The later career of George Wither 9783111392721, 9783111030227

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STUDIES

IN ENGLISH Volume XLIII

LITERATURE

THE LATER CAREER OF GEORGE WITHER by

C H A R L E S S. H E N S L E Y Chicago State

College

1969

MOUTON THE HAGUE • PARIS

© Copyright 1969 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 68-21001

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

7

I. The Sharp-Eyed Satirist

14

II. Britain's Remembrancer

41

III. The Belated Humanist

73

IV. The Tireless Pamphleteer

105

Bibliography

144

INTRODUCTION

When George Wither died on May 2, 1667, after a career of almost forty years as self-appointed "Remembrancer" to an unregenerate, ungrateful nation, he was chiefly notorious as a prosing preacher in verse. For slightly more than a century after his death, contemptuous references to the poet by such titans as Samuel Butler, John Dryden, Jonathan Swift, and Alexander Pope almost nullify the sincere though mild approbration paid Wither by Edward Phillips, Richard Baxter, William Winstanley, and Anthony Wood. 1 However, when Bishop Percy included the truly immortal lyric, "Shall I Wasting in Despair", along with an idyllic excerpt from Faire-Virtue in his Reliques of Ancient English Poetry in 1765, Wither's poetical fortunes began to rise. Dalrymple's extracts from the Juvenilia (1785) and Ellis' Specimens of Early English Poets (1790) also aroused curiosity about his work by stimulating Octavius Gilchrist,2 Robert 1

These references to Wither include Hudibras (1663), Bk. I, vss. 639642, in which the poet is coupled with Prynne and Vicars; An Essay of Dramatic Poesy (1668), in which Robert Wild is dubbed the "very Withers of the City"; Battle of the Books (1704), in which as a "Modern" Wither is a "private trooper" pretending to the "chief command"; The Durtciad (1728), Bk. I, vs. 296, in which "wretched Withers" among the "dull of ancient days" rests with Ward and Gildon; Theatrum Poetarum (1675), in which Phillips praises Wither's "poetical fancy" in pastoral and "poetical zeal" in satire; Poética Fragmenta (1681), in which Baxter praises Wither's prophetic abilities and "plain country honesty"; Lives of the English Poets (1687), in which Winstanley declares that Wither gained "more by restraint than others could get by their freedom"; Athenae Oxoniensis (1691), in which Wither's "quick advancement" as a public author is noted by Wood. 2

O. G. Gilchrist, Gentlemen's Magazine, LXX (1800), Pt. 2, p. 1151, attempts to rescue Wither's work from the damaging criticism of Butler and Swift.

8

INTRODUCTION

Southey, and particularly Charles Lamb to sympathetic re-reading of the early satiric, pastoral, and occasional verse. Without doubt, Lamb is the most enthusiastic and perceptive eulogizer of Wither's early poetry, extending from Abuses Stript and Whipt (1611) through Faire-Virtue (1622). In praising his exaltation of the "power of poetry" over both its maker and reader, Lamb observes that before Wither no one ever celebrated its power at home, the wealth and strength which this divine gift confers on its possessor. Fame, and that too after death, was all which hitherto the poets had promised themselves and their art. It seems to have been left to Wither to discover that poetry was a present possession as well as a rich reversion; and that the Muse had promise of both lives, of this, and of that which was to come.3 Lamb thus perceived Wither's heartfelt, persisting conviction that the poet is the noblest of men. Although his high regard for the delicate graces and independent spirit of The Shepherd's Hunting (1614) and Fidelia (1615) is also quite sound, neither he nor his friends knew Wither's less inspired though more typical prose and verse after 1625. W. J. Courthope correctly thought this date a turning point in the poet's long career.4 It is ironic that while for us it marks the end of Wither's poetic artistry, for him it marks the beginning of his prophetic maturity. Up to the present time biographers and critics have commonly believed that the poet's abilities dissipated rapidly after his early satire and particularly fine pastoral verse, with the result that during his last forty-five years Wither's work "is mainly remarkable for its mass, fluidity, and flatness".5 On the whole, Sir Sidney Lee's opinion of the amorphous and formidably voluminous work after 1625 is sound. At the same time, this generalization demands careful qualification.6 Although Lee's article in the DNB was not obliged to examine the reasons for the dissipation of Wither's genius, his comment suggests that the poet's later work is generally unworthy of biographical interest because it ranks 3 4 5 8

E. V. Lucas (ed.), The Works of Charles Lamb (London, 1911), I, 183. A History of English Poetry (London, 1903), III, 326-327. "George Wither", DNB, XXI (London, 1902), 739. Ibid., pp. 730-739.

INTRODUCTION

9

low as belles-lettres. Writing shortly after Lee, Frank Sidgwick adopted almost the same critical point of view in his belief that Wither's later publications (clearly those after 1625) have "little interest for any but the curious historian".7 Even J. Milton French's detailed examination of Wither's whole literary and public career is misleading in its habit of disassociating Wither's publications after 1625 from his sobering personality and very clear consecration of his time and "talents" to social and religious services. Though by far the most complete study of the poet to date, French's research does not recognize the poet's growing humanistic interests, use of humanistic studies to implement his inherent didacticism in The Nature of Man (1635), The Modern Statesman (1653) and Fides Anglicana (1660).8 Since 1928 a number of scholars and critics have re-evaluated or provided new information about Wither's life and literary connections, canon, relations to contemporary plague writing, devotional and emblem poetry.9 Allan Pritchard's recently published articles dealing with biographical and bibliographical problems of the early satirical and devotional work, and particularly his explanation of Wither's deterioration as a poet, provide invaluable new information on aspects of his career.10 My study is the first to explain Wither's later career in light of his youthful bravado and attractive pastoral pose. Serious efforts to integrate Wither's two careers or "two ages" have not been made before. Conflicting earlier and present day estimates of this poet's personality and true place in seventeenth century literary and social history really call for reinterpretation since Lamb's glowing rediscovery. In his exhaustive study of Milton and minor poets of 7

The Poetry of George Wither (London, 1902), I, xliv. "George Wither" (unpub. Ph.D. diss., Harvard, 1928), 358 pp. French dismisses the translation as "unimportant" (p. 240) even though it is the first English translation of an interesting "mozaic" of Greek philosophy and Christian apologetics. 9 The research of J. Milton French, Rosemary Freeman, Charles Mullett, and Allan Pritchard has contributed relevantly to further insight into Wither's life and work. 10 A m o n g others, see "Abuses Stript and Whipt and Wither's Imprisonment", RES, XIV, 337-345, and particularly "George Wither: the Poet as Prophet", SP, LIX, 211-230. 8

10

INTRODUCTION

the age, David Masson in 1859 described Wither as a "brave, bull-necked Englishman slightly crazed in the organs of combativeness and self-esteem". 11 By contrast, W. K. Jordan, writing in 1936, considered the poet "one of the most completely misunderstood men of the seventeenth century", and praised him as fairminded, "unassuming in temper and constantly devoted to toleration and moderation". 12 Between views so diametrically opposed, we can certainly discover a more tenable middle ground, and such is the purpose of this reinterpretation of Wither's later literary work and career. My chief purpose is to explain what sort of man George Wither really became after the dissipation of his early genius by discovering explicit as well as subconscious motives for his later writings and public service. My chief source for re-examining the poet's character and place in the literature of his day is his numerous publications after 1625 as they relate to his roles as prophet, humanist, soldier and civil-servant, political and religious pamphleteer. The integrating factor that I employ in re-evaluating Wither's character in relation to his age is to view his whole career as one of fearless, unstinting, if sometimes truculent, service to church and state for over fifty years. Why should the poet's unappealing later works (and again those after 1625) provide the most accurate guide, the soundest basis for reinterpreting his personality? Besides the fact that threefourths of the publications fall after this time, it is also true that their bulk of autobiographic comment increases. 13 Even though the poet's reiterated personal grievances and tiresome soulsearching have only slight literary value, such expressions often reflect significant personal convictions and sometimes suggest contemporaries' responses to his efforts. 14 Wither's own opinions 11

Life of John Milton and History of his Time (Cambridge, 1859), I, 440. 12 The Development of Religious Toleration in England, 1603-1640 (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), II, 413. 13 Examples of Wither's increasing tendency toward personal revelation are found in Britain's Remembrancer (1628), almost the whole of Canto III; in Campo-Musae (1643), more than one-third of the total poem. 14 A m o n g several, the following illustrate the poet's views prompted by others' treatment of him: The Schollers Purgatory (1625), in which Wither defends his patent against oppressions of the Stationers' Company; Justi-

INTRODUCTION

11

of his mature works merit consideration, too. Surprising as it may seem to us, the poet thought several of his later works most characteristic because they demonstrate his confident prophetic abilities, and most worthy because they are infused with moral purpose.15 When he came to believe that his chief mission was to inculcate "inner reform" of himself and fellow men by works of moral and religious counsel, he quite naturally dismissed the earlier satire as unwise and pastoral verse as trivial. A final reason for a more searching, careful study of Wither's later verse and prose is that it reveals the mature, full development of his individualizing character-traits, the recurring paradoxes of his thought and action, and resulting from these his sense of mission to serve fellow men. All these the poet reveals plainly in his familiar satires and pastorals. He simply declares them more baldly, more frequently, less appealingly after 1625. Besides their sheer number, bulk, repetitiousness, and consistently didactic point of view these publications are naturally unfamiliar to most readers because they are unavailable in any complete modern edition.16 Only about three out of more than eighty of the later works issued between 1625-1667 have been examined with much sense of Wither's changing personality during this forty-five year interval. It is true that Britain's Remembrancer (1628) has been singled out as valuable plague narrative and lauded for the poet's fearless advocacy of toleration.17 Emblemes (1635) has been studied as a late Puritan example of English emblem writing bristling with anti-Catholic sentiments.18 It is also true that Halelujah (1641) has long been tiarius Justificatus (1646), in which he replies to a personal attack by Sir William Onslow; and A Cordial Confection (1659), in which he describes Cromwell's rejection. 15 Wither thought Britain's Remembrancer and Prosopopoeia Britannica (1648) his first and second best works because they were inspired by his prophetic "commission". Also see Lee, op. cit., XXI, 738. 18 Although the Spenser Society reprints (1871-1882) include about threefourths of Wither's more than one-hundred separate works, there are notable exceptions (Emblemes, The Nature of Man, Modern Statesman and A Cordial Confection) available only as rare books or on microfilm. 17 Jordan, op. cit., II, 413; Charles Mullett, The Bubonic Plague and England (Lexington, 1956). 18 Rosemary Freeman, English Emblem Books (London, 1948), p. 142.

12

INTRODUCTION

considered both an admirable statement of Wither's vigorous piety and a significant contribution to the religious lyric of the seventeenth century.19 Yet a host of other works in various forms of verse and prose deserve to be better known, at least in part, for their revelation of Wither's paradoxical personality and varied, responsible services against the complex political and religious background of the reign of Charles I, the Civil Wars, the Commonwealth and Protectorate, and the early Restoration.20 For example, while such works as Campo-Musae (1643) and A Cordial Confection (1659) do not reflect an appealing, remote Spenserian idealism typified in The Shepherd's Hunting, they do show us a keen observer, an active participant in day-to-day affairs of an exciting, highly crucial period of English society rapidly becoming the modern world. We see Wither the somewhat disenchanted idealist maturing into a practical (if sometimes over-zealous) moralist agonizing to serve his fellow men with pen or sword. The variety of roles he essayed and the difficulties he surmounted either to "remember" or be remembered by his contemporaries demonstrate at least the sincerity of his social conscience. Wither's didactic impulse increased as his puritanism deepened and accounts for his efforts at realizing himself in various roles after he laid aside what he was assured were the frivolities of youth. Against a background of biographical along with literaryhistorical detail relating to the poet's works before 1625, Chapter I stresses his conviction that human nature is basically evil and demonstrates his zeal to edify readers by use of language plain enough for all to comprehend. It also notes first statements of permanent traits or attitudes, such as content amid discontent, 19 The Cambridge History of English Literature, ed. A . Ward and A . Waller (Cambridge, 1910), I V . 180. 20 Besides The Nature of Man and The Modern Statesman, a sampling of other works that deserve some recognition includes Se Defendendo (1643), A Speech without Doore (1644), Vox Pacifica (1645), Opobalsamum Anglicanum (1646), Prosopopoeia Britannica (1648), The British Appeals (1651), A Perpetual Parliament (1653), Tuba Pacifica (1655), A Suddain Flash (1657), Fides-Anglicana (1660), Speculum Speculativum (1660), Verses Intended for the King's Majesty (1662), Paralellogrammaton (1662), and Meditations upon the Lord's Prayer (1665).

INTRODUCTION

13

courageous individualism, and a strong anti-Catholic bias. It is meant to serve as a valid context for clearer comprehension of three main channels through which Wither's literary efforts later manifest themselves - the real scope of the book. Chapter II fully examines Wither's belief in his prophetic "commission", first declared in Britain's Remembrancer, and then illustrates in later poems the persistence of his prophetic strain urging "inner reform" as a salient character trait after 1625. Chapter III notes evidences of the poet's Christian humanism, heretofore unrecognized or unmentioned, in four works of dissimilar type and content, and also indicates how he occasionally after 1635 employed classical parallel to implement his recurring message. Chapter IV traces the development of the poet's political thought and examines his religious convictions in relation to his military duty, civil services, and personal oppressions from the outbreak of the Civil Wars through the early Restoration. It particularly emphasizes Wither's consistent latitudinarian views and admirable toleration in an age of bitter controversies. Chapter IV is followed by a complete bibliography of primary and secondary sources.

I

THE SHARP-EYED SATIRIST

I find a brave Invention comming on, That scornes to seeke a Muse in Helicon, For know, the Deitie that guides my quill Haunts not Parnassus, but faire Zion hill. A Preparation to the Psalter

George Wither reveals a sober temperament, a sense of mission as poet, and a remarkable penchant for controversy from his early youth. The sources for his later, fully matured notions about serving himself and fellow man really lie in his writings and experiences before 1625. Official biographical records along with the poet's full, candid autobiographical details provide us a rather complete impression of the poet's personality through age forty. Against a background of pertinent facts about his life, we shall first examine Wither's youthful admiration for the poet's unique power over men, his conviction that human nature is basically evil, his courageous independence of mind, and his resolve as layman to advance the cause of religion. We shall also note first statements of recurring themes often dependent on these basic convictions that often suggest quite emphatically how young Wither impressed his contemporaries. Oldest son of George Wither of Bentworth and Mary Hunt of Theddon Grange, the poet was born on June 11, 1588.1 He 1

This date of birth given by Anthony a Wood, who follows John Aubrey, is accepted by R. Willmott, S. Lee, F. Sidgwick, R. Bigg-Wither, and J. French. It is more convincing than the year 1590 advanced by A. Dalrymple and T. Park, who cite the inscription around Holle's portrait of the poet: "I grow and Wither both Together. G. W. An. Aetatis Suae 21, 1611." Moreover, seven allusions in the poet's works further support the date 1588. See Frank Sidgwick, The Poetry of George Wither (London, 1902), II, 214.

THE SHARP-EYED SATIRIST

15

proudly boasted a pedigree from the reign of Edward III and a family prominent in Hampshire for many generations.2 His references to attendance of twelve to eighteen servants, to great possessions in silver plate and furniture, indicate that the family enjoyed considerable wealth in his youth.3 Details about young Wither's education and his attitude toward learning are also quite revealing. Before attending village school the boy was taught reading and writing by his near relative, Ralph Starkey the archivist.4 He learned grammar from John Greaves, later Rector of Colemore, dubbed by Wood "the noted schoolmaster of those parts". 5 Proud of having mastered Lyly's Latin and Camden's Greek grammars, young Wither a few years later proffered heartfelt thanks to his old tutor in Epigram XVI, appended to his first published work. While lamenting that he is not one of Greaves' "learn'd Graduates", he expresses gratitude by "willingness, thanks, and gentle words".8 Up to this time none of Wither's biographers has noted the poet's provocative claim to have been educated at both Oxford and Cambridge.7 They generally state that he left Bentworth for Magdalen College in 1603 at age fifteen, and that he became sometime after 1604 8 a pupil of John Warner later much praised as "sound logician and a good and ripe scholar".9 Though no record of attendance has in fact been found in Magdalen admissions archives (since Wither was neither Demi nor Fellow) he 2

Rev. Reginald Bigg-Wither, Materials for A History of the Wither Family (Winchester, 1907), Ch. Ill passim. 3 J. M. French, "George Wither" (unpubl. Ph.D. Diss., Harvard U., 1928), p. 3. French estimated the elder Wither's estate worth between $75-$ 100,000. 4 Bigg-Wither, op. cit., p. 87. 5 Anthony a Wood, Athenae Oxoniensis, ed. P. Bliss (London, 1817), III, 391. 8 Juvenilia: Poems of George Wither, Spenser Society (London, 1871), II, 343. 7 Preparation to the Psalter, Spenser Society (London, 1884), p. 21. 8 This date is accepted by Willmott, Sidgwick, Bigg-Wither, and French. The date given by Wood (1604) is probably an error, since Wither states that he went to Oxford "The very Spring before I grew so old/That I had already thrice five winters told" in the Occasion, p. 29. 9 Robert Willmott, Lives of the Sacred Poets (London, 1834), I, 65.

16

THE SHARP-EYED SATIRIST

might well have been in residence as a "non-foundationer" without matriculation.10 Surprising evidence of his thorough grounding in classical, humanistic tradition in Preparation to the Psalter (1619) supports Wither's claim convincingly. "The Occasion" prefacing Abuses Stript and Whipt reveals many of young Wither's experiences and deeper frustrations during the years 1603-1606.11 Seeing schoolmates flocking to "our English Athens", he did not want to be thought truant. He arrived at Oxford in a state of high enthusiasm It is a Spring of knowledge, that imparts A thousand several Sciences and Arts, A pure cleare Fount, whose water is by ods Farre sweeter than the Nectar of the Gods: Or rather (truly to entitle it) It is the wholesome nurcery of Wit.12 Like "other idle Freshmen" (p. 2) he eagerly visited cloisters and walks, saw the Bell of Osney, drank at Aristotle's Well. Soon his tutor summoned him to study and abiding reverence for learning. Although his Master (presumably Warner) strove skilfully to teach him principles of logic, Wither confesses that it was to his "dull capacitie in vaine" (p. 3). He readily admits that terminology in logic confused him so utterly that he felt "gravell'd, like a ship that's grounded" (p. 4). In confusion, he gave up study for six months. Then spurred on by others' ability in disputation, Wither began to ply his books intensively, and suddenly discovered himself learning more "in halfe an hour, than halfe a year before" (p. 4). About 1605, his progress was unhappily curtailed. Before acquiring a degree with fresh-kindled ardor for knowledge, financial reverses at Bentworth ordered him back "to hold the plow" (p. 6). Assuring him that skill in numbers, geometry, and music 10 G. R. Driver, "Magdalen College Library", Oxford Bibliographical Society, II (1927-1930), 147. 11 Juvenilia: Poems of George Wither, II, 1-12. This poem appears to be a fairly trustworthy source of autobiographical information. Henceforth, most references to this poem will appear in the text. 12 ¡bid., p. 2. All italics in the original text (or reprint).

THE SHARP-EYED SATIRIST

17

were now sufficient, Fortune now promised austere instruction for lamenting new worldly cares: The sweetest of my hopes I left, and went In quest of Care, Despaire, and Discontent. For, seeing I was forc't to leave those Mountains Fine groves, faire walks and sweet delightfull Fountains, To keepe those places where the Muses haunted. I home returned somewhat discontent, And to our Bentworth beechy shadowes went, Bewailing these my first endeavours lost, And so to be by angry Fortune crost, Who, though she daily doth much mischiefe to mee, Can never whilst I live a greater doe mee; (pp. 6-7) Plainly, Wither's first frustration was that of having to abandon learning and the scholarly atmosphere he had already begun to love.13 His remark that friends at Bentworth wanted him to learn "some Mechanick Trade/Urging expense . . ." (p. 7) confirms Sidgwick's belief that the oldest son was called home because of his father's financial difficulties.14 When these "friends" hastened to convince Wither that "learning is but little made of now" (p. 7), he concluded they were envious of his growing abilities (possibly poetic abilities) since some evidence suggests that he had begun writing.15 Strong terms like "over-dangerous smiles" of those "new-found uplandish Crocodiles" in absence of other details reveals a suspiciousness uncommon in youth. Their hostility along with his own confession that "meere Country business" is not his calling certainly explains why he remained home for scarcely more than a year. It is quite possible that Faire-Virtue, later published in 1622, was in part composed during this brief interim at Bentworth.16 Another 13 Wither had particularly begun to enjoy skill in argument, a significant fact because it anticipates a literary habit he indulges tirelessly in years to come. Other subjects he found interesting were metaphysics, meteorology, and astronomy. 14 Frank Sidgwick, Poetry of George Wither (London, 1902), I, xx. 15 Ibid., I, 151. Sidgwick believes that if the lyric "I loved a lass a fair one" is entirely by Wither (sometimes attributed to John Taylor), it was almost certainly written during his college days. 18 Ibid., n , 12.

18

THE SHARP-EYED SATIRIST

speculation as to how Wither spent this interval before departing for London plausibly argues that he visited Ireland. 17 Confident of awakened poetic abilities, he arrived in London at age eighteen. Musing over this crucial period, he observes in one of his emblems many years later My hopefull Friends at thrice five years and three, Without a Guide (into the World alone) To seeke my fortune, did adventure mee; And, many hazards, I slighted on. First, England's greatest Rendevous I sought, Where Vice and Virtue at the highest sit; For neither of their Services unfit. Both, woo'd my Youth: And, both persuaded so. That (like the Young man in our Emblem here) I stood and cry'd, Ah! which way shall I goe? To me so pleasing both their Offers were.18 Though he undoubtedly felt the City's excitements and temptations, young Wither's sober, rather humorless disposition, lack of sophistication, his idealism and zeal for preferment at Court urged him to heed Virtue's summons. "The Occasion" goes on to lay bare his shocking disappointment with manners and morals in the famed metropolis. He strongly disliked trying to ape ridiculous fashions, the manners of servile courtiers. He resented having to substitute his "ancient-held Hampshire Dialect" (p. 9) for polite (and to him, affected) London English. He was horrified at observing bold sharpers preying on unwary travelers, but was equally nauseated by those monstrous men called gallants — for him more vile than creatures he had encountered in Mandeville's Travels. With a reasonable pride in his birth, education, abilities, and personal identity, he perceived quite accurately that he could find no acceptance or security from such men as these: 17 French, op. cit., p. 30. It is certainly true that two lost early works imply an Irish journey: Iter Hibernicum and Patrick's Purgatory, mentioned in an extensive list of works in Fides-Anglicana (1660). Most convincing evidence, however, is found in Epigram 11 "To the Lord Ridgeway" (treasurer of Ireland) who, Wither claims, "first graced and gratified" his muse. Here, Wither expresses a desire "yet to St. Patricks lie" and says he purposes "to re-visit" Ridgeway. See Juvenilia, II, 336-337. 18 A Collection of Emblemes, Ancient and Modern (London, 1635), p. 22. (This is Emblem XXII, Book I.)

19

THE SHARP-EYED SATIRIST

Certaine it is, I shall never be able To make my humor suit to please this rabble. Better it were I liv'd at home with wants, Than heere with all these strange inhabitants, Whose natures doe with me so disagree, I shall scoffe at the though they ruine me.

(p. 10)

These verses are the first to point out another trait of Wither's personality: blunt honesty in declaring unwillingness to follow the crowd or please the rabble. His conduct as a man and whole career as a writer is that of a vigorous (if sometimes stubborn, irascible) independent. This quotation is also significant because it ironically foreshadows the poet's several contests with authority, his resulting fines, and numerous imprisonments. Reflecting a haughty, meditative nature often remote from fellow men and affairs, his voice more stridently denounces follies and injustices in years to come. For a time Wither did temper his chagrin into believing that good fortune would ultimately foster efforts toward court preferment, a vain hope that recalls John Donne's similar frustration. He could not, however, sustain this confidence indefinitely. He further confesses to us that again those envious "friends" are to blame. With an embittered outburst he declares that although patrons find him too young to employ (and no calling bad enough to grant), they shall no longer delight in seeing him idle! Grandly casting aside all hopes of favor, he resolves to become a writer. By spying into evils of the day, he can serve both himself and fellow men. Despite his frustrated ambitions, he now sets to work with an appealing if callow confidence in his talents as a satirist: The actions of the present time I ey'd, And all her secret villainies discry'd: I stript Abuse from all her colours quite, And laid her ugly face to open sight. I labour'd to observe her wayes, and then In generally the state and tricks of men. Wherein although my labour were not seene, Yet trust me the discovery hath beene My great content: and I have for my paine, Although no outward yet an inward gaine.

20

THE SHARP-EYED SATIRIST

In which because I can with all my heart, Allow my Country-men to share a part, And cause I thinke it may doe some a pleasure, An opportunity He now take seisure, And summon up my Muse to make relation: (pp. 39-40) What were young Wither's activities, other than spying into abuses, during the years 1606-1611? Although specific biographical facts are scant, we do have a few leads. He engaged in legal pursuits, cultivated literary friendships, which soon generated his pastoral and satiric poetry. Shortly after arrival in London he studied law at one of the Inns of Court.19 Sometime after 1615, he enrolled at Lincoln's Inn, the famous school attended earlier by John Donne and John Davies of Hereford, the latter one of Wither's closer friends at this time. Sidgwick's doubt "whether the crabbed processes and intricacies of the law claimed very much of his time or attention" at this time is reasonable.20 Actually Wither shared with his closest friend, William Browne, and with other legal students of the time a greater enthusiasm for poetry than for professional study. Congenial relationships with Browne, Drayton, and Christopher Brooke prompted Wither to contribute eclogues to Browne's The Shepherd's Pipe (1614), probably stimulated Fidelia (1615), Faire-Virtm (1622) and the warm, sincere prefatory verses to Part II of Drayton's Poly-Olbion (1622).21 Perhaps the clearest index as to how Wither was spending this supposedly blank period, however, is found in his comprehensive portrayal of social misconduct among particular classes in both town and country. Before examining the importance that Abuses Stript and Whipt (1613) occupies in the poet's developing notion of service and its influence on his prose and verse after 1625, we must next consider Wither's particular admiration for the poet and his unique "power" over men.

18

Wood, op. cit., Ill, 392. Poetry of George Wither, I, xxii-xxiii; I, xii. Bernard Newdigate, Michael Drayton and His Circle (Oxford, 1961), pp. 195-196. 20

21

THE SHARP-EYED SATIRIST

21

I Wither's strong sense of mission and his later role as national "remembrancer" originate from lifelong admiration for the ethical function of the poet. As a result reiterated yearnings for literary fame particularly occur in his early verse. Many of these ideas are of course traditional and show the young poet's sympathetic familiarity with the spate of defenses of poetry following Gosson's Schoole of Abuse (1579), a puritan attack on plays and poetry. Owing his greatest debt to Sidney's famous Defence of Poesy (1595), Wither is also indebted to Puttenham's Arte of English Poesie (1589), for convictions about the exalted calling of the poet for his broadly civilizing society.22 While Wither borrows familiar traditional views, from the beginning he emphasizes in an individual manner the poet's ethical and didactic role. In a somewhat extended parenthesis in the third satire of Book II of Abuses occurs his first impassioned defense of poetry, lauded as "the first root and ground/Of every Art". 23 Impatiently silencing those who think all poetry mere lies or fables to please fools, he goes on to insist that in his age men have grown so corrupt they cannot recognize or respect writers of verse practicing this oldest "Science". Quite naturally evil men envy the poet's eminence: For, of all sorts of men here's my beliefe, The Poet is most worthy, and the chiefe: His Science is the absolut'st and the best, And deserves honour above the rest: For tis no humane knowledge gain'd by Art, But rather tis inspir'd into the heart By Divine meanes; and I doe muse men dare Twixt it and their professions make compare. "Of Weaknesse" (p. 259)

The poet's knowledge Turning that poets' 22

place among men along with the divine sources of his are truly enviable and exalted. then to the created work, Wither emphatically affirms awareness is amazingly comprehensive, since "within

J. Atkins, English Literary Criticism: The Renascence (London, 1947), p. 159. 2 » Juvenilia, I, 258-265.

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THE SHARP-EYED SATIRIST

their writing lurks/All knowledge" (p. 260). Just as knowledge distinguishes men from beasts, so fullness of knowledge distinguishes the poet from his fellow man. Furthermore, no other type of man has such vital interest in every art, or so completely takes all knowledge for his province. Thus, the poet writes convincingly of law, theology, philosophy, astronomy, physics, and history; and so well does he employ the terminology of tradesmen, soldiers, and navigators that one might assume the poet served an apprenticeship in each occupation. In dramatic compositions he speaks for "every sex, for each degree, and in all causes" (p. 261). In portraying a choleric disposition or a desperate ambition, for example, a playwright both identifies himself with his characters and yet remains free from their feelings. In the same passage Wither roundly answers short-sighted detractors of the Muses in a sincere (if traditional) fashion. Like his model "divine Sidney", Wither argues that good poets improve rather than spoil men's manners. Certainly, the abuse of poetry by base, presumptuous, unskilful writers does not invalidate its preeminent service. Here again Wither echoes one of the more eloquent sections of the Defence of Poesy.2i In an even more informative declaration following the above quotation from Abuses, he voices with appealing mock humility his hope to be in future enrolled in the company of illustrious contemporaries who have unquestionably "arrived" - poets who are enjoying acclaim in varied genres: sonnet, pastoral, verse translation; in masque, comedy, and tragedy. And now thinke not you Oh, Daniel, Drayton, Johnson, Chapman, how I long to see you with your fellow Peeres, Sylvester matchlesse, glory of these yeeres: I hitherto have only heard your fames, And know yet but by your Workes and Names: The little time I on the earth have spent, Would not allow me any more content: I long to know you better, that's the truth, I am in hope you'l not disdaine my Youth: 24

Prose of the English Renaissance, ed. J. Hebel and H. Hudson et al. (New York, 1952), p. 291.

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For know you Muses Darlings, He not crave A fellowship amongst you for to have, Oh no; for though my ever-willing-hart Have vow'd to love and praise You and Your Art, And though that I your stile doe now assume, I doe not, nor I will not so presume; I claime not that too-worthy name of Poet. It is not yet deserv'd by me, I know it: Grant me I may but on your Muses tend, And be enroul'd their Servant, or their Friend; And if desert hereafter worthy make me, Then for a Fellow (if I please you) take me. (p. 265) Wither's proud humility in seeking acceptance as a poet is at least balanced here by his sincerity and developing critical sense. After all, to lead and serve mankind as a poet represents a good Christian's noblest aspiration and distinction. I n Epigram X I I the youthful poet confessed to his father that while his talent has not yet won him fame or preferment, he will not abandon it for the world. H o w these verses recall young Milton's eagerness for fame expressed in the famous twenty-third birthday sonnet! But I must needs confess, 'tis true, I yet Reape little profit in the eyes of men. My Talent yeelds small outward benefit, Yet I'le not leave it for the world agen. And so my Muse is my content and joy I would not misse her to be rankt with Kings, However some account it as a Toy. 25 Here Wither significantly voices for the first time another typical point of view that we shall see modified in middle and later years: the paradox of burning zeal to rank close to (if not with) some of the greatest poets of the age along with clear awareness of his limitations. Throughout a long tenure as national prophet he repeatedly cites his honesty, moral concern for public service, industry, and abilities as sufficient motives (and excuses) for writing, and rewriting. 2S

Juvenilia, II, 337-338.

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n Frustrated hopes for preferment sharpened Wither's eye for the "tricks of men" and the "secret villainies" of the time. A remarkably detailed record of unsophisticated observation and sound moral criticism of particular classes (clergy, lawyers, physicians, soldiers, tradesmen and nobility), Abuses as the first of Wither's published works interests us chiefly for its candid revelation of the poet's youthful bravado and ambition. Here again are primary points of view and basic convictions that appear in his prose and verse after 1625. My concern is not with the relation of Abuses to the traditions of formal satire in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century, a thorough investigation made by Alden more than fifty years ago, 26 but rather with Wither's use of this popular, rambling form of verse to express his own personality. Perhaps the poet's friend Thomas Cranley, who praises him for being "another Cato, though more daring", prompted him to write with such facility and so often. 27 With typical independence the poet dedicates Abuses Stript and Whipt to himself. He justifies ignoring convention with the soundest of reasons: he best knows his own mind; thus can best be his own advocate. The motive for expressing views in satirical essays is plainly to admonish readers as much as himself. He contends that Abuses will serve both for an ideal conscience and "true Friend". In the "Epistle Dedicatorie" he assures all readers my meaning is not that thou shouldst keepe it wholly to thine own use; But rather, seeing it is honorable to give, I have bestowed this on thee, that if thou canst in this corrupted Age, find any, whom desert, and thy love may make so deare unto thee; or whom thou art perswaded will gratifie, (or but thinke well of thy honests endeavours) thou maist be liberall to them, both of these thy labour, and expenses. 28 2

® The Rise of Formal Satire in England Under Classical Influence (U. of Penn. Publications in Philology, Literature, and Archaeology, Vol. VII, No. 2, Philadelphia, 1899), pp. 180-190. 17 "To the Impartiall Author", Juvenilia, I, 25. 28 Ibid., pp. 14-15.

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25

Wither's eagerness here to share his experience and counsel with readers is noteworthy because it anticipates a typical, more familiar role he assumes after 1625, that of not-so-gentle "remembrancer" to himself and the nation. Assuming the real probability that his liberal granting of advice is prompted by hope of profit from the book, we have no valid reason to doubt his sincerity. In Abuses the poet emphasizes three convictions that become permanent traits. These are (1) his belief that his message (and experience) concerns all men, (2) his resolution to avoid personalities in social criticism, (3) and the logical conclusion that plain language aids his readers' understanding best. Wither's inherent didacticism stems from his observation that man's nature is basically evil. All men, and Wither is both honest and consistent enough to include himself, share in sin and guilt. The very titles of the sixteen essays in the first book (along with four in the second) reflect ethical-moral principles of conduct all men will do better to heed.29 His declared purpose is thus to "taxe iniquitie" of the whole nation without fear or favor. Although his attacks on the vices of particular professional groups (like simony in the clergy) are direct, he consistently avoids personalities. More than once he insists that he intends no individual: And to be briefe, Good Satyr, understand, That thou maist not mistake what I command: 'Tis not my meaning, neither doe I like That thou at this time should'st in speciall strike: Because my hatred might appeare as then, Not to the vice, but rather to the men. Which is not so; for though some malice me, With every one I am in charity.30

The generality, abstractness, length, and scope of the poet's 29

Titles of the "Satyricall Essayes" in Book I obviously suggest the abstract nature of Wither's approach: Of Man, Love, Lust, Hate, Envy, Revenge, Choller, Jealousy, Covetousness, Ambition, Feare, Despaire, Hope, Compassion, Cruelty, Joy, Sorrow. 30 The Scourge, Juvenilia, II, 323. Two exceptions are really citations for praiseworthy conduct. He alludes to the Archbishop of Canterbury (Abbot) in "Of Ambition", p. 106, and to "brave South-hampton's Government" of Hampshire troops in "Of Feare", p. 118.

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commentary on evils of the day actually results from his sober disposition and incipient puritanism. His reflective manner, pessimistic view of man and his vagaries are quite clear in Satire 12. As men, we seldom avail ourselves of the balm of hope because our nature is so unapt to pursue That way it should, that we do follow still The Crooked't paths, and lose ourselves in ill. "Of Hope" (p. 125)

Actually, the common notion that Wither "ceased to be a poet before he became a Puritan" is as inaccurate as it is misleading.31 In the strictest sense of the word, which seems to imply particular religious beliefs, he was never a Puritan. This we shall make clear in discussion of his later works. On the other hand, as we have noted above, a serious view of life intensifying through his maturity pervades the earliest published work. Wither finally offers a remedy for evils endemic to all men. It is significant for him, but also characteristic of a post-reformation era putting more and more faith in human reason. Man is disturbed with cares because he follows irrational or ignoble desires. Of man's twofold passions, one aspires to heaven and the noblest things; the other, nurtured by his corrupted nature, clamors immoderately for things of this world. These weaknesses in himself man does not overcome merely by succumbing to them. For him there is only one solution: But how and which way then May these diseases be recur'd in men? Why by Philosophy, Counsell, and Reason: These things well apply'd in their due season, May doe much good. Else seeke the Cause whence rise, These hurtfull and pernicious maladies. Let them consider that, and so they may Cut off th' effect, by taking it away. But if they cannot the occasions finde, lie tell them: 'tis the basenesse of the minde; Or else a false Opinion that's in some, Or good or evill present or to come. "The Conclusion" (pp. 153-154) 31 E. Legouis and L. Cazamian, A History of English Literature (London, 1954), p. 567.

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27

Thus, in Abuses Wither employs satire to serve morality and religion in citing gross departures from "Philosophy, Counsell, and Reason". Man's passions of will and appetite must be controlled by reason. To Christians of later centuries, Greek and Roman thought can further be helpful, since ancient philosophers urge use of reason to dispel doubts (furies) admitted by the will. One of the poet's permanent convictions first expressed in Abuses is that simply because Christians enjoy a "certaine promise of a better ayde" (p. 154), they must not shun benefits of philosophic teachings of the past. This particular passage is the first to suggest Wither's humanistic attitudes, which recur more prominently in his works after 1625. Throughout his long tenure as "remembrancer" and public servant, he was firmly convinced, as were many greater poets and thinkers of his day such as Milton and Sir Thomas Browne, that the ancients can often help us "to moderate" modern controversies.32 Wither's defense of plain language to aid readers'comprehension is another of his typical, lifelong literary beliefs. He emphasizes use of unadorned, unallegorical statements because all men will need to find his satires intelligible. Unlike Bacon's Essays, those sage counsels written for upper-class career men, Abuses purports to help all classes of society. Instead of using "Spensers or Daniels well-composed numbers; or the deepe conceits of now-flourishingJohnson" Wither has purposely aimed to be as "plaine . . . as a pack-saddle". 33 Masson's dismissal of the poet's plain style (or his "plaine hobbling forme" as he calls it) as mere independence of the wits of the day is simply irrelevant.34 Wither stresses repeatedly that he does not write for the learned reader. 35 As the 32

In dedicating his Nature of Man (translated from Nemesius) to John Selden in 1636, Wither expresses this belief. Humanistic impulses are first evident in A Preparation to the Psalter (1619) where he uses Greek philosophy, history, Hebrew scholarship, theological commentary of the church fathers t o support his discussion of the psalms. 33 Juvenilia, I, B-B 2 . 34 Life of John Milton and History of His Time (Cambridge, 1859), I, 436. 35 Besides not cultivating the learned in Abuses (pp. 17-20), in Preparation to the Psalter (pp. 5, 22), Wither indicates that he speaks to the ignorant, not the learned.

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very great popularity of Abuses testified, judging by its five successive reissues in 1613 alone, he had a most acute sense of what his sober middle-class reader would buy.36 Wither's cultivation of a middle-class audience still did not preclude appeals for favor to the most famous literary patrons of the day, the Earls of Pembroke and Southhampton.37 Although he mentions no response from these two noblemen, the poet does express his gratitude for the enduring patronage of the Princess Elizabeth. For her marriage to the Elector Palatine on St. Valentine's Day 1612-1613, he wrote Epithalamia. To those readers of Abuses who assume his "former rigor" shows him a man of "churlish disposition", he retorts that Epithalamia will demonstrate that "if the Times would suffer me, I could be as pleasing as others".38 Although he probably received no particular favor from another popular literary patron, Elizabeth's brother Prince Henry, the poet joined several distinguished contemporaries, including Donne, Chapman, Webster, Drummond, and Sylvester, in elegizing the Prince's sudden death on November 6, 1612. Prince Henry's Obsequies is an obscure though curiously fascinating chain of forty-five sonnets in the English form. Including two or three selections that deserve anthologizing as the best of Wither's early poetry, Obsequies is also significant for two recurring motifs. Here are his first strong anti-Catholic feelings and his use of observation for prophecy. From his point of view, Prince Henry served England best as an antagonist of the "Wicked Whore of Rome", often referred to in his prose and verse after 1625. When the spirit of Great Britain begs the Spirit of Prince Henry to rise against the Popish locusts swarming anew over the land, he advises her to address devotions to God. Only He can withstand the Antichristian Beast.88 36

Sidgwick and Lee accept the date as the first edition from Thomas Park's British Bibliographer, Vol. I. Convincing internal evidence for 1611 rather than 1613 is found in eleven works of the poet dating from Epithalamia (1612) through Warning Piece to London (1662). These references are assembled by Sidgwick, op. cit., II, 216-217. 37 These are Epigrams 7 and 8 following Abuses. 38 Juvenilia, II, 456. 39 T w o or three of these sonnets are among the best of Wither's total

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29

The habit of using observation for purposes of prophecy (rather than merely for social criticism) also becomes a prominent motif in Wither's works after 1625. He reminds mourning readers that hard frosts and hot summers of the past few years were in fact warnings of national calamity that the unregenerate could not foresee. Here is first evidence of the poet's evolving into remembrancer, or self-appointed prophet. For him such a role beginning in simple egotism becomes a reasonable compensation for frustrated ambition, imprisonments, and virtual neglect. It is prompted by a deepening puritan temperament. His assuming this role does demonstrate that his efforts as a controversialist prominent after 1625 really began much earlier. The first edition of Abuses was apparently suppressed, and for reasons not entirely clear Wither may have suffered imprisonment at this time. Because he had already won the favor of the Princess Elizabeth, she seems to have removed him from all danger. Yet he was out of trouble for only a brief time. After four reissues of the book the Privy Council ordered Wither's imprisonment in the Marshalsea for four months from about 20 March through 26 July (1613) for reasons that until recently have been unsatisfactorily explained. Earlier critics assumed that the poet had somehow despite the generality of the satire offended Lord Chancellor Ellesmere.40 Unless certain passages from the earlier edition have in fact been removed, Allan Pritchard's solution is more convincing. From close study of state papers and Wither's biographical record, he claims that the offended man of high place was the very powerful Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton,

poetry (for example, Nos. 23 and 28, the former a memorable expression of a familiar theme, the democracy of death for all living creatures). No's. 15 and 17 have autobiographic interest. See Juvenilia, II, 371-411. 40 The offensive lines are the following from The Scourge, Juvenilia, II, 445: And pre thee tell the B. Chancellors That thou art sent to be their counsellors: And will them, if they meane not to be stript, And to be once againe like schoole-boyes whipt, Their worships would not so corrupted be; T o hinder Iustice for a scurvy fee.

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Lord Privy Seal, a prominent Catholic, pre-eminent at court from 1612-1614 after death of his enemy Salisbury. Wither's protestant political sympathies, and even more the popularity of Abuses cried up by the poet's supporters gave him a dangerous reputation.41 Wither of course made his brief stay in prison profitable as well as pleasant. How he learned to practice content of mind by composing The Shepherd's Hunting, a charming Spenserian pastoral, is familiar literary history.

m Wither's declaration "I must stand or fall according as I discharge my conscience",42 typifies his life-long courageous, sometimes stubborn individualism. This we see in several protests against authority in the period following his first imprisonment, 1614 through 1625. Verse written during his first stay in the Marshalsea reflects reaction to readers' misunderstanding his sincere motives for writing Abuses Stript and Whipt. The Shepherd's Hunting (1614) and A Satyre Written to the King's Most Excellent Maiestie (1615) represent mild and strong protests against oppression, and significantly in each work Wither finds a type of compensation more familiar in his works after 1625. Two typical motifs that recur in the later prose and verse are defiance of his oppressors, along with assurance of later poetic fame. Through the veiled indirection of pastoral allegory, The Shepherd's Hunting serves as a mild protest against unjust imprisonment. Here, Wither's rather disarming content of mind arises quite naturally from two familiar sources: literary friendships and the consolation of poetry. To the devoted visitors of his cell (William Browne, Christopher Brooke, and Nicolas Ferrar) the poet recounts through allegory the effect of Abuses on angry readers whose vices were sharply scored. Savage hounds of "rare 41

"Abuses Stript and Whipt and Wither's Imprisonment", RES, 337-345. See also Newdigate,op. cit., p. 76. 42 A Cordial Confection (London, 1659), p. 41.

XIV,

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31

and choicest breed" (satires) have spoiled the shepherd's folds (hopes). Unreasonable complaints have resulted in the poet's loss of freedom for speaking only truth and reason. Besides delighting friends and passing dull hours, poetry is yet more than companionable; it gently admonishes Wither "where to borrow/ Comfort in the midst of sorrow".43 In Eclogue 4, Wither adds an important qualification to his earlier notions about the poet and his "power" over fellow men. One of his most cherished convictions, which perhaps best explains his long and prolific career as poet and vates, is that when the Muses grant the gift of poetry to a favored sympathetic spirit, he is bound to sing.44 They "make a childe in yeeres a man". Browne is reminded that it is a fault to hesitate in putting his poetic talent to good use; Ferrar is exhorted to combine poetry with his other work. Although Wither's protest is somewhat softened by the pastoral atmosphere, he both expresses defiance of critics and resolves to continue speaking what his muses tell him, regardless of prisons and/or purgatories. Persuaded by loyal friends to publish the pastorals, Wither begs enemies to note his patience among worthless men, his content over discontent.45 By contrast to The Shepherd's

Hunting,

A Satyre is a direct,

heated denunciation of injustice. First of Wither's numerous appeals to authority for redress of personal grievances, it has unusual interest. It vigorously and courageously defends Abuses and the function of satire in general. Along with close friends (other defenders of virtue and the Muses) the poet is indignant because he is treated worse than a villain. Clearly implying that if he had really done evil he would now be grandly rewarded, he openly begs the King Vouchsafe to view't with thine owne eyes, and trie (Save want of Art) what fault thou canst espie.

45 41 45

I have not sought to scandalize the State, Nor sowne sedition, nor made public hate: Nor taxt (directly) any by name. I am not he that am growne discontent Juvenilia, II, 546. Ibid., p. 540. Ibid.

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With the Religion; or the Government. I meant no Ceremonies to protect, Nor doe I favour any new-sprung Sect; But to my Satyres gave this onely warrant, To apprehend and punish Vice apparent. Who aiming in particulier at none, In generally upbraide every one: 4 6

He goes on to insist, however, that he has not written sharply enough. He finally laments losing his liberty simply because obviously guilty individuals insist on misconstruing his good intentions. Pleading with King James to show clemency by allowing for his youth, present ignoble condition versus genuine, inner worth, Wither apparently succeeded with his bold, tactless appeal. Shortly thereafter the King did procure the poet's release.47 Two motifs which recur frequently first appear in A Satyrc. One is his assurance of future poetic fame, a familiar theme among poets of almost all ages. Though few readers of the day will thank him for such plain-spoken counsel, future ages will actually be grateful.48 The ambivalence that results from statements of apparent content when measured against his contrary feelings is the other: All this, yea more, I see and suffer to, Yet live content midst discontents I do, Which whilst I can, it is all one to me, Whether in Prison or abroad it be; For should I still lye here distrest and poore, I shall not make me breathe a sigh the more;

(p. 477)

Wither's bold defiance of oppressors and his resolve to continue fearless in taxing vice are, of course, admirable. On the other hand, the savagery of this protest really gives him away. Obviously he had already lost a great deal of that peerless content voiced earlier in The Shepherd's Hunting. Unlike Byron's sentimental prisoner of Chillon, Wither truly regained his freedom without a sigh. 48

Juvenilia, III, 428-429. Lee, op. cit., p. 731, stresses help given Wither by Princess Elizabeth, later Queen of Bohemia, and King James. French, op. cit., p. 41, and Willmott, op. cit., p. 89, stress help given by the Earl of Pembroke. 48 Juvenilia, HI, 431. 47

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33

The poet's works after this imprisonment naturally reflect a more serious nature. Recognizing his social criticism in Abuses ineffectual and finding himself disparaged and unjustly treated, he gravitated toward a more devout religious point of view (within the Anglican communion). His next work, Preparation to the Psalter (1619), voicing the fear that he has misspent youth, impresses us as first evidence of his developing scholarly interests. In the Table of Contents in which he admits indebtedness to sixtyeight learned Biblical scholars, historians, and theologians and particularly in Chapter IX (in which he admits no direct knowledge of Hebrew) Wither shows a proper humility before such thorny subjects as the authorship, verse-form, and music of the psalms.49 Significant for our discussion of his independent views are his sensible departures from authorities. Defense of the enlightened layman's privilege to "meddle" in Scripture in both a critical and creative sense he often provides after 1625. In this connection Wither simply obeys St. Paul's advice "to exhort and edifie one another", particularly when one does not promote unorthodox doctrines. A more specific rational viewpoint transcending authorities is the poet's enlightened decision not to use the name Jehovah for the Christian God. Extensive research discovers no warrant for its use in the gospels or in commentary of the church fathers. Winding up a thorough, full-dress examination of this knotty, esoteric problem (since God must surely be addressed with all due reverence), he notes in a manner typical of his maturing scholarly point of view: For, I am neither of opinion that the Truth is to be injured, to save any Teachers credit; nor that any man is in a beliefe which is not to be interrupted, who feareth to have it brought to examination. (p. 113) The voice of the Protestant reformation echoing here anticipates Wither's more liberal views to come. Wither's Motto (1621), a "true picture of mine own heart", is his first wholly autobiographical work.50 In a cocksure, often 49

Spenser Society (London, 1884), p. 61.

»» Juvenilia, III, 624.

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petulant tone he shows himself ironically superior to his fellow man, neither having, lacking, nor caring for anything not morally commendable. A mark of egoism is the expository defense of his own character in slightly more than eleven hundred verses! No evidence really explains what person and/or misfortune stimulated this long-winded outburst, although one assumes that Wither meant it to blast detractors of his recent scholarly works, A Preparation to the Psalter and Excercises upon the First Psalm (1620).« Unless the poet did suffer from a greatly exaggerated selfesteem, this poem must surely be a pose. "Nec Curo", section three, is chiefly relevant here for restatement of earlier independent views and personal beliefs. For example, shallow critics' estimates of his poetry no longer interest him because he is already assured of immortality.52 He nothing needs "whom angels guard and God himselfe doth feed" (p. 622). Especially admirable is his acceptance of truth wherever found and indifference to church fathers' opinions that are irrational or deny the revealed Word. Although his mind remains his kingdom (as it was in The Shepherd's Hunting), with deeper religious conviction he now takes refuge in God and not friendship or poetry. Swarming mischiefs of this world are now meaningless. For Hell can make, No uproare, which my peaceful thoughts may shake. I founded have my hopes on him that hath A shelter for me, in the Day of Wrath. And I have trust, I shall (without amaze Looke up, when all burnes round me, in a blaze. And if to have these Thoughts, and this Mind known Shall spread God's praise no further than mine own Or, if this shall, no more instructive be, To others; then it glory is to Me: Here let it perish, and be hurled by, Into Oblivion everlastingly. (p. 702) Probably the contrast between the arrogant self-sufficiency of Motto and the less intense youthful bravado of Abuses actually won the poet remarkable popularity. He proudly boasts of thirty 51 52

ibid., p. 670. Ibid., p. 700.

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35

58

thousand copies sold within a few months. But again high spirits were short lived. Although he especially avoided personalities (after the Northampton affair) and deliberately laid aside the role of "sharp fanged Satyrist" (p. 624), he again apparently offended some prominent official. We know certainly that he was again sent to the Marshalsea (for three months this time) and that he appealed to Prince Charles for help.54 When examined, he stated that Michael Drayton had approved the poem in manuscript. Refused by the Stationers' Company, Motto became an unlicensed book. After a few passages were removed, a second edition appeared a few months later.55 Another work published at this time though written between 1606-1611 is Faire-Virtue, a Spenserian pastoral that shows Wither's remarkable gift for spontaneous lyricism. In smooth, varied verse forms that evoke Bentworth's rural scenes, Philaret fully but charmingly anatomizes the physical, mental, and spiritual qualities of his ideal mistress. How could the "glass of her perfections" fail to enthrall any swain eager to honor her with lifelong vassalage? For us, however, the poem is chiefly meaningful for the first declaration of independence of patrons to whom Wither seldom directly appeals after this time. Saluting "lordly gallants", he is not eager to change places: You may boast of favours showne, Where your service is applied: But, my pleasures are mine owne, and to no man's humours tyed. You oft flatter, soothe, and faine; I, such basenesse doe disdaine; And to none, be slave I would, Though my fetters might be gold.56

Again, Wither's confidence of future fame compensates for present neglect.57 Again, he typically admonishes readers to weigh well 53

Ecchoes from the Sixth Trumpet, Misc. Wks., Ill, 7. A. Pritchard, "An Unpublished Poem of George Wither", MP, LXI, 120-121. 55 Sidgwick, op. cit., pp. xxix-xxx; also Lee, op. cit., pp. 731-732. 56 Juvenilia, III, 895. 57 Ibid., p. 908. So those Vertues now neglected, 54

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before censuring Faire-Virtue,58 Once more as a "stranger to the Muses, / Young, obscured and despis'd", he delights in his poetic skill. This along with content of mind Faire-Virtue has given him in bountiful measure.59 Shortly after this time, the most impressive display of his courageous individualism occurs. Possibly to make up for the unjust imprisonment he had suffered after the publication of Abuses in 1613, King James issued him an unusual patent for Hymnes and Songs of the Church on February 17, 1623.60 Stationers reasonably complained that binding up Wither's hymns with the Sternhold and Hopkins psalter, together with the Testament and Common Prayer, made too long and too bulky a book. They refused to honor the royal patent. Its appearance in several forms that year was therefore unlicensed, and Wither again found himself subject to authorities. His spirited complaint of mistreatment by the stationers, The Schollers Purgatory, surreptitiously published in part in 1624, fully reveals conditions of publishing at this time.61 For us it has particular significance as more than the churlish grievances of a subject whose liberties have been infringed. Wither's habit of identifying his own with the public issue (and writing for the public good) never shows to better advantage. The Schollers Purgatory is an objective, bold defense of freedom of the press, but it is also an eloquent brief for royal and ecclesiastical authority over the increasingly powerful Stationers' Company. Addressing the Archbishop of Canterbury and other clerics in convocation, Wither readily admits that his former writings have smacked more of blunt honesty than discretion - an To be more esteemed will come; Yea, those Toyes so much affected, Many shall be wooed from. And, the golden Age (deplored) Shall, by some, be thought restored. 58 Juvenilia, III, 442. 59 Ibid., p. 714. 60 This patent granted to the poet and his heirs almost a monopoly on the Hymnes and Songs bound up with any psalm-book in meter. See Sidgwick, op. cit., I, p. xxxii. 61 A. Pritchard, "Wither's Quarrel with the Stationers: An Anonymous Reply to the Schollers Purgatory", Stud, in Bib., XVI, 27-42.

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37

evidence of his maturing point of view. Besides pointing out how the stationers have oppressed him personally, he further declares that they have disparaged the King's judgment, "blasphemed the sacred expressions of Holy Spirit", and have "vilified that Booke which supreame Authority hath commanded to be published".62 Wither's ringing contention that the writer is most often the soundest critic of his own work first occurs here. He charges that stationers who make a practice of dispensing treasonous books can hardly be astute critics. Several motifs noted before reappear with stronger emphasis: again, as in Preparation to the Psalter, the poet employs his layman's talent to sing God's glory and, moreover, sings for those readers of "mean capacities", not for the learned. Though lacking the outer, like Sternhold and Hopkins, he plainly enjoys the inner calling.63 Writing to serve fellow men and particularly the Church (and in so doing he has not insinuated Popish superstitions), he has reaped further oppression for doing so. He will not (even if ruined for it) sue any man to regain his patent. Once again God will defend him against enemies, and this tribulation will furnish yet another occasion to scold unjust men. This earnest diatribe thus provides a valuable insight into the tyranny of stationers over authors between 1620-1625. The satirical, documentary quality of Wither's characters recalls Earle's Microcosmographie issued in 1628. In the poet's eyes, a "meere stationer" prints anything for profit; he pirates material, even blots the author's name. Worst of all, he presumes to criticize all books yet has no respect for learning. He sets the interests of his "Mystery above God, the State, and all good causes".94 Finally, The Schollers Purgatory defends Wither's character, his motives as poet and translator, but also demonstrates his evolving critical insights and Biblical scholarship. IV

After Wither's first imprisonment in the Marshalsea, a shift in his source of inspiration clearly took place. A candid personal state62 The Schollers Purgatory, Misc. Wks., I, 8. "> Ibid., pp. 35-40. 94 Ibid., pp. 116-129.

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ment in rhymed pentameter couplets prefacing A Preparation to the Psalter leaves little doubt what this new source was: I find a brave Invention comming on, That scornes to seeke a Muse in Helicon, For know, the Dietie that guides my quill Haunts not Parnassus, but faire Zion hill. It is the same, who taught the Shepheard King, To give his Harpe such curious fingering, That his sweet touches (of all, most divine) Renown'd the Plaines of fruitfull Palestine,65 In the preface to Psalmes of David (1632) Wither notes that King James personally commanded his translation of the psalter and encouraged his efforts throughout. 66 In carrying out his sovereign's command, the poet issued A Preparation to the Psalter (1619), Exercises upon the First Psalm (1620), Songs of the Old Testament (1621), and the work which occasioned the stormy ten-year contest with the Stationers' Company, Hymnes and Songs of the Church (1623). These last two works are both amplified and somewhat revised in later years. Psalmes of David Translated into Lyrick-Verse was issued in either 1631 or 1632. Halelujah (1641), an extension of Hymnes and Songs, probably the first comprehensive English hymnal, culminates the poet's finest work in devotional lyric and in translation.67 In A Preparation to the Psalter the poet outlines reasons for publishing a verse translation of the psalms in groups of ten. First he must gauge the reception of detailed controversial discussion of their authorship, form, and doctrinal content on his readers. While he concludes that the psalms' edifying quality makes them the most excellent lyric poetry ever composed, he does admit that their true elegance of style cannot always be maintained by the translator. Eager to rescue them from contempt his age has shown he strives to make them more appealing than ribald songs or popular ballads.68 In order to show what comfort he has derived 65

Spenser Society, p. 139. Spenser Society (London, 1881), p. 5. See A. Pritchard, "A Manuscript of G. Wither's Psalms", HLQ, XXVII, 73-77. 67 A. Pritchard, "George Wither: The Poet as Prophet", SP, LIX, 218. 88 A Preparation, p. 4. 69

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from the psalter and to serve the Church in its job of saving souls, Wither is naturally preoccupied about the proper level of language for translation and re-emphasizes his earlier statement in Abuses. Plain expression serves best because I professe not to intend it for such as can gather hony for themselves, the learned I meane: for I know such sound men, neede not the advice of so meane a Physician. If therefore any of our great Masters happen upon this Booke, who are so well instructed alreadie, that they shall see nothing that is here; I shall be sorry that they should lose their time upon it. (p. 22) For the unlearned, he purposely avoids foreign words, like "Hebraismes or Graecismes" (p. 17) which always should be rendered by English equivalents. Wither's considerable if sometimes uninspired industry in providing yet another version of the psalter, together with appropriate meditations, theological expositions in the works named above, was only natural for him. His efforts formed part of a widespread movement that had been gaining momentum for two or three decades which Douglas Bush notes was "greatly stimulated by the growth of Puritanism and the influx of Protestant refugees".69 Predecessors and contemporaries who translated (or paraphrased) the partial or complete psalter were Wyatt, Surrey, Sidney, Buchanan, Bacon, Carew, Denham, Bishop Hall, Herbert, James I, Henry King, and Edwin and George Sandys. Besides evidencing independence of views, A Preparation is a stimulating treatise because of the poet's humanistic sympathies and maturing literary critical tastes. He contends that no secular poetry, even that of the Greeks and Romans, is richer in figurative expression. Because of its range of literary types and moods, one can feed here most liberally on "the Manna of sweete Poesie" (p. 140). Besides drama, one discovers in the psalter lyrical, heroical, and tragical odes to fit devotional intent and mood.70 Wither's definition of true prophecy and David's practice of the prophetic office, together with the poet's discussion of essentials of the Christian 99 English Literature in the Earlier Seventeenth pp. 72-73. 70 A Preparation, pp. 68-79.

Century

(Oxford, 1945),

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doctrine found in the psalter,71 look forward of course to similar views in Emblemes (1635) and to one of his last religious works, Meditations upon the Lord's Prayer (1665). Besides its interest as humanistic scholarship Preparation to the Psalter is a remarkable book that calls for current facsimile reprint. Its sequel called Exercises upon the First Psalm displays how consistently Wither carries out his previous intention to provide for the inspiration and instruction of readers. The need for inevitable repetition of ideas and religious sentiments in a devotional manual perhaps explains why Wither's plan was abortive. The Exercises consist of a preamble, a metrical translation with notes, various readings by ancient and modern Biblical scholars, an exposition of the text, a meditation in verse along with a short paraphrase in prose, and finally a prayer for blessings. An impassioned personal parenthesis near the end of the exposition, in which the poet laments the increasing worldliness of his generation,72 is important as the strongest statement up to this time of his hardening puritan viewpoint and ardent desire to do his utmost to serve God by means of poetry.

71 72

Ibid., pp. 83-84. Spenser Society (London, 1882), pp. 100-104.

II BRITAIN'S REMEMBRANCER

Lord, when a Nation thee offends And when thou woul'st correct their lands An Army, still, on Thee attends, To execute thy just Commands. Yea, Famine, Sicknesse, Fire and Sword; Stand ready to fulfill thy word. Hymn LXXII, Halelujah

Following surreptitious partial publication of The Schollers Purgatory in 1624, Wither spent a third brief time in prison.1 Around 1630 he married Elizabeth Emerson of South Lambeth,2 and probably worked as secretary about this same time for the Bishop of Durham, Dr. Howson. The Water Poet's charge that Wither misappropriated that prelate's funds, however, sounds more like a rival's envy than truth.3 Whatever else the poet was, he strikes us above dishonesty of this sort. He journeyed to Holland in 1631, published there the next year his Psalmes of David (with dedication to his now unfortunate patroness, the exiled Queen of Bohemia), and while abroad perhaps secured the de Passe engravings for which he wrote Emblemes published in 1635. Although facts gleaned from official records and from contemporaries tell us very little, Wither's own remarks about his activities clearly show that writing poetry is no longer merely a fashionable pastime but has become a serious, most noble profession.4 Starting with A Preparation to the Psalter and his detailed 1 2 3 4

J. Milton French, "George Wither in Prison", PMLA, XLV, 961. French, "George Wither" (unpubl. diss., Harvard, 1928), p. 128. Richard Willmott, Lives of the Sacred Poets (London, 1834), I, 125. These prefatory verses tell us a great deal about Wither's literary tastes

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studies of the psalms extending over several years, his work takes on an almost unrelieved sobriety. Assured of his maturity in composing Hymnes and Songs of the Church (1623), he began to look on his graceful, pastoral verse as trifling, and a bit unworthy, despite its popularity. His insistence on the ethical function of poetry, the poet's obligation to communicate intelligibly to all readers reflects not only Wither's puritan strain but his unfortunate worsening as an artist. Suggested a few years before, his most typical role after 1625 is that of self-styled national prophet. This point of view, or rather this service, he pursues tirelessly (and often tiresomely) during his military and public careers, five imprisonments, and throughout the misfortunes that marked his private life until the end. Twenty-four works, beginning with Britain's Remembrancer (and extending from 1625-1667) show his true mission as a Jeremiah or lesser Isaiah.5 Britain's Remembrancer sets the precedent for voluminous prophetic warnings to follow. A very long poem of epic pretensions, it is, besides the poet's documentary-like description of the bubonic plague of 1625, a rambling catalog of dire predictions mixed with personal digressions psychologically rich. Occurring at a time of unprecedented spiritual, political, and economic crisis, the plague prompted his announcing a divine "commission" as Remembrancer of God's judgments and mercies to unregenerate and friendships. Lee, "George Wither", DNB (London, 1902), XXI, 738, mentions the poet's verses f o r Wastel's Microbiblion (1626) a n d for Haymon's Quodlibets (1628). Willmott, op. cit., I, 124, refers to Wither's aid to Rev. W m . Bedwell in his publication The Tournament of Tottenham (1631). French, "George Wither", p. 287, mentions also Wither's verses f o r Butler's Female Monarchy (1634). 5 These works are the following: Campo-Musae (1643), Vox Pacifica (1645), Amygdala Britannica (1647), Prosopopoeia Britannica (1648), Carmen Eucharisticon (1649), The Dark Lantern (1653), Vaticinium Causuale (1655), Boni Ominis Votum (1656), A Suddain Flash (1657), Epistolium-Vagum-Prosa-Metricum (1659), Salt upon Salt (1659), Speculum Speculativum (1660), Predictions of the Overthrow of Popery (1660), Furor Poeticus (1660), Improvement of Imprisonment (1661), Paralellogrammaton (1662), A Warning Piece to London (1662), Tuba Pacifica (1664), A Memorandum to London (1665), Ecchoes from the Sixth Trumpet (1666), Sighs for the Pitchers (1666), Vaticinia Poetica (1666). These works in prose and verse follow Britain's Remembrancer (1628) and its source, A History of the Pestilence (1625).

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6

Britain. Finding his prophecies publically acceptable as well as personally fulfilling (and no doubt therapeutic), he reiterated them indefatigably (though with occasional intermission) for his remaining forty years. The conviction that all men's sins are the chief cause of the plague and other national troubles stimulates later prophetic musings, declarations, and diatribes that make up the whole or part of Cctmpo-Musae (1643), Prosopopoeia Britannica (1648), The Dark Lantern (1655), Tuba Pacifica (1664), and A Memorandum to London (1665). Their flat style and repetitiousness make all (or at least too many) of these publications monotonous. Our only reason for examining them now is that they most typically show us the man, the prosing preacher with perhaps the most outrageous Cassandra complex in modern history! Wither outlines his prophetic function (as well as provides an order of discussion) in his sub-title for Britain's Remembrancer. It contains "A Narration of the Plague lately past; a Declaration of Mischiefs present; and a Prediction of Judgments to come; If Repentance prevent not." Throughout this discussion we shall note, as in Chapter I, first statements of the poet's significant attitudes and recurring themes. I We noted above that Wither's heated but courageous retort to the stationers, occasioned by their squabbling with him over his unusual patent for Hymnes and Songs of the Church, prompted their refusing all his publications until 1633. We are not surprised when he complains about laboring for two years to get Britain's Remembrancer into print (and then finally succeeded only by printing every page by hand).7 Issued abroad in 1628, this epiclike poem is actually an elaborated, completed expansion of a work written in 1625. J. Milton French, who first edited A History of the Pestilence in 1932, believes that Wither offered it as a 4

Britain's Remembrancer, 196-199. 7 Ibid., p. 30.

Spenser Society (London, 1880), Pt. I, pp.

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New Year's gift for the new King the first year of his reign. Comparison of the earlier poem with the corresponding initial cantos of Britain's Remembrancer reveals the poet's bitter disappointment over his patent troubles, modified opinions about good omens for the reign of Charles I, and his enlightened convictions about man's ability to use free will.8 Wither's adopting a prophetic point of view toward himself, fellow man, and the nation warrants detailed study in our interpretation of his later career. In Canto III, after Reason debates with the poet whether he should remain in London after plague has broken out, Faith convinces him that his voluntary stay will encourage others while at the same time will silence charges of numerous detractors. Faith further assures him that he enjoys a divinely ordained "commission" to remain on the scene of his youthful follies. The supreme occasion to fulfill his calling has at last arrived: And for what Did he thy Soule and Body first create? For what redeeme thee? For what end infuse That Faculty, which thou dost call thy Muse? For what, but for his honor, to declare Those Judgments and his Mercies which will here Be showne unto thee? and to sing the Story Of what thine eye beholdeth to his glory? For, if not here, then where? Or if not now, Then at what other time expected thou So faire an opportunity, to show With how much readinesse thou couldst bestow Thy life and all thy faculties, on him (and, for his service) who bestowed them? (p. 191) He goes on to assure us that he remains there on God's order, neither from obstinacy nor desire for vain notoriety, to "register" horrors of the plague for benefit of his and future ages. When Reason yet tries to implant doubts in his mind, Faith declares he has received at birth a faculty no man has ever reached by "Meere 8

Wither, A History of the Pestilence (Cambridge, Mass., 1932), x-xviii. French provides complete details regarding expansion of this early text into Britain's Remembrancer.

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Art". Have not Wither's youthful verses enjoyed more fame than those of several older, more learned poets? Through various oppressions, it is plain that God has cultivated his youthful talent to be used unselfishly for others: Beleeve it, he divullgeth not thy Name For thine own honor: But to make the same A Meanes of spreading his. From perills past He sav'd not thee, for any worth thou hast, But to declare his Mercies. . . . Thy Muse he gave thee, not to exercise His pow'r in base and fruitlesse vanities, Or to be silenc'd: but, to magnifie The wondrous workings of his Majesty. And, as the seales of Kings authorize those To whom they doe their Offices dispose, So, there are Signes which force enough doe carry To seale this calling extraordinary: And, they who sleight the same will in some measure incur the King of heavens high displeasure. (pp. 200-201)

Here Wither states another basic conviction: the familiar one that man must seek out, in every way obediently fulfill, the calling God has meant for him. All one's energies, talents must be focused on the realization of this extraordinary gift, or "commission", that far from opposing God's will really aims at His glory.9 The poet's firm resolution to serve his prophetic calling is significant for us because it infuses into almost all his social and moral criticism from this time forward an obvously puritan point of view. From this time forward he will not so much "whip" individual and social abuses. Rather, he will, solemnly "remember" his fellow men of their persisting misconduct as sources of England's soulsickness symbolized by plague, political anarchy, and religious intolerance. Now it seems pointless to question whether Wither's prophetic "commission" was a god-inspired mystical revelation or only psychological compensation for personal difficulties. What ulti9

Letters of Advice, Misc. Wks., I, 15. Here Wither proudly asserts, "For, therefore was I borne: yea, therefore yet I live, to tell men that which they forget."

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mately is the source for his tending to blend poetry and prophecy, resulting from his firm faith that the prophetic is the best, the noblest song worthy of the mature Christian poet? Probably his immediate source is Du Bartas' Urania, almost certainly known to him through Sylvester, as Allan Pritchard has recently pointed out. Although Du Bartas identifies poetic with divine inspiration, Wither more narrowly goes on to identify divine with the Hebrew prophetical, and particularly with the Davidic. He thus fuses the Biblical concept of inspired prophet with the pagan notion of the poet as vates, that is, possessed with divine fury.10 What is important is that Wither employed a faculty God had given all men to glorify Him. Conscious reiteration of warnings he knew to be unpopular in twenty-four separate works, unashamed admission that their form is crude and imperfect, and frequent confession of human frailties as prophet testify to zealous sincerity, however misguided it seems to us. As vates, Wither typically seizes "the sacred mystery on the moral side, as Good and Evil, Duty and Prohibition".11 A later work insisting on religious toleration defines the poet's rubric neatly: [he] "regards not so much how to please as cure the generall disease".12 Though quite certain of his prophetic responsibility, Wither did sometimes pursue it with misgiving. Though he had chosen for several weeks to live in the midst of horrible sights and dangers, he once barely escaped death from "his bloody Messenger". He must also have painfully recalled the unjust imprisonments suffered from earlier plainspeaking. Worst of all, Wither is chagrined to learn that, at the very time 10

"George Wither: The Poet as Prophet", SP, LIX, pp. 212-218. In Urania the poet is bidden to sing divine, Biblical songs and to shun trivial, corrupt matter. Stanza 32 explains how poetic fury works in Wither's own case: True Poets, right are like winde Instruments, Which full, do sound; empty, their noise surceases, For with their Fury lasts their Excellence; Their Muse is silent, when their Fury ceases. A. Grosart (ed.), Works of J. Sylvester, II, 4. 11 Heroes and Hero-Worship, Works of Thomas Carlyle (New York, 1903), p. 310. 12 Prosopopoeia Britannica, Misc. Wks., IV, 4.

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he is dutifully risking his life and family's welfare, Jonson and his claret cronies at the Apollo ridicule him savagely as Chronomastix.13 His too frequent voice of self-pity has some justification after Father Ben has parodied his sprawling, prosing meters: By these, and such like mischiefes which I see This wicked world hath power to bring to me, I oft wax doubtfull; and sometime I shrinke Even f r o m these imployments, which I thinke God calls me to. And then I halfe desire I might into obscurity retire F r o m whence I came; and be discharged quite F r o m this great warfare, wherein, yet I fight. For, many heavy waights on m e are thrown By these engagements (to the world unknowne) Yea private combats these are fought in me, So many, and so dangerous they be, That oft my Hopes are almost driven f r o m me, And dull Despaire would surely overcome me Were G o d not alwayes ready to defend me, And, as mine faileth, his owne power to lead me. (Canto VII, pp. 415-416)

This protestation sounds a bit hollow. Faith in God's seeing him through sometimes helps the poet re-vitalize his languishing zeal. Wither's very definite and often reiterated convictions about the most effective style for his prophecies are actually as important as his assurance of divine calling in Britain's Remembrancer. His scattered declarations on style here and in subsequent works of this kind make clear that he values it over content, which for him is almost invariably the same - reform of individual misconduct. For example, in Canto II, he dwells at length on problems of style and poetic invention we noted in Chapter I. Unlike Jonson's convivial sons, he can write (and properly) only after 13

Britain's Remembrancer, Pt. II, p. 411; also, Wither's Motto, Juvenilia, Pt. Ill, Misc. Wks., 639. Wither's allusion to Jonson's Time Vindicated performed Jan. 19, 1623 is unambiguous. Another attack on Jonson seems clear in Canto III, p. 181, where Wither laments being jeered by drunken, songs, rhymes, masques. Willmott, op. cit., I, 108, notes that Jonson with his learning "looked with unconcealed contempt upon the simplicity and homeliness of the shepherd poet". See also Marchette Chute, Ben Jonson of Westminster (New York, 1963), pp. 208-281.

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fasting; one drink of wine frightens his muses away. He also declares, as earlier, that "plaine expression" serves his purpose best simply because it is intelligible to all readers.14 Now that God has granted him the privilege and responsibility of prophecy, it behooves him more urgently to be understood: For chiefly, such a Subject I desire, And such a plaine Expression, to acquire, That ev'ry one my meaning may discerne; And they betaught, that most have need to lerne, It is the useful matter of my Rimes Shall make them live. (pp. 85-86) Another sound defense for employing plain language is his contention that it cannot soon become obsolete. He has therefore little patience with already unintelligible "pen-and-inke-horn termes" such as Greene and Lyly were wont to use. Prose or verse he chooses indiscriminately since (as he assures us) for him manner is about as important as matter, and for most readers neither will have much effect. Certain that he cultivates plainness, we can anticipate his notions about use of poetic figures. Although he employs personification sparingly throughout his work, he defends it as a didactic tool, and employs it effectively in one crucial situation in Britain's Remembrancer. In a long expostulation between Justice and Mercy before God the Father, the poet describes the horrors of the plague's attack. Answering Mercy's plea that God not destroy England because she weakly professes faith, Justice angrily contends that the country revels in sin largely because she remains unpunished. Finally, Mercy persuades Justice into tempering her earlier rigor, and they agree to visit the plague only on evildoers. One regiment of God's army will suffice to chastise them. Wither's usual insistence on "inner reform" has rare, convincing effect in this passage because he has employed personification skillfully. In this dramatic context, he has made a grim message properly disturbing, even harrowing. His occasional uses of personified "voices" (as in Prosopopoeia Britannica) in dream14

Ecchoes from the Sixth Trumpet, Misc. Wks., VI, 6.

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vision revelations actually mark the welcome imaginative oases on the otherwise dry, flat wastes of righteous scoldings or self-pitying confessional.15 Finally, it is worthwhile to note that Wither's emphasis on plain, unadorned expression for didactic matter parallels that of puritan devotional manuals for preachers. Such practice reflects the anti-ciceronian movement in prose style.10 Wither justifies (in Canto V) his lack of method by the sudden raptures prophetical poets have in every age experienced. Typically, then, he cites models for his disorganization (and digression) in Old Testament worthies like Jonah or Jeremiah. Such poets reveal more by "dark, confused and dis-jointed expressions" in plain style than do the rhetorical flourishes of contemporaries.17 He scolds readers who cannot recognize the muses' prophetic fury (significantly, the title of one of his last prophetical works) for being pitifully ignorant of ancient literary tradition. Beginning with trifles, he explains, he usually ends by skrewing in edifying advice. Although earlier he praised poetic art (shown by youthful 15

In this poem, written in 1648 shortly before the beheading of Charles I, Britain's "Genius", a reverend person bearing in his hand a threefold broken diadem, appears to Wither in a vision. H e sharply warns princes, parliament, and people of the importance of disposing of the King in a merciful, just manner. H e also exhorts members of parliament to merit esteem f o r their office by seeing that truth, and not their own selfish ends, prevails. Other poems in which personified "voices" are utilized are Campo-Musae (1643), Vox Pacifica (1645), and earlier in Prince Henry's Obsequies (1613). In addition to personifications, Wither uses riddles, paradoxes and Biblical parallels when he fears literal statements will be ignored. These "hieroglyphicks" he utilizes to glance at contemporary social-political issues in a m a n n e r sometimes baffling to modern readers. T h e following verses f r o m Amygdala Britannica (1647) typify paradoxical statements fairly easy to decipher: His prickles, when the Thistle showes Within the borders of the Rose, If, with the Flower-de-luce it close Designing what the Orange does, T h e stile of blessed it shall lose; Yea, cursed be, where e're it growes; And, by such faithlesnesse, expose It selfe and others, to their Foes. Misc. Wks., I, 3. 16 Douglas Bush, English Literature in the Earlier Seventeenth (Oxford, 1945), p. 311. 17 Paralellogrammaton, Spenser Society (London, 1882), p. 26.

Century

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admiration for Spenser and Jonson), now he clearly argues that free uninhibited expression of his passing mood marks the truly inspired poet: But, Mogul doth know As well as I, what path my Muse will goe. What, in particular, I shall expresse, I know not (as I hope for hapinesse) And though my matter when I first begin, Will hardly fill one page; yet being in, Methinks, if neither faintnesse, friends, nor night, Disturbed me, for ever I could write. Upon an instant I often feele my brest With infinite variety possest; This forceth me those Methods to forgoe Which others in their Poems fancy so. This makes me birth to my Conceptions give, As far as they their Beings do receive. Lest whilst I for the common Midwife tarry, The flitting issue of my brains miscarry. (pp. 277-278) Though unquestionably sincere in believing true inspiration resides in lack of method, this attitude clearly explains his prodigious, tiresome facility and ultimate deterioration as a poet. He also insists that his digressions must not be bypassed. Starting with Britain's Remembrancer, he often states that no reader should censure his work without first perusing it in full. In prefatory remarks to King Charles, for example, his earnestness borders on impudence. He begs the King not to censure these "honest and just Remembrances" before reading them through, that is, before plowing through more than twenty thousand verses! 18 Wither's conscious repetition of ideas is also related to his eagerness to communicate with all men. Like occasions simply warrant like matter and manner. In our unregenerate state "a Naile cannot be driven into knotty wood at one or two strokes", 19 especially when such "iterations are very frequent in the writings 18

Britain's Remembrancer, Pt. I, p. 14. Also, in his "Premonition" (pp. 29-30), Wither declares that if his readers think his poem too long, they might recall how much time they waste on vain songs and foolish, wicked volumes popular at the time. " Furor Poeticus, Misc. Wks., V, 4.

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20

of the prophets, yet not impertinent". Because such repetition must ultimately prove salutary, the poet rests assured it will not be dismissed as mere lack of literary skill. Besides these convictions about appropriate style, he also defends meaningful shifts in tone and point of view for his prophetical raptures: Yet this old tract I follow: this I use: And, this no true-borne Poet can refuse. My scope I ever keepe, in all my Layes: Which is, to please, and profit, to Gods praise; But, in one path, or in one pace to ride, It is not fit a Poet should be ty'd. Sometime he must be grave-, lest else the wise The matter or the manner, may despise. Sometime he must be pleasing, lest he may Drive off his froward Readers quite away. Sometime he must have bitter-traines, to keepe The sullen reader from a drowsie sleepe; And whip those wantons, from an evill course, That without warning, would be daily worse, Sometimes againe he must be somewhat merry, Lest Fooles, of good instruction, should be weary. (Canto V, p. 279)

It is evident from our discussion that Wither's poetic style in such works has only rarely any distinguished literary quality. At the same time, it seems unfair, if not irrelevant, to apply literary criteria to it. This style reflects the formlessness, discursive manner, didactic point of view, habit of repetitious statement that he deliberately cultivated as the best means for making his prophecies serviceable to all his countrymen. Considering his means, we recognize a keener insight into human nature than some of his detractors have allowed. With his sense of dedication, it is regrettable that he chose to ignore his earlier intuitions about the need for poetry to please as well as teach.

n It is ironic that the bubonic plague of 1625 coincided exactly with the accession of Charles I, just as the severe outbreak of 20

Meditations Upon the Lords Prayer (London, 1665), p. 116.

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1603 had coincided with that of his father, James I. In Britain's Remembrancer Wither catalogs (for us) the horrors of the most devastating plague that London has suffered up to that time. It was a service that the nation's Remembrancer was again to perform forty years later. The plague of 1665-66 was in fact the most virulent to decimate the population either before or since. Mortality figures for the plague of 1625 suggest its virulence. Of a total of 63,001 deaths for that year, 41,313 deaths were attributed to this horrible disease.21 Apparently the greatest number of deaths occurred in August and September. In the week of September 1, for example, there were 3344 deaths from plague as compared with 3897 total deaths.22 When the disease broke out again in 1625, regulations dating back to the year 1518 were enforced. Civil officers (such as the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and church wardens) along with others (such as examiners, scavengers, nurses, and surgeons) were assigned duties. Polluted houses were placed under quarantine for six-week periods, guarded twenty-four hours a day, and marked by a red cross and the words "Lord Have Mercy upon Us". Public fasts were proclaimed on July 2, 6, and 20, and thereafter every Wednesday until the end of October. When the plague had almost completely disappeared, a General Thanksgiving was celebrated on January 29, 1625.23 As had been customary earlier, at the height of the epidemic, plays, fairs, and all public meetings and ceremonies were either delayed or cancelled. Even the coronation of Charles I was postponed for almost a year. In April of 1625 many of the nobility and wealthier middle classes began to flee from London in droves. This mass exodus greatly alarmed country people, who at first placed guards at their city gates to prevent Londoners' entrance. Meantime, in the City, public offices were closed and all trade brought to a halt. Only the grim business of sickness and death flourished actively. Except for mourners and attendants of death-carts, pillagers, and a few roisterers, the streets were practically deserted. 21 22 23

H. D . Thraill, ed., Social England (London, 1895), IV, 155. A History of the Pestilence, xxvii-xxviii. Ibid., p. xxxvi ff.

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When the plague first broke out, Wither in Canto III recalls his horror seeing so many "giddy Runnaways" desert their families and friends only to spread the infection to the rural population. Fearing that intolerable pangs of conscience would assault him if he joined the exodus, he determined to find a perilous content after his inimitable fashion. In tone these verses recall The Shepherd's Hunting: My cares are Blessed Thistles unto me Which wholesome are, although they bitter bee: And though their leaves with pricks are overgrowne, (Which paine me) yet their flowers are full of downe Whereupon my head lyes easie when I sleepe: And I am never saddest when I weepe. (p. 152) Risking the disease (if not starvation) by remaining in London, he nevertheless convinced himself that he was a "spiritual Apothecarie". He could remind himself and others of God's signal mercies even in these scenes of despair. Wither's scattered descriptions of ravages of the plague have valuable social besides literary interest. Determined to remain in London, he finds the almost deserted streets depressing. He then pictures the desolation of familiar, ordinarily crowded areas of the city such as the Inns of Court, Whitehall, the Strand, the Royal Change, and St. Paul's. With sharp documentary focus he draws closer and shows us the miseries of homeless beggars, the sick collapsing on the streets, the foul smelling death-cart, and (horror of horrors) the huge piles of putrefying corpses tumbled on the death pit. The shameless stripping and robbing of the sick and dead by doctors, sextons, and coffin-makers particularly revolts him. Finally moving on to the chief highway leading from the city, he directs his "camera" at an even more horrible and macabre scene, one that reminds us of something out of Pieter Brueghel the elder: Here, dead upon the Roade, a man did lye That was (an houre before) as well, as I; There, sate another, who did thither come In health, but had not strength to beare him home.

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Yonn, spraul'd a third, so sicke, he did not know From whence he came, nor whither he would goe. A little further off, a fourth did creepe Into a ditch, and there his Obit keepe. About the Fields ran one, who being fled (In spite of his attendance) from his bed, Lookt like a Lunatique from Bedlem broken; And, though of health he had no hopefull token; Vet, that he ailed ought, he would not yeeld, And Death had struck him dead upon the field. This way, a Stranger by his Host expelled, That way, a Servant (shut from where he dwelled) Came weakly stagg'ring forth, and (crush'd beneath Diseases, and unkindnesse) sought for Death; Which soone was found; and glad was he, they say, Who for his Death-bed, gain'd a Cock of Hay. At this crosse path, were Bearers fetching home A Neighbour, who in health did thither come: Close by, were others digging up the ground, To hide a stranger whom they dead had found. Before me, went with Corpses, many a one; Behinde, as many more did follow on, With running-sores, one begg'd at younder gate: At next Lanes end, another Lazar sate. Some halted, as if wounded in the ars; Some held their necks awry; some shew'd their scars; Some, met I weeping, for the losse of friends; Some others, for their swift approaching ends; (Canto IV, pp. 240-241) Isolated passages like this quoted full-length demonstrate Wither's superior journalistic skill over Thomas Dekker's Rods for Runaways or John Taylor's The Fearfull Summer issued the same year. 24 The irrepressible Water-Poet also describes the desolation of the City, the loathsome death pit, and the fantastical cures in realistic detail. Wither's vividness and immediacy, however, recall the most familiar account of plague devastation in our language: Defoe's A Journal of the Plague Year (1722). Purporting to be an eye-witness experience of the worst plague ever to deci24

Charles F. Mullett, The Bubonic Plague and England (University of Kentucky, 1956). See Chs. VII and X for Wither's treatment of the plagues of 1625 and 1665.

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mate England, that of 1666, this superb journalistic hoax, according to Charles Mullett, is "derived largely form Britain's Remembrancer" P From personalized narrative-description the poet too soon reverts to familiar prophetic warnings. For him the slaughter of thousands of Christians dwelling in one of the world's largest, richest, and most powerful cities is obviously portentous. So Jerusalem (he recalls) at the height of her pride and luxury was destroyed. For him, as for John Taylor, sinfulness was the chief cause.26 For Wither it plainly signifies that people must resume their public fasts. He allays the dread of those unwilling to worship in deserted churches while at the same time insists that plague victims ought not be buried there. Is this frightful disease merely the prelude to even greater calamities, such as spotted fever in the northern shires? More than grateful for rapid recovery from the "bloody messenger", he declares that God exacts more devout thanksgivings at a time of such widespread misery. The popular mind commonly associated plague with natural, physical disorders such as floods, famines, earthquakes, and celestial phenomena like comets or novae. Wither undoubtedly believes that men's sinfulness - their stubborn persistence in evil conduct - has prompted this (as well as earlier) visitations of the plague. Like many of his literate and not so literate contemporaries, he took these natural disasters as clear signs of God's anger. They apparently reasoned post hoc ergo propter hoc. For example, several writers including Dekker and D'Ewes pointed to ominous events between 1600-1625 that foretold national calamity. Wither plainly predicts the plague by noting comets in 1612, 1618, and 1622, by the severe frosts of 1621, the famine that extended from 1622-1624, by earthquakes and tidal waves of 1625, to mention only a few.27 For him as for many intelligent 25 26

Ibid., p. 333. Ibid., p. 169.

"

Ibid., p. 170.

Mullett quotes from Taylor's Fearfull But the best cordial is t'amend our lives, Sin's the main cause and we must first begin To cease our griefs, by ceasing of our sins.

Summer,

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but superstitious men of his age, these aberrations in nature were unmistakable signs of worse punishments to follow. In Canto II Wither speculates at length on probable causes of the disease. He relates people's terror on learning that after a fifteen year respite the plague has struck a Frenchman's house outside Bishopgate, together with the agonizing frustration of those who could not flee during the initial exodus. Various preventive measures that he reports strike us as pitifully naive. Those assuming that overcrowded living conditions and filth caused the disease urged that houses be daily swept and sprinkled with water. Others contending that foul odors from sick rooms, dunghills, and graveyards were the chief cause recommended fumigation by burning frankincense, myrrh, and juniper in their evening fires. Some advocated medicines like mithridate; still others urged dieting, purging, and blood letting.28 In typical fashion Wither denies none of these "natural" causes. At the same time he clearly argues that "supernatural" causes are primary. He generously praises those seeking to prevent further spread of the epidemic. On observing how relatively few surgeons, sextons, or bearers of the dead become infected, he assuredly proclaims that the primary cause is spiritual: Be it also knowne That to restraine, or spurre the PESTILENCE, There is both supernaturall Providence A n d Causes naturall. The first of these Can worke without the later, if it please, The later cannot anything effect, But as the former shall the same direct. (Canto II, p. 103-104)

For Wither, then, the plague is divine punishment, righteous scourging of unregenerate Englishmen for the "universal ripeness" of their evil thought and conduct. Ill

Although the poet's terrifyingly vivid descriptions of the plague have authentic historical value, they occupy only a small portion of the whole poem. Its bulk is made up largely of declarations of 28

Britain's Remembrancer,

Pt. I, pp. 92-98.

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REMEMBRANCER

57

present evils, prophecies of future punishments that are intermixed with personal lamentations and digressions. His conviction that national moral evils have brought the plague explains his dwelling at much greater length on causes than effects. Now filled like the Hebrew prophets with an obligation to his "commission", Wither provides us a complete anatomy of all men's misconduct and particularly that of certain classes or professions during the stormy early years of Charles I. By contrast to his earlier social satire, the poet now judges his countrymen with an unrelieved solemnity. There is little of his attractive curiosity or youthful devil-may-care flippancy. Instead of finding human foibles wryly amusing (as he did in Abuses Stript and Whipt), he can only sadly but officiously scold men for their constant backsliding in Britain's Remembrancer. Wither's usual habit, as in practically all his prophetic works after 1628, is to refer to glaring evils of the day by use of Biblical characters, incidents, or settings. We can note a few recurring examples. He frequently compares England to unregenerate Israel in scorning and ignoring her prophets. Of course, he often singles out particular prophets in a most apposite manner. In one instance, he declares that he has been exalted as a "type of Messias like Samson" (Epistolium). Like Jeremiah's, his prophetic warnings have been suppressed (Warning Piece to London). Like Jonah, clearly his favorite prophet, he resolves to sit patiently under his gourd until Parliament will answer his numerous petitions (Epistolium). Finally, like John the Baptist, the imprisoned poet inveighs against his oppressors since he must fulfill his mission within an appointed time (Paralellogrammaton).29 By this device Wither intends to dignify his authority and also to universalize his message. England suffers from a terrifying though familiar soul-sickness: 26 At least twice Wither employs probably the seventeenth century's most favored political allegory, one that Dryden later immortalized. The King, he argues, has been several times misled by the wiles of false Achitophels. See Prosopopoeia Britannica, Misc. Wks., IV, 27. In Major's Wither's Disclaimer, Misc. Wks., I, 4-6, the poet protests the false equating of Parliamentary forces with Absalom and the contention that the King is as devoted to the Parliamentary party as was David to Absalom.

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Thou hast, Oh Britaine, every thing misdone, That Ashur, Moab, Ammon, Babylon Or any Kingdom hath transgressed in, Which unto Piety a foe hath bin, Of whatsoever Judah was corrected, Thou maist be taxed; for among thy Nations Are daily practis'd their abominations. Their tricks thou hast, to hinder and oppresse, Those men that tell thee of thy wickednesse. Right so thou dost debate; so slander them: Right so, their just reproofes thou dost contemne. Canto VI, p. 362) He next rains down scorn on London, whose fall (he often predicts) will be like that of Sodom (Speculum). In this vile city, no person, calling, or rank escapes corrupting sin. Latterday Sauls, Delilahs, Micahs, Ahabs, and Jezebels seduce and destroy the whole nation. As in Abuses, he then singles out particular groups for warning. In full detail he scolds nobles, lawyers, and clergy while reminding us that as an authorized prophet (and we suppose as a more wary subject) he avoids naming individuals. Rather, he "checks faults alone, with persons meddles not". He censures the selfish, overbearing nobility for flaunting religion. Their sensuality, luxurious recreations, and lack of charity plainly testify this. He bitterly condemns their consumption of more food and drink at one banquet than would supply a town or garrison for a year. Without conscience they also ruin butchers, bakers, and tailors, their unfortunate creditors. Too often they favor dishonest parasites and thereby ruin virtuous men struggling to advance the public welfare. Like legendary Achitophels or Rehoboam's counselors, such men who pretend vast knowledge of navigation and state affairs actually mislead the King. Worst of all, they deplete the state treasury and thereby visit additional hardships on already overburdened and discontented citizens.30 On the other hand the nobility are not wholly to blame. Now armed with true prophetic fury, Wither goes on to blast the selfish, unethical conduct of lawyers, who have also done their share in 30

Britain's Remembrancer,

Pt. II, pp. 358-374.

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59

bringing on the plague. Today, schools of law harbor "civill theeves"; in fact, they have become "Sanctuaries made for OutLawes". Taking a kind of pride in their evil ventures that prosper, they too frequently stir up trifling suits without regard for the poor man's losses or sufferings. They often use elaborate stratagems to delay justice and to exact double fees from clients. In many ways they oppress the injured party and the government in loss of time and money more than evil-doers against whom suits were filed. In short, lawyers too often abandon honest cases for bribes. By far the worst of lawyers' abuses is their extorting false libels. This abhorrent practice Wither confesses he has unhappily experienced shortly before writing this poem. As a result na'ive witnesses are tricked by their interrogators into false libelous testimony: And, though no proofe be broght, Nay, though it never came within his thought, That is complain'd against; to doe or say Those things which they object against him may: Yet, he that is examined, or he That reads what matters question'd of him be; Suspects, perhaps, (although he nothing knew Concerning them) that ev'ry thing is true Which their Interrogatories doe imply. For why, thinke he (that meaneth honestly) Should Propositions of these things be made, If they no likelihood of being had? Or who (supposeth he) hath so .abhord A mind, as to suggest, and on record To leave aspersion (of deserving blame) O him, that no way merited the same? (Canto VI, p. 376)

Although Wither admits that some trustworthy lawyers do "like Rubies mixt with pebles, send forth rayes/ Of Christian pieties", too many of their profession cast dishonor on themselves.31 On the clergy Wither lays especially heavy blame. Just as priests' and prophets' sins overwhelmed the Jewish commonwealth, so do they ruin the English Jerusalem (London). Some 31

Ibid., Pt. II, pp. 374-379.

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of the acrimony the poet directs at these supposed watchmen of the nation undoubtedly resulted from the unthinking fury some of the clergy visited on him in the controversy over his patent for Hymnes and Songs of the Church, mentioned above. He inveighs against the monstrous pride of "their doctorships" newly advanced to high place in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and also against the sloth and greed of prelates who look on the church merely as a trade: With lies, and faire pretenses they beguile, And violate the Laws of God the while. His altars they prophane; they starve his flocks; And make Religion but a mocking-stocke; And, by examples horrible and vile, Cause other men, Gods Temples to defile. There is no avarice which their exceeds; N o malice which mischiefs sooner breeds: N o pride so surly as their Clergy-pride, Except among the Beggars, when they ride. (Canto VI, p. 385)

Wither reasonably contends that a higher position with consequent higher income from their livings should make such clergymen more dutiful; they should certainly not debase the work for which God has exalted them. The poet recognizes, of course, that sloth is often fostered by the evil of pluralism. For this reason he sharply scolds prelates who do not bother to say public prayers even once a day in residence and who leave their spiritual duties to illiterate hirelings.82 Besides the evils of these three groups Wither laments also the rank dishonesty of sellers of political offices and the shameless cruelty of usurers in both town and country. To show the comprehensive "hold" of sin on the nation he alludes to a number of other unhappy conditions, domestic and foreign, reflecting the "sickness" of the body-politic and unrest of the English people during the period 1625-1628. Historically provocative among these are the narrow exclusiveness of monopolies, the sad decline of the nation's sea-trade rumored sold by her enemies to the Dutch, the serious decay of woolen manufacture, the report that 32

Ibid., Pt. II, pp. 384-393.

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the Crown Jewels have been sold to help replenish the royal treasury, the nation's fruitless and costly support of Count Mansfield (and Denmark) in attempting to protect the German Protestants and to recover the Palatinate for Frederick of Bohemia, and finally Louis XIII's trickery of Charles I, shown by his sending English ships against the Hugenots at New Rochelle.33 Thus all ventures at home and abroad prosper ill because of the nation's sinfulness. England is clearly ripening for a desolation when hardened sinners do not choose to recognize need for repentance: The Land is overspred with wickednesse; Yet, no man will himselfe the fault confesse Men daily talke how bad the times are growne, Yet, few men see an error of their owne. The Country is distressed in many wayes, And on the Cities pride, the blame it layes The City finds her trading falling short, And thinks the cause thereof is in the Court. The Court complaines, and railes as much agen, Against the Farmer, and The Citizen Our Parliaments imputed have of late, Our troubles to some errors in the State. And State offended is, and discontent With some proceedings in the Parliament. (Canto VII, p. 224)

This lamentation emphasizes one of Wither's heart-felt, and recurring convictions: individual man must recognize his sinfulness before "inner reform" can begin. Having begun "inner reform", he can then join with all men in promoting external reform of social institutions. IV

Wither's comprehensive survey of evils causing the plague is followed in Canto VIII by his "Prediction of Judgments to come" unless a thorough-going national repentance begins immediately. Englishmen, the poet believes, are not sufficiently thankful for 33

Ibid., Pt. II, pp. 438-445.

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their country's natural riches, material blessings, and relative peace while their European neighbors are embroiled in the Thirty Years' War. Instead of a sincere, vigorous repentance, they in fact renew their gross trespasses, those sins that brought on the plague. He warns that there is real danger in England's depending too long on God's indulgence. According to Wither, ten unmistakable signs show that His patience is fast approaching an end: when judgments are removed before repentance begins; when cities and nations are destroyed by wars, plagues, and false prophets; when new idolatry is admitted; when priests and magistrates grow impudent in sin; when people grow more ungodly while their spiritual benefits increase; when nations draw close to God in word only; when visions, prophetical witness, and Biblical mysteries are unrevealed or ignored; when there are disunity and persecution among members of the same religious sects; when divisions in church and commonwealth cause discontent; and finally when kings, instead of protecting, destroy their subjects.34 Sadly discovering such disturbing evidence of his countrymen's persistent unregeneracy on all sides, Wither predicts England's visitation by the seven plagues of Egypt. A corrupt people must expect their kings to grow tyrannous when they are abetted by evil counsellors and a dissolute nobility. Although he usually glances at self-serving favorites in very general terms, perhaps the poet alludes to the Duke of Buckingham's disastrous influence over Charles I in these verses:

34

Thy Princes, Britain, in those days, will be Like roaring Lyons, making prey of thee. God will deliver thee into their hand, And they shall act their pleasure in the Land; As once his Prophet threated to that Nation, Which doth exemplie thy Desolation. Thy Kings (as thou hast wallowed in excesse) Shall take delight in drinke, and wantonesse. And, those whom thou dost call thy Noble-ones Shall to the very marrow, gnaw thy bones. (Canto VIII, p. 524) Ibid., Pt. II, pp. 546-555. For another example of Wither's use of the

plagues of Egypt parallel, see Improvement

Ill, 114-115.

of Imprisonment, Misc. Wks.,

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During such a time of royal oppression, worldy priests and false prophets shall sow discontent while true prophets (like Wither) shall harvest violent scorn. Curious as it seems to us, Wither is beginning to dignify his role of ignored prophet into a hallowed, enviable calling. First appearing in Britain's Remembrancer, this role of scorned, indefatigable vates motivates all of Wither's voluminous prophetic prose and verse from this time. 35 Clear knowledge of the prophet's fate from Biblical history along with personal experience never deters Wither from his call to service: But if that any lover of thy Britain's weale, Inspir'd with truth, and with an honest zeale, Shall tell thee ought pertaining to thy good, His Messages shall stiffly be withstood: That Seer shall be charge not to see; His word shall be sleighted as a potsherd be; His life shall be traduced, to disgrace His counsells; or, his errant to debase: In stead of recompense, he shall be sure, Imprisonments or threatenings to procure And, peradventure (as those Prophets were, Who did among the Jewish Peers declare Their States enormities) his good intention, May be so wrong'd, that he, by some invention, May lose his life, with publike shame and hate, As one that is a troubler of the State. (Canto VIII, pp. 525-526)

Wither laments but at the same time plainly enjoys his martyrdom. Fully aware that after publication both his security and favor with the King are lost, he once again defends his service of truthspeaking for future ages. We have noted Wither's stressing recognition of our sins as individuals before we can learn repentance. He is convinced that this is the first step in reforming man's institutions. His reiterated confessions of sinful thought and conduct reflects a genuine 35

For examples of this theme in other works, the following are typical: Vox Pacifica, Misc. Wks., II, 11; Vaticinium Causuale, Misc. Wks., I, 9-10; Speculum Speculativum, Misc. Wks., V, 40; and Paralellogrammaton, Spenser Soceity, p. 11.

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humility often overlooked by unsympathetic critics. The scolder well knows he is not free from blame: So, he that soonest check abuses can, (At all times) proveth not the holiest man. Ev'n I, that in whole Volumes, do complaine Against those faults, which in my times do raigne; May be a Villane, when all that is done, If other signes of goodnesse I have none. (Canto VII, p. 450) During wholesale misfortunes and sufferings, like the plague, wars or discontent within the economic, political, and religious order, every man (unavoidably dependent on God's aid) must arm himself with his "Shield of Faith" against the "darts of Sathan". 36 By fasting, prayer, but chiefly by the gift of Grace, the sinner can achieve true penance: For, though I am assured we possesse, By Nature no inherent Righteousnesse; I naithelesse beleeve that ev'ry one (Whose being, first, from Adams loines begun) Received since our Universall fall One Talent, at the least, to worke withall, With so much power of working also, that We may and should with God cooperate. As Adam all men did of life deprive; Ev'n so by Christ, were all men made alive: Yea, ev'n as Moses did not let remaine One hoofe in Egypt which did appertaine To Isr'ell, so beleeve I that not one Was left unransom'd by Gods only Sonne; (Canto II, p. 106) Not surprisingly, Wither has little patience with those Christians who "necessitate the Fate of man" while they profess Faith and Works. He argues that such tenets, quite typical of "heathenish Destinies", are actually unworthy of Christians. Most worthy for Christians is sincere but enlightened exercise of God-given free will. Only this provides a sound basis for "inner reform". 36

Though an obvious notion, this is also a recurring theme in Wither's later works. See: Furor-Poeticus, Misc. Wks., V, 41-42; Epistolium-VagumProsa-Metricum, Misc. Wks., I, 6; Ecchoes from the Sixth Trumpet, Misc. Wks., VI, 113-124; A Memorandum to London, Misc. Wks., IV, 17-19.

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Our Maker unto ev'ry soule that lives, So much by vertue of Christs passion gives That whosoever falleth, falls not by Anothers, but his owne iniquitie; And, by his actuall crimes, makes unforgiven That Debt originall which was made even By his Redeemer, who, that backe will have, (If we abuse it) which at first he gave. and by His might Depraved Nature so much sets to right, That unto ev'ry Soule, he gives the will Which Adam had, of chusing good or ill. And then both Life and Death, he doth propose Before them so, that either may be chose. (Canto II, p. 107) Thus, divine grace and human free-will make the doctrine of reprobation conditional. If we are fore-appointed to a certain doom, why does God's Word exhort us to amend our misconduct, to do one thing and shun another? Wither firmly believes that God rejects none who obeys His covenant. His attitude toward free will reminds us of Milton's outlined in verses 95-134, Book III, of Paradise Lost.37 By plain misuse of free-will, men oftentimes ordain their own fall.

V

We have examined at some length Wither's transformation of himself from pagan vates to Hebrew prophet in Britain's Remembrancer. We have also stated that compulsive acting his prophetic role dominates much of his official poetry (as opposed to private grievances) after 1628. Beginning with a cursory survey of typical references to himself as "Remembrancer" in succeeding years, we shall conclude our discussion by brief examination of prophetical warnings prompted by different events in two unfamiliar works. Campo-Musae dates from the early years of the Civil War (1643) and Tuba Pacifica from the early Restoration (1664). Prompted by services to King, Parliament, and countrymen "

The Student's Milton, ed. F. Patterson (New York, 1946), pp. 197- 198.

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(and occasionally by complaints attending these), Wither's countless references to his neglected calling over thirty-five years clearly indicate that it is a psychological need. Conviction or martyrdom along with curious assurance of future fame becomes stronger as he finds his various hardships grow more burdensome. For example, despite enemies' accusing him of Popish (and even Jewish) superstitions, he resolutely issues Halelujah in 1641 and hopes by these hymns to be accepted as a "second Remembrancer". Though admittedly crude, these divine musings are "pertinent to the time" because they have been inspired (he declares) by the "art of the Spirituall Apothecarie". 38 In 1644, he concludes sound suggestions about filling parliamentary seats with the valediction, "your truespeaking and faithful Servant and Remembrancer". 39 In 1645, he begs opposing factions of Cavaliers and Roundheads to heed him as a "despis'd Remembrancer", whose sound predictions have been ignored in the past. 40 After the foundation of the Commonwealth in 1653, Wither outlines more advice for continuous parliamentary membership. He has been for more than forty years a "voluntary Watchman for this Nation" stationed on "the hills of Contemplation". 41 In his elegy for Cromwell (1659) the readers' "old neglected Friend" dutifully warns them of a black cloud symbolizing God's belated judgment on the unregenerate nation. 42 In 1660, he quotes generously from five former prophetic poems in which he has been repudiated as "public Remembrancer" simply for declaring what "they are doing and God preparing". Told that he has merely written Greek for the sot, poured pearls to swine, he solemnly resolves to continue serving his country on "hard terms" having already served her to this end for fifty years. Lamenting that former friends now treat him worse than foes (and that drunkards even jeer him in scurrilous songs), he yet again reasserts his calling. He is resigned to martyrdom only if his new King, Charles II, will recognize and honor him as 38

Halelujah, Pt. I, p. 10. Letters of Advice, Misc. Wks., I, 16. 49 Vox Pacifica, Misc. Wks., II, 11. 41 The Perpetual Parliament (bound with The Dark Lantern), m , 48. 42 Salt Upon Salt, Misc. Wks., IV, 3-6, 27. 39

Misc.

Wks.,

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67

43

Remembrancer. Undoubtedly the most maudlin case of the poet's increasing self-pity, this clearly shows how completely his prophetic persona has taken over. With all of his appaling delusion and self-conceit, however, his last warning to the plague-stricken city in 1665 is rather moving. Although he has no misgivings that readers will suddenly welcome his long-familiar warnings, he again knows that it is his duty to remain. He goes on to thank well-wishers who have tried unsuccessfully to have the "Office of their City Remembrancer" conferred on him.44 That he did in at least one instance enjoy praise instead of almost certain neglect a recently discovered verse tribute enthusiastically shows. An unknown admirer, Christopher Clobery, assures the poet that on the basis of Britain's Remembrancer and the stream of prophetic works trailing it he shall enjoy future fame.45 Wither's next work to utilize prophetical admonition is CampoMusae written while he was serving as captain in the Parliamentary army. Hence he claims for it an excusable lack of method "as befits Minerva in the Field". His random musings here are provocative for their spirited, logical defense of the Parliamentary cause as that of "Law and True Religion", together with altered notions about divine right. For us, Campo-Musae's restatement of familiar themes shows that Wither's assumption of prophetic role has become habitual. Believing his nation so deeply harnessed in sin that she fears no foreign foes, Wither points out that God has provided domestic foes because of the "universal ripenesse of our sin" (p. 14). With appealing sincerity he laments the unhappy changes wrought by war, such as disruption of agriculture and trade, exorbitantly high taxes, poverty, and bloodshed. After noting evils that have prompted England to take up arms against herself, he then declares that she hopes for peace, unity, and comfort on false grounds. His countrymen will not reform their self-conceit, envy, wilfulness, spleen, and avarice. Praying God to extend to his favored people (as He did for the kingdom of 43

Speculum Speculativum, Misc. Wks., V, 52, 7-12, 107-110. A Memorandum to London, Misc. Wks., IV, 29. 45 French, "Thorn Drury's Notes on Wither", HLQ, XXIII, No. 4, 387388. 44

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David) compassion in their "black afternoon" caused by malignants at home as well as by enemies abroad, the poet again insists, as he did in Britain's Remembrancer, that "inner reform" must precede betterment of man's outward condition.46 Wither follows this familiar order with a fairly common millenarian prediction that he employs prominently in four subsequent works.47 National evils that have fomented the Civil War in 1642 plainly reveal that Christ's second coming (along with the fall of Antichrist) cannot be many years away. He solemnly pleads with readers to heed particularly this prophecy communicated to him by God's "unquestionable Revelation": That yeare, in which ROMES long-liv'd Emperie, Shall from the day, wherein it was at height, Sum up, M, D, C, L, X, V, and I, In order, as these letters here I write: That Yeare, that Day, that Houre, will be the date Of her continuance; perserving neither Top, Root, or Branch of that accursed State, 48

Campo-Musae, Misc. Wks., I, 17-20. John Taylor's Aqua-Musae (1644) accuses Wither of hypocrisy in serving the Parliamentary cause. See Works of John Taylor, Spenser Society, Pt. I (No. 7). 47 In four works after Campo-Musae, Wither employs this Roman numeral prediction of the coming of Antichrist in a similar manner. Generally he interprets the numeral M to symbolize the thousand-year reign of Rome and DCLXVI to mean the six hundred sixty-six years' reign of Antichrist. In the Dark Lantern, Misc. Wks., Ill, 41-42, along with a series of paradoxes, the poet includes MDCLXVI and again points out the importance of considering the numerals in order of valuation and asserts that before 1666 "what many thousands have expected" will actually happen. In Speculum Speculativum, Misc. Wks., V, 141-145, following a lamentation of his personal oppressions by Parliament, the poet adds a corollary against God's enemies and (necessarily) his own. Again, he contends that the Kingdom of Sin will likely end in 1666. Since men have struggled against men for the first thousand years, they must struggle against devils for the remaining time. In Paralellogrammaton, pp. 48-58, Wither's use of the numerals is related to his interpretation of the six days of creation. God labors for six mystical days of 1000 years to destroy evil. The poet believes that in his time there are 300 years left of the sixth day. Thus, the seventh day will be Christ's second coming after which there will be an eternal Sabbath. Finally, in Vaticinia Poetica, Misc. Wks., IV, 5-10, the poet urges Charles II to join continental Protestant allies against the Whore of Rome, the Dragon, and the Beast to be overcome in 1666. In this poem the Quakers are also viewed as a sign of defeat of Antichrist.

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Nor Head, nor Bodie, Limb, Home, Claw, or Feather. For, here are all the Numerals of ROME In order, as they are in valuation; Which cannot make a lesse, or greater sum, Without Disorder, Want, or Iteration. Nor can she longer stand, or sooner fall, If it mistake not Him, who governes all. (pp. 24-25) He recalls that the seed of Jacob, the reign of Balthazar, and the interval between Daniel's supplication and Christ's birth had a pre-ordained limitation. By analogy, Rome's evil supremacy approaches an end in the fateful year 1666. His interpretation of the mystic numerals was typically millenarian. The first numeral symbolizes the period during which Satan was prevented from setting up his "Mysterie of Sin"; the latter numerals (666) correspond to the "Number of the Beast". With the defeat of the Beast, the Lamb of God shall rule the nations. Instead of worldly princes, Jesus Christ shall hold sway. At this blessed time freedoms of mind and body now almost lost shall be restored. Reiterated with more strident, truculent emphasis in later publications, this cryptic advice demonstrates Wither's anti-Catholic bias. For him, the King's notorious alliance with France and his favoring Irish Catholics only provide the poet another chance to lash the sloth, hypocrisy, and spiritual pride of the clergy, those dreaded "Engines for the Papal Monarchie". 48 Finally worth attention in this uneven, rambling poem written in sonnet form is the poet's familiar hope of future fame. While we might smile at his selfconceit, he apparently derived some comfort from believing these inspirations edify fit though few honest readers of the day: Then shall the age to come, pick up, gather Those droppings of my Pen, which now they scorne; And, wonder, men esteemed them no rather; And pittie those afflictions I have borne. Then, they shall scan each page, and ev'rie Line, And, find rak'd up, among my Vanities, Expressions, which will show, that Sparks divine Of Heav'nly-Fire, in earthly Cinders lies. 48

Campo-Musae,

54-56.

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Then they shall come to understand and know, That many future things I did behold, Beside that one, which is acknowleg'd now To be fulfilled, as it was foretold. (p. 52-53) The end of commercial wars between the English and Dutch from 1652-1654 did not preclude subsequent rivalries between those prosperous nations. Although England remained mistress of the seas, Dutch shipbuilding increased greatly during the next few years. When actual preparations in 1664 confirmed rumors that further struggle was inevitable, Wither wrote Tuba Pacifica (1664), which once more illustrates his assured utilization of Jeremiah-like prophetic gifts for "inner reform". Disclaiming any selfish interest in either nation's prerogative, the old poet simply recognizes his cue to speak out, despite sad awareness that his counsels will again be ignored. Though applied to a different national crisis, his warnings here are largely reiterations of former pronouncements. He hopes that rumors spread by the fickle, disreputable rabble of both countries are in fact ill-founded. At the same time, he contends that the nations' gross dissimulation of God and each other, their avarice, pride, and self-will prompts him to remember them (as Christian brothers) of their obligation to keep the peace. What now both refuse to do from impulses of love, they will ultimately be forced to do from fear. Some form of judgment adumbrated by a blazing comet seen by all recently portends that all offenders must quickly amend their evil ways.49 Arguing that both countries' commercial rivals are chiefly to blame for inciting trouble, he begs each to ponder seriously the disruption and desolation of society, the horrible bloodshed, the needless expense of a prolonged war. He goes on to urge them to value their long-continued alliance and to recall that for generations they have together fought the dreaded Whore of Rome and her Scarlet Beast, that "Grand Impostresse" whose subtleties and 49 Tuba Pacifica, Misc. Wks., Ill, 28-29. For other uses of astrological signs, see Furor Poeticus, Misc. Wks., V, 6-7. Here, a star from the north presages that General Monk will soon return from Scotland and usher in the monarchy.

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charms have preverted Christ's true followers in all nations. Regarding the possible threat to their economic prosperity, they should now thank the Lord that they enjoy half of all foreign trade: Your Ships are numberless, your Merchants more And richer, then the Tirians heretofore. Your Ware-houses are stor'd by your Commerce With all things precious though the Universe. For which you were envyed by all those Who either seem'd your Friends or are your Foes. Your Naval Forces if you timely might Perswaded be sincerely to unite, In Righteousness, would balance all the rest Between the Orient Indies and the West And both the Poles, enabling you to give Those Laws to all men, who by Traffick live, Whereby, there might, for all, sufficient Trade In Safety, and with Equity be had; Without which, whatsoere you shall obtain Will prove but an unprofitable Gain. (pp. 11-12) Here typical remembering concludes with desperate hope of moral regeneration. He begs that his pitcher emblem "Si collimur, frangimur", which he will again use the ensuing year, will not in fact be verified. 50 Tuba Pacifica provides the most appalingly vivid statement of Wither's increasing self-pity and eagerness for martyrdom. It provides probably the clearest evidence that the compulsiveness of his prophesying does spring from deep-down psychological need. By the end of his career he is reduced to believing that, having failed in every other way, he can at least serve as a stumbling block for his countrymen: I am one Who stands instead of such a Block or Stone As Charity did set up heretofore By high-way sides, and some time at each door, To save men from the violent approaches Of drunken Horse-men, Waggons, Carts, and Coaches, And in that service, often are abused. 50

Sighs for the Pitchers, Misc. Wks., m, 1.

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Curst, broken, crackt, hackt, cut, flasht, knockt and bruised By those, who stumbling on them, heedless are To what good purpose they were fixed there. And if this be my Lot, I as I may, Will bear it, as I have done till this day. (p. 29) These observations, along with admittedly long quotations, more than suffice to show how Britain's Remembrancer sets the model in tone, point of view, rambling statement, and plain diction for a great number of works Wither issued from 1628-1667. In at least two of his latest works he repeats prophecies by extended quotations from earlier publications. For example, in Speculum Speculativum (1660) he lifts passages from five, and in Ecchoes from the Sixth Trumpet, he serves up a main course of neglected remembrances from twenty-four previous publications insisting simply that like occasions do warrant "like matter and words". By the end, such reiterated prophetical outpourings show the poet all but mentally deranged, even when one admits their cathartic value for him.

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If some will not make a right use, or will abuse their learning, must learning suffer? Can there be a more gross abuse than, as Isocrates speaks . . . to lay the blame on the thing, not the man? The Modern Statesman

Wither spent the years from 1635-1642 in virtual retirement at his country estate on the London road near Farnham. Except for Wood's plausible statement that he served as captain of horse under the Earl of Arundel in Charles I's expedition against the Scottish Covenanters in 1639,1 we have, again, primarily the poet's literary record to indicate his activities during these years. Three publications during this interval, Emblemes (1635), The Nature of Man (1636), and Halelujah (1641), take the form of versified moral counsel, translation of Christian apologetics from the patristic age, occasional and devotional poetry. These three varied, edifying publications, along with two quite unfamiliar prose pieces, The Modern Statesman (1653) and Fides-Anglicana (1660), form a significant new division of Wither's later voluminous verse and prose anticipated by our discussion of A Preparation to the Psalter. All surprisingly free from much explicit personal statement, these five works particularly reflect the poet's growing seriousness and didactic intent, unexpected scholarly pursuits within the humanistic tradition, and occasional literary skill along with usual sad indifference to literary art. Although few by contrast to the total number of Wither's later works, these five are not wholly atypical because of their re1

Athenae Oxoniensis, ed. P. Bliss (London, 1817), m , 392.

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freshing objectivity. While his purpose continues chiefly didactic, its effect is now more appealing because less direct. The varieties of learning that he employs in these works to inculcate "inner reform" clearly suggest that his temperamental sympathies, intellectual curiosity, and formal education were perhaps greater than supposed. In Emblemes, he versifies allegories taken from unnatural natural-history and classical mythology. In Halelujah (an elaborate expansion of Hymnes and Songs of the Church), he utilizes wide knowledge of Biblical history, Christian theology and hagiography in serving pious needs of his readers' daily living.2 In the three prose works of this "atypical" division, The Nature of Man, The Modern Statesman, and Fides-Anglicana, Wither's humanistic bent is unmistakeable and most impressive. In them the poet employs moral philosophy and medical knowledge of the early middle ages, together with exemplary historical precedents and ethical teaching of the Graeco-Roman world, to implement "inner reform". His conviction that the ancients can "moderate" modern controversies, a typical point of view he adopted after making the first English translation of Nemesius' encyclopedic treatise, recurs over and over again during the Commonwealth and Protectorate years. Illustrating another type of "remembering" much sanctioned and applied by Renaissance humanists, these works contrast strikingly with the all too frequent prophetic point of view because of their more liberal, in every way more sophisticated attitude toward man. It is reassuring to discover that at intervals he could deliberately lay aside his prophetic mantle as self-appointed keeper of the nation's conscience. Helping each man better understand his own mind and spirit is Wither's sincere and worthy aim as a Christian humanist. This chapter, in examining the poet's scholarly pursuits, discusses these unfamiliar works in some detail. 2

Of chief interest as an evidence of Wither's scholarship is Part II of Halelujah, called "Hymns Temporary", containing poems for saints' days and feast days of the church. Wither's prose prefaces for each of these poems, such as those for Pentecost (XXXVIII) and for St. Michael (LVI), indicate his knowledge of Christian theology and hagiography. See Halelujah, Pts. II & III, Spenser Society (London, 1879), p. 326 & p. 354.

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I Around 1634 the London publisher Henry Taunton engaged Wither to compose expository verses for engravings of Crispin de Passe, employed some twenty years earlier by Rollenhagen in Nucleus Emblematum Selectissimorum.3 Wither's excursion into popular emblem poetry, described by Douglas Bush as "one of the last European manifestations of a medieval habit of mind",4 illustrates his usual eagerness to essay any literary genre that could serve the didactic intent. Affirming dislike of "Rhymes, Fictions, or conceited Compositions for their own sakes", he defends for the reader use of symbolic pictures that attract those of "vulgar capacities" to learning and piety. Although he complains that confining himself to only thirty lines of exposition (under the engraving) "hath much injured the libertie" 5 of his muse, he in fact manages to do so, and sometimes without diffuseness, for the two-hundred engravings in the four books. While he admits confusion about the meaning of some of the pictures (for example in Book II, No. 29 and in Book III, No. 45), he assures us that he moralizes others' fancies as fruitfully as talent allows. Unquestionably, Wither's plain exposition is quite effective for implementing his familiar didacticism. Declaring that he writes for midddle-class puritans of little education, he properly and piously urges the virtues of patient industry, content above riches, temperate, prudent conduct, use of one's talents for the public good, fit reverence for authority and, of course, lowly wisdom before God. With their bald puritan ethic, these often appealing poems provide a comprehensive guide to conduct incidental with his usual anti-Catholic bias and expressions of self-pity and neglect. As a type of religious verse, emblem poetry became almost as popular in England as the sonnet during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century. Wither's somewhat belated response to 3

Mario Praz, Studies in Seventeenth Century Imagery (London, 1947), II, 141. 4 English Literature in the Earlier Seventeenth Century (London, 1945), p. 89. 5 A Collection of Emblemes, Ancient and Moderne (London, printed by A.M. for Henry Taunton, 4 Bks., 1634-1635), "To the Reader", Sig. A f f .

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this curious literary fad is instructive to consider. In her discussion of Elizabethan and Jacobean emblem poetry, Rosemary Freeman has shown that Wither imitated England's pioneer emblem poet, Geoffrey Whitney. His earnest moral tone applied to the common man's everyday life recalls Whitney's Choice of Emblems and Other Devices, which appeared in 1586.6 At the end of a movement following Whitney and Henry Peacham, Wither is indebted to the first continental emblematist of note, Alciatus. Emblematum Libellus (1534) initiated a vogue that ultimately attained its pinnacle of fame with Francis Quarles' Emblems, Divine and Moral (1635).7 Wither's emblems exemplify generally a type much favored at the time: the poem of "highly moralistic, at times homely and even domestic level of instruction".8 He was temperamentally out of sympathy (and probably incapable of writing) the concentrated, more impassioned, metaphysical type of emblem so impressively cultivated by Herbert in The Temple, published just two years earlier. Perhaps imaginatively inhibited by his engravings. Wither reminds us of Quarles' plainness of style and subject though he admittedly lacks his contemporary's intensity and greater artistic control. In a number of these poems Wither borrows familiar allegories from medieval and classical learning to lend concreteness, further implication, and general interest to his didacticism. Besides employing emblems like the flaming heart (I, 39), the skull and hour-glass (IV, 27; I, 21 & 49) and personifications like fame (III, 4) and constancy (II, 19), he obviously takes material from the bestiaries in the pelican (III, 20), the salamander (I, 30), and the stricken hart (IV, 6), in which he points Christian morals in the manner of unnatural natural-history. More striking, however, considering the work as a whole (Wither utilizes classical allusion sparingly), is his use of Greek myths like the flight of Pegasus (II, 43), Arion's rescue by the dolphin (I, 10), Ixion's torture on •

English Emblem Books (London, 1948), pp. 144-146. J. M. French, "George Wither", p. 239. 8 Helen White, Ruth Wallerstein, Ricardo Quintana (eds.), Century Verse and Prose (New York, 1951), I, 204. 7

Seventeenth-

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the wheel (II, 7), and the choices of Hercules (I, 22). Jupiter's abduction of the beautiful youth Ganymede typifies humanistic working over familiar legend. Following the epigraph, "Take wing, my Soule, and mount up higher; / For, Earth, fulfills not my Desire", this charming engraving depicts a woodland shepherd and his dog looking at a huge eagle ascending heavenward with the bewildered rider astride outspread wings. Around the drawing the motto, "Quod Opto [optimo] non est Mortale", further enforces both epigraph and exposition: When Ganymed, himselfe was purifying Great Jupiter, his naked beauty spying, Sent forth his Egle (from below to take him) Ablest Inhabitant, in Heav'n to make him: And, there (as Poets feigned) he doth still, To love, and other God-heads, Nectar fill, Though this be but a Fable of their feigning, The Morall is a Reall truth, portraying To ev'ry one (which harbours a desire Above the Starry Circles, to aspire.) By Ganymed, the Soule is understood, That's washed in the Purifying flood Of sacred Baptisme (which doth make her seeme Both pure and beautifull, in God's esteeme.) The Egle, meanes that Heav'ny Contemplation, Which, after Washings of Regeneration, Lifts up the Minde, from things that earthy bee, To view those Objects, which Faith's Eyes doe see. The Nectar, which is filled out, and given To all the blest Inhabitants of Heaven, Are those Delights, which (Christ hath sayd) they have, When some Repentant soule beginnes to leave Her foulnesse; by renewing of her birth, And, slighting all the Pleasures of the Earth. I aske not, Lord, those Blessings to receive, Which any Man hath pow'r to take, or give; Nor, what this World affords; for, I contemne Her Favours; and I have seene the best of them: Nay, Heav'n it selfe, will unsufficient bee, Unlesse, Thou, also, give Thyselfe, to mee. (Bk. Ill, No. 22, p. 156) The poet interprets the allegory as the soul's aspiration and enjoy-

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ment of divine bliss. Assured that his emblems will provide readers "fit moral pastime", he felt no more serious qualms than did Milton in fusing pagan with Christian "matter" in Lycidas. We only regret that Wither seldom approaches Milton's transcendent art. Though mainly objective, the poet does occasionally speak his own mind. In two of his formal dedications, he laments recent deaths of former patrons, the Duke of Richmond and the famous Earl of Pembroke. With unusual servility he begs their survivors for continuing favor.9 Recalling his depressing views of man noted in Britain's Remembrancer, we see why his pessimism has deepened. Because "mens hearts have grown so false" (II, 22), Wither continues to lament the rank duplicity of all classes and professions both at Court and in the Church (III, 49). He sadly deplores the fact that the labors of honest men (like those of the bees) too frequently reward only the undeserving (IV, 42 and 16). One of the most interesting must be an oblique reminder to readers of his clashes with authority and three ensuing imprisonments. In Book IV, Emblem 7, he deplores the fact that too often like cruel cats, tyrannous magistrates tease victims unmercifully before devouring them. On the other hand, Wither's cynicism and despair are sometimes palliated by admirable, less self-centered attitudes. A protest against puritan disapproval of innocent Sabbath recreations (II, 15; IV, 26) argues strongly against routine dismissal of the poet as a crabbed, narrow-minded crackpot. Several personal religious views expressed in Emblemes we can here note only in passing: his impressive plea for greater toleration of religious sects who can at least agree on essentials of the Protestant faith (IV, 26); disapproval of increasing popish formalism in the Anglican ritual (perhaps prompted by Archbishop Laud's visitations of parishes between 1633-1635); and finally one theological issue that anticipates a prominent theme of Nemesius' Nature of Man. Although the poet reiterates in his prophetic works that the celestial bodies sometimes warn unregenerate humanity of God's imminent judgment, they do not "rain influence" as cruel, irrevocable Necessity: 9

See pp. 133 and 206 preceding Bks. Ill & IV respectively.

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Some say, (and many men doe these commend) That, all our deeds, and Fortunes doe depend Upon the Motions of celestiall Spheres', And, on the constellations of the Starres. If this were true, the Starres, alone have bin Prime cause of all that's good, and of all sinne. And, 'twere (me thinkes) injustice to contemne Or, give rewards to any, but to them. For, if they make mee sinne, why for that ill, Should I be damn'd, and they shine brightly, still? If they inforc'd my goodnesse, why should I Bee glorified for their Pie tie! And, if they neither good nor ill constraine Why, then, should wee of Destinie complaine? For, if it bee (as 'tis) absurd to say, The Starres enforce use (since they still obay Their just Commander) 'twere absurder, farre, To say, or thinke, that God's Decree it were, Which did necessitate, the very same, For which we thinke the starres might merit blame. He made the starres to bee and ayd unto us, Not (as is fondly dream'd) to helpe undoe us: (Much lesse, without our fault, to ruinate, By doome of irrecoverable Fate) And, if our good endeavors, use wee will, Those glorious creatures will be helpful still In all our honest wayes: For, they doe stand To helpe, not hinder us, in God's command; And, hee not onely rules them by his pow'rs, But, makes their Glory, servant unto ours.10 The preceding does not demonstrate Wither's happiest effort at concentrated statement or antithesis. Rather, it illustrates his earnest, no-nonsense tone of explication. Remarks relating to the four lotteries appended to the whole collection further clarify his efforts to make emblems serve "for a Morall Pastime" and, incidentally, to increase his book-sellers' profits.11 Although its 10

Bk. IV, No. 43, p. 251. Showing a man with a quadrant-like instrument looking toward a huge star held by the hand of God, the engraving for this emblem is rounded by the Latin inscription, "Deus Astra Regit". Also related to this general theme is No. 31 of Bk. I. Here Wither again insists that the heavenly bodies do not necessitate man's action, even though they possibly can affect his bodily humours. 11 Sig. A ff ("To the Reader"); also last 2 pp. headed "A Direction, etc.".

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fine engravings certainly made Emblemes attractive, the exorbitant price of the folio probably cut down sales.12 It was not reissued during the poet's lifetime, and (though surely a "most vendible" book) enjoyed no popularity comparable to Quarles' Emblems, the seventeenth century's most famous collection.13

n Wither's translation of Nemesius' jiepi qjugeug dvGpamoo, The Nature of Man, is probably his least familiar significant publication after 1625. Despite J. M. French's dismissal of it as an "unimportant translation", it proves to be unique for the poet.14 Various motives stimulating Wither to provide the first English text of this late fourth century compendium of medical lore, natural philosophy, and Christian apologetics, in relation to his continuing mission of social service, merit examination. His manifest enthusiasm for this little-known learned treatise providing him an authoritative yet specific means of urging "inner reform" reveals his mature, even liberal sympathies. While he admits that Nemesius is an obscure church father, the poet insists that contemporary scholars confused by ambiguous Christian beliefs can actually learn much from his ancient moral, religious guidance. Nemesius can "moderate" modern controversies by teaching latterWither explains how his system of lotteries works. By the use of one pointer for the four books and another for the fifty emblems of each, along with six extra "blanks", the reader by this "Morall Pastime" can gain appropriate moral counsel. 12 Freeman, op. cit., p. 141. Apparently there was no second edition of Emblemes during the poet's lifetime. Fifty of these emblems with their plates were made accessible later through the piracy of Nathaniel Crouch in Delights for the Ingenious (1684). « Ibid., p. 145. 14 French, op. cit., p. 240. Professor French's further comment that this translation "seems not to-have achieved any popularity" is probably true. Its single reprint in 1657, The Character of Man, lacks the dedication to Selden. The Nature of Man is almost certainly the only translation from classical literature that Wither ever published. French, op. cit., p. 294, believes that the attribution to Wither of Aristotle's Works in English Meter, noted in Sir John Berkenhead's Two Centuries of Paul's Churchyard (1655), is only a practical joke.

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day Christians what power God has given to know themselves and thereby more dutifully to serve Him.15 Wither's list of sixty-eight church fathers, philosophers, and literary critics studied in research for A Preparation to the Psalter explains his interest in Nemesius.16 From a recent, comprehensive study of Nemesius' life and work by William Telfer we learn that this remarkably learned man was bishop of Emesa, living during the latter half of the fourth and possibly first decade of the fifth century A.D. Whether Wither along with later scholars have correctly identified him with Nemesius, provincial governor of Cappadochia between 383-389 and friend of Gregory Nazianzen, remains an open quesiton.17 What we know with certainty, however, is that the writer assimilated vast knowledge from earlier medical science and philosophic thought. William Telfer states Nemesius' most absorbing preoccupation is neither medical nor ethical, but rather "religious and spiritual". An apparent convert to Christianity about 390 he belonged "recognizably to the Antiochene school of Christian doctrine".18 Considering Wither's sober temperament and speculative bent at the time of discovering Nemesius as "a champion of the Christian faith", one concludes that the poet's chief interest in the treatise lay in its forceful, carefully argued Christian apologetics. Wither sought the "approbation and correction" of probably the most learned classicist of the day in dedicating his book to 15 Geo. Withers [sic], The Nature of Man, A learned and useful Tract written in Greek by Nemesius (London, Henry Taunton, 1636), "Preface to the Readers". 16 Ibid., pp. 9-10. Wither includes Gregory Nazianzen, who is thought to have been a friend and correspondent of Nemesius, bishop of Emesa. Here also is found Gregory Nyssen, to whom Chs. II and III of De Natura Homiurn were long attributed. See further Wm. Smith & Henry Wace (eds.), A Dictionary of Christian Biography, Literature, Sects and Doctrine (London, 1887), IV, 16. 17 William Telfer, Cyril of Jerusalem and Nemesius of Emesa, The Library of Christian Classics, eds. John Baillie, John McNeill, and Henry Van Dusen (Philadelphia, 1955), IV, 208-210. In his introduction to the first English translation made from the Greek original of Nemesius' work, Telfer provides on pp. 203-223 a fully-documented discussion of the author, the work, its subsequent history in scholarly editions and criticism up to the present time. 18 Ibid., p. 210.

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John Selden, friend of Ben Jonson and original annotator of Drayton's Poly-Olbion. The famous antiquarian had earlier shown the poet a "frequent and friendly familiarity" in the circle of Browne, Brooke, and Davies. Wither frankly states in remarks on textual sources that he has used two Latin versions of the original Greek as bases for his translation, those of Georgius Valla Placentinus (Leyden, 1533) and Nacasius Ellobodius (Antwerp, 1565).19 With an unexpected show of modest pride, Wither assures us that he has carefully rendered the philosopher's "genuine sense, though not everywhere grammatically interpreted". Consistent, moreover, with his notions about fit style, he claims to make Nemesius speak both briefly and plainly so as to be more useful, and less wearisome to readers. To aid them even further, he supplies prefatory summaries for whole chapters and for his own sub-divisions of content. His industry in making Nemesius' beliefs plainly intelligible to readers of little education is readily explained. He found in his author ideas corresponding remarkably with his own. Wither utilized translation before it became the exclusive preserve of linguists and scholars.20 Like Sir Thomas North and other Tudor translators, the poet employed fairly recent, late-Renaissance intermediate versions of the original text, as we have noted. While Wither lacked the ample classical scholarship and could never achieve a nobility of style comparable to Philemon Holland, the greatest of the early Jacobean translators, he does at least resemble this student of Plutarch and Pliny in "veneration for, and sense of contemporary intimacy with great men and the ethical wisdom of antiquity".21 Now it seems unlikely that the two Latin texts of his source caused Wither much difficulty, especially when we recall his nurture on that most famous of Elizabethan school books, John Lyly's Latin grammar. Besides this, extended work with the psalter, including metrical versions of lyrical parts of scripture in Hymnes and Songs involved his close knowledge 19

"Preface to the Reader". Charles Whibley, "Translators", Cambridge History of English ature, eds. A. Ward & A. Waller (New York, 1910), IV, 3-4. 21 Bush, op. cit., p. 57; French, op. cit., p. 229. 20

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of Latin and shows good sense (if not inspiration) in translation. Comparative study of the fairly recent Teubner edition of the Latin texts of Nemesius 2 2 by Carl Burkhard and the poet's version does in fact confirm the statement that he has rendered the church father's "genuine sense" and typical ideas. Just a cursory survey of the contents of this obscure treatise suggests why Wither found it so provocative. In this vast encyclopedic synthesis of traditional knowledge he discovered the exposition of a commonplace belief that most thinking men of his age delighted in: the cherished notion that man is a microcosm knitting together the whole of divine creation. Although George Herbert, Sir Thomas Browne, and Robert Burton among others express the concept more memorably, Wither's enthusiasm for it plainly shows him a man of his age: Beholdeth he bindeth together in himself things mortall and immortall; and knitteth up in One, things reasonable and unreasonable. In his own nature, hee beareth the image of all creatures, of whom God hath vouchsafed to make so much regard, that all created-things both present and to come, were for him created. He is that creature also, for whose sake GOD became MAN, and who shaking off his corruption, finisheth it in never ending immortality.23 22

Nemesius (Leipzig, 1917). In the excellent discussion preceding his translation from the original Greek of Nemesius, Telfer, op. cit., provides a wealth of information about late nineteenth and early twentieth century scholarship on Nemesius. Apparently Burkhard was one of the most prominent German scholars to revive interest after 1880 in the neglected church father. Telfer mentions (for example, pp. 221-223) that Burkhard's series of articles in Wiener Studien, extending over twelve years, prepared "the way for a new critical edition of Nemesius". Burkhard published a new critical edition of the Latin text of Burgundio, a twelfth century professor of law and Greek scholar patronized by Frederick Barbarosa, and carried almost to completion the mid-eleventh century critical edition of the Latin text of Nicolaus Alfanus, hymn writer, medical student, and Greek scholar for a time associated with the University of Salerno. Burkhard's text is based primarily on that of Alfanus, who gives Nemesius' treatise the title Premon Physicon. 23 The Nature of Man, pp. 71-72; 73. For comparison with Wither's translation quoted above, here follows the corresponding Latin text in Burkhard, Nemesius, p. 22: "Quis igitur digne miretur nobilitatem huius animalis colligantis in se ipso mortalia immortalibus et rationabilia coniungentis irrationabilibus, ferentis in sua natura omnis creaturae imaginem? Et propterea microcosmus nominatur in tantum sublimatus a dei praescientia, ut propter eum sint omnia et praesentia et futura, propter

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Nemesius ends his eulogy of man the microcosm with a majestic aprostrophe suggesting Hamlet's sad reflection on man's potential nobility in "What a piece of work is man!" This ringing conviction of mortal man's possibility of realizing himself as a "bounder" of all creation must have strongly stimulated Wither's persistent (if often disenchanted) idealism. Granting that his translation is only an implicit rather than explicit statement of his changing viewpoint regarding service to his fellow man, it is noteworthy as the second publication during this period reflecting an objective, broadly humanistic perspective. Wither's second, and perhaps most compelling reason for translating De Natura Hominum was a surprising discovery of his own beliefs now eloquently sanctioned by ancient learned authority. His reasoning was quite clear. The wisdom of a learned Christian convert living only a century or two after the apostolic age made intelligible to a large, unschooled public could actually help solve contemporary social, moral problems. For him Socrates' familiar dictum came to imply knowing what power God has provided us to serve him better. For in what age will the knowledge of the humane nature bee impertinent, or to what person of that kinde? Nay, what Knowledge, save the knowledge of GOD is more pertinent? Or, how can GOD be well knowne, by him, that knoweth not himselfe? It is that Knowledge which this Booke teacheth; and in my opinion the ignorance of rightly knowing our owne nature is one maine cause of the many absurdities, and unreasonable controversies which distract these times, yea, the quem deus homo factus est, pertingens ad incorruptionem mortalitatemque ignorans." Study of these two passages (even though one recalls that Burkhard's Latin text was not the basis for Wither's translation) makes clear that Wither does manage to render the "genuine sense". Telfer is correct in thinking Wither's translation somewhat "stilted". On the other hand, with due respect to Telfer's excellent translation and notes, he really misses the point when he states that Wither's "English version would drive most modern readers to ask for the Latin instead" (p. 220). He forgets that Wither always specifically writes to edify those of "vulgar capacities", who can not read Latin. For a contrary opinion of the merit of Wither's translation, see Willmott, Lives of the Sacred Poets (London, 1834), I, 138, who believes that, although the translation is not "strictly literal, it embodies the sense of the author with considerable force and perspicuity".

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ignorance thereof is a principall cause that so many wickedly blaspheme GOD and unthankfully accuse him (without cause) of being niggardly toward them in the Talents of Nature-, and in requiring that of them, which he hath not given them ability to performe.

His emphasis here on proper use of knowledge for correcting man's basically evil nature recalls Abuses Stript and Whipt. The function of "philosophy, counsel, and reason", anticipated more than twenty years earlier, comes provided readily to hand in Nemesius.24 We have discussed his extensive use of satire in Abuses and prophetical warnings in Britain's Remembrancer and similiar works. The poet now more happily "taps" philosophy for what good it may yield. Simply because Christians do enjoy "the certaine promise of a better ayde" is no reason for their ignoring pagan teachings that do not conflict with Christian doctrine. What "matter" did Wither find so serviceable in De Natura Hominuml Belonging to the Alexandrian school of patristic philosophy, Nemesius was a contemporary of St. Jerome, St. Augustine, and St. Chrysostom. His treatise synthesizes Platonic, Aristotelian, and Neo-Platonic thought as a weapon against heretical Christian sects of the time, and expresses Christian dogmas in terms of reason.25 Nemesius utilizes a logical method that imitates Aristotle: terse explication of the workings of body and mind (soul or spirit). An impersonal, eclectic "mozaic" of Greek philosophy, medical lore, and earlier Christian thought skilfully chosen to convey Nemesius' own message, the treatise nevertheless has a rather striking originality in an age when "the unforgivable sin was to innovate (neoterizeiri)",26 For this reason, Nemesius explains and defends (or refutes) beliefs of the most eminent philosophers (Plato, Aristotle, Zeno), physicians (Galen), and earlier church fathers (Porphyry, Origen). Although varying 24

Juvenilia, Spenser Society (London, 1871), I, 154. James McClintock & James Strong (eds.), Cyclopaedia of Biblical, Theological, & Ecclesiastical Literature (New York, 1894), VI, 934-935. 26 Telfer, op. cit., p. 214. He states that the treatise is original for two reasons: first, Nemesius' ethical aim in recognizing at once "the reality of soul and the intimacy of the union of soul and body", second, his ability to reconcile the "thought-world of learned Christianity". In this manner Nemesius utilized what was sound of pagan philosophy as tools in building his foundation for Christian apologetics. 25

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considerably in length and not occupying this exact order, the following broad divisions in Wither's translation reveal the eclectic, encyclopedic content of De Natura Hominum: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

The nature of the soul. The union of body and soul in man, the epitome of God's creation. Composition of the body of the four elements. Operation of the five senses. Operation of the digestive, circulatory, respiratory, reproductive, and nervous systems. Operation of the irrational (concupiscience, grief, and fear) and rational (imagination, memory, reason) parts of the soul. The nature of voluntary and involuntary acts; the problem of choice. The nature of free-will; its use implied by man's reason. The relation of free-will to providence; denial of destiny.

The panegyric on man quoted above (note division 2) characterizes both Renaissance humanism and Wither's fitful idealism. Pointing out that the terms of the panegyric were traditional even for Nemesius, Telfer adds that seventeenth century intellectuals' reverence for man the microcosm is greatly indebted "to the Posidonian doctrine that man is the crown of the natural order". 27 Some sections of the treatise, for example 7, 8, and 9, must have struck the poet as particularly functional for him. Because the work is unfamiliar to most students of the period, let us examine these sections in more detail. Nemesius states that the differences between voluntary and involuntary acts depend on our knowledge. In the broadest sense voluntary acts, about which the doer knows the circumstances and possible effects, afford us satisfaction of body or mind. In the more specific sense, choice is distinguished from voluntary acts such as children might perform because it is composed of consultation, judgment, and appetite (and thus stems from the rational part of the soul). Furthermore, we consult only about matters within our powers: of things possible though not manifest, of 27

Ibid., pp. 256-267. H e also states that even for Nemesius the terms of this panegyric were traditional, borrowed from Stoic, Neo-Platonic, and Christian thought. Nemesius' panegyric and that of Cicero in De Natura Deorum, II, 153, are both "in a succession of rhetorical commonplace" (p. 256).

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means to ends. Conversely, involuntary acts, done either through constraint or ignorance, afford us pain or dispraise. Our not knowing the who, what, where, when, how, or why of an action (assuming that only a madman could be ignorant of all these particulars) prompts involuntary acts. Any sort of intemperate conduct like drunkenness or anger cannot be thought involuntary because of its origin in the rational part of the soul. He concludes by stating that many acts are clearly "mixed". Although some conduct is voluntary regarding circumstances yet involuntary regarding actions, ideal choice ultimately depends on man's use of reason. 28 Having shown choice to be unquestionably within man's power, Nemesius then proceeds to demonstrate that use of free-will distinguishes man from all other creatures. Resulting in either good or evil, actions depend on his exercise of free-will, the initiator of all conduct. Free-will, or speculative reason, in turn, distinguishes him from angels, who enjoy intuitive reason. Once we admit that man is endowed with reason, we also admit his having the prerogative of free-will.29 Thus, man's disposition toward good or evil acts, since habits reflect choices, demonstrates the practice of free-will. Men are vicious, therefore, not through natural defect but through their own misuse of free-will. After detailed analysis of the relation of free-will to providence and/or destiny, Nemesius concludes that human action is clearly a blend of free-will and providence. We can almost see Wither nodding assent with every detail of argument. Since destiny necessitates particular, invariable ends for all creation (whether men, animals, plants, or inanimate things), prayer, honor, justice, and mercy seem irrelevant in terms of human conduct. Nemesius cogently refutes claimants for destiny by reminding them that frequently individual prayers are answered. Again, Wither must 28

The Nature of Man, pp. 447-500. A good example of Nemesius' use of nice distinctions in convincing argument is his emphasis on the difference between involuntary acts performed "being ignorant' 'and "through ignorance". Choosing the examples of the drunk man's committing crimes "being ignorant", Nemesius stresses that such a man voluntarily invites irrational conduct. » Ibid., pp. 538-548.

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certainly have been pleased with the church father's answer to those claiming the stars as the chief agents of fate. Such thinkers blaspheme God, the all-knowing creator of the cosmos. Divine providence's staying the courses of the sun and moon to save Elias and Enoch proves that the heavenly bodies serve man in beneficient rather than malevolent ways. On finding this, the poet must have believed his convictions on this problem (see Emblem 43, Book IV above) now sanctioned by the equal of Holy Writ.30 Nemesius then defines providence as "the will of God whereby all created things receive government fit for them" (p. 606) and demonstrates divine omnipotence by showing the relation between works of providence and creation. Hence, in every age good men have felt an impulse to pray and to heed prophecies of God's supermen like Moses and Christ. In his refutation of eclectic Greek philosophies' beliefs that destiny operates only as universal providence, Nemesius cites the similarities of form and color separating the numerous species of animals, along with the manifold yet unlike visages of men, to illustrate God's universal and particular providence. Also by particular providence over individuals, God often "remembers" men to submit, learn His will, and repent. Because He prefers virtuous over merely rich men and particularly counsels them to cultivate the needs of the soul over those of the body, God often keeps the good man poor - plainly another of Nemesius' contentions with which Wither had already begun to identify.81 Suffering and death should not be thought unbearable evils by virtuous men, even when unlawful actions escape punishment in this life. God's not demonstrating from man's imperfect point of view a benevolent providence for every individual must not be mistaken for proof of His indifference or impotence. Like any good physician, God administers sovereign remedies to all men as they need. Finding himself temperamentally sympathetic to Nemesius' personal views and austere didactic 30

Ibid., pp. 500-538. Plato's views imply that misfortunes like ill-health always result from men's incorrect choices rather than from their having to obey God's will. 31 Ibid., pp. 650 ff. Ideas in this section Wither probably agreed with completely since his wish for martyrdom at his foes' hands is a recurring theme.

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impulse, Wither also found in De Natura Hominum the perfect rubric for utilizing philosophy, counsel, and reason to implement "inner reform". How the poet employed this rubric, this precedent of learned authority in two later works we must now examine. m Before examining his applying ancient historical precedents to contemporary political and economic problems in The Modern Statesman (1653) and Fides-Anglicana (1660), we must first review Wither's varied activities during the Civil Wars, Commonwealth, and Protectorate periods. During the catastrophic epoch that witnessed England's shift from absolute monarchy to virtual military dictatorship (1642-1660), Wither indefatigably served the Parliamentary government as soldier, magistrate, pamphleteer, prophetic poet, and private remonstrant. Against this background of varied, loyal services, his humanistic bent gains perspective. As a result, we can see how both The Modern Statesman and FidesAnglicana contribute to the poet's somewhat visionary ideal of government for Englishmen who have achieved "inner reform". Although Wither had proudly defended Charles I's expedition against the Scottish Covenanters in 1639, by the outbreak of hostilities in 1642 the poet deserted the Royalists for the Parliamentarians for a significant reason: he was strongly convinced that the Parliamentary was the more righteous cause. With characteristic zeal, he was the first patriot in his Hampshire neighborhood to raise a cavalry troop for the Parliament.32 Quartered for a short time at Maidstone, Major Wither was appointed Commander of Farnham Castle (Surrey) in October, 1642, a position held only a brief time. After having labored against great obstacles to render the Castle defensible, Wither was suddenly ordered to withdraw his troop to London because of insufficient men, food, and arms. Although he returned to find his nearby estate plundered to the value of two thousand pounds, he did bravely manage to recover a 32

Frank Sidgwick, Poetry of George Wither (London, 1902), I, xxxvi, contends that Wood, Athenae Oxoniensis, HI, 392, is incorrect in his statement that Wither sold his estates to raise his troop.

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cache of ammunition before Cavaliers seized the Castle.33 His capture by Royalists shortly thereafter occasioned the familiar anecdote in which Sir John Denham, the author of Cooper's Hill, hoped to secure his reputation as a poet. In Brief Lives Aubrey reports that Denham begged his Majesty not to hang Wither, because "whilest G. W. lived he should not be the worst poet in England".34 Returning to the field under Colonel John Middleton, Wither fought in the siege of Gloucester during August and September, 1643.35 In August, 1644 he was named colonel of forces in the east and middle divisions of Surrey, and probably fought at the decisive battle of Naseby in June, 1645.38 Although he possibly saw military duty during the second Civil War 16451649, we have no clear record of the fact. From 1642-1660 Wither also served the Parliamentary regime in several civil offices. His libel of Sir Richard Onslow caused him to lose in 1646 a justiceship of the peace held for three years and to suffer his fourth imprisonment lasting almost a year and a half.37 After the institution of the Commonwealth his civil service thrived quite well despite detractors. On May 6, 1650, he was named Justice of the Peace for Hampshire, and on October 10, 1651, he was appointed one of the Commissioners for sale of the late King's personal effects.38 In July, 1655, the Lord Protector, Oliver Cromwell, favored him with a clerkship in the Statute Office, a post occupied until October 23, 1658.39 Besides these positions that Wither actually filled, his colleagues' recommending him for several others suggests their high opinions of his worthiness for political office. By far the most interesting from a literary 33

Se Defendendo, Misc. Wks., I, 4-11. Brief Lives, ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford, 1898), I, 221. 35 See Campo-Musae, Misc. Wks., I, 29. 36 J. M. French, "Four Scarce Poems of George Wither", HLB, II (Nov. 1931), 94. See also for Wither's presence at Naseby: Vox Pacifica, Misc. Wks., II, 155-159. 37 Journals of the House of Commons, IV, 505; 639-640. Justitiarius Justificatus, Misc. Wks., Ill, 1-15. 38 Calendar of State Papers (Domestic Series), 1650, p. 143. Also, Journals of the House of Commons, VI, 518. French, "George Wither", p. 82, reports that as Commissioner for Sale of the King's Goods, Wither also acted as librarian at James-House. f!S George Wither, A Cordial Confection (London, 1659), pp. 7-8. 34

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point of view is the poet's nomination for governor of the Summer Islands, a post he could not accept due to financial troubles. A recently discovered letter testifies to Wither's continuing enthusiasm for colonization of the New World expressed earlier in prefatory verses to John Smith's Description of New England.40 References to only a few of the poet's many publications from 1642-1660 demonstrate the variety of ways he used his pen tirelessly to aid the Parliamentary cause. Campo-Musae (1643) defends the aims of the Parliamentarians against those of the Royalists shortly after war began. Letters of Advice (1644) provides for the conscientious voter specific directions for filling seats of deceased or false members of the Long Parliament with men of loyal character. During the same year A Speech without Doore offers economic advice by explaining a unique plan for raising much-needed money for the Parliamentary government. A few years later, Opobalsamum Anglicanum (1646) in plain-spoken moral counsel reminds "well-affected" M.P's that they must now either reform their public conduct or lose the war to the "malignants". The poet's bitterest anti-royalist statement, The British Appeals (1651), defends convincingly the new republican government under the Commonwealth. Toward the end of the Protectorate, A Cordial Confection (1659) reflects Wither's disillusion with the regime of the Independents under the Cromwellian settlement. His repeated appeals to the government from 1643-1660 for repayment of losses sustained when his estate was plundered by Royalists in 1642 are most clearly voiced in The Petition and Narrative of George Wither (1659).41 In a number of similar 40

J. M. French, "Four Scarce Poems of George Wither", HLB, II (Nov. 1931), 94-95, lists by year recommendations given Wither for other offices: in 1645, governorship of Summer Islands; in 1647, a position in the Custom House at Dover; in 1648, Commissioner of Wine Licenses; and in 1649, Register in the Court of Chancery. Pritchard, "George Wither and the Somers Islands", N & Q, n. s., VIII, 428-430 reprints the poet's letter to Hon. John Danvers. 41 Orders for payment to Wither recorded in the Journals of the House of Commons, along with the poet's own statements in 28 works, provide an accurate idea of his financial losses. In his dissertation, pp. 89-117, French lists (from 1643-1660) 18 works dealing mainly and 10 works dealing partly with Wither's claims against the government. His hope to gain payment from five "delinquent" estates, including that of Denham,

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works, he spells out his grievances to the government as a private remonstrant. The habit of viewing private sufferings as a grievances of others similarly neglected, despite equally loyal public services, recurs time after time in his later works. Turning now from Wither's considerable efforts as soldier, magistrate, and pamphleteer for the Parliamentary government, we must try to reconstruct as background for The Modern Statesman the scene of tense religious and political strife attending the shift from absolute monarchy to military dictatorship. In February of 1649 the House of Lords was abolished, and a Council of State, composed of forty-one parliamentary officials and military men, began to exercise executive power.42 From the outset transcending politico-economic differences between the Cavaliers and Roundheads had been their troublesome religious differences. By the close of the war in 1649, both episcopacy and the Presbyterian compromise, initiated by the taking of the Solemn League and Covenant of 1643, had been defeated by the increasing power of the Independents under their most brilliant and colorful defendant, Oliver Cromwell. As Lieutenant General of the army from 16491652, Cromwell defeated enemies of the Parliament in Ireland, and then confiscated lands of Catholics along with Protestants who remained faithful to the Stuarts. At Dunbar in 1650, he overcame a Scottish army acknowledging Prince Charles, exactly a year later the Prince's supporters at Worcester. Meanwhile, just at the moment when both Irish and Scottish rebellions appeared to have been quelled, the long smoldering commercial rivalries between England and the Netherlands flamed into open war in 1652. This was precipitated by the Navigation Act of the preceding year. Before the war came to an end with England's naval supremacy again unchallenged,43 Cromwell and his military complicate the matter, however. The summary of claims and actual payments shows that Wither received a total of £ 5 6 6 / 4 compared to the total debt of £ 3 , 9 8 1 / 1 5 / 8 owed him. See The Petition and Narrative, Misc. Wks., I, 3-7. 42 H. D . Traill, Social England (London, 1895), IV, 239. 43 Her defeat stimulated the Netherlands to build new warships. Commercial wars, which broke out between the t w o nations again in 1665, we have already referred to in discussion of Tuba Pacifica.

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leaders ended the Commonwealth. This they effected by dissolving the Rump Parliament when members tried to perpetuate their power. After the Barebone Parliament nominated by the Independents soon proved ineffectual, members dissolved their assembly in 1653. High ranking officers of the army next drew up the Instrument of Government. This of course made Cromwell Lord Protector for life, but also provided for a permanent Council of State and a Parliament elected at three-year intervals by limited suffrage. Religious toleration was granted to all except those openly professing popery or prelacy.44 Instead of a republic of virtue, Cromwell and his Independent supporters succeeded in creating an intolerable military dictatorship. Although J. M. French has questioned attribution of The Modern Statesman to Wither, we can hardly ignore considerable internal evidence that shows the publication to be his.45 In his "Preface to the Reader", two Wither-like traits are unmistakeable: the writer's familiar excuse for lack of method, along with conspicuous use of his favored (if admittedly commonplace) "ship of state" metaphor.46 Sounder argument for his authorship rests on 44

Goldwin Smith, A History of England (Chicago, 1949), p. 345. French, "George Wither", p. 320, argues against Wither's authorship of the treatise because it is signed G. W., because he nowhere claims the work, because its style seems unlike the poet's, and because the British Museum and Lowndes question its ascription. O n the other hand, Wither does sometimes employ G. W. for works of unquestioned ascription, as, for example, in A Timelie Caution (1652). Because he lists only those "as h e remembers at this time" in Fides-Anglicana, where eighty-two titles are given, several authentic works (like A Timelie Caution) are omitted. Though The Modern Statesman shows more gusto and h u m o r than other prose of this period, its spirit recalls The Schollers Purgatory. T h e work is definitely ascribed to Wither by W . Hazlitt's Bibliographical Handbook, by R . Bigg-Wither's Materials for a History of the Wither Family, and by the Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature. 45

46 The Modern Statesman by G. W. Esq. (London, Henry Hills, 1653), "To the Reader"; also p. 199. In f o u r other works of the period 16501660, Wither employs this figure either by brief reference or extended symbolic application to difficulties the Commonwealth government had to overcome: in A Timelie Caution (London, 1652), p. 2, Wither exhorts leaders w h o have piloted the ship of state for twelve years; in The Dark Lantern, 1653, (Misc. Wks., Ill, 32-35) the battered ship of state seeks safety among pirates and hazardous rocks; in A Case Allegorically Stated, 1657, (Misc. Wks., II, 65-67) an old m a n (Wither) mocked by experienced

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individual statement and application of his anti-Catholic bias, typical as this is of most dissenters of the period. His fondest hope in life is to witness God's employing England as a blessed "instrument" to destroy Antichrist and also to sacrifice his life and fortune to promote the Protestant faith. We have already noted that these themes reverberate through his publications after 1625. The writer's remarks about the responsibility of soothsayers and prophets at times of national calamity, along with God's warnings heralded through comets and clazing stars, provide further evidence for Wither's authorship.47 These familiar individualizing traits and themes together with the poet's discursive method and hortatory tone argue most convincingly for Wither's work and his alone. Most objective of Wither's prose works, The Modern Statesman recalls the formal, impersonal explication found in his translation of Nemesius. Its lack of reference to prominent leaders or crucial events in the factionally troubled Commonwealth era characterizes the poet's consistent (and understandable) avoidance of particulars. Its complete impersonality is most appropriate for the ideal of public and private conduct delineated. Settled conviction that the ancients can truly clarify contemporary political and moral issues also motivates Wither's composing this work. Its forceful, optimistic tone is indeed refreshing. It suggests that Wither's persistent (if frequently disenchanted and truculent idealism) somehow survived his costly, humiliating experiences as soldier and civil servant during the 1640's and 1650's. From his study of political history and ethical works relating to the evolution of the Roman republic, Wither discovered several "exemplary precedents". To him they seemed particularly rich in moral counsel and the arts of diplomacy for his countrymen on the threshold of a new era following overthrow of the Stuarts. He seamen directs a "goodly ship with precious lading fraught" safely to haven; finally, in A Cordial Confection (1659), pp. 14-16, Wither declares that the vessel of the commonwealth, though badly battered like Jonas' ship, may yet be preserved b y God. 47 The Modern Statesman, pp. 11-16; pp. 106-108 attacks the Jesuits sharply.

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declares that the history of all great nations like that of Rome illustrates their flourishing in peaceful eras following war. Because for him the birth of the English commonwealth is an auspicious event awakening the nation from spiritual and moral lethargy, she must realize her potential greatness in her hour of triumph, especially since (along with gaining her freedom) she has regained her reputation. As new patrons of liberty no longer subject to absolute monarchs, Englishmen must learn to shoulder responsibilities their new freedoms entail. They must not grumble about higher taxes, nor forget that the vexing tasks of quieting dissentions at home and abroad are both expensive and patienceconsuming. 48 Typical of Wither's defense of the new regime of the Independents and military generals is his insistence that the Cromwellian setdement has done more in four than previous monarchs had done in jour-hundred years to advance the people's welfare. Truly loyal patriots surely will not regret losing morris dances and their traditional sports in return for political and religious liberty. Wither's sardonic glancing at the frivolity and naïveté of men who expect the millenium to arrive momentarily recalls the tone of Abuses Stript and Whipt. Sometimes unexpectedly he can still whip up his youthful vein of detached mockery. Alas, poor souls! You dream'st (I'le warrant) a Parliament would have made the Thames flow Custards, and turned the pebbles on the shore into CarowayComfits; have caused Bag-pudding to grow on every Bush, and each pond abound with beef and brewis; have commanded the conduits to run Sack and Claret, and the River and Brooks Ale and Strong Beer. (pp. 36-37)

Wither's discovery and application of exemplary parallels from Roman history to political and social issues of his day indicate again his serious humanistic bent. His definition of the function of history approaches eloquence. Because the varied experience of one lifetime is too brief for learning noble, wise conduct, our study of past civilizations "

Ibid., pp. 27-35.

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provides for, and against whatever shall fall under humane consideration, so that we shall not meet any affair which may not be paralleled . . . and not find managed by others, even to our hands, in the large Volume of History. (p. 203) Just as Wither defended valid truths about human psychology and experience in De Natura Hominum, in the same way he urges emulation of pagan nations' political wisdom in The Modern Statesman. The fact that a heathen people attained high morality by combining piety, valor, and justice serves as an obvious model for Christians and should not put later nations to shame. For the timely instruction of the fledgling English commonwealth, Wither cites the Romans' unshaken faith that the inferior must bow to the superior creature. He particularly stresses the Romans' elaborate propitiation of their gods before beginning or concluding any public business. For example he cites public thanksgivings after Hannibal's final retreat from Italy. With the clear implication that his countrymen should follow the Romans' example, he insists that they did not think valor inconsistent with piety, even when they did reverence their gods above their brave generals. In this connection, especially interesting because they remind us of Nemesius' observations on the relation of providence to free-will, are Wither's explanations of the Romans' belief that men's virtuous or evil acts (contingent causes) are "instruments" that effect the result of fatal necessity (first causes).49 This obscure and slightly regarded work yet provides a provocative, closely reasoned defense of knowledge typical of Renaissance humanism. More than half of its twenty-six chapters stress the dependence of exemplary individual and group (national) conduct on learning. His expository method employing multiple definition plainly reminds us of Nemesius. He begins by contrasting Greek versus Roman opinions of moral virtue. It is moderation in all conduct; an acquired "habit ruling the will and appetite of man, conforming and composing his manners for the help and ornament of humane society" (p. 145); its efficient cause is custom and its «

Ibid., pp. 60-86.

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end the common good (or bonum civile). Examining further, Wither follows Cicero in discovering its four specific manifestations in men's conduct: prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance. With ample illustration and anecdotes drawn from GraecoRoman philosophy and history, he then explains the interrelationship of the four components.50 The "master workman" in "the noble frame of Vertue" is prudence. As the "exact knowledge of what is good and evil", prudence is dependent on intelligence, learning, social experience and travel. Besides the important knowledge gained from history and moral and speculative philosophy, man's study of philology, geometry, and geography also makes him prudent. If his social experience is limited, by learning he wisely "dresses himself in the glass of other men's actions". In these he may discover what is comely and fit for him (p. 211). Another precedent for the English Protectorate is the Romans' insistence that only experienced men of a certain age hold principal civil offices. In the new government every prudent citizen and magistrate, if he reads Wither's book, will be enabled to "remember what is past, to dispatch and mind what is present, and to provide for what may happen" (p. 196). After citing opinions of justice by Aristotle, Plato, and Scaliger, Wither agrees with Cicero that it is "the use of other vertues toward others". As such, it is "the most beautiful, perfect, and best vertue of all" (p. 224). In stressing the Romans' respect for covenants with other nations, Wither lists ten ways in which a commonwealth should respect and fullfill the needs of its citizens. Two are worth mentioning for their emphatic reflection of Wither's personal convictions at this time. His belief that the Cromwellian regime should honor citizens performing loyal services is expressed in several works of the 1650's but chiefly in The Perpetual Parliament, published the same year as The Modern Statesman.51 Insistence that the Parliamentary government actually repay its citizens who have ventured both fortunes and lives for the public welfare he again reaffirms. A just power always benevolently regards 50 51

Ibid., pp. 142-160. Misc. Wks., Ill, 78-79.

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such men and their families, who have liberally lay'd out their own estates in the public service, or have been so publically minded, as they have not regarded their private benefit. (p. 236) Further defense of Wither's authorship of this treatise is found in his emphasis of this point. Although the above quotation sounds impersonal and public, it actually voices his personal grievance against the government at this time.52 Next he defines and illustrates the last two components of moral virtue. As a "mean between fear and confidence", fortitude applies to both private and public conduct. Wither illustrates this impressively by allusions to sacrifices famous Roman patriots made for their country because of thirst for honor. Temperance, the virtue that preserves a "just decorum in the deserving and enjoying sensuall delights" (p. 258), he cites last to explain Rome's true greatness as a nation. Scipio's resigning a beautiful captive maiden to her betrothed demonstrates the unselfish general's preferring his country's reputation over lust and selfish desires. For a final exhortation, Wither urges his countrymen to grow in virtue as they increase in political power and responsibility.53 What is his belief about the relation of learning to religion? Instead of undermining, learning really serves as handmaid to religion because our knowledge (reading and critical faculty) precedes our inclination to believe. In the sanctified heart, learning becomes a "Sanctified instrument" to achieve God's grace. Even though the outward means (learning) without the inward means (spirit) is truly vain, and even though many learned men are proud and/or affected, the bitter, unreasonable abuse of learning is hardly a valid argument against its proper use. With the fervor of righteous conviction, Wither further insists that nowhere is learning condemned as a sin and that the mischief of ignorance is really the devil's proper work. We cannot condemn learning because of its misuse. Agreeing with Plutarch, the poet insists that 52

See The Tired Petitioner in J. M. French, "Four Scarce Poems of George Wither", HLB, II (Nov. 1931), 97-103. 53 The Modern Statesman, pp. 260-263.

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the supreme value of learning is freeing our minds from superstition.54 Thinking men fear enslavement of mind more than body. Wither's experienced observations on duties of Christian magistrates further express his ideals for public office. The fact that such men must zealously employ "all lawful means to promote Religion, and to restrain prophanenesse" (p. 88) implies that they must surely foster learning. Turning then to remember the clergy for their serious obligations in the work of founding the English republic, Wither, urges their speedy reform with the assurance that learning will aid them against their old adversary, the Whore of Rome. Attacks on the worldliness of the clergy become an obscessive feature of his later works: The old itch of temporal Lordship is wretchedly broke out upon you, your hands are the hands of Esau, though your voice be the voice of Jacob; Christ he promised to make his disciples of men, but you fish for honours, worldly power, and riches for your followers, a bewitching bait to catch poor mortals. . . . By the help of Learning have the Ministry of England been enabled to defend the truth, and oppose Errour, to ward off and put by the blowes and thrusts of their Antichristian adversaries. (pp. 96-104)

Besides strengthening faith by freeing men's minds from superstition and providing ammunition for the continuing attack on Catholicism, learning also furthers religious toleration. His courageous assertion that it is a tyranny "to force all men to submit to one form" (p. 88) characterizes his increasingly liberal religious views, which we shall examine more fully in Chapter IV. The Modern Statesman, which on considerations of internal evidence is almost certainly Wither's work, must be reckoned with in any reappraisal of career after 1625. As an expression of his troubled faith and sincere conviction that England could now create an ideal government by imitating Roman virtue, this book throws Wither into a more attractive perspective and deserves to be redeemed from its obscurity. 54

Ibid., pp. 130-138.

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IV

Published a few months after the Restoration, Fides-Anglicana is a composite, three part prose work chiefly interesting for its full biographical and bibliographical detail. Here the poet complains as a despised Remembrancer about his very real losses from sequestered estates and provides for those eager to make a collection of his poems a catalog of eighty-two "as he remembers at this time".55 Only the twenty-five page middle section of this publication relates to our discussion at this point. Again, Wither ransacks humanistic studies by citing and relating a number of "exemplary precedents" taken primarily from Roman history to apply to the contemporary social scene. For him these exempla illustrate with stark clarity the responsibilities any government owes its subjects along with very real perils such neglect of justice entails. We must now consider the occasion and general substance of the work to understand Wither's "monitory narratives" in their context. Early in 1660, the Convention Parliament tackled in some respects its most thorny problem inherited from the former regime, the complicated land question. As part of a compromise worked out by Lord Clarendon, crown and church lands sequestered in the 1640's were promptly restored or "resumed" by original owners. Such a provision resulted in considerable financial loss to purchasers of such properties under the Parliamentary regime. On the other hand purchasers were allowed to retain estates that Cavaliers had been forced to sell to pay fines as "malignants".56 The first part of Fides-Anglicana describes injustices Wither and fellow-purchasers suffered when prelates and former owners began to reclaim lands sold by the Long Parliament. The second offers his advice on settling this difficult issue. Demanding some payment from the government for himself and other purchasers of church lands during the Commonwealth and Protectorate years, Wither contends that restored prelates, against the Act of Indemnity, illegally (not to mention rudely) re-possess estates sold by a »5 58

Misc. Wks., V, 1-94. George M. Trevelyan, History

of England

(London, 1929), p. 449.

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government formerly acknowledged valid even if now rescinded.57 Wither next offers typical suggestions about how Charles II can secure urgently needed revenue to repay former purchasers: he should tax greedy clergymen who have prematurely reclaimed lands from subjects like Wither. If these prelates refuse to pay, they should be legally forced to restore the lands to purchasers. Only partially repaid, they will more liberally advance the King money than lazy, greedy churchmen whose only authority is "will and pleasure". By contrast to The Modern Statesman, Fides-Anglicana is personal advice prompted by an almost inexplicable, troublesome legal problem facing the restored monarchy. Although Wither's financial plight was probably not really so serious as it sounds, all available evidence shows that his losses were considerable, but that he played up his poverty for all it was worth. In his parable of the shepherd of Bledonham appearing at this time he vents his anger over losing his sequestered estates even more directly. Those "arch flamens" who robbed him of his flocks and good, left him only two lambs and one poor ewe.58 Identifying his own with a grievance thousands of fellowpurchasers were smarting under, Wither again protests his zeal for public service: This Remonstrant thought it better t o adventure the tranquility ot one man, then to let s o m a n y be in danger of perishing, by continuing sheepishly silent: A n d h e confesses there is s o m e w h a t of selfness, even in that also; because, h e is afraid his o w n Conscience w o u l d accuse h i m f o r neglect of duty, and bring greater distempers u p o n him, for 57

Fides-Anglicana, Misc. Wks., V, 3-57. French, "George Wither", pp. 106-114, has thoroughly examined Wither's holdings of both purchased and "delinquent" estates. He provides a plat of five sequestered estates, in which Wither had an interest (those of John Denham, Wm. Hudson, John Tichborne, Ed. Andrews, John Brednoxe, and Stanislaus Browne), and of those purchased after 1648. Here French also includes estimated costs of these estates, their worth in pounds per annum, and Wither's years of possession. 58 Fides-Anglicana, pp. 88-91. Again Wither bitterly denounces the greed and luxury of the clergy in their over-hasty occupying purchasers' lands. The poet's parable of the shepherd appears in Speculum Speculativum, Misc. Wks., V, 154-166.

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his being silent at such a time, then those evils which he might hope thereby to escape. (pp. 31-32) Allowing for its overtone of religious duty, Wither's complaint has a familiar twentieth century citizen's outcry against oppressive government.59 He is convinced that unless some compensation presently be given to subjects so unjustly treated, public honor will suffer as infamous a blot as "Fides Punica" disgraced the mighty Carthaginians in times past. Such gross inequity will endanger peace at home and destroy England's credit abroad. However, besides his and other purchasers' monetary losses, a second motive accounts for Wither's plain-speaking. By again exercising his prophetic role in Fides-Anglicana, he discovers in natural phenomena and events of the day inauspicious signs. The recent insurrection of Fifth Monarchy Men is actually he insists a premonition of even greater evils to befall England unless she soon reimburses long suffering, patriots like himself, who honestly confess a sane and moderate self-interest. In his "Petitionary Remonstrance", Wither utilizes five "Exemplary Precedents" from Roman history along with one from the Bible to re-emphasize the purchaser's common grievance against the government and also to justify his blunt expression of it. In the familiar, approved humanistic pattern, he employs both quotations and summary paraphrases from the epistles of Marcus Aurelius to universalize and to lend historical sanction to his conviction that no government can long risk indifference to its people's welfare. Although Wither's ancient historical parallels do not occur in the following sequence, these cited illustrate use of humanistic studies to support his chief argument in Fides-Anglicana: (A) Unless individuals and whole nations begin "inner reform", there is always danger of God's judgments. To illustrate this recurring theme, Wither recalls the sudden destruction of Sodom and Gemorrah by a sulphurous fire from heaven for their pride and luxury.60 59

French, "George Wither", p. 114, explains how he might have paid for estates purchased at a cost of £5,000-10,000. 60 Fides-Anglicana, pp. 57-58.

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(B) Any government's rank neglect of justice is perilous. Here, the poet cites destruction of the city of Palermo and its ten thousand people by fire caused by a strange monster sent to the city. He contends that this marvelous event, happening in August of the year of Rome 720 and recorded in the epistles of Marcus Aurelius, serves as a very timely warning for the English government at this time: Reddite aliena si vultis propria in pace possiderel61 (C) In every age and country oppressed subjects enjoy a "just freedom ... in plainly and fearlessly declaring their grievances to the greatest Potentates of the world". Wither illustrates this liberal conviction, a familiar and very characteristic theme of his later political works, by two detailed "monitory narratives" from the emperor's letters. In both historical parables, a courageous spokesman for his subject people berates the Roman Senate for injustices. 1. In his speech to the Senate the third year after Pompey sacked Jerusalem, the Jew boldly declares that his nation's vices (and not Pompey's army) overcame his people. He denounces Roman judges for corrupting Jewish youth by not exemplifying honor and justice. He further asserts that, as leaders of the world, Roman rulers should foster peace and clemency rather than merely enrich themselves. Such admirably blunt, sound advice, Wither adds approvingly, met the approbation of the Senate. 2. In the speech of the German plowman Mileno living near the Danube, the remonstrant more sharply and eloquently denounces his governors. As lords of great provinces, the Romans are nevertheless slaves of great riches. Roman judges, also flagrantly disregard justice by commonly accepting bribes. His bitter complaint that the senators merely listen to a citizen's oppressions, yet actually do nothing but allow him "to waste the best part of his life in vain hopes and tedious prosecutions", serves as a clear reflection of Wither's own case for more than ten years past.«2 (D) Kings and governors merit honor and obedience only " Ibid., pp. 58-60. •2 Ibid., pp. 62-76.

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when they treat their subjects with clemency and justice. T o exemplify this conviction, Wither cites Marcus Aurelius' admiration for an epitaph on the tomb of an early king of Cyprus, who used mildness rather than force; who was more eager to forgive than to revenge. 83 The combined humanistic and prophetic points of view noted in the historical anecdotes mentioned above clearly implement Wither's purpose in Fides-Anglicana in a subtle yet individual manner. All illustrations from the epistles reflect private beliefs and public sympathies, yet Wither's private grievances against the state are most explicitly voiced by the fearless plowman. This sincere though graceless zealot's definition of the character of ideal government is actually the poet's. Mileno echoes typical convictions already noted in The Modern Statesman: Blessed is that Common-wealth and Nation, not where riches abound but where Vertues are commended, practiced and improved; not where light, proud, and froward persons inhabit and domineer, but where sober, serious, prudent, and meek men reside; (p. 72)

Fides-Anglicana is thus a unique, revealing publication despite its less than average literary quality. Once more a Christian commonwealth can learn much from study of Roman republican virtue. Professing herself a Christian nation, England must not allow a heathen government to surpass her in generous, equitable treatment of her people.

•» Ibid., pp. 60-62.

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I'le use all good and likely means I may: Sing, when it lasteth; when it faileth, pray: That, though from me my Foes the out-works win, I may secure the Fortresses within, And, in the mean space, neither be perplext Or scared, to think, who will enslave me next: For, he that trusts to an internal aid, Of no external Pow'r need be afraid. Furor Poeticus

After 1642 Wither's work takes on an increasing note of desperation. When his considerable popularity with the puritan middleclasses began to wane in the early 1630's, he began to consider his many oppressions, including two more imprisonments, and the virtual neglect of his "remembrances" in later years, increasing evidence of martyrdom. 1 He tirelessly poured troubled thoughts and frustrations, still couched in simple language with a growing indifference to style, into literary molds commonly employed in the period. Believing his countrymen were more and more departing from the ideal of "inner reform" as basis for all enlightened conduct, Wither demonstrated ingenuity in such varied genres as the dream-vision and the "sessions of the poets" burlesque. A few others, like the political news-sheet, poetical paradox, and devotional exercise, he essayed with real success.2 Almost all details of biography after 1642 are found in his works or in public records of the period 1642-1667, such as Journals of the House of Commons, Calendar of State Papers, 1

A. Wood, Athenae Oxoniensis (ed. Bliss), Vol. Ill, cols. 761-762. Mercurius Rusticus (1643), Amygdala Britannica (1647), and Meditations upon the Lord's Prayer (1665) illustrate respectively the political news-sheet, the poetical paradox, and the devotional exercise in prose. 2

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Court and Times of Charles I. Wither apparently remained in Hampshire and Surrey until 1660, suffered his final imprisonment in London (1660-1663), where he died May 2, 1667. Besides the numerous prophetic, humanistic, political, and religious works Wither composed after 1642, at least eighteen others deal mainly (and about ten partially) with personal oppressions, financial losses sustained when his estate near Farnham was plundered by Royalists in 1642 or when "delinquent" property granted him by the Parliament was later reclaimed by clergy and others in 1660. Since the poet's many petitions to Parliament dealing with his complicated financial affairs, along with the government's total payments to Wither, have been thoroughly examined by J. Milton French, they will not be re-examined here.3 We have already indicated in the two previous chapters that most of Wither's prophetic works and all but one of his humanistic studies occupy the period 1635-1667; however, the greatest number (over fortyfive) of authentic publications during these years declare wholly or in part political and religious counsels to the nation. Divided into three sections, this final chapter traces the development of Wither's political views and examines his religious convictions in relation to military duty and civil service, from the out-break of the Civil Wars through the early Restoration. We shall again note recurring themes and permanent beliefs.

I Wither first expresses the essential moderation of his political and religious views in Britain's Remembrancer in the late 1620's.4 His lack of strict partisanship, incredible as it first appears considering the bulk and range of publications, military and other services for the Parliament, cannot really be overemphasized in any serious effort to grasp the motivation for his political and religious opinions. During the endless disputes of the 1640's over crucial issues of royal versus parliamentary prerogative (and later strictly3 4

"Four Scarce Poems of George Wither", HLQ, II, 94-95. Spenser Society, Pt. II (No. 29), p. 535.

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limited versus almost complete toleration for dissenters), the poet's via media position is fundamental. It actually serves as the means to his end - finding out truth in the chaos of conflicting opinion. This consistent advocation of via media largely explains his tendency to stand above faction or sect in the bitter controversies that rocked church and state for more than twenty years. His insistence on moderation is most emphatically declared at the close of Opobalsamum Anglicanum (1646) following denunciation of disloyal members of Commons who only appear to serve the Parliament. The writer protesteth he is neither for, or against the Presbyterians, Scots, English, King, Parliament, Members, or People, than according as he (in his judgment and conscience) conduce to the wrong or right way, form, or toward the and the peace of the Kingdom. 5

Independents, more or less, thinks it may truth of God,

This characteristic point of view persists through the early Restoration. Again, he protests in Paralellogrammaton (1662), "I am neither for, nor against the Power of Kings or the Privileges of the People, further than they are agreeable to the Laws of GOD and Nature."6 Even when the poet sometimes sees it through jaundiced eyes, his sincere regard for truth redeems somewhat the querulous tone, monotonous content, and maudlin self-pity of several of his political and religious writings. Wither's devotion to abstract truth when party factions were indeed running overboard is an admirable facet of his courageous individualism. It also reveals an increasing sophistication and maturity. This preoccupation now with basic, universal moralethical principles was likely generated by humanistic studies, as we have already suggested. The poet's few references to contemporary leaders or to crucial events suggesting a remoteness despite active participation seem to me deliberate, the result of wanting to examine relative merits of his party's conduct with philosophic detachment. Now perhaps this "remoteness" results from his 5

Misc. Wks., V, 25-26. • Spenser Society, p. 73. In Poetic Fury (Misc. Wks., V, 48) he further disclaims partnership in all political or religious strife that endangers peace.

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consistent avoidance of personalities after suffering his first imprisonment for the offensive, libelous allusions to Northampton and other great worthies in Abuses. While stressing Wither's via media between Parliamentarian and Royalist extremes, we must also urge that he was neither Puritan or Laudian in the narrow sense of these labels. Eager to pursue moderation to its ideal, what is more natural than the poet's pleasing no political faction or individual (Cromwell, for example) long and ultimately alienating both? 7 As we examine his political and religious views in their development, we shall note that this impressive moderation arises from Wither's lifelong faith in the primacy of "inner reform" as the chief step in social improvement. For this reason we can examine them as a unit. To what degree is Wither a puritan? How well does this loose (and in the twentieth century opprobrious) word fit him? Inevitably, his political and religious moderation must be squared with his unique variety of puritanism. The word puritan enjoyed a more precise (if frustrating) inconclusiveness in the seventeenth century than it does today. It then denominated in the broadest sense a particular body of protestant religious beliefs and particular social-moral attitudes of distinct economic groups (such as middle-class merchants) without regard to church membership. For our purposes one basic difference between various puritan sects and Anglicans turns on the crucial matter of fallen man's relation to God. Puritans tend to feel that God's real presence is dynamic and immediate (here one recalls Bunyan's vivid Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sinners) while Anglicans apprehend Him less directly, more calmly though no less really through symbolical, set patterns of worship. For the puritan these ceremonies and rituals of older Catholic Christianity (no matter how colorful and traditional) simply stand between creature and his Creator. On their side Anglicans (and certainly Roman Catholics) felt that puritans too narrowly conceived of God as an Old Testament Jehovah of righteousness and punishment and not also a God of beauty, joy, and intellectual light.8 7 8

Frank Sidgwick, Poetry of George Wither (London, 1902), I, xlv-xlvi. Edward Dowden, Puritan and Anglican (London, 1900), pp. 10-12.

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Throughout this study we have noted Wither's belief in man's corrupt nature, his adherence to the Bible in faith and conduct, and his stubborn individualism as distinct puritan traits. At the same time we cannot dismiss him as a naive throughgoing puritan because of his zeal for moderation in political change, toleration for all sects agreeing at least on essentials of faith, and finally his lifelong Anglican insistence on freedom of the will, denial of predestination, and use of reason in apprehending matters of faith. Where his puritanism chiefly manifests itself is in earnest convictions about human nature and experience, in his philosophy of life. Wither's sense of responsibility for remedying the flagrant evils of man's unregenerate conduct certainly typifies the puritan temperament. A. S. Woodhouse's observation that "zeal for positive reform is one of the most consistent and indisputable notes of puritanism" fits Wither's case exactly.9 At the close of his life the poet was more sadly convinced than in youth that man's nature is basically evil. Actually his transferred zeal from social critic (via satire) to moral reformer (via prophecy) soundly measures his darkening puritanism. Related to this conviction is another that recurs with unrelenting emphasis: full utilization of manifest God-given talents. Allowing for Wither's obvious vanity, this impulse extends beyond mere self-edification and gratuitous psychological release. We have already shown how for him "discharging his conscience" becomes a sober charge and the writing of poetry, in particular, a sacred calling. Almost like Milton in humanistic attitude, Wither believed that the chosen man's intellectual efforts (including the writing of poetry) revealed the divine spirit. Still convinced as he had been in youth that observation and learning must be put to edifying use he protests in 1653 that the Muses must be actively instructive where there is ignorance. For him it is yet another chance to redeem the exalted office of poetry now much debased.10 Fully persuaded until death that his 9

Puritanism and Liberty (Chicago, 1951), p. 43. Westrow Revived, Misc. Wks., HI, 18-19. For the conviction that poetry arouses spiritual affections, see Three Grains of Spirituall Frankincense, Misc. Wks., V, 4. 10

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"remembrances" were "infused with God's word and spirit", Wither pursued his mission of "inner reform" with incredible single-mindedness and stamina despite indifference, contempt, and five imprisonments. What better testimony of puritan reforming zeal than this familiar story? No earlier critic has stressed the degree of psychological release Wither gains by reiteration in the manner of Old Testament prophets. Over and over he confesses that the purges troubled thoughts, misgivings about his mission, and strengthens personal resolves by expression. 11 The political and religious writings after 1642 clearly illustrate this aspect of his unique protestant individualism. Wither also employs puritan plainness of style as the best means to serve that expression. Two aspects of style that we have already discussed in Chapter I operate most effectively after 1642. In either verse or prose he continues to use plain, simple diction (no hard words like Graecisms and few Latinisms) favored by puritan tract writers and particularly by the Levellers. Another conspicuous puritan trait is his recurring habit of employing Biblical parallel for contemporary leaders and incidents. Among many other works, Paralellogrammaton (not just for its aptness of title) most fully and clearly illustrates this practice. By use of extended Biblical quotation and allusion, the poet obliquely declares that the gross sinfulness of the English nation parallels (and in some respects exceeds) that of the ancient Israelites. 12 Earlier in A Cordial Confection (1659), he deplores the fact that our friends are typified in their friends, adversaries and confederates; we have their obstinacy, doting on tradition and of our customs; we persecute as they did our prophets, we prefer present profit (and a temporal Kingdom) before a spiritual, we have our devoted factions, as they did and would persecute Christ as quickly as they did.13 There are two other rather familiar puritan points of view that Wither does not much share with contemporaries. These are the 11 Among other examples, see: Furor Poeticus, Misc. provement of Imprisonment, Misc. Wks., Ill, 28-29. 12 Spenser Society (London, 1882), p. 30. 13 A Cordial Confection (London, 1659), p. 21.

Wks., V, 29; Im-

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strict notion of God as an exacting, vindictive Old Testament patriarch, and the zeal to remodel the state according to scriptural pattern. Such strictly literal or primitive views are generally foreign to him. Instead, he most often urgently "remembers" readers of God's mercy and love along with His justice and "mild yoke".14 Wither's realistic approach to (and practical knowledge of) the many problems of government rule out his wish to impose a primitive system of church government on the relatively advanced society of his time. Two points are perhaps worth stressing before we proceed: Wither's attitude toward life most meaningfully delineates him as puritan and the fact that his moderation in political and religious thought tempers his puritan views in an individual manner.

H We have already noted that Wither was a loyal, devoted supporter of the Stuarts until the outbreak of the Civil Wars. In Britain's Remembrancer composed at the beginning of Charles's reign, the poet firmly defends the King's prerogative against a disaffected Parliament, urges all subjects' obedience to the monarch, at the same time admonishes the King against hypocritical, self-seeking courtiers.15 His continuing allegiance to the Royalists is demonstrated by service under the Earl of Arundel in Charles's expedition against the Scottish Covenanters in 1639. Yet when hostilities erupted into open war between Cavaliers and Roundheads in 1642, he felt his sympathies and loyalties very much divided. A lover of domestic peace and civil concord who saw members of the same family armed against each other, he deeply laments the needless suffering caused by war. He also deplores the senseless disruption of agriculture and trade, the higher cost of living for a nation already impoverished by excessive taxation.16 14

Two examples from later works illustrate this persistent theme: A Memorandum to London, Misc. Wks., Ill, 12-20; Sighs for the Pitchers, Misc. Wks., Ill, 11-19. 15 Spenser Society (London, 1880), n , 453-474; 530 ff. 16 Campo-Musae, Misc. Wks., I, 19-20.

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After much soul-searching (and pondering Lord Butler's promise of half of his estate if he joined the Royalists) 17 Wither by 1641 concluded that the Parliamentary was for him the more "righteous" cause and henceforth resolved to serve it tirelessly (if often tiresomely) with sword and pen. Recognition of Wither's roles as soldier, political-pamphleteer-remonstrant, and magistrate during the Civil Wars, Commonwealth and Protectorate (1642-1660), provides an insight into his sincere zeal for public service during one of the most troubled yet crucial epochs of English history. Wither's military service for the Parliamentary cause apparently extended from early 1642 through 1645. Declaring himself the "first of those / Who did contribute to my Countrie's aid", in his area of Hampshire, he financed a cavalry troop for the Parliament.18 On October 14, 1642, he was named Captain and Commander of Farnham Castle under Sir Richard Onslow and Nicolas Stoughton. With his own body of foot and horse under the unimpeachable motto "Pro Rege, Lege, Grege", the poet was commanded to "governe, exercise, and order the said Castle and Forces with all faithfulness and care".19 Because of the number and nature of local skirmishes at the time, large manor houses and fortified castles were commonly made strongholds to house fifty to a hundred soldiers. Farnham Castle, first captured by Sir William Waller, was typical of these.20 Se Defendendo (1643) gives the fullest details of Wither's military service, along with an account of personal responsibility at Farnham. Writing to silence scandalous rumors about his alleged desertion at Farnham after a brief tenure, Wither blames Onslow and the penny-pinching "good husbands of the Publique" for failing to provide him sufficient soldiers, provisions, and arms. With understandable indignation, he details his zealous efforts to succeed in this assignment. With two squadrons of half-armed troops, he reports that on the first day he dug a well, stabled his horses, cleared grounds about the castle, and then began to construct a 17 18 19 20

A Cordial Confection (London, 1659), p. 37. Campo-Musae, p. 4. Se Defendendo, Misc. Wks., I, 3-4. H. D . Traill, ed., Social England (New York, 1895), IV, 234.

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sally-port and palisades. After receiving only promises of aid from Onslow, Wither redoubled requests for ammunition when his soldiers began to desert to the enemy nearby. At this point he was ordered to abandon the Castle and march to London with his few remaining troops. Wither was finally given a warrant for artillery from the Tower, only to discover this order countermanded when news reported that the Royalists were at that moment approaching Farnham. He next outlined to the committee his plans for recruiting soldiers on returning to the country by feeding them from personal stores of wheat, malt, cheese, beef, and bacon. For this generous offer Wither found himself summarily discharged from command at the Castle.21 It is possible that Wither did in fact exaggerate the importance of this command. It is certainly ironic that at this very time his dogged sense of loyalty to the Parliament prompted an act of real courage.22 On the evening of his hasty return aided by household servants Wither retrieved in two wagons a cache of ammunition stored at the rear of the Castle. Securing it from the enemy only four miles away and from "Malignant" townsmen close by, he and his party stealthily conveyed the cache to Kingston just in the nick of time. However, during absence his nearby estate was thoroughly plundered by Royalists. Shortly thereafter they were victualing their troops at the Castle from Wither's cellars, pantries, and granaries! 23 Along with an account of personal losses sustained in his Farnham command, Se Defendendo scornfully denounces those accusing him and his men of doubling losses from "delinquent" estates, asserts that in following the parliamentary order 21

Se Defendendo, pp. 4-10. J. M. French, "George Wither", p. 70. 23 It was this incident that first prompted Wither's numerous petitions to Parliament beginning with Se Defendendo. Here he mentions four of his Royalist plunderers, from whom he later received "delinquent" estates as partial repayment for losses: John Denham, William Hudson, John Tichborne, and John Brodnoxe. Wither's legal entanglements have been examined by Norman Carlson, George Wither: A Troublesome Litigious Man (Rutgers, 1962), Diss. Abstracts, XXIII, 2132. Carlson here studies eleven actions of the Court of Chancery (1647-1661) mostly involved with these "delinquent" estates and concludes Wither's accounts are "partial truths", that his "actions sometimes run counter to his prescriptions". 22

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literally he has not taken so much "as the bare interest of my damages". We can sympathize with his bitter observation that he has shown "more care to the Publike than to my private Estate".24 Although we have no valid reason to doubt his accounting of financial losses, we might question the prudence of fulfilling obligations of a counter order especially when this involved forsaking his own estate now encircled by Royalists. The first phase of Wither's military service ended not only with great material loss but with virtual ignominy and personal frustration as well. Further references to Wither's career as a soldier are scattered, unspecific, and somewhat ambiguous. In November, 1642, he was assigned "police duty" in Kent, and his forces met those of Prince Rupert at Crowell near Chinnar on June 18, 1643. On the march of the Parliamentary forces to Gloucester during August and September, 1643, Wither's alleged cowardice was said to be the "ridicule of his troop". Despite this, he remained in the Parliamentary army. He speaks proudly of eyewitnessing the siege of Gloucester and quite probably fought in that battle.25 On August 7, 1644, he was appointed a colonel of forces raised in the East and Middle Divisions of Surrey. However, when the militia was remodeled shortly thereafter, he blamed losing this post on the grudge Sir Richard Onslow felt against him after the Farnham Castle debacle.26 Wither was also (he declares) an eyewitness at the battle of Naseby, fought June 14,1645, where Charles suffered his worst defeat to date by losing more than 1,000 slain and at least 5,000 taken prisoner.27 Though we have no clear evidence of the poet's military duty after 1645 (he suffered his third imprisonment in 1646 for libelling Sir Richard Onslow), it is quite possible 24

Se Defendendo, pp. 12-13. Mercurius Rusticus (London, 1643), p. 8. 26 In Justitiarius Justificatus, Misc. Wks., Ill, 8-11, Wither cites reasons for Onslow's dislike after the Farnham affair. Chief of these, Wither believes, is his accepting the position of Colonel of Militia for Surrey without Onslow's consent, as a Member of Parliament. Libeling Onslow as "the greatest Favourer of Delinquents, and the most bitter and implacable Enemy" to the loyal supporters of the Parliament, Wither was examined by House of Commons, 7 August, 1646, imprisoned for about a year and a half, was likely released from paying £ 5 0 0 fine for attacking an M.P. 27 Vox Pacifica, Misc. Wks., II, 154-155. H. D. Traill, op. cit., TV, 210. 25

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that he fought under General Michael Jones, who overcame Royalist forces at Rathmines, near Dublin, on August 2-3, 1649.28 We have noted that during the period from 1642-1660 Wither also served the Parliamentary government as civil-magistrate in a number of offices. In 1643, he was appointed Justice of the Peace for Surrey, a post he lost three years later probably because of his blunt-spoken attack on Sir Richard Onslow in 1646.29 Despite critics, Wither's career as a civil-servant thrived better after the formation of the Commonwealth. He was made Justice of the Peace for Hampshire on May 6, 1650, was later appointed a Commissioner for Sale of the late King's Goods on October 10, 1651.30 In July of 1655, the Lord Protector, Oliver Cromwell, granted him a clerkship in the Statute Office, occupied through October 23, 1658.31 In addition to these offices that Wither actually held, we know certainly of his recommendation to a number of others. These include a governorship of the Summer Islands (1645), a position in the Custom House at Dover (1647), a post as Commissioner of Wine Licenses (1648), and that of Register in the Court of Chancery.32 Although it is true that some of these positions and recommendations were of minor consequence, they do reflect friends' and colleagues' opinions of his worthiness for civil-service. By contrast to meager, vague, and confusing details about Wither's military career, his flood of pamphlets, both his public and private complaints during the period 1642-1660, provide a clear, unambiguous defense of the Parliamentary cause. Besides defending the Parliamentary or republican government theoreti28

Carmen Eucharisticon, Misc. Wks., II, 3-8. See S. R. Gardiner, History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate (London, 1903), I, 102, for details of this battle. 29 Justitiarius Justificatus, pp. 8-12; see also Journals of the House of Commons, IV, 505; 639-640. 30 Calendar of State Papers (Domestic Series), 1650, p. 143; also, Journals of the House of Commons, VI, 518. 31 A Cordial Confection, pp. 7-8. 32 J. M. French, "Four Scarce Poems of George Wither", IILB, II (Nov., 1931), 94-95, lists these recommendations given Wither from official records such as the Journal of the House of Commons, Calendar of State Papers, and from the poet's separate works.

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cally, he also provides specific advice about how it can operate to the best interest of all parties during the Interregnum. In reducing Wither's political beliefs to the notion that kings ought not to be tyrannous and Parliament unexacting, Samuel Gardiner oversimplified Wither's political creed into making him simple-minded. 33 Until 1648 Wither insists on opposing royal prerogative with patient moderation. After Prosopopoeia Britannica, published less than a year before the King's beheading on January 30, 1649, he solemnly concludes that the people's liberties can be preserved only by laying aside the King. What are the steps in between these extreme positions? Wither's recurring conviction, first declared in Campo-Musae (1643), is that Charles I has been grossly misled by false, ambitious counselors. He contends, however, that the King can do no wrong in his official, public acts since they derive from the will of the governed expressed through parliamentary law: In publike Acts, The King can do no wrong, Because, unto his Counsell they belong. The King can do no wrong, as he is King; For GOD ordained, and men did intend, Him, not to hurt, or plague on them to bring, But, for their good, and good men to defend. The King, as King, can do no wrong; because He can do nothing, but, what he may do According to divine, and humane Lawes; And, what the publike-peace invites him to. The King can do no wrong; because what ere He doth as King, is never duely done, But, by some publike Vote or Officer Or, they consenting, if he act alone. For all he doth, whence any wrong proceeds, Are not his Royall, but his private deeds. 34

Clearly, in Wither's view, any wrong a king does stems from his private acts; therefore, un-kinglike laws and oppressions subjects are obliged neither to suffer nor obey. Charles's ambitious favorites have cost the loyal support of his "well-affected" subjects. These 33

History of England from Accession of James I to the Outbreak of the Civil War (London, 1884), VIII, 250. 34 Campo-Musae, Misc. Wks., I, 53.

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vain, false courtiers have abetted the King's secret alignment with continental popish powers and persuaded him to ignore rank abuses in the Church.35 Two years later, Wither still declares for moderation in Vox Pacifica (1645). He now advocates reconciliation with the King. In a solemn, eloquent prayer he begs God to preserve Charles from self-caused misfortunes, and the nation not to raise a hand against his person. Thou know'st O GOD! that, not a hand of ours Is rais'd against his Person, or his Seed; Or, to diminish and Royall pow'r, Which to discharge his Office he may need. Or, for due honour. But we rather fight (as he would know, if undeceived he were) To save his Dignitie, to do him right, And, keep him from Destruction drawing neare. Thou know'st, we no offensive War intended; Nor, armed came, for any private Cause, But, as our dutie binds, to have defended The Truth, our Countries Liberties, and Lowes'. And to remove the wicked from the Throne, What he may rule, with righteousness thereon.36

Wither's loyalist convictions here coincide with general views of the Presbyterians early in the war on the need to admonish, discipline, yet not destroy the King and the monarchy.37 Even after the King's intrigues with the Irish and French Catholics had been plainly revealed (when his cabinet of private papers was captured after the battle of Naseby), the poet still insisted, like many of his conservatively-minded countrymen, on patience and moderation in dealing with Charles. While Wither pleads for reconciliation with a reformed sovereign, he urges Parliament in Opobalsamum Anglicanum (1646) to prosecute the King in a just, legal manner for a particular reason: For, though the Kings late failings do exceed, And, though God, peradventure, hath decreed, To cast both him and His, down from the Throne, 35

Ibid., pp. 53-60. A Speech Without Doore (London, 1644), p. 8, deplores counselors' misleading the King. 3 « Misc. Wks., II, 164. 37 Woodhouse, op. cit., p. 62.

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Or, do to him, as justly he hath done To many Kings and Tyrants; yet this Nation Hath hitherto, received no Revelation Of such a purpose; nor command, that they Should cast him, of their own accord, away. And, therefore, very wisely doth our State Gods own proceeding seek to imitate, In prosecuting him and his offences, As God doth us, in our impenitences; That, if the King, still frowardly go on, He, by own Designes, may be undone, And, God himselfe remove him: So, shall we Of our own sufferings, no avengers be, Ought further, then good conscience, and our lawes, May justifie our progresse in the Cause.36 As Britain's "remembrancer", Wither has seen no clear, divine command for the people to remove Charles. Far better that the King's frowardness prompt God to remove him. Just before the outbreak of hostilities again in 1647, Wither is convinced that the Long Parliament must remain patient for a while longer. Further expectation of the King's belated repentance will partly absolve them from subsequent blame. In 1648 after Pride's Purge ruled out the possibility of reconciliation of Parliament with Charles, Wither's position changed. He now firmly admonishes the King to a speedy repentance. At the same time, he more urgently warns the Parliament not to grow careless of her self-preservation and salus populi in undue concern for the King's rights. For example, in Prosopopoeia Britannica (1648), where Wither voices his strongest indictment against the King, he charges Parliament with the responsibility of seeing whether or not Charles (like Absalom against David) can possibly repent. Heeding the advice of "Britain's Genius", the poet recalls to the King the many misfortunes he has brought on subjects and himself by pride, duplicity, irresponsibility, and overconfidence in worthless favorites. He should particularly recall God's punishment of tyrannical kings. If he repents soon, God will certainly preserve his house; if not, if he defers too long, he must expect King Belshazzar's fate. Wither goes on to declare that the King »8 Misc. Wks., V, 19.

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and the Royalists have destroyed subjects' traditional rights in many ways: by raising illegal taxes, favoring monopolies, removing from citizens their means of defense (i.e. making the price of gunpowder prohibitive), ignoring flagrant dishonesty of judges in the King's hire, sending to Germany for mercenaries, "innovating" in Scottish affairs, disobeying the law by keeping a papal nuncio at Court, and finally pretending to make peace (after 1645) while actually preparing for further war.39 In the poet's reiterated pleas to the King and his family to repent sins against their subjects, one in particular illustrates Wither's fearless plain speaking. Beseeching the King to recall his father's sins against subjects, Wither "remembers" Charles of the mysterious circumstances of James's death in 1625. Why were not official reports of Court physicians Eglesham and Ramsey "seconded" (or confirmed) by royal ministers, including of course the Duke of Buckingham, Charles' favorite? 40 It seems clear that Wither yet considers Charles his true sovereign whom he hopes to reclaim. Here he boldly puts public above private welfare and safety in raising this ugly suspicion. In his maddeningly persistent way Wither tried to reform the King until the last.41 One really vehement denunciation of Charles appears in The British Appeals written to memorialize the first anniversary of his beheading. He asserts that the King's fall has become the nation's happiness, that the nation must thank God for ridding her of a tyrant who ruled chiefly by "will and pleasure". At length Wither was forced to admit the inevitable. Having little hope of any practicable compromise between 3»

Misc. Wks., IV, 32-36. Vox Pacifica, Misc. Wks., II, 204-205. The DNB, VI, 584-585, states that George Eglisham (1612-1642) was a Scottish physician and poet who long enjoyed the favor of James I. In 1626, Eglisham published Prodonus Vindictae, a pamphlet that "openly accused Buckingham of having caused the deaths, by poison, of the Marquis of Hamilton and the late King, and petitioned Charles I and the Parliament to have the duke put on trial. . . . Proceedings were instituted against Eglisham and his assistants, but he retired to Brussels where he remained until his death". 41 He particularly stresses that the King's public trial held before his execution exalts the nation's glory, and once again deplores the King's oppressive taxes, collusion with continental Catholic powers, and hypocrisy to faithful servants.

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King and Parliament by 1648, Wither now reluctantly accepts the sanction of necessity for Parliamentary forces holding reins of power under Cromwell. Here again, we can trace the development of this conviction back at least to 1642. When the King and Cavaliers took up arms against subjects, the poet believed that Parliament, as the only legally constituted authority, should assume supreme power in the national emergency. Even though Wither chose the Parliamentary as the more righteous cause, he still had to resolve within his own conscience, because of lifelong unswerving loyalty to the Stuarts (and divine right), the question of possible disobedience to God, King, and the nation. In Campo-Musae, written at the close of the first year of hostilities, the poet emphatically asserts that Parliament does not (despite detractors' charges) favor "Sects, or Schismes" but rather "Law, and true Religion". He defends also Parliament's refusal to levy illegal taxes to satisfy the King's endless demands for money. Even more significant is his eloquent declaration that both the creation of laws and the King are unquestionably the people's rights, and furthermore that if laws take these rights away or "stretcheth so the King's Prerogative" that he oppresses his subjects, they are obliged to right that wrong sense of law with the utmost of their power.42 Wither's conclusion that the King is essentially the servant of the people is most impressively stated, however, in Speculum Speculativum, written on the eve of the Restoration. His notions of divine right have mellowed considerably: T h e Essence of a Kingly

Interest

D o t h in, and by the Common

good

consist,

E v ' n in the whole, and not in any part ( A l t h o u g h as noble as the Head

or

Heart)

A n d to indulge ought further then it shall T e n d really unto the good of all, Destroys the whole, turns Royalty

to

Faction,

A n d breeds at length a general Distraction: 4 3

After the crushing defeat of the Cavaliers at Naseby (1645) and the prominent emergence of the Independents and the Army after 42 43

Campo-Musae, Misc. Wks., I, 48-50. Misc. Wks., V , 77-78.

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1647, the increasingly united power of Parliament commanded the loyal obedience of a great part of the nation. In efforts to rid the country of the evils of absolute monarchy, however, the Parliament was forced to assert the sanction of necessity to defend its greater power and responsibility against both political and religious opponents. Wither then refutes the notion of divine right and calls it a blasphemy against God, who in Biblical and in later ages destroyed tyrannical kings. In Prosopopoeia Britannica (1648) he admits that a ruler can exercise arbitrary power during time of war, but he particularly deplores the King's maltreating subjects during peacetime. He firmly concludes that neither by timehonored tradition nor by conquest can any king practice divine right.44 Two years later in Respublica Anglicana, Wither argues for the sanction of necessity more strongly. To the charge that the Parliamentary government is essentially a military dictatorship, to which right-thinking citizens cannot pay a sincere loyalty, he affirms that all governments at their beginning have been forced to exercise autocratic powers. For him, reformation maintained by the sword is no more unlawful in England than in Holland, France, or Germany.45 The poet's imprisonment in 1646, almost fruitless petitions to the government for repayment of his losses, growing disappointment with the Cromwellian settlement because of failure to realize its leaders' aspirations to any important degree (and to honor as well as repay patriots zealous in the cause) hardened his convictions about the sanction of necessity. At the close of the Interregnum, Wither expressed these views in most detail and objective form in A Cordial Confection (1659). Composed from a 44

Misc. Wis., IV, 38-40. Respublica Anglicana, Spenser Society (London, 1883), N o . 36, p. 49. Although this tract has been questionably attributed to Wither largely because of its unusual style and personal attacks (such as that on Clement Walker), its direct spoken non-partisan views, bitter tone, and use of irony suggest Wither's work. His reference to Walker's History of Independency in Westrow Revived (1653) adds additional evidence to Respublica's being Wither's work. Furthermore, J. M. Clyde, Struggle for the Freedom of the Press (London, 1934), p. 153, argues that Wither "replied unofficially for the government in Respublica Anglicana" to Walker's attack against Parliament's attempt to control the press. 45

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paper earlier presented to Oliver Cromwell, the poet cites the "concomitant circumstances" that sanction any government's "irregular acts". In summary, deviations from the status quo (presumably order) include: (a) An "unfeigned and apparent necessity for deviating from Rule and Order . . .". (b) Such deviations must preserve a "nobler Interest, Authority and Command" than is now violated. (c) Departures from order must be motivated without self-interest and pursued in good faith. (d) There must be "Warrantable examples in Scripture" of similar deviations. (e) The leader founding a new government must have qualifications for his undertaking: both an "outward" (civil or military) and an "extraordinary" (divine) calling. (f) Such a leader must also manifest "visible power of action" indicating he can accomplish his part of the enterprise. (g) The leader's acts must be without "Envy, Hatred, Malice, or a revengeful mind." (h) The leader must also be willing te resign himself to God's will, to suffer and pay the penalty for the "irregularity" if the enterprise fail. (i) After his enterprise is accomplished, the leader in respect for order, must quickly restore the government to its former condition. (pp. 12-13) In justifying "irregular acts" by this bill of particulars Wither really hoped to welcome some new regime after the collapse of the Protectorate. He reiterates that at all times and places governments have simply "derived from the sword". In his conviction that Necessity must operate at times of national crisis, he employs an "exemplary precedent" reminiscent of The Modern Statesman, published only a six years earlier. We recall that the Romans sometimes created a dictator to settle their country's warring factions; in the same manner Parliament has rightly made Oliver Cromwell Protector over a military state.46 Wither again applies his continuing humanistic studies to responsible political advice. One last consideration basic to Wither's defense of the Parlia48

Ibid., p. 8.

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mentary power calls for re-emphasis largely because of his reiteration. We have noted that over and over he stresses that the health of any body politic is only so good as that of its members, both leaders and supporters. Again, it is the premise that private morality strengthens (if not insures) public morality. Inner reform of institutions (like the monarchy or Parliament) can never really happen before individuals and groups reform themselves. It recalls that enlightened puritan John Milton's conviction that a good poet must first be a good man. In the 1640's when his personal fortunes became precarious, his public career in disrepute, his prophetic voice virtually ignored, he became understandably defensive in still urging "inner reform". He believed that he defended the Parliamentary cause with an impressive authority: an extensive education in two universities, a prophetic "commission" as poet, a wide observation of men and manners as a member of upper middle-class gentry, as soldier, as civil-servant, and as something of a martyred patriot. Yet during the national crisis, he found his well-meant advice all but ignored, his services suspect or unwanted. Monotonous as this persistent harping on "inner reform" becomes, it does show him above narrow partisan interests and reveals him more a moral than political critic. Among many other works of this period, Vox Pacifica best illustrates this point of view. When the first Civil War appears to be over, opposed factions (such as Presbyterians against Independents) want to make peace. He contends that because men of all factions including the Parliamentary have erred (and do not yet see their errors) neither King, peers, nor people are ready for treaty making.47 Consistent with his impartial view of weaknesses in all religious or political groups, Wither denounces in Opobalsamum Anglicanum obvious double-dealing within the supposedly loyal Parliamentary ranks. Because these "perfidious Trustees" dangerously delay victory over the Royalists, faithful members of the Parliament must therefore quickly rid themselves of their "gangrened members".48 In 1647, Wither also condemns religious disputes as 47

Vox Pacifica, Misc.

Wks., II, 63-64.

** Misc. Wks., V, 14-18.

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a hindrance toward peace. Like Absalom and his rebellious followers, the Schismatics as a third dissenting party (along with the Presbyterians and Independents) pretend God's cause hypocritically. In this way the Schismatics prevent ultimate union because they increase the disunity between other religious factions. Such continual dissention, Wither insists, means that all groups are yet disobedient to God's word.49 After the abdication of Richard Cromwell in 1659, the poet states that the need for "inner reform" is especially urgent before inauguration of any new government: Our Sins have been the Sole Cause that our Kings, our Parliaments, our Protectors, our Armies, our Natives, our Counsels, our Cost, our Conquests, and that we ourselves have been destructive to ourselves, to each other, and to a happy progression toward the settlement which

we have long expected. Therefore until these sins are more truly repented, all the wisdom and power upon earth, shall not avail us but every day will increase our trouble until there be a final extirpation of all that which hinders GODS work.50

This passage from A Cordial Confection exemplifies in a most characteristic way Wither's convictions about "inner reform". We recognize that whether he writes as a social critic, prophet, humanist, political or religious pamphleteer, soldier or magistrate, he views the problem essentially the same way. His adoption of an exclusively moral-ethical absolute of man's experience increases only in degree after 1625. Wither did far more than defend or approve the sanction of necessity, however. He also poured out a great spate of practical advice to the government about how to conduct its business in specific ways. Like several contemporaries swept into popular journalism by war, he inevitably dubbed his newsheet "Mercurius". Mercurius Rusticus is a surprisingly clever diurnal written in response to similar Royalist news-sheets like Berkenhead's Mercurius Aulicus. Here Wither advises the Parliament regarding the placing and maintaining of troops. Urging Associated Counties' forces to secure a back way to London against the Cavaliers, 49 50

Major Wither's Disclaimer, Misc. Wks., I, 4-8. A Cordial Confection, p. 26.

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"Rusticus" first explains why these forces should make Farnham Castle their "rendevous". From this position they can advance, get news, really save the Parliament money by living on enemy maintenance, and at the same time slowly enlarge their numbers. Rusticus' specific arguments for the Long Parliament's accepting the Solemn League and Covenant (December, 1643) illustrate further Wither's timely as well as responsible political advice. Published October 26, 1643, Mercurius Rusticus thus defends the provisions of the Covenant. Besides strengthening Parliament's union with the Scotch, it also aids the Parliamentarians secure their rights along with preserving the King's honor and person, conduces to unity of all reformed protestant churches, and quite naturally remembers all men to repent their sins.51 Andrews' remark that Wither "smuggled his republican rhymes into the rival camp, under the title of Bruno Ryves' title" is entirely sound.52 It suggests again how the poet, when occasions demanded, would adapt his counsel or prophecy to literary genres already quite familiar to middle-class readers.53 A second instance of Wither's advice, occurring in The Speech Without Doore (1644), relates to specific provisions for sequestering "delinquent" estates or property of proven Malignants. Two years earlier, as partial repayment for his considerable losses at Farnham, Parliament had granted him an order to sequestrate property from the "delinquent" estates of John Denham (the poet), William Hudson, John Tichborne, and John Brednoxe among others, so that his knowledge of the practice is more than theoretical. 51 Mercurius Rusticus, pp. 2-7; 14. Here, Wither further recommends that scouts be chosen from those of proven loyalty and that forces, which should number 800 horse and 1200 dragoons, be equipped with firelocks instead of muskets. 52 A History of British Journalism (London, 1859), I, 46. 53 R. Willmott, Lives of the Sacred Poets (London, 1834), I, 152, explains that Wither probably wrote Mercurius Rusticus as a retort in kind to Sir John Berkenhead's Mercurius Aulicus (January, 1643), written on the request of Charles I. Because Berkenhead had satirically ascribed Aristotle's Works in English Metre to Wither (as we noted supra p. 88), Wither had no particular love for Berkenhead and dubbed him "false Aulicus" in The Great Assises Holden in Parnassus (1645).

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F o r , what injustice can there be in taking away any part of their private estates, who employed them f o r the publike Destruction? What unmercifulnesse in making them poore who have cruelly impoverished, and inhumanely indeavoured to make desolate three Kingdomes? What unreasonablesse can there be in making them Peasants (a degree, to which honest men are borne, and too good f o r these) some of them being made Lords and Knights for attempting to enslave Free-men. . . . Believe it, it will be an Injurie to our Faithfull Nobility t o be m a d e Peers with such, and bring Titles of Honour into contempt. 5 4 Especially during the early stages of the Civil Wars, when the Parliament was obliged to augment its revenues by every possible resource, sequestration was naturally an issue of real importance. H e believes that this practice is not only a sound means of financing the war. It also insures the loyal support of m e n actually working (like Wither) for the Parliamentary cause. Proposition 3 of The Speech Without Doore presents Wither's most spirited defense of sequestration. Even when one recognizes the poet's obvious self-interest in compensations for his losses from these "delinquent" estates, one must also admit the cogency of his argument under the circumstances of war. Several of his other arguments (or propositions) reflect an ability to adopt a sane and rather impersonal perspective on a situation that deeply involved his personal fortunes and family's material welfare: (a) That soldiers to whom the Parliament owes money take their payment f r o m "delinquent" estates at the value of eight years' purchase, and that their further contributions to the war be taken f r o m profits f r o m these estates. (b) That, in order t o stir up valor and "a more generous soldierie", forfeited titles and honors of delinquents be given to those who have ventured lives and estates f o r the Cause. (c) That, in order to prevent collusion with Royalists, tenants of former owners now become tenants of the Parliament. (d) That, in order to win support of the common people, "Neuters" not be allowed to hold any chief offices of the government. (e) That papists be forced to "abjure the Realme" if they fail to recant, and particularly that the Irish (bearing arms against the Parliament) be given n o quarter wherever they are. (f) That merchants who took flight be recalled to restore trade and thereby strengthen the Parliamentary party. 54

The Speech Without Doore, p. 5.

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(g) That Parliament dispatch public before private business, and that private suits [such as Wither's own petitions for losses] be taken in order without respect to persons.55 Wither's final advice on sequestration occurs in Fides-Anglicana. To those whose estates have been sequestered during the Cromwellian regime, the new government can provide repayment from revenues obtained by a tax imposed on the clergy, or by the return of the estates to their purchasers in a legal manner. 56 In Letters of Advice Touching the Choice of Knights and Burgesses (1644), Wither declares convictions about another crucial problem facing the government - that of filling vacated parliamentary seats with conscientious, loyal members during the war years. This crucial issue prompted political counsels from a more popular, public-spirited independent of the day, the Leveller John Lilburne, who in his provocative, fiery tract, England's Birth-Right (1645) quotes from Letters of Advice. To insure obedience to the Covenant and for the common good Wither vainly assumes that all voters are "willing to be instructed how much it concerns their own and the Publike Interest and Safety to be well advised and heedful" at elections. Although he reasonably admits that voters cannot expect parliamentary candidates to be free from all faults, he describes sixteen specific types of men and/or conduct that should be passed over. For example, voters must be wary of electing notorious gamblers; frivolous sensualists; proud, ambitious, or irreligious men; overlavish speakers or those "immoderately addicted to popularity"; dependent children, household servants, or courtiers; and finally those who have "countenanced oppressing Monopolies, or beene active in extorting Shipmoney, Coat and Conduct-money, or in any illegal exactions injurious to the Rights and Priviledges of the Commons". 57 Providing further advice for preventing voting frauds, such as preventing those running for office to furnish costly banquets at elections, Wither concludes in typical fashion. He 55

Ibid., pp. 4-11. Journals of the House of Commons II, 964. 5S Fides-Anglicana, Misc. Wks., V, 88-91. " Misc. Wks., I, 2-8.

(9 February, 1642),

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piously urges choice by lot, sanctified by immemorial use in Scripture, should follow appointment to highest offices. In this way the King, chief magistrates, and incumbents of church livings will enjoy God's as well as the people's approbation.58 Like Wither, Lilburne identifies public grievances with private and contends that the welfare of the people is the state's supreme obligation. He also agrees that parliamentary seats should be filled annually, that the people should check on behavior of those elected and deplores (along with Wither) the evil of preferring men of wealth over merit. In England's Birth-Right Lilburne also quotes approvingly from Vox Pacifica, where he clearly shares Wither's opinion about choosing lawyers for political office. Too often they deliberately mislead their constituents and are prone to accept bribes. Utilizing as does Wither a plain style without much sense of structure, Lilburne is much closer to current issues. His immediacy and his "blazing vitality" plainly show why he is more familiar, more popular than Wither when we think about the social history of the period.59 Wither's next significant offering of political advice was timed appropriately for the eve of the Protectorate. The Perpetual Parliament (1653), which is to some extent an amplification of Letters of Advice, was published at the time Cromwell finally dissolved the Rump after its desperate attempt to perpetuate its powers. Composed of pious men with a burning zeal for setting things right, the Barebone Parliament, selected by Cromwell and his Council of State, proved after a brief time to be ineffectual. The Perpetual Parliament offers Wither's particular plan for rendering parliamentary membership "both perpetual, and acceptable to the Nations, if so they please". Along with insistence on proper qualifications of candidates running for office and, again, confirmation by use of lots, Wither declares his unique plan until a better is offered. On the first Wednesday of each month, he recommends that four representatives of each shire be elected 58 Ibid., pp. 9-12. Wither also recommends use of lots in A Perpetual Parliament and in Furor Poeticus, III, 61-63 and V, 22. 59 W. Haller (ed.), Tracts on Liberty in the Puritan Revolution (New York, 1934), III, 291-294.

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and paid to serve in the House of Commons for one-year terms. He insists that this plan, in making parliamentary power successive, will prohibit incompetent, dishonest, or slothful members from serving long in responsible positions. He also recommends that specialists (lobbyists) be appointed to aid lawmakers composing the House of Lords. Further in this work, foretold him in a dream-vision, Wither outlines Utopian plans about properly accomodating members of parliament during sessions. He envisages Whitehall newly-built: twelve mansions for the group newly-elected each month, an assembly hall for all members, (and to make it really select) a handsome dining chamber from which even members' families will be excluded! To demonstrate their brotherhood and equality, all members should be clad alike.60 Perhaps Wither's concrete plans for effecting a successive parliamentary membership are not strikingly original. Still, we note that they reflect his political idealism. The poet's sadly tried conviction that only sober, enlightened men, who have undoubtedly achieved some measure of "inner reform", can create a better society (or nation of potential saints) is also impressive. Before the end of the Interregnum, Wither began to despair of responsible government or material help from either parliaments or protectors howsoever elected or maintained. Despite wellintentioned services and numerous petitions for repayment of losses, he had received by 1659 less than one sixth (or