serìlla, 2:136-138 (15 September 1253); González Jiménez, Sevilla, 15-22. 6. González, Repartimiento de Sevilla, 2:163-164,167-172. 7. DAAX, 80-85, 119-120, 125-126, 128-129, 167-169, 189-190; nos. 80 (6 December 1253), 115 (22 March 1254), 124-126 (27-28 March), 153-156 (17 June

1255), 171 (22 January 1256), 182 (6 September). 8. CAX, ch. 2, p. 4. For sales in 1253 see Ballesteros, Sevilla, xix—xx, xxxiii— xxxiv, xlii—xliv, xlix—lvii, nos. 18, 32, 39, 45, 47-49, 51—53. 9. DAAX, 168—169, 298-299, nos. 155 (17 June 1255), 270 (13 July 1263); Gon-

zález Jimenez, Sevilla, 16—19. 10. CAX, ch. 14, p. 5; Manuel González Jiménez, La repoblación de la zona de Sevilla durante el siglo XIV. Estudio y documentación. 11. CAX, ch. 2, p. 4; González, Repartimiento de Sevilla, 2:152-153; DAAX, 89, no. 85 (10 December 1253). 12. Alfonso X destroyed his father's privilege giving Enrique Jerez, Lebrija, Arcos and Medina; DAAX, 14, no. 15 (24 March 1253). 13. PCG, ch. 1130, 2:770; CAX, ch. 2, 4, pp. 4 - 6 ; Ibn 'Idhârï, Al-Bayân, 3:275· 14. Manuel González Jiménez, "Repartimiento de Carmona. Estudio y edición," HID 8 (1981): 59—84, and "Alcalá de Guadaira en el siglo XIII. Conquista y repoblación," Anales de la Universidad de Alicante 6 (1987) : 135-158; Jose Hernández Díaz, Antonio Sancho Corbacho, and Francisco Collantes de Terán, Colección diplomática de Carmona, 9—13,15—16 (25 November 1253), 17-19 (2 April 1255), 19-21 (13 February 1256); DAAX,

155-158,191-193, nos. 146,173.

15. DAAX, 158-160, no. 147 (3 April 1255); A H N Documentos reales de la Orden de Calatrava, no. 109 (11 January 1257). 16. DAAX, 188,198—202, nos. 169 (5 January 1256), 179-180 (10-13 June).

17. CAX, ch. i, p. 4; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 61—66. 18. CAX, ch. 3, p. 5; Crónicas anónimas de Sahagún, ch. 87, p. 153. 19. PCG, ch. 1131, 2:770; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 263-269. 20. González, Repartimiento de Sevilla, 1:516-520; Florentino Pérez Embid, "La marina real castellana en el siglo XIII," AEM 6 (1969): 158-165. 21. DAAX, 33—34, 50-52, nos. 37 (10 June 1253), 53 (10 August); González, Repartimiento de Sevilla, 1:293—298, and 2:155, 157—158, 162—174; Ballesteros, Sevilla, lxxi—lxxii, no. 69 (December 1254); Partidas, 2,24 and 2,24,3-4. 22. DAAX, 80-85, no. 80 (6 December 1253); CODOM, 3:70, no. 52 (25 January 1260); Partidas, 2,9,24.

23. Quintana Prieto, Inocencio IV, 2:709, 711-712, 736, 741-742, 837-838, 876-877, nos. 803 (4 October 1252), 807-808 (12 October), 833-834 (2 January 1253), 839—840 (9 January 1254), 955 (14 May 1254), 1000 (8 August).

326

Notes to Pages 1 6 8 - 1 7 1

24. Rodríguez de Lama, Alejandro TV, 6ι-62, 67, 7+—75, 83-84, ΐ2+125, nos. 36-37 (18 March 1255), 43 (3 April), 53 (n April), 62 (13 May), 117 (17 October). 25. Daumet, Mémoire, 143—146, no. 1 (5 May 1255); Manuel Rodriguez, Fernando III, 314-318 (2 March 1254). 26. Quintana Prieto, Inocencio IV, 2:838, no. 955 (14 May 1254). 27. Crónicas anónimas de Sahagún, ch. 87, p. 153; Rymer, Foedera, 1.1,179-185 (22 April 1254), 194 (15 March 1255). 28. Bullarium Ordinis Militiae de Calatrava, 103—105 ((19 May 1254); Paul Scheffer-Boichorst, "Kleinere Forschungen zur Geschichte Alfons X von Castilien," MIOG 9 (1888): 241-246; Ballesteros, AlfonsoX, 155-156,159-160,169. 29. Loperráez, Ostna, 3:86—185, nos. 60—61 (to Soria, 12, 19 July); Layna Serrano, Atienza, 503—504 (22 July); González Diez, Burgos, 106—in, no. 32 (27 July); Ureña y Smenjaud, Cuenca, 861-862 (23 August); Represa Rodríguez, "Segovia," 290-294 (22 September); MHE, 1:89-100, nos. 43 (to Peñafiel, 19 July), 44 (to Buitrago, 23 July), 45 (to Burgos, 27 July). 30. CODOM, 3:15—23,30-31, 41-47,51-55,57-58, nos. 13-14 (to Alicante, 5, 24 October 1252), 20 (to Cartagena, September 1254), 28 (to Alicante, 12 January 1257), 29-31 (to Lorca, 28 March), 34-36, 40 (to Cartagena, 4, 6,19 May). 31. CODOM, 3:39,56-57, 63-64, nos. 27 (12 January 1257), 38 (10 May), 46 (10 April 1258); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 259; Charles-Emmanuel Dufourcq, L'Espagne catalane et le Maghrib aux XlIIe et XTVe siècles, 24. 32. Villar García, Segovia, 274-275, no. 166. 33. See privileges dated 1252 to 1263 in CODOM, 3:34-36, 39-40, 56-57, 59-69, 73 -78, 81, nos. 12, 22-28, 38-39, 42-51, 54-60, 63. 34. Ballesteros, Itinerario, 182-183 (10 September 1257); CLC, 1:54-63; Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, 46, no. 22 (1 February 1258, 4 March 1258). 35. Rymer, Foedera, 1.2:39 (25 June 1258), (14 December 1258). 36. Villar García, Segovia, 280-281, no. 169 (8 April 1259); Mingüella, Sigiienza, 1:599—601, no. 225 (27 July); also Quintana Prieto, Inocencio IV, 1:295— 296, no. 272 (24 April 1246). 37. MHE, 1:154-155, no. 71 (6 February 1260); DAAX, 313-316, no. 286 (20 June 1264); Mingüella, Sigüenza, 1 :S99—601, no. 225 (25 June). 38. Villar García, Segovia, 284, no. 171 (8 April 1260); CODOM, 3:69, no. 52 (25 January 1260). 39. Huici and Cabañes Pecourt, Jaime I, 4:255, 263-265, nos. 1170 (3 April 1260), 1181 (22 April), 1183 (29 April); CDACA, 6:149-154, nos. 34 (12 April), 35 (29 April), 36 (20 September); Ayala Martinez, Directrices, 273-277. 40. DAAX, 253-254, no. 231 (27 July 1260). See Rodríguez Lapa, Cantigas d'escarnho, 630—632, no. 430. 41. CSM, 2:337-338, no. 385. Leopoldo Torres Balbás, "La mezquita de alQanatir y el santuario de Alfonso el Sabio en el Puerto de Santa María," AlAndalus 8 (1942) : 417-437. 42. CSM, 2:199-202, no. 328; CAX, ch. 8, p. 7; Joseph Snow, "A Chapter in Alfonso X's Personal Narrative: The Puerto de Santa Maria Poems in the Cantigas de Santa María," La Coránica 8 (1979) : 13-14.

Notes to Pages 171-177

327

43. Ibn Idhârï, Al-Bayân, 3:29-30; Al-Himyarî, Kitâb al-Rawd al-mi'tar, tr. Ambrosio Huici, 16-17, 290—298; Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 218.1, p. 60. 44. CSM, 2:199—201, no. 328; Ibn 'Idhârï, Al-Bayân, 3:268; DAAX, 275, no. 247 (1 July 1261). 45. Quintana Prieto, Inocencio TV, 1:251—252, no. 216 (24 September 1245); Robert I. Burns, Muslims, Christians and Jews in the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, 86. 46. Ibn Idhäri, Al-Bayân, 3:260; Ibn Khaldün, Histoire 4:46. 47. Ibn c Idhârî, Al-Bayân, 3:261-262; CAX, ch. 19, pp. 13-14, places this in 1269. The spelling, Cáliz, has been taken to refer to Cádiz, but the description of Cáliz as a "puerto allende la mar" suggests Salé. Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 279-284; Jesús Montoya Martínez, "Las Cantigas de Santa María: Fuente para la historia gaditana," Cádiz en el siglo XIII, 173-181. 48. Ibn 'Idhâri, Al-Bayân, 3:262—269; Ibn Khaldün, Histoire, 4:46; Ibn Abi Zar c , Rawd al-Qirtas, tr. Ambrosio Huici, 2 vols., 2:571—572; CAX, ch. 19, pp. 13-14. 49. Ibn c Idhäri, Al-Bayân, 3:268-270; CAX, ch. 19, pp. 13—14; Antonio Ballesteros, "La toma de Salé en tiempos de Alfonso X el Sabio," Al-Andalus 8 (1943) : 89-128; Ambrosio Huici, "La toma de Salé por la esquadra de Alfonso X," Hesperts 39 (1952): 41—52; Charles Emmanuel Dufourcq, "Un projet castillane du XlIIe siècle: La croisade d'Afrique," Revue d'histoire et du civilisation du Magreb 1 (1966): 26-51. 50. CSM, 2:200, no. 328, lines 30-34; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 279. 51. Rodríguez Díaz, Asterga, 715—720; DAAX, 262—267, 270—271, nos. 238— 240 (19—31 March 1261), 243 (30 May). 52. CAX, ch. 4, pp. 5-6; MHE, 1:308-324, no. 140 (October 1276). 53. Ibn 'Idhârî, Al-Bayân, 3:275; Al-Himyarî, Kitâb, 211—212; CAX, ch. 4, PP· 5-6. 54. CSM, 1:593—594, no. 183; Ibn c Idhârî, Al-Bayân, 3:285; González Jiménez, DAAX, Ivi—Iviii. 55. DAAX, 280—281, no. 253 (12 February 1262); CAX, ch. 6, p. 6, states incorrecdy that Serpa, Moura, Alcatin, Castro Marin, Tavira, Faro, and Loulé were taken with Niebla. Ballesteros, AlfonsoX, 315-318. 56. DAAX, 292-293, 295-298, 356, nos. 262 (28 February 1263), 266 (5 May), 269 (13 July), 324 (12 April 1267). 57. DAAX, 301-302, 311-312, 326, nos. 275 (6 January 1264), 284 (10 May), 302 (3 February 1265). 58. DAAX, 353 - 357, nos. 279 (27 February 1264), 323 (8 April 1267), 325 (16 April). Alfonso X later gave to his daughter Beatriz of Portugal, Niebla, Gibraleón, Huelva, Saltes, Ayamonte, Alajar de la Peña, and Alajar de Late to hold for life; DAAX, 538-539, no. 508 (4 March 1283). 59. See Chapter 10. Florentino Pérez Embid, La frontera entre los reinos de Sevilla y Portugal. 60. CSM, 2:322—323, no. 379, and 2:199-202, no. 328. 61. Guiraud, Urbain TV, 164, no. 348 (21 August 1263); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 329.

328

Notes to Pages 177-185

62. Miguel Angel Ladero Quesada and Manuel González Jiménez, "La población en la frontera de Gibraltar y el repartimiento de Vejer (Siglos XIII y XIV)" HID 4 (1977): 199-204. 63. Ibn cIdhârI, Al-Bayân, 3:275-276; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 269. 64. CSM, ι : 562, no. 169. Alfonso X was in Seville in 1262—1264 and at Jaén only on 14 May 1262. DAAX, 313—316, no. 286 (20 June 1264); Mingiiella, Sigüenza, 1:599-601, no. 225 (25 June). 65. On 30 December 1262 he reminded the people of Toro of their military obligation; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 329. 66. María Josefa Sanz Fuentes, "Repartimiento de Ecija," HID 3 (1976): 535-5+1; Manuel González Jiménez, "Población y repartimiento de Ecija," Homenaje al Profesor Juan Torres Fontes, 2 vols., ι : 691—ja. 67. Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, 56-57, 59, nos. 30 (12 January 1264), 32 (15 May). The "fecho de Cádiz" meant Cádiz, not Salé. Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 283,367. 68. CAX, ch. 12, p. 10, summarized the privileges of 1256. Aquilino Iglesia Ferreirós, "El Privilegio general concedido a las Extremaduras en 1264 por Alfonso X. Edición del ejemplar enviado a Peñafiel en 15 de abril de 1264," AHDE 53 (1983): 466-521; Procter, Curia, 286-291, no. 7; Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, 60-65, no. 21 (29 April); Palacio, Madrid, 1:95—102 (27 August). 69. Pérez Embid, "La marina real," 175-177; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 367. Chapter 12 1. DAAX, 313-316, no. 286 (20 June 1264); Colmenares, Segovia·, 1:264 (20 June); Mingiiella, Sigüenza, ι :599—601, no. 225 (25 June). 2. Ibn cIdhârî, Al-Bayân, 3:285, 288; Ibn Abï Zarc, Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:575; Ibn Khaldün, Histoire, 4:48; CAX, ch. 13, p. 10; Crònica de Jaume I, ch. 378, 7:34-36. 3. Ibn 'Idhâri, Al-Bayân, 3:285—286; CAX, ch. 10, p. 9; Crònica de Jaume I, ch. 378, 7:34-36; AnnalesIanuenses (1249-1264), MGH SS, 18:248. 4. CAX, ch. 10,30, p. 9, 25-26; CSM, 2:242-245, no. 345; Ibn 'Idhârï, AlBayân, 3:275; Arié, L'Espagne musulmane, 63—64. 5. CAX, ch. 10, p. 9; Ibn 'Idhârï, Al-Bayân, 3:287; Crònica de Jaume I, ch. 378,7:34-36. 6. See note 1. 7. CAX, ch. 11-12, pp. 9-10; Arié, L'Espagne musulmane, 65. 8. DAAX, 319-321, 323-325, nos. 295 (27 October 1264), 297-299 (29-30 December). 9. Jordan, Clément TV, 4 - 7 , 29—30, 350-352, nos. 15-17 (23-26 March 1265), 19 (31 March), 126 (16 June), 890 (1265), 896 (23 June); Pereda Llarena, Burgos, 96-108, nos. 71-73 (16-26 June). 10. Nieto Cumplido, Orígenes, 122—125, no. 5 (26 April 1265); MHE, 1:221223, no. 101. h. Ballesteros, "Itinerario," BRAH 109 (1936): 381, η. ι (22 June 1265), and 382, η. ι (22 June); MHE, 1:222-227, no. 102 (19 August).

Notes to Pages 185-189

329

1 2 . Crònica de Jaume I, ch. 3 7 9 — 3 9 3 , 7 : 3 6 - 6 0 ; Juan Torres Fontes, La reconquista de Murcia en 1266 por Jaime I de Aragón. 13. CODOM, 3 : 8 7 , nos. 6 7 — 6 8 (13 March 1 2 6 5 ) , 6 9 (25 August). See privileges given to Almansa, CODOM, 3 : 8 2 - 8 5 , nos. 6 4 — 6 6 ( 9 , 1 3 October 1 2 6 4 ; 15 February 1265). 1 4 . Jordan, Clément TV, 2 6 , 3 0 , 32, 7 9 , nos. 1 1 2 ( 2 3 May 1 2 6 5 ) , 1 2 8 ( 6 July), 1 3 4 July), 3 0 0 ( 1 4 April 1 2 6 6 ) ; Edouard Martène and Ulysse Durand, Thesaurus noms anecdotorum, 5 vols., 2 : 2 7 8 , no. 2 3 1 ( 1 7 February 1 2 6 6 ) . 15. CODOM, 2 : 2 1 - 2 2 , no. 2 2 ( 2 0 July 1 2 6 5 , recte 1 2 6 6 ) ; Crònica de Jaume I, (18

ch. 4 0 9 - 4 2 2 , 16. 17.

7:82-98.

Crònica de Jaume I, ch. 4 2 3 - 4 3 3 , 8 : 1 — 2 3 . Crònica de Jaume I, ch. 4 3 9 - 4 5 6 , 8 : 2 3 - 4 8 ; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ,

395-

398. 18. CODOM, 2 : 2 2 — 2 8 , nos. 2 3 - 2 6 ( 2 0 - 2 7 February 1 2 6 6 ) , 2 7 - 2 8 (4, 18 March), 29 (23 June), 31 (13 September); Jordan, ClémentIV, 385, no. 1086 (5 July 1266).

CODOM, 2 : 2 7 - 2 8 , no. 3 0 ; MHE, 1 : 2 3 1 - 2 3 2 , no. 105. González Diez, Burgos, 1 1 9 , no. 37 ( 2 0 February 1 2 6 6 ) ; CAX, ch. 1 4 - 1 5 , pp. 10—il. The king cited the continuing war on 2 0 March 1 2 6 6 ; DAAX, 3 3 1 - 3 3 2 , no. 3 0 9 . 2 1 . CAX, ch. 1 4 , pp. 10—11; González, Repartimiento de Sevilla, ι : 7 9 - 8 2 . 22. CAX, ch. 14, pp. 10—11; Hipólyto Sancho de Sopranis, Historia de Jerez de la Frontera, 2 vols., 1 : 2 2 ; DAAX, 3 1 9 , nos. 2 9 2 - 2 9 4 · 2 3 . Gonzalo de la Finojosa, Crónica, ch. 2 3 8 , CODOIN, 1 0 0 : 1 4 . 24. Manuel González Jiménez and Antonio González Gómez, El Libro del repartimiento de Jerez de ¡a Frontera, x-xi; CSM, 2 : 2 4 5 , no. 3 4 5 , lines 1 0 6 — 1 1 4 . 25. A royal charter given in Jerez on 23 September 1265 likely should be dated in 1 2 6 7 or 1 2 6 8 ; DAAX, 3 3 0 — 3 3 1 , no. 3 0 6 . 2 6 . DAAX, 3 2 1 — 3 2 2 , no. 2 9 6 , dated this 13 November 1 2 6 4 in Seville, but 1 2 6 6 is likely correa. 2 7 . López Ferreiro, Fueros, 2 8 6 (ι April 1 2 6 7 ) ; Jordan, Clement TV, 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 , 1 5 7 - 1 5 9 , 4 0 5 , nos. 4 5 9 (5 April), 1 2 0 5 (1 June), 5 0 0 (11 July); Ballesteros, "Itinerario, BRAH109 ( 1 9 3 6 ) : 4 5 2 , η. ι (15 November). 2 8 . CAX, ch. 1 3 , 1 5 , pp. 10—h. Ibn al-Ahmar failed to to cede half his kingdom, as promised, to his brother-in-law, Ali Abü-1-Hasan, head of the BanQ Ashqilûlâ. Of All's two sons, Ibrahim was governor of Guadix and commander of the Granadan army, and Abü Muhammad cAbd Allah was governor of Málaga and Comares. Arié, L'Espagne musulmane, 6 5 — 6 6 . 2 9 . CAX, ch. 15, p. il, dated this in 1 2 6 5 , but Ibn 'Idhârî, Al-Bayän, 3:337 (who said the war lasted three years) placed it in A.H. 665 (2 October 12662 1 September 1 2 6 7 ) ; Arié, L'Espagne musulmane, 6 7 . 3 0 . Jordan, Clément TV, 4 1 4 , no. 1 2 6 4 ( 2 3 October 1 2 6 7 ) . Jaime I concluded a truce with Granada in January 1268; ACA Reg. 15, fol. 130V. 31. Manuel González Jiménez and Antonio González Gómez, El Libro del repartimiento de Jerez de la Frontera. Estudio y edición. 19.

20.

330

Notes to Pages

190-192

32. DAAX, 379-381, no. 355 (9 October 1268); also 364, no. 335 (13 November 1267).

33. DAAX, 393-394, 396, 440-443, nos. 371 (14 August 1269), 374 (12 October), 416 (3 August 1274). 34. CSM, 2:199-201, 272—279, 288—289, 292—299, 306—309, 312—313, 317— 324,326-330, 337- 338,342- 343, 345 -352, nos. 328, 356-359,364, 366-368, 371-372,

375, 377- 379, 381—382,385, 387,389,391-393. Jesús Montoya Martínez, "Las Cantigas de Santa María, fuente para la historia gaditana," Cádiz en el siglo XIII, 173—191; Manuel González Jiménez, "El Puerto de Santa María en tiempos de Alfonso X el Sabio," in Nuestros orígenes históricos como el Puerto de Santa María, ed. Manuel González, Alfonso Jiménez, Jesús Montoya, José Luis Tejada, 11-31. 35. DAAX, 293-294, nos. 263-264 (2-3 March 1263); Hipólyto Sancho de Sopranis, "La incorporación de Cádiz a la Corona de Castilla bajo Alfonso X," Hispania 9 (1949): 355-386; González, Repartimiento de Sevilla, 1:82-85. 36. The original of Alfonso X's charter is lost; the text in DAAX, 332-333, no. 310, dated at Seville on 30 March 1266, probably should be 1267. Manuel González Jiménez, "La obra repobladora de Alfonso X en las tierras de Cádiz," Cádiz en el siglo XIII, 7—20. 37. One of the partitioners, Bishop Juan Martínez of Cádiz, was not consecrated until late in 1267. Hipólyto Sancho de Sopranis, "La repoblación y repartimiento de Cádiz por Alfonso X," Hispania 15 (1955) : 490—503. 38. Jordan, ClémentIV, 55,140, nos. 204 (2 February 1266), 457 (25 May 1267); Pablo Antón Solé, "La iglesia gaditana en el siglo XIII," Cádiz en el siglo XIII, 37-48. 39. DAAX, 365-367, no. 336 (23 November 1267), 338 (12 December). 40. "Fragmento del itinerario del Hermano Mauricio y del señor Andrés Nicolas, año 1273," in J. García Mercadal, Viajes de extranjeros por España desde los tiempos más remotos hasta fines del siglo XVI, 223—224; DAAX, 516-519, no. 487 (16 December 1281). 41. DAAX, 369-370, 372-376, nos. 342-343 (27 January 1268), 345-346 (26 March), 348 (20 April). 42. Miguel Angel Ladero Quesada and Manuel González Jiménez, "La población en la frontera de Gibraltar y el repartimiento de Vejer (siglos XIII y XIV)," HID 4 (1977): 204, 209, 225-228, no. 3 (27 June 1269). 43. DAAX, 356—357, 388—390, nos. 325 (16 April 1267), 362—367 (16—18 April 1269).

44. CLC, 1:64-85; DAAX, 376-378, no. 349 (28 June 1268); O'Callaghan, Cortes, 22,187-190. 45. CSM, 1:560-562, no. 169; Juan Torres Fontes, "Estatuto concejil murciano en la época de Alfonso X el Sabio" CODOM, 2:xxi-xxiii. 46. Juan Torres Fontes, Repartimiento de Muräa, v-xi, 1-158 (third and fourth partitions), 159—251 (fifth partition). 47. CODOM, ι : 17-21, 35—36, 39, nos. 11 (14 May 1266), 24 (10 August), 26 (7 May 1267); CODOM, 7:53, no. 29 (31 May 1266). 48. CODOM, ι : 31-36, 43-54, 56, nos. 19-24 (2-10 August 1266), 31 (14 May 1267), 33—38 (22 April 1268), 42 (6 September 1269); CODOM, 3:113—114, no. 104

Notes to Pages 192-195

331

(18 July 1271); CODOM, 7:139-140, no. 77 (19 May 1266); MHE, 1:230-231, 278287, nos. 104 (15 May 1266), 128 (28 April 1272); Torres Fontes, "El estatuto concejil murciano," CODOM, 2:xxi-lxxvi. 49. CODOM, 3:107, no. 96 (30 September 1270); Juan Torres Fontes, El Repartimiento de Lorca, i - i o (third partition, 1272), 11-51 (second and fourth partitions). 50. CODOM, 3:86—88, 92—93, 101, 103—106, 122—131, 153, nos. 67—68 (13 March 1265), 71 (7 June 1266), 75-76 (9 September), 89 (23 September 1268), 93 (9 September 1269), 95 (26 September 1270), 113-114 (10, 20 August 1271), 142 (3 November 1277). 51. CODOM, 3:87, 115-116, 120-121, nos. 69 (25 August 1265), 106, 112 (20 July 1271); Juan Manuel del Estai, "Problemática en torno a la conquista y repoblación de las ciudades musulmanes de Orihuela y Alicante por Alfonso X el Sabio," La ciudad hispánica durante los siglosXIII alXVI, 2 vols., 2:798-810. 52. CODOM, 3:89—91, nos. 73-74 (15 July 1266); Juan Torres Fontes, Repartimiento de Orihuela, 1-46. 53. CODOM, 3:97—100, 103, 113-114, 117-120, 134-135, 137, 147, nos. 81 (4 March 1268), 82-86 (4 April), 92 (5 September 1269), 104-105,107—m (18-20 July 1271), 121 (8 April 1272), 125 (3 May), 134 (4 March 1274); Estai, Documentos, ιοί, no. ι (10 February 1270). 54. CODOM, 3:131,134-135, 137, nos. 115 (1 January 1272), 120,122 (8 April), 125 (3 May); Torres Fontes, Repartimiento de Orihuela, 49-87. 55. CODOM, 3:143—147, nos. 128 (28 December 1272), 131 (4 July 1273), 134 (14 March 1274). 56. CODOM, 3:100—101, 109, HI—113, nos. 87 (11 August 1268), 88 (28 August), 98 (1 May 1271), 101 (2 May), 103 (14 May); Juan Manuel del Estai, Alicante, de villa a ciudad (12S2-1490) • 57. CODOM, 3:102,107—109, m, nos. 91 (5 September 1269), 97 (1 May 1271), 100 (2 May). 58. CODOM, 3:110, 136, 150, nos. 99 (2 May 1271), 123 (20 April 1272), 137 (23 January 1277). 59. MHE, ι : 233, no. 106 (11 December 1266); CODOM, 3 : HI, no. 103 (14 May 1271); Juan Torres Fontes, "El obispado de Cartagena en el siglo XIII," Hispania 13 (1953): 340-401,515-580. 60. CODOM, 3:94—96, 140-142, nos. 79 (19 May 1267), 127 (25 June 1272). 61. CODOM, 2:31-36, 38, 43, 60-63, 66-70, nos. 35 (7 December 1267), 36 (5 April 1268), 39 (20 June 1269), 42-43 (4-5 July 1270), 49 (8 February 1272), 63 (20 July 1276), 64-65 (11 August), 66-67 (8, 13 November), 71 (22 June 1280), 72 (6 August), 74-75 (9-10 August 1281); CODOM, 3:104, 112, 152-153, nos. 94 (27 January 1270), 102 (4 May 1271), 141 (28 October 1277)· 62. To Chinchilla: CODOM, 3:93, 132—133, 151—152, nos. 77—78 (24 March 1267), 116—119 (19, 22 February 1272), 139—140 (13 August 1277). To Cieza: CODOM, 3:137-139, no. 126 (23 June 1272). 63. CAX, ch. 16, pp. il—12 put the interview in Murcia. 64. CAX, ch. 16, 18, pp. π—13; Arié, L'Espagne musulmane, 67; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 403—407.

332

Notes to Pages 195-200

65. Ibn Abi Zar', Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:585, placed the appeal to Abü Yüsuf in 669 (1271); Ibn Khaldûn, Histoire, 2:60, dated it in 670 (1271-1272). 66. DAAX, 411-412,no. 391 (14 January 1272); MHE, 1:271-273, no. 125 (20 March 1272); Crònica· de Jautne I, ch. 501, 505-507, 9:16—18, 22—24; Burns, "Warrior Neighbors," 165-167. 67. Juan Torres Fontes, "La Orden Santa María de España," AEM 11 (1981): 810—811, nos. ι (16 November 1272), 2 (24 December). See also his "La Orden de Santa María de España," Miscelánea medieval murciana 3 (1977): 75-118; Juan Pérez Villamil, "Origen e instituto de la Orden militar de Santa María de España," BRAH 74 (1919): 243-271; Juan Menéndez Pidal, "Noticias acerca de la Orden militar de Santa María de España," RABM17 (1907): 161-180. 68. J.M Canivez, Statuta capitulorumgeneralium Ordinis Cisterciensis, 8 vols., 3:91,122, ad annum 1270, no. 74, and 1273, nos. 37-38; Torres Fontes, "La Orden de Santa María de España," 811-814, nos. 3 (23 January 1273), 4 (1275). 69. Ordinance of Zamora, art. 31, CLC, 1:91-92; Guiraud, Grégoire Χ, 7576, no. 200 (23 October 1272); Gay, Nicolas ΠΙ, 342, no. 743 (2? March 1279). 70. CAX, ch. 13-14, 22, pp. 17-19; Crònica de Alfonso XI, ch. 51, in BAE 66:204-205; Ibn Khaldûn, Histoire, 4:89; Arié, L'Espagne musulmane, 67. Chapter 13 1. Cayetano J. Socarras, Alfonso X of Castile: A Study on Imperialistic Frustration; Antonio Ballesteros, Alfonso X, emperador (electo) de Alemania. Discurso de entrada en la Real Academia de la Historia-, Antonio and Pío Ballesteros, "Alfonso X de Castilla y la Corona de Alemania," RABM 37 (1916): 1-23,187-219, 223—242; 39 (1918): 142-162; 40 (1919): 467-490; Arnald Steiger, "Alfonso X el Sabio y la idea imperial," Arbor 6 (1946): 389—482; Carlos Estepa, "Alfonso X y el fecho del imperio," Revista de Occidente 43 (1984): 43—53; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 145—168. 2. González, Fernando III, 1:96—101. 3. Steven Runciman, The Sicilian Vespers: A History of the Mediterranean World in the Later Thirteenth Century, is the best overview of the era. 4. Ricardo de San Germano, Chronica, MGH SS, 19:379; González, Fernando III, ι : 108, 269—271, and 3:201, no. 660 (4 December 1239). 5. Quintana Prieto, Inocencio IV, 1:296-297, no. 273 (3 May 1246); C.C. Bayley, "The Diplomatic Preliminaries of the Double Election of 1257 in Germany," EHR 62 (1947): 4746. Rodríguez de Lama, Alejandro IV, 50-51, no. 23 (4 February 1255); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 162—165. 7. Paul SchefFer-Boichorst, "Kleinere Forschungen zur Geschichte Alfons X von Castilien," MIOG 9 (1888): 226-248; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 159-160; Bayley, "Diplomatie Preliminaries," 474-475. 8. Violante's grandmother, Marie of Montpellier, was a granddaughter of Manuel Comnenus (1143—1180). 9. Ferdinando Ughelli, Italia Sacra, sive de episcopis Italiae et insularum adi-

Notes to Pages 200—203

333

acentium, 10 vols., 3:435-436 (18 March 1256); Socarras, Alfimso X, 259—265, nos. 9-10; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 153—165; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 168-171. 10. Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 155-157. 11. MGH Constitutiones, 2:498 (12 September 1256); Scheffer-Boichorst, "Kleinere Forschungen," 246-248, no. 2; Ballesteros, Alfimso Χ, 169-170; Bayley, "Diplomatic Preliminaries," 476. 12. Daumet, Mémoire, 147-149, no. 2 (5 May 1256); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 166. 13. MGH Constitutiones, 2:484—485 (13 January 1257); Bayley, "Diplomatic Preliminaries," 467—470; Ballesteros, Alfimso X, 180—182. 14. Annales de Burton, in H. R. Luard, ed., Annales Monastici, 4 vols., ι : 391-392; Frank R. Lewis, "Ottakar of Bohemia and the Double Election of 1257," Speculum 12 (1937): 512-515. 15. Thomas Wykes, Chronicon, in Luard, Annales Monastici, 4: m—117; Gesta Treverensis Continuatio, MGH SS, 24:412-413; Jofré de Loaysa, Crònica, eh. 219.6, p. 68, said that four electors voted for Alfonso X and three for Richard; CAX, ch. 18, p. 13; Bayley, "Preliminaries," 473—481. See the Castilian brief presented to Clement IV in 1267 in Adolf Fanta, "Ein Bericht über die Ansprüche des Königs Alfons auf den deutschen Thron," MIOG 6 (1885): 94-104; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 183, 4 Î 4 - 4 5 7 ·

16. Eduard Winkelmann, Acta Imperii inedita saeculi XIII et XIV. Urkunden und Briefe zur Geschichte des Kaiserreichs und des Königreichs in Sizilien in den Jahren 1198 bis 1400, 2 vols., ι : 464, no. 579 (21 October 1258). 17. Annales Wormatienses, MGH SS, 17:59; Annales Wormatienses breves, MGH SS, 17:76; Hermannus Altahensis, Annales, MGH SS, 17:397; Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, 5:622. 18. Annales de Burton, 392—395; Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, 5:649,657658. 19. MGH Constitutiones, 2:646; Oswald Redlich, "Zur Wahl des römischen Königs Alfons von Castilien (1257)," MIOG 16 (1895): 659-662 (22 August 1257); Annales Sanctae Justinae Patavini, MGH SS, 19:169. 20. Chronicón de Cardeña, ES, 23:375, dated the arrival of the envoys in June 1257, but the king was not then in Burgos; Ballesteros, Alfimso X, 186-188. 21. Winkelmann, Acta Imperii, 1:464, no. 579 (21 October 1258). 22. Winkelmann, Acta Imperii, 1:463, no. 578 (undatedj but probably 1257); Annales Wormatienses, MGH SS, 17:59—60; Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, 5:699. 23. Charters dated 7 September-27 October 1257); Johann Ficker and Eduard Winkelmann, eds., Rejjesten des Kaiserreichs, 1198-1272, 3 vols., 2:354; Mondéjar, Memorias, 158; Ballesteros, Alfimso X, i&ç. 24. CAX, ch. 3, p. 5; Chronicón de Cardeña, ES, 23:374; Ballesteros, Alfimso Χ, 189—193. 25. Bruce Gelsinger, "A Thirteenth-Century Norwegian-Castilian Alliance," Medievalia et Humanística, New Series 10 (1981): 55—80. 26. Geisinger, "Norwegian-Castilian Alliance," 55-60. The chief source is Sturla Thordarson's Hakonar saga Hakonarsonar, ch. 289—295, in C.R. Unger, ed., Codex Frisianus. En Samlung af norske Konge-Saßaer, 548-553.

334

Notes to Pages 203—208

27. Gelsinger, "Norwegian-Castilian Alliance," 61-63 citing Sturla Thordarson's Hakonar saga, ch. 295, 299,301, pp. 553-554,557-559; J.P. de Guzmán y Gallo, "La Princesa Cristina de Noruega y el Infante Don Felipe, hermano de Don Alfonso el Sabio," BRAH 74 (1919) : 39-65; Vicente Almazán, "El viaje de la Princesa Cristina a Valladolid (1257-1258) según la Saga islandesa del Rey Hakon," Archivos Leoneses 37 (1983): 101-110. 28. Alfonso X exempted the knights of Toledo on 26 January 1259; confirming this on 6 February 1260, he referred to la moneda doblada. AM Toledo, cajón 10, legajo i, no. 1; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 225-228; O'Callaghan, ' T h e Cortes and Royal Taxation," 383. 29. Charters dated 21 September 1257 to 14 March 1258. Mondéjar, Memorias, 162—163, 553 -554, 557; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 217, 230-234. 3θ. Thomas Wykes, Chronica, 113; Bayley, "Preliminaries, 479-480. 31. Robert Lee Wolff, "Mortgage and Redemption of an Emperor's Son: Castile and the Latin Empire of Constantinople," Speculum 29 (1954): 45-84; Eloy Benito Ruano, "La Orden de Santiago y el imperio latino de Constantinopla," Hispania 12 (1952): 3-36. 32. Robert L. Wolff, "Hopf's so-called 'Fragmentum' of Marino Sañudo Torsello," The Joshua Starr Memorial Volume, 149—159, and "Mortgage," 45—47. 33. CAX, ch. 17, p. 13; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 350-352. 34. Wolff, "Mortgage," 60—64, 76; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 138-140. 35. Jofré de Loaysa, Cronica, ch. 219.7, Ρ· 68; CAX, ch. 17, p. 12. 36. Rolandino da Padua, Chronica, MGH SS, 19:127,136-137; Annales Sanctae Justinae Patavini, MGH SS, 19:172; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 2ΐ6, 2ΐ8. 37· Winkelmann, Acta Imperii, 1:464, no. 579 (21 October 1258); Peter Linehan, "The Gravamina of the Castilian Church in 1262-3," EHR 85 (1970) : 742, η. 2. 38. Ricordano Malaspina, Storia Fiorentina, 175; Annales Parmenses matares, MGH SS, 18:677; Annales Rudberti Salisburgensis, cited by Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 215—224. 39. After consulting the patriarch of Grado, the king informed Alberto de la Torre (16 July 1259) and Besancçn (18 October) that the pope had invited him to come. Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 235, 243. 40. Rodriguez de Lama, Alejandro IV, 382, 397, nos. 419 (22 April 1259), 433 (June); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 235—236, 240—242, dated the mission late in 1259. 41. MHE, 1:154-155, no. 71 (6 February 1260); DAAX, 313-316, no. 286 (20 June 1264); Mingiiella, Sißüenza, 1:599-601, no. 225 (25 June); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 224—229. 42. MHE, 1:151, no. 69 (27 September 1259); Ayala Martinez, Directrices, 252—276. 43. CDACA, 6:151-154, nos. 35 (28 July 1260), 36 (20 September); MHE, 1:165-166, no. 80. 44. CAX, ch. 60, p. 8; Pedro Martínez Montavez, "Relaciones de Alfonso X de Castilla con el sultán mameluco Baybars y sus sucesores," Al-Andalus 27 (1962) : 343—376; Ayala Martínez, Directrices, 291—294, 304—305; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 305-306. 45. Julia Burton Holloway, ' T h e Road through Roncesvalles: Alfonsine Formation of Brunetto Latini and Dante—Diplomacy and Literature," in Burns,

Notes to Pages 208-211

33$

Emperor of Culture, 109-123; Giovanni Villani, Cronica, 8 vols., Bk. 6, ch. 73, 2:99-100; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 284-286. 46. Eloy Benito Ruano, "La iglesia española ante la caída del imperio latino," Hispania Sacra π (1958): 12-17 (memorandum of the clergy), 19-20 (Urban IV's letter, 23 October 1263); Guiraud, Urbain TV, 2:351-352, no. 740. 47. Martino da Canale, "Cronica Veneta," Archivio storico italiano 8 (1845): 502; Marino Sañudo, Secreta crucisfidelium,ed. J. Bongars, Gesta Dei per francos, 2 vols., 2:73; Benito Ruano, "La iglesia española," 8; WolfF, "Hopfs Fragmentum," 158. 48. Urban IV to Infante Felipe, 6 August 1264; AC Toledo, E/7/C (XIII)7/i cited by Linehan, "Gravamina," 743. 49. Guiraud, Urbain TV, 2:29, no. 93 (17 April 1262); Demetrio Mansilla, La documentación española del Archivo Castel Sant'Angelo (395-1418), 50—51, no. 90 (1 February 1263); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 341. 50. Guiraud, Urbain TV, 2:165-168,170-172, nos. 350-351 (27 August 1263), 358-359 (7,31 August). 51. Guiraud, Urbain TV, 2:336—337, no. 712 (26 August 1264); Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 409-4I2. 52. Jordan, Clément TV, 121, 350-351, nos. 415 (30 April 1266), 890 (undated, but probably spring 1265). 53. Jordan, Clément TV, 376, no. 1036 (31 March 1266); Wolff, "Mortgage," 64. At some uncertain date Alfonso X knighted Philip; Cbronicón de Cardeña, ES, 23:380; Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 219.8, p. 70. 54. Bernât Desclot, Crònica, ed. M. Coll i Alentorn, 5 vols., ch. 54,2:163-164. 55. Giuseppe del Giudice, Codice diplomatico de Carlo I e Carlo II d'Angiò, 3 vols., ι : 193-194, no. 56 (27 October 1266); Wolff, "Mortgage," 77-78. 56. Jordan, Clément TV, 398, 404, 409, nos. 1164-1165 (5 January 1267), 1199 (15 May), 1231 (23 July); Anales ToledanosIV, cited by Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 461. 57. Desclot, Crònica, ch. 60—61, 2:170-173; Annales Sanctae Justinae, MGH SS, 19:190; Bartolomeo de Neocastro, Historia Sicula, ed. G. Paladino, Raccolta degli Storici Italiani, 13.3, eh. 8, pp. 7-8; Giovanni Villani, Cronica, Bk. 8, eh. 23—30, 2:177-192; Jordan, Clément IV, 409, 413, 416, 420-421, 424, nos. 1232 (26 July 1267), 1257 (25-27 September), 1275 (16 November), 1319 (28, 30 December 1267), 1296 (14/25 January 1268), 1302 (25/26 January) ; Anales Toledanos IV, cited by Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 463-465. 58. Annales Ianuenses, MGH SS, 18:263; Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:524,529-530; Annales Parmenses maiores, MGH SS, 18:682; Annales Veronenses, MGH SS, 19:17; Annales Mantuani, MGH SS, 19:25; Bernat Desclot, Crònica, ch. 62, 2:174—176; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 471—472. 59. Del Giudice, Codice, 2.1:285, no. 2 (13 July 1269); Otto Cartellieri, Peter von Aragón und die Sizilianische Vesper, 237, no. 3 (22 May 1269). 60. Camillo Minieri Riccio, Alcuni fatta riguardanti Carlo I diAngiò dal 6 di Agosto I2S2 al 30 di Decembre 1270, tratti dall'Archivio Angioini di Napoli, 50, 59 (16 November 1269) cited by Wolff, "Mortgage," 79. 61. Jordan, Clément TV, 121, 332, nos. 415 (30 April 1266), 839 (undated); Fanta, "Ein Bericht," 94-104. 62. Jordan, Clément TV, 200, 202, 204-205, 269, 405, 407, nos. 588, 594

336

Notes to Pages 2 1 1 - 2 2 2

(9 M a y 1267), 596,599 (17 September), 597 (26 September), 704 (18 M a y 1268), 1206 (3/5 June 1267), 1208 (9 June), 1215 (14,17,18 June); Ballesteros, AlftmsoX, 454—458, 469-470.

63. Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:535,553. 64. Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:549, 553 -554; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 542-543-

65. Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:553-555; Wolff, "Mortgage," 80. 66. Crònica de Jaume (27 January 1278).

I, ch. 4 7 7 - 4 8 3 , 8 : 7 0 - 7 9 ; R y m e r , Foedera,

1.2:177

67. Winkelmann, Acta Imperii, 1:465, no. 580 (22 October 1271); Socarras, Alfonso X, 267, no. 12; Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:553. 68. Guiraud, Grégoire Χ, 1 : 6 5 - 6 7 , no. 192 (16 September 1272).

Chapter 14 1. CAX, ch. 18—21, pp. 13—17; Guiraud, GrégoireX, 1:65, no. 192 (16 September 1272). Also see Chapter 5. 2. Evelyn Procter, "Materials for the Reign of Alfonso X of Castile, 12521284," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4th Series, 14 (1931): 53-57.

3. Fernández del Pulgar, Palenda, 2:344—345 (13 April 1274). 4. CAX, ch. 22, pp. 18—19, includes letters to Felipe, Ñuño, and Lope, and summarizes the others. 5. CAX,

ch. 2 2 - 2 4 , pp. 1 9 - 2 1 .

6. CAX, ch. 24, p. 21; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 511,516. See Chapter 6. 7. CAX, ch. 24, p. 21; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 568—579. 8. CAX,

ch. 2 2 - 2 4 , pp. 18—19, 21. T h e Navarrese-Castilian treaty is in Ar-

chivo General de Navarra, Pamplona, Cámara de Comptos, cajón 4, no. 30. 9. CAX, ch. 25, p. 21; Procter, Curia, 119-120,133-134; O'Callaghan, Cortes, 23-26.

10. Luis González Antón, Las Uniones aragonesas y las cortes del reino (12S31301), 2 vols. π . Perez Bustamante, Gobierno, 1 : 4 8 - 5 7 , 6 3 - 7 1 , 2 0 0 - 2 0 2 , 299-301. 12. CAX, ch. 25, pp. 2 1 - 2 2 .

13. CAX, ch. 26, pp. 22—23; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 584; Procter, Curia, 133-134; See Chapter 4. 14. Fuero viejo, prologue, pp. 1—3. 15. Palacio, Madrid, 1:113-117 (27 October 1272); Privilegios reales y viejos documentos, 10, no. 6 (to Cuenca, 30 October); Barrios García and Expósito, Béjar, 218—231, no. 6 (30 October); Sáez, Fueros de Sepúlveda, 196-198, no. 13 (31 October); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 581,1102, no. 865 (to Soria, 28 October); Procter, Curia, 180,191,198.

16. Iglesia Ferreirós, "Privilegio general," 488-500. 17. García Gallo, "El Libro de las leyes," 406—407, and "Nuevas observaciones," 649-650.

18. CAX, ch. 18, p. 13; O'Callaghan, Cortes, 135, and "Cortes and Royal Taxation," 386-388.

Notes to Pages 222-230

337

19. CLC, 1:85-86 (28 March 127?). 20. CAX, ch. 47, p. 35. 21. MHE, ι : 305, no. 137 (28 August 1274). 22. CAX, ch. 43, p. 32. 23. CAX, ch. 27-38, pp. 23-30. 24. CAX, ch. 39, p. 30; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 615-621. 25. CAX, ch. 40, pp. 30—31; O'Callaghan, "Cortes and Royal Taxation," 388, 396.

26. CAX, ch. 40—41, pp. 31—32. Ch. 41 includes royal letters to all the magnates, to Lope Diaz, and Fernando de la Cerda, and a letter from Violante, Archbishop Sancho, and Infantes Fadrique and Manuel. 27. Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 219.10, p. 74; CAX, ch. 43, 46, pp. 33, 35; Arié, L'Espagne musulmane, 67—68. 28. CAX, ch. 44-45, pp. 33-35; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 621-637. 29. CLC, ι : 85-86; CAX, ch. 47, p. 35; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 637-638; Procter, Curia, 134-135,151,191,198. 30. CAX, ch. 47, pp. 35-36; CLC, 1:85-86; Pereda Llarena, Burgos, 150-151, no. 105. Sancho IV alluded to this charter on 10 June 1285; Gaibrois, Sancho IV, 3:liii-liv, no. 8. 31. CAX, ch. 48-51, pp. 36-38; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 646-680; Procter, Curia, 135; O'Callaghan, Cortes, 24-25. 32. CAX, ch. 52, pp. 38-41; Rymer, Foedera, 1.2,132 (23 June 1273). 33. CAX, ch. 52, p. 38; Kinkade, "Alfonso X, Cantiga 235, and the Events of 1269-1278," 296. 34. CAX, ch. 53, 57, pp. 41, 45; CSM, 1:721-724, no. 235; Kinkade, "Alfonso X, Cantiga 235, and the Events of 1269-1278," 297-298; Burns, "Warrior Neighbors," 167, n. 35. 35. CAX, ch. 53-58, pp. 41-47; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 646-680. 36. CAX, ch. 59, p. 47; Fernández del Pulgar, Patencia, 2:344—345 (13 April 1274); Ballesteros, AlfonsoX, 683-687; Procter, Curia, 135-136. 37. CAX, ch. 59, pp. 47-48; Craddock, "Cronología," 401-403, citing Crónica general de 1344, ch. 65 (BN 10815, fol. 22ra, and Cuarta Crónica general (BN 9559, fol. i77rb). 38. Palacio, Madrid, 1:119-122 (20 March 1274); Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, 63, no. 36 (15 April); Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, 73-74, no. 30 (17 April); MHE, 1:305, no. 137 (to Alcalá de Henares, 21 August); AM León, no. 14 (27 April); González Diez, Burgos, 127—128, no. 42 (5 May); AC Toledo, A3A17 (13 May); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 687, 691-692, 1105-1106, nos. 932 (to Túy, 15 April), 934 (to abbey of Monfero, 17 April), 942 (to Toledo, 13 May), 946 (to abbey of Osera, 23 May). 39. He exempted Arlanza from various dues, except "el mio servicio" (2 April 1274), and assured Murcia that he would not take as a matter of right the 15,000 maravedís that the city gave him as a servicio for the empire (16 October). Luciano Serrano, Cartulario de San Pedro de Arlanza, 279—280, no. 159; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 716. 40. Daniel Berjano, "Antigua carta de hermandad entre Plasencia y Talavera," BRAH 35 (1899): 317-318 (4 April 1274). 41. CLC, 1:87-94 (20 July 1274); Procter, Curia, 137-138; O'Callaghan,

338

Notes to Pages 230-235

Cortes, 4,115-116,120,158-160; Iglesia Ferreirós, "Las Cortes de Zamora de 1274," 945-971· 42. MHE, 1:304-305, no. 136 (24 August 1274); CDACA, 6:180-183 (3,16 October 1274); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 697-705. 43. Guiraud, Grégoire X, 351-352, no. 876 (23 March 1274); Carlos de Viana, Crónica de los reyes de Navarra, ed. José Yanguas y Miranda, Bk. 3, ch. 6, pp. 135— 136; José María Lacarra, Historia del reino de Navarra en la edad media, 298—306. 44· Annales Ianuenses, MGH SS, 18:280—282; Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:559-560; Guiraud, Grégoire X, 238-240, nos. 574-575 (18 September 1274). 45. CAX, ch. 66, p. 52; Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 219.11, p. 76; Anales Toledanos III, ES, 23:420; Bernât Desclot, Crònica, ch. 66, 3:10; Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, ch. 21-24,1:55-61; Juan Manuel, Chronicón, in Benavides, Fernando IV, 1:675; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 728—731; Burns, "Warrior Neighbors," 167—171, 186— 187, nos. 10—14. 46. Guiraud, GrégoireX, 297-301, 305-307, nos. 689—696 (18-19,31 December 1274), 697-698 (January 1275), 710-711 (April), 714 (1-13 April), 715 (AprilMay), 712 (3 May); Carlos de Ayala Martinez, "Alfonso X: Beaucaire y el fin de la pretensión imperial," Hispania 47 (1987): 5-31. 47. Guiraud, Grégoire X, 65, no. 192 (16 September 1272); Rymer, Foedera, 1.2:145-146 (4-5 May 1275); Ayala Martinez, "Alfonso X," 24-27. 48. Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:561; Annales Ianuenses, MGH SS, 18:282. 49. Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:561; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 778; Ayala Martínez, "Alfonso Χ," i4, 21-22. 50. Guiraud, GrégoireX, 308, 345, nos. 718-719 (25-27 June), 720 (ι July), 721 (20 July), 838 (28 July); Ayala Martinez, "Alfonso X," 15-20. 51. Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:561; Annales Ianuenses, MGH SS, 18:282; Juan Manuel, Chronicón, in Benavides, Fernando IV, 1:675; Ayala Martinez, "Alfonso X," 22-23. 52. CSM, ι : 722, no. 235; Kinkade, "Alfonso X, Cantiga 235, and the Events of 1269-1278," 302—306. 53. Guiraud, Grégoire X, 281-282, 310, nos. 650—651 (13, 28 September 1275); MGH Epistolae Saeculi XIII e Regestis Pontificum Romanorum, 596 (15 October); Ayala Martinez, "Alfonso X," 20,31; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 772-774. Chapter is 1. Al-Hulal al-Mawsiyya. Crónica árabe de las dinastías almorávide, almohade y benimerín, tr. Ambrosio Huici Miranda, 196—199. Also CSM, 1:588—589, no. 181. 2. Louis Mas Latrie, Traités de paix et de commerce et documents divers concernant les relations des chrétiens avec les arabes de l'Afrique septentrionale au moyen âge, 2 vols., 2:285-286, no. 3 (18 November 1274); Dufourcq, L'Espagne catalane, 168. 3. Ibn Abï Zar', Rmvd al-Qirtas, 2:591—593; CAX, ch. 61, pp. 48—49; Arié, L'Espagne musulmane, 69; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 633—637.

Notes to Pages 235-239

339

4. Jofré de Loaysa, Crânien, ch. 219.12—13, p. 78, gave the date 24 July; Anales Toledanos III, in ES, 23:420, 25 July, and CAX, ch. 64, p. 5i, August. 5. Ibn Abî Zar', Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:594-600; Al-Hulal, 201; CSM, 1:560562, no. 169, and CSM, 2:188-189, no. 323. 6. Ibn Abï Zar', Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:600—603; CAX, ch. 62, pp. 49—50; Anales Toledanos ΙΠ, in ES, 23:420; Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 219.14-15, p. 82; Ibn Khaldün, Histoire, 4:92. 7. CAX, ch. 63, pp. 50-51; Anales Toledanos III, in ES, 23:420; Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 219.16-17, pp. 84—86; Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, ch. 11,1:35. CAX, ch. 64, p. 51, mistakenly placed Fernando's death after Nuño's and the archbishop's. Also Guiraud, Grégoire X, 1:269, no. 629 (3 September 1275). 8. CAX, ch. 61-65, ρρ· 48-52; Ibn Abî Zar', Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:605; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 740-765. 9. Guiraud, Grégoire Χ, 1:281, 345, nos. 838 (28 July 1275), 840 (17 September), 649 (14 October); Ballesteros, AlfonsoX, 773-776. 10. Crònica de Jaunie I, ch. 554—560,9:82-91; Bernât Desclot, Crònica, ch. 67, 3:13-17; Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, ch. 26, 1:65; Rymer, Foedera, 1.2:151-152 (7 January 1276). π. Bernât Desclot, Crònica,, ch. 66, 3:10—13; CSM, 1:722-723, no. 235; Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, ch. 24,1:61. The itinerary in CAX, ch. 66-67, PP· 52-53, is incorrect. Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 769-778; Kinkade, "Alfonso X, Cantiga 235, and the Events of 1269-1278," 311-312. 12. González Diez, Burgos, 129-130, no. 44 (22 December 1275); CAX, ch. 67, pp. 52—53. 13. Piskorski, Cortes, 196-197, no. 1 (5 May 1255). 14. Robert A. MacDonald, "Alfonso the Learned and Succession: A Father's Dilemma," Speculum 40 (1965): 651; Jerry R. Craddock, "Dynasty in Dispute: Alfonso X el Sabio and the Succession to the Throne of Castile and León in History and Legend," Viator 17 (1986): 197-219, and "Cronología," 406—415; Procter, Curia, 178-179. 15. Bernat Desclot, Crònica, ch. 66, 3:10-13; Guillaume de Nangis, Gesta Philippi Tertii Francorum regis, RHF, 20:496—500. According to the fourteenthcentury chronicler, Gonzalo de la Finojosa, Crònica, ch. 238, in CODOIN, 106:16, the two kings agreed that Fernando's and Blanche's children should inherit the throne, and the magnates consented. 16. Alexandre Teulet, ed., Layettes du Tresor des Chartes, 5 vols., 2:172-173, 359—360, 370-374, 426-427, nos. 5153-5154 (10 May 1266), 5416 (9 October 1268), 5537 ( 3 June 1269), 5555 -5559 (13 July), 5561-5562 (23, 25 July), 5653-5564 (31 March 1270). 17. See BN, MS 10815 in Craddock, "Dynasty," 212. 18. CAX, ch. 66-67, ρρ· 52-53; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 785-787; Procter, Curia, 139, 230. 19. Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 219.19, p. 90; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 789, citing Julián Sánchez Ruano, El Fuero de Salamanca, xxiv (30 April 1276); Procter, Curia, 140, n. 91; O'Callaghan, Cortes, 83-84. 20. Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 219.20-21, pp. 90—92; CAX, ch. 68, p. 53;

340

Notes to Pages 239-244

Anales Toledanos III, in ES, 23:420; Bernât Desdot, Crònica, ch. 66,3:10—13; Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, eh. 40,1:91; Gonzalo de la Finojosa, Crònica, eh. 238, in CODOIN, 106:17; Crònica de Sancho TV, eh. 1, in RAE, 66:69; MHE, 2:112, no. 228 (8 November 1282); MacDonald, "Alfonso the Learned and Succession," 647-654. 21. Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 789-791, 824-841; MHE, 1:325-326, no. 143 (18 March 1278); DAAX, 461, no. 439 (26 Aprii); Procter, Curia, 141—142. 22. Daumet, Mémoire, 157—159, nos. 7-8 (September 1276); Mariano Arigita y Lasa, Cartulario de Felipe III, 5, 21, 27—28, 47, nos. 5 (18 February 1277), 25, 34 (20 September 1276), 65 (31 January 1277). 23. Menéndez Pidal, Documentos, 257, no. 201 (24 July). 24. Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 791—793, citing charters to Zamora (20 July), Badajoz (21 July), Seville (22 July), Salamanca (24 July), and Alcalá de Henares (26 June 1276). 25. MHE, 1:308-321, no. 140 (October 1276); Baer, Jews, 1:126-128; Sánchez Albornoz, España, 2:214-216. 26. Carlos of Viana, Crónica, Bk. 3, ch. 8, pp. 139—151; Daumet, Mémoire, 157—162, nos. 7—8 (September 1276); Arigita y Lasa, Felipe III, 22, 79, nos. 26 (25 February 1276), 112 (24 August); Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 794—801. 27. August Potthast, Regesta pontificum romanorum inde ab anno nçS ad annum 1304, 2 vols., nos. 21165—21167 (15 October 1276). 28. Guillaume Anelier, Histoire de la guerre de Navarre, ed. Francisque Michel, 651—655; Daumet, Mémoire, 43-47, 162—163, no. 9 (8 November 1276); Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 793-8ιο; Procter, Curia, 141-143· 29. CSM, 1:660-661, 721-724, nos. 209, 235. 30. Jofré de Loaysa, Crònica, ch. 219.23, p. 96; CAX, ch. 68, p. 53; Anales Toledanos III, in ES, 23:420; CSM, ι : 723, no. 235; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 819—827; Kinkade, "Alfonso X, Cantiga 235, and the Events of 1269-1278," 313-318. 31. Quintana Prieto, San Pedro de Montes, 482—487, no. 375 (8 July 1282). Also Pedro López de Ayala, Crónica de Juan I, Año VII, ch. 5, BAE, 68:95. 32. Luc Cadier, Le Registre de Jean XXI, 55, no. 164 (3 March 1277). Also Arigita y Lasa, Felipe III, 13-14,16, 37-38,48-49,50-51, nos. 15,17,50, 67, 70. 33. Potthast, Regesta, no. 21135 (9 April 1276); Rymer, Foedera, 1.2:157-158 (8 January 1277), 160 (1 August), 177 (27 January 1278). 34. J.M. Escudero de la Peña, "Súplica hecha al Papa Juan XXI para que absolviese al Rey de Castilla, D. Alfonso X, del juramento de no acuñar otra moneda que los dineros prietos" RABM 2 (1872): 58-59. 35. Fidel Fita, "La Guardia, villa del Partido de Lillo, Provincia de Toledo. Datos históricos," BRAH π (1887): 413-414 (20 May 1277); AM León, nos. 15—16 (10 June); Ubieto Arteta, Cuéllar, 75-76, no. 32 (10 June); Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, 75, no. 41 (12 June); Floriano, Cáceres, 20, no. 8 (12 June); Guerrero Lafuente, Benavente, 425, no. 4 (12 June); Martín Expósito, Ledesma, 41-42, no. 5 (12 June); MHE, 1:308—324, nos. 140 (to Aguilar de Campóo, 20 June), 141 (to Carrión, 28 June); Dionisio Nogales Delicado, Historia de la muy noble y leal ciudad de Ciudad Rodrigo, 65 (21 June); Fernández del Pulgar, Falencia, 3:323 (23 June); Antonio Ubieto Arteta, Colección diplomática de Riaza (1258-1457), 8-9, no. 3 (7 July); Francisco Berganza, Antigüedades de España, 2 vols., 2:492, no. 183 (to Cardeña,

Notes to Pages 244—247

341

21 June); Colmenares, Segovia, 1:412-41? (7 July); Agapito y Revilla, Valladolid, 55, no. 33-xiv (8 August); Mingiiella, Sigüenza, I, 622—624, no. 240 (28 August); Ballesteros, AlßmsoX, 828-839, mi, nos. 1050 (to Cuenca, 8 June), 1053 (to Alarcón, il June), 1062 (to Toro, 30 June). 36. AM León, no. 17 (14 June 1277); Barrios Garcia, Alba de Tormes, 51, no. 13 (10 September); Ubieto Arteta, Cuéttar, 78-79, no. 34 (25 October); Antonio Martin Lazaro, "Colección diplomática de San Salvador de Béjar," Revista de ciencias jurídicas y sociales 4 (1921): 149, no. 100.2 (16 November 1278); Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 838-840, III2, no. 1091 (to Alcalá de Henares, 5 December). 37. Eloy Benito Ruano, Hermandades de Asturias durante la edad media, 57—58, no. i (24 May 1277). 38. Ibn Abï Zar1, Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:607—614; Al-Hulal, 201; CSM, 1:674676, 723, nos. 215, 235. 39. Anales Toledanos ΠΙ, in ES, 23:42o; Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 219.24, p. 96; CAX, ch. 68, p. 53; Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, ch. 40,1:90; MHE, 1:344, no. 155 (24 April 1279); Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 860-866. For papal privileges to Violante see Cadier, Jean XXI, 40—41, nos. 125—126 (23 March 1277). 40. Crònica general de Pere ΠΙ el Cerimmiòs, dita comunament Crònica de Sant Joan delaPenya, ed. A.J. Soberanas Lieo, eh. 36, pp. 130-131. 41. CAX, eh. 71, p. 55; Guillaume de Nangis, Gesta Philippi Tertii, RHF, 20:498—499; Chronographia regum Francorum, ed. H. Moranville, 3 vols., 1:7; Major Cbronicon Lemovicense, RHF, 21:787. 42. Jerónimo Zurita, Anales de la Corona de Aragón, ed. Angel Canellas López, 9 vols., 2:15-17. 43. MHE, 1:325—326, nos. 142—143 (2,18 March 1278); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 848-849, 874-875· 44· CSM, 1:723-724, no. 235. 45- CAX, eh. 67-68, p. 53; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 785-790,828-834, 852-853. 46. Liber de preconiis civitatis numantine, ed. Fidel Fita, "Dos obras inéditas de Gil de Zamora," BRAH 5 (1884): 146; MHE, 2:113, no. 228 (8 November 1282); Ferotin, Recueil, 262, no. 230 (8 December 1278); Procter, Curia, 143. 47. Gay, Nicolas ΙΠ, 79-81, 90-91, 98-99, 101-103, 137-140, 144-146, nos. 222-225 (2 December 1277), 239-241 (4, 24 April 1278), 261-262 (15 July), 264, 273—275 (3—9 August), 385-387 (29 November), 392 (3 December); Daumet, Mémoire, 164—167, no. il (15 July). 48. Gay, Nicolas ΙΠ, 338-344, nos. 739-743 (23 March 1279). See above, 100—106. 49. Ibn Khaldün, Histoire, 4:96—101; Ibn Abï Zar', Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:618; CAX, ch. 69-70, pp. 53 -54· 50. Gay, Nicolas ΙΠ, 9, 56-58, nos. 27 (5 April 1278), 186 (10 October), 187 (15 December), 188 (29 September); González Diez, Burgos, 157—158, no. 76 (2 January 1279). 51. Barrios Garcia, Alba de Tormes, 52-53, no. 14 (15 July 1278); González Diez, Burgos, 141-142,143—146,147-149,152—155,157-158,161-162, nos. 57 (14 May 1278), 59-62 (15 —19 July), 64—65 (28, 30 July), 66 (8 August), 70 (22 September), 71-72 (6 October), 75 (16 October), 79 (20 February 1279). Alcalá de Henares also

342

Notes to Pages 248-253

came to terms ( 2 9 September 1 2 7 8 ) ; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 8 5 3 - 8 5 6 , 875, 8 8 0 , 885. 52. González Diez, Burgos, 1 5 8 - 1 6 0 , no. 7 7 ( 6 February 1 2 7 9 ) . 53. MHE, 1 : 2 4 9 , no. 113 ( 2 4 November 1 2 6 8 , recte 1 2 7 8 ) ; ACA Reg. 4 7 , fol. 85V ( 2 4 April 1 2 7 8 ) ; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 8 6 9 - 8 7 1 , 8 7 6 - 8 8 0 (3, 15 January, η February 1 2 7 9 ) . 54. MHE, ι : 342-344, no. 155 (24 April 1 2 7 9 ) ; Gay, Nicolas III, 3 5 1 - 3 5 2 , no. 7 6 1 (8 June). 55. MHE, 2 : 3 - 4 , no. 158 ( 1 9 June 1 2 7 9 ) ; Ballesteros, AlfonsoX, 8 7 7 , 8 8 9 — 8 9 5 . Burns, "Warrior Neighbors," 1 7 4 , 1 9 1 , no. 23 ( 1 2 July 1 2 7 9 ; or 1 2 7 8 ? ) published a mandate concerning the expected arrival of the regina Castelle (whom he mistakenly identified with Blanche) in Murviedro near Valencia. 56. MHE, 2 : 4 - 6 , 1 1 - 1 2 , 1 5 , nos. 159 (25 August 1 2 7 9 ) , 1 6 0 - 1 6 1 (1, 3 October), 165 (4 December), 167 (20 December); Burns, "Warrior Neighbors," 191, no. 24 (8 September). 57. CAX, ch. 7 0 - 7 2 , pp. 5 4 - 5 7 ; Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 2 1 9 . 2 7 , p. 1 0 0 ; Rymer, Foedera, 1.2:184 (18 May 1 2 8 0 ) . c 58. Ibn Khaldün, Histoire, 4 : 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 ; Ibn Abï Zar , Rawd al-Qirtas, 2 : 6 1 8 6 2 2 . CAX,

ch. 72, pp. 5 6 - 5 7 .

Ibn Khaldün, Histoire, 4 : 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 ; CAX, ch. 7 4 , p. 58; Anales Toledanos III, in ES, 2 3 : 4 1 3 - 4 1 4 ; Arié, L'Espagne musulmane, 7 3 — 7 4 ; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 9 1 4 — 9 1 7 . 6 0 . CAX, ch. 7 4 , p. 58; Baer, Jews, ι : 1 2 4 - 1 3 0 ; thefineof 4 , 3 8 0 , 0 0 0 maravedís, was double the yearly tribute of the Jews of Castile. 6 1 . Potthast, Regesta, no. 2 1 6 8 3 ( 2 0 February 1 2 8 0 ) ; Gay, Nicolas III, 3 0 8 , no. 6 8 0 (31 March 1 2 8 0 ) . 6 2 . Rymer, Foedera, 1 . 2 : 1 8 4 - 1 8 8 ( 2 3 May 1 2 8 0 , 1 June, 2 - 4 , 15, 18 July, 1 9 , 2 7 August); Daumet, Mémoire, 1 6 7 - 1 7 2 , nos. 1 2 ( 2 2 May), 1 3 - 1 4 (15 August 1 2 8 0 ) ; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 9 1 8 - 9 2 6 . 6 3 . Rymer, Foedera, 1 . 2 : 1 8 9 ( 2 3 December 1 2 8 0 ) , 1 9 0 ( 2 2 February 1 2 8 1 ) ; 59.

CAX,

ch. 74, pp. 58-59.

Chapter 16 ι. Antonio Ballesteros, "Burgos y la rebelión del Infante Don Sancho," BRAH119

(1946): 93—194.

2. Carlos de Ayala Martinez, "Paces castellano-aragonesas de CampilloAgreda ( 1 2 8 1 ) , " En la España medieval 5 . 2 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 151—153. 3. Winkelmann, Acta imperii, 2 : 7 6 , no. 8 4 ( 1 2 8 0 ) ; CAX, ch. 75, p. 5 9 ; Annales Piacentini Gibellini, MGH SS, 18:573; Annales Ianuenses, ibid., 292. 4 . CAX, ch. 75, p. 5 9 ; ACA Reg. 4 7 , fol. 1 0 2 (21 February 1 2 8 1 ) ; Ayala Martinez, "Paces," 1 5 5 - 1 5 6 . 5. Bernat Desclot, Crònica, ch. 7 6 , 3 : 5 2 - 5 3 ; Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, ch.

37-39,1:85-89.

ch.

40, 1:89-92;

6.

Bernat Desclot, Crònica, ch. 7 6 , 3 : 5 4 - 5 7 ; Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, ACA Reg. 4 7 , fol. ιοον-ιοιν ( 2 2 January 1 2 8 1 , 1 9 - 2 1 February);

Notes to Pages 253—259

343

Burns, "Warrior Neighbors," 176, 194, no. 33 (4 November 1280) on a proposed meeting between Villena and Biar. 7. Amparo Bejarano Rubio, "La frontera del reino de Murcia en la política castellano-aragonesa del siglo XIII," in Miguel Rodríguez, Alfonso Χ, 1:210-211, nos. 1-2; MHE, 2:33-40, nos. 182-184; Daumet, Mémoire, 173-174, no. 15. CAX, ch. 75, ρ- 59· 8. Ayala Martinez, "Paces," 153—160; MHE, 2:28, no. 178 (8 January 1281); Daumet, Mémoire, 178—181, no. 17 (13 October 1281); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 937— 939, 956-957-

9. MHE, 2:32-33, 40-43, nos. 181 (28 March 1281), 185-187 (29 March); also MHE, 2:66, no. 201 (1 May 1282); Bejarano Rubio, "La frontera," 211-212, nos. 3 4; Daumet, Mémoire, 178-181, no. 17; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 955-956. 10. Ayala Martinez, "Paces," 160-168; Burns, "Warrior Neighbors," 176-177. η. Rymer, Foedem, 1.2:190 (22 February 1281), 194 (3 July); MHE, 2:49—50, no. 191 (1 August 1281); Wolff, "Mortgage and Redemption of an Emperor's Son," 74-75-

12. MHE, 2:44—45, 50—51, nos. 188 (20 May 1281), 192 (16 November). 13. Daumet, Mémoire, 175-177, no. 16 (22 August 1281); MHE, 2:51-52, no. 193 (6 December); Ramon Muntaner, Crònica, ch. 41, 1:92; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ,

954-955-

14. Anudes Toledanos ΙΠ, in ES, 23:421; CAX, ch. 75, p. 59; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 941-945. 15- CSM, 2:292-297, nos. 366-367; DAAX, 516-520, 540—541, 555, 564—565, 568, nos. 487 (16 December 1281), 488 (10 February 1282), 510 (16 March 1283), 519 (24 November), 522 (13 January 1284), 527 (30 March). 16. González Diez, Burgos, 199—201, nos. 112—113 (26—28 August 1281); CAX, ch. 75, p. 5917. CSM, 3:331-333, no. 386. 18. CAX, ch. 75, pp. 59-60; Procter, Cuna, 146-147. 19. Sancho IV, Castigos e documentos para bien vivir, ch. η, 15, pp. 88, 99—101. 20. CAX, ch. 75, pp. 59—60. Jesús Montoya Martínez, "Historia de Andalucía en las Cantigas de Santa María," Andalucía medieval ι (1978): 259-269, suggested that CSM 386 referred to an assembly in 1264, but that was not a cortes. 21. CSM, 3:331-333, no. 386; O'Callaghan, "The Cantigas de Santa María," 393-396.

22. CAX, ch. 75, p. 60; DAAX, 532-534, no. 503 bis (9 November 1282); Mondéjar, Memorias, 409—413; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 992—994. 23. DAAX, 532—533, no. 503 bis (9 November 1282). 24. CAX, ch. 75-76, pp. 60-61; Barrios García, Béjar, 42, no. 15 (16 February); García Luján, Toledo, 202—203, no. 85 (23 February); AM León, no. 20 (5 March); Floranes, Vitoria, 188-190 (10 March); Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, 78, no. 44 (10 March); MHE, 2:54-57, nos. 195 (to Oviedo, 10 March), 196 (to Avila, 12 March); Ferotin, Recueil, 270, no. 240 (31 March); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 962 (to Logroño, 22 March), 1123, no. 1299 (to Toledo, 20 February). See Sancho's letters to Burgos; González Diez, Burgos, 203-204, nos. 115 (ι February), 116 (26 March).

344

Notes to Pages 259-262

25. DAAX, 533, no. 503 bis (9 November 1282). 26. DAAX, 533—534, no. 503 bis (9 November 1282); MHE, 2:58-59, no. 197 (1 April 1282); Ballesteros, AlfonsoX, 963-964, 994-996; Procter, Curia, 147—148. 27. CAZ, ch. 76, p. 61; González Diez, Burgos, 207-208, no. 120 (4 June 1282); DAAX, 534, no. 503 bis (9 November 1282); Derek W. Lomax, "Una crónica inédita de Silos," Homenaje a Fray Justo Pérez de Urbel, 2 vols., 1:332-333. 28. CAX, ch. 76, p. 61; Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 220.28, p. 102; Juan Manuel, Chronicón, in Benavides, Fernando TV, 1:675; Anales Toledanos III, in ES, 23:421. 29. DAAX, 534, no. 5093 bis (9 November 1282); Procter, Curia, 148,181. 30. Pereda Llarena, Burgos, 237—241, no. 173 (22 April 1282); Linehan, Spanish Church, 220—221. 31. Sáinz Díaz, San Vicente de la Barquera, 481-482, 543 (20 April 1282); MHE, 2:64—65, 71—72, nos. 199 (to Briones, 28 April), 200 (to Oviedo, 1 May), 204 (toTalavera, 8 May); Loperráez, Ostna, 3:216—217, no. 80 (to Roa, 28 April); Fernando Bujanda, Inventario de los documentos del Archivo de la insigne iglesia colegial de Logroño, 14, no. 72 (to Albelda, 28 April); Pérez Valera, Ciudad Real, 11, no. 10 (28 April); AM Cuenca, no. 1-16; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 1124-1125, nos. 1330 (to Miranda de Ebro, 28 April), 1332 (to Mondragón), 1333 (to Tolosa); Barrios García, Ciudad Rodrigo, 21—22, no. 9 (5 May); Layna Serrano, Cifuentes, 269, no. 5 (to Atienza, 15 June). Also Miguel Vigil, Oviedo, 79—80, nos. 45-46 (ι May). 32. López Ferreiro, Historia, 5:112-113, no. 42 (3 May 1282); Pereda Llarena, Burgos, 242-243, no. 175 (4 May); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 1125-1126, nos. 1346 (to Tuy, π May), 1347 (to Zamora), 1348 (to Mondoñedo, 12 May), 1352 (to Astorga), 1362 (to Avila, 23 May), 1363 (to Palencia, 24 May). 33. Ferotin, Recueil, 272, no. 242 (20-21 April 1282); Escalona, Sahagún, 617—618, no. 265 (28 April); Procter, Curia, 292—293, no. 8; Luis Fernández Martín, "Colección diplomática del monasterio de Santa María de Matallana," Hispania Sacra 25 (1972): 414, no. 33 (20 April), and "La participación de los monasterios en la hermandad de los reinos de Castilla, León y Galicia (1282— 1284)," Hispania Sacra 25 (1972): 15-16; Sánchez Belda, Galicia, 353, nos. 816—817 (to Lorenzana, and San Martín de Pinario, 12 May), 825 (to Celanova, 25 April); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 1124—1126, nos. 1315 (to Moreruela, 15 April), 1343 (to the Dominicans, 4 May), 1355 (to Santander, 14 May). 34. CAX, ch. 76, p. 651; AHN Documentos reales de Calatrava, nos. 129—130 (3 May). 35. Gonzalez Diez, Burgos, 212, no. 125 (28 December 1282); Palacio, Madrid, ι : 250 (3 March 1282). 36. González Diez, Burgos, 205-210, nos. 118 (19 May 1282), 120—122 ( 4 6 June); Villar y Macías, Salamanca, 3:153-154, no. 8 (19 May); González, Colección, 6:231-233, no. 83 (19 May). 37. CAX, ch. 76, p. 61; Juan Manuel, Chronicón, in Benavides, Fernando TV, 1:675; F· Olivier Martin, Les Registres de Martin TV (1281-128s), 127, nos. 303—304 (13—20 January 1283). 38. MHE, 2:67—68, no. 202 (2 May 1282); Ferotin, Recueil, 272—273, no. 243; Escalona, Sahagún, 616-617, no. 264; Berganza, Antigüedades, 1:175; Sangrador, Valladolid, 2:41—42.

Notes to Pages 262-266

345

39· MHE, 2:68-70, no. 203 (3 May 1282); Quintana Prieto, San Pedro de Montes, 481—482, no. 374; Mañueco Villalobos and Zurita Nieto, Santa María la Mayor de Valladolid, 3:27—29; José Luis Martín, Documentación medieval de la Iglesia Catedral de Coria, 55-56, no. 24; Antonio Matilla Tascón, Guía inventario de los archivos de Zamora y su provincia, 147, no. 1419.23; Fernandez, "Participación," 16—19. 40. MHE, 2:72—75, nos. 205—206 (10 May); Nieto Cumplido, Orígenes, 131-136, nos. 9—11; CODOIN, 112:3-6. Also Manuel González Jiménez, "La Hermandad entre Sevilla y Carmona (Siglos XII a XVI)," Andalucía medieval: Actas del I Congreso de historia de Andalucía, 2 vols., 2:4, η. 6. 41. AM Nájera, no. 27, cited by Ballesteros, AlßmsoX, 976. 42. CODOM, 2:70-71, no. 77 (Chinchilla, 11 May 1282); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 1127, nos. 1374 (Madrid, 10 July 1282), 1375 (towns of the diocese of Osma, 12 July), 1381 (Segovia, 20 July). 43. Colmenares, Segovia, 2:232 (10 July); Martin, Salamanca, 487-488, no. 389 (11 July); Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 977, 984-985, 1127, nos. 1377-1378 (1012 July), 1380 (15 July); MHE, 2:86—87, no. 213 (15 July); Pérez Varela, Ciudad Real, il, no. Ii (1282); Fernández, "Participación," 21-25. 44. Quintana Prieto, San Pedro de Montes, 482—487, no. 375 (8 July 1282) ; Escalona, Sabagún, 618-622, no. 266; Luis Suárez Fernández, "Evolución histórica de las hermandades castellanas," CHE 16 (1951): 14—15; Antonio Alvarez de Morales, Las hermandades, expresión del movimiento comunitario en España, 267-268, no. 1; Bullarium equestris Ordinis Sanai Jacobi de Spatha, 223; Sangrador, Valladolid, i : 107108; London, British Library, Add. MSS 9916, fols. 386-391. On 23 September the hermandad repeated the core of the July pact; Fernández, "Participación," 25—27. 45. CODOM, 2:72-74 no. 79 ( 8 January 1283), and 3:63, no. 154 (21 January). See royal charters: DAAX, 524—527, 531—532, nos. 493—495 (to Gibraleón, Niebla, Huelva, 29 April 1282), 496—498 (to Ecija, 1 May), 499 (to Carmona, 3 May), 503 (to Medina Sidonia, 10 August). 46. MHE, 2:116-118, no. 228 (8 November 1282). 47. Ibn Abï Zarc, Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:635. 48. MHE, 2:118, no. 228 (8 November 1282). 49- Mas Latrie, Traités, 2:96-97, no. 6 (24 October 1282); CAX, ch. 76, p. 62; Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 220.30-31, pp. 105-106; Ibn Abï Zarc, Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:630; Ibn Khaldün, Histoire, 4:104—106; Annales Ianuenses, MGH SS, 23:298. 50. Georges Daumet, "Les testaments d'Alphonse X le Savant, roi de Castille," BEC 67 (1906): 75-87 (Latin); MHE, 2:110-122, no. 228 (Spanish, incorrectly dated 1283); DAAX, 548—554, no. 518; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, ιοοο—ιοο8. 51. DAAX, 538-539, no. 508 (4 March 1283). He also condemned the Order of Santiago; DAAX, 528-529, no. 501 (13 July 1282). 52. DAAX, 532-535, no. 503 bis (9 November 1282). 53. González Diez, Burgos, 212, 214-215, nos. 125 (Córdoba, 28 December 1282), 128 (Burgos, 3 April 1283). 54. MHE, 2:94-97, no. 220 (9 May 1283); Martin, Corta, 58-60, no. 26 (12 May). Also see Martin, Salamanca, 489-490, no. 391 (8 May), and Benito Ruano, Hermandades en Asturias, 20.

346

Notes to Pages 2 6 6 - 2 7 0

55. MHE, 2 : 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 , no. 2 2 4 ( 1 2 July 1 2 8 3 ) . Royal accounts refer to servicios promised in Toro and Palencia; Gaibrois, Sancho TV i:clvii, clxxiii, and 3:liii—liv, no. 83 ( 1 0 June 1285). c 56. Ibn Abî Zar , Rawd al-Qirtas, 2 : 6 3 0 . 57. Letters of Pedro III, 2 0 June 1 2 8 3 , and 5 July; MHE, 2:99—101, nos. 2 2 2 - 2 2 3 ; ACA Reg. 4 7 , fol. 1 1 9 M 2 0 V ; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 1 0 2 6 - 1 0 3 4 . 58. Olivier Martin, Martin TV, 2 1 9 — 2 2 0 , nos. 4 7 9 — 4 8 0 ( 9 August 1 2 8 3 ) ; Pereda Llarena, Burgos, 2 4 6 — 2 4 7 , no. 1 8 0 ; Chronicón de Cardeña, in ES, 2 3 : 3 7 6 ; CAX,

ch. 77, pp. 63—64. 59.

AC León

(13

October

1283),

in Ballesteros, AlfimsoX,

1039;

CAX, ch.

77,

pp. 6 4 - 6 5 .

60. Gaibrois, Sancho TV, i:clvii, clxxiii, and 3:ii-iii, liii-liv, nos. 5 (28 May June 1 2 8 5 ) . 6 1 . Daumet, "Les testaments," 8 7 - 9 9 ; MHE, 2 : 1 2 2 - 1 3 4 , no. 2 2 9 ; DAAX, 5 5 7 — 5 6 4 , no. 521. The other executors were Fernán Pérez Ponce, Martín Gil of Portugal, Gutierre, García Fernández, master of the Temple, and Alfonso Fernández, his nephew. 6 2 . ACA Reg. 4 7 , fol. 1 2 2 ( 7 February 1 2 8 4 ) ; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 1 0 4 7 . 63. CAX, ch. 77, pp. 65; Gonzalo de la Finojosa, Crónica, ch. 244, CODOIN, 1 2 8 4 ) , 83 ( 1 0

106:35. 64.

CAX, ch.

65. CAX,

77,

pp.

65-66;

Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch.

220.32,

p.

108.

ch. 77, pp. 6 5 - 6 6 .

6 6 . CAX, ch. 7 7 , p. 6 6 ; Rymer, Foedera, 1 . 2 : 2 3 0 (23 March 1 2 8 4 ) ; Procter, Curia, 1 8 2 ; Ballesteros, Alfonso Χ, 1 0 5 5 - 1 0 5 6 , seems not to have known the king's letter of 23 March, preserved in the Public Record Office in London. 6 7 . CAX, ch. 7 7 , p. 6 6 . 6 8 . Juan Manuel, Tractado de las armas, BAE, 5 1 : 2 6 2 - 2 6 3 . 6 9 . CAX, ch. 7 7 , p. 6 6 ; Anales Toledanos III, in ES, 2 3 : 4 1 9 ; Chronicón de Cardeña, ES, 2 3 : 3 8 0 ; Ballesteros, Alfonso X, 1 0 5 6 . The king asked to be buried in Santa Maria la Real de Murcia, but if his executors wished, they could bury him in Seville. His heart was to be sent to the Holy Land for burial on Calvary; MHE, 2 : 1 2 2 — 1 2 4 , no. 2 2 9 . The medical examination of his cadaver in 1 9 4 8 indicated that the heart had been removed and the teeth were gone; the king's height was estimated at 1.75 meters. Juan Delgado Roig, "Examen médico legal de unos restos históricos: Los cadáveres de Alfonso X el Sabio y Doña Beatriz de Suabia," Archivo Hispalense 9 ( 1 9 4 8 ) : 1 3 5 - 1 5 3 .

Chapter 17 1. See Joseph F. O'Callaghan, "Image and Reality: The King Creates His Kingdom" in Burns, Emperor of Culture, 1 4 — 3 2 . 2. Jofré de Loaysa, Crónica, ch. 219.3 Ρ· 64; Fidel Fita, "Biografías de San Fernando y de Alfonso el Sabio por Gil de Zamora," BRAH 5 (1885): 3 1 9 . 3. Ptolemy of Lucca, Historia ecclesiastica, in Ludovico Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 2 8 vols., 1 1 : 1 1 4 9 ; "El libro de las taulas alfonsíes," ch. ι, in Los libros del saber de astronomía, ed. Manuel Rico y Sínobas, 5 vols., 4 : 1 1 9 .

Notes to Pages 270-281

347

4. Libro de los juicios de las estrellas, cited by Gonzalo Menéndez Pidal, "Como trabajaron las escuelas alfonsíes," Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica 5 (1951): 365. 5. PCG, 1:2. 6. Robert I. Burns, S. J., " Stupor Mundi: Alfonso X of Castile, the Learned," in Burns, Emperor of Culture, 1-13; Keller, Alfonso X, 172-175. 7. Juan de Mariana, Historia de rebus Hispaniae, 649. 8. DAAX, XXX. 9. Jofré de Loaysa, Crònica, ch. 219.7, Ρ· 68. io. Tesoretto, ed. Julia Burton Holloway, lines 113-134, ρρ· 8-9; Julia Burton Holloway, 'The Road through Roncesvalles: Alfonsine Formation of Brunetto Latini and Dante—Diplomacy and Literature," in Burns, Emperor of Culture, 112-113. h. Roger B. Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and the New, 4 vols., 1:112. 12. Bernât Desclot, Crònica, ch. 5, 2:39. 13. Richard Kinkade, "Alfonso X, Cantiga 235, and the Events of 1269—1278," 290. 14. Maricel Presilla, 'The Image of Death and Political Ideology in the Cantigas de Santa María," in Katz and Keller, Studies, 432—440; Juan Delgado Roig, "Examen médico-legal de unos restos históricos: Los cadáveres de Alfonso X el Sabio y Doña Beatriz de Suabia," Archivo Hispalense 9 (1948): 135—153. 15. Ibn AbT Zarc, Rawd al-Qirtas, 2:635; Alfonso X's deununciation of Sancho, in DAAX, 533-534, no. 508 bis (9 November 1282). 16. Anales Toledanos III, in ES, 23:420. 17. CSM, 2:357—360, no. 401. Also CSM, 2:361,410, nos. 402,422.

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Index

Abü Yüsuf Ya'qüb b. 'Abd al-Haqq, emir of Alcántara, Order of, 15,46, 83,103,189, 226 the Benimerines, 172-173,181,195,197, Alcaraz, 122,186 215, 234-235, 244, 249, 264, 266; sons, Alexander IV, pope, 51,56,132,133,158, 'Abd al-Wâhid, 215, Abü Ya'qüb, 249; 168-170,183,199, 201, 206, 208, 211 nephew, Ya'qüb, 172 Alßrez, royal standardbearer, 38-39, 64, 70, Adelantado de la mar, 39, 70. See almirante; 196 fleet; Juan García de Villamayor Alfonsine Tables (Tablas Alfimsíes), 142, 270, Adelantado mayor (sobrejuez),royaljudge, 43 272 Adelantado mayor, provincial governor (AlAlfonso VI, king of León-Castile, 14,139, ava and Guipúzcoa, Castile, Galicia, Mur147-149 cia, de lafrontera),47-4S, 64, 70-71,79, Alfonso VII, king of León-Castile, 147,149 191, 218,229,23S, 273; Leyes para los adelantaAlfonso VIII, king of Castile, 8,14,52, 60, dos mayores, 47 63, 64,125,127,151,198, 221; wife, Eleanor, Administration, territorial, 47-48, 273 151 Afonso III, king of Portugal, 9, IJ6-162, Alfonso IX, king of León, 8,19,48,52,54, 183, 201, 215,265, 276; wife, Matilda, 64, 78,127,140,147; son, Rodrigo Alcountess of Boulogne, 157-158. See also fonso, 78 Beatriz, illegitimate daughter of Alfonso Alfonso X, king of Castile-León, accession, X 5-8; birth, 7, 34, 99; character, 1, 270, Africa, 4,5,47,57, 75,149,151,152,155,160, 279; condemnation of Sancho, 264-265; 167,170,181,197-200,208, 227, 234. See death, 7, 269; family, 8-9; illness, 77,227, also Crusade, African 236,241,246, 255, 259, 279-282; marriage, Agreda, 85,154-155,170, 24S, 253-255 8; near-deposition, 260-262; reconciliaAguilar de Campóo, 35, 84, 86 tion with Sancho, 267-269; scholarship, Airas Ν unes, poet, 144,146 131,134-135,145-146, 270; troubadour of Al-Azraq, Mudejar lord of Vaia, 153-155 the Virgin Mary, 145-146; wills, 265-267 Alava, 14,47,72,79, 82, 85, 225 Alfonso XI, 2, 6,37,117 Alba de Tormes, 55,122-123,247 Alfonso de la Cerda, 229, 236-239, 245, 250, Albarracin, 153-155, 254 265-266, 277, 281 Albert, duke of Saxony, 200—201 Alfonso de Molia, Infante, brother of FerAlbert, lord of Vienne, 202 nando III, 9,51,77; daughter, Juana, 77. Alboaquiz (al-Wâtiq), Murcian rebel, 183, See also María de Molina 189 Alfonso Fernández, or Alfonso el Niño, illegitimate son of Alfonso X, 9,177,190 Alcalá de Benzaide (Alcalá la Real), 184, Alfonso Fernández, nephew of Alfonso X, 189-190,196, 225,228 39 Alcalá de Henares, 14,123,236; council, 53; Ordinance of 134S, 37 Algarve, 11,13,15,156-13,175, 200, 276,278 Alcalá de los Gazules, 118,165,191 Algeciras, 163,178,191, 225, 235, 247250, 255, Alcaldes, Judges, 43,224, 230; de Castilla, 264 257; entrenadores de la Mesta, 119-210; Alicante, 16,48, 99,103,105-107,117,127, municipal, 86-89,132; Muslim, 103-104, 163,169-170,186,191,194,196 189; noble (fijosdalgo), 68, 219,221 Almagro, assembly, 46,127,225-228, 230

378

Index

Almirante mayor, 38-39; Hugo Vento, 180. See also Pedro Martinez de Fe; Roy López de Mendoza Almizra, treaty of, 153 Almodovar, 98,107 Almoguera, 85, 97,107 Almohads, 15,170,172,175,178,197, 227, 234 Almojarife mayor, royal treasurer, 39; Mair, 40. See also Zag de la Maleha Almojarifazgo, 40, 67,122,164 Alphonse, count of Eu, 205 Alvar Pérez de Azagra, lord of Albarracín, 153-155 Alvarez de Asturias, family, 69, 72; Alvar Díaz, 72, 77, 217, 223; Fernán Ruiz, son of Rodrigo Alvarez, 77; Pedro Alvarez, 72; Rodrigo Alvarez, 72, 77 Andalusia, ι, 3,5, 7, π, 13,15-16, 41,50, 6 7 68, 73, 79, 81-82, 84, 92, 95-98,106-107, 114,118,122,127,152-153,155-156,159, 165-166,171,180,182,191, 259, 262, 273, 276-278 Andújar, 15, 84,184—184, 262 Anonymous of Sabagún, 167 Arcena, 157,162 Aragón, 1,13, 66, 74,144,150-156,168,177, 185, 201,207, 211, 219, 231-232, 244-245, 248-249, 253, 276; Pedro IV, 274. See also Jaime I; Pedro III Arcos de la Frontera, 73,93, 98,118,165-166, 177,183,187-188,190-191 Ardón, 82, 91 Arévalo, 14,35, 84 Aristotle, 17,19,138 Arjona, 98, 244, 262 Arnold, archbishop of Trier, 200-201 Aroche, 157-158,162 Asín Palacios Miguel, 144 Astorga, 12; bishopric, 50; bishops: Hermann, 220; Melendo, 52, 62, 262; Pedor Fernández, 52 Astrology, 142-143 Astronomy, 142-143. Libro del saber de astronomía, 142; Libro de las cruces of 'Ubayd Allah al-Istijï, 143; Libro de las firmas e de las ymagenes, 143; Libro de los cánones de Albateni, 142. See also Alfonsine Tables Asturias, 11,12, 224, 50, 81-82,127, 138-139, 170

Adantic Ocean, 81,114,162, 165,171-173,175, 178,190,196 Avila, 14, 90, 96-97,107-108,156; assembly (1273), 46, 227; bishopric, 50,54, 220; bishops: Adhemar or Aymar, 52, 62, Domingo Suárez, 52 Avis, Order of, 159 Ayamonte, 157-158,162 Ayala Martinez, Carlos de, 2,155,174, 232, 252, 254 Ayora, 253-254 Badajoz, 12-13, 61, 81-83, 87,103,106, 119, 13,157,160-162; bishopric, 50; bishops: Gil, 62, 262, Lorenzo, 220; kingdom, 81, 267, 269 Baer, Yitzhak, 97 Baeza, 15, 82, 84-85, 184, 235, 262 Ballesteros, Antonio, 1 - 3 , 6 - 7 , 1 6 0 - 1 6 1 , 159, 220, 239, 258, 262 Banü Ashqllülä, 188-189, i95-i97, 215, 224-229, 235, 244, 247, 249. See also Guadix; Málaga Banü Marin. See Benimerines Barcelona, 75,155, 231 Baybars, Mameluke sultan of Egypt, 207, 212 Bayonne, 75,151, 250-252 Beatriz, daughter of Alfonso X, 8, 211 Beatriz, illegitimate daughter of Alfonso X, wife of Afonso III of Portugal, 9, 71, 157-158,160, 265, 267, 277 Beatriz of Swabi, daughter of Emperor Philip, mother of Alfonso X, 7 - 9 , 198-199, 223, 269 Beaucaire, 231-233, 241, 251, 280 Behetrías, lordships, 68 Béjar, 82, 85, 221 Bela IV, king of Hungary, 201 Benavente, 12,123, 265; assembly (1283), 62, 265; curia, 63; fuero, 82, 217 Benimerines, Banü Marin, Marinids, 4,58, 93,163,170,172-173,178,180-182, 187-188,195,197, 215, 227, 229, 234-253, 265, 266, 278, 280-281. See also Abü Yüsuf Ya'qüb b. c Abd al-Haqq Berenguela, mother of Fernando III, 138,198 Berenguela, sister of Fernando III, 204 Berenguela, daughter of Alfonso X, 8,34, 154, 209, 267

Index Bernardo de Brihuega, historian, 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 Bernât Desdot, historian, 2 3 6 - 2 3 7 , 239, 279 Biscay, Bay of, 1 2 - 1 3 , 8 2 , 1 1 4 , 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 , 1 5 1 , 190-191

Bishops, 50-52,59, 89, 260

Bishko, Charles J., 119 Blanca, Infanta, granddaughter of Alfonso X, 35 Blanche, wife of Fernando de la Cerda, 237, 2 4 4 - 2 4 5 , 24«, 277, 280

Body politic, 1 8 - 2 0 , 273 Bonifaz family, 94; Ramón Bonifaz, 168 Braga, 12,156

Briviesca, 3j, 106 Brunetto Latini of Florence, 144, 207, 278 Buñol, 196, 248 Burgos, 8,13, 35, 39, 48, 55 -57, 73, 7 6 - 77, 83-85, 87-88, 9 1 - 9 2 , 94, 9 6 - 9 7 , 1 0 4 , 1 0 6 - 1 0 7 , 1 2 1 , 123, 126, 129, 1 5 1 - 1 5 2 , 187, 20I, 2 0 3 - 2 0 5 , 217, 221, 227, 236, 2 4 0 , 2 4 1 ,

bishopric, 50; Bishop Fernando de Covbarrubias, 51, 6 2 , 1 8 7 , 220, 2 6 1 - 2 6 2 ; council, 53; cortes (1254), 2 4 7 , 252, 256,265;

152; (1269), 66, 77, " 9 , 1 2 5 ; (1272), 38, 4 3 , 4 6 , 4 8 , 57, 68, 72, 82, 85, 9 1 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 7 , 149, 215, 2 1 8 - 2 2 3 , 225, 230, 279; (1274), 72, 91, 2 2 9 - 2 3 0 , 2 3 7 - 2 3 8 ; (1276), 58, 2 3 8 - 2 4 0 ,

curia (1219), 6; hospital, 219. See also Gonzalo García Gudiel Burgos, Las Huelgas de, 1 0 6 , 1 5 2 , 203, 218; Berenguela, lady of, daughter of Fernando III, 266 Burns, Robert, 155, 270 Byzantine empire, 211; Irene, daughter of Isaac II Angelus, 198; Manuel Comnenus, 199; Michael VIII Palaeologus, 208, 212 2 4 6 ; (1277), 4 6 , 58,125, 2 4 3 - 2 4 4 ;

379

1 6 6 , 1 6 8 , 1 8 4 , 1 8 9 , 1 9 6 , 226, 261; Alemán, knight, 183; Juan González, master, 184, 196, 227, 258, 260

Cameros family, 69, 71. See also Simón Ruiz de los Cameros Campillo-Agreda, Peace of, 253 Cantabria, 11,13, 82,167

Cantigas d'escarnho, 6 7 , 1 4 5 , 272 Cantigas de Santa María, 3, 8, 2 5 , 7 6 , 81, 99-100,102,104, H1-112,140,145-146, 1 8 2 , 1 8 8 , 1 9 0 , 1 9 2 , 228, 233, 2 3 5 - 2 3 6 , 2 4 1 , 2 4 4 , 2 4 6 , 2 5 5 - 2 5 6 , 2 5 8 - 2 5 9 , 265, 267, 272, 279, 281

Carié, María del Carmen, 114 Carmona, 15, 84, 98,118,122,166,191

Carrión, 35, 7 0 , 84, 9 7 , 1 0 7 ; river, 13, 71 Cartagena, 16, 8 4 , 1 0 4 , 1 0 7 , 1 2 7 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 9 , 1 8 6 , 191,194,196; bishopric, 50,54,194, 220;

bishops: Diego Martínez, García Martínez, Pedro Gallego, 52 Casa del Rey, royal court and household, 37-38,45-46 Castigos e documentos. See Sancho IV Castile-León, 1 1 - 1 6 , 2 4 , 3 1 , 49,50, 81, 9 6 - 9 8 , m , 1 2 9 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 7 , 1 9 1 , 251, 277 Castile, π , 1 3 , 1 4 , 1 7 , 2 0 , 3 5 , 4 3 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 5 0 , 62, 68, 7 0 , 71, 72, 75, 7 8 - 7 9 , 84, 87, 89,

92-93, 95, 99,114,124,129,134,137-139, 144,147-149,152-155,160,163,165-166, 1 6 8 - 1 6 9 , 1 7 4 , 1 8 2 , 2 0 0 , 2 0 5 - 2 0 7 , 217, 219, 2 2 1 - 2 2 2 , 2 2 4 - 2 2 6 , 2 2 9 - 2 3 1 , 233, 2 3 5 237, 243, 245, 2 4 9 , 253, 255, 257, 2 5 9 - 2 6 0 , 2 7 3 - 2 7 5 ; hermandad,

2 6 2 - 2 6 3 , 266; me-

rino mayor, 47-48, 72; mtario mayor, 41, 51; O l d C a s t i l e , 8 , 1 3 , 5 0 , 68, 73, 9 6 , 1 2 3

1 7 7 - 1 7 9 , 1 8 1 , 1 8 4 , 1 9 0 - 1 9 1 , 278;

Castro family, 6 9 , 7 0 , 7 5 ; Alvar Pérez, 7 0 ; Andrés, adelantado mayor of Galicia, 70; Fernán Ruiz, lord of Cigales, 70, 7 7 - 7 8 , 217, 223, 227; Leonor Ruiz, wife of Infante Felipe, 70, 75; Pedor Fernández el castellano, 70. See also Esteban Fernández

50,177;

Castro del R í o , 98,107

Cáceres, 12, 82,123 Cádiz, 15, 74, 8 4 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 7 , 1 4 5 , 1 6 5 , 1 7 0 - 1 7 4 ,

bishopric, bishops: Juan Martinez, 1 8 4 , 1 9 0 , 220, Suero, 62, 256 Caia river, 1 5 9 , 1 6 2 Calahorra, 13, 97; bishopric, 50; bishops: Martin, 56; Vivián, 220 Calatayud, 74,154

Calatrava, Campo de, 226, 261; la Nueva, 184

Calatrava, Order of, 15, 21, 46, 70, 73, 81, 83

Castro Urdíales, 1 3 - 1 4 , 1 2 7 Catalonia, 16,144,167,177,185,196, 203, 234 Ceuta, 178,181, 234

Champagne dynasty, 1 5 3 - 1 5 4 , 277. See also Navarre Chancery, 3 4 , 4 1 - 4 2 Charles of Anjou, 9, 75, 2 0 0 , 209—212, 232, 250, 254; son, Charles of Salerno, 250

j8o

Index

Chivalry, Order of, 65-66. See also knights, knighthood Chronicle of Alfonso X. See Crónica de Alfonso X Church, +9-63, 89-90, 208,275 Cisneros family, Roy González, 72 Ciudad Real. See Vallarreal Ciudad Rodrigo, 12,185; bishopric, 50; Bishop Domingo, 220 Clement IV, pope, 51,57,185—184,186, 188-190, 208—211, 220 Coinage, 20, 92,124-126,129, 243, 261 Compostela. See Santiago de Compostela Conducho, provisions, 40, 68 Conrad IV, emperor, 198-199, 202, 205 Conrad, archbishop of Cologne, 200-201 Conradin, son of Conrad IV, 205, 210 Conservation, 115-117 Constan tina, 98,107, 267 Constantinople, Latin Empire, 40, 65, 204-205, 208-210; Baldwin II, 204, 208-210. See also Marie de Brienne; Philip of Courtenay Constanza, daughter of Alfonso X, 8 Constanza, daughter of Jaime I, 74,155 Córdoba, 15, 82-83, 97-98,106-107,109, 138,163,169,179,185,190,192, 228, 235, 244, 255-256, 258-259, 262, 264-265; bishopric, 50,54; bishops: Lope Pérez, 52, Fernando de Mesa, 52, 220; fuero, 169; kingdom, 11,13,47 Coria, 12, 97,107; bishopric, 50; bishops: Alfonso, 62, 262, Fernando, royal physician, 52, Gonzalo, 220 Cortes, 46-47, 94-95, 260, 273-274· See also Burgos 1254,1269,1272,1274,1276, 1277; Segovia, 1278; Seville, 1250,1252, 1261,1281; Toledo 1254,1259; Valladolid, 1258,1293,1295 Cosas vedadas, prohibited exports, 126-127, 224 Councils, church, 53; Fourth Lateran (1215), 102; Second Lyon (1274), 126,138, 212, 247 Court, royal, 37-38,42-45 Craddock, Jerry, 36,125-136, 237 Crónica de Alfonso X, 2,160,221-223, 238, 259 Crusade, 183,184,186, 243; African, 163-180,198-199, 202-203, 277-278 Cuenca, 2, 82-83, 92, 96-97,108,122-123, 221; bishopric, 50; fite/jo, 84-85,106.

See also Gonzalo Garcia Gudiel; Pedro Lorenzo Customs duties (diezmos), 40,127-129; stations, 191 Diego López de Haro, alférez of Femando III and Alfonso X, 39, 70,72, 73-78,154, 219; son, Diego López, 77, 219. See also H aro family Diego López de Salcedo, merino mayor of Castile, 72; adelantado mayor of Alava and Guipúzcoa, 79 Diego Sánchez de Funes, noble, 184 Dinis, king of Portugal, 9, 61, 65,158,160, 162, 255,259, 264, 274, 277 Duero river, 12, 49 Dufourcq, Charles Emmanuel, 169, 234 Eberhard, bishop of Constance, 201 Ecija, 15, 73, 98,105,179,181,184 Economy, 104-130, 276 Edward I, king of England, 1, 34, 65, 84, 151-153, 231, 236,243, 254, 264, 267, 277; son, Edward II, 65 Elche, 71,127,191,194 Empire, Hispanic or Leonese, 5, 34, 147-150, 276,279; Holy Roman, 4,5, 22-24,36,41,57,147,148-150,162, 197-213, 215, 222, 229-233, 252-253, 278-279; journey, 231-233; Roman, 139; Toledo, 14,149 Empréstitos, forced loans, 40, 91 England, 1,14, 74,151-152,177, 202-203, 250; Henry II, 151. See also Edward I; Henry III Enrique I, king of Castile, 147 Enrique, Infante, brother of Alfonso X, 9, 73-75, 79, 154-155, 165,171, 182, 209-210 Enrique Pérez de Harana, repostero mayor, 78-79 Epirus, despot of, 209 Escalona, 14,85-86 Espéculo, 3, 6,10,17,19, 20-21, 26, 28, 31, 32-36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 47, 48, 49, 54, 55, 84-85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 99,105,127, 129,136,137, 217, 221, 237, 274 Esteban Fernández de Castro, lord of Lemos and Sarria, adelantado mayor of Galicia, 70, 77-78, 215, 217, 223-224; wife, Aldonza Rodríguez, 78, 224 Estella, 73-74

Index Estorta de Espanna,

2,16,19,139-140,149,

270

Etiquette, familial and courtly, 9-10 Extremadura, 13, 35,43,79, 84-85, 9 2 - 9 3 , 96-97,137,169,179,191, 217,221,223,227, 229, 236, 243,274-275;

Castillan, 13,14, 50, 97; Leonese, 11,12,50,123; Ordinance of 1264, 85, 93 Ezzelino da Romano, lord of Padua, 205, 207

Fadrique, Infante, brother of Alfonso X, 9, 45, 75, 79, 83, 144, 16O, 199, 2IO, 215, 218, 220, 226, 239, 241-243, 259, 280; Libro de los ingannas e asayamientos de las mugeres,

381

Frederick, duke of Upper Lorraine, 204 Froilaz family, 69,72; Rodrigo, 72 Fuenterrabía, 14,127,153-154 Fuero Juzgo (Liber Iudicum), Visigothic Code, 12,15,17,43, 8 3 - 8 4 , 86,135, 263 Fuen real, 3,17, 31, 32-36, 49, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 66, 69, 83-89, 92-93, 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 1 0 3 , 108-109, m , 120,122-123,126,137,177, 192, 221-222, 274, 275

Fuero viejo, 64, 84, 93, 221 Fueros, customs, 17, 32,43, 64,

82-85, 92,

99-100,105,115,136,157,177,186,192, 194, 215,217-224, 226-227, 239,258-259, 262-264,275, 279, 281

144

Fairs, 122-123 Faro, 157-158,161 Felipe, Infante, brother of Alfonso X, archbishop-elect of Seville, 9 , 5 0 , 7 0 , 75-78, 202-203, 208,215,217-220, 223; wife, Leonor Ruiz de Castro, 70, 75. See also Kristin of Norway Fernán Sánchez de valladolid, historian, 2 Fernando I, king of Castile-León, 149 Fernando II, king of León, 147,156 Fernando III, king of Castile-León, 1,3, 5, 7-9,13, Î5-I7, 36, 39, 47, 50-51, 53, 67, 7 0 - 7 3 , 75, 84, 94, 102, 117, I19-120,

124, 131, 135-137,139-140,147-149, 153-154, 156-157, 165-168, 171,175,199, 221, 223-224, 265, 269

Femando IV, king of Castile-León, 2, 9,56, 75,162 Fernando de la Cerda, Infante, eldest son of Alfonso X, 8 , 3 9 - 4 0 , 5 8 , 63, 6 5 - 6 6 , 70, 76—79,197, 214,217—218, 222, 225-231, 233-238, 240,257,277, 280;

regency,

229-231

Fernando Pérez, dean of Seville, 56 Finojosa family, Juan Díaz, Roy Diaz, 72 Fleet, 59,164,167-168,171-174,179 Florence, 2 0 6 - 2 0 7 Fonsadera, payment in lieu of military service, 4 0 , 9 0 - 9 1 , 93,156,179,187 Fraker, Charles, 139 France, 1,14, 20,156,167, 231-232, 2 4 0 - 2 4 1 , 246, 249—250, 252, 254, 257. See Louis IX, Philip III Frederick Barbarossa, emperor, 5,198 Frederick II, emperor, king of Sicily, 1,148, 198, 205, 209-210, 212; son, Enzo, 210

Galicia, 8, n,

1 3 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 5 0 , 70, 72, 78, 81, 89,

92,195,123,127,144,170, 217, 219, 225, 262;

hermandad, 266 Gambling. See Roldán, Master García Ballester, Luis, 132 García Gallo, Alfonso, 33,35, 36 Gascony, 151-152, κ>8, 277 Gastón, viscount of Béarn, 151-152 Gautier-Dalché, Jean, 124 General Estoria, 2,134,139-140 Genoa, 177, i79,184, i99, 232 Gerhard, archbishop of Mainz, 201 Germany, 198, 2 0 0 - 2 0 2 , 206, 278 Ghibeliines, 209, 211-213, 232, 252 Gibraleón, 168,175,177,191 Gibraltar, 163,167,169,177-181, 234-235, 249, 278

Gil Gómez de Roa, lord of Aza and Iscar, 72

Gil Pérez Conde, poet, 7, 24,144 Girón family, 69, 71; Gómez Ruiz, Gonzalo Gómez, Gonzalo Rodríguez, master of Santiago, Rodrigo González, 71 González, Julio, 164 González Jiménez, Manuel, 3,103,164-165, 175,187, 279

Gonzalo de la Finojosa, historian, 187 Gonzalo Ibáñez de Aguilar, noble, 262 Gonzalo García Gudiel, archbishop of Toledo, bishop of Burgos and Cuenca, notario mayor of Castile, 42,51, 62 Government, ideology of, 17-30; tools of, 31-48

Granada, kingdom,

7,15, 20, 2 9 , 4 0 , 71-72,

78, 80, 97-98,146,150,163,166-168,170, 174,181-186,188-189,191,195-197, 220,

382

Index

Granada, kingdom (continued) 223, 225, 227-229, 249-250, 253, 256, 258, 277-278. See also Ibn al-Ahmar, Muhammad II Gregory IX, pope, 148,153 Gregory X, pope, 51-52,58,138,196, 212-213, 215, 231-233, 236 Guadalajara, 14, 83, 85,123 Guadalete river, 166,171,178,190-191 Guadalquivir river, 15, 81, 93, 98,162-163, '65 Guadiana river, 15,156,158-159,162-163 Guadix, 188, 225-226, 228. See Banü Ashqïlûlâ Guai López, José Miguel, 122 Guelfs, 9,205-206, 208, 211-213, 232 Guilds, 120-121 Guillaume de Nangis, historian, 237 Guipúzcoa, 14, 47, 72, 79, 82,153 Guy, count of Flanders, 204-205 Guy, viscount of Limoges, 151 Guzmán family, 69,71; Fernando Pérez, Guillén Pérez, Ñuño Guillén, Pedro Guillén, Pedro Núñez, 71. See also Mayor Guillén Haakon, king of Norway, 202-204 Haro family, 14, 69,70,154; Alfonso López, 72; Juan Alfonso, 239; Urraca Díaz, 70. See Diego López, Lope Díaz, Mencia López Henry III, king of England, 75,151-152,168, 170, 200-201, 205, 208; son, Edmund, 201, 205 Henry I, king of Navarre, 78, 215, 218, 231 Henry, bishop-elect of Speyer, 202 Henry duke of Brabant, 202, 204-205 Heresy, 49, 89 Hermandad, 85; Andalusian, 194, 262; Asturian, 21, 244; Castilian, 266; León and Castile, 262-264; León and Galicia, 262-263, 265—266; Monastic, 262; Plasencia and Talavera (1274), 27, 230; assembly of Benavente (1283), 62; Toro (1283), 92; Valladolid (1282), 20,45, 61, 95, 262-264 Historiography, Alfonsine, 134,138-141. See also Estoria de Espanna, General Estorta Hohenstaufen family, 148,155,198-199, 210, 278; Conrad, 198; Philip of Swabia, 198 Holy Land, 15,57,168,170-171,184,194, 210,236, 243, 247-248, 250, 252

Holy Sepulchre, Order of the, 262 Honorius III, pope, 102 Hospital, Order of the, 15, 46, 194, 258 Huelva, 118,127,175,177,191 Hugh, duke of Burgundy, 204-205 Ibn al-Ahmar (Muhammad I), king of Granada, 76,166,178-182,188-189,195,197, 215, 223-225, 234 215, 223-225, 234 Ibn Hud family, 163; Ibn Hüd, king of Murcia, 167 Ibn 'Idhäri, historian, 172—175 Ibn Khaldün, historian, 264 Ibn Mahfùt, king of Niebla, 157,167,175,177 Iglesia Ferreirós, Aquilino, 36, 222 Ildefonsus, St., bishop of Toledo, 148, 264 Infantes de la Cerda, 244-246, 248, 253-254, 265-266, 277, 280 Innocent IV, pope, 73,156-158,168,172,199 Innocent V, pope, 273 Isabel, daughter of Alfonso X, 8 Isidore of Seville, St., 7,16,138-139, 272 Islam, 100,112,181 Italy, 75, 80,134,137,160,167,198, 200, 205, 207, 209-211, 278 Jacobo de las leyes, jurist, 26,137 Jaén, 15,76, 97-98,109,163,172,179,184, 189, 235, 244, 262; bishopric, 50; Bishop Pascual, 262; kingdom, 11,47, 84, 98,103, 250, 257 Jaime I, king of Aragón, 1,5, 8,16,51, 66,72, 74-77,109,112,150,152-156,170-171, 182-183,185-186,188,192,196-197, 201-202, 207, 210, 212, 219, 227-228, 231, 234-236, 276; son, Alfonso, 154 Jaime, Infante, son of Alfonso X, 8, 260, 266-267, 280 Jativa, 248 Jean, count of Montfort, 205 Jeanne I, queen of Navarre, 231, 240 Jerez de la frontera, 15-16, 73, 76, 84, 94, 118,127,165,171,174-175,177-178,181-185, 191, 235, 244, 278; assembly (1268), 46, 123-124,126-127,191; capitulation, 187-188; García Gómez Carrillo, alcaide, 175,182; Guillén de Berja, settler, 190; Ibn Abit, lord, 175; Libro del repartimiento, 98, 187; repopulation, 189-190

Index Jews, 4, il, 14, 40, 49, 55, 61, 83, 88-89, 96-113, 123, 126, 134, 141-144, 189, 240, 250, 276; aljama, community, 103, 106-107; judería, Jewish district, 103 Joäo Pires de Aboim, mordomo mor of Portugal, 159,161 Jodar family, Sancho Martínez, 184; Sancho Pérez, Sancho Sánchez, 262 Jofré de Loaysa, tutor to Queen Violante, 5-7

Jofré de Loayssa, chronicler, 3, 239, 241, 267, 270 John XXI, pope, 125, 240, 243 John of Brienne, king of Jerusalem, 204 John of Paris, theologian, 25 John of Salisbury, 18 Juan, Infante, son of Alfonso X, 8, 39, 66, 218, 252, 256, 258-261, 265-268, 280; wife, Margaret of Montferrat, 211 Juan García de Villamayor, adelantado de la mar, mayordomo mayor, 39, 70,171-174 Juan Gil de Zamora, Fray, tutor to Infante Sancho, 18, 23,135,140,149, 246, 270 Juan Manuel, nephew of Alfonso X, 79, 84, m, 141, 269 Juan Núñez de Lara, son of Ñuño González, 77, 239-240, 253 Judaism, 49,100,112 Jurisdiction, ecclesiastical, 55-57,59-60,

383

139,141-144, 270-272; Galician, 3, 144-145, 272; Latin, 41,135,138-141,144; leonés, 12 Lapidario, 143 Lara family, 69-70, 72-73, 240; Gonzalo Núñez, 73. See also Juan Núñez, Ñuño González Laredo, 13, 27 Law, 17, 31-37; Alfonsine law codes, 136-138, 273-275; Canon, 17,36,50,100, 103,109,112, 275; Leyes del estilo, 105,137; Leyes nuevas, 85; Roman, 17,36,43; Sumptuary laws, 115. See also Espéculo, Fuero real, fueros, Siete Partidas Las Navas de Tolosa, battle, 64, 234 Lebrija, 73-74, 98,165,183,187-188,190 Ledesma, 88 León, 12-13, 48, 82-83, 86, 93, 97, 107,123, 126,147; bishopric, 50; council, 53; hermandad, 262-263, 266; kingdom, 1 1 13, 43, 47, 50, 68, 7 0 - 7 2 , 79, 92, 95-97,

107, 123-124, 138-139, 147-149, 152,156, 159-162, 205, 217, 219, 223-227, 229-230, 239, 243, 255, 259, 260; merino mayor, 71; notario mayor, 41-42, 51. See also Martin Fernández Leonor, sister of Alfonso X, wife of Edward 1,34, 84,151—152, 267 Leonor, daughter of Alfonso X, 8, 236 63 Lerma, 77-79, 214-215 Justice, administration of, 42-45,47-48, Liber scale Machometi (Livre de leschiele Ma68-69, 87-89,104-106, 230, 274; aleve, homet), 143 treachery, 69; inquest (pesquisa), 43, 88, Libro de ajedrez, dados y tablas, 144 129, 258; lawyers (personeros, voceros, pro- Libro de los cien capítulos, 18 curatores), 44, 230; riepto, defiance, 69. Limia family, 69, 72; Fernán Yanez Batisela, See also alcaldes 72 Justicia mayor (alguacil), 42 Linehan, Peter, 49, 52 Literature and learning, 131-146, 270-272 Keller, John, 2 Logroño, 83, 85, 91 Kingship, 24-30, 270-282 Lombardy, 205, 208, 211-215, 228, 231-232 Kinkade, Richard, 77, 227 Lope, bishop of Morocco, 168 Klein, Julius, 119 Lope Diaz de Haro, son of Diego López, the elder, 74-75, 77-78,154, 215,219, Knights (caballeros), knighthood, 6, 64-66, 223-225, 235, 238-239, 253, 259 94,152 Lorca, 16, 98,103,105,122,163,169,183,186, Kristin of Norway, wife of Infante Felipe, 197 75, 202-203 Louis IX, king of France, 1, 9, 74,154, 201, 203—204, 209—210, 277; mother, Blanche La Coruña, 117,127,196 of Castile, 265; son, Louis, 8, 34, 210, 277 La Rioja, 13, 73, 82 Louis, count of Beaumont, 205 Languages: Arabic, 141-144; Castilian, 135,

384

Index

Lucas, bishop of Túy, chronicler, 5, 7, 23, 158-139,147

Ludwig of Bavaria, count Palatine, 200 Lugo, 11; bishopric, 50, 89; Bishop Fernando, 220 Luis, brother of Alfonso X, 7 1 , 1 0 3 , 2 1 8 ; wife, Juana Gómez, 71 MacDonald, Robert, 3 4 , 1 3 7 , 2 3 7 Madrid, 1 4 , 8 2 - 8 3 , 85, 8 7 , 9 7 , 1 0 7 , 2 2 1 , 2 6 4 Málaga, 1 8 1 - 1 8 2 , 1 8 8 , 1 9 5 , 2 2 5 - 2 2 6 , 2 2 8 , 235, 247, 249, 266. 5 « also Banü Ashqïlûlâ Manfred, king of Sicily, 2 0 5 , 2 0 7 - 2 0 9 Manrique family, Pedro Roiz, Roy Manrique, 71 Manuel, Infante, brother of Alfonso X, 9, 39,103,123,154-155,160,185-186,194,197, 2 0 6 , 226, 232, 238, 2 6 0 , 2 6 5 - 2 6 6 , 280;

death of his son, Alfonso, 236; proposed marriage to countess of Savoy, 233. See also Juan Manuel Manzanedo family, 69, 71; Gil Manrique, 71 Maravall, José Antonio, 21 Maria de Molina, wife of Sancho IV, 9, 262, 267

Mariana, Juan de, historian, 272 Marie de Brienne, 2 0 4 - 2 0 5 Marinids. See Benimerines Marino Sañudo, historian, 204 Marseilles, 1 6 9 , 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 , 2 0 5 , 231 Martin Alfonso, illegitimate son of Alfonso X,9 Martín Fernández, bishop of León, notary for León, 5 1 - 5 3 , 6 1 , 6 3 , 8 9 , 2 2 0 , 2 8 0 Matthew Paris, historian, 152 Matrera, 1 6 6 , 1 8 3 - 1 8 4 Maurice, Fray, traveler, 190 Mayor Guillen de Guzmán, mistres of Alfonso X, 9 , 7 1 , 1 5 7 Mayordomo mayor, 3 9 , 6 4 , 7 1 Medina del Campo, 14, 82, 97 Medina Sidonia, 7 3 , 1 1 8 , 1 6 5 , 1 7 7 , 1 8 3 , 187-188,190-191

Mediterranean sea,

93,114,163,172,198,

207-208

Mencia López de Haro, widow of Sancho II of Portugal, 70, 78, 217 Mendoza family, 70; Lope, 70, 77. See also Roy López Menéndez Pidal, Ramón, 139

Meneses family, 69; Alfonso Téllez, Gutierre Suárez, Juan Alfonso, 71 Merriman, Roger Β., 278 Mérida, 1 2 , 1 5 7 , 2 6 7 Merino mayor, 4 7 - 4 8 , 6 4 , 8 7 , 2 1 9 Mértola, 157 Mesta, 1 3 , 1 1 8 - 1 2 0 , 2 2 4 , 2 7 4 Mettmann, Walter, 145 Military orders, 15, 87. See also Alcántara; Calatrava; Hospital; Santiago; Temple Military service, 35, 9 2 - 9 4 , 1 7 9 Millas Vallicrosa, José María, 141 Minho (Mino) river, 11,159 Minorities, religious, 9 6 - 1 1 3 . See also Jews; Moors; Mudéjars Miranda de Ebro, 8 5 , 1 2 3 Moclin, battle, 250 Monasteries, 1 2 - 1 3 , 4 8 , 1 9 6 ; hermandad oí Benedictines, Cistercians and Premonstratensians, 260, 262 Mondoñedo, bishopric, 11,50; Bishop Muño, 62, 220, 262 Moneda forera, 4 0 , 5 5 , 9 1 - 9 3 , 1 2 4 , 2 0 3 , 2 2 3 - 2 2 4 , 2 3 0 , 2 4 0 , 2 4 4 , 2 6 1 , 265

Moneylending, 1 0 4 , 1 2 6 , 2 4 7 Mongols, 207, 212 Montazgo, pasturage toll, 4 0 , 1 1 8 - 1 2 0 , 2 2 4 . See also servicio y montazgo Montpellier, 233, 236 Moors, 4 , H, 1 4 , 4 0 , 5 0 , 6 4 , 73, 7 6 , 7 8 , 83, 88-89,

96-114,123,125-126,141,146,

149-150,160,163-166,168,170,192,196, 217, 2 3 4 , 2 7 6 ; 106-107,186;

aljama, community, 1 0 3 , morería, Moorish district,

103

Morocco, 4,58,

92,97-98,114,123,125,127,

129-130,146,163,167-168,171-174,178, 1 8 0 - 1 8 1 , 1 9 1 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 7 , 215, 2 2 7 , 2 3 3 - 2 3 6 , 2 4 1 , 2 4 3 , 2 4 7 , 2 4 9 , 257, 2 5 9 , 2 6 6 , 2 7 7 .

See

also Benimerines Morón, 7 3 , 9 8 , 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 , 1 6 5 - 1 6 6 Moura, 1 0 3 , 1 5 6 , 1 6 2 Mozarabs, 12, 84 Mudéjars, 5 , 1 6 , 4 8 , 5 7 , 7 6 , 9 7 - 9 9 , 1 0 3 - 1 0 5 , 107,109,

114,124,135,153,155,159-161,163,

1 6 5 - 1 6 6 , 1 7 9 - 1 8 0 , 2 3 5 - 2 3 6 , 2 7 6 , 2 7 8 ; re-

volt, 1 8 1 - 1 9 7 , 2 0 8 Muhammad, 5 0 , 1 0 5 , 1 0 9 , in, 1 4 1 , 1 4 3 — 1 4 4 Muhammad I, king of Granada. See Ibn alAhmar

Index Muhammad II, king of Granada, 225-228, 234-235, 24+, 247, 2+9, 255, 266

Municipalities, 81-95,275 Murcia, 84, 91, 97-98,103-104,109,112, 122,185-187,189, 235; hermandad with Seville, 264; kingdom, 5, 7-8,11,13,15-16, 4 7 - 4 8 , 50, 68, 71, 7 6 - 7 7 , 81, 9 6 - 9 8 ,

103-104,107,114,122,127,137, «o, 152-153,155,163,167,169,180,183,185,188, 211, 214-215, 235, 253, 257, 267, 273, 276-277; kings: 'Abd Allah, 104, Abü Ja' far, 183, Ibn Hüd, 167; reconquest, 185-186; repopulation 191-195

Nájera, curia, 60,63 Naples, kingdom, 98. See also Sicily Na$rid dynasty, 163,166,197. See abo Ibn alAhmar, Muhammad II Navarre, 13-14,73,78, 82,152-156,168, 215, 231-232, 240-241, 253, 276-277. See also Jeanne I; Henry I; Sancho VII; Thibault I; Thibault II Nicholas III, pope, 51-53,58, 63,197, 247-248, 250 Nicholas IV, pope, 52 Niebla, 7, 74, 85, 97,150,157,159,161,163, 167,174-175,177-178,181,191, 240, 265, 278. See also Ibn Mabfòt Nobility, 13,64-80; revolt, 214-234, 275 Notarios mayores, notaries, 41-42; Bonaventura of Siena, 144 Ñuño González de Lara, 18, 68, 72,74, 75-79,117,160-161,165,175,182-184,188, 195,215, 223, 228, 229,235, 280; son, Ñuño González, 77,195,239-240 Orduña, 74, 77, 78, 219 Orense, 11, 89; Bishop Juan, 220 Orihuela, 16,103,107,117,122,163,186,194 Osma, 13; bishopric, 50; Bishop Agustín, 52, 220 Osuna, 98,184 Ottakar, king of Bohemia, 200-201 Oviedo, 12, 82, 86, 90,170,179; bishopric, 50, 220; Bishop Frédolo, 62 Falencia, 13, 54, 70, 83,107, 203; assembly (1255), 46; assembly (1283), 92, 266; bishopric, 42,50, 89; bishops: Fernando Mar-

385

tínez, notary of Castile, 41-42,51; Juan Alfonso, notary of León, 51,56, 62, 261; Tello, 220; university, 131 Palma del Río, 98,107 Pamplona, 153, 231 Papacy, 22, 24,49,148 Paredes de Nava, 70, 78 Parias, tribute from Granada, 40 Paris, university of, 131,140 Partidas. See Siete Partidas Pedro I, the Cruel, king of Castile, 156 Pedro III, king of Aragón, 129, 207, 211, 231, 236, 240, 245-246, 248,252-255,259-260, 264, 266-267, 276-277; wife, Constance, daughter of Manfred of Sicily, 207 Pedro, Infante, son of Alfonso X, 8, 66, 218, 252, 258,260-261, 265-266, 280; wife, Marguerite of Narbonne, 252 Pedro Afonso, Crónica general de 1344,237 Pedro Anes de Portel, 159,161 Pedro Lorenzo, bishop of Cuenca, 51,57, 79, 172,183,220 Pedro Martínez de Fe, admiral, 172-173, 247,249 Peñafiel, 123; assembly (1275), 46,57-58, 63, 212, 235 Philip III, king of France, 218, 229,231, 237-241, 245, 247-248, 250-251,253-254, 264-266, 277; son, Philip IV, 231 Philip of Courtenay, 65,204—205, 209-210, 254 Picatrix, 143 Pietro, bishop of Rieti, papal legate, 59 Pisa, 169,184,199-200, 202-203, 205; Bandirlo Lancia, ambassador, 199-200, 202 Plasencia, 14,27, 82, 85, 97,108, 230; bishopric, 50; Bishop Pedro, 220 Poets, 144-146; Gonzalo Eanes do Vinhal; Guiraut Riquier; Joáo Airas de Santiago; Joan García de Guilhade; Pai Gómez Charino; Pero d'Ambroa; Pero da Pont Ponce family, 69; Juan Pérez Ponce, 72 Pontevedra, 127,188 Porcuna, 98,244 Portazgo, toll, 40, 91,122-123,129,164,190 Portugal, 11,14, 59, 61, 70, 76, 78, 81,144, 150,156-162,174-175,177,183, 215, 276. See Alfonso III, Dinis Presila, Maricel, 77, 279

Prices, 114,120-121

386

Index

Primera Crónica General. See Estoria de Espanna Procter, Evelyn, 2,134,139 Ptolemy of Lucca, historian, 270 Puentedeume, 81, 217 Puerto de Santa Maria, 74, 99,146,165, 171-174,177-178,181,187,190-191, 244, 255, 278 Rabat, 172-173 Ramon de Penyafort, St., canonist, 49, 99 Ramon Muntaner, historian, 150 Remondo, archbishop of Seville, 57, 62, 89, 172,184,190, 203, 206, 208, 220, 233, 260, 267; bishop of Segovia, 73 Repopulation, 81-82; Andalusia, 189-191, Murcia, 191-195; Niebla, 177; Seville, 163-165 Requena, 83, 85,196, 228, 248, 253 Richard of Cornwall, 200-201, 203, 206-210, 212-214, 222 Rico, Francisco, 2 Rodrigo, Visigothic king of Spain, 16 Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, archbishop of Toledo, historian, 21,138-139,148 Rodrigo Manuel de Cerreto, historian, 141 Roldán, Master, jurist, 138 Rome, 139,148, 206, 209-210 Rota, 165,187-188, 244 Roy López de Mendoza, admiral, 70, 167-168,171 Rudolf of Habsburg, emperor, 212,321-232 Sabugal, 156,159,162 Sahagún, 35, 84, 89,123 Salamanca, 12, 61, 90,123,126, 238, 267; bishopric, 50,55, 62, 220; university, 131-134 Saldaña family, 71-72; Fernán González, 77; Fernán Ruiz, Rodrigo Rodríguez, 71 Salé, 39, 71,161,172-174,178, 278 Salt, royal monopoly, 117 Saltes, 177,191 Samsó, Julio, 143 San Salvador de Oña, 88-89 San Sebastián, 14,127,153-154 Sánchez Albornoz, Claudio, 114 Sancho I, king of Castile, 149 Sancho III, king of Castile, 147,156 Sancho IV, king of Castile, 2,18,40,104,

107-108,136-137,139-140; Castros e documentos, 20,136. See Sancho, Infante Sancho VII, king of Navarre, 153 Sancho II, king of Portugal, 70,144, 156-157, 217 Sancho I, archbishop of Toledo, brother of Alfonso X, 9,50-51,53, 63 Sancho II, archbishop of Toledo, son of Jaime I, 9,51,53,58, 63,188, 220, 224, 229, 235, 245, 280 Sancho, Infante, son of Alfonso X, 8-9,18, 20, 46, 55, 59, 61-62, 66, 87, 89, 91-92, 95, 123, 126, 132, 196, 218, 235-241, 245-269, 277, 280. See also Sancho IV Sanlúcar de Barrameda, 98,165,187-188, 244 Santa Maria de España, Order of, 60, 196-197, 250, 258; Pedro Núñez, master, 258 Santa Olalla, 70,78 Santander, 13,127; Roy García, 170 Santiago, Order of, 71,157-158,167,172,185, 189,196, 204, 226, 250, 258, 260; Gonzalo Rodríguez, master, 71; Pelayo Pérez Correa, master, 157,167,185 Santiago de Compostela, 6, 7, π, 82, 85,122, 129,144, 256; archbishopric, 24, 41, 50, 89-90,188, 220; archbishops: Gonzalo García, 51, 9, 61, 63, 260, Juan Arias, 51,53; Archdeacon Juan, 206 Santo Domingo de la Calzada, 35,14,123 Santo Domingo de Silos, 71,89, 247 Sardinia 209-210 Segovia, 14,35, 82, 92, 97,107, 200, 204, 238; assembly (1256), 46,169; bishopric, 50; bishops: Fernando Velásquez, 52,183, 220, Remondo, 51, 73,170; Cortes (1278), 46, 126, 246-247 Sepúlveda, 84,123, 221 Serpa, 103,157,162 Servicio, tribute, 40, 62, 79, 91, 93,129,188, 217, 219, 222-226, 230, 240, 244, 248, 266 Servicio de los ganados, livestock tribute, 40, 93,118-120, 224 Servicio y montazgo, 118-120 Setenario, 135-136,141, 267 Seville, 5-7, 15, 52, 56-57, 83, 86, 91, 93, 9798,107-109,118,121-123,127,140-141, 157-158, 160-161,163-165,167-168,172, 174-175,177,179,182-183,187-188, 190-191,195, 218, 228, 231, 235, 244, 249,

Index 255, 265, 267, 269; archbishopric, 9,50,51; assembly (1264), 46,179; cortes (1250), 20, 94; (1252), 7, 35, 41, 42, 46-48, 53, 87, 100,105,106,108—109,114,118,121, 126-127; (1261), 46-47, 94-95, 118, 123, 127; (1281), 45-46, 92, 125, 146, 256-258; fuero, 84, ι66, ι88,192,194; hermandad with Málaga, 264; kingdom, 11,13, 71-73, 98,103,107,163-165, 267, 269; university, 112,133-134,141. See also Felipe, Infante; Remondo Sicilian Vespers, 249, 254 Sicily, 199-201, 205, 207, 209-211, 252-253, 260 Siete Partidas, 3, 6, io, 17-26, 28-29,31, 36-42, 44,47-50,52, 55 - 56, 62, 65-69, 86, 99-100,102-103,105,108-112,115,117, 120,122,129,133, 136-137, 217, 221, 237-238, 241, 246, 274, 276, 281 Sigiienza, 83, 97,183; bishopric, 50,56, 89, 220; bishops: Andrés, Martin Gómez, 52 Silibar, 98,103,166 Silves, 159,161; bishops: Bartolomei!, 158, 220, García, 52,158, Roberto, 158 Simón Ruiz de los Cameros, 45, 71, 77-78, 215, 223, 226, 239, 241, 243, 259, 280 Snow, Joseph, 3 Socarras, Cayeano, 2 Soldadas, stipends for nobility, 64, 67 Soria, 13,14, 83,121,155,199, 203, 221 Succession, royal, 234-251 Suero Pérez, bishop of Zamora, notary for León, 42, 51-53, 62, 89, 262 Swabia, duchy, 7,198-199, 232 Tagunt, Taount, Tenetu, 169-170 Tagus river, 12,14, 81, 96, 98,156 Talavera, 14, 27, 82, 83, 84,179, 230, 266 Tangier, 149,169,178, 234, 249, 253 Tarazona, 76,154 Tarifa, 178-181, 225, 234-235, 244, 278 Tavira, 159,191 Tax farmers: Isaac Abenxuxen, Mayr Abenxuxen, 57; Yüsuf Pimientiella, 247 Taxation, 39-40, 54-55, 76, 90-92, 106-108, 274; alcabala, sales tax, 217; ayuda, 92; martiniega, tribute on Martinmas, 90; marzadga, tribute on 1 March, 90. See also Fonsadera; Moneda forera-, Montazgo-, Servicio

387

Tejada, 98,165 Temple, Order of the, 15, 46,194, 226, 258 Tercias, royal third of the tithe, 40,53-54, 57,59, 62,168,184,188, 220, 275 Thibault I, king of Navarre, married Marguerite de Bourbon, 153 Thibault II, king of Navarre, 153-154, 201 Thomas, count of Savoy, 211 Tithes, 53-54,107. See also Tercias Todesca, James, 124-125 Toledo, 7, π, 54,56, 68, 78, 82, 91, 94, 96-97, 99,107, in, 118,122-123,139, 141-142,148,157,169,178-179,191, 226, 229, 256, 259, 261, 264; archbishopric, 9, 24,41-42,50-53, 63,138,148, 220, 224, 229, 235, 245, 260, 280; Archbishop Domingo Pascual, 52; cortes (1254), 7-8, 24, 31, 34-37, 46, 84,137,149,152,166, 168; (1259), 46,170,183, 206-209; fuero, 84, 164; kingdom, 11,13-15, 70, 83; treaty of 1254,151-152. See also Gonzalo García Gudiel, Sancho I, Sancho II Tordesillas, 82, 85 Toro, 53, 90, 92 Trade, 126—130 Translations, 141-144. Alvaro de Oviedo or Toledo; Egidio Tebaldi; Garcí Pérez; Guillén Arremón Daspa, canon of Seville; Isaac b. Sid (Rabiçag de Toledo); Juan Daspa; Juan de Messina, Juan de Cremona; Pietro de Reggio; Samuel el Levi; Yehuda b. Mosca el menor, Yehuda b. Moses ha-Kohen, Yehuda b. Mose, Yehuda el Coheneso Trastámara family, 69, 72; Rodrigo Gómez, 72 Treasury, 39—41 Treviño, 82, 241 Tribunal, royal (corte del rey), 42-45 Tunis, 75,169,171, 209-210, 215; Abu Zakariya>, emir, 182 Tuscany, 205, 207-208, 211 Túy, h, 256; bishopric, 50, 89; bishops: Fernando, 62, 262; Gil, 220 Ubeda, 15, 82, 84,184, 235, 262 Universities, 112,131-134 Urban IV, pope, 52,131,177,190, 208 Urraca Alfonso, illegitimate daughter of Alfonso X, 9, 267

388

Index

Valencia, 74, i53, «5,172,196, 228, 231, 236, 248, 253; Zeid Aazon, "sayyid al-Hasan," son of Abü Zayd, governor, 172 Valencia de Alcántara, 103,162 Valladolid, 8,13,35, 61, 82-85, 87, 96-97, 123,185,203,246, 259-260, 262-263; assembly (1255), 46,52,54,57, 62-63; (1282), 46, 61-62, 9i, 126, 259-260, 280; cortes (1258), 41, 46-47, 56, 67, 91, 94,124,170, 203; (1293), 108; (1295), 95; (1312), 107 Valmaseda, 77-78, 219 Vassalage, 65-66,166-167,189 Vejer, 118,127,165,187-188,191,197, 235 Venice, 137, 204, 208 Villalobos family, 72; Fernán Royz, 72; Gonzalo Gil, merino mayor of León, 71 Villamayor family, 70-71; Alfonso Garcia, 71; García Fernández de Villaldemiro and his wife Mayor Arias, tutors of Infante Alfonso, 8, 70. See also Juan Garcia Villar García, Luis, 169 Villarreal, 15, 81, 83,184, 235, 260-261 Vincentius Hispanus, canonist, 23 Vintimiglia, count of, 228 Violante, daughter of Alfonso X, 5, 8, 218 Violante, queen of Castile, 8 - 9 , 93,179,185, 199, 202, 218, 220, 224-226,228, 259, 266,

280; flight, 244-246; return, 248-250; mother, Violante of Hungary, 8 Virgin Mary, 6,102,111-112,135,140, 145-146,148,190,196, 228, 233, 235, 241, 246, 255, 258, 265, 267, 272, 281 Visigoths, 6, H-14,19, 35,138-139,143, 147-149,151,167,198, 277 Vitoria, 14, 83,1544, 225, 240-241; fuero, 82, 85 Vizcaya, 14, 72-74, 76, 82, 85,154, 259 Wages, 120-121 Wamba, Visigothic king, 149 Weights and measures, 123-124 William, marquess of Montferrat, 211-212, 228, 231, 252 William of Holland, emperor, 199, 222 Yantar, hospitality, 40,48,68 Zag de la Maleha, almojarife mayor, 40,103, 117,129, 224, 248, 250,280 Zamora, 12,140, 231; bishopric, 50,51,56, 89, 90; cortes (1301), 56; Ordinance of 1274, 34-35, 43, «4, 222, 230. See also Pérez

University of Pennsylvania Press MIDDLE AGES SERIES Edward Peters, General Editor

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