The Latent Trace of Islamic Origins: Midian's Legacy in Mecca's Moral Awakening 9781607240457, 2012009233, 1607240459

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The Latent Trace of Islamic Origins

The Latent Trace of Islamic Origins

Midian's Legacy in Mecca's Moral Awakening

John Jandora

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34 2012

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2012 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2012

‫ܕ‬

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ISBN 978-1-60724-045-7

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Jandora, John Walter. The latent trace of Islamic origins : Midian's legacy in Mecca's moral awakening / By John Jandora. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Islam--History. 2. Islam--Doctrines--History. 3. Islam--Relations. 4. Arabian Peninsula--Religion--History. I. Title. BP52.J36 2012 297.09'02--dc23 2012009233 Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents.....................................................................................v List of Maps.............................................................................................vii List of Tables............................................................................................ix Preface.......................................................................................................xi 1 Introduction: Quest for Understanding.........................................1 2 Deconstruction: “Roman” Heresiology and Nasorean Way .....35 3 Cultic History: Themes, Names, and Terms ..............................67 4 Midian’s Legacy: Allegory and Prophets of Arabia ..................101 5 Islamic Scripture: Type, Purpose, and Diction .........................133 6 Epilogue: Brotherhood, Militancy, and Religion .......................163 Appendices ............................................................................................179 Aramaic Language and Syriac Mystique ..................................180 Zoroastrianism and Monotheism .............................................184 Ibn al-Nadîm on Baptismal Sects .............................................189 Apocryphal Jeremiah ..................................................................195 Works Cited...........................................................................................199 Index.......................................................................................................215

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LIST OF MAPS Midian: Broad Perspective ...................................................................3 Palestine-Jordan: Place-Names in Patristic Sources .......................55 Northern Arabia: Mission Areas of Pre-Islamic Prophets ..........103

Maps by Dennis McClendon, Chicago CartoGraphics

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LIST OF TABLES 1 2 3 4

Correlation of Themes: Book of Jeremiah – Qur'ân................140 Correlation of Motifs: Book of Jeremiah – Qur'ân...................141 Correlation of Themes: Enochic Lore – Qur'ân.......................144 Correlation of Motifs: Enochic Lore – Qur'ân..........................145

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PREFACE There are many topics that an author might address in the preface to a book. For the present endeavor, the most compelling issues are motive and approach. My motive for composing this work has remained consistent. My approach, in contrast, gradually turned 180 degrees. It might seem that my endeavor was inspired by some essentially academic interest. That was not the case at all. I was moved to undertake this study out of concern for negative aspects of the popular controversy that accompanied America’s reaction to the terrorist strikes on September 11, 2001. I am here referring to the common knowledge about Islam that was consciously or unconsciously constructed within the media and government as well as academia. Frederick Jackson, who refers to this phenomenon as the “discourse of Islamic terrorism,” has done a credible job of outlining and criticizing it in “Constructing Enemies,” (Government and Opposition 42/3). His thrust is academic, yet he points to the practical implications. Discourse affects mindset, and mindset affects problem analysis and decision-making. The outcome cannot be promising when the discourse includes value judgment, misinterpretation, or distortion. I myself was confronted with such implications in my job. The events of 9/11 changed my work routine such that I spent the better part of several years explaining for military audiences the happenings within the Islamic World and its component societies. This instruction was often tied to very practical questions; for example: – What people or groups are likely to become allies? – What people or groups are likely to be most opposed to U.S. intervention? – What psychological and information operations programs are likely to succeed? xi

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– What are the immediate and long-term threats in given U.S. operational areas? As events transpired, I eventually became involved in active U.S. military efforts to build certain internal security capabilities for the new Iraqi state. In many of my undertakings, I was confronted with the obstacle of unfounded common knowledge concerning Islam and Islamic society. The accepted, albeit questionable, wisdom concerning Islam has been conveyed in many ways. It was and is found in journalistic essays, academic articles and books, and government policy documents. During my working career, I was aware of much of that representation. In retirement, I became more aware of the views that are publicized via Internet postings and chatterȦ probably, the best current means of attaining a mass audience. I was taken aback by some of the outrageous and unfounded statements concerning Islamic origins, Muslim traditional and contemporary beliefs, and Muslim behavioral tendencies. Hence, there arose the question: what might be done to mitigate some of the diatribe? Affronts to Muslim sensitivities certainly did not go unchallenged. Indeed, Muslim intellectuals and non-Muslim sympathizers responded to them. I found that, in some cases, their arguments seem to be well grounded; in others, not so. In any case, I deduced that there are too many issues and too many forums for any comprehensive effort to edify the public. Nonetheless, one issue did become particularly intriguing to me, and that is the controversy over Islamic origins. The relevant antithetic positions are: Detractive – Islam is a re-inventive distortion of the JudaeoChristian heritage. Apologetic (defensive) – Islam is essentially older than both ecclesiastical Christianity and rabbinic Judaism. On this particular issue the apologetic argument is relatively weak because it does not, and cannot, draw on history in the technical sense. The point is that the collective memory of Muhammad’s time was reworked into canonical salvation history several generations after his death. This genre is suspect because of its inconsistencies, which are indeed comparable to those of “historical” books of the Old Testament. Western society has addressed the latter by way of text-critical methodology and has

PREFACE

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worked past them to construct biblical era history through reliance on ancillary disciples. These include archeology, epigraphy, historical-comparative linguistics, and comparative religion. In contrast, Islamic society has generally rejected the validity of scriptural text criticism, and it has similarly been slow to adopt the above-mentioned ancillary disciples for purposes of historical enquiry. Is it possible, then, to overcome such an historical void? This is the question that drove my undertaking. I believe that I made some progress in the quest. I discovered ample indications that Muhammad’s creed was no patchwork of unorthodox Jewish and Christian beliefs but rather the restatement of an integral moral code. My quest, though, led into some very specialized fields of scholarly endeavor. Consequently, I did not attain the directness of argumentation and relative simplicity of diction that I had originally sought. My line of argument inevitably took on the aspect of linking threads from diverse sourcesȦpatristic writings (that is, of the Church Fathers), Eastern Christian legends, archeological finds, and so forth. Then too, such material could not be used without quandary, because considerations such as the following ones pertain. Archeological projects remain to be completed. Fragmented inscriptions lend themselves to variant interpretations. Manuscript variants of works remain to be critically edited, reconciled, and published. Terms in some ancient writings are obscure. Lastly, some of the sources and source-issues that I address are also addressed in the fields of biblical study, comparative religion, Syriac Christianity, and Near Eastern History. It is well beyond the scope of this one book to capture all the relevant scholarly commentary and controversy. However, I trust that the references I provide suffice as entry points for further investigation. I should also note here that my own enquiry relies in large part on the Islamic scripture, the Qur'an, as a source of lost history. I anticipate that my use of the scripture in this way will evoke criticismȦfor two different reasons. Some Muslim scholars will likely object to my interpretations as being inconsistent with traditional ones. Some Western scholars of Islam will likely object that the Qur'anic text has undergone editing since the time of the Prophet. I attend to such concerns in the introductory chapter of this book. Nonetheless, it is appropriate here to clarify my

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representation of the text and the Arabic language. My quotations from the Qur'an follow the ʗafʛ can cÂʛim version of the scripture. The English translations are my own; they are intended to be more idiomatic than conventionally used renditions, such as those of Arberry, Pickthall, and Yusuf Ali. I cite the source text, in cases where word meaning is disputed. For transliterations from Arabic Ȧand also Syriac, I follow the IPA standards. I should mention here too that in linguistic explanations, I use the conventions / / and { } respectively to mark phonologic and orthographic representations. From my perspective, the Qur'an conveys not only an integral moral code but also a unique cultic history. So, the impelling question is: from where did such history emanate? This question might be answered in terms of divine revelation (the traditional Muslim view) or prophetic creativity (the traditional Western view). However, I seek another explanation; to wit: the Qur'an draws on an enduring and consistent tradition (concerning the righteous way) that was forged by sectaries who were both Jewish in their adherence to Mosaic law and Christian in their esteem for the teachings of Jesus. The attendant hypothesis is inspired by older scholarship that notes affinities between the Islamic faith and the (putative) creed of certain Jewish-Christian sects, which avoided assimilation into the Gentile Great Church. The attendant approach encounters two challenges. One is the relative obscurity of ancient Jewish Christianity. Knowledge of this religious phenomenon has been largely dependent on fragmentary information from patristic and Christian heresiological writingsȦwhich are usually inimical in their views. The other challenge is the correlation of change and continuity. The relevant Christian sources address the diversity of sects and eventual demise of Essenes, Nazoreans (in many variants), bishopric of James the Just, Ebionites, Elkesaites, and Sampsaeans. Through reliance on external-source, comparative evidence, I seek to readjust perspectives. The challenge to myself is to demonstrate the continuity of a Nasorean (my term) movement that connects the Essenes with the Qur'an’s ahl al-dhikr (people of remembrance) and its Prophet of Midian, Shucayb. That approach inevitably entails reinterpretation of the Qur'an. In proceeding with this purpose, the reconstruction of Shucayb’s prophetic career becomes the lynchpin of my argument. Considering just the cultic history in the Qur'an, there could be no

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medium other than Shucayb’s preaching in Midian whereby the (Nasorean) way of the righteous became known to Muhammad and his associates at Mecca. The Qur'an relates that Shucayb gained followers in Midian; it does not mention him gaining any elsewhere. It is indeed plausible that Meccan travelers learned of the “way” in Transjordan, where, by my own assessment, Jewish Christianity had residual presence. Even so, the Quran is silent concerning any such occurrence. True, there exist stories about Muhammad’s encounter with some monk in Syria, but these are conveyed in the Muslims’ traditional lore and the Christian’s Baʚîra LegendȦnot in the Qur'an. There also exists the similar but reverse theme of some holy man coming to Muhammad at Mecca. This concept originates, again, in Islamic tradition, wherein one finds the person of Waraqa Ibn Nawfal, a holy man and a witness to Muhammad’s prophetic faculty. In a recent book (The Priest and the Prophet), Joseph Azzi has developed this characterization so as to make Waraqa an Ebionite mentor of Muhammad. Azzi’s alternative explanation of Jewish-Christian influence on Islamic origins will be considered in the pages below, as will the storyline of the Baʚîra Legend. It is worth noting here, however, that all three approaches (mine included) have a common premiseȦwhich is that Muhammad’s moral thought was influenced by some person, either directly, through personal acquaintance, or indirectly, through acquaintance with disciples. The difference among them is the perception of how that influence unfolded. Baʘîra’s creed was corrupted; Waraqa’s was rejected; Shucayb’s was modified. Indeed, the thrust of the early Qur'anic revelations differs from that of the later ones. It is this consideration that impelled me to add an epilogue. In conclusion, I acknowledge that much of my main argument rests on speculation. Nonetheless, I present such reconstruction of Islamic origins in hopes that it prompts further examination of textual interpretive issues and further endeavor in the arena of Near Eastern archeology. John W. Jandora 16 February 2012

1 INTRODUCTION: QUEST FOR UNDERSTANDING

The subtitle of this work obviously employs symbolism. Mecca represents, as it often does, the traditional birthplace of Islam. Midian, however, is more obscure. Readers of the Old Testament might identify it as some ill-defined territory lying east of the Gulf of Aqaba (northern reach of the Red Sea). Scripture further suggests that Midian ranged into the Sinai Peninsula to the west and the Transjordan area to the north, as its people gained power over their neighbors. Indeed, German scholar Ernst Knauf portrays it as ranging from the Wadi Tirham area (around 28 degrees North latitude) north toward Amman.1 English explorers Burton and Philby portray Midian as encompassing much of northwest Arabia.2 I similarly view Midian in broad dimension (see Map). In any case, the “land of Midian” is pertinent in Scripture as the place of Moses’ refuge from Pharaoh (Exodus) and the implicit source of regional tribal aggression against the Israelites (Judges). Apart from other allusions to these episodes, Midian fades out of biblical importance. It also escapes the aims of the region’s conquerors. ____________________ Ernst Axel Knauf, Midian: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Palästinas und Nordarabiens am Ende des 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1988). 2 Richard Francis Burton, The Land of Midian (Revisited) 2 vols. (London: Keegan Paul, 1879) and H. St. J. B. Philby, The Land of Midian (London: Ernest Benn, 1957). 1

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Alexander the Great bypassed the area in his conquests of the Near East (circa. 332 BCE). The Romans ostensibly staged troops in the south of Midian as the first phase of a disastrous attempt to invade South Arabia in 25-24 BCE.3 When they later displaced Nabataean rule in the lower Jordan Valley, they limited their occupation of “Arabia” to the northern fringe of Midian. In practice, the notional borders shifted from time to time as the Roman will and ability to sustain outposts fluctuated. The natural borders were shaped by the scarcity of water, resources, and settlements and by the rugged terrain of Arabia Petraea. Thus, much of Midian remained outside the direct control of Roman government. When the name Midian again surfaces in a significant way, the context is the Islamic scripture. The Qur'an mentions Midian (Arabic, Madyan) in seven of its suras (chapters)Ȧmostly in the context of its people rejecting one of God’s messengers. Indeed, the Qur'an reflects an array of peculiar, monotheist traditions, that is, narratives of religious or moral import. Some emanate from Midian; others emanate from the Jordan Valley, specifically the region of Perea. They collectively testify to the continuity of primordial monotheism (neither Christian nor Jewish versions), the creed of the patriarchs in general and of Abraham in particular. As I hold, contrary to some revisionist scholars, that these traditions antedate Islam, the synthesis suggests to me two possible lines of development. One is that the original creed spread to Mecca from the Jordan Valley through MidianȦor alternately, it spread separately from both locations. The other is that the creed originated in Mecca and drew on outside traditions for validation. The aim of this study is to test the first hypothesis. The resultant quest for the source of the concept of primordial (or patriarchal) monotheism calls to mind two somewhat dormant theories concerning Jewish Christianity and Islam. In prominent scholarship of past generations, Adolf von Harnack and, later, Hans Joachim Schoeps suggested that Jewish-Christian creedsȦElkesaite and Ebionite respectivelyȦinfluenced the emergence of Islam.4 The former scholar focused on parallelism in ____________________ This expedition is described in Strabo, Geographica 16.4.24. See Harnack’s discussion of ‘Der Islam’ in the 4th edition of his Lehrbuch der Dogmengeshichte (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1909-10), vol. 2, pp. 3 4

QUEST FOR UNDERSTANDING

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THE LATENT TRACE OF ISLAMIC ORIGINS

seven creedal characteristics; the latter keyed on similarity in concepts of monotheism and true prophecy and also in dietary rules and other practices. Some later scholars similarly observed parallels between Jewish Christianity and Islam, but their assessments were generally not promising. Geo Widengren brought together several relevant strands but concluded that “it would be premature” to develop them further.5 Shlomo Pines similarly collated several, albeit disparate, observations “to illustrate the presence of Judaeo-Christianity in the pre-Islamic and [early] Islamic milieu.”6 John Wansbrough assessed that Schoep’s hypothesis has value as a “heuristic postulate in analysis of Islamic origins.”7 Nonetheless, such analysis as he himself undertook disallows methods that collate parallel data to demonstrate historical connectivity. An exception to such scholarly reserve is Martiniano Roncaglia’s highlighting of Jewish-Christian features of the Qur'anic text.8 His critique of historical perspective is quite insightful and relevant to the issue of Islamic origins. Yet his interpretation of certain terms is debatable. His conflation of Ebionism, Elkesaism, and (even) Semitic cultural tendencies also detracts from his argument, which, in any case, neglects the question of historical continuity. ____________________

529-538 and Schoeps’ treatment of Ebionistische Elemente im Islam in Das Juden-christentum : Untersuchungen über Gruppenbildungen und Parteikämpfe in der frühen Christenheit (Tübingen : J. C. B. Mohr, 1949), 334-42. A condensed version of Schoep’s work is available in English translation by Douglas R. A. Hare; Jewish Christianity: Factional Disputes in the Early Church (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1969). The Ebionite and Elkesaite sects are two variants of the Jesus movement that evolved in Near Eastern lands separately from and discordant with Roman Christianity. They are the most notable of many similar sects, whose obscure existence will be addressed in Chapter 2. 5 Widengren, Muʚammad, the Apostle of God, and his Ascension (Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequistka Bokhandeln, 1955), pp. 133-139 and 176-177. 6 Pines, “Notes on Islam and on Arabic Christianity and JudaeoChristianity,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 4 (1984), pp. 135-152. 7 Wansbrough, The Sectarian Milieu: Content and Composition of Islamic Salvation History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 51-52. 8 Roncaglia, “Éléments Ébionites et Elkésaites dans le Coran,” Proche-Orient Chrétien 21 (1971), pp. 101-126.

QUEST FOR UNDERSTANDING

5

Apart from the scholars who focused on parallels, others have seen the Islamic scripture and tradition as the reinterpretation of foundational Jewish-Christian beliefs. Günter Lüling, whose “Challenge to Islam” has become quite controversial on other grounds, posits that Muhammad held such beliefs. This point becomes lost, however, in the search for an underlying hymn in Qur'an Sura 96 and the explanation of its “angel-christology” as being characteristic of early (pre-trinitarian, Roman) Christianity. Lüling casually (and erroneously) associates such christology with Ebionism.9 In any case, he contends that Muhammad’s original message was altered consequent to the development of Islamic canon and tradition. Taking a different approach, Yuzif Qazzi (Josef Azzi) creates from Islamic historiography the image of Waraqa ibn Nawfal as the Ebionite mentor of Muhammad.10 Qazzi raises many significant questions (most of which will be dealt with in the present study). Nonetheless, his approach to those issues founders on several points, including misrepresentation of sources. Much of his evidence is not taken directly from famous “classical” Islamic works, which themselves must be handled critically, but rather from the relatively late-dated biography of the Prophet by cAlî Burhân al-Dîn al-ʗalabî (d. 1635). Contrary to Qazzi’s claim, the Qur'an cannot be closely correlated to any of the Jewish-Christian gospels, because only mere fragments of them are extant. The Qur'an itself does not refer to the Meccan believers as Naʜârâ but as mu'minûn. Moreover, Qazzis’ key premise seems to be self-contradictory, to wit: Ebionism, which had annulled priesthood, is ____________________

See the passing comment on page 21 of A Challenge to Islam for Reformation (1st English ed.; Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 2003), which is a re-edited and translated version of his doctoral dissertation. Given its lack of clarity, this work lends itself to endorsement of the Christian substrate theory that rose in popularity in the aftermath of 9/11. Lüling’s “angle-christology” concept is explained in Die Wiederentdeckung des Propheten Muʚammad: Eine Kritik am “christlichen” Abendland (Erlangen: Lüling, 1981), pp. 73-89. 10 Azzi, The Priest and the Prophet, trans. Maurice Saliba (Los Angeles: Pen Publishers, 2005). It was fortuitous that I came upon this book. Both the English translation and Arabic original versions are quite difficult to access. According to Internet chatter, the book has been virtually sequestered due to its potential to enflame religious sensitivities. The author’s Arabic penname is Abû Mûsâ al-ʗarîrî. 9

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professed at Mecca by the Priest (qiʜʜ) Waraqa.11 Qazzi’s study is much broader in scope than Lüling’s. Yet, neither is sufficiently attentive to the critical question as to how Ebionism, a phenomenon of second- and third-century Transjordan, comes to be found in seventh-century Mecca. The above observations of Jewish-Christian influence are certainly seeds for rethinking the emergence of Islam. Conventional theories of Islamic origins manifest different themes and approaches, but they commonly start with the premise that Islam emerged as a new moral code. They explain this initiative as a reaction to either 1) changing socio-economic conditions or 2) influences of ChristianityȦalone or in tandem with Judaism. In contrast, the implication of the Jewish-Christian connection is that Islam emerged not as a new moral code but rather as an adoption and adaptation of an existing (and integral) moral codeȦbut again, in reaction to changing conditions. To my knowledge, the above references notwithstanding, no scholar has yet addressed this implication in terms of historical continuity. Indeed, there are two significant obstacles to such endeavor. One is the confusion of sect names that arose in early Christian heresiology (writing on heresy). The other is the lack of historical evidence that explicitly links some Jewish-Christian sect with the nascent Islamic community at Mecca. I myself see no solution to the second obstacle. Nonetheless, I believe there is another way to proceed and that involves three premises. First, the confusion in heretical sect names can be resolved through more rigorous application of conventional methods of philology (alternatively called historical-comparative linguistics). Such effort changes the perspective from diversity among sects to continuity of a movement. It further reveals aspects of that movement, which might be called the “way of the righteous.” This way derives from Essene beliefs; thus Essenism must also be addressed.12 Second, the Qur'an, which is the only first-hand ____________________

Ibid., compare the discussion of priesthood (p. 98) with consistent references to Waraqa being “the Priest (al-qiʜʜ).” 12 In one of the early assessments of Qumran scrolls, Chaim Rabin observed that some of their teachings seemed to recur in the religion of Islam. He pursued a philological approach to demonstrate that the Qumran sect might have survived into early Islamic times. I generally agree with his initial observations, but I find the corollary argument to be 11

QUEST FOR UNDERSTANDING

7

record of Islamic origins, implicitly reveals not only the moral environment of the Prophet Muhammad’s day but alsoȥand more importantly for this studyȥthe course of righteous prophecy prior to his time. That is, certain tenets of moral-ethics, prophecy, divine judgment, and christology are “givens” and thus reflect an integral body of established beliefs. Third, textual analysis may well indicate whether such beliefs emanated from the missionizing efforts of some sect or the efforts of some inspired individual(s). Obviously, there is much in my approach that is potentially antagonistic to popular conceptions, pious beliefs, and scholarly schools of thought. Indeed, the cumulative effect of this approach is to criticize prevalent Western ideas concerning the history of the three Abrahamic faithsȦJudaism, Christianity, and Islam. As those ideas ultimately derive from the Roman concept of history, that edifice inevitably becomes my initial object of criticism. But how does one fault Roman historiography? Although the Romans did not invent history, they certainly improved on the Greek prototypes. Roman history inspired the humanist history of the Renaissance, which in turn inspired the scientific history of the Enlightenment. Yes, all true, but Roman history is not scientific history, that is, the transmittal of objectively true, wide-ranging information about the recent and distant pastȦfor the edification of all of society. Rather, Roman history mirrors the narrower interests and values of the ruling class of patricians. It conveys information that sanctions and preserves authority, such as the origin of the state and its laws and its past (and current) capacity to protect itself from enemies. In this mindset, events beyond the Roman frontiers are of little or no interestȦexcept if they have political or military implications. Such interests ostensibly motivated Iuba, Uranius, and Glaucus to write their (now lost) geographical surveys of Arab lands.13 In sum, Roman historiography was practical and patriotic.14 ____________________ too dependent on biased sources and questionable interpretation. See Rabin, Qumran Studies (London: Oxford University Press, 1957), chap. 7. 13 See descriptions of their respective works, as known from fragments, in Jan Retsö, The Arabs in Antiquity: Their History from the Assyrians to the Umayyads (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 403-405 and 491493. 14 Such points have been made explicitly or implicitly by: Charles T. Crutwell, A History of Roman Literature: From the Earliest Period to the Death of

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The Christianization of Roman society inevitably brought changes in values. Yet, it seems not to have changed the concept of history.15 Like secular history, “Roman” ecclesiastical history is practical in function and relatively narrow in perspective. It mirrors certain interests and values, in this case those of the church leaders, and conveys information that sanctions and preserves their authority. It establishes the following terms of historical discourse: the victory of monotheism over polytheistic paganism, the predominance of Christianity over Judaism, and the tension between (catholic) orthodoxy and heterodoxy. Thus, the church histories are minimally informative regarding the affairs of Jewish or heretical communitiesȦexcept when some creed, such as Manicheaism, poses a significant threat. Even then, the objectivity of the account cannot go unquestioned. The main drawback with such historiography, however, is that it omits some very important topics, among which are the following issues: – What ultimately became of the congregation founded by Jesus’ relatives at Jerusalem? – Who originally converted the areas of Mesopotamia that became the domain of Syriac Christianity? – How did Zoroastrian (and related) influences shape the moralethical thought and practice of the pre-Christian Near East? – What institutions other than those of church and state served to instill virtue? Given such terms of discourse and such omission of topics, it is all too easy to perceive Christianity and Judaism as antithetic and the idea of Jewish Christianity as aberrant. In so far as Islam seems to combine aspects of both religions, it too is often demeaned as ___________________ Marcus Aurelius (London: C. Griffin, 1877), bk. 1, chap. 9; Robert Drews, The Greek Accounts of Eastern History (Washington: Center for Hellenic Studies; distrib. Harvard University Press, 1973), pp. 138-139; and Michael Grant, Greek and Roman Historians: Information and Misinformation (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), pp. 42-44 and 76-87. 15 Substantiation for this view is found in William R. Schoedel and Robert L. Wilken (eds.), Early Christian Literature and the Classical Intellectual Tradition (Paris: Éditions Beauchesne, 1979. This collection of eleven articles (by different authors) demonstrates that “Christian writers . . . became part of the intellectual world of late antiquity and went about their work in much the same style as their pagan counterparts” (p. 13). Chap-

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heretical, in origin, in the historiography of both the Roman East and the modern West. However, nascent Islam evolved into a world religion and, hence, could not be so readily dismissed as the Jewish bishopric of Jerusalem. It is ostensibly the Roman historiographic view that shapes modern perception of “the demise of the pathetic Jerusalemite messianic sect associated with Jacob bar Joseph” and the lingering “undercover influence” of JewishChristian beliefs.16 Yet, mindsets are subject to change, and this one is being undone by fairly recent publications of scholarly biblical studies and popular literary works that seek to reveal the “historical Jesus.” Among many important contributions are Robert Eisenman’s theories concerning the New Testament’s recasting of the leadership succession in the Jesus movement.17 It is now no longer outrageous to raise questions about Jesus’ relatives or “alternate Christianities” in the print media arena of the Western World. The situation on the Muslim side is considerably more sensitive. The Muslim World has generally rejected the legitimacy of scriptural text criticism, which has been accepted by liberal Christian and secular brands of scholarship in the West. It has likewise generally rejected any interpretation of the Qur'an that does not accord with traditional Islamic consensus or methodology. The dictum of the pious is that the Qur'an is the eternal, unaltered word of God as revealed to the Prophet Muhammad. Certainly, theories that question the authenticity of the scripture are unwelcomeȦregardless of motives, of which the Western-Christian attempt to understand or interpret Islam reflects many. In concepts of religion and civilization, the Christian “West” and Islamic “East” have been in contact for about thirteen centuries. That contact entailed relations that were sometimes antagonistic and ____________________

ters 6 (heresy) and 8 (morality) are of particular relevance for the present study. 16 J. Spencer Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times (Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1990), pp 48-49. Note that Jacob bar Joseph is otherwise known as James the Just, Brother of Jesus. 17 See Eisenman, James the Brother of Jesus: The Key to Unlocking the Secrets of Early Christianity and the Dead Sea Scrolls (1st American ed., New York: Viking, 1997) and idem, The New Testament Code: The Cup of the Lord, the Damascus Covenant, and the Blood of Christ (London: Watkins Publishing, 2006).

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sometimes not. Nonetheless, being an actual or potential religious and geopolitical rival, Islam was inevitably viewed in a negative way. This perspective unfolded in many arenas: missionary propaganda, religious instruction, political propaganda, and theological and historical-cultural scholarship. Prior to the Enlightenment (mid-eighteenth century), Western scholarship was under the influence of the other arenas. It has not yet fully freed itself. Thus, one finds both inimical and sympathetic undertones in modern works that address the authenticity and the anomalies of the extant Qur'anic text. Academic motives notwithstanding, critical interpretations lend themselves to the inter-faith diatribe that has emerged consequent to the events of 9/11. Thus, propagandists and journalists cultivate the impression that the Qur'an is more or less incomprehensible.18 Western academic works on the origin of the Islamic scripture generally proceed from one of the following premises, which then unfold as theories (which are technically my own metatheories.) 1. The Qur'an reflects the presence of Christian or Jewish influence in the mind and environment of Muhammad. Thus, the founderprophet of Islam subconsciously, unwittingly, or deliberately altered Judaeo-Christian scriptural themes. 2. The Islamic scripture was not codified into its standard, extant form until decades after Muhammad’s death. Thus, it reflects the later efforts to create doctrine and a validating tradition. 3. The Qur'an was developed from some older liturgical or discursive model. Thus, it reflects a substrate of terms, themes, or invocations that derive, in most views, from Syriac Christianity. The three premises all have some objectivity. The Qur'an draws from antecedent, ostensibly JudaeoChristian, traditions. The methodology of traditional Islamic exegesis is suspect by the standards of modern scholarship. Qur'anic Arabic differs in certain respects from Classical Arabic. Even so, the concomitant theories inevitably manifest subjectivity. The first theory was commonly held prior to the mid-1900s. In those days, Islamic studies were still part of theology school _________________________

Among numerous examples are the extreme view in Robert Spenser, The Politically Incorrect Guide to Islam (and the Crusades), (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 2005), p. 33 and the more moderate one in Tony Lester, “What is the Koran?” Atlantic Monthly 283/1 (January 1999), p. 54. 18

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curriculum, not yet a separate discipline. Despite the separation, the new discipline long remained influenced by the renowned Orientalist Theodor Noeldeke (1836-1930). His study of the Qur'an (Geschichte des Korans) is impressive in its method and originality; it is nonetheless replete with negative innuendos. Harsher views are found in the works of his contemporaries Sprenger, Muir, and Hurgronje.19 Even with more sympathetic approaches, the underlying premise is confounded by the task of explaining how, why, and which influence prevails when the tenets of normative Christianity and normative Judaism conflict with one another. Critique of the Qur'an became more moderate consequent to academic advances in various arenas.20 Theology-oriented studies, for example, came to accept the significance of folk beliefs, traditions, and scriptures that existed outside the canons of Judaism and Christianity. Psychology gave credence to the workings of the subconscious versus calculating mind. Nonetheless, this school of Qur'anic study continued to accept and work within the discourse (conceptual outline, topics, terms) that had been forged in Islamic tradition. That frame of reference consists of the lore associated with the “life of the Prophet” genre, the ʚadîth collections (nonrevelatory sayings and deeds of the Prophet), the commentaries on the Qur’an, and other kinds of religious literature. The second theory, whose method rejects the discourse of Islamic tradition, preoccupied the Qur'an-scholars of Western academia in the later twentieth century.21 Representative authors ____________________

See Aloys Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad (Berlin: Nicolaische Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1861-65); William Muir, The Côran: its composition and teaching; and the testimony it bears to the Holy Scripture (London: Society or Promoting Christian Knowledge; New York: E. & J. B. Young, 1896; C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mohammedanism: lectures on its origin, its religious and political growth and its present state (New York; London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1916. 20 Even so, the age-old presumption that the Qur'an distorts Scripture, which grew out of religious polemics and missionary zeal, has been given new emphasis in the post 9/11 environment of religious diatribe and also greater “reach” through the facility of the Internet. 21 See John E. Wansbrough, Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977); idem, The Sectarian Milieu; and Gerald R. Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence of Islam: From Polemic to History (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999). The extension of this revisionist approach to 19

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THE LATENT TRACE OF ISLAMIC ORIGINS

are Wansbrough and Hawting, who built on the earlier traditioncritical perspectives of Goldziher and Schacht. John Wansbrough was particularly innovative in applying the text-critical methods of the biblical studies field to the Qur'an. A provocative, albeit derivative, point of his argument is that the Qur'anic text was not standardized until the third century (ninth century CE). This revisionist approach is still influential, although its dismissal of Islamic tradition has been judged as too radical. Its argument for late dating the emergence of Islamic exegesis is convincing. Yet, its argument for late dating the standardization of the Qur'an appears to be too dependent on considerations of form (or style, as opposed to substance). A most interesting point is that employment of the same methodology leads the opposite way. John Burton’s critical study of relevant traditions concludes that the muʜʚaf, the content of what became the Qur'an, was compiled within the Prophet’s lifetime.22 Otherwise, critics of Wanbrough’s approach have adduced evidence that this compilation was stabilized quite early and so discredit the notion that it underwent later, major redaction.23 The third theory (of Syriac or other substrate), which first emerged in Western scholarship about a century ago, is now again ascendant. It has both structural and lingual-thematic applications. The structural application is exemplified in the recently translated edition (Challenge to Islam) of Günter Lüling’s dissertation. This study, which revives the strophic analyis of Rudolph Geyer, argues that the foundational layer of the later-edited Qur'an was a Christian hymnal. As previously noted, Lüling’s work emerged from relative obscurity in an environment of religious polemic, wherein ____________________ Islamic origins is exemplified in Patricia Crone and Michael Cook, Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977). 22 John Burton, The Collection of the Qur’ćn (London; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977). 23 See, for example, the arguments of Fred M. Donner, Narratives of Islamic Origins: The Beginnings of Islamic Historical Writing (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1998); idem., “The Qur'ćn in recent scholarship: challenges and desiderata,” in Gabriel Said Reynolds (ed.), The Qur'ćn in its Historical Context (London; New York: Routledge, 2008), pp. 29-50; and Angela Neuwirth, “Qur'ćn and History – a disputed relationship,” Journal of Qur'anic Studies 5 (2003), pp. 1-18.

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its ambiguity was exploited. As for the lingual-thematic application, it is perhaps most prominent in Christoph Luxenberg’s controversial “re-reading” of the Qur'an, which is albeit less radical than Gabriel Sawma’s.24 Luxenberg revives the approach of Alphonse Mingana. Sawma draws on many antecedent works, in a very eclectic (and non-critical) manner. Their studies focus on suspect lexical and syntactic borrowings within the Qur'anic text, to which they apply the tenets of historical-comparative linguistics with more or less rigor. An attention to themes, as distinct from word forms and phraseology, is found in the works of Gabriel Reynolds and Sidney Griffith, among others. Reynolds sees the ample allusive imagery within the Islamic scripture as evidence that the Qur'an’s announcement was an eclectic process.25 Griffith presents a case study of one narrative in one sura in contending that Muhammad’s borrowing and adaptation of Christian themes is a creative, not imitative, process.26 These theses are less provocative than the “Syro-Aramaic readings,” but they do endorse the view that the Qur'an generally reflects Christian traditions. Lastly, it is noteworthy that other Western Qur'an-scholars are currently engaged not only in criticism of both the substrate and tradition-critical approaches but also in efforts to reconcile the two.27 Among my own reasons to challenge the Syriac substrate hypothesis is that it seems to be unduly influenced by Roman ecclesiastical historiography (as defined above). The received history of Syriac (or Oriental) Christianity largely unfolds in ____________________

See Luxenberg (pseud.), The Syro-Aramaic Reading of the Koran: A Contribution to the Decoding of the Language of the Koran (Berlin: Verlag Hans Schiller, 2007), translation of Die syro-aramaische Lesart des Koran (Berlin: Das Arabische Buch, 2000) and Gabriel Sawma, The Qur'an: Misinterpreted, Mistranslated, and Misread: The Aramaic Language of the Qur'an (Adibooks. com, 2006). 25 Reynolds, The Qur'ćn and its Biblical Subtext (London; New York: Routledge, 2010). 26 Griffith, “Christian lore and the Arabic Qur'ćn,” in Gabriel Said Reynolds (ed.), Qur'ćn in Historical Context (London; New York: Routledge, 2008), pp. 109-137. 27 See, for example, the following articles: Fred M. Donner, “the Qur'ćn in recent scholarship;” Gerhard Böwering, “Recent research on the construction of the Qur'ćn;” and Claude Gilliot, “Reconsidering the authorship of the Qur'ćn;” all in Reynolds (ed.), Qur'ćn in Historical Context, respectively pp. 29-50, 70-87, and 88-108. 24

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THE LATENT TRACE OF ISLAMIC ORIGINS

consonance with efforts to establish Roman-sanctioned orthodoxy east of the Euphrates, in the fourth century. The much earlier activity of the Apostles, the context of their teachings or scriptures, and the destiny of their congregations are all left to oblivion; likewise, the possibility that pre-Roman creeds continued through early Islamic times. Modern scholarship has done little to redress the historical void. Granted, the activity of the Apostles and their successors beyond the Euphrates is undocumented. It is, however, well commemorated in legends, which, also granted, are difficult to validate.28 But is it unfeasible or just unseemly to probe beyond them? Perhaps the early history is obscure because the Apostolic converts in the East were not distinguished as ChristiansȦas were those at Antioch. In any case, the received history of Syriac Christianity essentially begins with the establishment of Roman-sanctioned orthodoxy at Edessa. The implication is that the Edessans were receptive by virtue of being Hellenized (a “cut above” other) Aramaeans. Indeed, theirs is the credit of accommodating Greco-Roman Christianity in the native religious environment, which is reflected in the development of Syriac liturgy and religious literature. The account then expands on the theological controversies, the ___________________

28 One finds acceptance of the historical void in: A. J. Maclean, “Syrian Christians,” in James Hastings et al. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1908-1926) 12, p. 168; Aziz Atiya, History of Eastern Christianity (London: Methuen, 1968), p. 242; and W. Stewart McCullough, A Short History of Syriac Christianity to the Rise of Islam (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1982), pp. 21 and 53. F. C. Burkitt makes at least a cursory effort to unravel the legends concerning Edessa; Early Eastern Christianity (London: J. Murray, 1904), chap. 1. Samuel H. Moffett reviews scholarly opinions concerning pertinent legends and tangential evidence but finds them inconclusive; A History of Christianity in Asia, Vol. 1: Beginnings to 1500 (2d ed., rev. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1998), chap. 3. Among the few probing approaches, Arthur Vööbus uses comparative evidence in making a plausible case that the early “Christian” missions in Mesopotamia came from Palestine – not Antioch; History of Asceticsm in the Syrian Orient, vols. 14, 17, and 18 in series Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Louvain: Secrétariat du Corpus SCO, 1958), pp. 3-30. L. W. Barnard endorses the view that the ascetic and encratitic pulses within Syrian Christianity reflect foundational Jewish-Christian influence; “The Origins and Emergence of the Church in Edessa During the First Two Centuries A.D.,” Vigiliae Christianae 22 (1968), pp. 161-175.

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outcome of Monophysite and Nestorian objections to aspects of orthodox christology.29 The controversies created one rift between Greco-Roman and Syriac Christianity and another between West (Monophysite) and East (Nestorian) Syriac churches. Yet, the schisms did not defer the expansion of faith in Christ, for the Nestorians in particular undertook remarkable missionary ventures, which reached China, India, and South Arabia. Their Monophysite rivals similarly established missions among the Arabs. Incidentally, these schisms seem not to be branded as real heresiesȦperhaps because they were expressions of Greco-Roman philosophy. The view of competing sectaries draws further validation from Classical historiography and, to a lesser extent, from Arabic antiquarian lore, which recount the role of the Arabs in the struggle of empires. The Romans and their archrivals of the EastȦfirst Parthians, then SassaniansȦperennially faced the common strategic barrier of the north Arabian (or Syrian) Desert. Neither empire could easily undertake a strategic move in that area without the assistance of the Arabs who were masters of the barren steppe. The Romans sustained alliance with the tribes in the Transjordan Region, and their foes did likewise with the tribes in the lower Euphrates Region. Consequently, there eventually emerged two rival Arab petty states, which were ruled by dynasts from al-Buʛrâ (Bosra, Bostra) or nearby towns and al-ʗîra. The consensual view is that the “Roman Arabs” were generally adherents of Monophysite Christianity, while the “Persian Arabs” were generally supporters of Nestorian Christianity. Both had ties to the southȦin Arabia proper. This historiographic template bolsters the axiomatic notion that Islam originated in an environment of sectarian Christianity and as a reaction to its influence.30 It should be instructive to ____________________

29 In simple terms, the doctrinal disagreements concern the nature of Jesus Christ. Monophysitism holds that he had only a divine nature. Nestorianism holds that he was one person with two distinct natures, human and divine, which is the normative view. Yet, it affronts orthodox belief in rejecting the concept of Jesus’ mother as Theotokos (God-bearer). 30 Among earlier endeavors to present the thesis is Richard Bell, The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment (London: MacMillan, 1926). Acceptance of the thesis is reflected in a great many works, which vary in scope. See, for example: P. M. Holt et al. (eds.) The Cambridge History of Islam, vol. 1A (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp. 13-15 ;

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THE LATENT TRACE OF ISLAMIC ORIGINS

consider how this axiom affected, by either positive or negative influence, research on Islamic origins. One relevant line of inquiry entails the effort to trace the presence of Nestorian and Monophysite congregations in Arabia. Perhaps the most rigorous of relevant studies is Trimingham’s work on Christianity in Pre-Islamic Arabia. Despite its rigor, the survey seems inconsequential for several reasons. Indeed, it concludes that the Arabs were disinclined to accept a religion (Syriac Christianity) that answered the needs of an agrarian, versus nomadic, society. Moreover, in many cases, it is not possible to determine whether the sectaries in question were Nestorians or MonophysitesȦor some other sect for that matter. Concerning Mecca and its environs, the evidence of the presence of Christian slaves and transients is quite vague, and it remains conjectural as to what influence such people may have imparted. It likewise remains conjectural as to whether the Meccans (and Muhammad himself) learned of Christianity from their trade ventures in Syria and Mesopotamia. This observation creates some rationale for a converse approach to Islamic origins, which is epitomized by Crone and Cook’s Hagarism. As Crone comments elsewhere, “Either there had to be substantial numbers of Jews and Christians in Mecca or the Qur'an had to have been composed somewhere else.”31 Such logic appears sound. However, it founders when one considers the possibility of Jewish-Christian sectarian influence in pre-Islamic Arabia. The methodology of Hagarism is likewise unsound. I agree, to an extent, that traditional Islamic exegesis (the formal discipline of Qur'an interpretation) is suspect as to its credibility. However, I question the soundness of rejecting the Islamic tradition outright in favor of relatively scant evidence from Christian and Jewish sources from Mesopotamia.32 Such sources are critical to the thesis of Hagarism on three counts. First, they date to the seventh-eighth centuries CE and thus predate Islamic exegesis. Second, the ____________________ Gustave E. von Grunebaum, Classical Islam: A History 600 A.D. – 1258 A.D., trans. Katherine Watson (Chicago: Aldine Publishing, 1970), pp. 2123; and Maxime Rodinson, Muʚammad, trans. Anne Carter (1st American ed. New York: Pantheon Books, 1971), pp. 25-37. 31 Quoted in Alexander Stille, “Scholars Are Quietly Offering New Theories of the Koran,” New York Times (March 2, 2002), A1; article printed in modified version in International Herald Tribune (March 4, 2002). 32 See Hagarism, chap. 1 discussion and n. 21 to chap. 3 (p. 168).

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Levond “Letter” reflects Byzantine awareness of efforts to standardize the Islamic scripture.33 Third, other sources reflect confusion about the identity of the monotheist movement that erupted from Arabia. The source-date consideration is indeed a pertinent factor, but it is not compelling in itself. The other factors are unconvincing. There are no details concerning the elimination of alternate readings or alternate arrangements of the Qur'an. The confusion regarding the religion of Muhammad’s followers is inevitable given the nature of the sources used. The Christian ones are forms of Roman ecclesiastical historiography and, thus, are likely to equate difference to heresy and treat heresy with indifference to accuracy of reporting. As for the Jewish source, it is an apocalyptic work, which genre is known for obscure symbolism Ȧnot factualism. The trust in such sources is not well founded. The notion of the regional cultural dominance of Syriac Christianity has otherwise affected perspectives on the “foreign vocabulary” issue. Many scholars, even Muslim ones, have over the ages commented on the presence of words of non-Arabic origin in the Qur'an.34 Many of these loan words likely derive from one or another form of Aramaic, with Syriac being part of that linguistic set. However, the trace is seldom certain. Where the hypothetical alternative sources are cognate and thus quite similar, the etymological markers are not distinct. There is also the possibility of successive borrowings. Nonetheless, adherence to the substrate theory seemingly predisposes assessment in favor of Syriac. This tendency is seen in the works of Mingana and Luxenberg, who create meta language (my term) to bolter their argument.35 Mingana’s Syriac includes “Aramaic and Palestinian” dialects. Luxenberg’s Syro-Aramaic combines likely derivatives from Mandaic and Jewish ____________________ 33 This document contains a record of correspondence between Caliph cUmar II and Emperor Leo III. For further, see Arthur Jeffery, “Ghevond’s Text of the Correspondence Between cUmar II and Leo III,” Harvard Theological Review 37 (1944), pp. 269-332. 34 The “findings” of European Orientalists and earlier Arab grammarians are summarized in Arthur Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur'an (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938). 35 See Alphonse Mingana, “Syriac Influence on the Style of the ijur’an,” Bulletin of John Rylands Library 11 (1927), pp. 77-98 and Luxenberg, Syro-Aramaic Reading. Martin R. Zammitt also endorses the notion of a composite Aramaic-Syriac set of loanwords, although he

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or Christian Palestinian Aramaic with those from West and East Syriac. Consequently, there appears to be just one direction of linguistic influence, whereas technical differ-entiation would suggest three or four.36 The arguments do not account for the significance of the presence of many non-Aramaic loan words. Etymological questions notwithstanding, Luxenberg views his enlarged set of Syro-Aramaic loans as the residue of a Christian foundational text and demonstrates the reconstruction of such text. Sawma applies this methodology in more radical fashion. He proceeds by substituting Biblical Aramaic and Syriac for Arabic to reread long Qur'anic passages as non-Arabic and Christian-like text. Actually, this effort only serves to demonstrate what is already accepted as factȦthat Biblical Aramaic, Syriac, and Arabic are cognate (common origin) languages. Apart from the arbitrariness of his method, Sawma’s effort falls far short of the standards of modern linguistic science.37 As others have noted, linguistic analysis of the Qur'an might benefit from consideration of deeper semantic layers, which reflect religious themes or controversies of earlier centuries. Yet again, one should be wary of accepting that Syriac Christianity was the dominant religio-cultural influence in the Mecca of Muhammad’s time.38 As a final remark, I acknowledge that the very word qur'ân seems to be a borrowing from Syriac qeryânâ. I would agree that, in its format, the Qur'an resembles a qeryânâ, which is a lectionary(or reader) consisting of selections from Scripture that ___________________

excludes the “foreign vocabulary” from his lexical catalogue; Comparative Lexical Study of Qur'anic Arabic (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2002), p. 58.36 To avoid over-complicating the present discussion, I defer relevant commentary on Aramaic dialectology to Appendix A. 37 Indeed, his book The Qur'an: Misinterpreted cannot be taken seriously. Sawma is not careful to distinguish between cognates and loans, recognize semantic shift among cognate words, or avoid self-contradiction. He too often appeals to “scribal errors” and even resorts to fictional etymologies. His work is polemic, not scholarship. Nonetheless, it encourages those who wish to debase the Islamic scripture. 38 Reynold’s approach in The Qur'ćn and its Biblical Subtext is commendable. Yet, I find that the merits of his work are diminished by non-consideration of Jewish-Christian influence. My objections to Griffith’s case study in “Christian lore and the Arabic Qur'ćn” will be taken up later— in Chapter Five.

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constitute daily readings for the liturgical year.39 Format, however, is the only similarity. With respect to content and use, no extant qeryânâ fits the image of a prototype Qur'an. The contents of the Qur'an are not excerpts from Scripture. Moreover, the Qur'an’s suras are not keyed to a liturgical calendar. On such grounds, it is unlikely that qur'ân was borrowed as a technical term. Noeldeke may, after all, be correct that qur'ân is the logical verbal noun derivative from Arabic root /q-r-'/, which has the base meaning of recite or announce.40 There are cognate roots in many Aramaic dialects. Yet, it is noteworthy that, with verb forms conveying the sense of recite or announce, Qur'anic Arabic correlates more closely with Jewish Palestinian Aramaic than with Syriac. Regardless of the approach to Islamic origins, any serious reading of the Qur'an reveals that it not only deviates in various respects from the common dogma of Syriac Christianity but also manifests equivocal views concerning Christians. As with the Jews, the other people of Scripture (ahl al-kitâb), some Christians are righteous people, but most are not (3.110). Their belief in the divinity of Jesus is a perversion (9.30). Even so, the believers should not dispute with them except if they commit injustice (29.46). Neither should the believers befriend people of Scriptural faiths who ridicule the message of Muhammad (5.57). In comparative contrast, Jews and pagans are more hostile to the true believers, while Christians are more amicable (5.82). Thus, there seems to be evidence of mixed reaction to Christian influence on the part of Muhammad and his colleagues. The question as to why Christian influence is not fully welcome gets answered in further hypotheses. One of them correlates ethno-sociologic factors with ____________________

39 Tor Andrae, among other Orientalists, holds this view; “Muhammad’s Doctrine of Revelation,” Muslim World 23/3 (1933), pp. 254 and 265. For further on this topic, see William A. Graham, Beyond the Written Word: Oral Aspects of Scripture in the History of Religion (Cambridge, N.Y.: Cambridge University Press, 1987, pp. 90-91 and pertinent source citations nn. 36-38 (p. 209). For additional references, see idem, “The Earliest Meaning of ‘Qur'ćn,’” Die Welt des Islams 23/24 (1984), p. 365, n. 18. An example of a liturgical qeryâna is found in Agnes Smith Lewis (ed.), A Palestinian Syriac Lectionary (London: C. J. Clay and Sons, 1897). 40 See discussion and reference in Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary, pp. 233234.

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religious inclinations. It assesses the Arabs as being inclined to a more simple but strict monotheism (emphasis on the oneness of divinity) and therefore averse to the doctrine of the divine trinityȥlet alone other complexities of Christian theology. Accordingly, Muhammad becomes an Old Testament kind of prophet.41 Another hypothesis sees the Jewish presence in Arabia as a source of alternate, more congenial beliefsȥalthough Muhammad’s relations with the Jews of the Hijaz rather quickly became antagonistic.42 Neither hypothesis is convincing. The former is anachronistic in its view of Arab religious tendencies. It discounts the historical gap between the world of Muhammad and the world of the Hebrew ProphetsȦwhich encompasses the ascendance of the Aramaeans. As Aramaean religion entails worship of astral deities, its replication is manifest at Mecca. The Quraysh promote worship of three female astral deities; the Ka’ba encloses a meteorite. So, where is the ethnic tendency to strict monotheism? And why are there Qur'anic injunctions against violence to nature? Defacing nature, in general, and slitting the ears of cattle, in particular, are denounced as demonical (4.19). The people of Thamûd are denounced for slaying “the she-camel of Allah” (7.73). Respect for nature is far more prominent as a Zoroastrian tenet than a Judaic one. As for the latter hypothesis, it is merely conjectural (even rather cynical) concerning Muhammad’s motives and his adoption of the creed of ____________________ This theme is developed in W. Montgomery Watt, Muʚammad: Prophet and Statesman (London; New York: Oxford University Press, 1961, pp. 39-55. It is reflected in Chapter 10 (Islam the Religion of Submission) of Philip Hitti’s frequently republished History of the Arabs. It also appears in Marshall Hodgson, The Venture of Islam (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1974), vol. 1, pp. 166-167 and, as previously noted, in Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs, Epilogue (pp. 308311). The correlation between sociology and religion is addressed in Alfred Guillaume, Prophecy and Divination Among the Hebrews and Other Semites (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1938), lecture 2. 42 This topic was initially broached by Abraham Geiger, Was hat Mohammed aus dem judenthume aufgennomen (Bonn: F. Baaden, 1833). The standout English work is Charles C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam (New York: Jewish Institute of Religion Press, 1933). The hypothetic positive and negative impact of Jewish influence is also, more recently, considered by Francis E. Peters, Muhammad and the Origin of Islam (Albany: SUNY Press 1994). 41

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Abraham. It sees the creed as being more or less an invention of Muhammad.43 In sum, the common problem with such explanations is reading the wrong history into the Qur'an. Setting the record straight on Islamic origins necessitates a reconsideration of the religio-cultural history of the Hellenistic Near East. Prior to that undertaking, I should clarify my own approach to the Qur'anȦsince I have shown such disfavor with others. As mentioned, I see problems with tafsîr and agree that the relevant commentary manifests hidden agendas, anachronisms, folk etymologies, and other flaws. In fairness though, I would suggest that some shortcomings were inevitable because interpretive efforts were undertaken without the advantages of archeology, comparative linguistics, and other modern disciplines. In any case, I limit reliance on tafsîr to the issue of reconstructing the sequence of revelation. As specialist scholars know, the extant Qur'an is for the most part sequentially ordered according to the descending length of its chapters. Such ordering of the content obliterates the original sequence of prophetic sayings. The scripture does, however, reflect disconnected difference in terminology, word-symbols, emphases, and topics of concern. Such discontinuity ostensibly points to anachronistic sequencing of text. From this observation, the exponents of tafsîr proceed by applying the following logic. Difference indicates change over time; whereas commonality indicates place in time. Hence, the search for commonality and then incremental change in the above-mentioned text features becomes the way to restore chronology. It seems that pertinent issues have been competently addressed, if not completely resolved, through tafsîr. Thus, I agree with its exponents that the original sequence of the suras can be reconstructed with a fair degree of consensus and likewise the division between Meccan and Medinan revelations. As for the problematic words and passages, it is imperative to consider them in literary contextȦbut not in the sense of the ____________________

Noting the absence of evidence of Jewish presence at Mecca, Peters posits the existence there of a latent, albeit debased, indigenous cult of Abraham. He argues that Muhammad attempted to revive it at the expense of the Meccans’ “henotheism.” The consequent opposition led to emigration to Yathrib (Medina) and exposure to Jewish influence, whose negative effect was to induce greater focus on the religion of Abraham. See Muhammad and the Origin of Islam, pp. 117-128, and 202-210. 43

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background narratives (stories behind the words) used by Islamic exegesis.44 These were developed because of the peculiar form and style of the Qur'anic text. The Qur'an is not a narrativeȦthe form of Genesis, Acts, the synoptic gospels, and so forth. It is, rather, a collection of utterances concerning right living and salvation. The suras are generally named, not for any coherent theme, but for some conspicuous word in the text. They do not directly mention the circumstance that evoked admonition (touching on moral ethics and divine judgment), exhortation (to virtuous action), or refutation (of rival creeds), and so forth. Moreover, the Qur'anic passages typically employ allusion as a style of expression. That is, the meaning of the word-symbol derives not from its immediate verbal context but from familiarity with some other context. Examples in English usage are the familiar phrases “patience of Job” and “wisdom of Solomon.” Such phrases are not in themselves informative as to what degree of virtue these persons exemplify; they rather evoke knowledge of it. That knowledge comes only from outside the statement at handȦfrom familiarity with relevant Scriptural stories. So it is with many Qur'anic passages. But is it the case that meaning must always be sought beyond the text of the Qur'an? Perhaps notȦif one takes the step of dissecting the structure of the book. Whether one leaves the extant sequence of suras or reorders them, the Qur'an is a single scriptural work. It differs in this respect from the Christian Bible and Hebrew Tanakh, which consist of separate books of various scriptural categories. Among those categories are: history, law (or rules), prophecy, apocalypse, wisdom (moral lessons), psalms, gospel, and epistle. One might note, as an aside, that this is a characteristically Hellenistic approach to the organizing of text. In contrast, the Qur'an is a large collection of sermon- and oracle-like discourses (suras) of varying length. As for the suras, all but the shortest ones consist of passages that more or less vary as to mode (or “tenor”) of religious message. These message modes are comparable, either directly or indirectly, to ____________________ Such methodology actually comprises a separate “science” known as asbâb al-nuzûl. For a concise description of it, see Fred M. Donner, ‘The Historical Context” in Jane D. McAuliffe (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Qur'ân (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 30. 44

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categories of scripture. They include discourse that conveys apologetics, prophecy, or law as well as discourse that reflects on historic (true) prophecy, apocalyptic revelation, or wisdom lore. It bears repeating that the modes are not aspects of structure. They are aspects of content, and they often alternate in occurrence. Even moderate length suras contain several message modes and several interspersed instances of each.45 This literary feature can be illustrated through annotation of sample suras. The process requires attention to seams between verses or passages (technically, pericopes) to ascertain where changes in mode occur; it uses the coding scheme below. A1

Apocalyptic, which entails vision of the beginning and end of the universe and the ultimate destiny of mankind (to be further discussed below) Apologetic, which entails defense of the message and the messenger Historical, which refers to the past of the cult (or creed), that is, the way of the righteous Legalist, in the sense of imparting rules for righteous living Prophetic, which entails reminding people of their obligation to God and the temporal consequences of fulfilling or dismissing it Wisdom-imparting, in the sense of advocating some moral and ethical philosophy

A2 H L P W

Applying this process in the reading of three sample suras renders the following notations. – Sura #11, Hûd (an “Arab”prophet): 1-4 (P) // 5-7 (A1) // 8-14 (A2) // 15-99 (H) // 100-122 (P) – Sura #23, al-Mu’minûn (the Believers): 1-11 (W) // 12-22 (A1) // 23-56 (A2) // 57-65 (P) // 66-77 (A2) // 78-118 (P) – Sura #35, alternately titled al-Fâtir (the Originator of Creation) or al-Malâ'ika (the Angels): 1-3 (A1) // 4 (A2) // 5-8 (P) // 9-18 (A1) // 19-22 (W) // 23-26 (P) // 27-41 (A1) // 42-45 (P). Such portrayal warrants three comments.

____________________ The alternation of mode is not wholly unique to the Qur'an. One finds, for example, apocalyptic messages embedded in the gospels and the 45

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First, some adversarial critics of the Qur'anic text may be keen to see this deconstructive method as demonstrating lack of cohesion and, therefore, coherence. It is not my intent at all to prompt such an inferenceȦwhich judges the text according to external (that is, foreign) standards. There is no reason that the Qur'an should be consistent with the writing conventions of Greco-Roman or Western culture. It does not belong to such culture. Indeed, the Qur'anic text is quite consistent with the writing conventions of Arab culture, wherein one finds admixture of mainline narrative with poetry, dialogue, and secondary narrative. The various tenors of the Qur'an are complementary in conveying the overall message about the one valid moral path. My differentiation of message modes is only a step toward establishing the proper (internal) context for interpretation of problematic words and passages. The internal approach seems far more valid than the external one of interpreting by recourse to some conjectural background (as in traditional tafsîr), biblical referent, or Syro-Aramaic foundational text. It also seems to be methodologically consistent with the traditional effort to establish the original sequence of the suras. In the overall scheme of this book, the deconstruction of Qur'anic text complements the deconstruction of Roman history. Second, this deconstructive approach (differentiation of message modes) has positive effect in that it exposes some undo criticism of the Prophet and his teachings. Many Qur'anic verses that entail apologetics inevitably allude to the religious lore of those who are not Muhammad’s followers. Thus, the clay bird episode in Suras 3 and 5 is not endorsement of the non-canonical Infancy Gospels. It is, rather, admonishment that whatever miracles Jesus performed happened through the power of God. The same consideration applies to verses 2.65-66 and 7.163-167, which relate that God punished Jewish fishermen who violated the Sabbath by turning them into apes. This tale is not the direct teaching of the Qur'an. It belongs, rather, to the lore of Muhammad’s adversaries, as indicated by the respective phrases “well you know” and “question them concerning.” In similar manner, Qur'anic verses concerning wisdom allude to the popular lore of Muhammad’s ____________________ books of the prophets. However, the incidence of mode change is much greater in the Islamic scripture.

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milieu. Some detractors are astonished that Alexander the Great (Dhû al-Qarnayn, Sura 18) is favorably mentioned in the Islamic scripture. In fact, throughout the pre-Islamic Near East, Alexander is considered to be both an exemplar of virtue and an agent of God. The Qur'an’s portrayal of him as such is certainly fitting. Third, some readers may see this approach as being arbitrary. I would like to contend that my method is free of subjectivity. However, that cannot beȦfor a number of reasons. Some of the words and images that are very characteristic of one tenor at times appear in other tenors, which raises doubts as to the distinctiveness of the verses under consideration. Moreover, there is a fine line between cultic history and prophecy since both message modes portray some of the same persons. The former recalls the past appearance of prophets among certain people and the reaction of those people to the prophets’ admonitions. The latter demonstrates that Muhammad’s warning was not unprecedented. Apart from such distinction, the significant point regarding the Qur'an’s list of prophets is that it includes many of the biblical patriarchs and men of wisdom (such as Solomon and Job), but excludes most of the literary prophets of the Old Testament and the Tanakh. This peculiarity is indicative of a tradition that is independent of ecclesiastical Christianity and rabbinic JudaismȦthe association of prophetic capacity and true religious faith, as will be further discussed in Chapter Three. There is likewise a fine line between monotheistic prophecy and apocalypse in that both concern the ascendance of divine power over worldly power. With prophecy, that phenomenon recurs through (and in) history as manifest in the rise and fall of empires, states, and cities. The “fall” is associated with divine punishment of the sinfulȦthose who follow false gods or break their covenant with the true God. Prophecy is the older category of scripture. Prophetic warnings teach the right behavior to win God’s favor. The message comes from God through the mediacy of the prophet, who puts it into human speech. As one approach to guide conduct, Scriptural prophecy competes with Babylonian (or Chaldean) occultism, which was prevalent in the Biblical World of the mid to late first millennium BCE. This antithesis is reflected in various manners in Old Testament books. For example, it occurs in Isaiah’s taunt of Babylon: “Let your astrologers . . . stand forth to save you (47.13).” Similarly, Jeremiah sees that, upon the impact

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THE LATENT TRACE OF ISLAMIC ORIGINS

of divine retribution, Babylon’s soothsayers “will become fools (50.36).” Conversely, there is no aversion to occult science in the apocalyptic scriptures, which typically address the inevitability of the final judgment and the circumstances leading up to itȦthe end of history. Here, it would do well to describe more fully the category of apocalyptic writing, since the term may be either unfamiliar or familiar in the wrong sense. The first consideration is that most of the relevant works are excluded from the Jewish and Christian canons. The second is that the word apocalypse has taken new meaning in the modern mediaȦa cataclysm bringing the end of the world. In any case, many people (in the Christian World) would likely associate the scriptural genre with the New Testament Book of Revelation, which indeed is also known as the Apocalypse of John. This is the sole apocalyptic work within the New Testament, and its canonical status was granted only after considerable debate within early Christianity. The reservations concerning the book ostensibly arose from the problem of interpreting its very cryptic symbolism. Many present-day Christians are aware of that difficulty, either from their own experience or from the guidance of their churchmen. As for non-canonic apocalyptic works, some of the better known are the Books of Enoch, Jubilees, the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, the Assumption of Moses, the Apocalypse of Abraham, and the Sibylline Oracles.46 Fragments of Enoch, Jubilees, and the Testament are included in the cache discovered at QumranȦthe famous “Dead Sea Scrolls.” Apocalyptic themes are also reflected in numerous other texts in this collection, which likely belonged to a local community of Essene Jews. Regardless of title, scriptural writings are categorized as apocalypses by virtue of exhibiting most or all of the following features: ____________________ For an overview of this scriptural genre, see the monographs by F. C. Burkitt, Jewish and Christian Apocalypses (London: H. Milford, 1914); D. S. Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1964); idem, Divine Disclosure: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1962); and James C. VanderKam and William Adler (eds.), The Jewish Apocalyptic Heritage in Early Christianity (The Hague: Van Gorum, 1996). 46

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– Revelation of mysteries concerning creation, history, and the end of time. The relevant symbols include angels and demons and cosmologic and astrologic concepts that are “Chaldean” in origin.47 – Divine edification of a just, righteous man in some remote past age. The relevant symbol is a sage who, in trance state, copies the wisdom of heavenly tablets onto scrolls. – Knowledge held in secret by an elect few, transmitted “in code” from generation to generation. – Cataclysm associated with the appearance of the Son of Man or messiah figure, who establishes a reign of justice (or righteousness) as a prelude to the end of time. As with any genre, there are variations of imagery, dimension, and other such aspects within the common features. There are, for example, two concepts of the reign of justiceȦone being of short duration, the other lasting for a considerable time. Moreover, it is generally accepted that early Christian apocalypses developed from and belong to the same genre as Jewish apocalypses. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between themȦparticularly where Christian authors rework earlier Jewish texts. However, the Christian works do reflect some distinct features, such as the specific role of Jesus as messiah, emphasis on judgment of individual souls, depiction of the agonies of hell, notion of the kingdom of heaven, and revelation to some Apostle. As such features are either absent from or less pronounced in the Qur'an, it would seem that the antecedents of its apocalyptic message lay outside of mainline Christianity. In any case, as I will discuss more fully in Chapter Five, it is the apocalyptic tenor of the Qur'an that explains the allusions to the four winds and angels of various kinds, the deference to just (as in righteous) menȦaside from prophets, and the similitude of Jesus and Adam, among other images. There are three relevant inferences. First, the combination of such images is not random. Second, the imagery itself derives from some synthesis of religious thought, which is not intrinsic to the Islamic scripture. Third, the synthesis emanated from an environment in which Eastern themes were seen as exemplary and apocalypse was seen as imminent. Although the Qur'an itself does not reflect urgency or intensity concerning apocalypse, it employs the characteristic imagery as ____________________ 47

The term Chaldean is addressed in Appendices A and B.

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foresight of the final judgment. Such imagery very likely has the same ultimate source as the Qur'an’s theme of patriarchal faith and its concept of personal accountability to God. It is the moralist movement that inspired the practice of Essenism and the composition of the so-called pseudepigraphical scriptures, which constituted a significant part of the Qumran library.48 Lest terminology become oppressive, it would do well here to define pseudepigrapha. This term, in its most narrow sense, designates writings that are biblical in nature but pseudonymous in authorship and excluded from canon. The category pseudepigrapha includes apocalypses as well as wisdom literature, psalms, and the chronologic Book of Jubilees. Regarding the inspiration for such literary endeavors, it was a certain mind-set that developed during the inter-testamental period of Palestinian Jewish history (200 BCE – 100 CE). This era was characterized by conflict between Jews and Gentiles, particularly Greco-Macedonian and Roman ones, and by tensions among the Jews themselves. The first major trouble emerged when the ruling Seleucid regime, of Macedonian origin, sought to enforce Hellenization measures in 176 BCE. The Seleucids’ antagonistic treatment of the Jews provoked the famous Maccabean revolt. This uprising resulted in governmental change, with the indigenous Hasmoneans replacing the foreign Seleucids. However, the virtue of the new dynasty eventually came into question. The accommodation of Hellenistic influences and the corruptibility of the high priesthood disturbed the more pious among the populace. Disagreements became embodied in rival “philosophic” factions (or sects)Ȧthe Sadducees, Pharisees, Essenes, and Zealots, according to Josephus.49 Factional rivalry abetted Roman intervention (in 63 BCE), and recurrent factional agitation led to Roman repression and eventually all-out war during the years 66-70 CE and 132-135 CE. Under such circumstances, it was inevitable that some Jewish savants would reflect on dynastic changes, anticipate the end of the age of ____________________ There is some disagreement among scholars. However, according to one of the foremost authorities, the theory identifying Essenism with Qumran “has strong claims for general acceptance.” See Geza Vermez and Martin D. Goodman (eds.), The Essenes: According to the Classical Sources (Sheffield, U.K.: JSOT Press, 1989, pp. 12-13. 49 Jewish War 2.8 and Antiquities 18.1. 48

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injustice, seek wisdom and virtue in Eastern (versus Greco-Roman) culture, and hold anti-establishment views as to Jewish selfconsciousness. Moreover, to avoid punitive reactions from governmental and religious authorities, they would likely well want to conceal the authorship of literature that might be perceived as subversive. It is also noteworthy that, by this point in history, the societies of the Fertile Crescent had been exposed to direct or indirect Chaldean influence for about five and a half centuries.50 Whether the Eastern Jewish diaspora was instrumental in spreading Chaldean lore to Palestine cannot be established. In any case, the beliefs in an “end of the age,” a cosmic savior, and a final judgment had become popular there. The images of chaotic waters, heavenly tablets, and cosmic cycles were fully intelligible to the authors and readers of the first apocalyptic scriptures. Apart from pseudepigrapha, the Qumran library consists of copies of (canonical) scriptures, commentaries on them, community rules, and other sectarian literature. Certain of these works reflect Essene authorship; others reflect the wider Jewish heritage. The documents are consistent with some aspects of Pharisaic Judaism and some of Christianity. So it would seem that Essenism was one representation of a religious sub-culture that fragmented along divergent paths when hope for the “end of days” was lost. The doctrinaires of Pharisaic Judaism drew away from messianism. Their teaching evolved into rabbinic Judaism, which sought to reconsolidate the Jewish community with emphasis on religious law. Christian Church Fathers reinterpreted messianism. They built an ecclesiastical establishment, which sought to create a new, universal community with emphasis on personal salvation through Jesus. The two faith communities continued to generate apocalyptic literature, although such works had only marginal influence. But what was the destiny of the Essenes? Is it feasible that some of them followed yet a third vectorȦone that reinterpreted messianism but sought salvation through personal virtue? And is it feasible that some such "way of the righteous” survived in the shadows of Roman ecclesiatical Christianity and rabbinic Judaism? The intriguing point is that the probable Essene writings ____________________ 50

See expanded discussion in Appendix B.

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collectively reflect a worldview and a faith that are very similar to those of the Qur'an. Before addressing the above questions, I should first review what is known of the Essenes, who were ostensibly found throughout Palestine and very probably around Alexandria, Egypt as well. The identity of these sectarians has, of late, been a topic of considerable controversy in so far as it relates both to the authorship of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the nature of early Christianity. Indeed, the word Essene is not found in the Scrolls, whose authors refer to their brethren by many other termsȦsuch as, those who follow the (right) way, the righteous ones, saints, the sons of light, the sons of truth, and the poor. The name ostensibly comes from Greco-Roman circles, where it appears originally in the works of Philo, Pliny the Elder, and Flavius Josephus.51 These authors relate many features of the Essene way, which are collectively summarized as follows: – Conditions of membership, which entail communal living, common holding of property (to include clothing) and wealth, its management by stewards, probation and initiation for inductees, an oath of fidelity on acceptance into the group, successive stages of membership, obedience to superiors, secrecy of ritual and lore, solemnity of the common meal and table fellowship, preference for celibacy (although, according to Josephus, some groups allowed marriage), disallowance of slavery, and employment in agricultural and craft work (with bans on weapons crafting and commerce). – Pursuit of virtue, which involves temperance, simplicity of living, frugality, rejection of oath taking, and daily prayerȦand particularly to the sun upon rising from bed and at meals. – Concern for purity, which involves the wearing of white robes, special preparation of meals, ablutionary bathing before meals and after natural functions, and abstention from self-anointing with oil. – Moral beliefs and behavior, which include avoidance of the Jerusalem Temple, abhorrence to wanton animal sacrifice, reverence for ancestral laws, strict observance of the Sabbath, convic____________________ 51 These sources are Philo’s Quod omnis probus liber sit 75-91 and Apologia pro Iudaeis, Pliny’s Natural History, and Josephus’ Jewish War and Antiquities. The relevant accounts of the Essenes by these authors (and three later ones) have been excerpted, translated, collected, and annotated with critical commentary in Vermes and Goodman, The Essenes.

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tion that fate overrides free will, and belief in an after-life of the soul. – Intellectual attainment, which involves mastery of healing techniques (for body and soul), allegorical interpretation of the Torah, comprehension of esoteric doctrine contained in secret books, and mastery of foretelling future happenings. From the above source information, one obtains a general impression of the Essene way. However, it is only from interpretation of the patently Essene works within the Qumran library that we gain more substantive insights concerning organization, hierarchy, initiation rites, instruction of inductees, precision of calendrical calculations, daily-weekly-seasonal routines, punishment for infraction of rules, angelology, messianic beliefs, secret tradition of the patriarchs, and interpretive basis of the “new covenant,” as well as awareness of other unique practices, such as “reading” men’s characters, singing hymns at meals, and forbiddance of left hand gesturing. We see more clearly that the Essenes were pious Jews who objected to the alien (Seleucid and later Roman) presence and corruptive influence in society and also the Hellenized templecult establishment of Jerusalem. Some lived among the general populace; others secluded themselves in isolated communes, where they followed a more rigid code of conduct and concentrated on attaining virtue. (Thus, some inconsistencies in the Classical sources can be resolved.) The Essenes had a dualistic outlook, viewing mankind as divided between the righteous (themselves) and the wicked (all others) and the universe as contested between the power of light (good) and the power of darkness (evil). That contest would end in a final cataclysm with light being triumphant in a new, messianic age. Cognizant scholars assess that the Qumran site was abandoned around 68 CE. However, Qumran is not the whole story, and there remains the key question of what happened to the Essenes. The nameȦas Greek Essenoi or Essaioi, Latin Esseni or EssaeiȦdisappears from Classical historiography, which omission might suggest that the sect died out. However, such deduction is unwarranted, given certain linguistic and cultural considerations. Resolving the derivation of Essene is an apt start-point. Scholars debate the origin of the word, yet some lack the correct perspective. The name Essene derives from a Semitic root consisting of initial glottal stop /࣭ / medial /s/ and final “weak radical”Ȧ

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either /'/ or /y/; its general verbal sense is to heal.52 The evidence of comparative Semitic is compelling. – Arabic verb asâ means to treat (a wound). – Hebrew verb asa means to heal; noun asa means healer. – Jewish Palestinian Aramaic verb asy means to heal or cure; noun asîyn means doctor. – Mandaic verb asy means to heal, make whole. – Syriac nouns âse or âsyâ (singular) and âsayôn or âsayôtâ (plural) mean healer or physician. There might be objection that the Greco-Roman source words of Essene and Ossene (a later term) do not begin with vowel /a/. However, the occurrence of /e/ and /o/ as allophones of /a/ is very well attested to in Aramaic and Arabic dialectology. The Greco-Roman renderings very likely reflect the (deceptive) auditory perception of variant pronunciations of Semitic vowel /a/. This hypothesis of misperception likewise clarifies the sect name Naassene, which is cited without gloss by the heresiologist Hippolytus. It may well be a distortion of Syriac ma'syânâ, which is another word for healer or physician. Thus, whoever originally labeled the Essenes as such must have seen their mastery of healing as being the most distinctive (or defining) characteristic of their way of life. As for core beliefs, there exists no “index” of them among the very numerous Qumran scrolls. The so-called Damascus Document does hint at one, when it mentions the qualifications for the judges and the head of the congregation. It specifies that, for these offices, those elected shall be “learned in the Book of Meditation.” Thus, this text must have been a key reference for the congregation’s leadership. It is disconcerting that the Scrolls Catalogue contains no such title. The absence might be explained by any of the following reasons. The book was not copied in quantity and eventually vanished. The reference to it used an alternate title for one of the catalogued worksȦof which many are indeed only fragments. The text was an established compendium of several of these known works. Whatever the case concerning Meditations, there was undoubtedly some variance in practice among the Essene communities. ____________________ The hypothesis proposed by Johann Bellermann two centuries ago is indeed quite sound. See his Geschichtliche Nachrichten aus dem Alterthume über Essäer und Therapeuten (Berlin: F. Maurer, 1812), p. 8. 52

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The accounts of the earlier Classical sources are not fully consistent with each other. Moreover, Philo’s comparison of the Essenes and the Therapeutae, which also translates as healers, reveals that the two groups have many similarities and a highly probable common origin.53 After Philo’s time, Hippolytus (Refutation of All Heresies 9.26) comments, without elaborating, that the Essene sect eventually split four ways. The Gnostic Ossenes known to Epiphanius (Panarion 19. 1.1-6.4) may well be one of the off-shoots. Of similar relevance is Eusebius’ perception (Ecclesiastical History 2.17) that Philo’s Therapeutae are Christians. Indeed, it is plausible that some Essene communities merged into the Jesus movement in Palestine and surrounding areas. The first followers of Jesus thereȦeven later generationsȦwere not known as Christians per se. Contemporary observers lacked the concept Jewish Christians, which only emerged in modern scholarship, yet Judaic sources attest that some such people practiced healing in the name of Jesus.54 It is also relevant for this hypothesis that the symbol of the miracle-working healer had high esteem among the Apostolic congregations of the East. It repeatedly occurs in the Doctrine of Addai and the Acts of Judas Thomas, which, according to many authorities on early Christianity, are key foundational texts of the faith-communities beyond the Euphrates. The correspondence of Essene and Apostolic ways is further exemplified in the mention of fasting, vigil keeping, wearing of coarse clothes, hymnody, and meager diet of bread, salt, and water in both Philo’s description of the Therapeutae and the Acts of Judas Thomas. The Christian heresiologists may be oblivious to such correspondences. However, despite the confusion of their terminology, they do provide clues concerning the existence of monotheistic groups that followed the way of the righteous as it evolved from the time of the Qumran covenanters. The critical question, though, is whether there is continuity from those days to the time of the Qur'anic revelation. ____________________ See Vermes and Goodman, The Essenes, pp. 15-17 and the Appendix (excerpts from On the Contemplative Life). 54 See Hugh Schonfield, History of Jewish Christianity (London: Duckworth, 1936), pp. 79-80. 53

2 DECONSTRUCTION: “ROMAN” HERESIOLOGY AND NASOREAN WAY

When the Romans invaded the Levant in 63 BCE and overthrew the Hellenistic-Macedonian Seleucid regime, they brought a dissonant culture into the Near East. The Seleucids were indeed heirs of the great Alexander, but their culture was heavily influenced by the ways and ideas of the East. They had once controlled territory as far eastward as Samarkand, in Central Asia, and held Mesopotamia for nearly two centuries. When the Parthians drove them out of those lands and secured the east bank of the Euphrates, the political unity of the Fertile Crescent was rent. Conversely, the similarity of the Seleucid and Parthian courtly cultures was not significantly affected; some of their common heritage went back as far as the Babylonian heyday of the sixth century BCE. Such was not the case with the Romans. They favored Greek over (the earlier, alternative) Aramaic as the language of government and viewed Parthia with more suspicion and less familiarity. They were primarily interested in the region’s political and military situationȦnot its sociology. Their own concept of virtue was largely associated with patriotic (or civic) duty. Thus, Roman historiographers were not inclined to write much about the contrastive native approaches to moral or ethical virtue. Even so, one might question whether the Romans inherited something from the Classical Greek accounts of the East. Prior to the Roman conquests in the Levant, Greeks had been in direct contact with Near Eastern society for about five centuries. Thus, 35

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the ever-famous Herodotus had much to say about the Persians, as did likewise Xenophon, Thucidydes, and Strabo. However, I would tend to accept the assessment of Albert de Jong. “Ancient Greece did not produce objective observers of foreign cultures;” Greek literature employed contrastive “stereotypes of an Oriental people in order to activate Greek cultural awareness and a sense of moral as well as physical superiority.”1 Modern histories of Late Antiquity have tended to make much of the “Hellenistic synthesis” that developed after Alexander’s conquests in the East. But where is the evidence for that in the arena of historiography? The name of Berossus comes to mind. From what remains of his work, it seems that he adeptly grasped the Hellenic method of structuring and composing history. However, his work did not inspire any native school of historiography. On the contrary, it was seldom quoted and failed to displace the influence of Ktesias of Knidos, whose legendary accounts of Semiramis were redacted in many later Greek histories. It is questionable whether and to what extent genuine biculturalism existed. The ancients, given the scholarly conventions of their time, cannot be faulted for the corruption or inconsistent transliteration of personal and place names. Phonetic problems in crossing language barriers are inevitable, especially when the respective languages belong to different familiesȦIndoEuropean versus Semitic. Nonetheless, the case of Essene, wherein Josephus fails to gloss the meaning of the loan word and Philo resorts to an imaginative etymology for it, suggests that the linguistic-cultural barrier had not been crossed at all. For many centuries though, Roman, and earlier Hellenic, historical works were the only extant perspectives on the Near East in Late Antiquity. The dynasties of Eastern origin that existed prior to or contemporaneous with the Seleucids did not leave comparable works. The Achaemenid Persians did not even have a writing system until Darius I (550-486 BCE) directed the invention of Old Persian Cuneiform.2 The Arsacid Parthians, although they ____________________ 1 De Jong, Traditions of the Magi: Zoroastrianism in Greek and Latin Literature (Leiden; New York: Brill, 1997), pp. 22-28. 2 Incidentally, these same Persians have been vilified in the popular history and folklore of the West, for they were the ones who invaded Greece and battled the heroically defiant city-states at Marathon, Thermopylae, Salamis, and Plataea.

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assimilated some Greco-Macedonian ways, were little inclined to adopt or promote historiography. The Sassanid Persians, who overthrew the Parthians in Roman times (224 CE), did compose some literary works of a quasi-historical nature. One genre consisted of chronicles, that is, the recording of significant events by regnal year. Another consisted of narrative talesȦcomparable to Western romancesȦof the heroic feats of kings. Such works, however, were intended either to aggrandize the dynasty or, in the case of the hero lore, to teach kingly virtue to the nobility. They offer glimpses of the what and when of events; they largely disregard the why and how. Nonetheless, these dynasties of Eastern origin built and inscribed monuments, issued decrees, kept records, and minted coins. In time, the Western World developed new investigative fields, such as archeology, anthropology, linguistics, epigraphy, and numismatics, and used their findings to complement or correct the accounts of Classical (Greco-Roman) history. Even then, the search for perspectives on the society of “the day” was hindered by the scarcity of native literature. Concerning issues of morality, two particular developments helped dispel the mystery of indigenous faiths and render them more intelligible for historical and comparative study. Refinements in translation of the obscure Avestan language have advanced our understanding of Zoroastrianism as it evolved during the Achaemenid, Arsacid, and Sassanid periods. The chance discovery and translation of the Qumran library greatly added to our understanding of Jewish sectarianism and Christian origins. The newly gained clarity exposed the limitations of GrecoRoman historiography. We have previously seen that the Classical account of Essenism is rather superficialȦby modern standards. A similar case is the Roman historiographic treatment of the so-called “mystery cults,” particularly Mithraism. The archeologic recovery of many mithraea (singular mithraeum, cave-like sanctuaries) has greatly broadened our knowledge of the cultic practices. Yet, the artifacts reveal little concerning the doctrine of the cult. Some modern scholars have been inclined to detach Roman Mithraism from Eastern culture, viewing it as a newly creative interpretation of Iranian religious symbols according to Greek philosophy.3 They overlook the fact that the symbols are a coherent and meaningful set in themselves, as they derive from Magianism. Their similarity with Greek

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concepts may have induced some Romans to adopt Mithraism, but the argument for a fundamental Hellenic influence seems unwarranted. Iranian influence is amply reflected in the prominence of numeric seven (as seen in the grades of initiation and the soul’s journey through planetary spheres), the sequential ordering of the planets, the ablution ritual, the keeping of a perpetual flame, the offering of thrice daily prayers to the sun, and the pursuit of virtue through fraternal bonding. The last factor might be called into question. The popularity of the Iranian brotherhoods (javanmardi) is historically well attested toȦbut as a social phenomenon of Islamic times. The possible existence of earlier prototypes is a neglected topic, mainly due to scarcity of evidence. However, there is some scholarly opinion that such prototypes did exist. In discussing the javanmardi, Mohsen Zakeri notes that several European and Iranian scholars see the continuity of an ancient institution that existed in Sassanian and, in one view, even earlier times.4 Using comparative evidence, James R. Russell contends that the Roman version of the origin of MithraismȦin Anatolia, in the second century CEȦmay be only part of the story. He finds in an Armenian folk epic, which took shape in the later first millennium BCE, reflection of “the values of paramilitary fraternities of young men who paid special devotion to the yazata Mithra.”5 Thus, the conventional view regarding brotherhoods (or fraternal orders) in Hellenistic Near Eastern society seems due for revision. ____________________ 3 See, for example, the perspectives of: Robert Turcan, Mithras Platonicus: Recherches sur l’hellénisation philosophique de Mithra (Leiden: E. J. Brill 1975), Reinhold Merkelbach, Mithras (Königstein: Hain, 1984); and Roger Beck, The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire: Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (Oxford; New York; Oxford University Press, 2006). Such works challenge the earlier view, often associated with Franz Cumont, that Mithraism originated in a Magian environment. 4 See his Sćsćnid Soldiers in Early Muslim Society: the Origins of ‘Ayyćrćn and Futuwwa (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag, 1995), pp. 8-11 particularly references to Taescher, Zünfte, Cahen, Massignon, Muhammad Bahâr, Khanlârî, and Mahjûb. Zakeri’s study is also available in print as University of Utah PhD Dissertation, 1993. 5 Russell, “On Some New Discoveries and Directions in Zoroastrianism,” Paper, Chicago Zoroastrian Association, November 2007, p. 9; his relevant publications are cited in this paper.

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As with Roman Mithraism, there seemingly were Iranian influences in Essenism as well. These include dualism of cosmic view, intricacy of angelology, adherence to purification laws, conduct of night vigils, and fraternalistic approach to virtue. Three tenets of Zoroastrian ethics resound in Essenism. They are: integrityȦthe importance of keeping one’s word and speaking the truth; fellowshipȦthe importance of mutual reinforcement in virtuous ways; and non-violenceȦthe importance of not violating the natural order. These tenets are manifested in the Avesta, the liturgical book of Zoroastrianism.6 The Avesta indirectly commends integrity in numerous denunciations of the metaphoric great “lie” and the liars who contradict the righteous. It alludes to fellowship as a desirable condition in several verses, whereas its Yasna 15 is replete with references to the related concept brotherhood. The Avesta similarly alludes to the virtue of respecting the natural order of existenceȦin other words, non-violence to nature. Various other sources attest to such ethics in practiceȦthe revulsion to lying, the bonding in brotherhoods, and the manner of consecrating sacrificial animals.7 With the Essenes, the expectation of integrity is ostensibly the reason that they disdain making oaths. The value of fellowship is reflected in their communal meal and also in their communal livingȦwhere that was practiced. The tenet of non-violence is manifested in their restriction of animal sacrifice, their vegetarian diet, and their pacifist approach to confrontation. (Such practices are, in comparison, rather extreme applications of the tenet.) Apart from the apparent Iranian influences, Essenism and Mithraism have other commonalities. These include essentiality of the common meal, fasting, secret ritual, esoteric doctrine, instruction by masters, and right-hand clasp (on induction). Their one noteworthy difference is how they authenticate and transmit ____________________ 6 Relevant sections are: (for integrity) 30.4-5. 32.15-16, 33.1-2 & 4, 43-4, 44.12-14, 45.1, 46.1 & 6, 47.4-5, and 48.1-2 & 11, and 50.10 & 13; (for fellowship) 13.6, 32.2, 40.3-4, 49.3, 15 (all), and 53.7; and (for nonviolence) 6.15, 7.16, 13.4 & 9, 17.12, 29.7, 39.2, and 71.6. 7 Knowledge of most Zoroastrian customs and rites is attained through comparison of current practice, oral tradition, Pahlavi books, and external, Classical sources – such as the works of Herodotus, Xenophon, and Strabo. This method and its application in variant historical approaches are discussed in de Jong, Traditions of the Magi, chaps. 1-2.

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doctrine. In Essenism, creed is mainly encoded in text. In Mithraism, creed is preserved through memorization and oral transmission. Such difference notwithstanding, it would seem from this excursus that, in Near Eastern society, the pursuit of virtue through brotherhood (fraternal association) was a much wider practice than what the Roman-era histories imply and what the modern-era histories accept. It is quite plausible that this trend continued well into Christian times and that it included monotheistic groups, whose way of righteousness was characterized in different terms yet was denounced by both Pharisaic (and later rabbinic) Judaism and ecclesiastical Christianity. Thus, the following three points merit careful consideration. The term Nazoraioi (commonly but questionably rendered in English as Nazorean) came into use in the first century CE as a designation of those who follow “the way.” The Pharisees cursed these sectaries. Later, the Church Fathers designated them heretics. One logical inference is that some Nazoreans followed the teachings of JesusȦbut not in the way eventually sanctioned by the Church Fathers. Another is that Nazorean is an alternate term for Essene. Examination of these hypotheses is very complicated because of the ambiguity and tendentiousness of the literary sources. Moreover, as with Essaioi, a loan word has been rendered in several variants (Greek Nazoraioi, Nazaraioi, Nasaraioi, Nasarenoi; Latin Nazereni, Nazaraei, Naserini. Nazorei; which modern English renders as Nazorean, Nasorean, Nazarene, Nasarean). These factors have caused confusion and debate within scholarly circles. Then too, resolution of the issue is affected by subjective concernsȦin that some Christian scholars are wont to distinguish the Jewish followers of Jesus from some heretical sect. Rival theories derive Nazarene from Old Testament nazîr (Judges 13 and 16) or neʞser (Isaiah 11) or New Testament Nazareth (Matthew 2), and each approach has been questioned and aptly criticized.8 A key point is the lack of contemporary evidence that Jesus was actually called “the Nazarene,” meaning of Nazareth, during his lifetime. (Matthew 2.23 is an implicitȦnot definitiveȦ statement). As some scholars contend, the New Testament’s claim ____________________ 8 For a summary of relevant theories, see Robert H. Gundry, The Use of the Old Testament in Saint Matthew’s Gospel (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967), pp. 97-104.

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that Jesus came from Nazareth may be an invention of the evangelists.9 Yet, it might be that Nazareth is in origin a collective noun, not a toponym. Full demonstration of this hypothesis exceeds the scope of the present study. Nonetheless, the following considerations are pertinent. It is quite unusual for a religious sect to be named after the hometown of its founder rather than for one of its distinctive beliefs or practices. It also seems improbable that followers of Jesus would be named after his town when, according to the New Testament, most of them came from other places. Another related consideration is the evidence that the term Nazoraioi, in variant forms, existed independently of the Jesus movement in Palestine. There are two pertinent sources. Pliny the Elder’s Natural History (Bk v), briefly mentions Naserini dwelling to the east of Laodicea (Latakia), Syria. The “myth of origin” of the Mandaeans of Mesopotamia, as found in the Haran Gwaita, recalls that thousands of Naʜurayya emigrated from Palestine to the mountains of Media during the Parthian era. This little known story is quite plausible given the following correlations. As recorded by Josephus (Antiquities 20.2), the ruling family of Adiabene converted to (an unspecified form of) Judaism around 30 CE and subsequently extended aid to the people in Palestine when living conditions there became harsh. The royal converts might well have facilitated the emigration to bolster their position in AdiabeneȦwhich incidentally lay east of the Tigris and overlapped the high country of the Medes.10 This recurrence of names deriving from lexical root n-ʛ-r may be coincidence, but the relevant comparative linguistic evidence suggests otherwise. ____________________ 9 See, for example, Mark Lidzbarski, Mandäische Liturgien, mitgeteilt, übersetzt, und erklärt (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1920), pp. xvi ff. 10 Scholars have been perplexed by the allusion to Haran in the Mandaean “history.” See, for example, E. S. Drower (trans.), The Haran Gawaita and the Baptism of Hibil Ziwa (Vatican: Biblioteca Apostolica, 1953), p. 3, n. 2 and Jorunn Jacobsen Buckley, “Turning the Tables on Jesus: The Mandaean View” in Richard A. Horsley (ed.), Christian Origins: A People’s History of Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2006), vol. 1, pp. 98-99. It seems to me that the place name Haran likely derived from Zoroastrian cosmic mythology, wherein the peak of Hara dominates the central part of the earth’s land mass.

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The key consideration is the correlation of cognate languages and lexical roots with basic meanings within the set [watch, observe, look after, guard, or preserve (condition or status)] and extended meanings within the set [keep watch; keep vigil; or keep, observe, or follow some code of conduct or practice]. /n-ʛ-r/ Ȧ Akkadian (Assyro-Babylonian), Hebrew, Mandaic, Ugaritic; where /ʛ/ represents the emphatic voiceless alveolar fricative. /n-ʜ-r/ Ȧ Arabic, Hebrew, Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, Mandaic, Syriac; where /ʜ/ represents the emphatic voiceless dental stop. /n-ʡh-r/ Ȧ Arabic; where /ʡh/ represents the emphatic voiced dental fricative. The rules of historical-comparative linguistics render the reconstruction of proto-Semitic root /n-ʜh-r/; where /ʜh/ has the features of emphatic voiceless dental fricative. Moreover, the relative age of the languages indicates that the change /n-ʜh-r/ Ȼ /n-ʛ-r/ occurred earliest. Thus, derivatives of /n-ʛ-r/ found their way into the later cognates and the non-Semitic languages as loan words.11 With this insight, one can might better reconstruct the religiocultural practices of the Near East.12 ___________________ 11 This deduction would seem to be confounded by the occurrence of Hebrew /neʜser/, which is also orthographic {nʛr} and means sprout or branch. This word, however, has a different origin. It corresponds to Arabic root /n-ʡz-r/, which has the voiced counterpart of /ʜs/ and the close meanings of bloom or flower. Many scholars favor the view that Semitic root /n-ʛ-r/ conveys the basic meaning of guarding, keeping watch, observing, although they omit the linguistic argument. See, for example: Hans Joachim Schoeps, Jewish Christianity: Factional Disputes in the Early Church. trans. by Douglas R. A. Hare (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1969), p. 11; Hugh J. Schonfield, The Passover Plot: Special 40th Anniversity Edition (New York: The Disinformation Company, ltd., 2005), p. 207; and Robert Eisenman, The New Testament Code: The Cup of the Lord, the Damascus Covenant, and the Blood of Christ (London: Watkins Publishing, 2006), p. 100. In a rare linguistic treatment, John F. Healy presents a dissenting view in “Syriac NʙR, Ugaritic NʙR, Hebrew NʙRII, Akkadian NʙRII,” Vetus Testamentum 26/4 (October 1976), pp. 429-437. However, Syriac /n-ʛ-r/ may well result from the affixing of /n/, while the textual evidence does not preclude Ugaritic /nʛ-r/ from meaning keeping watch or vigil.

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To be thorough, we should also address the orthographic {z} that occurs in Greek Nazoraioi and Latin Nazereni. The relevant phonetic considerations are as follows. Prior to the modern day, there was no scientific way for writers of Greek or Latin (or English for that matter) to represent the Semitic emphatic phoneme /ʛ/ in loan words. The best they could do was capture the perceptible /s/ soundȦor the allophonic /z/, which is a natural, and predictable, shift from voiceless to voiced feature, when the consonant occurs between two vowels. The alternation of vowels /a/ and /e/ in the loans likely derived from different auditory perceptions of the emphatic consonant of the source word.13 The recourse to different, random spellings was inevitable. To reduce the spelling variants, it would do well to use a phonemic transcription that is closest to the Semitic root /n-ʛ-r/ . Thus, I resort to Nasorean in my own commentary on those who observed the way of righteousness. As for counter-arguments that appeal to context (as distinct from vocabulary), they do not pass the test of scrutiny. Ray Pritz, for example, is mistaken in his assessment that Epiphanius’ Nasareans (Nasaraioi) are distinct from the Nazoreans (Nazoraioi) as regards adherence to the Torah.14 The relevant point is that Epiphanius’ characterization of the former is not a complete statement. True, his so-called “Nasareans” rejected the TorahȦbut only as it was constituted by the Jerusalem-temple and later Pharisaic establishments. They had their own version of Torah, just as did his “Nazoreans.” Thus, the difference merely exists in the alternate spellings of the sect name, as it appears in an earlier source and ____________________ 12 A case in point is translation of several pre-Islamic Arabic inscriptions from the Tayma' area of Arabia. See V. F. Winnett and W. L. Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970) pp. 100-105. Winnett takes {nʛr} to mean render assistance to and so translates whole or fragmentary passages according to the pattern: x (a personal name) “rendered assistance to ʙalm (the moon god) in the war” against y (a tribal name). A more plausible translation (pattern) for the set of passages would be: x kept vigil for ʙalm on the mount of y. 13 The spellings {nâʛrî} and {nâʛrîm} in rabbinic sources indicate that emphatic /ʛ/ underlay the {z} of the Greek and Latin transliterations. 14 Pritz, Nazarene Jewish Christianity (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1988), pp. 45-47.

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a later one. In this issue of adherence to Torah, we also see a reflection of the Essenes’ belief that they alone preserved the true tradition of the patriarchs, which other Jews had corrupted. Thus, the Nasoreans were those who keep the covenant or observe (or follow) its way, that is, its rules of conduct. (To express such characteristics in a single word, we might call them votaries.) These earthly observers of the righteous way saw themselves as the counterparts of the heavenly watchersȦthe angels attending on God. This etymology suggests that the Nasoreans were quite like the Essenes. It may well be that Nasorean was the term used by insiders and Essene the term used by outsiders for the same broad grouping of sectaries. Indeed, Epiphanius’s confused handling of disparate sources indicates that two names designated the same group. In Panarion 19.1.1, he relates that the Nasaraioi are mingled with the Ossaioi (which is ostensibly a variant of Essaioi). In Panarion 29.5.1 he equates the Nazoraioi with Philo’s Therapeutai, whose moral way is very similar to that of the Essenes. It is worth noting, as an aside, that Epiphanius actually refers to Philo’s sectaries as Iessaioi. This novel term with initial {i} (Iessaioi versus Essaioi), which probably came from faulty manuscript copying, should be translated into English as Jesuists (in other words, followers of Jesus).15 However, this consideration in itself does not change the substantive basis for equating the Nasoreans and the group described by Philo. Of further relevance, modern scholars such as Braun and Rudolph point to similarities between the Mandaean Nasoreans and the Essene Qumran Covenanters.16 There are, thus, ample reasons to coin and employ the term Essene-Nasorean. The above evidence concerning the Jewish Essene-Nasorean communities casts an image of variation on a common trend. It indicates the existence, within the Levant, of a wide-ranging practice that was comparable to, if not precursive of, Christian ____________________

15 In Panarion 29.1.2 and 4.9, Epiphanius comments that the followers of Jesus called themselves Iessaioi for a short time, although he fails, as usual, to see the obvious etymology. 16 See F.-M. Braun, “Le Mandéisme et la secte essénienne de Qumran,” L’Ancien Testament et l’Orient (Louvain: Publications Universitaires, 1957), pp. 193-230 and Kurt Rudolph, “War der Verfasser der Oden Salomos ein ‘Qumran-Christ’?” Revue de Qumran 4 (1964), pp. 523555.

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monasticism and Islamic Sufism. There are parallels among the three trends in that different orders (fellowships) adopted unique approaches to a common moral quest. Indeed, Christian writings suggest that the Jesus movement itself was, in its first years, seen to be some variant of the Essene-Nasorean way. Epiphanius (circa 315-403) asserts that Christians were all once called Nazoraioi. His remark is substantiated in Acts 24.5, wherein an official accusingly calls Paul a ringleader of the Nasorean sectaries. As events transpired though, the circumstances of common way and common identity were not to last long. Some Nasoreans followed the teachings of Paul and his disciples, who dispensed with the Law of Moses. They gradually became identified with the Greco-Roman Christianoi. Others followed the teachings of James the Just, “bishop” of Jerusalem, and the Apostles affiliated with him, who upheld Mosaic Law. These Jewish-Christian congregations ostensibly drifted, in lesser or greater extent, from whatever common doctrine and practice they may originally have upheld. Even so, they generally retained the epithet Nasorean for some time. Thus, for Epiphanius, the Nazoraioi (and Nasaraioi) of his timeȦostensibly, descendants of the Jerusalem congregationȦare considered heretical in that they follow Mosaic Law and possibly deny the divinity of Christ Jesus. Yet Jerome (347-420) is less suspicious of their christology. He even equates Christians and Nazaraei/ Nazareni, who are found at all Eastern synagogues, where they are cursed by the Jews.”17 These views of the two Church Fathers appear to be inconsistent. However, the inconsistency can be explained by a change in circumstances. Epiphanius, who is a generation older than Jerome, conveys views that are prior to or contemporaneous with several watershed events in Church history. These events are the compilation of church rules in the third century text known as Didascalia Apostolorum, Constantine’s Edict of Milan (313), the Council of Nicaea (325), the career of Ephraim the Syrian (circa 306-373), and the consequent spread of Christian orthodoxy in the East. There is certainly ample indication of such a “second ____________________ Compare his remarks in Epistles with those in On Isaiah; excerpts with translation are found in A. F. J. Klijn and G. J. Reinink (eds.), Patristic Evidence for Jewish-Christian Sects (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973), pp. 200-201 and 218-221. 17

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conversion” trend. We have previously noted that ecclesiastical history places the foundation of the Syrian Church in the fourth century, although legends suggest an Apostolic origin. There is a similar, suspicious void concerning the Church in Babylonia and also the Church in Ethiopia (historic Abyssinia). In ecclesiastical history, the Church of the East was not organized until the Antiochene patriarchate supported and acknowledged Papa bar Gaggai as bishop of Seleucia-Ctesiphon around the year 300. Yet according to legend, there was a Church in Mesopotamia in Apostolic times. This congregation was headed by Abdias (Obadiah), Bishop of Babylon, as ordained by the Apostles. This see may well have been founded by Simon Peter himself, for the conclusion of his First Epistle includes the statement: “the church, which is at Babylon, . . . greets you.” Western Christians might want to read “Babylon” as a metaphoric substitute for Rome. However, the famous Arab bibliographer Ibn al-Nadîm, who lived in the tenth century CE and drew on local sources, relates that an Apostle named Simon founded the existing baptist sect of Babylonia.18 Such Eastern lore may well have found its way into the medieval hagiographic compendium entitled Golden Legend (Legenda aurea). This work recounts, albeit without citing sources, that Saints Simon and Jude converted PersiaȦthe relevance here being that Persia included the land of Babylon. So, it would seem that Roman ecclesiastical history neglects the activity of the Apostles in the East. Conversely, Eastern sources relate that Bishop Marutha of Mayferqat, through various endeavors in the 409-410 timeframe, was largely responsible for establishing Romaninfluenced, ecclesiastical Christianity on the residual Apostolic congregations of the Sassanid Persian realm.19 The case with Ethiopia is similar. Rufinius’ history relates that Ethiopia was converted in the mid-fourth century through the efforts of Saint Frumentius, a devoted Christian from Tyre. The account tells how Frumentius, by chance, became a favorite at the ____________________

Kitćb al-Fihrist, ed. Gustav Flügel (Leipzig: F. C. W. Vogel, 187172), p. 340. My interpretation requires corrective reading of the Arabic text. Pertinent discussion is found in Appendix C. 19 See translated excerpts from Kitâb al-Mijdâl (Nestorian History) and Armenian Life of Marutha in Ralph Marcus, “The Armenian Life of Marutha of Maipherkat,” Harvard Theological Review 25 (1932), pp. 50-51 and 62-63. 18

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court of Aksum and, through zeal, became a delegate of the Patriarch of Alexandria. In contrast, native tradition places the origin of Christianity much earlierȦwith the Ethiopian eunuch who was converted by Philip, as recorded in Acts 8.26-40. Expanding on that episode, legend relates that the eunuch went on to spread the faith in Sudan and Ethiopia. The earlier legendary date gains credence when one considers the conspicuous and deeply rooted Hebraic influence in Ethiopian Christianity. Moreover, the unique canonical status of the Books of Enoch and the Book of Jubilees within the Abyssinian Church attests to a well established respect for themȦthe significant point being that these scriptures belong to the Essene-Nasorean heritage. It thus seems that congregations of Apostolic origin were “reconverted” by missionaries from the episcopal sees of Alexandria, Antioch, and Edessa. Apart from the accounts of Christian heresiologists, nonChristian sources confirm that Apostolic congregations beyond the Roman frontier were known as Nasorean. The Kerdir (Kartîr) inscription (circa. 275 CE), which recalls earlier Sassanian persecutions, mentions {nsry}, interpreted to read “Nasorean.” It also mentions {krstydan}, a transliteration of Christian, which indicates that the “orthodox” influence of the Antiochene church had already penetrated the Sassanid Persian realm. The progress of orthodoxy is further reflected in linguistic change, whereby Greek Christianos was eventually both transliterated and translated back into Syriac as Krîstyanâyê and Mashîʚâyê respectively. Orthodoxy may indeed have prevailed among many Eastern congregations, at least until the emergence of the Monophysite and Nestorian heresies. Even so, it seems that old linguistic usage was not obliterated. The evidence comes from another non-Christian sourceȦ the Islamic scripture. The pertinent observation is that the Qur'an’s text consistently refers to Christians as Naʜârâ. There are, moreover, three pertinent inferences. The term was brought into Arabic at a time when Nasorean had the connotation follower of the way as taught by Jesus’ disciples. Its usage was established before the missions from the Syrian Church started work among the Arabs. Lastly, the loan word was known independently of its heresiological usage. As for the Churchmen’s dissociation of (Eastern, Jewish) Nasorean from (Western, Gentile) Christian, it may have been partly due to demographic changes in Palestine, which ensued from the Jewish-Roman wars of 66-73 and 132-135 CE. The earlier war

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resulted in the death or displacement of thousands of Jews and the destruction of the Temple. The later war brought not only more death and displacement but also the reconstitution of Jerusalem as Greco-Roman Aelia Capitolina and the banishment of Jews from it. Consequent to the unrest, the successor of James the Just, another relative of Jesus, moved the Jerusalem “bishopric” to Pella, east of the Jordan River. That institution upheld the way of the Jewish followers of Jesus, but it eventually lost its standing after Gentile Christian authorities established themselves in Aelia. The last of the succession from James, as recorded by Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History 4.5), was Judas (Yehuda) Kyriakos, who held office in 135. Henceforth, the remnants of this congregation would be viewed as outsiders by the Gentile Church. Their existence is traceable for a few centuries because heresiologists employed yet another term, Ebionites (Ebionaioi, Ebionaei), which distinguishes them from the generality of Apostolic-lineal Nasorean congregations. The heresiologists’ use of this distinct term may well reflect a lingering concern for the descendants of the kinsmen of Jesus, whose creed was contrary to that of emerging Christian orthodoxy. Among patristic authors, it was Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History 1.7) who upheld the genealogic claim of these so-called desposyni and noted their spread from Nazara and Kochaba throughout Palestine. Later, Epiphanius (Panarion 30.2.8) re-affirmed the connection between the Ebionites and Kochaba (Kokaba)Ȧwhich is north of Darcâ in the Golan Heights Region. The first extant textual reference to Ebionites is found in Iraneaus’ Against Heresies, which was written about 180 CE. Iraneaus and, slightly later, Tertullian and Hippolytus all remarked that the Ebionites denied the divinity of Jesus. However, it was Origen who first noted (in Celsum 5.61) a split among the EbionitesȦone branch accepting the virgin birth of Jesus and another denying it. Eusebius later clarified that neither branch accepted the divinity of Jesus. It seems that both branches retained their original common identity as the “poor ones,” this being the basic meaning of the borrowed Hebrew word ebionim. The epithet in itself, though, allows for many interpretations.20 One possible connotation is that Ebionite practice involved strict frugality and simplicity of living and perhaps communal holding of property and wealth. Another is that the Ebionites saw themselves as the

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opposite of the rich and powerful, who perpetrate injustices at the cost of their salvation. It is noteworthy that both connotations reflect hallmarks of the Essene way. (With numerous other aspects of doctrine and practice, there is remarkable similarity between the Esssenes and earlier-generation Ebionites.) The later sectaries may indeed have referred to themselves as “the poor.” Yet, we are left to conjecture, for no source credibly reveals the origin of their epithet. The etymology contrived by Origen and copied by other authors, that is, “poor of understanding,” should be dismissed as conspicuous polemic. Such polemic, though, does indicate that the Ebionites’ denial of Jesus’ divinity is the main reproach against them. As for the split among the Ebionites, it likely resulted from the infusion of Elkesaite influencesȦper Hippolytus and Epiphanius. However, to avoid overcomplicating the discussion at this point, it would do well to ascertain whether the Ebionites, in particular, or the Nasoreans, in general, reveal themselves through their own writings. From the above considerations, it seems probable that the Nasorean way, as taught by the Apostles and their successors, encompassed variant expressions over time and place. Thus, it would be difficult to ascertain what scriptures the Nasoreans commonly brought into use. Even with a discovery similar to the one at Qumran, there would remain the question as to whether the collection is typical of an entire sect or unique to one locality. The patristic (Christian) sources do inform us that the Nasoreans used a variant of Mathew’s Gospel written in Hebrew script. However, those sources are notably inconsistent in documenting the excerpts that they cite, which are few and fragmentary at that. There appear to have been at least two such gospels, but it is debatable whether their attribution is correct.21 Uncertainty stems from ambiguous and conflicting references to: a Gospel according to (or of) the ____________________

20 See discussion in Oskar Skarsaune, “The Ebionites” in Oskar Skarsaune and Reidar Hvalvik (eds.), Jewish Believers in Jesus: The Early Centuries (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 2007), pp. 424-427. 21 See discussions of “Jewish-Christian” gospels in: Klijn and Reinink, Patristic Evidence, pp. 24-27, 30-31, and 47-50; Pritz, Nazarene Jewish Christianity chap. 6; Robert J. Miller (ed.), The Complete Gospels: Annotated Scholars Version (rev. ed. San Francisco: Harper, 1992), chap. 5; and Craig A. Evans, “The Jewish Christian Gospel Tradition” in Skarsaune and Hvalvik , Jewish Believers in Jesus, pp. 241-277.

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Hebrews, a Gospel written in Hebrew, and a Hebrew variant of the Gospel of Matthew. As suggested by some scholars, it may be less onerous to deal with the Jewish-Christian Gospels as: the one known to Origen, the one known to Eusebius, and the one known to Jerome.22 Even then, one is left with a rather disjointed and fragmentary picture. The first-generation Apostolic Nasoreans must have known two missives of the desposyni. I refer here to the Epistles of James and Jude, which are included, in inevitably edited form, in the Christian canon. The shorter Epistle of Jude invokes symbolism of the Book of Enoch to warn believers against hypocrites. The more complex Epistle of James addresses the topic of active virtue, that is, virtue in practice. He contends that true believers must do more than testify that there is but one God, because faith without action is inadequate for salvation. This precept is exemplified in the conduct of Abraham, the friend of God. James’ tract expands on several virtues: patient perseverance (or constancy) in faith, humble wisdom, disdain for wealth and worldly pursuits, benevolence to widows and orphans, self-restraint from judging others, reticence in speech, and deference to God’s will. Concisely stated, the lesson is: Do no harm to your fellow (believer) by word, act, or thought. The epistle’s particular emphasis on benevolence and disdain for wealth parallels the probable Ebionite (and verifiable Essene) tenet that equates the poor with the righteous elect and the rich with the damned. On this and one other point, James’ teachings are notably consistent with those of the Jewish-Christian Gospel, as known to Jerome. The latter scripture also teaches that the rich and the mighty shall not be saved and that one of the gravest sins is to sadden the spirit of one’s brother or sister (believer). Moreover, with the first six of the above-listed virtues, there are remarkable correlations to certain benedictions and anathemas in 2 Enoch 5052. The key, unresolved, question is whether the two epistles or the Books of Enoch were particularly esteemed by Jewish-Christian (or Nasorean) sectaries. This issue was not addressed by patristic authors. Jerome at least leaves some clues regarding the existence of other Nasorean scriptures. In his Commentary on Matthew, he _____________________ See discussion in Evans, “Jewish-Christian Gospel Tradition,” pp. 245-246 and reference to Jörg Frey’s work. 22

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mentions reading an Apocryphon of Jeremiah, which he obtained from a Hebrew Nasorean. Jerome himself omits commenting on the work’s significance, except to correlate the “thirty silver coins” motif to Matthew 27.9Ȧwhich raises another question as to how many versions of apocryphal Jeremiah once existed.23 That issue notwithstanding, it is plausible that biblical Jeremiah was an exemplar to the Nasoreans since both he and they were particularly inimical to false prophecy and errant priesthood. In any case, Jerome is slightly more informative about the sect in his Commentary on Isaiah, which quotes from a Nasorean work on the same prophet. Several notations indicate Nasorean antagonism toward Pharisaic Judaism and affinity with Pauline Christianity.24 These remarks attest to Christianization of the Nasorean way of righteousness. Thus, it is hardly coincidence that, after Jerome’s time, Christian references to Nasorean heresy appear to be anachronistic. As for the Ebionites, references to them similarly faded out Ȧprobably because their rival influence diminished. In any case, they did leave some testamentsȦalbeit, indirect onesȦto their distinct beliefs and practices. The most valuable sources consist of the Kerygmata Petrou (Teaching of Peter) and Ebionite “Acts,” which no longer exist in tact but can be reconstructed from layers of the Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions and Homilies. Of lesser, even questionable, value are the fragmentary remains of the Jewish-Christian gospels and the Old Testament translation by Symmachus.25 In reconstructing the Ebionite way, Schoeps demonstrates how these sources complement the observations of the patristic writers.26 He envisions that the Ebionite sect succeeded the Jerusalem congre____________________ This issue, being tangential to the main discussion, is addressed in Appendix D. 24 For text and translation, see Klijn and Reinink, Patristic Evidence, pp. 220-225. For full discussion, see Pritz, Nazarene Jewish Christianity, pp. 57-70. Additional discussion is found in Oskar Skarsaune, “Fragments of Jewish Christian Literature Quoted in Some Greek and Latin Fathers” and Wolfram Kinzig, “The Nazoraeans,” both in Skarsaune and Hvalvik, Jewish Believers in Jesus, pp. 373-378 and 474-478 respectively pertain. 25 Georg Strecker reviews scholarly efforts to reconstruct the Kerygmata Petrou in Wilhelm Schneemechler (ed.), New Testament Apocrypha, Eng. trans. R. McL. Wilson (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1963), vol. 2, chap. 12 (”Apostolic Pseudepigrapha”). 23

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gation originally led by James the Just and defended its doctrine against the concurrently emerging Gnosticism, orthodox ecclesiastical Christianity, and rabbinic Judaism. Its basic (foundational) tenets included the beliefs that Jesus: – shared equal status with Moses as an authoritative prophet – taught that the dead will be resurrected for the judgment at the end of time – substituted water baptism for animal sacrifice as a means of purification and atonement – prophesized the end of the Temple cult. Schoeps’ study further reconstructs the ultimate development of Ebionite doctrine concerning christology and Mosaic LawȦthe key points of disagreement with the Gentile Church and of censure from its heresiologists. Ebionite christology included the following four tenets, which seem (to me) to reflect Elkesaite influence. Jesus as Messiah was endowed with the power of God through adoption, which occurred at baptism through the presence of the Spirit in the water. The Spirit of revelation (shekinah), which had recurrently imbued the most righteous of men, became incarnate in Jesus. As Messiah, Jesus was a new manifestation of AdamȦthe original being the first true prophet who reflected the image of god in man. Jesus taught the precepts of a primordial religion, as did Moses. As for the Ebionite version of Mosaic Law, it entailed both alleviation and intensification of the traditional interpretation. Alleviation involved: abolition of the sacrificial cult; deprecation of the Davidic monarchy and of the literary prophets of the Bible; and denunciation of false pericopes in Scripture, such as statements ____________________

26 Schoeps, Jewish Christianity. Concerning the nature and value of the Ebionite writings, see pp. 13-17. Schoep’s handling of the sources and his view of Ebionite origins have certainly not gone unquestioned. Different perspectives are found in: Richard Bauckham, “The Origin of the Ebionites” and Joseph Verheyden, “Epiphanius on the Ebionites” in Peter J. Thomson and Doris Lambers-Petry (eds.), The Image of the JudaeoChristians in Ancient Jewish and Christian Literature (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), pp. 162-181 and 182-207 and also Oskar Skarsaune, “The Ebionites” in Skarsaune and Hvalvik, Jewish Believers in Jesus, pp. 419-462. As the counter-points do not directly pertain to Schoep’s hypothesis concerning Islamic origins, I do not expand on them in this study. For a comprehensive account of the study of Jewish Christianity, see Edwin K. Broadhead, Jewish Ways of Following Jesus: Redrawing the Religious Map of Antiquity (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010), chap. 1.

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concerning the sacrificial cult, the monarchy, God’s attributes and actions, His active and passive emotions, and unworthy or immoral deeds of the patriarchs. Intensification involved: abstinence from eating meat; practice of poverty; and emphasis on purity, as seen in purification and baptismal rites and avoidance of contact with aliens. In summary, the later Ebionite way involved: – Worship of a divine unityȦthe creator God and judge of souls – Belief in salvation for all who follow the way of righteousness as taught by the true prophet and expressed in terms of beatitudes – Revulsion toward false prophets and false scriptures – Dissociation from the corruptors of the “way”ȦPauline Christians and rabbinic Jews. Given the above reconstruction, one is induced to note the manifold correlations between the Ebionite creed and the Qur'anic revelation. Schoeps is not hesitant to suggest that the former influenced the latter. However, such inference leaves several questions unanswered. – How was the Ebionite creed preserved from, at best, the fourth century until the rise of Islam in the seventh century? – How and when were the values of celibacy and vegetarianism discarded? – To what extent was the Ebionite creed common to other Nasorean congregations that resisted assimilation into ecclesiastical Christianity? – Where did Muʘammad or his mentors encounter some such creed of the righteous way? In consideration of such issues, Shlomo Pines has more recently attempted to show that Ebionite writings survived into Islamic times. He contends that the polemic Kitâb al-Tathbît of cAbd al-Jabbâr al-Hamadhânî (d. 415/1025) partly consists of a redacted Jewish-Christian work. However, his assessment remains controversial.27 cAbd al-Jabbâr’s tract does imply that Jewish____________________ See “The Jewish Christians of the Early Centuries of Christianity according to a New Source” in The Collected Works of Shlomo Pines (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University; Leiden: Brill, 1979), vol. 4, pp. 237-310. The Kitâb al-Tathbît exists in manuscript form only, and that document is archived in Istanbul. In the 1960s, Pines examined the manuscript and assessed that the text incorporated an earlier JewishChristian argument. His published assessment led to academic controversy, which is difficult to referee given the relative inaccessibility of cAbd 27

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Christian sectaries still existed in his time, although there is no mention of location. One might conjecture that they were found somewhere east of the Euphrates, given that cAbd al-Jabbâr made his career at Rayy and Baghdad. Concerning the Ebionites, their preference for celibacy and avoidance of contact with those not of their creed might have hindered the survivability and spread of their creed. However, as previously mentioned, the heresiologists surmise that Ebionism was affected by Elkesaite influence. Some specifics of that influence are brought out, albeit implicitly, in Schoeps’ discussion of the evolved Ebionite christology. Indeed, the partial merger of Ebionism and Elkesaism (as mentioned by Epiphanius, Augustine, and John Damascene) seemingly ensured the continuity of a unique Jewish-Christian way of righteousness. The heresiologists locate kindred faith communities throughout the eastern reaches of the Jordan Valley, from Ituraea (Mount Hermon area, west of Damascus) in the north through Batanaea, Pella (of the Decapolis), and Peraea (Moab) to Nabataea in the south.28 Aside from geo____________________ al-Jabbâr’s tract. For a summary of the controversy, see Gabriel Said Reynolds, A Muslim Theologian in the Sectarian Milieu: cAbd al-Jabbar and the Critique of Christian Origins (Leiden: Brill, 2004), chap. 1. Reynolds contends that the text in question is consistent with Muslim views and that Pine’s assessment was hasty. In a related study, Patricia Crone is less critical of Pines approach but suggests that cAbd al-Jabbâr’s tract reflects his acquaintance with a Judaeo-Christian sect in northern Mesopotamia, and not his redaction of an ancient Ebionite writing; “Islam, JudaeoChristianity, and Byzantine Iconoclasm,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 2 (1980), pp. 59-95. 28 It is somewhat intriguing that nearly the same area is imaged in the “Hymn of Thomas” (in the Acts of Judas Thomas), where it is metaphorically associated with religious truth. In the storyline of the hymn, the seeker from the East bypasses Sarbug in Commagene (land of Pauline Christianity) on his way to Egypt (land of Gnostic Christianity) where his quest founders. He recovers and returns home, where he dons garments from Ramtha and Reqen (land of religious truth). The symbolism presupposes geographic knowledge of Roman Arabia. Ramtha lies east of the Sea of Galilee along a road leading to Bosra (about thirty miles further). Reqen, usually rendered as Reqem, is an alternate (indigenous) name for Petra. This interpretation is my own. See William Wright (ed. and trans.), Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, Edited from Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum and other Libraries with English Translation and Notes (London, 1871;

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graphy however, the heresiological accounts are more derisive than informative. The incoherence of their commentary has confounded study of Elkesaism. Thus, attempts to work through them produced contrary views on the origin and identity of the Elkesaite sectaries.29 With ground-breaking studies, there was disinclination to consider the possible Mesopotamian origin of their creedȦ perhaps due again to the lingering influence of Roman historiography or heresiology. A relevant point is that Hippolytus (Refutation 9.9) viewed Elkasaism as being imitative of (Hellenistic) Pythagoreanism, whereas the possibility of common Chaldean influences was not considered. Even with the discovery of comparative (non-Greco-Roman) evidence, scholars were hesitant to accept its relevance.30 The heresiological writings somewhat randomly address three aspects of the Elkesaite movement: missionary efforts in the West, beliefs and practices, and an obscure book of revelation. The first does not concern us except that the relevant remarks of Hippolytus confirm the sect’s recourse to second baptisms for atonement of sins. Aside from absolution (remission of sins), water, for the Elkesaites, is also the medium of initiation into the sect, therapy for discomfort, and purification.31 Other characteristics of Elkesaism include: – Skill in mathematics, healing, exorcism, astrology, prescience, and magic – Permissibility of feigning apostasy under threatening circumstances – Invocation of seven elements as witnesses, making oaths, and reciting incantations ____________________ reprint, Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1968) p. 243, where the translator seems puzzled by the identity and meaning of the two place names. 29 For a summary of studies on Elkasaism, see Gerard P. Luttikhuizen, The Revelation of Elchasai (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1985), pp. 1-37 30 The paradigm persists. The secular Roman historiographers and their modern heirs are disinclined to explore the Magian influence in the Mithraic movement. The Christian Roman historiographers and their modern heirs are disinclined to explore the Magian influence in the monotheistic religionsȦto include Jewish-Christianity. 31 Luttikhuizen considers it doubtful that Elkesaism involved water purification rituals (ibid., 23-24). However, statements in Hippolytus (Refutation 9.15.2 and 9.16.3) do allude to such rites.

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– Esteem for the patriarchs and rejection of certain prophets (which applies to the Apostolic Nasoreans as well, per Panarion 18.1.3) – Obligation to marry. The last two “rules,” the missionary aim, the monotheism, and the christology of the sect offer another set of correlations with the Islamic creed. Four of these parallels underlie Harnack’s hypothesis of Elkesaite influence on the origin of Islam.32 However, his theory is no more promising than Schoep’s later one in that it too omits the factor of living tradition and leaves important questions unanswered. – Was the emphasis on baptisms and water lustrations a fundamental and enduring aspect of the Elkesaite creed? – To what extent did Elkesaite beliefs and practices endure into the seventh century? – What happened to the highly revered scripture known as the revelation of Elkesai? The heresiologists inadvertently provide partial answers to all three questions. Concerning the first two, one is again required to sort out a multiplicity of terms. Hegesippus, as cited by Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History 4.22), included Hemerobaptists and Masbotheans among the seven sects of first century Jewry. His rationale for distinguishing them was not recorded. In any case, Hegesippus was apparently oblivious that the two terms are synonymous. The former term (originally Greek) means daily baptizers; the latter (originally Aramaic) means the ones who are bathed or immersed. Hegesippus may also have been oblivious that both terms were unknown to Philo, Josephus, and other first century observers, for whom the practice of daily bathing was characteristic of the Essene Nasoreans. Thus, it would seem that the name distinction arose in Hegesippus’ own, later time (110-180 CE), when certain Jewish____________________

32 His paradigm ignores the marriage factor and includes three creedal tenets that Schoeps attributes to later (Elkesaite-influenced) Ebionism. These concern the falsification of scripture, the consequent need to amend it, and the revival of the original Mosaic creed. It should be further noted that Harnack views Elkesaism as gnostic Jewish Christianity. His work antedates the discovery of relevant, non-patristic and non-heresiological sources and the redefinition of Gnosticism.

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Christian sectaries in the Transjordan Region adopted baptismal and water-cleansing rituals that were well beyond the norm. Such practice likely derived from Elkesaite influence. It was Hippolytus who first wrote of the Elkesaite heresy, yet he is oblivious to its origin within a baptismal community. He relates, from an unnamed source, the transmission of the book of revelation, which “a certain just man received from Serae (silk merchants?) of Parthia and gave to Sobiai” (Refutation 9.8). Hippolytus shows no awareness that Sobiai apparently transliterates Aramaic ʛebî'ayyâ, which means bathed or baptized ones. Epiphanius has no better insight concerning the sect’s origin. Yet, he at least notes the spread of Elkesaite influence among the Essenes (Osseans) and Nasoreans (Panarion 19,1-2; 19.5.4). His observations are broad generalizations and do not consider, by specific example, how much commonality and variance existed among these sects. Nonetheless, the practice of multiple baptisms must have been relatively prevalent among some sectaries in some region, for it warrants implicit doctrinal refutation in the Nicene Creed as revised in 381 CE, whose stipulations include belief in one baptism for the forgiveness of sins. The connection between Elkesaite origins, Parthia, and some baptismal sect is clarified through the correlation of two nonGreco-Roman sourcesȦthe Fihrist and the Cologne Mani Codex. The Fihrist, an Arabic bibliographic sourcebook, relates the origin of Manichaeism in the following passages. Mani’s father “attached himself to a group of people in the proximity of Dastumaysân known as al-mughtasila (the bathers or cleansers).” An angel appeared to Mani in his twelfth year and “said to him: ‘Abandon this community, for you are not one of them.’”33 (It should be noted that Dastumaysân denotes the southern Tigris Valley, which, with the rest of Mesopotamia, had been under Parthian rule until 226 CE.) The Cologne Mani Codex, a Manichean work, continues the story of Mani’s break with the baptismal sect. In controversy with the sect’s leaders, Mani states: “If you are accusing me about ritual washing, I shall again show you from your own rule . . . that it ____________________ 33 My translation; Ibn al-NadĪm, Fihrist, pp. 327-328. My corrective reading of a later passage in this same source (n. 18 above) further indicates that this particular sect had a messianic creed.

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is not right to ritually wash yourself. Alchasaios, the founder of your rule, shows this.”34 Of further relevance, the trace of an ancient water cult is found in the tradition of the Apostolic (or Assyrian) Church of the East, which once consisted of numerous congregations in northern Mesopotamia and adjoining parts of Media. One native’s reflection on Assyrian customs mentions the festival of Nusardil, which is observed fifty days after the Ascension. In this ritual, people splash one another with water to commemorate the Apostles’ baptism of their converts.35 An older, ecclesiastical source distinguishes five kinds of baptism (immersion in and washing with water): 1. The washing off of the filth of the body, as is commonly done by all men. 2. The legal washings, whereby it was believed that purity towards God from all carnal uncleanness was attained. 3. Those of the traditions of the elders, such as “the washing of cups and pots, brazen vessels, and tables”, and as “when they come from the market, except they bathe, they eat not.” 4. The baptism of John, whereby he preached only repentance and the forgiveness of sins. 5. The baptism of our Saviour, which is received, through the Holy Spirit, for the gift of adoption, for the resurrection from the dead, and for everlasting life; which is “the circumcision made without ________________________ 34 As translated in Iain Gardner and Samuel N. C. Lieu (eds.), Manichaean Texts from the Roman Empire (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 64. Luttikhuizen, following Henrichs and Koenen, considers this text to be more fiction than fact. He contends that the Manicheans manipulated some legend either to convince opponents that they were the true followers of a common baptismal creed or to assert the universal truth of their religion. See The Revelation of Elchasai, pp. 159-161. However, such source criticism begs the question as to what common lore was manipulated. Simon Mimouni takes a contraryȦthat is, positiveȦview of the value of the Manichaean sources; “Les elkesaites: états des questions et des recherches,” in Peter J. Thomson and Doris Lambers-Petry (eds.), The Image of the Judaeo-Christians in Ancient Jewish and Christian Literature (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), pp. 209-229. 35 Surma d’Bait Mar Shimun, Assyrian Church Customs, ed. W. A. Wigram (London: The Faith Press, 1920), p. 16. Video clips of present day celebrations of Nusardil can be found on the Internet.

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One may infer that the fifth kind amounts to the sacrament of baptism. Yet, the very effort to differentiate it implies that some of the other kinds of water cleansing did have, or used to have, ritualistic importance. The corollary is that the Church of the East assimilated congregations of the same faith community that gave rise to Manichaeism and later Mandaism. The emergence of Elkesaism from a Parthian environment is further suggested by what the creed seemingly takes and rejects from the Magian religion.37 The belief in the sanctity and purifying power of water is characteristic of the ancient Iranian (Aryan) religion. The concept of seven aspects of creation and the invocation of them in the baptismal ritual are reminiscent of the sacred seven motif of Zoroastrianism. The doctrine of a Christ Spirit that becomes incarnate many times in history parallels the Zoroastrian belief in multiple Saviors. The concept of two powersȦChrist as lord of the world to come and Satan as lord of this worldȦcorrelates with Zoroastrian cosmic dualism. In contrast, two injunctions suggest aversion to the Magians’ sun worship and fire cult. One is the imperative of praying toward Jerusalem and the concomitant forbiddance of praying toward the eastȦthe sunrise. The other is the behest to avoid the sight of fire, which is deceitful, and go instead to the sound of water. As for the obscure scriptural revelation, no manuscript has been preserved. There may never have existed more than a few copies, considering that Hippolytus (Refutation 9.10) imputes some secrecy to the sect’s teachings. The heresiological works do convey views, albeit divergent ones, of Elkesaite doctine, which may derive from the book of revelation. They also mention some Elkesaite ____________________ Excerpt from “the “Jewel,” a work on defense of the faith by Mar Abd Jeshua, Metropolitan of Nisibis and Armenia, A.D. 1298, as translated by George Percy Badger, The Nestorians and Their Rituals (London: J. Masters, 1852), vol. 2, Appendix B; p. 407. 37 The following correlations are my own. The relevant aspects of the Elkesaite creed are extracted from Hippolytus, Refutation of all Heresies 19.13-17 and from Epiphanius, Panarion 19 and 30, wherein the reflection on apparent Elkesaite influence in Ebionism begins at 30.3.3 and resumes at 30.16.2. 36

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sayings but without clarifying whether these are quotes from the book or maxims from oral lore.38 Besides that ambiguity, the heresiology takes the title of the scripture to be the name of some heresiarch and, as usual, passes down variant transliterations: (uninflected) Greek Helkesai, Elkesai, Elkessai, Elchasai, and Elksai and also Latin Elcasae. It seems that the most accurate of the transliterations is ElkesaiȦfrom the Aramaic words el kasi, which mean hidden power.39 Such etymology indicates that the scripture was a revelation about “hidden power,” not a revelation according to someone named Elkesai.40 The heresiological commentary does not suggest what the title signifies. Among the more obvious inferences, “hidden power” refers either to the omnipotence of God or to the purifying, strengthening, and saving effect of baptismal (water cleansing) rituals. Yet, it is also plausible that el kasi alludes to the secret of healing power, which is a hallmark of both the Essene Nasorean way and the early Jesus movement. In any case, the heresiologists’ allusion to descendants of Elkesai cannot be accepted verbatim. It may well be a confused reference to relatives of the one who originally revealed the hidden power, that is, Jesus as Christ. The hierarchy of the Great (Roman or Gentile) Church would certainly have benefited from discrediting the status of the desposyni. Such motive may well underlay the cynical description (in Panarion 29 and 53) of popular reverence for two female descendants of a “sacred seed.” In contrast, an Eastern source, cAbd al-Jabbâr’s Kitâb al-Tathbît, indiscriminately notes the Christians’ recognition of persons of eminent descent (khâʛʛa).41 _____________________________

Luttikhuizen suggests that there were different recensions of the scripture, in both Aramaic and Greek, and their variances account for uncertainty and inconsistency in the heresiological works; The Revelation of Elchasai, pp. 192-194. 39 Epiphanius (Panarion 19.2.1) is attentive to this etymology, which is also confirmed by modern comparative linguistic method. Correlates from cognate languages are: Syriac root /k-s-'/ has the meaning to be hidden or concealed and kesyâ means hiding; Mandaic kasia means hidden; and Hebrew root /k-s/ has the meaning of hide. 40 The personification of the religious movement is characteristic of Christian heresiology, wherein some authors also denounce the heretic Ebion. The practice may have been even wider spread. The relevant point is that the Cologne Mani Codex similarly personifies the founding of Elkesaism. 38

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Concerning the form and content of the Elkesaite scripture, again, one can only conjecture. Yet, several aspects of Elkesaism indicate that its book of revelation was an apocalyptic work. These include: the anonymity of the book’s authorship, the revelation of seven aspects of creation, the image of spirits of great dimensions, the credence in astrologic influences, and the appearance of the book at a time of great international tensions (Trajan’s war against Parthia) and imminence of catastrophe. The strength of the Elkesaite movement evidently dwindled by the late fourth century. Epiphanius (Panarion 29) noted that, by his time, the Elkesaites were known as Sampsaeans (Sampsaioi) and their doctrine had been largely discredited. He did not clarify whether the name change indicated the retention of distinct identity or the loss of it, as the new term may have commonly designated all the kindred sects of Jewish Christianity. Nor did he mention which tenet (or tenets) of Elkesaism had become untenable. Was it the message of its apocalyptic revelation, the concept of a reincarnate Christ Spirit, or the efficacy of baptismal and lustration practices? Epiphanius did suggest an etymology for the new name, erroneously taking the source word to be shamsi (that is, solar). Even so, he could not substantiate the adoption of a solar cult. Indeed, he ascribed to the Sampsaeans the same practices and beliefs that he ascribed to the ElkesaitesȦwhich may very well indicate lack of information. So what distinctive practice might have been imaged in the new name? The term Sampsaeans probably derived from Syriac šâmšê, which means those who chant or recite (psalms).42 The cognates Shammâsûn (Arabic) and Šamâšîn (East Aramaic) mean deacons, and in some Eastern Christian rites, such clergymen used to and still function as cantors, that is, lead chanters in celebration of the mass. Terminology notwithstanding, the recitation of psalms was a common practice of Christians and Jews. Thus, there must have been something unique about the worship of the Jewish Christians that led outsiders to call them Sampsaeans. Several explanations seem ____________________ See “The Jewish Christians of the Early Centuries” in The Collected Works of Shlomo Pines, vol. 4, p. 276. 42 The {p} of the Greek transliteration Sampsaioi is explained by the well known linguistic phenomenon whereby a voiceless stop /p/ is inserted (or generated) between a nasal /m/ and a voiceless fricative /s/ due to the fluidity of speech. 41

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plausible, although all are conjectural. These sectaries’ recitation may have been remarkable for its length or frequencyȦeven its content, if that included sacred mantra-like formulas and odes to God, as distinct from psalms per se. Another possibility is that their worship service was conducted without the involvement of priests or rabbis. In this case, there could be a parallel with the Jewish hevra magide tehilim, which were groups of “unlearned” but devout people who met at the synagogue to recite the day’s psalm reading.43 Given such considerations, it is plausible that the Jewish Christians had come to be seen, not as confessional groups per se, but as lay fraternal groups, or brotherhoods, whose purpose was to re-enforce some monotheistic moral code. Such bonding was certainly consistent with the wider regional culture, for it reflects the same tendency that inspired the Essene, Mithraic, and Iranian (Javanmardi) brotherhoods. Whatever the true etymology of Sampsaean, at the end of the fourth century, neither the Jewish Christians themselves nor their detractors would have reverted to use of the older term Nasorean. Due to the factors outlined above, the majority of the Apostolic Nasorean congregations of the Near East had, by then, become affiliated and identified with ecclesiastical Christianity. Some new designation of the “unconverted” would have been necessitated by this circumstance; thus, ostensibly, the coining of Sampsaean was no arbitrary development. According to later sources, the Sampsaeans were still in existence in the eighth century. John Damascene (Liber de Haeresibus) and Theodor bar Khonai (Scholiorum) noted their presence in ArabiaȦabove the Dead Sea and on the shore of the Red Sea respectively.44 Regarding the Sampsaeans’ habitats, John Damascene’s statement is consistent with the reports of the earlier heresiologists; Bar Khonai’s points further south. Might we conjecture toward the Hijaz? The considerations seem favorable to Harnack’s theory, given that the Qur'an’s allusion to the Sabians (ʛâbi’ûn, meaning _____________________

The topic of the psalm chanters is addressed in Mordecai Schreiber et al. (ed.), The Shengold Jewish Encyclopedia (3rd ed. rev. Rockville, Md.: Schreiber Publishing, 2003), p. 213. 44 Extracts of the relevant texts and translations are included in Klijn and Reinink, Patristic Evidence, pp. 264-267. Bar Khonai’s “Sâmpsê” appears to be a back translation from a Greek source. 43

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those who cleanse in water) indicates that some baptismal sect was known to Muhammad’s followers.45 There are reasons for caution, however. The two reports (John Damascene’s and Bar Khonai’s) are not sufficiently informative as to whether all the Sampsaeans retained Elkesaite baptismal rituals. The Qur'anic statements give no indication of real familiarity or interaction with the Sabians. Moreover, the apologetics of the Qur'an say nothing substantive concerning baptism or water cleansing rituals, which would presumably have been addressed if Muhammad were dissociating or differentiating his message from Sabian doctrine. From an alternate perspective, two other observations are relevant. The Qur'an often commends the psalms, which it does collectively (3.184, 16.44, 35.25) and specifically (21.105). It also refers to righteous people as those who utter praise to God (yusabbiʚu/ûna) by night and day (21.20, 24.36). Similarly, Verse 3.113 recalls that not all monotheists are alike; some are “an upstanding community which recites the signs [that is, manifestations] of God all night long.” The Qur’an may well be alluding to some non-baptismal Sampsaean creed that had evolved from an Apostolic Nasorean origin. Even so, Ebionism and Elkesaism themselves would not fully account for such evolution, for the Sampsean way of righteousness was likely affected by yet another religious current. The relevant consideration is that Jewish Christianity had to contend not only with the missionizing of the Great Church but also with that of the Manichaean movement. Spreading from the East into the Roman World, Manichaeism became the bane of the Christian clergy, who endured over many decades to counter its appeal. Ecclesiastical sources attest that Manichaean missions made inroads in Palestine and Transjordan in the fourth and fifth centuries. Titus, Bishop of Bostra and Metropolitan of Roman Arabia, composed an anti-Manichaean tract in 364. Epiphanius acknowledged Titus’ work and included invective against the Manichaeans in his own “letter to Arabia.” According to Cyril of Scythopolis, Saint Euthymius the Monk, went into the Judean Wilderness area about 422 and converted some of the Arab (Saracen) inhabitants ____________________ 45 The identity of these people remains debatable. See François de Blois, “The ‘Sabians’ (ʛâbi’ûn) in Pre-Islamic Arabia,” Acta Orientalia (Copenhagen) 56 (1995), pp. 39-61 and also my critique of this article in Appendix C of the present work.

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who had been Manichaeans.46 The more fictional Acta Archelai even attributed the origin of Manichaeism to a Saracen. These sources do not incisively explain the appeal of Manichaeism in Roman Arabia. Nonetheless, it would seem that two aspects of the Manichaean creed facilitated its spread among Arabs, the inhabitants of water-deficit regions. One was its rejection of water cleansing rituals (as noted in the above quotation from the Cologne Mani Codex.) The other was its universalist outlook, which entailed the missionary engagement of all peoples. The proponents of Christian orthodoxy reversed Manichaean gains during the fifth century. Yet, the Manichaeans remained resilient. The Roman Emperor Justian deemed it necessary, early in his reign (527-565), to decree persecutive measures against them. Meanwhile, after the initial victory over Manichaeism, orthodox Christian concern turned to the emerging challenges from the Monophysite and Nestorian doctrines. The existence of Jewish Christians could, and would, be largely ignored. The doctrinaires of the Great Church had already prevailed in the controversies over the divinity of Jesus and the efficacy of one baptism. They had little reason to be wary of remnants of the Apostolic Nasoreans, the socalled Sampsaeans. Such sectaries may well have kept to themselves. If the heresiologists are correct, some may have resorted to dissimulating their faith. Then too, some likely secluded themselves in remote areas. It is significant that Epiphanius (Panarion 20.3.1) notes that in his time Nasaraioi (Jewish Christians) were still to be found above the upper Thebaid and beyond Arabia. His rather vague geographic terms indicate regions southward and eastward of Roman frontiersȦthe upper Nile lands of Nubia-Abyssinia, Yemen, the Hijaz, and the north Arabian (or Syrian) Desert. Some of those congregations may have eventually succumbed to state-supported religious pressures, but others likely avoided that fate. The latter would have continued to esteem the faith of the patriarchs and the prophetic-messianic mission of Jesus; they may or may not have dismissed the ethnic exclusiveness of Ebionism or the baptismal practices of Elkesaism. The long-term survival of such sects is certainly not implausible. In quite recent times, Hugh Schonfield ____________________ See Lives of the Monks of Palestine, trans. R. M. Price (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian Publications, 1991), pp. 17-18 and 305 (map). 46

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learned of a small group in northern Jordan (al-ʗusn) who followed a Jewish-Christian creed.47 Moreover, the present author encountered people in southern Jordan who claimed descent from the relatives of Jesus. From the above source deconstruction, we might reconstruct the history of the “way of righteousness” movement. Some Essene Nasoreans became Apostolic Nasoreans, as disciples of Jesus traveled in the East where they healed men’s bodies and souls and taught a code (way) of conduct that derived from Scripture and the teachings of the Master. They did not, however, seek to establish an authoritative “church.” That effort came later when agents of the Antiochene patriarchate “reconverted” the Jesus-followers initially in Edessa and then in the Sassanian lands beyond. Meanwhile, the Ebionite sect of the Apostolic Nasoreans became a distinct, albeit temporary, concern to the emerging Great Church. The later currents of Elkesaism and Manichaeism, which were similar concerns, also affected the Nasorean community. The majority of the Apostolic Nasoreans eventually became “Christians.” Yet, some groups survived in isolated areas, and some individuals estranged themselves from the regulatory efforts of either the Church of Rome or its sister Church of the East. One cannot expect that such a development would be recorded in Roman historiography or heresiology, being outside their purview. It might more likely be reflected in some indigenous source. As we will consider next, the Qur'an itself may well be that source. ____________________

Schonfield, The History of Jewish Christianity (London: Duckworth, 1936), p. 120. 47

3 CULTIC HISTORY: THEMES, NAMES, AND TERMS

As is fairly well known, the Qur'an identifies more than twenty individuals as being prophets or messengers of God. With some, their mission is recounted at length or repetitively; with others, there is but passing mention. Some of their names have correlates in the Bible; others do not. This circumstance has lent itself to various interpretive treatments. Muslim exegetes have sought to amplify the backgrounds of these servants of God. Western authors have undertaken comparative-contrastive studiesȦto suit one or another purpose. The works of benign intent seek to demonstrate the common religious heritage of Islam and Christianity. Those of polemic intent seek to demonstrate the corruption of, or deviance from, Judaeo-Christian teachings. Moreover, some academics examine the Qur’an through the methodology of scriptural text criticism. The polemic and critical works bolster their own credibility by respectively exploiting the following considerations. The Qur'anic revelation has more in common with apocryphal scriptures than with the Christian or Judaic canons. Islamic exegesis collectively relies on conjecture, legend, opinions of converted Christians or Jews, and the controversial ʚadîth lore (non-revelatory sayings of the Prophet and his Companions). Whatever their respective merits, none of the approaches complement the present study, for none of them consider how the Qur'an might reflect a creed that antedates both ecclesiastical Christianity and rabbinic Judaism. 67

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The Qur'an does not afford a consistent chronological perspective, as do the Books of Genesis and Numbers, for example. Nonetheless, it does afford some such perspective in that it addresses the continuity of genuine prophecyȦthat is, the reminder of God’s covenant with mankind. It is, moreover, the depiction of that covenant, and particularly the aspects of originality and endpurpose, that accounts for macro-level similarities and differences between Islam and the other two monotheistic faiths. Regarding the aspect of originality, there is similarity between Islam and Judaism in that both claim to abide by an ancestral covenant. Ecclesiastical Christianity differs in that it proclaims a new covenant. The similarity is limited, though. The Qur'an implies that the covenant is universalist, not exclusive to one people, and that the Jews distorted its terms of fulfillment. Regarding the aspect of purpose, there is, conversely, similarity between Islam and Christianity in that both attest to an eternal after-life of either bliss or suffering for all souls. Rabbinic Judaism differs in that it is somewhat ambiguous about eternal punishment. Again, the similarity has limits. The Qur'an implies that redemption is attained directly; it does not require the mediacy of sacraments (and therefore priests) as in ecclesiastical Christianity. The Qur'an attests to the consistency of one true prophetic message, a set of creedal tenets, that begins with Adam and ends with Muhammad. It draws validity from what we call JudaeoChristian monotheistic tradition. Yet, it addresses that tradition as the integral truth that was distorted in ecclesiastical Christianity and rabbinic Judaism. There are several significant thematic consequences. Abraham is the father of nations, not just a patriarch of the Hebrews. Moses is a recipient of revelation, not just the courier of divine commandments. Jesus is a reformist-prophet, not the herald of a new covenant. The Qur'an further links Jesus to Moses, the two most preeminent of prophets, through the house of 'Imran (cImrân) motifȦwherein house means family and 'Imran is biblical Amran, the father of Moses.1 The Qur'an's house of 'Imran parallels its house of Abraham as a collective personification of true ____________________ 1 Here is one example of vowel variance, such that Qur'anic Arabic names exhibit /i/ where the corresponding biblical names exhibit /a/. Other pertinent examples are: Ibrâhîm versus Abraham and Iram versus Aram.

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dedication to divine will. The Qur'an also recalls other names in developing litanies (or listings) of the most exemplary of the righteous servants of God. However, its relative disregard of the literary prophets of the Old Testament is conspicuous. In many of these respects, the Qur'anic creed is quite similar to what Schoeps sees as later (Elkesaite influenced) Ebionism and what Harnack sees as Elkesaism. Even so, there is no explicit linkage. There may, however, be latent linkage, which is embedded in the Qur'anic tenet that God sends messengers to all peoples. The development of that theme interlinks accounts of biblical personas (Noah, Abraham, Lot, and Moses) with accounts of non-biblical personas, three prophets of Arabia. Key considerations are whether those three are historically authentic, what their eras might be, and how their messages compare with those of the biblical figures. A related, prerequisite consideration is how to unravel the Qur'an’s cultic history. The Qur'an alludes to many of the same personas to develop two related themes. One is the litany (or listings) of the most exemplary of the righteous servants of God. The other is the characterization of said righteous people. The listings are ahistorical, as they serve mainly to complement the characterization of morally virtuous behavior. The cumulative effect is that names appear in different sequences and contexts and, hence, the Qur'an’s cultic history appears fragmented. The ordering of the suras by length rather than chronology further adds to that impression. Nonetheless, it is possible to recover an historical flow by incisively reading and combining the relevant passages and then matching those accounts to some model timeline. For the model, the history in Scripture seems to be suitable. The process is fairly straightforward except that one must decipher some unfamiliar (nonbiblical) names, such as Dhû al-Kifl. The Qur'anic revelation mentions numerous messengers of God, who are either spokesmen for, or exemplary adherents of, the primordial faith. Many of these messengers correspond to important figures in the Old Testament, although the storylines are more or less dissimilar. The reasons for the dissimilarity between the Qur'anic and biblical stories have already been explained. The more pertinent consideration at this point is the commonality among the spokesmen for Islam. In the Qur'an’s retrospect on primordial and patriarchal times, Adam (Âdam), Noah (Nûʘ), and Abraham (Ibrâhîm) all testify to the true faith. As unique personages, Adam

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is originally the acme of creation, which status leads Satan (Iblîs) to rebel against God and pervert humanity. Noah is the agent through whom God grants a new start for humanity. As for Abraham, he discredits idolatry and becomes the “father” of the true faith communities. He is the archetypal ʚanîf (one totally submissive to God). Apart from these observations, it is highly significant that all three persons testify to five creedal tenets. These are: monotheism; final judgment; wrongfulness of self-important and self-seeking behavior; (the converse) rightfulness of piety, forbearance, and truthfulness; and divine mercy. – Monotheism: Adam’s story affirms God’s lordship (5.28, 7.17). Noah’s story urges worship of the one God (7.59, 11.25, 23.23), the creator of everything (71.14-20). Abraham’s story berates star worship (6.76-78, 37.88-80, 41.37) and idolatry (6.74-81, 14.35, 19.42-48, 21.52-67, 29.17, 37.85-96), recalls God’s forbiddance of it (22.26), and affirms the omnipotence of the one, creator God (2.258, 29.19-20, 41-37). – Final judgment: Adam’s story refers to the day of judgment (yawm al-dîn, 15.35, 38-78), the day of appointed time (15.38, 38.8081), and the day of resurrection (7.14, 7.172, 20.124-126). Noah’s story recalls that, in the end, it is God who rewards and punishes (7.4, 10.72, 11.49, 26.113). Abraham’s story alludes to the day of reckoning (14.41) and the last day (2:126), affirms the reward of the righteous (6.4) in the hereafter (29.27), and attests to the plight of the wicked on the day of resurrection (29.25). – Characteristics of vice: Adam’s story censures arrogance (2.34, 7.12-13, 15.31-33, 17.61-62, 38.74-76) and worldly pursuits (2.30, 5.32, 15.39, 17.62-64). Noah’s story laments the arrogance of the unbelievers (71.7) and their sole pursuit of worldly gain (71.21). Abraham’s story demonstrates the irony that the schemers become losers (21-70) and most humiliated (37.98). – Characteristics of virtue: Adam’s story affirms God’s sufficiency for his pure servants (15.40-42, 17.65). Noah’s story dismisses people’s contempt for the lowliness of the believers (11.27, 26.111). Abraham’s story associates upright conduct with prayer and almsgiving (21-73) and also steadfastness (37.102). – Divine mercy: Adam’s story affirms that God is merciful despite the “fall” (2.37). Noah’s story affirms that God is forgiving (11.47, 71.10) and He is merciful in saving the believers (11.41-43, 26.122).

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Abraham’s story refers to God as the merciful one (2.128, 14.36, 19.44-45) and also alludes to His mercy (15.56, 29.21-23). The Qur'an addresses the generations between these dominant figures with references to three prophets who are unknown as such in the canonical Christian and Judaic scriptures. The first is Idrîs. His identity is debatable. However, comparative linguistic considerations suggest that Idrîs is an epithet (of East Aramaic origin) for the famous Enoch of apocryphal scripture.2 The Qur'an twice mentions him as being a righteous prophet, who was taken up to heaven (19.56, 21.85). There is no attendant storyline. However, Enochic lore may well be reflected in various ways throughout the Qur'an, such as imagery of Paradise (heaven), scrolls, the pen, the great deluge and allusions to God’s creation of the heavens, earth, and everything in them as well as His ordering of the heavenly bodies. One must be cautious in attribution though, since the parallels may well be two traces of some common influence. In any case, the issue of apocalyptic parallels merits further attention and will be duly addressed in Chapter Five. According to biblical genealogy Enoch is an ancestor of NoahȦalthough that relation is not observed in the Qur'an. After Noah come Hûd and ʙâliʘ in the Qur'anic sequence (in suras 7, 11, and 26) of prophetic missions. These two belong to a set of so-called “Arab prophets,” which also includes the equally enigmatic Shucayb. Hûd is the prophet to the ancient people (or tribal group) called cÂdȦan ethnographic name that is difficult to correlate historically. ʙâliʘ is the prophet to Thamûd, which people succeed to the dominion of cÂd according to the Qur'an and otherwise appear in history outside that scripture. Some scholars are keen to dismiss the Qur'anic references to such prophets as garbled legend or outright invention. However, we may well be dealing with some antecedent merger of native lore and biblical chronologyȦwith the resultant tradition being assimilated intact in the Qur'anic discourse. The relevant point is that Hûd and ʙâliʘ might be substitutes for Aram and Shelah in the genealogy of Genesis. Biblical Aram is the son of Shem and, thus, the symbolic ancestor of the Aramaean people.3 As for biblical Shelah (Hebrew {šlʘ}), he is the son of Arphaxad, who is not only the brother of ____________________ 2 See John W. Jandora, “Qur’ćnic cĩsć: Perspectives on Derivation of the Name-Form,” Muslim World 101 (January 2011), pp. 29-30.

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Aram but also a direct lineal ancestor of Abraham. The Qur'anic sequence thus merges into Abraham and his people. It then seemingly diverges in its account of Shucayb’s mission, which concerns primarily the people of Midian. There is, however, no thematic divergence. The episode of Shucayb and Midian completes the lesson that for every people there is a term (of existence) and to every people there comes a warner.4 There perished in succession: Noah’s people, cÂd, Thamûd, Abraham’s forefathers, Lot’s fellow townsmen (of Sodom and Gomorrah), and the people of Midian. The inclusion of the three non-biblical prophets in this theme results in what we might call their historical displacement. The question as to what traditions the theme combines will be taken up in the next chapter. As for the five tenets of the ancestral creed, the Qur'anic accounts of Hûd, ʙâliʘ, and Shucayb endorse them all. – Monotheism: Each of the three prophets exhorts with the words: “Serve God; you have no god other than He.” – Final judgment: The infidels, including those of cÂd, Thamûd, and Midian, all wish to have their share (of God’s bounty) before the day of reckoning (38.16). Considered separately, the infidels of cÂd will be cursed on the day of resurrection (11.60) and taste the punishment of the after life (41.16). – Characteristics of vice: cÂd are admonished for their arrogance (41.15) and for following the order of every obstinate tyrant (11.59). Thamûd are admonished for following the bidding of those who are extravagant (26.151). Arrogant persons among the Thamûd confront the believers (7.75-76), just as arrogant persons in Midian confront Shucayb (7.88). The former confrontation raises the question as to which side is the impudent liar (54.24-25). – Characteristics of virtue: Amid the ruin of cÂd and Thamûd, God saved those who were pious (kânû yattaqûna; 41.18). ʙâliʘ refers to himself as a trustworthy messenger (26.143). He is advised to keep patient regarding the ordeal with Thamûd (54.27). Shucayb sets the example of trusting in God and turning penitently to Him (11.90). ____________________ 3 It is noteworthy that the Aram who is known from the Bible has the status of prophet in the Mandaean religion. 4 The idea of a set term of existence recurs in 7.34, 10.49, 15.4-5, and 23.43.

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– Divine mercy: The accounts recall that God, by his mercy, saved (from harm) Hûd (7.72, 11.58), ʙâliʘ (11.66), Shucayb (11.94) and their respective fellow believers. Shucayb reminds his hearers that his Lord is compassionate (11.90). There are other pertinent observations concerning the above three prophets. Their names seemingly derive from monotheistic circlesȦbut ones that are far later than the patriarchal age. The geographic settings of Hûd’s and ʙâliʘ’s missions reflect events of the early Christian era. Moreover, the transgressions of the people of Midian (oppressive and dishonest behavior) seem to parallel those of the people of Mecca. As pursuit of these topics jumps generations, it will be deferred. This survey thus returns to the age of Abraham and the Qur'anic figures of Lot (Lûʜ), Ishmael (Ismâcîl), Isaac (Isʘâq), Jacob (Yacqûb), and Joseph (Yûsuf), who are all adherents of the true faith. The story of Lot, the nephew of Abraham, is recounted several times in the Qur'an. He is considered to be a prophet, and his story reinforces the lesson that God punishes evildoers. As in the Bible, Lot denounces the vice of sodomy, although one of the relevant Qur'anic passages (29.29) mentions highway robbery as well. Apart from denouncing evil behavior, Lot does not speak to the creedal tenets mentioned above. He follows the creed of Abraham, as do Abraham’s descendantsȦIshmael, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, and al-Asbâʞ (the twelve grandsons of Isaac). The latter point is stated many times, yet without elaboration. The Qur'an does not relate much about Isaac and Jacob. In contrast, it amplifies the story of Joseph in Sura 12. This treatment of Joseph complements the treatment of Lot, for it teaches that God not only confounds schemers but also blesses people who are morally upright. Qur'anic Joseph testifies to the oneness and mercy of God but does not call people to his own moral code. An interesting aside to the story is the Qur'an’s rejection of the view that the faith of Abraham expired with Joseph’s death (40.34). As for Ishmael, his persona in the Qur'an is somewhat less prominent than it is in Islamic tradition or common Western notions about Islam. Except in two instances, he is mentioned without elaboration in the several listings of true prophets. Verse 19.55 relates that he enjoined on his people prayer and almsgiving. However, the scripture neither identifies said people by (tribal or ethnic) name nor links them with Arab people of Muhammad’s

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time. It is Islamic tradition, not Islamic scripture, that links the ancestry of Muhammad to Ishmael. The Qur'an contains no genealogy of the Prophet. The Qur'anic text that amplifies the image of Ishmael consists of verses 2.125-127. This passage is the basis on which Islamic tradition links the establishment of the Meccan sanctuary with IshmaelȦand his father Abraham.5 Again, it is important to consider what the Qur'an actually does and does not say on this topic. Verses 2.125-128 recall: 1) their building and sanctifying of a house for use as a place of assembly and refuge for men and 2) God’s command (to the believers) to take this post of Abraham (maqâm Ibrâhîm) as a place of prayer. It would seem that these passages concern the ancient precedent of establishing and using a communal place of worship. Whatever their interpretation, none of these verses mention the location of this first post of Abraham. That detail comes in verse 3.96, which relates, albeit without mention of Ishmael, that Abraham’s house of worship was at Bakka. The challenge for interpretation is that Bakka is an unknown place name. Muslim exegetes contend that it is an older name for Mecca (Makka). However, the context does not warrant such conjecture. Verse 3.96 makes no mention of the Kacba or any pilgrimage season. The following verse implies that worship at Bakka is the precedent for the recently revealed duty of pilgrimage. Moreover, there are no compelling linguistic or historiographical reasons for equating Bakka with Mecca. One possible solution to the anomaly is to revert to the original Qur'anic script (without points and vowel and double-consonant markings), in which the toponym is rendered as {bkĦ}, where {Ħ} represents lexical feature tâ marbûʞa. There are indeed ancient toponyms that correlate with {bkĦ}; however, they were evidently unknown to Muhammad’s associates. ____________________ 5 For a discussion of relevant traditions, see Reuven Firestone, “Abraham’s Journey to Mecca in Islamic Exegesis: A Form-Critical Study of a Tradition,” Studia Islamica 76 (1992), pp. 5-24. Uri Rubin’s study of the Abrahamic cult at Mecca inadvertently shows how Islamic tradition predisposes Qur'anic interpretation; “ʙanĪfiyya and Kacba: An Inquiry into the Arabian pre-Islamic Background of dĪn IbrćhĪm,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 13 (1990), pp. 85-112, wherein references to the Qur'an (p. 97) are particularly pertinent.

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Two key considerations are that Arabic {bkĦ} is the correlate of Aramaic {bkt} and that the toponym Bakatha (alternate transliteration Bacatha, with Latin {c}) is found in Christian sources. In his heresiological compendium, Epiphanius comments on the Valesian heresy at Bacatha, “in the land of Philadelphia beyond the Jordan” (Panarion 38.1.2). Cyril of Scythopolis notes that Barachos (Baruch), Bishop of Bacatha, had responsibility for supervising construction of the Nea Church in Jerusalem (which took place 521-543). Records of Church Councils indicate that Alypius, Bishop of Bacatha, was a signatory of the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon (451) and that Anthony, Bishop of Bacatha, was a recipient of the Acts of the Lateran Council (649). The information conveyed in the first two of these sources suggests that the site of Bacatha lay between Philadelphia (modern Amman) and Jerusalem. To my knowledge, archeology has yet to investigate. However, Trimingham plots Bacatha (for unsaid reasons) between Philadelphia and Gerasa on his map of Roman Arabia.6 I believe that Trimingham’s plot is close, but a little too far east. Several inter-related geographic, cultural, and linguistic considerations point to the locale of al-Salʜ. This locality is a key junction along north-south and east-west routes leading to Jerusalem. It is situated above a wooded valley, which descends to the Jordan River. Indeed, Arabic Salʞ derives from Latin saltus, which means wooded valley or ravine. This same valley may well be the one called Baka in Psalm 84.5-7, which alludes to pilgrims passing through it on their way to Mount Zion (Jerusalem). The exact meaning of Hebrew baka (pl. bakaim) is debatable, but the word does refer to some kind of tree, and, according to one monograph, the Arabic cognate bak means poplar.7 As a wooded valley would not be cropland, Qur'an 14.37 may well designate the same general location. The verse alludes to Abraham sending his offspring “to dwell in an uncultivated valley by God’s sacred house” (said elsewhere to be at Bakka). Apart from such considerations, the existence of a bishopric at Bakatha indicates that the site held some high religious significance. It is quite plausible that a local tradition considered it to be ____________________ 6 J. S. Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times (Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1990), p. 71. 7 John Hutton Balfour, The Plants of the Bible (London; Edinburg; New York: T. Nelson and sons, 1866), pp. 17-18.

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the point from which Abraham turned westward from his trek from Haran. Indeed, the Bible is ambiguous concerning his route. It is also plausible that ecclesiastical convention preserved the older Semitic place name, while common usage gradually replaced it with the Greco-Roman Saltus.8 This external evidence is complemented by internal (Islamic literary) evidence. The famous Sîra (so-called “Biography” of the Prophet) includes several testaments that Muhammad’s congregation originally prayed toward Syria.9 As we will see in the next chapter, there is yet another factor linking the Qur'anic revelation with this site in Transjordan. However, in keeping with biblical chronology, we turn now to the Qur'an’s treatment of Moses and his family. The Qur'an mentions Moses (Mûsâ) far more frequently than any other prophet of the true faith. The contextual evidence indicates that Muhammad and his audience were much more familiar with Mosaic lore than they were with New Testament lore. As Muhammad is very critical of the Jews, he may well have cited Jewish-Christian, versus Judaic, traditions concerning Moses. For the most part, the various relevant passages are consistent with one another and with the story of Moses in Exodus. However, there are certain anomalies in Suras 10 and 40, which reflect extra-biblical traditions and use the name Moses as a metaphor to signify either some great prophet or true monotheistic faith. Verses 40.23-45 relate that an unnamed member of Pharaoh’s family came forward to reveal his (hidden) belief in the true faith and to advocate for ____________________ Granted, the reliance on several conjectures does not make for a strong argument. Nonetheless, I remain inclined to offer this theory about Bakka in hopes that it inspires some pertinent archeological projects. 9 Arabic text in Ibn Hishćm, Al-SĪra al-NabawĪya (= SĪrat Rasûl Allah) (Cairo: Muʛʜafć al-BćbĪ al-ʗalabĪ, 1955/1375), vol. 1, pp. 298-99, 439, and 550; English text in Alfred Guillaume (ed. and trans.), The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Isʚćq’s SĪrat RasŠl Allah (London; New York: Oxford University Press, 1955), pp. 135, 202, and 258-259. I omit discussing here the controversy over authenticity of the (second) Meccan qibla (direction of prayer) since it does not directly pertain. The reader may wish to consult Patricia Crone and Michael Cook, Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp. 22-24 and M. S. M. Saifullah et al., “The Qibla of Early Mosques: Jerusalem or Makkah?” (rev. 3 November 2001); available from islamic-awareness.org; Internet. 8

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Moses. His argument mentions the fate of cÂd and Thamûd, (which would be an anachronism.) Pharaoh’s reaction is to order the building of a tall edifice (ʜarʚ). With Muslim exegetes and Western scholars of religion alike, the biblical “Tower of Babel” would probably come to mind. However, such association poses an anomaly in its implication that Pharaoh is ruler of Babylonia. For many reasons (which we will address in Chapter Four), this passage should not be read as historical narrative. It should, rather, be read as allegory, whose theme is the rejection of true prophets as a common phenomenon in history. At this point, such interpretation may seem too favorable to Qur'anic integrity, especially given the recurrence of the name Hâmân in Sura 40 (as well as Suras 28 and 29.) Skeptics are keen to claim scriptural fraud, equating this name with the Achaemenid official Haman of the Book of Ester. However, there is no fraudȦ only peculiar but consistent transliteration. Qur'anic Hâmân is Egyptian Amun (or Amon, a component of biblical Amenhotep), just as Qur'anic Hârûn is biblical Aaron.10 Apart from such images, the other relevant considerations are verses 10.87 and 10.90. The first one recounts God’s instruction to Moses and his brother to establish places of worship in EgyptȦa parallel to Qur'anic references to Abraham’s post. The second one relates that, as he drowned, Pharaoh affirmed belief in the one God (of Moses). These passages both seem allegorical. Yet, verse 10.87 has a more intriguing message, for it conveys that the true faith was established among the people of Egypt in some distant age. One might plausibly conjecture that such allegory emanates from Philo’s Therapeutai or Epiphanius’ Iessaioi. It is more than conjectural, though, that in one aspect Qur'anic Moses is an Essene-Nasorean Moses. As in the apocryphal books of Jubilees and Assumption of Moses, two Qur'anic passages indicate that Moses received more than commandments on Mount Sinai. Verse 6.91 alludes to the “book that Moses brought as a light and guidance for man,” yet much of which was concealed. Verse 7.145 reads: “We wrote for him on the tablets about everything, both an admonition and an explanation.” Thus, Moses received the heavenly scrolls of (secret) knowledge, to which the Qur'an also refers in verses 20.52, 73.36-37, and 87.18-19. The latter two instances mention the scrolls (ʜuʚûf) of Abraham as well, which is again consistent with apocryphal traditions and Essene-

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Nasorean beliefs concerning the true way of righteousness. The Qur'an does not relate the circumstances by which Abraham received such scrolls. It does relate that God revealed to him the majestic nature (malakût) of the heavens and earth (6.75). Here, the Essene Nasoreans come to mind, since they held that both the Temple establishment in Jerusalem and even the Pharisaic (protorabbinic) “school” had corrupted the original Mosaic creed, which complemented the faith of the patriarchs. The later Ebionites and other Apostolic Nasoreans sought to revive and sustain that ancestral creed. As with the earlier spokesmen for Islam, Qur'anic Moses testifies to five creedal tenets. – Monotheism: God is the creator of everything (20.50-55). There is no other god (20.14, 20.98). Moses is a messenger of the lord of the worlds (7.104). – Final judgment: Moses’ message alludes to the hour of judgment (20.15-16), the afterlife (28.37, 79.25), the day of resurrection (11.98-99, 28.41-42), and the day of reckoning (40.27). – Characteristics of vice: Pharaoh exalts himself and despoils the land (7.103. 28.4, 43.52, 44.19); he is arrogant (10.75, 40.27, 44.31) and a transgressor (10.83, 20.24, 79.17). God condemns those who exalt themselves (7.146) – Characteristics of virtue: Moses is deemed to be trustworthy (28.26), and (unnamed) Jethro wishes to be found truthful 28.27. God rewards patient people (7.137). – Divine mercy: God calls himself, or is called, merciful (2.54, 7.151, 7.153, 7.156, 20.90, 26.68, 27.11, 28.16). Moses asks for God’s mercy (7.155, 19.86). The Qur'an also names Moses’ brother Aaron among the messengers of God. As in the Old Testament, he is a spokesman for Moses in Egypt and a stand-in for him in Sinai. In the Qur'an, these two sons of Amran ('Imran) manifest virtuous traits that are inherent in a bloodline. The virtue of the “house of 'Imran” complements that of the “house of Abraham” (3.33). Qur'anic 'Imran contrasts with biblical Amran to the extent that the latter has no prominence in the Scriptural message, while the former has ____________________

10 The Qur'anic coupling of Pharaoh and Haman will be further discussed in Chapters Four and Five.

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figurative importance with respect to Messianic beliefs. The relevant point is that Qur'anic Jesus descends in the maternal line from the house of 'Imran, which includes the Levite class of Jewry. Such genealogy makes him a “priestly messiah” versus a “Davidic messiah”Ȧa significant distinction in apocalyptic thought.11 It also links Jesus to Moses in the same familial line. Other implications will be discussed below when we consider the Qur'anic figure of Jesus. From the time of Moses to the Babylonian exile, the Old Testament coverage gives prominence to many persons. Some of these are mentioned in the Qur'an as being righteous men whom God sent to revive the true faith. David (Dâwud) is commended for bringing the Psalms, which are a complement to divine revelation through prophecy. Solomon (Sulaymân) is commended for bringing wisdom to the peopleȦwith the implication that they might thereby be better cognizant of the truth. The Qur'an does not extol the Davidic dynasty per se. Qur'anic David and Solomon are penitents and exemplars of knowledge, wisdom, and power, which they possess by the will of God. Neither speaks to all the tenets of the primordial creed. However, the story of Solomon and Sheba (27.16-44) addresses four of them through the words of its characters. The ant reflects on the inconsiderateness of the mighty. Solomon rejoins that he is indeed mindful of God’s blessings on himself and his family. The hoopoe attests that there is no god but God. The queen reads that Solomon’s letter is sent “in the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate.” It remains for David to be reminded of the day of reckoning (38.26), after he judges in a dispute over sheep. Such stories derive from the wisdom lore of Judaeo-Christian tradition, as does the Qur'an’s reference to Job (Ayyûb; 21.73-74, 38.41-44). For this reason, I mention Job here, although his story is timeless. As for the prophets who lived in pre-exilic times, the Qur'an mentions Elias (Ilyâs) and his successor Elisha (Ilyasac) among lists of righteous servants of God. It further notes that Elias called his people back to the patriarchal religion (37.123-132). Within the same sura, there is allusion to the lesson of Jonah (Yûnus; 37.139148), which by its Scriptural storyline belongs in the same time___________________ 11 For further, see D. S. Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1964), pp. 310-323.

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frame. Qur'anic Jonah is an unwilling missionary, just as is the biblical Jonah. Yet, the Qur'an points to the uniqueness of his case, such that a vast number of infidels heeded his appeal to believe in God and so temporarily avoided their demise. The last figure in this group of prophets is the enigmatic Dhû al-Kifl. Interpreters of the Qur'an variantly identify him as the Prophet Ezekial, the Prophet Zechariah, Job, or the son of Job.12 These hypotheses all miss some key considerations. Dhû al-Kifl is an epithet, just as are the Qur'anic names Idrîs (“righteous one,” for Enoch) and Dhû al-Nûn (“he of the whale,” for Jonah). The interpretive challenge with epithets is twofold. One must first clarify the meaning of the metaphoric name and then relate it to some contextual antecedent. In archaic Arabic, the root /k-f-l/ has the basic meaning of doubling over. That sense is extended through usage such that kifl has both the abstract meaning of guarantee and the concrete meaning of a folded piece of cloth. That latter sense, which is overlooked in other hypotheses, is the clue to resolving the enigma of the epithet, for the word kifl also means a yoke pad in technical usage. When one checks for potential associations with Scripture, one finds three scenes in the Book of Jeremiah that involve a yoke or a cloth pad. In Chapter 27, Jeremiah dons a yoke to emphasize the imminent Babylonian subjugation of Judea and surrounding lands. In Chapter 28, a false prophet breaks the yoke in refuting Jeremiah. There are in addition three separate passages that use the metaphor of a broken yoke (2.20, 5.5, and 30.8).13 Even more significantly, in Chapter 38, an Ethiopian courtier uses tattered cloth for hoist-pads in lifting Jeremiah out of a well. This same imagery also occurs in the Jeremiah Apcryphon.14 Moreover, the story of Jeremiah has further relevance to the Qur'anic message in that it is replete with denunciation of false prophets and unscrupulous priestsȥthe corruptors of the true faith. Beyond these associations, numerous themes and word-images in the Qur'an have parallels in either the ____________________ For relevant sources, see G. Vajda, “Dhu’l-Kifl,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), vol. 2, p. 242. 13 The citations are based on the New Revised Standard Version of the Bible. 14 This work is discussed in Appendix D. 12

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canonical or apocryphal Jeremiah (as will be discussed in Chapter Five). Such considerations all told make a fairly sound case for identifying Qur'anic Dhû al-Kifl with biblical Jeremiah. Dhû al-Kifl, herein considered as Jeremiah, completes the Qur'an’s list of righteous men who served the one true God before the coming of Jesus the Messiah. There is an allusion to biblical Samuel in verses 2.246-249. However, the theme of the passage is that God determines kingship and victory in battle, not that some prophet recalls the faith of the patriarchs. Ezra (cUzayr) too must be discounted. The Qur'an mentions him specifically only in refutation of the Jews who “call him a son of God” (9.30). Again, it is Islamic tradition that accords Ezra more prominenceȦby associating him with the miraculous event mentioned in verse 2.259. The inclusion of Jeremiah and Elias (or Elijah) and the exclusion of Ezra, Nehemiah, and many other prophets known from the Old Testament and Tanakh become conspicuous, given the following correlations with the historic Nasorean way. The Essene Nasoreans were disdainful of the evolved ritual and protocol of the Second Temple, whose building was originally encouraged by Ezra and Nehemiah. The Ebionite Nasoreans showed little regard for the literary prophets in reconstructing the true ancestral faith. The readings of some Apostolic Nasoreans included an apocryphon of Jeremiah, which implies that that prophet was esteemed among them. The figure of Elias was especially prominent in messianic lore, which motivated both Essenism and Elkesaism. As with Qur'anic Moses, so with Qur'anic Jesus (cÎsâ), a whole clan is held in esteem. The Qur'an’s story of Jesus has its prelude in the story of Mary (Maryam), which itself reflects on her ancestral tie to the house of 'Imran. Given that view of her ancestry, it is certainly fitting and culturally meaningful to call her “daughter of 'Imran” (66.12). However, that metaphor is even further developed in the Qur'anic text. Mary herself is also called “sister of Aaron” (19.28), while Mary’s mother is called “a woman of 'Imran” (3.35), which stretch the metaphor rather far.15 In any case, the Qur'anic ____________________ 15 This interpretation of mine may be seen as too keen to preserve the integrity of the Qur'an. Even moderate critics of the Islamic scripture discount the metaphor and contend that these phrases merely reflect confusion between Mary the mother of Jesus and Miryam the sister of

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Mary is dedicated at a young age to live and serve in the Temple (at Jerusalem). There, she performs her duties as a ward of her relative Zakariah (Zakarîyâ'), one of the priests, until her term of dedication endsȦimplicitly at puberty. Qur'anic Zakariah is also one of the righteous messengers of God. As in the Bible, he receives an incredible angelic message concerning the birth of a son, and he is temporarily rendered speechless upon asking for a sign of assurance. He regains his speech when he names his son Yaʘyâ. This name is another linguistic enigma, given that the Arabic correlate of biblical John is Yuʘannâ. Yaʘyâ, which seemingly derives from an East Aramaic lingual environment, is an epithet of John the Baptist.16 That identity notwithstanding, the Qur'anic depiction of John omits mention of baptism. Indeed, there is only one mention of baptism per se in the Islamic scripture, and that occurs in an apologetic (polemic) context. Verse 2.138 calls into question: “Who is better at baptism (ʜibgha) than Allah?” The various cleansing rules of verse 5.6 pertain only to self-purification. By Qur'anic characterization, John is a chaste, righteous messenger who confirms “a word from God” (3.39), that is, the appearance of a messiah.17 John’s unlikely birth to aged parents is a manifestation of the power of God; it is also a prelude to the miraculous virgin birth of the Messiah Jesus. In the Qur'an’s version of the virginal conception (3.42-47, 19.16-22), the background is the etiquette of entrusting Mary to some upright man upon her release from temple service. As her future is being decided, Mary hears from an angel that she will conceive through the power of God. Mary submits to the divine ____________________ Moses and Aaron. Yet, Suleiman Mourad validates allegoric interpretation of the relevant text Ȧalbeit, in arguing for the influence of “a mainline type of Chritianity.” See “Mary in the Qur'ćn: a re-examination of her presentation,” in Gabriel Said Reynolds (ed.), The Qur'ćn in its Historical Context (London; New York: Routledge, 2008), particularly, pp. 163-166 and 172. For another perspective, see Gabriel Said Reynolds, The Qur'ćn and its Biblical Subtext (London; New York: Routledge, 2010), pp. 130-147. 16 See Jandora, “Qur’ćnic cĩsć,” pp. 28-29. 17 This interpretation derives from consideration of the phrase in the context of suras 3 and 4 and its correlation to verses 21.104 and 50.132, which expand on God’s promise.

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will, and God breathes his spirit into her. Afterwards, she separates herself from her family, goes to a distant eastern place, and delivers her son in ominous circumstances. Mary becomes despondent, but the infant Jesus attends to their survival and safety. He points out the presence of a stream of water and fruit on a palm tree and cautions against speaking with those who pass. Upon returning to her kinfolk, Mary lets her baby himself explain the cause of his being. The Qur’an considers Mary to be one of the truly righteous people (ʜiddîqa; 5.75) and especially chosen over all women in the world (3.42). The Qur'anic story of Jesus, which is rather cursory, has more in common with the non-canonical infancy gospels than with the canonical Gospel accounts. The allusions to miracles performed by the child Jesus are conspicuous (3.49, 5.110); they evoke two comments. The underlying tradition seemingly reflects Monophysite apologetics, countering the Nestorian doctrine that God did not empower Jesus until he was baptized. The Qur'an, though, does not address that particular controversy. Rather, it alludes to the miracles as being due to the will and power of God Himself, which is a key aspect of its christology. Otherwise, the Qur'an both explicitly and implicitly discredits certain beliefs concerning Christ. The Qur'an’s Jesus is unique among humans, but he is not divine. He is, with respect to God, comparable to Adam (3.59)Ȧa perfect creature, but nonetheless one created of dust. Being special to God, he is raised into heaven at the end of his mission (3.45, 3.55). There, he holds an exalted position nearby God, although he is not the judge of souls at the end of time. While the Qur'an affirms Jesus’ ascension, it contends that he was only apparently slain and crucifiedȦat the hands of the Jews. This implication of the Jews rather than the Romans, which obviously contradicts orthodox Christian notions of the crucifixion, is consistent with Apostolic Nasorean beliefs. The Qur'an twice mentions that Jesus was sent to the children of Israel (43.59, 61.6) but excludes mention of gentiles. This omission is certainly inconsistent with the mythology of the Great Church and suggests that the Qur'anic view comes from Jewish-Christian circles. The Qur'an’s denial of Jesus’ death on the cross is no mean judgment concerning the historicity of that eventȦwhich until now remains beyond historical proof. Rather, it expresses a stance concerning a fundamental religious issue. For Roman Christianity,

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Jesus had to die on the cross, for that event annulled the worth of traditional religious sacrifice (whether of animals, produce, or even humans). For Eastern religiosity, Jesus could not have died on the cross, for he was among the elect, that is, those chosen or empowered by God, and such persons could not be killed through human intent. This belief, which is virtually unknown in the West, resonates in Eastern religious lore. First Enoch (100.5) maintains that, despite great human slaughter at the cosmic apocalypse, righteous and holy people will be protected by God’s angels. The Mandaean legend of Qiqel and Yahya includes a relevant episode in which an invading tribe enters the habitat of a community of holy men.18 The tribe’s leader twice attempts and twice fails to kill them and consequently converts to their creed. Even the Christian legend of Saint GeorgeȦin its Greek, Coptic, Ethiopic, and other variants Ȧrecalls that the executioners’ several (initial) attempts to martyr him are countered by God. The Qur'an, again, remarks that Noah’s people threatened to stone him (to death), but God saved him (26.116-119). It similarly recounts that when the idolators attempted to burn Abraham, God delivered him from the fire (29.23). These two Qur'anic recollections obviously derive from noncanonical scriptures or traditions. The Qur'anic epithets for JesusȦ“word of God, spirit of God”Ȧalso seem to reflect non-orthodox christology. The “word (kalima)” does not mean the same as the logos of John’s Gospel, wherein logos equates to God. It connotes, rather, the incarnate, creative word of God. This kalima corresponds to the kalimât of verses 18.109 and 31.27. God said “be,” and Jesus came into the world, just as Adam did (3.47, 3.59). Thus, the Qur'an accommodates the concept that these two exemplars came to life without having human fathers. In the case of Jesus, this notion may be traced to the later Ebionites, some of whom accepted the virginbirth doctrine that was characteristic of Elkesaism. Such syncretic christology is also reflected in the other epithet of Qur'anic Jesus. The virginal conception is the point at which he becomes infused with the “spirit of God.” Despite that emanation of spirit, he is no ____________________ 18 See E. S. Drower, The Mandaeans of Iraq and Iran (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1937; reprint, Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias Press, 2002), pp. 273-282.

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more than human. He is, though, one of the greatest prophets (or messengers)Ȧbecause God so strengthened him (ayyadahu) with the holy spirit (2.87 and 2.254). Of relevance is that this notion and also the one that Jesus confirms the truth of the Torah are characteristic of early Ebionism. The Qur'an further attests that the spirit of God entered Jesus at his conceptionȦand, by implication, not at baptism. So, it would seem that the Qur'an’s christology has no tie to the mythology of baptismal-cult sects. Otherwise, in most references to Jesus, the Qur'an favors the construct “the Messiah, Jesus, son of Mary,” which complements its christology in many respects. It excludes the obverse construct “Mary, the mother of Christ,” which phrase had brought on controversies in Christian doctrine. The “son of Mary” construct precludes the issue of Jesus’ Davidic descent. It also implicitly denies that Jesus is the son of Sophia (the goddess or spirit of wisdom), as the Gnostics would have it. Moreover, the Qur'an explicitly denies in many instances that Jesus is (literally) the son of God, as the Christians would have it. Being a spokesman for Islam, Qur'anic Jesus testifies to the same creedal tenets as do Moses and his predecessors. – Monotheism: Jesus teaches that polytheists will be prohibited from entering Paradise (5.72). He himself disavows the notion of divine trinity (5.116), which in this instance includes Mary instead of the Holy Ghost. – Final judgment: God’s words to Jesus refer to resurrection day (3.55) and afterlife (3.56). – Characteristics of vice: Jesus remarks that God did not make him arrogant or nasty (9.32) – Characteristics of virtue: Jesus remarks that God enjoined on him to pray and give alms (19.31). – Divine mercy: At the annunciation to Mary, God, through his angel, speaks of Jesus as “a mercy from Us” (19.31). In Christian tradition, Jesus’ mission is continued by his disciplines (or apostles). The Qur'an mentions such disciples (ʚawârîyûn) in a few verses, but only indirectly. They are not individually named, nor are they collectively cited for any virtue. Their mention nonetheless serves to encourage the true faith. Verses 3.52 and 61.14 recall Jesus asking, “who are my votaries unto God (man Anʜârî ilâ Allah)?” His disciplines respond that they are God’s votaries (Anʜâr Allah). In parallel, Muhammad encourages such

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response from the believers among his own hearers. Here, there may be some objection to my rendering of Anʜâr by the somewhat archaic votaries rather than by the usual helpers or supporters. It should be obvious, though, that the latter translation does not convey the necessary religious connotation. Besides, it creates contradiction in the phrase “Anʜâr Allah” in that it begs the question of why God would need supporters per se. Qur'an 9.117 refers to Anʛâr as distinct from Muhâjirûn. As clarified elsewhere (8.72-74), the latter are the ones who emigrated and gave all in the way of God; the former are the ones who accorded shelter and safekeeping. The rendering of Anʛâr as helpers or supporters might fit this particular context. Indeed, certain clans of Yathrib ostensibly lent support to Muhammad and his fellow émigrés from Mecca. However, this traditional etymology of Anʛâr is too narrow. The Qur'an uses several other words derived from the root /n-ʛ-r/. The nuances of their meanings and their semantic relation to Anʛâr need to be addressed and will be in due course. Another related point of interest is the cryptic reference in verse 61.6 to a messenger who comes after Jesus. The meaning of the main clause is clear. However, the subordinate clause ismuhu aʚmad lends itself to different interpretations. The grammatical syntax allows the word aʚmad to be read either as nominative (whose name is Aʘmad) or adjectival (whose name is quite praiseworthy). The proper name Aʘmad has no obvious scriptural antecedent, but Muslim exegetes point out that both this name and Muʘammad derive from the same root /ʘ-m-d/. Thus, they consider this wording as an allusion to the future Prophet of Islam. From another perspective, New Testament scholars might be inclined to read paraclete into this context. The drawback here is that aʚmad has no semantic correlation with paraclete. It does, though, have such correlation elsewhereȦwith the son of man image in the Similitudes of Enoch. Relevant verses (50.3-5 and 60.9) describe the “elect one” being praised and exalted. Overall, these respective leads are inconclusive. Whatever the interpretation, the allusion to aʚmad does not recur in the Qur'an and, thus, does not expand the Qur'anic message concerning cultic history. Among the messengers of God who are significant to the messianic hope, Qur'an 6.85 refers to Zakariah, John, Jesus, and Elias as being among the ʜâliʚûn. This term is often translated as righteous (ones). However, the more specific connotation is devout or

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piousȦthe trait of those who “put God first.” It seems important to observe this distinction since so many other words are also often translated as righteous. The word ʜâliʚ itself is Arabic, but in technical usage, it may be a loan translation from Greek dikaios.19 The term is used (in plural form) in a general sense throughout the Qur'an in reference to those who rightly serve God. It is used more specifically in Sura 6 within a list of (with brief commentary on) several exemplary servants of God. The listing (verses 83-86) includes, beside the four above-noted persons, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Noah, David, Solomon, Job, Joseph, Moses, Aaron, Ishmael, Elisha, Jonah, and Lot. Similar, but shorter listings in Suras 21 and 38 link Idrîs and Dhû al-Kifl to this same category. The obvious omissions are Adam and the non-biblical prophets Hûd, ʙâliʘ, and Shucayb. There is yet another listing in Sura 19 that refers to some of the above-mentioned servants of God by the term ʜiddîq or some variant expression. As with ʜâliʚ, Arabic ʜiddîq is often translated as righteous. However, in this case, the more specific connotation is truthful. The word seems to be authentically Arabic by form, but by technical usage it seems to be a borrowing. There is general agreement that the original source is from Jewish Aramaic (ʜdyq}. Yet, there is controversy as to whether the loan came directly to Arabic or through the mediacy of Ethiopic or South Arabian.20 The Qur'an twice refers to plural ʜiddîqûn in a general sense (4.71, 57.18). It specifically characterizes four exemplary servants of God as ʜiddîq (feminine ʜiddîqa): Mary and (Patriarch) Joseph separately, Abraham and Idrîs in Sura 19. Within that sura, the same trait is attributed to Isaac and Jacob through the metaphoric phrase lisân ʜidqan (tongue of truth), while Ishmael is called ʜâdiq al-wacd (truthful of promise). It would seem from the parallel charac____________________ 19 Anton Baumstark suggested this possibility based on comparison of Qur'an 21.105 with Psalm 37(36).29. His view was considered, with skepticism, by Geo Widengren, Muʚammad, the Apostle of God, and his Ascension (Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequistka Bokhandeln, 1955), p. 151. Nonetheless, Andrew Rippin senses that the name “may be a formation from the time of Muʘammad;” “ʙâliʘ,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), vol. 8, p. 984. Gabriel Reynolds addresses the possibility of ʙâliʘ being an epithet; Qur'ćn and Subtext, p. 197. 20 See discussion and references in Arthur Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur’an (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938), pp. 194-195.

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terizations that piety and truthfulness are complementary attributes of strict followers of the way of righteousness. As we have seen concerning the creedal tenets of faith, the Qur'anic scripture establishes a contrast of virtue and vice. From its listings of the exemplars of righteousness, we might expect a similar contrast of their own piety and truth with their antagonists’ impiety and falsehood. There is no such contrast though. Verse 19.59 reflects on contrary ways; people who came after the righteous patriarchs “neglected prayers and pursued cravings and so will experience a wrong turn.” However, the examples of impious behavior do not directly contrast with the preceding emphasis on truthfulness. There is some indirect contrast given awareness that piety and truthfulness are complementary traits. Even so, the antagonists are not specifically described. The relevant point is that the Qur'an’s litanies of righteous ones seemingly belong to antecedent dynamic themes of piety/impiety and truth/falsehood. The litanies are drawn from them and presented in new contexts to bolster credence in true revelation. The likely antecedents are the Essene-Nasorean polemic against the Temple’s cult and priestly practice and the Apostolic Nasorean polemic against the Pharisaic and later rabbinic codification of Scripture. The former controversy is not pertinent for the Qur'an, since the Temple establishment vanished consequent to the Jewish Roman wars. Conversely, the latter is pertinent, but the controversy is addressed in the Qur'an’s own polemic message, not its cultic history. The corollary hypothesis is that Hûd, ʙâliʘ, and Shucayb are absent from the listings of righteous messengers because they were not thematic personas in the earlier polemics. As for Adam, his persona does not contrast with the behavior of other humans; it cannotȦbecause he was the first human. The Qur'an characterizes some of God’s righteous servants by yet a third termȦʜabr, which means being patient or steadfast in purpose. Verse 46.35 exhorts: “patiently persevere as did the resolute ones among the messengers (faʜbir kamâ ʜabara ûlû al-cazmi min al-rusuli).” The exemplars are not mentioned in this particular sura. However, Job is inevitably one of them (38.44). Abraham’s (unnamed) son wants to be steadfast in obedience to God (37.102). The Qur'an also lists Ishmael, Idrîs, and Dhû al-Kifl as being among the patient, steadfast ones (min al-ʜâbirîn, 21.85). It is debatable whether this attribute applies, implicitly, to other exemplary servants of

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God. However, it is beyond question that the Qur'an commends this virtue to the believers, as it is mentioned in numerous verses. Moreover, there seems to be parallelism between the three attributes of the righteous servants of God and the three virtues they collectively endorse: ʜâliʚûn – piety, ʜiddîqûn – truthfulness, and ʜâbirûn – forbearance or patient steadfastness. Sura 103 attests to the complementarity of the three virtues; “verily, mankind is in loss, save those who believe, perform pious acts, and enjoin one another to be truthful and steadfast.” The Qur'an’s righteous servants of God may commonly possess the virtues of piety, truthfulness, and steadfastness. Even so, they are not similarly endowed to fulfill God’s purpose. Qur'an 17.55 recalls that God bestowed more on some prophets than on othersȦand he gave David the psalms. Qur'an 2.253-254 reveals, concerning God’s messengers, that “He conferred more on some than others; to some He spoke, some He raised in rank.” Jesus, though, was endowed with both revelation and the holy spirit. Other Qur'anic contexts establish that prominent prophets Jesus and Moses are miracle workers, as they are in the New and Old Testaments respectively. However, the Qur'an also attributes miracle working to Abraham (2.260), which is not part of his biblical persona. This trait implicitly adds to his status, as does the everfamous epithet ʚanîf. The word ʚanîf occurs twelve times in the Qur'an. In eight instances, it is specifically an attribute of Abraham. In the other four, it is used in a general sense, twice in plural form. Both the meaning and origin of the word have long vexed Islamist and Orientalist scholars and Muslim exegetes as well. The consensus of authorities is that the word means follower of the true faith and derives from Syriac root /ʘ-n-p/, which in noun form ʚanpo means heathen. Such etymology is troublesome, though, in that it links two contradictory meanings. The anomoly is conventionally resolved by equating ʚanîf with Abraham who lived in pre-Judaic or heathen times. Hence, ʚanîf connotes moral virtue as it existed in the primordial age. This philological gloss does make sense; however, it is unduly deferent to the hypothesis of Syriac influence in the Qur'an. Dissenting views recognize that ʚanîf seems to be authentically Arabic in its form and meaning. They languish, though, because they focus on the abstract rather than the concrete meaning of the root /ʘ-n-f/. The former conveys the sense of turning or inclining

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(away from something), with the something being decided by context. Thus, exegetes contend that the root’s extended meaning is turning away from false belief. The latter (that is, concrete) usage applies to a foot or leg that is bent or crookedȦ aʚnaf being the usual word form. As ʚanîf conforms to an alternate pattern for words denoting human characteristics, it is very likely a synonym of aʚnaf. Its base meaning bent of leg applies, then, to either a physical deformity or a gesture of total subservience or obedience. The latter, symbolic sense fits the context of Abraham’s religious creed. It also coincides with usage in non-Qur'anic sources. One of the ayyâm (“battle days”) tales, for example, relates that Bisʜâm ibn Qays fell wounded during the escape phase of a camel raid. When he sensed that his brother was about to turn back to help him, he called out: “Anâ ʚanîfun in rajacta (literally, I am subservient if you return).” The implied sense is: I would do anything for you since I would owe you my life.21 In its broadest sense then, ʚanîf means one who is self committed to serving anotherȦ wherein that other may be a person or a divinity. Where the object of servitude is divine, the context determines the specific connotation of ʚanîf. With servitude to the true God (Allah), ʚanîf equates to muslim. With servitude to a false god (or idol), ʚanîf connotes heathen (or pagan). The Qur'an thus employs several terms to designate spokesmen and exemplary adherents of the true faith. Given the above considerations, the uses of ʜâbir and ʚanîf seem to be unique to an Arabic literary milieu. The uses of ʜâliʚ and ʜiddîq, however, seem to have precedents elsewhere. They are conceptually consistent with the terms prophet of truth and pious way of the Kerygmata Petrou of the Ebionite Nasoreans and the terms teacher of truth and righteous ____________________ This interpretation differs significantly from the one rendered by J. Spencer Trimingham in his discussion of ʚanîf; Christianity Among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic Times (Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1990), pp. 161-164. For other relevant discussion, see: Arthur Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur’an (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938), pp. 112-115; W. Montgomery Watt, “ʗanĪf,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), vol. 3, pp. 165-166; Andrew Rippin, “RʗMNN and the ʗanîfs,” in Wael B. Hallaq and Donald P. Little (eds.), Islamic Studies Presented to Charles J. Adams (Leiden; New York: E. J. Brill, 1991), pp.153-168; and François de Blois, “NaʜrćnĪ and ʚanĪf: 21

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way of the scrolls of the Essene Nasoreans. The Qur'an affords more than this hint at the continuity of creedal tenets. It implies that certain people preserved the true prophetic tradition. Verses 16.43 and 21.7 admonish the skeptics to ask the “people of remembrance (ahl al-dhikr)” about God’s use of messengers. As the Qur'an does not further comment on such people, the question of their identity remains debatable. Khaleel Mohammed’s recent article reasserts the traditional exegetical view that the Ahl al-Dhikr are Jews and Christians.22 As this interpretation overlooks a critical question, it presents a contradiction. Why would the Prophet advise his detractors to consult members of faith communities that had corrupted the true revelation? A different perspective derives from consideration of the Qur'anic word dhikr. The Qur'an, in some cases, uses dhikr and its associated verbal forms to denote the virtue of being ever mindful of God’s existence. It otherwise uses the same term to express the human capacity for recollection (or remembrance)Ȧspecifically the recollection of the way of former exemplars of true moral virtue. God endows successive messengers with such remembrance (dhikr; 16.44, 21.10), as He endows them with moral discernment (furqân; 2.53, 2.185, 3.3, 21.48, 25.1) and prophetic ability (nubûwa; 6.89, 45.17, 57.26). Thus, it seems that the Ahl al-Dhikr, as known to the Prophet Muhammad, are conservators and adherents of an enduring way of righteousness, which includes the teachings of both Moses and Jesus and the behavior of those most exemplary servants of God who are mentioned in Suras 6, 19, 21, and 38. The Qur'an also seemingly preserves another vestige of the Nasorean way. By the time of the Qur'anic revelation, most of the Apostolic Nasorean congregations of the East had been assimilated, in greater or lesser degree, into the Great (Roman) Church and the similarly-structured Persian Church (Church of the East). The linguistic consequence was that the Arabic loanwords Naʜrânî and Naʜârâ had come to denote Christian and Christians respectivelyȦin which sense, they are exclusively used in the Qur'an. ____________________ Studies on the religious vocabulary of Christianity and Islam,” Bulletin of the School or Oriental and African Studies 65/1 (2002), pp. 16-25. 22 See the “The Identity of the Qur'ćn’s Ahl al-Dhikr,” in Khaleel Mohammed and Andrew Rippin (eds.), Coming to Terms with the Qur’an (North Haledon, N.J.: Islamic Publications International, 2007), pp. 33-46.

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Hence, they could not be used to convey the older, original sense of keeper or follower of the (righteous) way or votary of the true faith. For that, substitutes were needed. As we have seen above, the Qur'an uses Anʜâr, which is formed on the same root /n-ʛ-r/, to characterize Jesus’ disciplines. The Qur'an also uses Anʜâr in a different, albeit cognate, sense in verse 3.192. Here, the connotation is not votary but rather keeper, in the sense of one who looks after (or safeguards) another. Indeed, the Qur'an employs several nominal and active and passive verbal forms that convey this fundamental meaning. Considering the nominal forms first, naʜr (2.214, 6.34, 8.72) has the meaning (safe)keeping. Nâʜir/ nâʜirûn (3.91, 30.29, 86.10) and naʜîr (2.107, 2.120, 4.75, 4.89, 9.116) have the meaning (no) one to look after him/them/us/you, depending on the context of these negative statements. Nâʜir in verse 72.24 can be translated simply as keeper. Verbs formed on root /nʛ-r/ convey the same fundamental sense, whether they be first form naʜara/yanʜuru (2.48, 7.192, 7.197, 8.74, 9.14, 22.40) or derived form yastanʜiru (8.72). “They [false gods] are not able to look after you nor look after themselves (7.197).” “Certainly God will keep (look after) those who keep his way (22.40);” here yanʜuru is used twice to convey mutuality. “If they ask you to safeguard them for a religious reason, it is your duty to safeguard them . . . (8.72).” In overall perspective, Qur'anic Anʜâr has one meaning in historical context and another, slightly different one in contemporary context. In neither case does the term encompass the generality of adherents of the righteous way. The true faith community of the Islamic scripture has no denominative identity. It seems to be defined, albeit indirectly, by reflections on Jewish history. Verses 2.84-85 berate the Jews for expelling some of their own people. Qur'an 4.162 equates, but nonetheless differentiates between, highly knowledgeable Jews and true believers. The latter follow the Qur'anic creed, which is also the patriarchal creed. The allusions to some separation among Jewry are rather ambiguous, but they might well refer to either the Essenes or the Apostolic Nasoreans. In any case, true believers are differentiated from the adherents of Judaism, as is clear in verses 2.89-91 and several other passages. The Qur'an employs two terms to designate true believers in general. These are the semantically equivalent mu'minûn (believers) and alladhîna âmanû (those who believe). The respective participial

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and verbal forms follow the class four pattern of âmana, which takes preposition bi and basically means to have or attain security with someone. The use of this word-set to convey the sense of verbal believe – nominal belief indicates that some linguistic change took place. Either there was a shift in meaning (from having security to having trust or faith and then to believing) that occurred internal to Arabic. Or the usage may have come about through semantic borrowing from some cognate language. It is significant that the Qur'an employs mu'minûn/alladhîna âmanû in contrast with kâfirûn/ alladhîna kafarû (disbelievers/those who disbelieve).23 Shlomo Pines suggests that such contrast has parallels in the Pseudo-Clementine Recognitions, which are considered to have a Jewish-Christian substrate.24 There are also indications that mu'minûn as well as other Qur'anic words and constructs come from an established linguistic fund. The main evidence is the Book of the Himyarites, a Syriac work that commemorates the martyrdom of Monophysite Christians at Najran and the consequent Abyssinian intervention in the early sixth century CE.25 In the wording of that source, the martyrs are (true) believers (mhaymnê, a cognate of Arabic mu'minûn), God is the Merciful One (raʚmânâ), Jesus is known as the Son of Mary (brâh dmaryam), and the antagonists are enemies of righteousness (bceldrbâbê dkânûtâ).26 The same tract also includes allusions to the ascension of Enoch and the incident of the fire pitȦas does the Islamic scripture. ____________________ M. M. Bravmann, following Horowitz, also argues that Arabic îmân did not originally mean religious belief; The Spiritual Background of Early Islam (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972), pp. 26-31. However, he proceeds in a quite different directionȦto reconcile “warrior” virtue and Qur'anic moral ethics. He contends that the semantic concept attaining a sense of security (in someone) belonged to the Arab camel-raiding ethos before it was applied to religious guidance. 24 Pines, “Notes on Islam and on Arabic Christianity and JudaeoChristianity.” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 4 (1984), pp. 136 and 144. 25 For text and commentary, see Axel Moberg, The Book of the Himyarites: Fragments of a Hitherto Unknown Syriac Work (Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup, 1924). Related documents and further discussion are found in Irfan Shahîd, The Martyrs of Najrân: New Documents (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1971). 23

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The inference here is not that the Qur'an takes expressions from another book but rather that both writings reflect the vocabulary and word-imagery of a common religio-cultural milieu. The divine name Raʚmânân, used in monotheistic fashion, has been found on eleven South Arabian inscriptions.27 The epithet “Son of Mary” seems to have been well-grounded in Abyssinian church liturgy, as its use survived state efforts to impose Monophysite beliefs and terms, such as “Son of God.”28 Moreover, the Abyssinian Church has the only canon that includes some Book of Enoch. Such evidence points to the existence of a culture-area consisting of the littoral lands of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The connectivity of this area is also reflected in the occurrence of Ethiopic loanwords in Arabic. The unique subset of seafaring terms is perhaps most conspicuous.29 However, there are ____________________

26 The Qur'ans’s use of the last expression is not as obvious as its use of the other three. However, the metaphor is certainly reflected in the verbiage of verses 43.62 and 63.4. 27 In an article on the origin of Islamic Raʚmân, M. S. M. Saifullah c and Abdullah David collate facsimiles of nine of the relevant inscriptions (CIH 543, CIS 541, Ja 1028, RES 3904, Ry 506, Ry 508, Ry 515, Ry 520, and Hamilton 11from Shabwa), which have been published in various sources; “Raʚmćnćn (RʙMNN) – An Ancient South Arabian Moon God?”; available from www.islamic-awareness.org/QuranSources; Internet. This article also includes a very useful list of references on monotheism in pre-Islamic South Arabia. The South Arabian monotheistic inscriptions are comprehensively addressed in Christian Robin, “Judaisme et Christianisme en Arabie du Sud d’après les sources épigraphiques et archéologiques,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 10 (1980), pp. 85-96. The significance of the inscriptions to Islamic origins is addressed in Rippin, “RʗMNN and the ʗanîfs,” pp. 164-168. 28 See Adrian Fortescue, The Lesser Eastern Churches (London: Catholic Truth Society, 1913; reprint, New York: AMS Press, 1972), pp. 318-319. In his article on “Son of Mary,” Eric F. F. Bishop contends that the epithet came into the Qur'anic vocabulary when the refugees from Abyssinia rejoined Muhammad; Muslim World 24/3 (1934), pp. 236-245. His argument is logical, especially given that Abyssinia is known for extreme devotion to Mary. Nonetheless, the totality of the relevant evidence suggests that the expression “son of Mary” was in the Meccans’ lingual culture before Muhammad started his prophetic career.

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also lexical loans in the technically religious vocabulary of the Qur'an.30 Some are key words, as defined by frequency of occurrence or semantic importance; others are rare or incidental to some narrative. Among the key words, there is debate concerning the names Maryam and Mûsâ, the noun malak (angel), and the verbs bâraka (to bless), bashshara (to announce good news), and ʞahara (to make clear, purify). Those that patently derive from Ethiopic include: mu'min/ûn (believer), muʜʚaf (scriptural codex), injîl (gospel), qalam (pen), burhân (evident proof), ʚawârîyûn (disciples), ʚizb (sect), munâfiqûn (hypocrites), fâʞir (creator), shayʞân (satan), rajîm (cursed (devil), and jahannam (hell). There are about fifteen other borrowings, which include hâwiya (hell), acrâf (heights above hell), raqq (parchment scroll), and kibriyâ' (glory). Apart from the abovementioned loanwords, many others that seem to derive from Aramaic may have entered Arabic through an Ethiopic medium. The mention of Najran calls into question the reference to aʜʚâb al-ukhdûd (men of the fire pit) in Qur'an 85.4-8. Islamic tradition for the most part holds that the passage alludes to the events at Najran and the inevitability of divine revenge for the killing of believers (mu'minûn) there. This interpretation, however, poses some anomalies. The image of the fire pit does not occur in Christian accounts of the martyrdom at Najran. The true believers of this Qur'anic text must inferentially be Christians of some kind. Yet, Islamic tradition does not favorably view the Abyssinian intervention in Arabia. Exegesis of Sura 105 holds that mention of the “men of the elephant” being devastated by an act of God alludes to Abyssinian soldiers. Such anomalies, though, are not unique to Islam. The martyrological Acta Arethae, which addresses the same events, suggests that the victims followed the Chalcedonian (that is, anti-Monophysite) creed. Indeed, there was likely a mixture of sects at Najran, given that the Book of the Himyarites (7a) makes mention ____________________________ 29 Over a century ago, Siegmund Fraenkel noted the pattern of borrowing whereby Arabic includes a number of Ethiopic loanwords that pertain to ships and shipping; Die aramäischen Fremdwörter im Arabischen (Leiden: Brill, 1886), pp. 210-216. 30 The older Orientalist attention to this topic is being revived under an Ethiopic thesaurus project. See Manfred Kropp, “Beyond single words: Mć'ida – Shayʞân – jibt and ʞćghŠt,” in Reynolds, Qur'ćn in Historical Context, pp. 204-216.

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of “Christians in name only.” Perhaps the exceptional Muslim view on aʜʚâb al-ukhdûd is the most valid one.31 That is, the Qur'anic image of the fire pit ultimately derives from the Book of DanielȦwhose story is set in Babylon, not Yemen. This interpretation is indeed substantiated by the Book of the Himyarites, wherein the same literary allusion occurs (48a, 59a-60b). As that book alludes to the story of the pit however, the main characters are not the same as in Daniel. They are said to be of the house of Ananias (bayt ʙananyâ). This attribution poses, again, an anomaly, but the anomaly is clarified by Nestorian sources. An Arabic Nestorian history relates that a ruined church in Babylon, near the pit of Daniel, was restored, in the early fifth century.32 The church had been destroyed by Jews who killed monks, elders, and deacons inside it. That massacre is ostensibly also commemorated in Nestorian legend, which recalls that a man named Hananiyah was among those who were martyred in the persecution of Persian Christians (“Nazarenes”) in 338-339.33 But how is it that the rival Nestorians and Monophysites shared the same tradition? It may well be that the tradition emanated from a common heritageȦthe “lessons” of the earlier Apostolic Nasorean way. The case of aʜʚâb al-ukhdûd notwithstanding, the Qur'an does indicate that the true faith existed in Yemen. Verses 44.35 and 50.13 mention the people of Tubbac (one of the titles of the ruler of Yemen) among others who rejected the true religion and suffered the consequences. The details of their demise are recounted in Sura 34, whose title is Saba' (biblical Sheba)Ȧan alternate term for Yemen. Verses 34.15-20 relate that the people of this land ____________________ 31 Al-ʝabarî’s compilation of relevant traditions includes one from Muʘammad Ibn Sacd, which claims that the Qur’anic allusion to aʜʚâb alukhdûd concerns Daniel and his companions. See Arabic text (p. 612) and further discussion in O. Loth, “Tabarî’s Korancommentar,” Zeitschrift der Deutchen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 35 (1881), pp. 610-622. 32 The manuscript source is the Kitâb al-Mijdâl of Mârî ibn Sulaymân, folio 151b-153a; cited in Ralph Marcus, “The Armenian Life of Marutha of Maipherkat,” Harvard Theological Review 25 (1932), pp. 50-51. 33 As related in John Stewart, Nestorian Mission Enterprises (Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark, 1928; reprint, New York: AMS Press, 1980), pp. 19 and 30. This work relies on secondary sources, vaguely references them, and foregoes tracking their research. However, it would seem that authentic information derives from the studies of Paul Bedjan and Jérôme Labourt, who are some of Stewart’s sources.

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ignored the signs of God’s bounty and became too ambitious in worldly pursuits. The rupture of dams led to the ruin of their country. The passage includes some dialogue but does not mention who in particular speaks for God. This anonymity is unusual, given that the Qur'an names the prophets of cÂd, Thamûd, and Midian. Yet some person (or persons) ostensibly preached the way of righteousness in Yemen. Verse 34.20 relates that the people of Saba' followed Satan except for “a band of believers.” From this long excursus one might deduce that the Meccans assimilated some of the religious vocabulary of a culture-area without memorizing the attendant traditions or controversies. The Qur'an’s cultic history certainly reflects concepts that are characteristic of the Ebionites, Elkasaites, or Nasoreans in general. These include: revelation as complement to prophecy, true teaching or (prophecy) versus falsification, continuity of the patriarchal creed, preeminence of Jesus and Moses as prophets, and Jesus borne of a virgin as the wholly human Messiah. These concepts, however, are not the foremost concernsȦthe “issues of the time”Ȧof the Qur'an. They are the deeper foundation of the Qur'anic message. It is possible that they, or at least some, came into the Meccans’ collective knowledge coincident with use of the above-noted vocabulary. Such cultural transfer would have ensued from Abyssinian colonization of the eastern littoral lands of the Red Sea, which intermittently occurred from the end of the third century CE until the Sassanid Persian intervention in 575. Nasoreans might have been prominent in some stages of that trend. The inimical Panarion mentions that their numbers had dwindled considerably by the end of the fourth century. Nonetheless, “Jewish” influence, which may well be Nasorean Jewish-Christian influence, has remained remarkably resilient in Abyssinian Christian culture.34 Such considerations notwithstanding, this hypothesis ____________________

34 Many scholars have noted this phenomenon, yet its historic origin has defied explanation due to the insufficiency of sources. Specialist research on the topic is summarized in Steven Kaplan, The Beta Israel (Falasha) in Ethiopia (New York and London: New York University Press, 1992); discussion on pp. 17-20 and attendant source citations. The range of influence is comprehensively addressed in Edward Ullendorff’s monograph “Hebraic-Jewish Elements in Abyssinian (Monophysite) Christianity,” Journal of Semitic Studies 1 (1956), pp. 216-256.

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concerning religio-cultural influence should not preclude other lines of inquiry. Regarding the pressing concerns of the Qur'an, they entail validation of Muhammad’s prophethood and definition of the way of righteousness (which would eventually be called Islam). The definition emerges from emphasis on five creedal tenets in the words of key spokesmen, as mentioned above. As with the issue of prophethood, the exposition of creed also reflects controversyȦ albeit in a more passive and distant way. The relevant point is that the tenets appear to be counterpoints to Manichaean ones. The emphasis on monotheism refutes the dualism of Manichaeism, which envisions a cosmic contest between the power of light (the transcendental great spirit) and the power of darkness (the creator of matter). The concept of divine judgment entails the weighing of one life’s deeds, which implicitly rebuts the Manichaean belief in the transmigration of souls. The contrast of vice and virtue is antielitist and thus may implicitly discredit the Manichaean distinction between elect persons and hearersȦthe former being those who can anticipate salvation and the latter being those who can anticipate reincarnation or damnation. Of further note, the Qur'an makes no explicit distinction of grades within the community of believers on earthȦalthough it alludes to grades of distinction in heaven (4.95-95, 8.4, 25.72). Lastly, the recurrent reminder of God’s mercy affords hope in contrast to Manichaean determinism (or fatalism). Man is not doomed by the compulsive evil (zodiacal) influence of the planets, for God is attentive to his plea for forgiveness. Apart from the creedal tenets, the Qur'an reflects other concerns with Manichaean beliefs and attendant practices. Verse 5.116 refutes the belief that Mary is a member of the trinity. The relevant point is that Manichaeans identified Mary with the Virgin (or Maiden) of Light, who with Jesus the Splendor and the Third Messenger (or Light Mind) constituted a trinity. Sura 6 denounces what appear to be Manichaean-like dietary restrictions, which are albeit ascribed to pagans. Verse 6.138 alludes to taboos against eating the meat of livestock and certain food crops as well as dispensations to those bans. The relevant point is that the Manichaean elect granted such concessions to hearers. Verses 6.141-142 advise the believers to disregard superstitions and eat what God has provided. Contrary to such antithesis however, the Islamic

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scripture does assimilate certain thematic symbols that are characteristic of Manichaeism. These include the succession of prophets, the seal of the prophets, and the migrant spirit of God. Thus, there are indications of both positive and negative influence. The above observations point to another layer of religious influence in the collective conscience of Meccan society. Manichaeism is not known to have made major inroads in the Red Sea Region.35 Thus, the source of said influence is likely to lie beyond the northern frontier of the Hijaz. It is unlikely to be coincidental that this same region is prominent in the Qur'anic story of Prophet Shucayb. Thus, the correlation warrants consideration and will be duly addressed in the next chapter, which has a geographic focus. From that perspective, we will also consider the evolution of the concept of Abrahamic faith. The pertinent question: What people in what circumstances recast the image of Abraham, such that ʚanîf occurs in the Qur'an as a self-understood term? ____________________ Islamic sources mention that zandaqa existed among the Quraysh (Muhammad's extended clan). However, the meaning of zandaqa is not transparent. The term may well refer to Manichaeism; it may equally well refer to Mazdakism or some other creed of Eastern origin. Whatever the case, neither zandaqa nor any cognate of it occurs in the Qur'anic text. For further discussion and references, see Jandora, “Qur’ćnic cĩsć,” pp. 26-27. 35True,

4 MIDIAN’S LEGACY: ALLEGORY AND PROPHETS OF ARABIA

A curious aspect of the Qur'an’s cultic history is its relative lack of geographic references. There are allusions to the sacred sites of Bakka and Mount Sinai, yet most events are not placed in geographic settings. The exceptional cases are the accounts of the three so-called Prophets of Arabia, which allude to various landmarks and habitats. The references are not totally clear, and some lend themselves to variant interpretation. However, my interpretive findings are that some of these missions took place in the Jordan Valley Region and some in the region that I have broadly defined (in Chapter One) as the land of Midian. Thus, the “Arabia” of the epithet, transposed into a pre-Islamic setting, would comprise the two Roman provinces of Arabia and Palestina Tertia and also the territory beyond their southern frontiers. The Qur'anic accounts of the three prophets can be taken as a distinct set not only on the basis of their having geographic contexts but also on the basis of their having a common literary structure. Each of them follows the pattern of commission, mission, rejection, and punishment.1 The phrasing of the prophets’ exhortations (in Sura 11) is identical: “Oh my people, serve God! You have no god other than He.” Likewise, the phrasing of the responses (in Sura 26) is parallel: the people “called the envoys liars ____________________

1 Andrew Rippin draws attention to this literary convention in his article on “ʙâliʘ,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), vol. 8, p. 984.

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when their brother [so and so] said to them, Will you not fear God? I am a trustworthy messenger to you. So fear God and obey me. I ask of you no recompense for this; my only recompense is up to the Lord of the worlds.’” Another commonality is that all three prophets decry idolatoryȦalthough this offense to God is not the only wrong doing within their respective societies. Thus, some interpreters of the Qur'an might suspect the genuineness of each of the three stories. Differences do occur, however, in the details of the idolaters’ counter-arguments, the circumstances of divine punishment, and the local geographic setting. Such dissimilarity points to separate historical erasȦif not historically authentic personas. From another perspective, the three non-biblical prophets do not stand alone. The recollection of their missions is interwoven with recollection of the experiences of Noah and Lot (Suras 7 and 26) or Noah and Abraham (Sura 11). In these litanies, Noah is seemingly cast into an Arabian setting. The successors of Noah’s society are not known as the progeny of his sons; they are, rather, the people of cÂd (7.69). The gods of Noah’s peopleȦthe Wadd, Suwâc, Yaghûth, Yacûq, and Nasr of verse 71.23Ȧare not diverse idols. On the contrary, they uniquely belong to the pantheon of the South Arabian Minaean culture. Such observations suggest that the Qur'an employs at least one Noachic tradition that is independent of the Bible. Yet, placing and dating its origin pose some challenges. The Minaean state flourished during the latter first millennium BCE. Its center was in northern Yemen, but its commercial reach extended into Midian where trade colonies were established. Epigraphic evidence of Minaean presence has been discovered near al-cUlâ, Saudi Arabia (ancient Dedan) and the Wadi Ram and Hisma (ʗismâ) areas of southern Jordan, east of Aqaba.2 It was likely the vestige of one such distant colony that, prior to Islam, shaped local perceptions of a lost ancient society. Among pagan communities of peninsular Arabia, the gods of the Minaean ____________________ For further on the Minaeans and their artifacts, see: Solaiman alTheeb, “A New Minaean Inscription from North Arabia,” Arabian Archeology and Epigraphy 1/1 (October 1990), pp. 20-23; F. V. Winnett, “The Place of the Minaeans in the History of Pre-Islamic Arabia,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 73 (February 1989), pp. 3-9; and David F. Graf, “Dedanite and Minaean Inscriptions from the Hisma,” Annual of the Department of Antiquities, Jordan 27 (1983), pp. 555-569. 2

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pantheon were still venerated in the early days of Islam.3 Thus, any tradition of their being the idols of people who perished in the Great Flood was likely composed elsewhere. Such considerations point to Midian. But were there any people in Midian, albeit as late as the mid-first millennium CE, who could have deciphered Minaean inscriptions? Yes, it seems so, given evidence of a Yemeni presence at Ayla (modern Aqaba). Literary evidence comes from the Sîra, which recalls that an official from Ayla concluded a pact with Muhammad, whose troops were successfully advancing northward.4 That pact guaranteed protection not only for the people of Ayla but also for the Syrians, Yemenis, and the seafarers among them. Moreover, recent archeological finds confirm the presence of Yemenis at Roman Ayla prior to Muhammad’s time.5 Similar considerations suggest that the tradition-making of this same society Ȧthat is, cosmopolitan Ayla and its environsȦalso underlay the Qur'an’s linking of Noah’s people with Hûd’s people. As we have seen, Hûd is God’s envoy to the (obscure) people of cÂd. Arab and Islamic traditions ascribe to this people a South Arabian habitat and a great antiquity, which Western Orientalist and Islamist scholars are generally prone to endorse. Their view notwithstanding, it is far more likely that the Qur'anic cÂd inhabited the southern Jordan Valley Region in late Nabataean and early Christian times. Of the relevant evidence, Ptolemy’s Geographia (second century CE) plots the Oaditai in the highlands between the ____________________

Arthur Jeffery notes several relevant sources in “A Reference to the Ishtar-Cult in the Qur'an,” American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 45/1 (July 1925), pp. 280-282. Some of the accounts may well be fictional and derivative of traditional Qur'anic exegesis. However, the name Qays ibn cAbd Yaghûth, which occurs in conquest lore, does appear to be independent and authentic evidence of a tribal (Murâd) cult of Yaghûth. 4 Arabic text in Ibn Hishćm, Al-SĪra al-NabawĪya (= SĪrat RasŠl Allah) (Cairo: Muʛʜafć al-BćbĪ al-ʗalabĪ, 1955/1375), vol. 2, pp. 525-526; English text in Alfred Guillaume (ed. and trans.), The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Isʚćq’s SĪrat RasŠl Allah (London; New York: Oxford University Press, 1955), p. 607. 5 See Roberta Tomber, “Rome and South Arabia: new archeologic evidence from the Red Sea,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 34 (2004), pp. 351-360. 3

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Dead Sea and the Gulf of Aqaba.6 From this finding, one can proceed along either of two tracksȥone involving inscriptions, the other involving Scripture. Similarly transliterated names appear in Greek inscriptions from the Hawran area, which is further north. They attest to the presence of people identified as AudĔnoi and AoweidĔnoi; one of the inscriptions dates to 320 CE.7 One could make the argument that the differences in translation are not critical. They are consistent in reflecting the usual (foreign) difficulty with Arabic consonant cayn /c/ and the perception of the elongated vowel /â/ tending to an /ô/ sound, which is quite probable given historical linguistic trends in Syria. Regarding the two inscriptions, the latter word-form reflects the Arabic diminutive of the former, and it thus may be a local variant of the same tribal name. The Greek transliteration AoweidĔnoi seemingly correlates with Safaitic {cwĄy} {cwyĄ}, which occur in rock etchings in areas adjoining the Hawran.8 The correlation is tentative because the Safaitic vocalizations are uncertain. In any case, thousands of Safaitic inscriptions have been found throughout the entire Syrian Desert Region, and a few have been found in the Negev and ____________________ 6 This name association was first noted by Aloys Sprenger (Alte Geographie Arabiens). Regarding Ptolemy’s work, in extant versions of his map of Arabia Felix, the plot Oaditai is seemingly offset (to the southern edge of that people’s territory) to accommodate several labels. 7 See J. Spencer Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs in PreIslamic Times (Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1990), p.78. The relevant source citations (nn. 83 and 86) refer to inscriptions recorded by William H. Waddington in Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie (Paris, 1870)Ȧa work that has eluded my search. 8 See respectively: Sultan A. Ma'ani and Ibrahim S. Sadaqah, “New Safaitic Inscriptions from the Mafraq Office Department of Archeology of Jordan,” Syria 79 (2002), pp. 250, 252-253 and 266 and Enno Littmann, Semitic Inscriptions (New York: The Century Co., 1934), p. 133, nos. 9 and 10. The term Safaitic alludes to the basalt rock deposits in which the inscriptions have been discovered. It is conventionally used because early archeological explorers were unable to attribute the etchings to any specific tribe or people. M. C. A. MacDonald comprehensively, but rather negatively, traces the academic study and interpretation of these inscriptions; “Nomads and the ʗawrćn,” Syria 70 (1993), pp. 303-403 and 405413. For discussion of Safaitic {cwd}, see especially pp. 355 and 362 ff.

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southern Sinai. These etchings are based on a South Arabian script, and their approximate dates range from the first century BCE to the fourth century CE. As for the transliteration AudĔnoi, it more surely correlates with cAwĄ, which occurs as a personal name in Nabataean inscriptions outside of Syria.9 It is, moreover, plausible that, linguistically, Nabataean Arabic cAwĄ is cognate to Qur'anic Arabic cÂd. We can only surmise as to what the Arab authors of historical traditions knew or believed about the various inscriptions and the people who etched them. Nonetheless, observations of the wide range and character shape of the Safaitic etchings may well have induced their conjecture that the cÂd were a great tribe of South Arabian origin. It is also plausible, and perhaps more so, that the Qur'anic name cÂd is connected with Scripture. The relevant biblical references, with the exception of 1 Chonicles 1.17, are renderings of orthograghic Hebrew {cwʛ}, which is alternately {cûʛ}. (The corresponding Greco-Latin Ausitis is conventionally rendered as Uz in English.) According to Genesis, this name has genealogical significance, designating the son of Aram (10.23) or the nephew of Abraham (22.21). According to the Book of Job, the name designates either a land or its inhabitants (1.1). Neither of these books helps to locate the land of {cûʛ}, but the Book of Jeremiah does. In listing the several peoples who would experience the “cup of (divine) wrath,” Jeremiah’s sequence is: Egypt, land of mixed population, Uz, Philistia, Edom, Moab, etc. (25.20). This sequence ostensibly begins with lands southwest and west of Judea and then reorients to the east. Thus, it implicitly and approximately places Uz on the edge of Sinai, in the Negev-southern Jordan Valley Region. But is it possible to correlate Hebrew {cûʛ} with Arabic {câd}? The dissimilarity in orthographic representations may appear daunting for such a task. Nonetheless, the differences may merely reflect normal divergence from a common source word. The relevant considerations are as follows. The initial phoneme /c/ is obviously the same. The medial vowel may be the sameȦat least similar. Given that Hebrew uses {û} and Arabic ____________________ 9 The name cAudu occurs twice in some Nabataean inscriptions found in Umm cAnab (Red Sea coastal area of Egypt); Enno Littmann, “Nabataean Inscriptions from Egypt,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 15 (1953), pp. 1-28; nos. 1a and 9 pertain.

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uses {â} to represent phonologic /ô/, one hypothesis is that the respective names both reflect proto-vowel /ô/. Another hypothesis is that proto /â/ is retained in Arabic but changes to /ô/ in Hebrew. As for the final consonant, it presents more of a challenge. Here, it is necessary to hypothesize phonological change, such that a putative proto-Arabic /ʡz/ lost its plosive and affricative features and became the simpler /d/. It is possible to reconstruct /câʡz/ Ȼ /câd/ either as a change within Arabic alone or as a more complex process. The former alternative is more plausible, because similar changes can indeed be traced in modern Arabic dialects. As for the latter alterantive, it presupposes that /câʡz/ was borrowed into another language, where phonological simplification occurred before Arabic borrowed back the word as /câd/. Where such change might have occurred is the problematic issue. Hebrew is certainly excludedȦalthough it remains feasible that Hebrew borrowed a proto-Arabic /câʡz/. There are two possibilities, given that Hebrew /ʛ/ has allophones /z./ and /ʜs/. Either original /câʡz/ became /côz./, or it became /côʜs/. In both cases, the phonological change would be slight, and the putative words would be orthographically rendered as {cûʛ}. There is, thus, some basis to connect Hebrew {cûʛ}with Classical Arabic /câd/. Admittedly though, the above reconstructions of sound change are no more that tentative. Such linguistic considerations notwithstanding, the Qur'an frequently speaks of the cÂd as a people who rejected their prophet and thus incurred divine punishment. Their grand edifices were left vacant as they perished in a violent windstorm (41.13, 41.16, 69.6). Passage 89.6-7 calls to mind this lesson: “Have you not seen how your Lord dealt with cÂd of Iram of the Pillars (Iram dhât al-cimâd), of which nothing similar had been made in the land?” Some scholars link this Iram with Nabataean ruins near Jabal Ram, some 25 miles east of Aqaba.10 However, the Qur'anic reference to Iram ____________________ Harold W. Glidden brings together the archeologic, cartographic, and literary evidence that supports this view; “Koranic Iram, Legendary and Historical,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research No. 73 (February 1939), pp. 13-15. The site in question has been further excavated, but recent reporting adds no weight to the earlier conjecture. See Dendine Dudley and M. Barbara Reeves, “The Wadi Ramm Recovery Project: Preliminary Report of the 1996 Season,” Echos du monde classique/ Classical Views 41, no. 16 (1997), pp. 81-106. 10

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may well designate the wider area including Wadi Ram (more commonly Rum) and its extensions. There one finds more Nabataean ruins at Humayma, and these may have added to the impression of a grand culture that had once dominated biblical Uz but became extinct. Among other relevant points, Prophet Hûd questions cÂd’s habit of constructing landmarks and occupying solid buildings (26.127-128)Ȧendeavors that seem to reflect the culture of Nabataean society. In sum, the internal evidence is consistent with the external evidence that Qur'anic cÂd were contemporaries of the Nabataeans. As for the violent windstorm that ruined their settlement(s), it may be metaphoric. Yet, images of sand storms and wind-sculpted dunes (aʚqâf) are certainly consistent with the obliteration of caravan route markers and way stations. It seems plausible that climatic change contributed to the demise of these people, which is otherwise usually explained in terms of Roman policy and shifts in trade routes. Such is the historicity of cÂd. What of their prophet Hûd? On the basis of two considerations, one might assess that Hûd is a figurative rather than historical person. The first consideration is, as noted above, that the story of Hûd’s mission is not structurally distinct from those of ʙâliʘ and Shucayb. The second consideration is that Hûd is not originally an Arabic name. It likely derives from Hebrew Yehûdah, whose Hellenized form Ioudas passed through Latin into English (biblical) Judas and (common name) Jude. With Arabic, a similar linguistic process of elision ostensibly occurred, such that Yehûdah became Ehûd and then Hûd. There is no Scriptural antecedent for Hûd, but the name Judas/Jude was quite common in early “Christian” tradition: Judas Thomas, Judas of James, Judas Iscariot, Judas Barsabbas, Judas Kyriakos, and Saint Jude. So the stylized story of Hûd possibly reflects some vague recollection of the spread of the Jesus (or Apostolic Nasorean) movement into Roman Arabia. Concerning Prophet ʙâliʘ’s mission, the Qur'an relates that the dominion that had been cÂd’s passed into the hands of Thamûd (7.74). The historicity of Thamûd is, by comparison with that of cÂd, much easier to trace in external sources. The connection between Arabic Thamûd and Greek ThamydĔnoi or Latin Thamudeni is quite transparent. Pliny the Elder’s Natural History mentions this people. Ptolemy’s Geography puts their habitat south of the OaditaiȦwhich area is presently the northwest sector of

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Saudi Arabia. Archeologists and epigraphers have discovered throughout that area rock etchings whose script is related to but distinct from Safaitic and which they consider to be Thamudic. The presence of such etchings at and around al-ʗijr (Classical Hegra, now Madâ'in ʙâliʘ) seems to validate the Qur'an’s implicit linkage of that site with Thamûd.11 Roman chancery records are also pertinent. The Notitia Dignitatum indicates that units recruited from Thamûd, Equites Saraceni Thamudeni, were included in the Roman Commands in Palestine and Egypt. According to the dating of the various sources, it appears that Thamûd were contemporaries and neighbors of cÂd from at least the first century BCE to the second century CE. Indeed, the Qur'an cites cÂd and Thamûd in tandem in eleven verses. As for the Prophet of Thamûd, ʙâliʘ, his name is certainly Arabic. However, it is debatable whether the Qur'an’s lexical ʛâliʚ is a personal name, an epithet, or a metaphor. Whatever the case, the word means, as previously noted, righteous or good (in the sense of devout). Its use as epithet is plausible, given that the Qur'an employs epithets for several figures in its cultic history. Alternatively, Arabic ʛâliʚ may derive, via translation, from some foreign name, such as Greek dikaios.12 Thus, the possibilities are that the Qur'anic persona is someone actually named ʙâliʘ, someone known as devout, or some anonymous devout man. None can be excluded, at least not until consideration of the third parallel caseȦthe persona of Prophet Shucayb. On the other hand, the literal text of ʙâliʘ’s story is of some help for establishing a rough timeline for his preaching activity. The Qur'anic account of the demise of Thamûd specifies that the cause was an earthquake. According to an historical study of earthquake activity in the region, major tremors occurred in ____________________ 11 Compare the narration in verses 15.80-82 with the allusions to houses hewn from mountains in 7.74, 26.149, and 89.9. I discount Andrew Rippin’s (“ʙâliʘ”) skepticism regarding this connection. The rock tombs may be “essentially Nabataean,” but culture does not equal ethnicity. Moreover, the observation that the monumental tomb construction ceased around 75-76 CE points to a Nabataean withdrawal, not complete abandonment of the site; John F. Healy, The Nabataean Tomb Inscriptions of Mada'in Salih (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 6. 12 In the article “ʙâliʘ,” Rippin also questions the origin of the name, as does Gabriel Said Reynolds, The Qur'ćn and its Biblical Subtext, (London; New York: Routledge, 2010), p. 197.

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363 and 551 CE.13 Since the latter date is too late, given known approximate timelines for Thamûd, the destruction that the Qur'an recalls likely occurred in 336 CE. ʙâliʘ’s prophecy obviously must have been made prior to that event. His life was thus contemporary with the initial expansion of ecclesiastical Christianity in the East, at the expense of the Apostolic Nasorean way. With this consideration, one is drawn to an obscure detail in the Qur'an’s story of ʙâliʘ’s mission. Passage 27.48-50 relates that nine wicked persons plotted to attack ʙâliʘ and his people at night. The significance of the number nine is not specified. However, this narrative may be an allegory similar to the sleepers in the cave story (of Sura 18). It seems to parallel an Ethiopian legend according to which nine Syrian monks were responsible for the Christianization of Abyssinia. From an ecclesiastical Christian perspective, their feat would have amounted to propagation of the true faith. From a rival (Jewish-Christian) perspective, it would have amounted to suppression of the pre-existent Apostolic Nasorean creed. The Qur'anic narrative seemingly projects the latter view; to wit, the deeds of nine persons jeopardized the continuance of the true monotheistic faith. It is quite plausible that the Ethiopian legend was known throughout the Red Sea Region and lent itself to variant applications. Likewise, the depiction of Thamûd’s grave offense may be allegory. They killed the she-camel that God made sacrosanct and consequently met their demise (as related in Suras 7, 11, and 26). The story may be interpreted in either of two ways. Thamûd was punished for a single conspicuous act of disobedience, which happened to involve a camel. Or Thamûd was punished for violating divine laws that proscribed the wanton killing or sacrifice of animals or certain methods of slaughtering them. This second interpretation lends itself to correlation of the Qur'anic message to familiar Essene-Nasorean and Ebionite Nasorean ways. With the next “Arab” prophet of the Qur'an, the contextual tie is not to ethnic (or tribal) names but to landmarks. Shucayb, in his foremost Qur'anic image, is God’s messenger to the people of _____________________

13 Kenneth W. Russell, “The Earthquake Chronology of Palestine and Northwest Arabia from the 2nd through the Mid-8th Century A.D., Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 260 (Autumn 1985), pp. 37-59.

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Midian (Madyan). He is also God’s messenger to the “holders of a thicket (aʜʚâb li ayka)” and possibly the “holders of the well (aʜʚâb al-rass).” The Qur'an does not explicitly link Shucayb to the last settlement. However, two passages cite aʜʚâb al-rass in sequence with cÂd and Thamûd, following them in 25.38-39 and preceding them in 50.12, with no mention of Midian. There thus seem to be alternate expressionsȦand, hence, multiple locationsȦfor Shucayb’s activity. He ostensibly had a wider mission field than either Hûd or ʙâliʘ. Perhaps for this reason he is not characterized as God’s messenger to any particular ethnic group. We discussed the geographic term Midian at the beginning of this book. From its Qur'anic context, it is not clear whether Madyan refers to a town of that specific name (perhaps the Madiana of Classical sources) or to just some major town of the region. As for the “thicket,” some Qur'an commentators consider it to be a feature of the same area. However, I would dispute that view on several points. Qur'an 15.78 turns from the lesson of “Lot’s people” (the infamous sinners of Sodom and Gomorrah) to the lesson of the thicket dwellers. They too were wrong-doers and thus subject to God’s retribution, “and (vestiges of) both are on an open roadway.” One does not find ruins among thickets in northwest Arabia. Moreover, thickets tend to develop in ravines, which are not ideal terrain for main roads. Nor are they ideal sites for the market activity that is implicit in verses 26.181-182. The area that best matches the Qur'anic allusion is the bank of the Jordan River where it meets the Dead Sea. There, one finds various ruins in the vicinity of modern Jericho, just west of the river-crossing site. The vegetation of the area appears to be a vestige of what the Bible calls the “thickets by the Jordan.” Apart from topographic considerations, the wadi that extends east-northeast from this area is named for Shucayb. Local tradition holds that his grave is located at the upper end of the wadi near the town of Mâʘiʛ, which is close to alSalʜ. Admittedly, traditions regarding the tombs of prophets and holy men are often dubious. However, this particular tradition is consistent with the Qur'an’s contextual indications of Shucayb’s presence in the area. It is also significant that Midian has no counter-claim to be the burial place of the prophet, although one cavernous area is named for himȦCaves (Maghâ'îr) of Shucayb. The case of “the well (al-rass)” evokes similar considerations. This term more likely refers to some regionally prominent

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landmark than to some locally known spot. According to alFîrûzâbâdî’s dictionary, rass denotes a well enclosed by stones; so the well in question was unlikely to have been a primitive waterhole. There are numerous wells in the area extending from the vicinity of ʝîrân to the vicinity of Jericho, the hypothetical range of Shucayb’s mission field. Among them, one has not only distinctive stonework but also prominence in biblical lore. That is Elisha’s fount (or spring), which is located near Jericho. This finding remains tentative though, for the Qur'an does not record any dialogue between the people of the well and any prophet. The Qur'an does record some dialogue of the three prophets to Arabia. A quite noteworthy point is that Shucayb’s dialogue in 11.84-93 refers to the demise of several earlier societies. His exhortation (11.89) implies that the local, historical collective consciousness is aware of the fates of the people of Noah, Hûd, and ʙâliʘ. It adds to such recollection the “lesson” of Lot’s people, further remarking that they (meaning their former habitats) are not so distant. The same verse also implies that Shucayb is aware of prophets who preceded him. In contrast, ʙâliʘ does not seem to be knowledgeable of cÂd’s prophet or fate; he knows only that his own people Thamûd succeeded cÂd (7.74). Such observations suggest that Shucayb’s oracle may well be the medium through which the others’ stories became known at Mecca. In this case, there are four implications. Shucayb’s story accounts for the continuity of true teaching among successive (gentile) societies. The selectivity of its subplots reflects a focus that is geographic rather than ethnicȦin that the historic domains of cÂd and Thamûd overlapped in Midian. This locale is the probable milieu where the traditions concerning the ancient peoples merged and became fused. The issue of ethnicity per se is not significant for the Qur'anic messageȦthe point being that the Qur'an might have developed a “descendants of Ishmael” tradition but did not. It here seems opportune to address the Qur'anic image of Lot as prophet. Detractors of the Qur'an may wish to view this characterization of him as an invention. However, there is evidence that Christians in the Transjordan Region also accorded Lot a highly venerable status. Following the clue of the Madaba mosaic map, archeologists have uncovered a Byzantine-era Church of Saint Lot near Zo’ar, which lies at the southern end of the Dead Sea, the approximate locale of biblical Sodom and Gomorrah. Other

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archeological evidence includes two inscriptions located in the ruins of an ancient church in Khirbat al-Mukhayyat on Mount Nebo. Invocations in those inscriptions are addressed to the God of Saint Lot and to Saint Lot himself.14 The relevant point is that Mount Nebo lies within twenty miles of Jericho and the Thickets of the Jordan, which sites are sometimes visible from that summit. Considering relative proximity, Shucayb’s presence near Jericho would have afforded him, direct or indirect, knowledge of the cult of Lot. He was in any case familiar with some tradition associating Lot with the area of Zo'ar, as indicated in Qur'anic verse 11.89. His activity in the wider region may well have been the catalyst for composition of a single cultic history that fused traditions concerning Lot with traditions concerning Hûd and ʙâliʘ. The popular religion of the Transjordan area has further relevance in that its local traditions very likely contributed to the Qur'anic personas of Moses and AaronȦthe scions of the House of 'Imran. Mount Nebo has been considered, in the traditions of the monotheistic faiths, to be the burial place of MosesȦalthough his tomb has never been located. During the fourth century, Christians built a church on the mount as a memorial to Moses, and in time it became a pilgrimage attraction. Jabal Hârûn (perhaps biblical Mount Hor), further southward in the vicinity of Petra, has similarly been considered to be the burial place of Moses’ brother Aaron. During the fifth century, Christians established a memorial church below the summit, which site gradually evolved into a monastic-pilgrimage center. A sixth century document refers to the building complex as the “House . . . of Saint High Priest Aaron.”15 ____________________

14 The case for a local “cult of Saint Lot” is presented in Sylvester Saller and Bellarmino Bagatti, “The Sanctity and Cult of Lot,” in idem, The Town of Nebo (Khirbet el-Mekhayyat), with a Brief Survey of Other Christian Monuments in Transjordan (Publications of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, No. 7; Jerusalem: Franciscan Press, 1949), pp. 193-199. Their argument is further validated by the subsequent site excavation south of the Dead Sea; see Konstantinos D. Politis, “The Sanctuary of Agios Lot, the City of Zoara, and the Zared River,” in The Madaba Map Centenary, 1897-1997 (Jerusalem: Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, 1999), pp. 225227. 15 Zbigniew T. Fiema, “The Byzantine monastic/pilgrimage center of St. Aaron near Petra, Jordan,” Arkeologipäivät (2002), p. 35 (34-49). The excavation of the site in question is recorded in detail in Zbigniew T.

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One can only conjecture as to how many folk stories of Moses and Aaron, singly or together, emanated from those two sites. A quite interesting case is (previously-mentioned) Qur'anic passage 40.23-45, which seemingly reworks diverse traditions into a composite narrative concerning Moses. The literal reading of this passage presents the following anomalies, which diverge from or contradict the comparable Old Testament narratives. – Biblical Moses was not sent to Korah (Qur'anic Qârûn), who, in any case, has no role in the following storyline. – Scripture does not mention any companion of Pharaoh, who, being secretly a true believer, comes to the defense of Moses, attests to the day of in-gathering (yawm al-tanâd), and exhorts his people to accept the true faith. – This person’s reference to cÂd and Thamûd is not only anachronistic but also out of place at the court of Pharaoh, which was unlikely to be impressed by the fate of Eastern tribal societies. – Scriptural Haman is a minister of the Achaemenid Persian King Xerxes (Assuerus), although (as we have seen) Qur'anic Haman likely equates to Egyptian Amun. – In any case, biblical Pharaoh does not order the construction of a high edifice in response to Moses’ oracle. – The Old Testament’s most significant high edifice is the Tower of Babel, which, according to legend, was built in Mesopotamia by the order of King Nimrod. The sense of this narrative becomes evident, though, when one interprets it as allegory. There are two keys to its decoding. One is the consideration that the story’s characters have corporate, not individual, personality. The other is the consideration that the word pharaoh is used in a generic metaphoric sense to mean great king. The pharaoh of this passage is the same as the pharaoh of verse 38.12, whose epithet is “he of the tent pegs (dhû al-awtâd).” As this symbolism does not reflect an image of Egypt, it must be drawn from elsewhere. The elsewhere is Mesopotamia, specifically the town of ʗîra. That settlement, located along the Euphrates near modern Kufa, was the capital of a Sassanid vassal state. ____________________ Fiema and Jaakko Frösén (eds.), Petra – The Mountain of Aaron: The Finnish Archaeological Project in Jordan, Vol. I: The Church and the Chapel (Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica, 2008).

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There, the Lakhmid amirs presided as Sassanid-accredited governors of the tribal groups of central and eastern Arabia. Except for three short interregnums, these Lakhmid (technically Nasrid) dynasts held power from the late third century to 602. Their town expanded as immigrant Arab clans successively set up tent-camp settlements. Al-ʗîra became consequently known as the town of tents. Thus, its overlord, the Sassanid monarch, might plausibly have been “pharaoh of the tent pegs.” So then, what should one make of the component incidents and dialogue of the passage at hand? Reflection on religious aspects of Sassanian Persian history suggests correlations that render the passage quite coherent. Among the metaphors, Moses represents prophets of the true faith. Qârûn represents defiant Jews of the Eastern Diaspora. Pharaoh and Amun represent a Sassanid king and his crown prince, that is, Sassanid monarchs. The kinsman of Pharaoh represents members of the Sassanian ruling class. Thus, the narrative may be interpreted as follows, where the notation scheme is: (L) = literal wording, (A) = allegorical meaning, and (C) = commentary. – Verses 40.23-24 (L) “We sent Moses . . . to Pharaoh, Haman, and Korah.” (A) Spokesmen for the true (patriarchal) faith preached among both the Eastern Diasporic Jews and the Persians (and their other subjects). – Verses 40.25-26 (L) “They said, ‘slay the sons of those who believe with him . . . .’ Pharaoh said, ‘leave me to kill Moses.’” (A) Sassanid monarchs resorted to presecution. (C) These persecutions, as historically recorded, involved Manichaeans, Jews, and Christians as well as Nasoreans (in decrees of both Kerdir and Mihr Nerseh). – Verses 40.27-29 (L) “Pharaoh said, ‘. . . I fear that he (Moses) should change your religion or bring corruption to the land . . . I only point out to you what I see.’” (A) The Sassanid monarchy defended the policy by noting that “Christians” eschew marriage, observe Saturday Sabbath, pollute water by their ablutions, and do not honor (pray toward) the sun or fire.

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(C) Such practices seem to be characteristic of Nasorean (Jewish-Christian) sectaries. – Verse 40.28 (L) “A believer, a man from the people of Moses, asked, ‘will you slay a man because he says his lord is God?’” (A) Members of the ruling class objected to the persecutions. (C) Such objections are reflected in the legends of the Persian martyr Hormisdas, the Lakhmid cAmr ibn cAdî, and Sayyid Aspebet.16 – Verses 40.30-32 (L) “The believer said, ‘I fear for you . . . something like the fate of the people of Noah, cÂd, and Thamûd.’” (A) The true believer calls to mind that all great societies have perished. – Verse 40.34 (L) The believer said: “To you came Joseph . . . when he died, you said that God would send no messenger after him.” (A) As for the Jews, they should not think that the genuine patriarchal faith ended with (biblical) Joseph. – Verse 40.36 (L) “Pharaoh said, “Haman, build me a high edifice.” (A) As for the Sassanid monarchs, they responded by building fire temples, which have high spiral towers.17 ____________________

16 Among many sources, the story of Hormisdas is found in August Neander, General History of the Christian Religion and Church, trans. Joseph Torrey (Boston: Crocker and Brewster, 1852-59), vol. 2, p. 111 and John Stewart, Nestorian Mission Enterprises (Edinburgh: T.&T. Clark, 1928; reprint, New York: AMS Press, 1980), pp. 27-28. The stories of cAmr and Aspebet are found in Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs, pp. 157158 and 109 respectively. 17 The remains of one such temple and tower are charted in Matthew P. Canepa, “Technologies of Meaning in Early Sasanian Iran: Achaemenid Sites and Sasanian Identity,” American Journal of Archeology 114/4 (Oct. 2010), pp. 572-573 and figure 6. An artistic reconstruction of the same tower is available from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Firouzabad2.jpg; Internet. Gabriel Reynolds opts for a different explanation and contends that the Qur'an itself conflates diverse subtexts into the motif of “Haman and tower to heaven;” Qur'ćn and Subtext, pp. 97-106. Adam Silverstein also takes up this issue along with the broader question of Haman’s appearance in the Qur'an. I do not endorse his premise that the Qur'an’s content

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(C) The symbol of the high edifice also occurs in verse 28.38. Its allusion to fired-clay bricks suggests a Mesopotamian or Persian setting. Yet, the later allusion (28.40) to Pharaoh’s demise in the (back-filling) sea is consistent with the Egyptian setting of the biblical account. The Mesopotamian motif thus appears, in this case, to be an interpolation. – Verse 40.37 (L) Pharaoh “was blocked from his path, and Pharaoh’s scheme came only to ruin.” (A) The Sassanid monarchy had to relent due to internal and external pressures. – Verses 40.38-41 (L) The believer continued his exhortation and attestation of the true faith. “My people, how is it that I call you to salvation and you call me to fire?” (A) The speaker contrasts salvation with either hell or the Zoroastrian (Magian) religion, which are both symbolized in the word fire and thus implicitly equated. (C) The symbolism of fire worship seems particularly appropriate to a Persian (versus Egyptian) context. – Verses 40.45-46 (L) The believer was saved, but “there encompassed Pharaoh’s folk the evil chastisement, the fire to which they will be exposed morning and evening.” (A) Vicious powerful people will pay for their wrongdoing in the hereafter. (C) The imagery of foreign kings at the forefront of hell fire is characteristic of apocalyptic scripture. This allegory appears to be a vague recollection of the trials of the Apostolic Nasoreans (Jewish Christians) in the Sassanid Persian realm. It is significant that it occurs in a sura whose alternate title is “al-Mu'minȦthe (true) Believer.” For both the Qur'anic message and Jewish Christianity, true belief is the unaltered patriarchal creed. In history though, the plight of Jewish-Christian sectaries in Persia remains relatively obscure. It has ostensibly been subsumed ____________________

is eclectic. Yet I do commend his finding of “fluidity” in literary imagery of the Egyptian and Babylonian courts. See “Hćmćn’s Transition from Jćhiliyya to Islćm,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 34 (2008), pp. 285308.

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in the martyrology of the East Syrian Church, which inevitably molded, in conformance with its own canons, the history of the Jesus movement beyond the Euphrates. Moreover, given the era and the circumstances, observers may not have been capable of either accurately identifying the sects being persecuted or of differentiating people who feigned apostasy from those who actually gave up their religion for another. It is likely, though, that recollectionȦin allegoric or other formȦof anciently founded faith communities endured because some of them avoided assimilation into the Great Church. There is indeed some literary evidence of the survival of Elkesaite-like communities in Mesopotamia at least into the eight century. Ibn al-Nadîm’s Fihrist includes an excerpt that refers to a scriptural book of “ʚanîfs who are Abrahamic Sabians (ʚunafâ' wa hum al-ʛâbi'ûn al-Ibrâhîmîya).”18 This sect’s creed ostensibly combines patriarchal faith and baptismal rites, which are hallmarks of Elkesaism. The same sect may also be the one whose existence the later cAbd al-Jabbâr hints at in his Kitâb al-Tathbît.19 Whereas the above allegoric tradition was probably forged in the Syrian Desert Region, the Qur'anic depiction of Moses includes other traditions that are clearly centered in the Midian-Sinai Region. Representative passages are found in Suras 28 and 18. Among them, verse 28.30 mentions the sacred valley (where God commissioned Moses to confront Pharaoh). Passage 28.36-43 is an abbreviated variant of 40.23-45, but it includes an element that recasts the setting as Midian-Sinai. As noted above, verse 28.40 recalls that Pharaoh and his host met their death in the sea. The sacred valley in Sinai is again the focal point in a later passage (28.44-47), which consists of three doublets that validate Muhammad’s prophethood. “You were not on the western side when We commissioned Moses . . . You were not a resident among the people of Midian reciting to them Our signs . . . Nor were you on the side of [toward] the mountain when We summoned . . .” These verses distinguish the western side from the mountain side of some terrain feature. The Qur'an elsewhere (20.12 and 79.16) calls this place the Valley of ʝuwâ. Such detail ostensibly comes from a local source, since the toponym ʝuwâ is unknown in either biblical or ____________________ 18 Kitćb al-Fihrist, ed. Gustav Flügel (Leipzig: F. C. W. Vogel, 187172), pp. 21-22. See full discussion in Appendix C. 19 Supra, pp. 53-54, n. 27.

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Classical geography. The terrain in question is most likely the valley that lies between the dominating Jabal Musa (Mount Sinai) on the east and the lesser Jabal Sirbal height on the west. As for the example in Sura 18, it is the wisdom lore story (18.60-82) that opens with Moses and his attendant on a trek toward the juncture of the two seas. The inference is that their destination is ʝîrân, near the southern tip of Sinai. One of the three component vignettes concerns a city; another concerns boats. The Midian-Sinai milieu also seems to be reflected in the Qur'an’s allusions to human activity on or near the sea. In one example, verse 7.163 refers to God’s test of fishermen at some coastal town. This particular instance warrants digression though, for it relates to the notorious “apes and swine” motif that is prominent in current anti-Islamic diatribe. The diatribe inevitably misinterprets the three relevant verses, which are 2.65 and 5.60 in addition to 7.163. Taken together, these three impart the message that God made apes (or monkeys, Arabic qirada) of Jewish fishermen who violated the Sabbath. Verse 5.60 also implies, through parallel literary construct, that God made swine of (unspecified) Christians. That is, they are similarly debased for eating the meat of swine, which themselves consume unclean food. One should note that these verses are not wanton degradation of Judaism and Christianity, as the diatribe contends. They are, rather, denunciation of immoral practicesȦviolations of the Sabbath and of Mosaic dietary rules. It is perhaps more than coincidence that such concerns reflect the way of the Ebionites and kindred Jewish-Christian sects. In any case, the legend concerning the Jewish fishermen may well pertain to Maqnâ, on the Gulf of Aqaba. The documentation of the town’s inclusion in the nascent Islamic state attests to the existence of a Jewish fishing community there.20 In returning to Qur'anic geography, it is notable that quite a number of passages (10.22, 14.32, 16.14, 17.66-70, 29.65, 31.31, 35.12, 36.41-46, 42.32, 45.12) make the point that God enabled men to traverse the sea on ships to make their livelihood; they ____________________ See al-Balâdhurî, Kitâb Futûʚ al-Buldân, ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1866), pp. 59-60; English translation in The Origins of the Islamic State, trans. Philip K. Hitti (New York: AMS Press, 1968), vol. 1, pp. 9394. The narrative about and replication of Maqnâ’s security pact indicate that its inhabitants were Jews and a portion of their tax in-kind consisted of fish. 20

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should be thankful, but they are not. The imagery of ships at sea may be drawn from other scripture. Indeed, specific mention of the perils of seafaring closely parallels 1 Enoch 101.4-7. That motif, though, is employed differently. The Qur'anic theme is rightful gratitude to God, whereas the Enochic theme is rightful awe of God. Mecca lies close enough to the Red Sea coast such that its inhabitants might have been at least indirectly familiar with fishing and sailing. However, the recurrent allusions to such occupations seemingly appeal to personal, as opposed to vague, familiarity. There ostensibly were no sizeable coastal settlements in Mecca’s vicinity, comparable to those in the Gulf of Aqaba. It thus seems more likely that the narratives in question are the legacy of Shucayb, the titular Prophet of Midian. Let us address, then, the historicity of this persona, whose preaching activity ranged from biblical Perea to Midian. The above reconstruction of Shucayb’s mission field discredits the Arab tradition that identifies Qur'anic Shucayb with biblical Jethro, which is otherwise implausible on linguistic grounds. The sounder hypothesis is that Shucayb was an ethnic ArabȦof a later era. Indeed, another Arab tradition holds that he was a scion of the Banû Judhâm. This view is supported by two considerations. First, Judhâm is the tribal group that migrated into and eventually dominated Midian and surrounding areas. Second, Qur'an 11.91 implies that Shucayb’s tribe had high status; his antagonists warn him: “Were it not for your kin group, we would certainly have stoned you.” Nonetheless, it is also plausible that Shucayb belonged to the tribe that had notably close kinship to Judhâm, that is, the Banû Lakhm. In this case, there are other pertinent considerations. One consideration is that clans of the Lakhm were scattered over a wide area, ranging from Egypt up into central Palestine then eastward through the Hawran as far as the middle Euphrates.21 Their territory overlapped at least partially both the former habitats of cÂd and Thamûd. As noted above, a Lakhmid house long asserted its influence over the Arab lands to the south and southeast of al-ʗîra. Tribal bonds notwithstanding, Lakhmid prestige may have resounded in the folk traditions of Midian. Around 470, the ____________________ al-HamdćnĪ, ʛifat JazĪrat al-cArab, ed. D. H. Müller (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968), pp. 129 ff and Ibn al-KalbĪ, Jamharat al-Nasab, ed. Werner Caskell and G. Strenziok (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1966), vol. 2, pp. 375-376. 21

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Lakhmid Imru' al-Qays successfully extended his “reach” from alʗîra such that he was able to capture Yotabê (ʝîrân) with its customs post.22 Another consideration is that Shucayb is a rare name, and, like Hûd and ʙâliʘ, it may not be originally Arabic. Unlike Hûd and ʙâliʘ, it has no obvious monotheistic meaning. Such meaning may be uncovered, however, by reconstructing the original, non-Arabized name. On the analogy of Hûd, one may posit that some vowel elision and morphological change occurred. The reverse process thus entails changing the vowels and the word structure of the consonantal base /š c y b/, by which one quite plausibly arrives at /îšôcyâb/ from /îšôcyahb/Ȧthat is, Ishocyahb. This is an East Aramaic name meaning Jesus grants or bestows, which was ostensibly popular during the sixth and seventh centuries, given that three catholicoi of the (Nestorian) Church of the East were then so named. Shucayb’s prophetic career may be dated within that timeframeȦto the mid-sixth century. As in the case of Thamûd, the Qur'anic account of the demise of Midian specifies that the cause was again earthquake activity. Since Shucayb’s mission is patently later than ʙâliʘ’s, the devastating quake in his story must also be later. As previously noted, the chronology of major regional quakes is 363 and 551. The former is ʙâliʘ’s era; thus the latter is deductively Shucayb’s. Further corroboration of such dating of Shucayb’s career is the Qur'an’s allusion to circumstances in his mission field in Midian. Shucayb encounters a society that is prosperous yet morally reprehensible (11.84). He admonishes the people for their corrupt behavior and dishonest business dealings (7.85, 11.85, 29.36). With human society in general, there is often a direct correlation between change in ethics and change in economic conditions. This dynamic may well have existed in mid-sixth century Midian. During the reign of Justinian (527-565), the Romans renewed efforts to control the commerce of the Red Sea Region, and transshipment through Aila (Ayla) and the Gulf of Aqaba was a key factor in their strategy.23 It is quite plausible, although not documented, that these ____________________ This event was recorded by the contemporary Malchus of Philadelphia, as cited in Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs, p. 114, n. 35. 23 See Dario Nappo, “Roman Policy in the Red Sea,” in L. K. Blue, et al. (eds.), Connected Hinterlands (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2009), pp. 71-77 22

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efforts had some impact on the economy of Midian and, hence, the ethics of its society. In Shucayb’s (hypothetic) career however, Midian was but one stage of a trek. So what is the likelihood that Shucayb was initially drawn from the borderland of Mesopotamia, the eastern Syrian Desert, to the edge of the Holy Land, the western Syrian Desert? To answer that question, we need to consider the religious environments of the two areas as they likely existed in his time. Both primary and secondary sources have collectively depicted ʗîra’s society as culturally diverse (Aramaean, Arab, and Iranian influences) and religiously tolerant.24 According to one manuscript source, the first Lakhmid ruler cAmr ibn cAdĪ interceded on behalf of the Manichaeans when they were subjected to Sassanid persecution. Observers of later times noted the remarkable co-existence of Nestorian and Monophysite congregations in al-ʗîra. Whether such views are objective or not, there is direct evidence that the major Christian sects were consolidating internally as they confronted one another and the Roman Church as well. The canons of the “Persian Church” Synods of 486 and 544, for example, included numerous rules for disciplining both the clergy and the laity.25 Such effort at regulation, however, cannot be correlated with the numerous similarities between the Qur'anic message and (heterodox) Christian lore, which many scholars have noted. Those affinities do not concern the ways of centralizing institutions. They concern the ways of morality-seeking individuals. If similarity is seen as influence, then such influence should be traced not to the churches of al-ʗîra or of Mesopotamia in general. It should be traced, rather, to the monastic or hermetic life of the Syrian Desert. The greater Holy Land was in post Nicene (325 CE) times a major draw for religiously or spiritually motivated believers in ____________________ and Steven E. Sidebotham, “Northern Red Sea ports and their networks in the late Roman/Byzantine period,” in Marlia Mundell Mango (ed.), Byzantine trade, 4th–12th centuries (Farnham, Surrey, England; Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2009), especially pp. 329-333. 24 See, for example, the discussion and source citations in Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs, pp. 156-158 and 227-228 and Irfan Shahîd, “al-ʗĪra,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), vol. 3, pp. 462-463. 25 See summary information in W. Stewart McCullough, A Short History of Syriac Christianity to the Rise of Islam (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1982), pp. 132-133 and 136-1139.

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Jesus. Some visited as pilgrims to cure their problems or strengthen their faith. Others settled as monks to contemplate the lessons of Scripture, refine their own moral sensibility and purpose, or live a simple moral life. Still others came as wanderers in pursuit of the true way of righteousness. These seekers came from diverse religious backgrounds and places, including the so-called Nestorian communities of Mesopotamia. The Nestorian presence in SyriaPalestine has indeed been revealed in literary and archeological evidenceȦthe latter being the discovery of a monastic hermitage near Jericho.26 Shucayb may well have been one such visitor from the East. But how are these circumstances relevant to transmittal of the true monotheistic creed? With respect to scriptural themes, the milieu of the lower Jordan Valley Region in the sixth century would have been a most likely place for the convergence of three notions that resound in the Qur'an. These are the explicit esteem for the virtue of Abraham, the explicit veneration of the House of 'Imran, and the implicit critique of Manichaeism. We have previously seen that the House of 'Imran theme probably emanated from local tradition and that Manichaeism was contested in Roman Arabia. Therefore, we will focus here on the emergence of a cult-like veneration of Abraham. As Douglas Burton-Christie has demonstrated, the authors of the wisdom lore of monastic life took the biblical patriarchs and other heroes as exemplars of certain virtues.27 Abba John the Persian could be confident of salvation because he was “meek like Moses, holy like Aaron, patient like Job, humble like David.” Abba Poemen used a Scriptural quote to commend certain behavior, ____________________

26 Although the building was apparently occupied from the seventh to the ninth centuries, it may not have been the first or only Nestorian residence in that vicinity. Its initial discovery was reported in D. C. Baramki and St. H. Stephan, “A Nestorian Hermitage between Jericho and the Jordan,” Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine 4 (1935), pp. 81-86. The dates of occupancy were later clarified by J.-M. Fiey, “Rahbân Bûya de Shaqlâwâ et de Jéricho,” Proche Orient chrétien 33 (1983), pp. 34-38. 27 Burton-Christie, The Word in the Desert: Scripture and the Quest for Holiness in Early Christian Monasticism (New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993); see pp. 168-170 and 194-198, wherein the two following “sayings,” among others, are discussed.

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explaining that “Noah represents poverty, Job suffering, and Daniel discernment.” Among such exemplars, Abraham in particular was deemed worthy of emulationȦfor his compunction, total obedience, and humility.28 Compunction (Greek penthos) is a technical term for a complex notionȦthe sense of salvation that comes from believing that sincere repentance gains forgiveness, as a mercy from God. Abba Poemen associates Abraham’s compunction with his buying a sepulcher upon reaching the land of Canaan. In this simile, the tomb represents rest, as in peacefulness, which is the result of having compunction. Abba Nau more directly associates Abraham with the habit of repentance. Perhaps an unstated corollary is that the God of Abraham is a God of mercy. The Patriarch’s second trait, total obedience, is in contrast quite selfevidence as to meaning. Abba Nau sees Abraham’s total obedience as exemplified in his willingness to sacrifice everything for God, even his son. As for humility, it amounts to subordination to others, in particular the very humble reception of visitors. Abba Apollo recalls that Abraham’s habit was to prostrate himself before visitors, as their presence equated to God’s presence. In so far as such humility is seen to be an aspect of hospitality, this trait of Abraham is also commended by Abba John the Persian and Abba Nisterus. Such monastic views seem distinct from the ecclesiastic emphasis on Abraham’s involvement in sacrifice (as reflected, for example, in Ephrem the Syrian’s sermons and some Eastern rite liturgies). It might well be that the above three virtues constituted the image of ʚanîf, as it came to be included in the Qur'an. Granted, the monastic setting that generated the above-noted wisdom lore was located in Egypt. However, there is general consensus that various factors caused the large-scale displacement of monastic communities from Egypt to Palestine during the fifth century. It may be this development that accounts for the evidence of an Abrahamic cult among Arab Christians of the Negev.29 The ____________________ See ibid., pp. 114, 194, 216-217, and 250 and Benedicta Ward (trans.), The Sayings of the Desert Fathers: the Alphabetical Collection, rev. ed. (Trappist, Kentucky: Cistercian Publications, 1984), pp. 37, 57, 108, 154, and 173. 29 Epigraphic evidence is published in Avraham Negev, Greek Inscriptions from the Negev (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1981), p. 76. Literary evidence is addressed in Shlomo Pines, “Notes on Islam and 28

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main evidence consists of Greek inscriptions that were uncovered through archeological work at Nessana and dated to the sixth century. The other evidence, which is both literary and archeological, is rather disparate, but it does suggest that the cult of Abraham ranged through Syria-Palestine. Apart from monastic influence, it is also plausible that the cult of Abraham emerged, in part, as a reaction to Manichaeism. It suits the dynamic of Palestinian monotheism versus Eastern dualismȦand latent polytheism. Whatever influences may have been formative, it is especially noteworthy that the central Negev lies in the middle of Prophet Shucayb’s mission field (as reconstructed above). Hence, I surmise that Shucayb’s followers relayed the concept that would eventually evolve into the Qur'anic millat Ibrâhîm (creed of Abraham).30 Another relevant aspect of monastic edification was its liberal interpretation of Scriptural passages. Again, according to BurtonChristie, the monastic fathers were keen to employ Scripture for practical endsȦthe “fulfillment or incorporation of the text in a life.”31 The important consideration for them was the efficacy of the lesson, not the orthodoxy of their interpretation. With the allegorical approach in particular, they made correlations that appear arbitrary, even confused.32 Among numerous examples, Abba Cronius held that the burning bush of Exodus represents asceticism. Abba Poemen rendered a Christological interpretation of Psalm 42.1 such that the spring (of water) represents the eucharist. ____________________ on Arabic Christianity and Judaeo-Christianity,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 4 (1981), pp. 135-152. Yehuda D. Nevo and Judith Koren combine this evidence with their own archeological investigation in arguing that it took over two centuries for Islam to evolve, in a milieu outside Arabia, as a fully distinct monotheistic religion. Their study endorses the “revisionist school” approach developed by John Wansbrough et al. (as discussed in Chapter One). Nevo and Koren’s argument is presented in “The Origins of the Muslim Descriptions of the JćhilĪ Meccan Sanctuary,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 49/1 ((Jan 1990), pp. 23-44 and Crossroads to Islam: the origins of the Arab religion and the Arab state (Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 2003), pt. 3, chap. 5. 30 This view contradicts the premise of a latent, indigenous monotheism (at Mecca), which is advocated by F. E. Peters and other scholars. 31 The Word in the Desert, p. 160. 32 See ibid., pp. 96-98, 201-203, and 206-207 wherein the following examples, among others, are discussed.

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To explain the virtue of vigilance, Abba Orsisius added the mundane image of a rat gnawing a (lamp) wick to the oil and lamp symbolism of Matthew’s Gospel. Although Christian polemicists criticize the Qur'an on this very point, the allusions to biblical figures and events in the Qur'an are neither more nor less arbitrary than those in the sayings of the Desert Fathers. The Qur'an’s retelling of scriptural stories is remarkably parallel to the Desert Fathers’ retelling of such stories. Many of the above correlations may be seen as coincidence.33 Skeptics may look on this reconstruction of Shucayb’s prophetic career as an all too convenient way to account for thematic syntheses in the Qur'an. However, one key observation reveals that Shucayb had a formative influence on the Qur'anic creed. He is the only Qur'anic persona whose dialogue paraphrases the FâtiʘaȦthe prayer-like opening passage of the Islamic scripture. Indeed, Shucayb elaborates because his audience asked, “Does your prayer [italics mine] command you that we quit worshipping as our fathers did?” (11.87). His response appears in the same sura and also verse 29.36. The correlation of concepts is quite close, although the diction varies somewhat. – Merciful God Prayer: God, all-merciful and compassionate (1.1 and 1.3) Dialogue: your Lord Who is merciful (11.90); moreover, God saved Shucayb and his followers by mercy (11.94) – All-encompassing God Prayer: Lord of all (literally, the worlds) (1.2) Dialogue: God encompasses all you do (11.92) – Last judgment Prayer: Master of the day of judgment (1.4) Dialogue: look for the last day (29.36) – Exclusive worship Prayer: You (alone) we worship (1.5) Dialogue: serve (or worship) the one God (11.84 and 29.36) _____________________ 33 My re-interpretive effort may also be seen as radical. It departs significantly from conventional accounts of Shucayb as prophet. For the latter, see F. Buhl [C. E. Bosworth], “Madyan Shucayb,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), vol. 5, p. 1155-1156 and C. E. Bosworth, “Madyan Shucayb in Pre-Islamic and Early Islamic Lore and History,” Journal of Semitic Studies 29/1 (Spring 1984), pp. 53-64.

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– Forgiveness Prayer: to You we turn for help (1.5) Dialogue: ask forgiveness of your Lord, turn (in repentance) toward Him (11.90) – Avoidance of wrongdoing Prayer: not (the path of) those who go astray (1.7) Dialogue: commit no wrongdoing (11.85 and 29.36).

In teaching this creed, Prophet Shucayb was an advocate of strict monotheism. It is unlikely that this aspect of his religiosity was shaped through contact with Christian monks. Thus, the question of monastic influence is not yet resolved. Indeed, the Qur'an makes no mention of Shucayb interacting with monks. It does, however, convey two negative judgments regarding monasticism. Verse 57.27 comments that monasticism has been invented by man and not ordained by God. Verse 9.34 contends that “religious authorities (aʚbâr) and monks uselessly consume people’s resources and block them from God’s way. These judgments ostensibly emanated from someone’s experience. The above-noted evidence, which is admittedly circumstantial, suggests that Shucayb was either directly familiar with monks or cognizant of local atmospherics. In his (putative) place and time, the monastic ideal had inevitably been sullied by the side effects of the Origenist controversy, which arose in the first half of the sixth century.34 The rivalry between the monastic proponents and opponents of Origenist teachings eventually led to disorders in Palestine. Around mid-century, rival monks participated in armed altercations and riots. The local monastic setting was pacified consequent to suppression of the Origenist movementȦan effort that depended on the intervention of the emperor and the issuance of a ban on Origenism in 553. Thus, for pious individuals who doubted the moral efficacy of the monastic way, there was yet another reason to disdain it. For either reason or both, Shucayb (hypothetically) assessed that monasticism was not the best example of virtuous living. He therefore continued his quest for a more meaningful one. But are there indications that he sought out or otherwise encountered remnants of the Nasoreans? ____________________ 34 For a summary of relevant events, see Joseph Patrich, Sabas, Leader of Palestinian Monasticism: A Comparative Study of Eastern Monasticism, Fourth to Seventh Centuries (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1995), pp. 332-341.

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With respect to continuity of creed, the milieu of the lower Jordan Valley Region in the sixth century would have been a most likely place to encounter some of the last adherents of the Nasorean way. The heresiologists’ (Jewish-Christian) Sampseans then still inhabited the highland near the Dead Sea. These sectaries may have been better exemplars than monks. They followed the way of the patriarchs, not in withdrawal from familial or social life but within such life. Shucayb’s quest may well underlie the following Qur'anic verses. “Among the people of Moses, there is a community that guides (by example) on the way of truth and by it acts justly” (7.159).35 “There are certainly some People of the Book who believe in God and what has been revealed to you and to them, humbly submitting to God” (3.199). This digression, a rather lengthy one at that, leaves us only at a mid-point in Shucayb’s story. He is, after all, renowned as the Prophet to Midian. In that region, he imparted the message that salvation is attained through the true way of righteousness. The Qur'an indicates that he made some converts. Verses 7.86 and 11.94 allude to people “who, with Shucayb, truly believe.” Assuming that the tomb near al-Salʜ actually is his grave, he must have eventually returned to Syria. In any case, his prophetic career, as reconstructed above, brings us very close to the time of Muhammad, whose birth is conventionally dated to 570-71 CE. It is plausible, given this chronological factor, that the Prophet of Islam came into contact with the faith community that Shucayb had founded in Midian. Indeed, the Qur'an itself indicates that Muhammad communicated with someone who was not native to the region of Mecca. The relevant verse is 16.105, which dispels the objections of the disbelieving Meccans. It reads: “We know they are saying, ‘it is only a man who teaches him.’ The speech of the one they point to is foreign, while this speech is clear Arabic.”36 Other passages are less to the point but do imply, also by way of counterargument, that Muhammad learned the lessons of salvation history ____________________

Verse 7.181 is similar: “Among those We have created is a community that guides (by example) on the way of truth and by it acts justly.” 36 This verse comments on speech, not religion. Thus, I see no basis for Charles Torrey’s conjecture that the anonymous person was a Jew; Jewish Foundations of Islam (New York: Jewish Institute of Religion Press, 1939), pp. 43-44. 35

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from some other person or persons. Verse 44.14 simply alludes to Muhammad having been taught (by someone). In the context of verses 25.4-5, the Prophet’s opponents discredit his discourse as “tales of the ancients that he has had copied.” Persons who preserved such lessons of the past are elsewhere called ahl al-dhikr (as mentioned above, Chapter Three). The relevant question is: how did such persons become acquaintances of Muhammad and his associates? There is no documentary record of personal interactions. Nonetheless, it seems plausible that contacts between Midian and Mecca generally broadened consequent to geopolitical developments of the early seventh century CE. Due to strategic rivalry between the Byzantine Romans and the Sassanian Persians, the Meccan “market” was, during the sixth century, gradually assimilated into a regional economy. In the second and third quarters of that century, Mecca, in the AbyssinianHimyarite sphere of influence, was linked to Midian, in the allied Roman sphere of influence. That network was, for a time, disrupted when the Persians invaded Yemen and opted to annex it in 577. However, it was restored through the Sassanian conquest of Syria-Palestine in 611-614. That event brought western Arabia and Syria-Palestine again into one, albeit different, imperial domain. Mecca became a natural link in the commercial and transportation network of the Sassanid Empire. Through such developments, Meccan society found itself in contact with a wider range of peoples, material goods, and influences.37 That range included Midian as an exchange point in itself or as a transit route to and from Syria-Palestine. Indeed, the Prophet’s pact with Ayla indicates that its merchant community was cosmopolitan, which observation further suggests that commerce was fairly robust. Similar circumstances are in evidence some three and a half centuries later. The geographer al-Muqaddasî (aka al-Maqdisî) remarks that Hijazi Arabs were one sizable component of Ayla’s diverse merchant ____________________

The traditional Islamic view of the pre-Islamic commercial prestige of Mecca has been significantly discredited by scholars of the “revisionist school” of Islamic studies. The stand-out work is Patricia Crone’s Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987). The counter-argument for Meccan involvement in regional commerce is found in John W. Jandora, “The Rise of Mecca: Geopolitical Factors," Muslim World 85 (1995), pp. 333-344. Roman policy is addressed in Nippo, “Roman Policy in the Red Sea.” 37

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communityȦtwo others being Syrians and Egyptians. He refers to Ayla as “the seaport of Palestine and the entrepot (khazâna) of the Hijaz.”38 As a postscript to this rather involved re-interpretive effort, there remains for me to explain how my reconstruction of Shucayb’s mission relates to the so-called Baʚîra Legend. This title is applied to an Eastern Christian composite work, which exists in numerous Syriac and Arabic versions that differ more or less in detail.39 The following discussion of the Legend actually addresses the common features of several texts. The literary tale both alters and greatly expands on a Muslim tradition that employs the same character, Baʘîra (actually, an epithet meaning the distinguished monk), in the role of affirming the true prophethood of Muhammad. The tenor of the Christian Legend is both apologetic, disputatious toward Islam, and apocalyptic, hopeful for the climactic reascendance of Christianity. The storyline is that an errant monk, named Sargîs (Sergius) in three of the versions, meets and converts Muhammad. The two arrange to spread their faith at Mecca, but the plan founders when their authentic, albeit heretical, teachings become corrupted due to the meddling of an influential Jew. The key underlying messages are that Baʘîra is the real author of both the Qur'an and the Islamic creed and that Islam is a misunderstood form of Christianity. Some aspects of the storyline in the Syriac Legends are roughly paralleled in my reconstruction of Shucayb’s prophetic mission. In the former, a holy-man breaks with the established Church and ____________________ 38 al-Muqaddasî, Kitâb Aʚsân al-Taqâsîm fî Macrifat al-Aqâlîm, ed. M. J. de Goeje, Vol. 3 of Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum (3rd ed., Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967), pp. 178-179. It appears that old practices prevailed. AlMuqaddasî emphasizes that the business culture of Ayla was SyroPalestinian (shâmî). He thus distinguishes the conventions for weights and measures (arʞâl) and commercial records (rusûm). 39 The history, form, and content of this work are discussed in: Sidney H. Griffith, “Muʘammad and the Monk Baʘîrâ: Reflections on a Syriac and Arabic Text from Early Abbasid Times,” Oriens Christianus 79 (1995), pp. 146-174; Krisztina Szilágyi, “Muhammad and the Monk,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 34 (2008), pp. 169-214; and Barbara Roggema, The Legend of Sergius Bahîra: Eastern Christian Apologetics and Apocalyptic in Response to Islam (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2009).

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wanders from al-ʗîra through the Holy Land to Sinai and then settles among the Arabs. He teaches his creed to Muhammad, but that faith devolves into a corrupted (Judaized) form of Christianity. In the latter, the events match up, except that Shucayb treks to Midian, not Mount Sinai, and his creed is not corrupted in transmittal to the Meccans. Such difference notwithstanding, the eventtrend is similar, and that similarity is likely due to common influence. There exists a traditional notion that in pre-Islamic times religious influences spread from al-ʗîra to the Hijaz. I acknowledge that this notion helped shape my hypothesis concerning Shucayb’s origin. I deduce that the same notion also influenced the authors of the BaʚĪra Legend. The parallel in characterization also warrants consideration. Just as the renegade monk Sergius is indispensable for the Baʚîra Legend, so too the moral seeker Shucayb is indispensable for my own reconstruction of Islamic origins. There is, though, a difference in relationships. Sergius is the mentor of Muhammad, whereas Shucayb is the mentor of the Ahl al-Dhikr, who in turn influence Muhammad.40 There is another partial correlationȦin name occurrence. The narrators in the West and East Syriac Baʚîra Legends are named respectively Ishocyahb and (shortened form) Yahb.41 Shucayb is, by my reconstruction, an Arabization of Ishocyahb; Sergius is, in scholarly assessment, a fictional name.42 This phenomenon of two Ishocyahbs is either a coincidence, or it is a case whereby the principal person of one derivative tradition (Shucayb's mission) is the narrator of another (Baʘîra's scheme). From the latter perspective one might assess that, in tracing Islamic origins, the Legend conserves the folklorist elements of a heterodox creed, ____________________

40 It is worth noting here that Joseph Azzi outwardly dissociates his thesis from the Baʚîra Legend; The Priest and the Prophet, trans. Maurice Saliba (Los Angeles: Pen Publishers, 2005), pp. 38-39. Nonetheless, his portrayal of Waraqa ibn Nawfal as mentor of the Prophet and exponent of the Qur'an’s subtext resembles the Legend’s characterization of Sergius Baʘîra – the difference being the Meccan versus Syrian habitat. Another parallel is that both of the respective “missions” end in distortion of the authentic message, albeit by different circumstances. As is the case with Baʘîra, Waraqa is not mentioned in the Qur'an. 41 The construct Mar Yahb is combined into Marhab in the Arabic texts. 42 See discussion in Roggema, Legend of Sergius Bahîra, pp. 56-58.

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an onset at al-ʗîra, and a terminus in (northwest) Arabia. Yet, at the same time, it dissociates from this trace the persona who might well be Qur'anic Shucayb by making him a narratorȦeither first or second-hand. Such a literary ploy would ostensibly serve two purposes: to disallow contrary legends concerning said person and to keep the blame on the Jews for deceiving Muhammad’s people. There remains to comment on the main disparity between the Baʚîra Legend and my reconstruction of Shucayb’s prophetic career Ȧthe issue of creedal authenticity. The latter sees Shucayb’s legacy as continuity of the Nasorean way. The former sees Baʘîra’s legacy as distortion of ecclesiastical Christianity. Indeed, the theme of distortion (or corruption) is developed in two, even three, dimensions. One version of the Legend includes not only an original heresy but also a double distortion of the Qur'anic scripture. In all the versions, the heresy is depicted as some kind of iconoclasm. Given that such depiction would be anachronistic, it is likely to be fictionalized. But what circumstance would account for the resort to fiction? Either the authors of the Legend were uncertain about the religious influences in pre-Islamic Arabia, or they wanted to conceal themȦfor apologetic purposes. Whatever the case, it is significant that they also fictively invented a prototype Qur'an, that is, BaʘĪra’s scripture. Such literary invention addresses the question of the existence of some foundational scripture, which brings us back to the previous discussion of Shucayb’s teaching and some pertinent questions regarding its transmittal. Assuming that such transmittal occurred, the question of format remains. How much of the lore of the true way was written and how much was oral text? If there were written books, what genres might they have been? Such questions frame the discussion of the following chapter.

5 ISLAMIC SCRIPTURE: TYPE, PURPOSE, AND DICTION

Up to this point, we have considered what certain passages of the Qur'an reveal regarding Islamic origins. We should now consider what the Qur'an as an entity might also tell us. The first relevant question: what kind of composition is it? The Qur'an is structurally unlike the Christian Bible or the Jewish Tanakh. It has no books or chapters that fit the typical molds of prophecy, (apocalyptic) revelation, wisdom lore, and so forth. It is a collection of sayings, which are lessons concerning spiritual redemption and injunctions concerning moral-ethical behavior. The Qur'an alludes to other scriptures but does not formally comment on them. Its purpose is to apply them, not to interpret them. The Qur'anic scripture fits the mold of a moral guidebook. Thus, the corollary question: what antecedent scriptures are applied? They have not been preserved in the faith that evolved from Muhammad’s teachings. However, many glimpses of them can be found in the Qur'an. The Islamic scripture alludes to six kinds of books that have religious relevance. Five of them are divinely inspired works of men (which will be addressed later). The other one is the heavenly book (or compilation of scrolls) that is a prominent image of Judaeo-Christian apocalyptic writing. The Qur'an ostensibly refers to this book in general simply as kitâb (book, 54.52-53) or kitâb marqûm (inscribed book, 83.9). There are two parts to this compilation: a cosmic record of all happenings of all times, and a moral record of every man’s deeds. The cosmic record contains details of 133

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the creation of the universe, the course of human existence, and the end of the world. The Qur'an asserts that the fate of peoples is recorded in the book (17.58) and nothing occurs unless it is first written in the heavenly scrolls (57.23). These writings are normally kept near divine presence, hidden from human eyes. However, portions of the cosmic record are, throughout the ages, selectively divulged to highly virtuous men. These “elect” individuals then make known such revelations to their respective peoples. As the Qur'an states,“For every epoch a book . . . with Him is the essence (literally mother, umm) of the book” (13.38-39). Divine revelation is included in the Torah of Moses and the Gospel of Jesus, which the Qur’an confirms and supersedes (3.3). Thus, the Qur’an too is “a confirmation of what is with Him and an elaboration of the book” (10.37). The Qur’anic text most often refers to this cosmic record as kitâb mubîn (a book that explains; 6.59, 10.61, 11.6, 12.1-2, 27.1, 27.75, 34.3, 43.2). In this same sense, the record is alternately called kitâb mustabyin (manifest book, 37.117) or imâm mubîn (guide that explains, 36.12). In another sense, it is called kitâb ʚafîz. (safe-kept book, 50.4) and kitâb maknûn (secretly-kept book, 56.78). Muhammad’s revelation is likened to “a reading from (literally ‘in’) a secretly kept book” (56.77-80). As for the moral record, it is to be opened on judgment day to determine each soul’s ultimate fate. The Qur’an attests to that, directly and indirectly, in various ways. This book (or register) notes the deeds of every person (17.17, 35.11), which are fully recorded (78.29)Ȧby angels (82.11). It will be opened on judgment day (18.49, 81.10), when every faith community will be called to account (45.28). Verses 52.2-3 exhort by this very “record inscribed in a scroll unrolled (wa kitâbin masʞûrin fî raqqin manshûrin).” Concerning the religious books that humans transcribe, the Qur'an clearly designates two of them. These are the Psalms (3.184, 16.44, 21.105, 35.25), associated with David (4.163, 17.57), and the collective writings that impart wisdom. Concerning the latter, the Qur'an twice refers to (verses of) the wise book (al-kitâb al-ʚakîm, 10.1 and 31.1). This wisdom as genre is distinct from the wisdom that is imbedded in other forms of scripture. In this respect, the Qur'an mentions that God sent down both wisdom (al-ʚikma) and a book (4.113), and specifically to the people of Abraham (4.56). To the Quraysh, God sent a messenger (that is, Muhammad) to teach

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the book and the wisdom (62.2). From internal evidence, one may derive two inferences. One is that God bestows wisdom on men other than prophets. The other is that such wisdom is the content of the “wise book,” which the Qur'an commends through the edifying words and deeds of both biblical and non-biblical exemplars. In the former case, Sura 27 describes some wise ways of Solomon, and Sura 12 describes the virtuous behavior of Joseph.1 In the latter, Sura 31 describes the sage advice of Luqmân (Lucian of Samosata), and Sura 18 describes the just ways of Dhû alQarnayn (Alexander the Great). These allusions to non-biblical exemplars have bewildered interpreters of the Qur'anȦalbeit, in different ways. Due to inability to decode the Arabized name Luqmân, Islamic traditionists brought forth some widely variant legends.2 By their time, Lucian’s former region-wide fame had likely vanished, and Luqmân’s “Islamic” values did not warrant questioning. Indeed, the Qur'an does not link this sage to pagan philosophy but rather to “correct” views. Qur'anic Luqmân discredits the Christian concept of divine trinity and considers arrogant behavior to be asinine. The message is two-fold: the advice is sound in itself; God gives real wisdom to whomever He wishes. Due to the image of Alexander in the modern West, detractors of the Qur'an have ridiculed it for equating the great conqueror with biblical personas. As mentioned already, this reaction results from inadequate historical knowledge. Alexander, like Lucian, was a paragon of virtuous wisdom in the popular lore of the pre-Islamic Near East. The Qur'an’s esteem for them is appropriate for its setting. It was formerly assessed that the Alexander legend was, with other folkloric motifs of Sura 18, also found in the homilies of Jacob of Sarug.3 Subsequent research has challenged such attribution and argued for a later dated source (629-630 CE) of Qur'an ____________________

1 The Qur'an does not characterize Job in the same way; neither does it recount much of his story. It does, however, allude to his virtue and list him among the most exemplary of God’s servants. 2 The contrariety of the legends even hindered Orientalists’ attempts to identify Luqmân as an historical person. C. H. Toy compares and criticizes the relevant traditions in “The Lokman Legend,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 13 (Proceedings, May 11th 1887), pp. clxxii-clxxvii. He concludes that Luqmân “was a wise man of the tribe of cAd who survived the destruction of his people, and lived to a great age” (clxxiv).

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18.83-102. This view is manifested in Kevin Van Bladel’s endorsement of the findings of G. J. ReininkȦa thesis worth critiquing here, since it misses the integral wisdom message of the whole, albeit composite, sura. The Bladel-Reinink thesis contends that the Qur'anic passage in question alludes to the Legend (not the famous Romance) of Alexander, which is a Syriac recension of Byzantine, proHeraclian literary propaganda.4 These scholars do not see how there might be an earlier common source for both texts. Indeed, there are several relevant indicators. The allegoric presence of Alexander at the Iron Gates in the Caucasus is no more reflective of Heraclius’ campaign of 627 CE than it is of Trajan’s campaign of 115 CE. The following of the sun from west to east and the imagery of the end of time, including Gog and Magog, can be traced to 1 Enoch 72.4-5 and 56.5-8.5 First Enoch long antedates the spread of normative Christianity and canonical Scripture in Syria proper and northern Mesopotamia. Moreover, the Legend’s references to Egyptian metal workers suggest that the story was redacted in Egypt before it came to Syria. Sura 18 combines four vignettes that collectively convey the theme that God’s ways are unknown to mankind except as He allows them to be known. The overall lesson unfolds as contrast of status in the first and second vignettes and further contrast of enablement in the third and fourth ones. Implicitly, the ecclesiastical Christian and rabbinic Jewish doctrinaires do not know God’s ways for sureȦas they contend. In contrast, the pious gardener does have insight. The scripturally famous Moses needs the interpretive help of a mysterious (spiritual) servant of God. In contrast, the Great Alexander on his own understands God's plan for mankind. We see in this lesson wisdom lore combined with some apocalyptic features. Yet, the Islamic scripture does not indicate whether the ____________________ 3 Charles C. Torrey, Jewish Foundations of Islam (New York: Jewish Institute of Religion Press, 1939), p. 35. 4 See discussion and references to Reinink’s work in Van Bladel, “The Alexander Legend in the Qur'ćn 18.83-102,” in Gabriel Said Reynolds (ed.), The Qur'ćn in its Historical Context (London; New York: Routledge, 2008), pp. 175-203. 5 The inclusion of Gog and Magog draws on Sverre Bøe, Gog and Magog: Ezechiel 38-39 as pre-text for Revelation 19, 17-14 and 20, 7-10 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001), pp. 182-183.

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(pre-Islamic) true believers had a written, versus oral, text of wisdom lore. Apart from such wisdom lore, the Qur'an also includes a form of wisdom scripture that merges with cultic history. The relevant texts consist of sequences of eulogistic recollections of the most virtuous servants of God. Sura 19 bids: “Recall in the book Mary . . . Abraham . . . Moses . . . Ishmael . . . Idrîs . . . . Whenever the signs of the Merciful One were conveyed to them, they would fall down prostrate in tears.” Similarly, Sura 38 testifies “By the Qur'an containing the remembrance (dhî al-dhikr)” and bids: “Remember Our servant(s) David . . . Solomon . . . Job . . . Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob . . . Ishmael, Elisha, and Dhû al-Kifl.” There is a semblance in style here of the Sayings of the Desert Fathers. Yet, in structure as well as style, these Qur'anic passages quite closely parallel the second part of the biblical Book of Sirach (chaps. 44-50). Regarding books sent with prophets or messengers, two types are complementary. One is the genre of book of prophecy, as known from the Old Testament. The other is the genre of apocalyptic revelation. The two types have the same premises. Both attest that the one God is the all-powerful creator of the universe, yet He is all-merciful, forgiving of penitents. However, they differ in what they portend for mankind. With prophecy, God chastises people in their earthly existence. With apocalypse, God brings a final end to such existence. The Qur'an itself freely combines aspects of both scriptural types without demonstrative regard for such distinctionsȦalthough it does seem to acknowledge them implicitly. Verse 6.89 ostensibly speaks of prophecy in asserting that God gave his righteous messengers “the book, moral discernment, and prophetic ability.” Verses 3.184 and 35.25 seemingly allude to apocalypse in mentioning that messengers came with “clear signs, psalms, and the illuminating book (al-kitâb al-munîr).”6 Such observations lead to several questions. Why does the Qur'an combine prophecy and apocalypse? Is it really feasible to sort out the features of each scriptural type? If so, do the features point to any particular scriptural antecedents? If so, are such antecedents traceable to Jewish Christianity? The first question is answered by the following observations. Muhammad’s foremost concern is to bring about moral reform. Toward this aim, he employs the rationale of both prophecy and apocalyptics in his argumentation. The respective lessons are:

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worldly gain will inevitably be erased; the after-life is the enduring existence. Muhammad himself does not prophesize per se, in that he pronounces no specific oracle against his disbelieving adversaries. The Qur'an only implies that their fate will be somehow similar to that of the societies of cÂd, Thamûd, and Midian. Muhammad does not proclaim an imminent apocalypse nor describe any firsthand cosmic vision. Qur'an 17.1 only alludes to such an experience. In any case, the normative form of apocalypse is one person’s written, more or less anonymous, account of another person’s ascent to heaven and cosmic vision. This technique is not suited to Muhammad’s circumstances, which are those of a prophet, not those of an apocalyptic visionary. He engages his audience through oral discourse. He defends the integrity of his message, while confronted with derision and accusations of falsehood. Prophecy, as a scriptural type, is distinct in its employment of “signs” and oracles. Signs are: remarkable aspects of creation (on earth and in the skies) that attest to God’s omnipotence; devastation that attests to God’s just punishment; or miracles that prophets perform as God’s agents. The first two kinds are manifest through normal human observation, not through mystical vision, which is the context of apocalyptic scripture. The following verses exemplify the scores of signs in the Qur'an. “Have they not seen that we drove the water to the dry land and thereby brought forth crops of which their cattle and themselves eat (32.27)?” “Have you not seen how your Lord dealt with cÂd . . . and Thamûd (89.6-9)?” Jesus says: “I heal the blind and the leper . . . surely, in that is a sign for you (3.49).” Given that a sign is adduced by way of a verse, Arabic employs the same word âya to convey both meanings.7 As for oracles, they are the divine words that are transmitted via the speech of the prophets. There are likewise scores of oracular statements in the Qur'an. These are prefaced with the word qul, which means say as an imperative. The implication is that God directs Muhammad to speak as he does. This formula is used instead of biblical “thus saith the Lord.” _____________________ In similar context, verse 16.44 mentions “clear signs, psalms, and remembrance (dhikr)”Ȧwhere remembrance of the ancestral covenant is seemingly implied. 7 For further discussion and references, see Arthur Jeffery, “Ćya,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), vol. 1, pp. 773-774. 6

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Prophetic scripture is also distinct in that its protagonist faces adversity. As discussed in Chapter Three, the Qur'an mentions only two of the literary prophets of the Old TestamentȦJonah and Jeremiah. Since Jonah brought adversity on himself, his case serves only to demonstrate the inevitability of divine providence. The ethos of Jeremiah, though, seems to shape many aspects of the Qur'anic discourse. Qur'an 16.112-113 quite patently summaries the storyline of the Book of Jeremiah. It alludes to a city that is ungrateful for God’s bounty, rejects His messenger, and experiences the terrors of divine retribution. The Qur'an employs many themes and motifs that have parallels in the Book of Jeremiah, as outlined in Tables 1 and 2.8 It seems to invert (in temporal aspect) the theme of Jeremiah’s sequelȦdivine punishment of infidel nations. Jeremiah foretells the future doom of the peoples of Egypt, Philistia, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Kedar and Hazor, Elam, and Babylon. Muhammad recalls the past fate of the peoples of (biblical) Lot and Pharaoh and (non-biblical) cÂd, Thamûd, and Midian. The Qur'an also seemingly recasts some of the characters of Jeremiac loreȦthat is, the Book of Prophecy and the Apocryphon. The referents in the highly allusive passage of Qur'an 36.13-30 have not been satisfactorily identified despite considerable argumentation by both Muslim and Western scholars. The context is that God successively sent three (unnamed) envoys to some city to deliver His message. They were denounced and threatened with death, but one (unnamed) man interceded on their behalf.9 Attention to the structure of this narrative suggests that it includes subplots of Jeremiac lore. Indeed, the ambiguity is resolved when one interpolates the following names. The three messengers are Jeremiah, Baruch, and Ebed Melech; the city is Jerusalem; and the intercessor is Ahikam (who is given a speaking role).10 On such

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8 Some of these correlations may be coincidental. However, their relative density indicates that we are dealing with more than coincidence. This same caveat also applies below Ȧto Tables 3 and 4. 9 This motif of the one who hastens from the furthest part of the city is also employed in verse 28.19. The three messengers motif has many expressions in Near Eastern culture; it is particularly prominent in Manichaean lore. 10 Jeremiah 26.24 narrates Ahikam’s intercession.

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Table 1 Correlation of Themes: Book of Jeremiah – Qur'an – Oppressors of widows, orphans, and aliens are despicable. Jeremiah: 5.28, 7.7, 22.3, 22.16-17 Qur'an: 2.177, 2.215, 69.34, 89.17, 93.9, 107.2-3, 107.7; (conversely, their benefactors are laudable) 4.36, 30.38, 76.8, 90.14-16 – It is God who regulates the movement of the sun, moon, stars, and seas. Jeremiah: 31.35 Qur'an: 6.96-97, 13.2, 14.33, 21.33, 29.61, 31.29, 45.12, 55.5, 71.16 Comment: Other similar Qur’anic verses seem to have an apocalyptic context. – God’s bounty is a favor to mankind. Jeremiah: 2.7 Qur'an: 2.22, 2.211, 16.11 – Despite God’s bounty, men worship idols Jeremiah: 1.20-27, 2.19-20 Qur'an: 2.22, 2.211, 16.53-56, 16.83, 17.83, 25.18, 30.33 – God scatters people who reject Him. Jeremiah: 9.16, 13.24, 30.11, 49.36 Qur'an: 34.19 – Idols are powerless. Jeremiah: 1.28, 10.5, 11.12 Qur'an: 16.20-21, 17-56 – Rich and powerful people should not gloat. Jeremiah: 9.23 Qur'an: nearly 20 recurrences of this theme Comment: This theme is phrased as remonstrance rather than anathema. – Righteous prophets are mocked and insulted. Jeremiah: 20.7 Qur'an: over 20 recurrences of this theme _________________________________________________________

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Table 2 Correlation of Motifs: Book of Jeremiah – Qur'an – Alternation of day and night (sign of divine ordering of existence) Jeremiah: 33.20, 33-23 Qur'an: over 15 recurrences of this motif – Rain being divine sustenance from the sky Jeremiah: 5.24, 14.22 Qur'an: About 30 recurrences of this symbol – Stubborn rebellious stance (of non-believers) Jeremiah: 5.23, 16.12, 18.12, 23.17 Qur'an: 5.108, 7.102, 9.8, 22.53, 24.55, 37.30 – Pharaoh and Amon (two tyrants of Egypt) Jeremiah: 46.25 Qur'an: 28.6, 28.8, 28.38, 29.39, 40.24, 40.36 Comment: As noted, Pharaoh and Amon are allegorical figures in the Sura 40 narrative. – Yoke (of servitude) Jeremiah: 2.20, 5.5, 30.8; chaps. 27 and 28 Qur'an: 13.5, 71.157 – Great clamor (signals impending devastation) Jeremiah: 10.22 Qur'an: 80.33, 101.1-3 – Thunder and lightning manifest God’s will Jeremiah: 10.13 Qur'an: 13.13, title of sura 13 – Trumpet blast Jeremiah: 4.19, 6.17 Qur'an: 6.73, 20.102, 23.101, 27.87, 36.51, 50.20, 50.42, 51.1, 69.13, 74.8, 78.18 Comment: The Qur'an employs this prophetic motif in an apocalyptic context. It signals the end of the world, whereas it signals the end of peaceful life in the Book of Jeremiah.

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– Plucking up (of humans by God’s agents) Jeremiah: 1.10, 12.14-15, 24.4, 31.27, 42.10, 45.4 Qur'an: 54.20, 79.1, title of sura 79 – War horses (as agents of divine retribution) Jeremiah: 6.23, 8.16, 47.3 Qur'an: 100.1-5, title of Sura 100 – Hot destructive wind (as agent of divine retribution) Jeremiah: 4.11, 18.99, Qur'an: 14.18, 46.24, 51.41, 52.27, 54.19, 69.6 – Cities in ruins (as testaments to divine retribution) Jeremiah: 1.15, 3.26, 4.7, 9.11, 22.8, 50.13, 51.37 Qur'an: 27.52, 46.25 – Overthrown cities (as testaments to divine retribution) Jeremiah: 50.40 Qur'an: 9.70, 15.74, 53.53-54, 69.19

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basis, two other Qur'anic passages warrant a closer look at their characterizations. The curse on Abû Lahab (Sura 111) seems to parallel with the curse on Pashhur (Jeremiah 20.6). The characterization of Ishmael as truthful of promise (Qur’an 19.54) may well reflect the Rechabite adherence to an ancestral dictum (Jeremiah 35). There is no implication here that the Qur'an extracts from either the canonical or the apocryphal Jeremiah. The literary parallelisms notwithstanding, the difference in phraseology suggests that the relevant word-imagery was transmitted verballyȥat least in the Arabic environment. The likely process was that some bilingual person read the foreign language text, then relayed its meaning by way of an impromptu oral translation. Whether Muhammad’s informants had a particular written or oral text of Jeremiac lore cannot be determined. However, as previously noted, Church Father Jerome makes clear that the Nasoreans of his time and milieu (Syria-Palestine) did have a Jeremiah Apocryphon. It seems plausible that, if they had an Apocryphon, they likely had the Book as well. Moreover, the likely attraction of Jeremiac lore was not its symbolism of “new Jerusalem,” which has either a Judaic or Christian meaning, but its theme of rejection of true prophecy. This very

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focus resounds in the Qur'an. The recurrence of the concepts “God of mercy” and “religion of Abraham” in both the Apocryphon and the Qur'an is an indication of common heritage. Whereas Muhammad conveys divine injunctions through oracular statements, he does not claim direct knowledge of the scrolls or secrets of heaven. The Qur'an indeed relates scenes of heaven, the end of days, and the final judgment of soulsȦbut not from a first person perspective. Many relevant images are characteristic of the apocalyptic genre in general. The Qur'an reiterates that God sent messengers with such “illuminating books” (3.184, 31.20, 35.25). None are mentioned by title. Even so, one notes that Qur'anic Abraham has in some instances an apocalyptic guise, and the Qur'an’s passing references to Idrîs (considered to be Enoch) belie his particular importance. As with Jeremiac lore, Enochic lore seems to shape many aspects of the Qur'anic discourse.11 Qur'an 2.255 contains the main theological aspects of 1 Enoch chaps. 139: an eternal, never sleeping, omniscient, and providential God, who presides from His throne and permits no intercession (for sinners) or learning of what He knows, except as He allows. Qur'an 7.46-50 recasts the imagery of the final judgment of 1 Enoch 56.14, wherein angels on heights cast sinners into a flaming abyss. The Qur'anic allusion to God as Lord of the Ascents (Macârij, Sura 70) seemingly encapsulates the imagery of the ascending heavens of Second Enoch (chaps. 3-22). As noted previously, Qur'anic Aʘmad (61.6) may correlate to the Enochic Son of Man. The Qur'an otherwise employs many themes and motifs that have parallels in the Books of Enoch, as traced in Tables 3 and 4. Again, there are no indications that exact phraseology is copied; the parallels suggest another case of verbal transmissionȦin the same manner as Jeremiac lore. Indeed, the Qur'an’s treatment of five themes suggests that some Enochic (or similar) lore had been combined with other traditions before the time of Muhammad’s prophethood. I have already addressed the passage concerning Alexander the Great. Otherwise, the most intricate case is the lesson concerning “aʜʚâb al-kahf (the occupants of the cave),” which is passage 18.9-29. ____________________ My citations of First and Second Enoch are derived from the composite English translations of Joseph B. Lumpkin (ed. and trans.), The Books of Enoch: A Complete Volume (Blountsville, Al.: Fifth Estate, 2010). 11

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Table 3 Correlation of Themes: Enochic Lore – Qur'an – At the end of the world, heaven and earth will be rent, stars will be extinguished, and mountains will collapse. 1 Enoch: 1.6-7, 60.1, 60-3, 83.4 Qur'an: 20.105-106, 25.25, 55.37, 69.14-16, 77.8-10, 81.1-3, 82.1-3, 84.1 – The fate of the wicked is: they will be judged, cast into hell by angels, continuously tormented, and find no refuge. 1 Enoch: 27, 38, 48.8-9, 52.7, 54.1-6, 56.1-4, 62.4-5, 62.9-12, 63.6, 67.4-13, 97.3, 98.3, 100.9, 103.7-8, 108.3-5 2 Enoch: 10.1 Qur'an: 4.56, 7.44, 14.49-50, 18.53, 22.19-22, 25.13, 25.26, 50.21, 55.35, 55.41, 56.42-44, 56.52-55, 56.93-94, 66.6, 74.26- 29, 78.22-25, 88.2-7 – In heaven, the righteous will be near God and experience pleasures. 1 Enoch: 14.23-24, 60.2 Qur'an: 13.35, 18.31, 19.60-62, 22.23-24, 25.24, 36.55-58, 37.40-49, 38.50-54, 39.20, 42.22, 43.70-73, 52.17-25, 55.62-76, 56.11-40, 56.8891, 76.5-21, 77.41-43, 78.31-36, 88.10-16 – Those who hoard wealth, squander it, or hold back on charity are damned. 1 Enoch: 94.7-8, 96.4-6, 97.8-10, 98.2-3 Qur'an: 3.180, 4.36-37, 17.26-27, 89.20, 92.8, 107.1-3 – God shines light on the righteous; the righteous are drawn from the shadows. 1 Enoch: 1.8, 5.8, 38.2, 38.4, 58.3-4, 58.6, 92.4, 96.3, 108.12 Qur'an: 2.257, 4.174, 5.16, 14.1, 24.35, 33.43, 42.52, 57.9, 57.12-13 – God burns devils who seek to learn and divulge the secrets of the cosmic order. 1 Enoch: 16.3-4, 18.15, 19.1, chaps. 21 and 67-69 Qur'an: 15.16-18, 72.8-9 – God acts through the wind. 1 Enoch: 76.4-14 Qur'an: 7.57, 30.45-50, 35.10, 77.1-6

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– God regulates astral and atmospheric phenomenon. 1 Enoch: 41.3-8, 43.1-3, 59.11-22, 60.11-22 2 Enoch: 40.6-8 Qur'an: 15.16-22, 23.17-18, 55.5 – Those (scribes) who truthfully record God’s words are blest; those who distort it are cursed. 1 Enoch: 98.15, 99.2, 104.9-13, 108.6 Qur'an: 2.78-79, 3.24-25, 5.13, 80.11-16 _________________________________________________________

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Table 4 Correlation of Motifs: Enochic Lore – Qur'an – Boundaries of seas (set by God) 1 Enoch: 69.18 2 Enoch: 28.3 Qur'an: 55.19-20 – Four rivers of Paradise 2 Enoch: 7.6 Qur'an: 47.16 Comment: In the Qur'an, there are some twenty allusions to the (uncounted) rivers of Paradise. – New creation 1 Enoch: 72.1 Qur'an: 10.34, 21.104, 27.64, 29.19, 30.11, 30.27, 32.10, 34.7, 35.16, 50.15 – Ranks of angels (in heaven) 2 Enoch: 18.7, 20.4 Qur'an: 28.38, 37.1, 37.164-165, 89.22 – Records kept by angels 1 Enoch: 89.68-69, 89.74-75, 90.17, 90.20, 104.7 2 Enoch: 19.3 Qur'an: 50.16-18, 82.10-12 Comment: It is plausible that Sura 83 condenses Enochic imagery in asserting that evil deeds are recorded in the dungeon (sijjîn) of the spirit world, while good deeds are recorded in the heavenly heights (cillîyûn).

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– Thousands of angels 1 Enoch: 1.9, 14.22, 40.1, 60.1, 71.8, 75.1 2 Enoch: 11.5 Qur'an: 3.124, 8.9 – Throne of God 1 Enoch: 18.8, 25.3, 47.3, 51.3, 55.4, 60.2, 62.3, 84.3 2 Enoch: 1.1, 18.3, 20.2, 21.1, 25.5-6, Qur'an: 2.255, 23.116, 25.59, 32.4, 39.75, 40.7, 40.15, 57.4, 69.17 – Above the fire of hell, nineteen 2 Enoch: 10, 16.8 Qur'an: 74.30 Comment: The number nineteen refers to the solar cycle, a part of the calendrical order that is maintained in the fourth heaven. The fire that burns is located in the third heaven. Hence, the nineteen are above.

________________________________________________ Here, I should perhaps first explain my departure from the conventional translation of aʜʚâb as companions. Arabic root /ʜ-ʚ-b/ has the basic meaning of doing (whatever) with some person or with some thing. In the former context, the extended meaning is accompany, in the latter, it is own, hold, or occupy. It is in this latter sense that the Qur'an consistently uses the derived plural noun aʜʚâb, viz. aʜʚâb alfîl, aʜʚâb al-ukhdûd, aʜʚâb al-rass, and aʜʚâb li-ayka. More significantly though, I dispute the view that the Qur'anic passage in question recasts the Syriac allegoric tradition of the “Youths of Ephesus,” known in Latin recensions as the “Seven Sleepers.”12 There are certain features in the Qur'anic narrative that seemingly antedate Syriac Christianity. Specifically, the attention to the physical orientation of the “sleepers” (actually corpses), the literary play on (sacred) number three, and the obscure reference to raqîm are all likely reflections of the Essene-Nasorean way. One relevant consideration: the archeological investigation of the Essene cemetery near Qumran attests that most of the graves are ____________________

I challenge here the interpretations of Sidney Griffith and Gabriel Reynolds, among others. See Griffith, “Christian lore and the Arabic Qur'ćn: the ‘Companions of the Cave’ in SŠrat al-Kahf and in Syriac Christian tradition,” in Reynolds, Qur'ćn in Historical Context, pp. 109-137 and Reynolds, The Qur'ćn and its Biblical Subtext (London; New York: Routledge, 2010), pp. 167-185. 12

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oriented with the body facing north.13 This same orientation is implied in Qur'an 18.17: “You might see the sun, when it rose, coursing from the right of their cave and, when it set, vanishing from them on the left, while they were in a niche of the cave.” Another relevant consideration: the burial rite of the Nasoreandescendant Mandaeans adheres to the north-orientation as well, employs a skandola (a seal-ring) to mark closure of the grave, involves the etching of three furrows around it, and otherwise ritualizes by three.14 The ritual involves three watchers (over the corpse), a triple betyl, three-phase funeral, triple washings of participants and foods, and a three-day wait for the soul to depart. Correspondingly, Qur'an 18.25 remarks that “they stayed in the cave three hundred years, and add nine.” The numbers should probably be interpreted as three times ten and three times three. Moreover, it makes no sense that this time duration concerns Roman regnal years, as it does in the variant versions of the Syriac legend. The sum of 309 years more likely reflects some notion of the duration of the messianic age, when, according to 1 Enoch 91.10, “the righteous shall rise from their graves.” Prior to that cosmic epoch, their spirits rest in a hollow (a space like a cave) in some plane between heaven and earth (1 Enoch 22.8-9). Lastly, I assess that Arabic raqîm refers to the marking (the impression) left by a skandola-like implement. There are also certain features in the Qur'anic text that reflect a Jewish-Christian perspective. Verse 18.19 mentions two “cautions” for the youth venturing forth from the cave: look for the purest food (azkâ ʞacâman) and avoid the locals lest they stone you. The first caution concerns dietary law, which is characteristic not only of Judaism but also of Jewish Christianity.15 The second caution mentions stoning, which seems uncharacteristic of the Roman persecution of Christianity. It is worth noting that the comment aside consisting of 18.23-24 seems to paraphrase 4.14-15 of the Epistle of JamesȦthe head of the Nasoreans of Apostolic times. The same point is later reinforced in a different context, the ____________________

Rachel Hachlili, “Burial Practices at Qumran,” Revue de Qumran 62 (1993), pp. 247-264. 14 See E. S. Drower, The Mandaeans of Iraq and Iran (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1937; reprint, Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias Press, 2002), chap. 11 and also p. 38 (drawing of skandola). I am assuming that the burial rite in question was passed down from antiquity. 13 See

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parable of two gardeners, in 18.39. Lastly, the “cave” narrative as a whole reflects on the differing views of the two parties, neither of which is correct. The relevant point is that the Qur'an usually employs the term two parties to connote ecclesiastical Christianity and rabbinic Judaism. As for the other themes at issue, the First Book of Enoch asserts that God governs the celestial luminaries. This theme is reflected in the Qur'anic allusions to God as “Lord of the daybreak” (113.1) and also “Lord of Sirius” (53.49), which is the most prominent of stars. Chapter 8 of 1 Enoch describes how rebellious angels taught humans various arts (including astrology and magic) and crafts. This theme is recast in the Qur'anic allusion to the two angels of Babylon, Hârût and Mârût (2.102)Ȧwhose antagonistic role is, on comparison, rather unusual. They are likely the same pair as the Arioch and Marioch of certain versions of 2 Enoch 33.10-12, where these angles are guardians of the writings of Enoch and his ancestors. Their original guise may well be as Haurvatât and Ameretât, two of the (benign) lesser gods of Zoroastrianism.16 Lastly, the Noachic dream of 1 Enoch mentions that the divine judgment against mankind will not be withheld (65.10) and that boiling streams from a fiery valley will punish the sinful kings of the earth (67.5-13). Qur'an 23.27 uses similar motifs in God’s command: “When the oven boils over, build the ark . . . and do not address Me concerning the wrong-doers.” Yet, the Qur'an departs from both Enochic and biblical lore in relating Noah’s experience with the ark. Verses 11.45-46 imply that Noah lost a sonȦwho chose not to board with his family and consequently perished in the flood. Verse 11.44 asserts that the ark came to rest on (the mount of) al-Jûdî. An intriguing observation is that the two ark-related motifs, as well as that of the angels of Babylon, have links to Mesopotamia. The idea of Noah having four sons is also found in the Mandaean myth of creation, albeit in a unique scenario.17 The anomalous ____________________ 15 In keeping with his thesis, Charles Torrey interprets this same verse as allusion to kosher laws and evidence of an underlying Jewish source; Jewish Foundations of Islam, pp. 46-47 and 120ff. 16 Here, I endorse George Vajda’s argument in “HćrŠt wa-MćrŠt,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), vol. 3, p. 237. In Zoroastrian tradition, these two Ameshas Spentas are respectively associated with water and plant life or, by extension, drink and food.

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name al-Jûdî has never been conclusively explained.18 However, I see Jûdî as being an Arabization of Guti, the name of people who inhabited the mountainous area of northern Mesopotamia in ancient times. The inevitable question then: how is it that such motifs appear in the Qur'an? For the answer, I defer to my hypothesis that Prophet Shucayb (Ishoyahb) came from the borderland of Mesopotamia. He would have imparted some of the culture of his homeland as he prophesized in Midian. Admittedly, there may be alternate explanations for such cultural exchange, but I leave them for some future study. The more pertinent question for the present discussion is whether Enochic lore was preserved among Jewish Christians. As noted in Chapter Two, the Epistle of Jude, which emanates from the early Apostolic Nasorean community, uses Enochic symbolism. Such evidence, however, is of questionable import, for no notice of a Nasorean Enoch bridges the long time gap between the epistle and the Qur'an. The issue might well be approached another way. The key observation is that Enochic lore was excluded from the canons of mainline Christianity and Judaism, yet it survived in areas peripheral to them. Of three relevant works, 1 Enoch has been preserved in the canon of the Abyssinian Church. The “Secrets,” or Second Book, of Enoch has been recovered in a Slavonic recension only. Some specialists contend that both 1 and 2 Enoch have an Aramaic substrate. The Third Book of Enoch, which has been pieced together from many fragments, is grounded in Jewish mysticism. The inference is that, if Enochic lore was preserved in the periphery of the established religions, it may have been preserved in their middle ground (of Jewish Christianity) as well. Nonetheless, we are left with conjectureȦas a final comment on apocalyptic antecedents of Qur'anic text. The fifth type of inspired scripture mentioned in the Qur'anic revelation consists of books that primarily impart moral guidance, that is, teach the morally correct way to liveȦthe way of the patriarchs. There are three such books. The first is the Torah, which is understood to be the Mosaic Law, as codified in the first ____________________ 17 E. S. Drower, The Mandaeans of Iraq and Iran (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1937), p. 261. 18 Old and new scholarly conjectures concerning the linguistic origin of Qur'anic al-Jûdî are discussed in Gabriel Said Reynolds, “A Reflection on Two Qur’anic words (Iblîs and Jûdî) with Attention to the Theories of A. Mingana,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 124 (2004), pp. 675-689.

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first five books of the Old Testament. The second is the Gospel (al-Injîl), which confirms the Torah. The third book of guidance is the Qur'an, which confirms the previous two. Here, it would do well to note that the Qur'an’s reference to the Gospel may be interpreted in one of two ways. The referent is either the teaching of Jesus in whatever version it exists, or it is one particular gospel. In the latter case however, the referent cannot be one of the canonical gospels, given the Qur'an’s variant rendering of comparable themes. Such consideration has evoked the hypothesis that Qur'anic al-injîl refers to the Diatesseron, the renowned (but largely lost) Syriac gospel harmony.19 This line of argument seems sound, but it overlooks other possibilitiesȦthe obscure Jewish-Christian gospels. It is fairly evident that the one Epiphanius refers to as Gospel of the Ebionites was likewise a harmonizing work. Granted, it is debatable whether Epiphanius was correct in this attribution.20 Nonetheless, other patristic authors mention that the JewishChristian sects used only one gospel, that being some variant of Matthew.21 Whatever the referent of al-Injîl, all three books of moral guidance convey some truth, and each of them might be considered the “book of God (kitâb Allah)” as implied in verse 35.29. The corollary is that Jews and Christians are together denoted as “People of the Book (ahl al-kitâb).” Whereas the Qur'an endorses the authentic Torah and Gospel, it decries the corruption of those revelations at the hands of deviant Jews and Christians. The above paradigm may be problematic for the biblical studies community; it is nonetheless a key tenet of the Qur'anic discourse. The Qur'an conveys the following precepts. – God gave Moses the book, the pristine Torah, to serve as guidance (6.91, 6.154, 17.2, 32.23, 46.12). – God likewise gave Jesus the Gospel (literally, but implicitly the pristine message underlying it) to serve as guidance (3.3, 5.46) and to confirm what was imparted to Moses (61.6). _____________________ 19 Claude Gilliot, endorsing the view of Jan Van Reeth, presents this argument in “Reconsidering the authorship of the Qur'ćn,” in Reynolds, Qur'ćn in Historical Context, pp. 88-108. There are obvious positive implications for the Syriac substrate theory. 20 Compare, for example, discussions in Craig A. Evans, “The Jewish Christian Gospel Tradition” and Oskar Skarsaune, “The Ebionites,” both in Oskar Skarsaune and Reidar Hvalvik (eds), Jewish Believers in Jesus: The Early Centuries. ( Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 2007), wherein respective pp. 250-253 and 457-461 are pertinent.

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– God also sent down the Qur'an to serve as guidance (2.159, 2.185, 16.89, 17.9, 27.1-2, 27.76-77, 41.44, 72.2). – The Qur'an is similar to the preceding books of guidance (to which an Israelite testifies, 46.10), and it confirms their messages (2.97, 3.3, 5.48, 6.92, 10.37, 35.31). The Qur'an’s content for the most part concerns moral-ethical behavior. The scripture does not delve much into theological issues, such as christology and theodicy (reconciling the existence of God and evil). In contrast, it does expound on moral virtue. Regarding purpose, the Qur'an is indeed similar to the Torah and Gospel. Regarding literary form and content, it is quite dissimilarȦwhich also holds for the other two. So what then is the best description of the Qur'an as a text? Most pious Muslims hold that their scripture is wholly unique. Many Orientalist and Islamist scholars see there being a prototype. Some contend that the Qur'an resembles a qeryânâ (lectionary); others contend that it resembles a midrash collection. The incompatibility of views is two dimensional Ȧthe pious versus the critical-comparative and one criticalcomparative versus the other. Is one view more valid than the others? Considering the qeryânâ first, there is the obvious cognate relation of the terms qeryânâ and Qur'ân, but this point is irrelevant to substantive comparison. The one substantive feature of similarity is segmentation of the textȦas readings or suras. The lectionary readings, however, are correlated to a liturgical calendar and consist mostly of excerpts from Scripture. Such features are certainly not characteristics of the Qur'an. Thus, the argument for the qeryânâ prototype should be dismissed. Regarding the other critical-comparative view, Qur'anic verses are indeed similar to midrashim in so far as both are reflections of antecedent scripture and mention some of the same personas and events. However, there is some difference. Midrashim are didactic commentaries, that is, explanations and amplifications. The Qur'anic discourse, by contrast, is much ____________________

21 I must leave the weighing of these possibilities to the experts. Future efforts may or may not succeed in reconstructing ancient gospel harmonies or Jewish-Christian gospels. As noted in Chapter Two, the remains of Jewish-Christian gospels are not only just fragments but fragments whose sources are inconsistently identified. Even so, there is no reason to exclude the possibility that the Qur'an draws on a JewishChristian gospel, as is implicitly the case with B. Carra de Vaux [G. C. Anawati], “IndjĪl,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), pp. 1205-07.

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more exhortative than didactic. It does not interpret or explain scripture; hence, it does not present commentary per se. It does not even identity the referents of its allusions, whose main function is to inculcate morally right behavior. Given such considerations, the Qur'an does seem to be unique as a religious text, but one pertinent comparison remains. There is a fairly close match between the Qur'an and the book (or collection) of sermons. Such a genre did exist in the pre-Islamic and early Islamic Near East. Among the more prominent examples are the Sermons (mêmrê) of Ephrem the Syrian (d. 373) and the Homilies of Jacob of Serug (d. 521). A lesser-known example is the Ascetical Homilies of Isaac of Nineveh (d. circa. 700). Qur'anic suras and Christian sermons, such as these, serve the same discursive purpose, which is to define moral virtue, render guidance on correct or virtuous behavior, re-affirm key beliefs, or persuade people to follow the true faith. They have the same tone, which is conversational, albeit in a one-way manner. They are rather unexacting in biblical references and combine such allusions with leading questions, dialogue, and narrative to expound on key points. Their style varies between prose and verse. Ephrem’s sermons are in verse; Jacob’s are in either style; the Qur'an’s suras are in one or the other or both combined. Composing in verse ostensibly aids in memorization of the “lesson.” As the Qur'an itself remarks: “We have indeed made the Qur'an easy to remember (54.17, 54.32),” (incrementally) imparting it in chant mode (25.32).22 Such observations may seem to support the hypothesis that some Syriac substrate underlies the Qur'an.23 However, there are significant differences between the themes and motifs of the Syriac sermons and those of the Qur'anic suras. Moreover, the similarity in genre is certainly not compelling evidence that one text is the model for another. Indeed, the sermon as a compositional type is associated with practices that predate Syrian Christianity. In On the Contemplative Life, Philo remarks that the (Essene-like) Therapeutae included sermons in two of their ritualsȦone being the weekly assembly, the other being the session following the communal meal. He does not describe the thrust of these sermons, but he does suggest that they involved allegorical interpretation of scriptures. Philo further mentions that the Therapeutae routinely referred to writings of the founders of their sect that addressed traits worthy of emulation. These may have been more like the “Sayings of the

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Desert Fathers” genre. Nonetheless, we have first century evidence of the collection of inspirational sayings as well as the delivery of sermons. Within Essenism and Syriac Christianity, the composition and delivery of sermons were tied to communal routine and ritual. Was there a parallel situation within emergent Islam? At the outset of Muhammad’s prophethood, his congregation seemingly had but one frequent ritual. According to Sura 73, which is one of the very earliest, this ritual was the night vigil.24 Verses 73.2-4 relate God’s injunction to “stand vigil by night, most of it, half of it, or a little less or more, rhythmically chanting (tartîl) the Qur'an.” Verse 73.20 confirms: “Your Lord knows that you stand vigil nearly two-thirds of the night or half or one third of itȥand a party of those who are [faithful] with you.” Use of the term tartîl (73.4) indicates that this practice involved the mantra-like recitation of an ode or metrical sayingȥas distinct from simple reading from some text. But did the vigil service involve more than chanting? Sura 96, which is considered to be chronologically first, suggests that there was a reading and an application of that reading. Its initial verses translate as follows. (1) “Read, in the name of your Lord who created, (2) created man from a sperm drop. (3) Read, and your Lord is most generous, (4) He Who taught by the pen, (5) taught man what he knew not.” These verses might well be a summary paraphrase of 1 Enoch 81-82. Sura 96 then goes on to explain which evil-doers deserve the punishment of hell. Again, with Sura 74 (the fourth by chronology), there is a reflection on some book, which is not cited by title but implicitly conveys much Enochic imagery. It would seem then that the vigil service included a scriptural reading, a sermon, and chanting and that the first two functions were together known as ____________________

Stated conversely, Qur'an 87.6 reads: “We will have you recite so you do not forget.” 23 Such is the inference of Gabriel Reynolds, who otherwise presents an excellent, detailed discussion of “reading the Qur'ćn as homily” in Qur'ćn and Subtext, pp. 230-258. 24 This discussion follows the commonly accepted chronologic reconstruction wherein the first ten sequential revelations are suras: 96, 68, 73, 74, 1, 111, 81, 87, 92, and 89. 22

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qur'ân. There remain questions, though, as to how the reading and sermon were conducted. There is no evidence that any scripture existed in Arabic translation prior to the Qur'anic revelation. From previous consideration of Jeremiac and Enochic traces in the Qur'an, I surmise that some scriptural text was first read in Aramaic (or perhaps Hebrew in a few cases), one passage at a time. After each passage was recited, it was verbally translated by the reader or some other bilingual personȦfor the benefit of those in the congregation who knew only Arabic. According to most assessments, Muhammad himself was not bilingual. Thus, if he delivered sermons (eventually suras) that were keyed to non-Arabic readings, he could not have done so extemporaneously during the early years of his mission.25 Some preparation would have been required. Such preparation is perhaps reflected in the nonbelievers’ accusation that the revelations are merely “tales of the ancients that he [Muhammad] has had copied, they being recited to him in the morning and evening (25.5).” Whatever “translations” took place, one may legitimately infer from Suras 96 and 73 that there existed some kind of qur'ân (scriptural rendition) prior to the compilation of the Qur'ân (canonical scripture). There is similar, albeit indirect, evidence in words of infidel Meccans: “we shall believe neither in this Qur'ân nor the one that is extant (bayna yadayhi, 34.31).” With this observation, one is reminded again of the Syriac substrate theory. However, two considerations seem to discredit it. Qur'an 73.4 specifies that the night vigil involved chanting (tartîl). As has been noted, chanting was ostensibly a hallmark of the Jewish-Christians of Transjordanȥhence they were called Sampsaeans. There exists no evidence as to what these sectarians chanted or whether they kept nightly vigils. Yet, being outside of both rabbinic Judaism and ecclesiastical Christianity, they are an excellent fit for the Qur'anic reference to righteous monotheists who “recite God’s signs (or verses) all night long (3.113).” As for the night vigil, it was not a feature of either Judaic or Christian ritual, although it was observed on eves of major holy days. Like the sermon, the night vigil can be traced to the Essenes. According to the Community Rule scroll (1QS 6.7), the Qumran covenanters ____________________ 25 It is possible that, as his prophetic status matured, Muhammad rendered some such sermons upon an explicit or implicit request for guidance.

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pledged themselves to keep vigil in common for a third of every night in the year. It is plausible that this practice survived the transition of the Essene Nasorean way into the Apostolic Nasorean way, but there is no record of such a development. As for Muhammad and his followers, later Meccan suras indicate that they continued the routine of holding night vigils. Verses 25-64, 20.130, and 17.79 (in reconstructed sequence) commend the night vigil, although they do not mention chanting per se.26 Perhaps the sermons and chants were gradually replaced by Muhammad’s discourse and invocations. It was indeed his selfproclaimed mission to bring forth an Arabic Qur'anȦand specifically in increments (17.105-106, 25.32). Yet there was more to God’s endowment. Verse 15.87 remarks that He gave Muhammad “seven of the repetitive (al-mathânî) sayings” as well as the grand Qur'an. This allusion to al-mathânî is an anomaly that has defied interpretation. Traditional Islamic exegesis holds that the term refers to the seven verses of the Fâtiʘa, the opening prayer and first sura of the Islamic scripture.27 However, the word mathânî connotes something that is repeated or doubled. It more likely applied to sayings that included refrains, such as proverbs, odes, or benedictions, which incidentally also fit the context of Muhammad’s mission. Moreover, I think it plausible that al-mathânî refers to whatever sayings were recited in chant during the night vigil. The implication, then, is that Muhammad both Arabized and modified the ritual that emanated from the ancient true faith communities of Syria-Palestine. The case for continuity, while quite plausible at this point, still cannot be taken as certain. The consideration of three more factors, though, may further add to the plausibility. The first factor is concern for the authentic preservation of successive true revelations and the attendant issue of falsification of scriptures. The concern is reflected in esteem for the scribal art and ____________________

Verse 76.26, which may be Medinan, also mentions the night vigil. Verse 39.23 contains the word mathâniya, which is used as a descriptive word rather than proper noun. It offers no clarity. For discussion and references concerning the anomalous meaning, see Arthur Jeffery, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur'an (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938), pp. 257-258 and A. T. Welch, al-K.ur’ćn,” Encyclopedia of Islam (new ed.), vol. 5, p. 402. 26 27

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the integrity of scribes. Sura 96 mentions that God taught men by the pen. Sura 67 begins with an oath “by the pen and what they [men] inscribe.” Passage 80.11-16 deems it imperative to record moral lessons “on honored, exalted, and purified pages by the hand of honorable, pious scribes.” Passage 98.2-3 remarks that the People of the Book would never have reformed without revelation consisting of pure pages of straight (that is, true) writing. As discussed above, the Qur'an emphasizes the association of revelation and writingsȦor books. One infers that revelation must be preserved in text form, as that would parallel the heavenly scrolls.28 Beyond that, the Qur'an emphasizes the importance of the integrity of written recordings. We know that the issue of falsification of scripture was a hallmark of Ebionite apologetics. It is similarly addressed in several suras of the Qur'anȥand emphatically so. Verse 2.174 asserts that “those who conceal what God has revealed of the book and sell it for a small price shall only swallow fire.” In polemic against the People of the Book (Jews and Christians), verse 3.71 asks: “why do you clothe truth with falsehood and wittingly conceal the truth?” Verse 3.78 rephrases the charge of falsification. “There is a group among them who twist their tongues with the book so that you consider it [their saying] part of the book, but it is not.” Verse 5.15 rephrases the charge of concealing the truth. “People of the Book, there has come to you Our messenger revealing to you much of what you used to hide of the book.” There is also accusation against the Jews in particular. Some of them “distort the meaning of words” (4.46); said otherwise, they “changed the wording from what was said to them” (7.162). Such remarks seem to be implicit criticism of the rabbinic legitimation of the oral law. Indeed, all of the noted accusations are mere insinuations in so far as none of them refers to any specific book, chapter, and verse. They thus reflect a traditional belief, not a methodology. The second factor that warrants consideration is the concept of moral–ethical behavior. The Qur'an is a guidebook that instills a particular set of moral virtues. These are certainly of interest in ____________________

28 In clarification of similar imagery, I would assess that the similes of trees being pens and seas being ink (18.109 and 31.27) do not concern scripture. They symbolize, rather, the concept that God’s creative words are infinite.

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themselves. However, the more relevant question for this inquiry is how this set of virtues correlates with other sets that belong to the Judaeo-Christian heritage. The initial task is to define the key Qur'anic virtuesȥan effort more daunting than one might expect it to be. Virtues are abstract notions, which usually include more than one trait. The traits may be common to two or more such notions. Thus, there is complementarity and overlap. Virtues are culturally and temporally specific. They are seldom clearly defined within their own cultures. For example, what is the distinction between sincerity and honesty or honesty and truthfulness in modern American culture? Thus, it is problematic to correlate such abstract terms between different cultures and even between different epochal periods of the same historic culture. The effort cannot result in exactitude. Nonetheless, to complete this assessment of the Qur'anic scripture, it is necessary to attempt an approximate comparison. For that, one must have a list of key virtues. Attaining such a list is not a simple matter of noting repetition of terms and phrases. The Qur'an mentions quite a number of moral virtues and virtuous traits. It does so in both direct and indirect ways and in positive and negative terms. Certain behavior and qualities are commended, and the opposite behavior and qualities are condemned. Moreover, the Qur'an conveys that virtue has both an outer aspect (behavior) and an inner aspect (intent). To be genuinely virtuous, a good deed or word must be motivated by the right intention, and such mindset is described in terms of purifying oneself (9.108, 87.14, 92.18). So, taking all of the above into consideration, I would assess that the Qur'an emphasizes seven virtues. There are three dominant ones: piety, forbearance, and truthfulness. These are not only directly addressed but also indirectly commended in the stories of God’s messengers and righteous ones. Next in relative emphasis is benevolence, which is addressed in terms of charity and its opposites, not in terms of men being merciful to one another. The remaining three virtues receive somewhat less emphasis.29 _________________________ 29 Of

course, some Qur'an commentator might object to this sorting of virtues. I acknowledge being predisposed to seven because of that number’s magical mystical significance. However, I also think that there may be a parallel between the number of Prophetic mathânî and the number of key moral virtues. It is also worth commenting that, at a very

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The following annotations account for the multiple aspects of the key Qur'anic virtues. – Piety in the sense of revering God. This virtue amounts to being humble before Him (23.2, 11.23), prayerful (3.17, 8.3, 70.22-23), obedient to His commands (3.17, 33.35), deferent to His will (18.23-24), and ever mindful of His existence (7.69, 7.201, 7.205, 13.28, 20.113, 29.45, and 33.41). This virtue is generally expressed by Arabic taqwâ and root-related verb forms. It is also mentioned in 3.102, 5.8, 9.112, 9.119, 22.37, 49.1, and 49.3. – Forbearance (patient perseverance or constancy in following the way of righteousness). This virtue is generally expressed by Arabic ʜabr and root-related verb forms. It is mentioned in 3.17, 3.200, 11.115, 28.54, 33.35, 90.17, and 103.3. – Truthfulness in the sense of giving honest answers and advice, keeping one’s promises, and avoiding deceit of any kind. This virtue is generally expressed by Arabic ʜidq and root-related verb forms. It is mentioned in 3.17, 16.91, 16.94, 23.8, 33.24, 33.35, and 103.3. At a different plane, truthfulness also amounts to faithful (unerring) keeping and transmittal of the patriarchal creed. – Benevolence in the general sense of helping others and the specific sense of charitably giving to (sharing one’s wealth with) others in need. Corresponding vices are usury (2.175) and greed (3.130, 3.180, 89.20, 92.8). This virtue is mentioned in 2.271-274, 3.92, 3.134, 17.26-29, 23.4, 24.22, 25.67, 28.54, 30.38, 70.24-25, and 90.14. – Decency in the sense of humbling and constraining oneself in social interaction. This virtue is expressed in terms of modesty in dress (24.31), humility in showing (verbally or demonstrably) one’s place in society (33.35), avoiding insolent talk or behavior (6.108, 17.37), and avoiding lust, fornication, and adultery (17.32, 23.5-6, 24.30, 33.35, 70.29). This virtue is also mentioned in 25.63, 29.45 and 49.2. – Reticence in the sense of avoiding banal thoughts or conversations. This virtue amounts to avoidance of: suspicion (49.12), accusation (94.148), false testament (25.72), trifling talk (23.3, 28.55), ____________________

deep level of cultural influence, the three virtues of piety, truthfulness, and forbearance may correspond with the Zoroastrian triune tenet of “good thoughts, words, and deeds.”

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and negative critical judgment or defamation of others (24.33, 49.6). – Brotherhood in the sense of maintaining solidarity with fellow believers. This virtue entails encouraging them to live righteously (5.2, 22.41, 90.17), avoiding affront or injury to them (49.11), mediating reconciliation of their differences (49.9-10), and dealing justly with them under all circumstances (4.135). This virtue is also mentioned in 4.114 and 9.71 (which contrasts with 9.67). Given the above glossary, it may be instructive to see how this Qur'anic set of virtues compares with corresponding sets in the Torah, the Gospel, the Second Book of Enoch, and the Epistle of James. The comparison, of course, has to allow for difference in emphasis on or conceptualization of the traits concerned. With “as close as can be” correlations, the Qur'anic set best matches with those of the latter two works. Among the other two, the Torah’s discourse on moral virtues, found in Leviticus Chapter 19, does not address the virtue of forbearance. The corresponding discourse in Matthew Chapter 5 is more difficult to assess because the comparables are less similar. Forbearance may be reflected in the dictum “blessed are those who suffer persecution.” Truthfulness is addressed only in terms of forbiddance of making oaths. Brotherly behavior is commended not for the faith community alone but for society in general. The parallelism is somewhat tenuous on these three counts. The comment concerning brotherhood also applies to Second Enoch (specifically 52.11-12). Otherwise, the seven Qur'anic virtues do have parallels among the many admonitions in 2 Enoch, Chapters 50-52. Their parallelism with the virtues addressed in the Epistle of James is equally strong. The epistle, though, is another case where truthfulness is addressed only in terms of forbiddance of making oaths. My overall finding is that the comparative patterning is not very pronounced and, thus, does not substantially affect the enquiry concerning Jewish-Christian influence in the Qur'an. The third (and last) factor for consideration involves the issue of the “foreign vocabulary” of the Qur'an. Much of the relevant scholarship traces a high percentage of the three hundred-plus loanwords to either some Christian, or specifically Syriac, source. The outcome could not be otherwise, because the methodology compares the Qur'anic text to extant scriptures and other religious writings of Christianity and Judaism. My point is that such com-

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parative material does not exist (except for fragments) in the case of Jewish Christianity. It is probable, though, that if any patently Jewish-Christian writings were to surface, we would find their language to be some dialect of Palestinian Aramaic. That language is now defunct. Yet it is still known, in distinct Jewish and Christian variations, mainly from extant religious writings.30 It is instructive to note which Qur'anic loanwords seem to come from these two contexts. The name-forms of several patriarchs of the Qur'an have closest affinity to corresponding ones of Christian Palestinian Aramaic texts. The relevant names are: Ibrâhîm (Abraham), Isʘâq (Isaac), Isrâ'îl (Israel), Ismâcîl (Ishmael), and Hârûn (Aaron)Ȧto which might be linked Saynâ' (Sinai) and perhaps Yûnus (Jonah). One might interpret this correspondence as evidence of Christian literary influence. Yet, one might otherwise interpret it as evidence of Palestinian linguistic influence. The argument for the latter case is strengthened by the observation that some one hundred other Qur'anic loanwords might be traced, with more or less surety, to Jewish Palestinian Aramaic. There is no conspicuous subset, as there is with the patriarchal names. However, the list includes several semantically important words, such as: ʚikma (wisdom), dhakkâ (to make ceremonially clean), zakât (prescribed alms), ʜadaqa (charitable deed), ʜiddîq (person of integrity or one who is truthful), qara'a (to recite or proclaim), mathal (parable), and malâk (angel). Another relevant observation concerns the common layer of borrowed religious terminology in the Ethiopic Bible and Arabic Qur'an. Reporting on his lexicographic project, Manfred Kropp assesses that when such vocabulary is “of Aramaic origin, then Palestinian Aramaic . . . seems to be a prominent donor.”31 Indeed, there is ample cause to rethink the Syriac substrate theory. To conclude this chapter and also the entire enquiry, I point out that the Qur'an accords high value to the faith of the patriarchs and its literary continuityȦas contrasted with ethnic or genealogic continuity. This valuation is comparable to that of the Ebionites, if not the generality of Apostolic Nasoreans, and also to that of the earlier Essene Nasoreans. Such correspondence, however, is no “time capsule” phenomenon. The creed that inspired Muhammad was not pristine Ebionism. It was rather the Nasorean way that ____________________ 30

For additional discussion, see Appendix A.

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had been shaped by Ebionism and later affected by Elkesaite and Manichaean influences. In the course of that development, the concept of a fully human messiah came to accommodate beliefs in a virgin birth and indwelling of a divine spirit. Celibacy fell out of favor. Baptismal rituals and severe dietary restrictions were discontinued. Meanwhile, Jewish Christianity was marginalized by expansion of Roman ecclesiastical Christianity, and the remaining sectaries in Syria-Palestine (known as Sampsaeans) separated along doctrinal differences. Thus, the Qur'an mentions both Sabians and Ahl al-Dhikr. The former are the probable heirs of the more stalwart Elkesaites. The latter are the mentors and followers of Prophet Shucayb, who preached the way of righteousness in Midian. The Ahl al-Dhikr of Midian relayed their creed to Mecca, where it was welcomed by Muhammad and his fellow seekers of moral rectitude. However, the way of the patriarchs underwent yet further refinement after the Prophet relocated his faith community to Yathrib (Medina). There, contentious interaction with the indigenous Jews led to rendering of a unique rite that was identified with the way of Abraham. As many Orientalist and Islamist scholars have noted, the Abraham of the Meccan suras exemplifies true belief, whereas the Abraham of the Medinan suras exemplifies right practice as well. As Schoeps and other scholars have noted, nascent Islam resembles, yet differs from, Ebionism. ____________________ 31 Kropp, “Beyond single words: Mć'ida – Shayʞân – jibt and ʞćghŠt,” in Reynolds, Qur'ćn in Historical Context, p. 212.

6 EPILOGUE: BROTHERHOOD, MILITANCY, AND RELIGION

The foregoing study has endeavored to account for perceptible Nasorean Jewish-Christian influence in the religious consciousness of the Prophet Muhammad. Its focus on background has perhaps imparted a static impression of the Qur'anic revelation, but such was not my intent. There were indeed changes in that moral message during the course of Muhammad’s prophetic career, as so many scholars have already noted. What remains of concern for the present study, however, is not the change in general. It is, rather, two specific changes. One is the shift from the passivity of the Meccan suras to the militancy of the Medinan ones, which is patently inconsistent with the Nasorean way. The other is the recasting of the way of the righteous patriarchs as an Abrahamic legacy. Muhammad’s motivation to prophecy was ostensibly his vexation at the immorality of his society. His concerns are reflect-ed in the Qur'an’s censure (89.17-20, 104.1-3) or prohibition (6.151-152, 17.31-35, 55.9, 93.9) of certain wrongful behavior and its commendation (76.8-9, 90.13-16) of corresponding rightful behavior.1 From the relevant passages we glean that there was some wanton killing and infanticide, but the prevalent wrongs were greed, dishonesty in commercial dealings, and ill treatment of ____________________ Some concerns are also reflected, albeit less directly, in the general discourse on moral virtue (which was addressed in Chapter Five). 1

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orphans, widows, outcasts, and poor people. Skeptics might question the severity of this ostensible moral breakdown. Nonetheless, the overall picture does reflect an atmosphere of opportunism that would be consistent with rapid assimilation into an imperial (Sassanian) trade network. True, it is hardly plausible that Mecca became a major entrepot within said network. Yet it is quite plausible that the town served as a transfer point and a source of manpower, which was needed to conduct caravans and to secure their transit areas. The latter undertakings are indirectly mentioned in Qur'an 3.156, which reads: “Be not as the unbelievers who say of their brethren who were on a journey or campaign [italics mine] . . . they would not have died or been killed.” Qur'an 106.2 alludes to “the pacts of Quraysh (concerning) the winter and summer caravans.” These were more or less dangerous undertakings. Of the men who took part in them, many inevitably failed to return. Thus, there were likely many orphans and widows in Mecca. The men who did return brought wealth into the community, and it seems that such wealth had a corrupting influence. These circumstances were not unique. The Qur'an reflects a certain parallel between the conditions in Muhammad’s Mecca and those in Shucayb’s MidianȦthat is, society was being corrupted by prosperity. For the morally sensitive Shucayb, such conditions were unacceptable. People had to be reminded of certain truths. Material wealth and the power it enabled were ephemeral. The aggressive pursuit of worldly gain brought not only misery to the “weak” but also damnation to those who exploited them. Each person would be held accountable for his deeds by the one, creator God, who would judge all souls at the end of time. The way to salvation consisted of deferring to this real and all-merciful God above all worldly things, including idols. Such deference was encoded in the way of the righteous patriarchs, as commemorated in Jewish Christianity. To the extent that the morally sensitive Muhammad was aware of Shucayb’s reformist message, he had a potential remedy for the ills of his own society. In both cases, resistance to religious and moral reform brought on tensions, which worsened. Consequently, the reformist prophets met with insolent and obstructive behavior from disbelievers. As the Qur'an narrates, Shucayb separated himself and his followers from their opponents, who succumbed to divine punishment. Muhammad’s predicament, however, was obviously not

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resolved in quite the same way. During the Meccan phase of his prophethood, he was divinely guided to endure the adversity. As Qur'an 42.14-15 reminds him, other monotheists as well as idolaters will be dubious of his preaching, yet the correct recourse is to announce to them all the true revelation and trust that God will bring them together. Within the same sura, passage 42.40-43 urges the believers to forego revenge for ill treatment and react, instead, with forgiveness and reconciliation. However, such reconciliation should never entail return to pagan religion. The pledge to worship the one true God was not to be recanted even under pressure from family and kin. The Qur'an enjoins the believers to treat their parents well (17.23-24, 46.17); yet, it imposes an important caveat: “if they try to pressure you into idol worship, do not obey them (29.8).” Verse 9.23 similarly instructs: “take not your fathers and brothers for close associates if they prefer infidelity to (true) faith.” From a different perspective, verse 9.114 asserts that “it is not (fitting) for the Prophet and those who believe to ask forgiveness for idolaters, even though they be close kin.” Verse 4.135 exhorts the believers to “stand firm for justice, as testifiers to God, even against yourselves, your parents, or kinsmen.” The aim of such teachings was perhaps twofoldȦto offset influences that would be detrimental not only to personal salvation but also to faith-group solidarity. The challenge of building a brotherhood of faith was inevitably complicated by family rifts. Thus, the Qur'an repeatedly advises the believers to avoid close association with people outside of their faith community (3.28, 3.118, 4.144). It reminds the believers that they are brothers (49.10) and close associates of one another (9.71). Otherwise, the Qur'an upholds the traditional value on family (and extendedfamily) closeness. Verse 33.6 asserts that “blood relatives are closer to one another in the book of God than are the believers and the emigrants.” In verse 40.8 the imagery concerning the heavenly reward links the believers with “the righteous ones among their fathers, wives, and offspring.” The righteous way, as taught by the Qur'an, upholds the naturalness of family life and ties. It places no value on celibacy, nor does it involve any symbolic adoption or name-change conventions. On the contrary, the Qur'an encourages marriage (30.21), albeit with the caveat that believers should only marry believers (2.221, 24.32, 60.10). It also specifies that

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adopted sons should be called by the names of their biological fathers (33.5). In the end Muhammad prevailed over the family rifts and consolidated his congregation of followers, his umma. But what was the nature of this following? The umma was ostensibly a virtuefocused brotherhood (fraternal group), whose twofold bond consisted of belief in the one true God and obedience to the Prophet. Obedience entailed adherence to a relatively simple moral code. The “articles” of that code have not been fully listed as one integral text within the Qur'an; there are references to one or more of them in various passages. For example, passage 23.2-9 describes the true believers by some of their virtuous ways. Verses 2.177, 2.183, 17.35, 58.13, and 98.5 enjoin some acts that are morally right. Passages 6.151-152 and 17.31-34 & 36-37 prohibit some acts that are morally wrong. However, as John Wansbrough has noted (albeit for text critical purposes), a seemingly complete, succinct rendition of the code appears in the Sîra.2 The relevant episode is the pagan Meccans’ effort to persuade the ruler of Abyssinia to deport followers of Muhammad who had taken refuge in his country.3 In the relevant narrative, the ruler (negus) summons the refugees to account for their relocation and their moral beliefs. Their spokesman, Abû Jacfar ibn Abî ʝâlib, relates that their society had been morally corrupt until God sent a virtuous messenger to reform their ways. He accounts for Muhammad’s teaching in the following words: – He called on us to acknowledge God’s unity, to worship Him, and to renounce the stones and images that we and our fathers had been worshipping. – He commanded us to speak the truth; to respect commitments, kinship ties, and norms of protecting aliens (ʚusn al-jiwâr) ; to refrain from forbidden acts and bloodshed.

____________________ Wansbrough, Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), pp. 38-43. 3 Arabic text in Ibn Hishćm, Al-SĪra al-NabawĪya (= SĪrat Rasul Allah) (Cairo: Muʛʜafć al-BćbĪ al-ʗalabĪ, 1955/1375), vol. 1, pp. 333-337; English text in Alfred Guillaume (ed. and trans.), The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Isʚćq’s SĪrat Rasul Allah (London; New York: Oxford 2

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– He forbad us to commit abominations, to tell lies, to consume the property of orphans, to slander honorable women. – He commanded us to worship God alone and not associate anything with Him; he enjoined the obligations of prayer, alms-giving, and fasting.

Abû Jacfar then explains that, when he and his companions adopted this way of righteousness, they were ill treated by those who rejected it and, hence, they emigrated. Wansbrough’s interest in this narrative is the way it compares with the Qur'anic revelation. From textual comparison, he deduces that some common source (perhaps prophetical logia) was adapted into both the canonical scripture (Qur'ân) and the canonical salvation history (Sîra). This finding supports his argument that both parts of the Islamic canon were developed concurrentlyȦat a considerable remove from the Prophet’s time. I myself see the narrative as a later literary effort to condense and restate the core teachings of the Qur'an. In any case, I draw attention to it primarily because it captures the relative simplicity of the moral code that the Qur'an expounds in disjointed fashion. The substance of that code further indicates that Muhammad’s initial aim was not the invention of a new moral code but rather the application of an existing one, the way of the righteous patriarchs as commemorated by the Ahl al-Dhikr. The righteous way as taught by Muhammad entailed no esoteric doctrine, no (human) source of authority other than the Prophet himself, and no fundamental distrust of human nature. Hence, the brotherhood could be established without rites of initiation, progressive grades of membership, mantic practices, qualifications for “elders,” (periodic) renewals of self-commitment, holding of property in common, seclusion of women, or abstinence from “simple pleasures.” As for the admission of “converts,” it likely required a pledge to observe the above-listed articles of faith. The Qur'an is not explicit on this matter. In the case of former opponents of the Prophet, verse 9.11 specifies: “If they repent, perform (regular) prayer, and give alms, they are your brothers in ____________________ University Press, 1955), pp. 150-153. This emigration to Abyssinia preceded the more momentous one to Yathrib (Medina).

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faith.” However, the context implies that some pledge was essential. The preceding verses reflect a concern for personal integrity (keeping one’s word) and the following verse caveats that “if they violate their oaths after their pledge,” fight them. Indeed, the concern for integrity pervades the Qur'an. As discussed above, truthfulness is a prominent characteristic of the Qur'anic exemplars of the righteous way (Chapter Three), and it is one of the key Qur'anic virtues (Chapter Five). Passage 16.91-95 discourses on the imperative of keeping one’s pledge to God and fulfilling one’s oaths (promises). Verse 3.77 teaches that “those who sell for a small price [that is, take lightly] their pledge to God and their oaths will have no share in the hereafter.” Verse 5.89 clarifies that “God will not call you to account for what is futile in your oaths; He will call you to account for what you have promised as oaths . . .” It seems that such emphasis on personal integrity affected not only the internal but also the external dynamics of the brotherhood of believers. Multiple passages of the Qur’an reflect disdain for four groups of people: – Meccan pagans who objected to and hindered Muhammad’s preaching – hypocrites (al-munâfiqûn) who were outwardly receptive to Muhammad’s message but privately questioned it or shirked the obligations it entailed – bedouins whose sincerity was generally suspect – Medinan Jews who sought to undermine Muhammad’s position and doctrine. The Qur'anic injunctions against each of them are distinctly influenced by consideration of trustworthiness, although the test of trustworthiness entails different circumstances. The Meccans and Jews are bound by their respective covenants with Muhammad and his community. The hypocrites and bedouins are bound by their pledges to obey the Prophet and follow the way of righteousness. The Qur'an reproaches the Meccan pagans on several moral issues. Even so, there is no presumption that they are all untrustworthy. Verse 9.7 addresses the case wherein Muhammad agreed to a (temporary) pact with them. It exhorts, “so long as they stand true to you, stand true to them.” Conversely, passage 9.12-13 directs that, if the pagans break their word, “fight them.” As for the hypocrites, they are intrinsically untrustworthy; they are indeed

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“liars (kâdhibûn)” (59.11, 63.1). Passage 9.73-85 recalls their falsehood and other iniquities and asserts that they will be punished in both this life and the hereafter. According to verse 33.61 “cursed they are; wherever they are found, they shall be seized and killed.” Passage 4.89-90 obliges the believers not to take them as close associates until they repent. “If they refrain, then seize and kill them, except those who belong to a group with whom you have a pact or those who are disinclined to fight and withdraw” on peaceful terms. Like the hypocrites, the generality of bedouins are suspect regarding their sincerity. Passage 49.14-17 contends that bedouins are for the most part incapable of believing in God in a heartfelt way. They submit to the Prophet’s moral regimen mainly to gain favor with him. Nonetheless, they have no valid excuse for breaking their commitments to the Prophet’s military enterprise (9.90-101, 9.120, 48.11); consequent to their falsity, they will be severely punished. Verse 9.99 notes the exception; that is, some bedouins genuinely abide by the way of righteousness and fulfill their obligations. The case of the Medinan Jews is another variant of insistence on integrity, which is even more unique in that there are both creedal and behavioral implications. The latter are of present concern; the former will be addressed later. Several passages (5.5253, 8.56-58 and 33.12-24) comment on the wrongdoing of “those whose hearts are diseased,” that is, certain Jews of Yathrib.4 The implication is that they defaulted on some mutual security agreement in circumstances of conflict. In the words of verse 33.15, “they had pledged to God that they would not turn away (from battle).” The discourse of 33.17-24 draws contrast between fidelity and disloyalty, for which punishment is inevitable. Verse 8.56 recalls that the Jews (historically) often violated their covenant with God. Verse 8.58 exhorts that “if you fear treachery from any group, repudiate (your covenant with) them.” The phraseology ____________________

The use of this toponym perhaps warrants some commentary. As might be commonly known, in pre- and early-Islamic times, the town to which the Meccan believers emigrated was called Yathrib. The name was subsequently changed to MedinaȦArabic Madîna, the city (of the Prophet). The pertinent point, however, is that Yathrib was the main town of a large oasis-settlement area. Thus, depending on source context, its name may designate the wider region (versus the specific locale), and it is so used here. 4

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implies that some pact existed, but I doubt that it envisions the famous so-called Constitution (or Charter) of Medina, which is replicated in the Sîra.5 From the source-critical perspective, it is questionable whether that text represents an early, later, or edited composite version of said covenant. Whatever the case, the received text reveals no general applicability to all Jews of the Yathrib area. Even so, the practice of pact-making is relevant in itself.6 The Constitution of Medina defined Muhammad’s following as a component of the township, set forth its ordinances, and acknowledged the Prophet’s authority to manage its internal and external affairs. This composite grouping overrode both ethnic (tribal) and religious bounds. Its core was the brotherhood (umma) of the believers, which included the emigrants from Mecca and the converts from the respective clans of the indigenous tribes of Khazraj and Aus. An adjunct (my term) to the brotherhood consisted of Jews from the same and other indigenous clans, as specified. They were considered to be as one with the believers, except for the difference in creed. Regarding the believers per se, Islamic tradition extols the bonding among them. The relevant imagery of Meccan Muhâjirûn being aided by Medinan Anʜâr employs an obvious etymology for the two Qur'anic terms. However, there may well be more to their significance. Both emigration for the sake of faith and accommodation of émigrés were certainly meritorious acts. Hence, it is plausible that these acts conferred respectability on the names. It is equally plausible, though, that the names conferred respectability on the actors. In other words, the Medinan brothers may have felt honor in being called Anʜâr in so far as that term, by its double meaning, likened them to Jesus’ Apostles and their Nasorean way. The Meccan brothers may ____________________

5 Arabic text in Ibn Hishćm, Al-SĪra al-NabawĪya, vol. 1, pp. 501504; English text in Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad, pp. 231-233. 6 This further recourse to the Sîra may seem inconsistent with my approach in the preceding chapters, which avoids reliance on Islamic tradition. As previously noted, there is indeed considerable scholarly debate as to whether and how one might use the Sîra (or related works) as an authentic source for early Islamic history. Nonetheless, I consider this work to inform the present discussion in so far as it seemingly reflects remnants of a Nasorean heritage, which was largely submerged in the effort to trace Islamic origins to prophetic revelations at Mecca and Medina.

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likewise have felt honor in being called Muhâjirûn in so far as that term commemorated the Nasorean emigration from Jerusalem to Pella (in the latter first century CE).7 Whatever the real etymology of the Qur'anic terms, their use begs the question as to why they were coined. It would seem that the reason was pragmatic. With the union of two groups of believers, the brotherhood had become too large for efficient internal managementȦcommunicating, collecting and distributing alms, attending to communal security, and so forth. Thus, it became organizationally expedient to establish two “lodges.” The further pragmatism was to name them such that the difference in tribal origins was eclipsed. Apart from establishing a new integral community, the Constitution of Medina held implications for external affairs. As head of that community Muhammad inevitably had to cooperate with other local leaders on various common concerns: resolution of inter-communal disputes; security of the city and the surrounding villages and cropland; access to trade goods; and marketing local produce and crafts beyond the oasis. The necessary cooperation was achieved by means of pacts (îlâf), which consisted of a definition of mutual obligations and a pledge (an oath; yamîn, pl. aymân) to fulfill them. This manner of attendance to vital interests had two ramifications. It required the institution and employment of militias, and it created indirect commitments whenever it respected secondary pacts. In the arena of conflict for example, the following dictums might apply. The enemy of our allyȦand conversely, the ally of our enemyȦis our enemy too. By secondary ties, the ally of an enemy of our ally is also our enemy, and so forth. The respect for secondary pacts is seen as stipulated in the Constitution of Medina. “The (specified) Jews are one community with the believers . . . The close associates of the Jews are as themselves.” The ramification of secondary pacts is seen in Muhammad’s abrogation of the (somewhat later) Treaty of al-ʗudaybiya, which he had concluded with the pagan Meccans. The Prophet’s justifiable action was impelled not because Meccans acted against his people but because their allies attacked his allies. ____________________ The historicity of this event is debatable, but that issue is irrelevant to its potential symbolic value. For commentary on the “flight to Pella,” see Ray A. Pritz, Nazarene Jewish Christianity (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1988), pp. 122-127. 7

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The fulfillment of mutual security obligations would ostensibly have required the deployment of “Muslim” patrols beyond the Yathrib oasis area.8 The Sîra in particular and the traditional lore in general recount several such operations in terms of maghâzî, that is, raids or expeditions. The first seven in sequence culminated at places (Waddân, Thanîyat al-Murra, al-cÎʛ, Buwâʜ, al-cUshayra, Kharrâr, and Safawân) that lay between the Yathrib Oasis and the Red Sea. This zone ranged from the Yanbuc Region in the north to the Râbigh Region in the south. Islamic salvation history casts these events as the initial phase of war with Quraysh (the Meccan pagans). From the details at hand, however, such casting is not credible. Some of the events that transpired involved the Meccan pagans; others involved tribal groups. Two of the operations resulted in treaties (with the ʠamra and Mudlij clans of Kinâna). One of them entailed pursuit of a camel raiding party. None of them involved actual fighting. The accounts are hardly evidence that the believers were at war. So, if they reflect real events, some reinterpretation is necessary. With the exception of their pursuit of raiders, the Muslims seem to have undertaken what we moderns call show of force operations. The objective was to bolster alliances and dissuade hostility in an area that was key to Medinan security and economic interests. That area, though, happened to overlap one that was similarly key to the Meccans. This circumstance and the face-off and countermoves that it necessitated would seem to have been likely catalysts of conflict. It is less plausible that the emigration in itself was an inevitable step toward hostility. From the Qur'anic perspective, it was divine providence, not human strategy, that brought about the (eventual) decisive Battle of Badr. “Even had you mutually agreed (to it), you would have missed the engagement (8.42).” The Qur'an also remarks that the believers were not readily disposed to go to war. “Prescribed for you is fighting, though it be hateful to you (2.216).” The scripture insistently urges the believers to fight, stressing that their effort and their (potential) ultimate sacrifice would be rewarded in the afterlife (4.74-77, 4.95, 8.65, 9.29, 9.38-42, 9.123, 33.23-24). It condemns those who are obliged to fight but seek excuses to stay back (4.95, 9.38, 9.45, 9.83, 48.15____________________ 8 I here enclose Muslim in parenthesis to indicate that the term is anachronistic in the historical timeframe under discussion.

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16). Apart from legitimizing war, the Qur'an also imposes various constrains on its conduct. It bans excessive aggression and fighting on sacred ground or during the sacred months, unless provoked (2.190-194, 2.217, 4.90, 8.61, 9.36). As for the tangible aims of righteous war, there are two. One is to punish treachery, that is, violating pledges (8.56-58, 9.12, 9.90, 33.60-61). Significantly, there is recurrence of the conceptual set {integrity, pledge, treachery, punishment} throughout the Medinan suras. The other aim is to stop evil in general and persecution in particular, which is described as strife (fitna) or oppression (2.191-193, 4.75 8.39). As two verses reflect, “were it not for God’s checking one people by another, (2.251) the earth would surely have been corrupted, or alternately (22.40) there would surely have been destroyed hermitages, churches, oratories, and mosques.” The inference is that the causus belli of a righteous war might be one or the other situationȦtreachery or persecution. It is difficult to determine which cause may have been first invoked, since passages within the relevant suras seldom reflect or follow chronology. However, as the latter has wider implications, it probably emerged after the use of force against treachery proved effective. The consolidation of “Muslim” power in the central Hijaz would have been a prerequisite for any endeavor to rescue believers from persecution in distant areas. Indeed, the Qur'an implies that calls for help came forth. Verse 4.75 questions: “How is it that you do not fight in the cause of God and of those who are ill-treated, men, women, and children, who say, ‘Our Lord, deliver us from this town whose people are oppressors.’” The Qur'anic context does not indicate which town (or towns) fit this picture of persecution. Nonetheless, the Sîra relates that Muhammad converted people who came on pilgrimage to Mecca; such was the prelude to his emigration to Yathrib. According to the same source, there were believers among the Banû Khuzâca.9 It is plausible that there were believers in the Sarât Lands to the south of Mecca, where the umma’s forces eventually deployed. “Muslim” troops also ranged north to Tabûk and beyond it to Mu'ta, in nearer and farther Midian, where descendants of Shucayb’s followers might well have existed. The consequent encounter with a new oppressor at Mu'ta, ____________________ 9

Ibn Hishćm, Al-SĪra al-NabawĪya, vol. 2, p. 312.

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the returning Christian Roman imperium, would lead to further warfareȦand the “conquest” phenomenon. Although the practical recourse to force is inconsistent with the Nasorean legacy, the Qur'an’s justifications of war may well have drawn from it. One of its justifications is seemingly grounded in the dynamic theme of truth-falsehood, which we have seen to be characteristic of the Apostolic Nasoreans and their Essene predecessors. Its other justification seemingly translates into the temporal plane the Essene Nasorean tenet of cosmic war between righteousness and evil. As the call for war may have been facilitated by creed, so the ability to mobilize may have been facilitated by the internal organization of the brotherhood. Qur'an 4.71 exhorts the believers: “take your precautions, and mobilize by sections or all together.” The inference is that the membership of the two lodges, Muhâjirûn and Anʛâr, was enrolled in sections. Such organization would have inherently accommodated any thoughts to rotate the requirement for active service or to “size the force” according to the missionȦfor example, mobilize one section for a reconnaissance patrol or several sections for a show of force. The Qur'anic text affords no hints as to the technical military terminology of Muhammad’s umma. However, Islamic tradition preserves the related terms carîf (leader of ten) and cirâfa (unit of ten), which may well belong to the Prophet’s era. The adoption of a militant stand against wrongdoing was one of two salient consequences of the believers’ resettlement in Yathrib. The other was the refinement of doctrine in reaction to religious controversy. Muhammad’s message included many of the same exemplars and moral tenets as the Jewish faith. Hence, some of the rabbis of Yathrib ostensibly saw both the risk of losing followers and the prospect of gaining followers in this situation. Their recourse was to challenge the credibility of the Prophet and attempt to draw away his followers. Verse 2.76 alludes to the polemic environment, wherein some people listened to the Prophet only to engage him later in dispute. Passage 3.72-73 conveys a similar image. The Qur'an otherwise alludes to the rabbis’ challenges in general (2.108, 3.20) and in many particular instances. Passage 3.23-24 relates that some Jews would not submit to arbitration on the basis of Muhammad’s “book,” because they objected to what it said concerning the apocalypse. In addressing the same (or a similar) episode, verse 5.49 cautions: “do not follow

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their caprices and beware lest they lure you away from some of God’s revelation to you.” Verse 3.183 recalls the objection to Muhammad on another point of doctrine; “God covenanted with us not to believe in any messenger unless he showed us a sacrifice that (heavenly) fire consumes.” Verse 3.181 recalls the taunt of the Jews at the Prophet’s request for war funds; “(your) God is poor, we are wealthy.” The Qur'an’s responses to the doctrinal challenges are varied in manner. In one case (5.64), there is a point for point rejoinder: “The Jews say, ‘God’s hand is fettered,’ . . . No indeed, His hands are outspread; He expends however He wishes.” In other cases, the Qur'an in a general way accuses the Jews of corrupting the revelations of the pastȥby selective concealment, misinterpretation, or outright forgery. They were given a portion of the book, yet you see them” buying into error” (4.44). Passage 2.77-79 discourses on their wrongdoing. Verse 2.77 remarks that “God knows what they concealed.” The two following verses condemn both the unlettered folks who justify their own aims by unfounded reference to scripture and the scribes (that is, manuscript copyists) who deliberately change the wording of legacy texts. The wrongfulness of concealing part of revelation is mentioned again in verse 2.42. The wrongfulness of falsifying scripture is further reflected in historical context (2.59, 7.162) and also in contemporary context (2.75). In the latter, Muhammad is advised not to trust people who “distorted the word of God knowingly, after they understood it.” The overall indictment occurs in verse 62.5: “Evil is the likeness of those who have falsified scripture.”10 Apart from corruption of scripture, the Jews’ misdeeds consist of forcefully hindering the truth. Several verses (2.87, 3.181, 5.50) recall that, throughout their history, they slayed prophets. Verse 3.21 addresses such iniquity and its consequence. “As for those who disbelieve in God’s signs and slay the prophets, without valid cause, and (also) those who bid people to act unjustly, bring them word of a painful punishment.” ____________________ As discussed above (Chapter Five), certain Qur'anic passages either implicitly or explicitly level the charge of distorting scripture against ecclesiastical Christianity as well as rabbinic Judaism. However, they are not pertinent to the issue at handȦMuhammad’s interaction with the Jews of Yathrib. 10

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The Qur'an also alludes to the rabbis’ efforts to proselytize Muhammad’s followers. Such allusions are often the context for cautionary guidance, as seen in the following passages. “Many of the People of the Book wish they might turn you back to infidelity after you have attained true faith . . . yet, pardon them . . . (2.109)” “Do not take as close associates those not of yourselves; they spare no effort to confound you; they desire that you be distressed. Hatred has already shown from their mouths . . . (3.118)” “Have you not seen those who were given a portion of the book buying into error and desiring that you should err? (4.44)” In the end, it seems that the discursive debate was not sufficient to resolve peoples’ quandaries as to which of two quite similar moral codes was the true way of righteousness. Muhammad went on to adopt visible measures that differentiated his umma from the local Jewry. One measure was to change the prescribed direction of prayer (qibla) such that the believers were to face toward Mecca. As previously mentioned (Chapter Four), Islamic tradition holds that the initial qibla was oriented north, toward Syria. If that were so, praying toward the north might be construed as praying toward Jerusalem. The Qur'an justifies the change in Sura 2. (For expository reasons I consider the relevant phrases in reverse sequence.) “We (sometimes) see you turning your face about the heavens, so let Us turn you to a qibla that satisfies you (2-144).” “We prescribed the qibla you used to have only to distinguish those who follow the messenger from those who turn on their heels (2.143).” The meaning here is that the believers were thereby differentiated from the pagans, whose focus of worship was the Meccan sanctuary. One observes that this rationale would apply equally well to the new qibla, since it differentiates Muhammad’s congregation from both Jews and Christians. An ostensible corollary to the change in qibla was the reinstitution of the pilgrimage and its attendant rites. This matter is addressed in Medinan Suras 2, 5, and 22Ȧthe last cited being entitled “the Pilgrimage.” The rationale for the new ruling is set forth in passage 22.26-35. Verse 22.26 refers to the Abrahamic precedent of establishing a sacred house for people to worship God. The following six verses address the obligation of performing the pilgrimage. Verse 22.33 establishes the lawful place of sacrifice as the “ancient house,” that is, the Kacba precinct of Mecca. The next verse dispels any doubt concerning the validity of

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the rite; in God’s words, “for every faith-community We have appointed a sacred ritual.” Verse 22.67 reaffirms that point, adding the directive: “Let them not dispute with you over the matter.” Passage 2.196-203 implies that the pilgrimage ritual has already been instituted. It addresses rules for making offerings, completion of rites of the greater (ʚajj) and lesser (cumra) pilgrimages, and personal conduct during the pilgrimage season. Verse 5.97 summarizes some of the rules for the pilgrimage. The third measure that differentiated the umma from the local Jewry concerned dietary laws. What is known historically about the Islamic and Judaic rules is that they were, as they still are, quite similar regarding the food they allow or prohibit. So what might have been the mark (or marks) of distinction? The fundamental difference is that the Jewish rules, as encoded in the Pentateuch, are far more detailed and, thus, restrictive than the Islamic rules, as encoded in the Qur'an. The message in Meccan suras is that God wants people to enjoy the fruit of the earth and, with a few exceptions, the meat of animals (6.141-142, 16.114). Indeed, the environment could hardly have accommodated an ascetic diet of bread, salt, and waterȦas grain and fresh water were scare. Verse 6.146 further explains that God imposed food restrictions on the Jews only in retribution for their disobedience. Succinctly put, “they used to wrong themselves” (16.118). In the Medinan era though, the Qur'anic discourse focuses on the Judaic restrictions as being inconsistent with God’s benevolence. As verse 3.93 contends, “all food was lawful for the Children of Israel, except for what Israel himself made unlawful, before the Torah was revealed.” This point notwithstanding, the Qur'anic ordinances entailed few tangible distinctions. Unlike the Jews, Muhammad’s followers were allowed to eat camel meat and shellfish. In distancing his creed from Judaism, Muhammad also made a significant change in symbolism. This change amounted to claiming a more exclusive patriarchal heritage. Muhammad, through the Qur'an, acknowledged the Jews’ self-identification as the “Children” of Israel (Jacob), son of Isaac, son of Abraham. Yet, such acknowledgment may not have been gratuitous if it opened the way to claim precedence with respect to religious controversyȦby claiming Abraham himself. It is probably no coincidence that Medinan Sura 22 associated Abraham with the duty of pilgrimage and its cult. Some Meccan suras had already set forth the concept

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of an Abrahamic creed (millat Ibrâhîm, 6.161 and 16.123). Yet, revelations that occurred in Medina identified that creed with the Prophet’s creed. In the direct speech of verse 22.78, “(your religion) is the creed of your father Abraham; He (God) named you muslims aforetime and in this (time).” Here, muslim does not yet have the technical meaning it later acquired; it means one(s) who submit to God’s will.) Qur'an 2.135 exhorts: “They say, ‘become Jews or Christians if you would be rightly guided.’ ‘Say no, (follow) rather the creed of Abraham.’” Verse 3.67 reasserts that “Abraham was neither a Jew nor a Christian; he was a muslim ʚanîf.” Foregoing verse 3.64 exhorts: “testify that we are muslims.” With the above measures, the Prophet added a cultic practice to a moral code, both of which he identified with the righteous way of Patriarch Abraham. As a consequence, the morality-minded brotherhood that Muhammad initially established started evolving into a distinct religion. By the time of his death, the umma had a unique scripture (the eventual canonic Qur'an) that included prophecy, apocalyptic revelation, wisdom, cultic history, apologetics, and law. The erstwhile antecedent scriptures were no longer necessary for edification of the faithful; hence, they fell out of use and out of collective memory. The Qur'an became a self-standing authoritative source of scriptural guidance. Faced with new internal questions and external challenges, the follow-on generations of true believers were induced to interpret and reinterpret that text. At stake were the good order of their society and the prevalence of their religion. Their task was undertaken in an environment that was rather more complex than the central Hijaz of Muhammad’s time. It was several stages removed from the Prophet’s initial effort to apply the Nasorean tradition of the righteous patriarchal way in preaching moral reform for Meccan society.

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Appendix A ARAMAIC LANGUAGE AND SYRIAC MYSTIQUE Consequent to centuries of biblical study in the West, there emerged an awareness of Syriac as being the preeminent language of Christianity in the “East”Ȧthe lands beyond the (upper) Euphrates. While this view itself is valid, it spawned three popular notions that lack such validity. The first is that Syriac is the same as Aramaic. The second is that Syriac is (was) the language of Jesus Christ. The third is that Syriac loanwords abound in the Qur’an. The three notions may be interdependent, yet each of them has its own rationale. Syriac is, by technical linguistic classification, a subset of Aramaic; it was derived from one of the main eastern dialects. Jesus very like spoke a form of Aramaic, albeit one of the western, not eastern, dialects. Many of the Qur’anic loanwords can be traced to Syriac, but not in all cases are such derivations the only or most plausible ones. This dialect differentiation may seem to be splitting hairs, but it lends some worthwhile perspective to debates concerning Syriac influence (both linguistic and religious) on early Islam. The remote historical background is that, in the late second millennium BCE, there began a great migration of people out of the north Arabian (or Syrian) Desert into the bordering fertile lands. These Aramaean people spoke various dialects of a language that is technically classified as northwest Semitic and named after them, that is Aramaic. The Aramaeans gradually established small “states” along the Jordan-Orontes valleys in the west and the Euphrates River basin in the north and east. Among those states were: Aram Damascus, Aram Naharaim, and Aram Rehob, which are mentioned in Scripture, and Bit Adini and Bit Agushi, which are mentioned in inscriptions. The speech of the Aramaeans began to diverge along geographic lines. In eastern habitants, the Aramaic dialects borrowed (words and features) from Akkadian and Assyro-Babylonian. In western habitats, they borrowed from Hebrew and other Canaanite languages. The residual commonalities were sufficient, however, for the development of a regional trade language.

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There was an indigenous (versus foreign) effort to achieve political unification of the Aramaean lands. It was carried out by the Chaldeans of Babylonia, who were originally either a branch of the Aramaeans or an ethnic group closely related to them. These people had migrated into the lower Tigris-Euphrates basin in the early first millennium BCE. They have been called Kaldu, Kildân, and Khaldâyyê in various Semitic tonguesȦthe last form having passed through Greek and Latin into English Chaldeans. Their political achievement was establishment of the Neo-Babylonian dynasty (626 – 529 BCE) and empire, which are of biblical renown. Their cultural legacy was such that, in Western literature, Babylonia has often been called Chaldea and Aramaic has often been called Chaldean or Chaldee. In the course of history, the Neo-Babylonian dominion was overthrown by Cyrus the Great, founder of the Achaemenid Persian dynasty. The Achaemenids pushed their borders well beyond what those of the Neo-Babylonian Empire had been. Yet, the change of political master did not significantly alter the cultural and commercial unity that had taken hold in the Aramaean lands. On the contrary, the Achaemenid regime adopted the astrology that had been a grand institution of the Chaldeans. It also adapted the existing commercial language for its official correspondence, and this “Imperial Aramaic” came to be widely used, for various purposes, throughout the empire. Moreover, the Achaemenids tolerated the diverse, local religious cults that existed within their dominionȦthe worship of astral and nature deities in the countryside and of Assyro-Babylonian, Canaanite, and other pantheons in the towns. They did not impose their Zoroastrian creed on the subject populations. They even facilitated the relocation of Jews from Babylon to Judea and the rebuilding of the temple at Jerusalem. Those Jews who remained in the Eastern Diaspora seemingly fared relatively wellȦat least according to the Books of Nehemiah (2 Esdras) and Esther. Like the Jews, the Persians linked religion with ethnicity. They considered Zoroastrianism to be an Iranian moral code, not a religious message for all mankind. Nonetheless, the religion of the ruling class inherently had prestige. Consequently, many Zoroastrian myths and concepts found their way into various local cultsȦas well as Judaism and eventually Christianity. Zoroastrianism also coexisted with kindred sects.

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In a similar way, Imperial Aramaic coexisted with various colloquial Aramaic dialects. Some of the latter were developed into written languages in late- and post-Achaemenid timesȦpartly due to the flux of imperial control versus autonomous governance. Their divergent change over time, a normal linguistic phenomenon, resulted in a pattern of two major groups. Western Aramaic included Hasmonaean, Palestinian, and Nabataean; Eastern Aramaic included Old Syriac, East Mesopotamian, Jewish Babylonian, and Arsacid Aramaic. This pattern was the state of Aramaic literary-lingual geography in the approximate time of Jesus, who himself very likely spoke colloquial Palestinian. The literary form of this same language is manifested in some of the Qumran scrolls. Among later variants, one is Jewish Palestinian AramaicȦthe language of the Jerusalem Talmud and other Palestinian rabbinic works. Another is Christian Palestinian Aramaic, which is known from mostly fragmentary religious texts (canonical scriptures, apocrypha, lectionaries, etc.) of the Melkite Christian rite of Egypt, Transjordan, and Palestine. The liturgical and literary language that we know as classical Syriac did not exist in the early days of Christianity. It began to evolve in the second century CE, as a modification of Old Syriac, particularly the sub-dialect of the area of Edessa in northern Mesopotamia. Its emergence coincided with the spread of ecclesiastical Christianity into that region. Its developers drew on lexical and syntactic models from the Hebrew and Greek scriptures. In time, this “Christian Syriac” spread, in tandem with missionizing efforts, through Syria and Mesopotamia and came to be used in nonecclesiastical writing as well. In spreading southwest and southeast, the language further evolved as two major variantsȦWest and East Syriac being mainly differentiated by the pronunciation and lexical representation of vowels. This linguistic difference closely correlated with christologic difference, such that West Syriac is the language of the Monophysite Syrian Orthodox Church and East Syriac is the language of the so-called Nestorian Church of the East. In these two variants, classical Syriac is known from many ancient-dated works that remain extant (in whole or fragment) and from current, albeit quite limited, liturgical use.1 Its surviving literary record is much more extensive than that of other forms of Aramaic.

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As with Old Syriac, Arsacid Aramaic evolved into a distinct new language, that is, Mandaic. This language is known from (much) earlier inscriptions and later scriptures of the Mandaean people of Iraq and Iran. Their initial effort to encode their creed in scripture can be dated to at least the seventh century CE. Jewish Babylonian Aramaic, the language of the Babylonian Talmud, emerged in close proximity at about the same time. Thus, at the rise of Islam in Arabia, written Aramaic existed in six versions: Jewish and Christian Palestinian, Mandaic, and Jewish Babylonian as well as West and East Syriac. These languages all had cognate morphology (word form). To a greater or lesser degree, they borrowed among themselves. Some borrowed from the same substrate language. This complexity complicates any effort to trace the origin of the foreign vocabulary of the Qur'an. There are, moreover, two other relevant considerations. Given the norms of historical linguistics, it is very likely that loanwords from any of the above languages were assimilated into Meccan Arabic at different points in time. From differentiation between early and late loans, one might derive the relative dating of religio-cultural influences. Such methodology, however, cannot be applied, for it requires knowledge that we lack. The once accepted conventional dating of “pre-Islamic” Arabic poetry has been largely discredited; hence, there is no record of Meccan Arabic prior to the Qur'anic revelation. This impediment notwithstanding, it might still be useful to categorize the loanwords on the basis of semantic significance for the Qur'an’s message. Relevant categories might be: concrete objects, abstract religious notions, “technical” religious practices or concepts, and names of moral exemplars. This approach has indeed been applied to certain words and word sets (as in the present study), but, to my knowledge, it has not been applied comprehensively. Alphonse Mingana, Christophe Luxenberg, Gabriel Sawma, and perhaps others have sought to reduce so many linguistic planes to the meta-language “Syro-Aramaic.” This reduction does not serve the interests of historical-comparative linguistics. Rather, it serves to demonstrate the dominance of Syrian Christian influence in pre-Islamic Arabia. ____________________

1 Besides the Syrian Orthodox Church, the uniate Maronite Church also uses West Syriac in its liturgy.

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Appendix B ZOROASTRIANISM AND MONOTHEISM As with the historical perspective, the religious setting of this study should not be taken for granted. Casual allusion to religion in the Middle (or Near) East likely evokes the thought of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. However, these three faiths do not complete the set of relevant religions. Moreover, they appear in the mind’s eye of most people in their current normative forms. These are the end states in a process whereby key issues of ritual, doctrine, and canon have been authoritatively resolved such that contrary views, perhaps once dominant, have been suppressed or condemned. They are not reliable guides to history. Rabbinic Judaism was just emerging in the days of Jesus, while Christianity obviously did not yet exist. It took centuries before those two religions attained the form that we now see as normative. Islam, which emerged later in history, followed a similar course. Much has ostensibly been lost, forgotten, or purged from the respective collective memories. Thus, the historical pursuit of beginnings must overcome that loss as well as the “spell” of anachronism. So, if we grant the antiquity of certain religious beliefs of the Jews, we must also grant the influence of Zoroastrianism on the further development of JudaismȦand Christianity as well. Contrary to common belief, the Jews were not the only people of the Ancient World to uphold spiritual revelation. The Achaemenid Persians, who brought an end to the Jews’ “Babylonian captivity,” themselves believed in the revelation taught by the Iranian Prophet Zoroaster (Zarathushtra). This creed of Zoroaster was favored by the ruling class of their empire (circa 550-330 BCE)Ȧas it was, in different degrees, by the ruling classes of succeeding dynasties up to the Islamic era. Its relative importance diminished over the course of history such that adherence to it is presently limited to small, scattered communities in Iran and India. The antiquity of the creed is obscure because the Zoroastrian priesthood was seemingly disinclined to give written form to either the message of Zoroaster or the interpretation of it. Legend claims that the few existing copies of the Avesta (the Zoroastrian scripture) were destroyed

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consequent to the Macedonian conquest of the Persian realm. Whatever the truth of that claim, it was likely under Achaemenid sponsorship that the older teachings of Zoroaster were formally instituted.1 This development occurred at approximately the same time that the Jews were restoring the temple at Jerusalem and scripting their sacred lore. As with Judaism, Zoroastrianism constituted the moral code of a particular ethnic group; that is, it was not propagated as a religious message for all mankind. It similarly placed emphasis on virtuous livingȦgood thoughts, words, and deeds. A key difference, however, is that Zoroastrianism was not rigorously monotheistic. It recognized one beneficent god (Ahura Mazda) as supreme over six lesser gods (Amesha Spentas) and a larger pantheon beneath them. Its view of the opposite sides of morality (good and evil) evolved into dualistic concepts of divinity, the universe, and mankind. Zoroaster ostensibly conceived of the highest god as an eternal power, which includes within itself the two eternal and coequal aspects of beneficent spirit (Spenta Mainyu) and hurtful spirit (Angra Mainyu). These aspects would perhaps be better understood as principles of stasis/rest and motion/activity. Their interaction is requisite to both physical and moral life. In the world of nature, a thing exists only in spirit, without form, until it develops or grows, but that process brings on decay or death, which is the return to a formless state. In the world of morals, good and bad are potentials until man chooses to act, think, or speak in one way or another. This original concept of divinity as two principals was, however, reinterpreted. Spenta Mainyu became equated with Ahura Mazda. Angra Mainyu was separated into a unique evil power, which co-opted other deities in an attack on creation. These evil powers corrupted and polluted the seven spheres of life that had been created by Ahura Mazda and the six Amesha Spentas, such that there was tension of opposing influences ____________________ There are variant views concerning the dedication of the Achaemenid monarchs to the religion of Zoroaster. See, for example: James H. Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism (London: Williams and Norgate, 1913; reprint, Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1972), pp. 39-59; M. N. Dhalla, History of Zoroastrianism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1938), chap. 15; Mary Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices (London; New York: Routledge, 2001), chap. 5; and R. C. Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism (New York: Phoenix Press, 2003), chap. 7. 1

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throughout the universe. Man’s fate was to choose between them. As men had to live in dualist creation, they were obliged to reduce the evil influences that were manifested in disease, dirt, poison, blight, and so forth. They were considered stewards of all good creation, with responsibility to themselves as well as to the useful plants and animals. Thus, the Zoroastrians upheld purity laws concerning both bodily cleanliness and food consumption. They saw it as righteous to tend crops and livestock and to conserve useful wild plants and gameȦand, conversely, to kill noxious plants and vicious beasts. Persons who lived this righteous way were expected to edify their fellow men. Yet, in the end of time, not all would be saved. It is commonly, and plausibly, held that such Zoroastrian beliefs influenced the dualistic concepts of the Gnostic movement of the first centuries CE. However, these two dualisms differed as to whether good and evil were mixable and also in the implications of that difference. For the Zoroastrians, there is both good and bad in creation and in human nature. For the Gnostics (about whom it is risky to generalize), all matter is essentially corrupt and evil. The world cannot be the creation of a good god, and man incarnate is not his true self. Thus, there is emphasis on dissociation from the material world rather than on duty to cultivate its good aspects. Only an “elect” few are capable of achieving this dissociation and so attaining full salvation. Apart from Gnosticism, the monotheistic faiths also reflect Zoroastrian influence. Despite their long contact with Jewry, the Zoroastrians did not co-opt the Hebraic tenet of prophetic revelation. (The old theory that they did has been discredited.) Conversely, there are plausible arguments for Zoroastrian influence in Judaism, such as the significant role of angels in divine providence and the related beliefs in a savior, end of time, and final judgment. The case for Zoroastrian influence in Christianity is perhaps even more substantial. There are several significant parallels. Zoroastrianism confers sacred significance on the numbers seven and threeȦthree being of present concern. Besides the concept of three-fold virtue (mentioned above), Zoroastrianism has a three-phase cosmology, wherein creation devolves into mixture (of light and darkness), which in turn evolves into separation. Rituals of daily worship entail three offerings to water and three to fire. The religion also holds that, at death, the disembodied spirit lingers on earth for

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three days. There are more examples of “ trinity,” but these should suffice for this point. Among other parallels, the Zoroastrians believe that their founder-prophet began his preaching mission at the age of thirty, when he emerged from the water of baptism in a state of purity. They also believe that a savior (Shaoshant), who is born of a virgin, will come to lead mankind into perfect existenceȦ the end of time. This savior is accompanied by (the spirit-form of) divine grace. Moreover, the Zoroastrian image of the (virtuous) “herdsman,” is remarkably similar to that of the “good shepherd.”2 There is a pertinent question, though, as to whether such parallels emerged via direct influence, through a filter, or from a common “well” of region-wide folk belief. Zoroastrianism originated as a reformist version of ancient Aryan (Indo-Iranian) religion. Although its moral message was in large part codified in Achaemenid times, its practice likely varied then, as it did in subsequent eras. There was considerable merging of Zoroastrian beliefs with older Chaldean occultism in Babylonia and with older local cult worship in Iranian lands and communities. The outcome was the religious culture that we might call Magianism, whose characteristics, as noted by Greaco-Roman observers, were the institution of the fire-temple as place of worship and the cultivation of occult knowledge by the priestly caste of Magi (Latin plural of Magus).3 Zoroastrian and Magian rites eventually became indistinct to outsiders, who otherwise took to using the terms Magian and Chaldean synonymously. In the collective memory of the Jews, the wisdom of Chaldean (or Babylonian) society largely derived from astrology and occultism. This same impression can be found among later, Classical and Christian authors, for whom Chaldean more often denoted a distinctive culture rather than an ethnic group. Thus, the whole of Mesopotamia plus its bordering lands might be considered Chaldean. In any case, it is as Magi that the ____________________

2 Apart from these more obvious correlations, Geo Widengren points out Zoroastrian influence in Jewish and Christian apocalyptic thought; Muʚammad, the Apostle of God, and his Ascension (Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequistka Bokhandeln, 1955); chap. 9 pertains. 3 Zoroastrian ways and concepts were assimilated not only in Magianism but also in the later Manichaeism and Mazdaeism. The latent dualism of Zoroaster’s creed might be differentiated from the pronounced dualism of the other kindred creeds. However, neither Christian patristic nor Islamic traditional scholarship seemed disposed to do so.

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priest-savants of the East gain renown in the nativity narrative of Matthew’s Gospel. Their number is actually not stated thereȦ contrary to the popular notion of three. These Magi do, however, present three gifts, which is notably consistent with Zoroastrian devotional ritual. But what is the untold link between Bethlehem in Judea and the East? In terms of scriptural composition, it is the connection of two separate but similar traditions concerning the appearance of a savior and his redemption of a morally conscious people.

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Appendix C IBN AL-NADÎM ON BAPTISMAL SECTS

Ibn al-Nadîm has long been renowned in the field of ArabicIslamic studies. His catalogue (Fihrist) of Arabic books, both original compositions and translations, is not only a “snapshot” of the literary culture of tenth/third century Baghdad; it is also a record of texts that have since been lost. That record, specifically Part Nine on Chaldean baptismal and dualist sects, has in recent times become valuable in the field of comparative religion. Its lengthy quotations from books on Manichaeism serve as corrections to the suspect, often polemical, views of the Christian heresiologists. What Ibn al-Nadîm reports about Mani’s up-bringing is of particular import for the academic debate concerning Elkesaism and baptismal sects.1 Yet, that report itself should not be used without correction. There is a lexical problem with the source manuscripts of both Flügel’s critical edition of the Arabic Fihrist and Dodge’s English version.2 The text in question consists of the section on the doctrine of the Manichaeans and the concise description of the sect known as al-Mughtasila.3 The two passages are substantively connected in that Mani was raised among the Mughtasila, who are otherwise known as ʛâbba or ʛâbi'ûn. My sense of manuscript ____________________

See, for example, discussions and references in: A. F. J. Klijn and G. J. Reinink (eds.), Patristic Evidence for Jewish-Christian Sects (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973), pp. 65-66; Gerard P. Luttikhuizen, The Revelation of Elchasai (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1985), chap. 6 and also pp. 220-222; and Ian Gardner and Samuel N. C. Lieu (eds.), Manichaean Texts from the Roman Empire (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 33-35. 2 The pertinent published works are Ibn al-NadĪm, Kitćb al-Fihrist, ed. Gustav Flügel (Leipzig: F. C. W. Vogel, 1871-72) and Bayard Dodge, The Fihrist of al-NadĪm: A Tenth Century Survey of Muslim Culture (2 vols.; New York: Colombia University Press, 1970). 3 See Arabic of Flügel edition, pp. 327-328 and 340 and English of Dodge edition, vol. 2, pp. 773 and 811. 1

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corruption initially occurred from reading the latter passage. Its pertinent phrases are transliterated here: ha'ulâ'i al-qawm . . . wa ra'îsuhum yucrafu bi al-ʗasîʘi wa huwa alladhî sharaca al-milla . . .wa kâna tilmîdhuhu yuqâlu lahu Shamcûn. The pertinent point is that the word al-ʙasîʚ, which many scholars want to read as Elkasai, makes no sense, either as a transliteration or as an Arabic name in itself. The very slight difference between the forms of {ʘ} and {m} in Kufic script suggests to me that some manuscript copyist wrote al-ʗasîʘ instead of an original al-Masîʘ (the Messiah or Christ). So, I translate the above excerpt as: these people . . . their master is known as the Messiah, and it is he who founded the sect . . . and his disciple was named Simon. The Messiah, as Jesus, certainly had a disciple named Simon (Shamcûn). Moreover, the Messiah would probably be the “master (ra'îs)” for the Elkesaite baptismal sect. In his translation, Dodge keeps al-ʗasîʘ, deferring (n. 371) to others’ research on the Sabians and Elkesaites. More to my point here is that he notes other problems with the manuscripts for this particular section.4 Given this finding, I was able to make better sense of the other (former) relevant passage, which concerns Mani’s background. Its first sentence reads: “Mânî . . . min al-ʗashkânîya.” Dodge again leaves a problematic word untranslated; “Mani was one of the ʗashkćnĪya.” Yet he does remark in note 33 that this word is perhaps “meant to be the AshghćnĪyah, meaning members of the Ashkćnian dynasty.” As an alternative, my correction of {ʘ} to {m} renders mashkânîya, that is native priesthood. This term is likely derived from a loanword that is related to both Hebrew mishkan, which means tabernacle, and Mandaic mashkhana, which means culthut. Whatever the etymology, the passage continues on to relate that Mani’s father had joined a group of Mughtasila in the region of Dastumaysân and raised his son among them. Thus, the Fihrist informs us that Mani’s formative years were spent with an Apostolic-founded baptismal sect in Babylonia. Two caveats are, nonetheless, warranted. The text of the Fihrist contains no trace of the words Elkesai or Elkesaites. It does contain the word Sampsaean (Arabic samfsânîya), which Christian heresiologists associate with Elkesaism.5 The word’s lexical form and context reveal that it derives from some Greek or Syriac list of Christian ____________________ 4

Dodge, The Fihrist, vol. 2, p. 811, nn. 372-376.

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heresies. Whatever the original list may have been, Ibn al-Nadîm’s rendition of it is uninformative, for it is devoid of commentary on or descriptive identification of those sects. The Fihrist at least informs us that, apart from following the Messiah, the Mughtasila were distinguished by the practice of ablution, the washing of everything they eat, the belief in male and female principles, and the routine expression of seven (unquoted) sayings. Considering what the Fihrist conveys, it would seem that Mani’s community was ancestral to the currently known Mandaean sect. However, the Mandaeans’ dissociation of themselves not only from Christianity but also from Judaeo-Christian (and Abrahamic) heritage seems to invalidate such hypothesis. The problem, though, is not insoluble. The Haran Gwaitha, the quasi-history of the Mandaeans, offers pertinent clues. Its narrative allegorically relates the following information.6 Thousands of (baptismal-cult) Nasoreans migrated from Palestine to Media to Babylonia in Parthian times. There was a period of great trouble, after which the Nasoreans lived peacefully in Babylonia for 280 years. At that point, the community was beset by considerable internal discord, which is metaphorically blamed on a faction with Judaeo-Christian leanings. This doctrinal discord ostensibly led to a formal split. To reconstruct history from allegory, I propose the following correlations.7 The period of great trouble alludes to Trajan’s temporary conquests beyond the Euphrates and the subsequent Parthian efforts to restore and stabilize their rule. The approximate timeframe would be 115 to perhaps 130 CE (the end of Chosroes’ reign). Adding the 280 years cited in the Haran Gwaitha brings us to 410, which is a significant year in religious history. It was then that the Church of the East took formal measures to define its jurisdiction and doctrinal authority through the Roman-influenced ____________________

5 Dodge’s translation (p. 815) renders the expected transliteration “SamfsćnĪya (p. 815).” Flügel’s edition, though, is again corrupt, rendering the bizarre word {samüsânîya} (p. 342). Here, some manuscript copyist ostensibly misread lexical fa' as ghaynȦcertainly a quite likely mistake, given the close graphic similarity of the two Arabic consonants. 6 E. S. Drower (trans.), The Haran Gawaita and the Baptism of HibilZiwa (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1953), pp. 3-12. 7 For a variant interpretation, see þinasi Gündüz, The Knowledge of Life: The Origins and Early History of the Mandaeans (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 70.

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Synod of Mar Isaac.8 It is plausible that the organizers appealed to the Nasoreans of Babylonia to unite with them. The Haran Gwaitha’s censure of “descendants of disciples . . . propagated from the Jewish seed” apparently alludes to such advocates for the Great Church. It is unlikely that their proselytizing efforts had much appeal, but they may well have impelled the sectaries to distance themselves in a radical manner. Thus, the major part of the community disavowed the Judaeo-Christian heritage of its way and further assimilated Zoroastrian and Gnostic tenets. The Mandaeans’ efforts to disavow a Judaeo-Christian origin were not totally masked, as remnants of that very heritage have survived in scripture and oral legend.9 The Haran Gwaitha and Drasha d Yahya esteem John son of Zakariah (Yahya-Yohanna) as the exemplar of true baptismal practice. As for legends, the tale of the Red Sea crossing attests that Moses, although he worshipped a false god, had secret knowledge and, hence, magical power. The legend of Abraham (and Yurba) dissociates Moses and Jesus from that patriarch of the Jews, who symbolizes the disfigurement of circumcision. The story of Nebuchednezzar’s Daughter alters the story of Queen Helena of Adiabene’s conversion to Judaism such that she not only followed the Nasorean way but also encountered antagonism from the Temple establishment in Jerusalem. These few examples, of which there are more, should demonstrate my point. There remains the question as to what happened with the minor part of the community that continued to respect its original heritage? This splinter group seems not to be known in the time and milieu of Ibn al-Nadîm. Nonetheless, there may be a coincidental mention of it in the Fihrist. Part One Section Two of Ibn al-Nadîm’s work catalogues the books of moral law revealed to the Muslim and other faithcommunities. The initial entry quotes from Aʘmad ibn cAbdâllah ibn Salâm, a protégé of Hârûn al-Rashîd (who was caliph from 170193/786-809). Such identification places the source about two centuries earlier than the Fihrist. As quoted, Aʘmad relates that he translated the beginning of a long book that was scripted by ____________________ 8

See W. Stewart McCullough, A Short History of Syriac Christianity to the Rise of Islam (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1982), pp. 121-124. 9 Concerning the latter, see Drower, Mandaeans, Bk 2, particularly pp. 264-269 and 282-288.

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Abrahamic Sabian ʚanîfs (ʚunafâ' wa hum al-ʛâbi'ûn al-Ibrâhîmîya). It is a loss that the quote does not cite the title or language of the work. Nonetheless, it does state that God revealed one hundred and four sacred “books,” of which one hundred came between the times of Adam and Moses. These one hundred writings consisted of twenty-one books of the Revelation of Adam, twenty-nine books of the Revelation of Seth, thirty books of the Revelation of Enoch, ten books of the Revelation of Abraham, and ten books of the Revelation of Moses. A further comment clarifies that the Revelation of Moses is not the Torah. Conversely, there is no clarification as to what four scriptures were revealed after the time of Moses. What inferences might one draw from such information? There are several. First, the term “books (kutub)” designates sections of scriptures that we might call parts or chapters rather than entire works. The titles of the scriptures cited all seem to correlate with known apocryphal apocalypses. Despite such matches, it is not possible to correlate the textual subdivisions as cited in the Fihrist with those of corresponding extant apocrypha. Second, the preservation of revelations of Adam, Seth, Enoch, Abraham, and Moses indicates esteem for the patriarchs, whereas the absence of prophetic books indicates disdain for the literary prophets of the Old Testament. Such disposition is, as we have noted elsewhere, characteristic of Elkesaism. Third, the designation Abrahamic Sabians indicates that the sect in question practiced some baptismal cult but was distinct from other Mesopotamian baptismal sects.10 Fourth, the fact that, apart from Aʘmad’s observations, Ibn alNadîm does not include this group in Part Nine of the Fihrist suggests to me that it was no longer known to his local contacts. Such inferences collectively suggest that the Abrahamic Sabians are direct lineal descendants of the Elkesaites. As a corollary, the details concerning their sacred books specify what scriptures might have been read by Jewish-Christian communities in Syria-Palestine during, and even after, the “high tide” of Elkesaism ____________________ Here, I disagree with Dodge’s gloss concerning the Abrahamic Sabians; The Fihrist, vol. 1, p. 40, n. 2. It is known that the Mandaean Sabians esteemed Noah and the Harranian Sabians esteemed Hermes. Thus, use of the term Abrahamic Sabians is likely an effort to distinguish yet another indigenous sectȦone that esteemed Abraham, foremost among the patriarchs. 10

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there. Lastly, I raise two conjectural questions that presently elude answers. Is it possible that the five patriarchal revelations of the Abrahamic Sabians collectively constitute or otherwise underlie the Revelation of Elkesai? And is it possible that the “seven sayings” of the Mughtasila of Babylonia parallel the seven mathânî of the Qur'anic revelation (15.87)? As a postscript, I call attention to the research of François de Blois. In considering much of the same source material, he also contends that the Mughtasila of the Fihrist have much in “common with the Elchasaites.”11 It might seem that our arguments are similar. However, there are some significant differences. De Blois contends that the Qur'anic ʙâbi'ûn have a Manichaean, rather than Jewish-Christian, heritage. His case depends on revising the etymology of ʛâbi'ûn, such that the term designates converts (to a new religion)Ȧnot baptists, as generally accepted. This approach, which is questionable on linguistic grounds, raises further questions as to who, then, would be the Sobiai of Hippolytus and the Masbotheans of Eusebius. Hippolytus wrote the Panarion before Mani established his religion. Eusebius, who was certainly familiar with Manichaeans, did not associate them with Masbotheans (a loanword related to Sobiai). I acknowledge that de Blois is at least partly attentive to such issues. He looks to the Fihrist, as I also do, and notes probable defects in manuscript copying of the work, specifically as concerns the name al-ʗasîʘ. He cites one rendition, unavailable to me, noting the lexical {mʘsʘ}, which seems to be further evidence of corruption of the initial consonant. Yet, neglecting this indicator, he emends the terminal consonant, instead, so as to read an Iranian loanword for the name “Elchesai.” Further on in the passage, de Blois emends the name Shamcûn to read Sabiyûs, which, he claims, corresponds to Hippolytus’ Sobiai. He thus fills one of the gaps in his argument. I myself though see no orthographic justification for this emendation. Lastly, I think that there is contextual justification for linking al-Iʛfahânî’s and al-ʝabarî’s treatment of al-ʙâbi'ûn with Ibn alNadîm’s treatment of the Abrahamic Sabians, which de Blois neglects. ____________________ 11 François de Blois, “The ‘Sabians’ (ʙâbi’ûn) in Pre-Islamic Arabia,” Acta Orientalia (Copenhagen) 56 (1995), pp. 39-61; quotation at p. 59.

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Appendix D APOCRYPHAL JEREMIAH

The objective of this essay is to consider whether extant versions of the Jeremiah Apocryphon manifest any features that might derive from either the Nasorean tract known to Church Father Jerome or the Essene tract known from a Qumran scroll fragment. Apart from other fragmentary remains, there exist several complete manuscripts of apocryphal Jeremiah; they are all Christian works. One is written in Coptic and can be dated to the ninth century.1 The others are written in either Arabic or Garshuni (Arabic written in Syriac script) and date to the late sixteenth and mid-seventeenth centuries.2 These manuscripts have ostensibly passed through various recensions and translations. There are long and short versions, yet they all convey the same, main storyline. There are of course differences in detail and compositional technique. With a few exceptions, all the versions rather freely substitute variant names for persons known in biblical lore and Near Eastern History. To my knowledge, no authoritative, text-critical comparison of the Coptic and Arabic (including Garshuni) versions has been undertaken. Nonetheless, I think it would be instructive to examine certain of their common themes. ____________________

1 This version has been edited, translated, and published by K. H. Kuhn, “A Coptic Jeremiah Apocryphon,” Le Muséon 83 (1970), pp. 95-135 and 291-350. 2 Facsimiles are included in Alphonse Mingana, “A Jeremiah Apocryphon,” in idem (ed. and trans.), Woodbrooke Studies: Christian Documents in Syriac, Arabic, and GarshŠni, vol. 1. (Cambridge: W. Heffer and Sons, 1927), pp. 148-233. Mingana has resolved that five extant manuscripts represent two different recensions. He further combines the best specimen of each to create a workable text for translation. This methodology is seemingly a reasonable way to capture themes, as distinct from compositional differences. French translations of specific manuscripts are published in L. Leroy and P. Dib, “Un apocryphe carchouni sur la Captivité de Babylone,” Revue de l’Orient chrétien 15 (1910), pp. 255-274 and 398-409; 16 (1911), pp. 128-154 and E. Amélineau, Contes et romans de l'Égypte chrétienne (Paris: E. Leroux, 1888), vol. 2, pp. 97ff.

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The apocryphon casts Jeremiah as the main character in relating events prior to, during, and after the Jews’ Babylonian exile. Its actual storyline is an allegorical lesson about the fall of man, his sojourn in the temporal life, and his spiritual redemption. The lesson is conveyed through recurrent motifs concerning false religion, injustice, divine mercy, and patriarchal faith. In numerous instances, the story decries the wrongful worship of false gods and the prevalence of iniquitous behavior. Likewise, it alludes to God’s mercy and, in two instances, to his reward of merciful behavior. The Arabic version slightly surpasses the Coptic one in referring to the religion of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (= Israel) five times, to the religion of Abraham (alone) twice, and to Abraham’s covenant with God twice. Among other remarkable features, only the Coptic version mentions Moses, and that just once, in association with other patriarchs. This omission is telling, since the narrative affords ample opportunity to mention Moses in its numerous allusions to the events of Exodus. Neither version mentions Jesus Christ by name. In an obvious interpolation, they both mention “the Son of God, . . . lord of two covenants (or testaments).”3 However, the passage in question is actually a simile that likens to Christ the cornerstone of the (Jerusalem) Temple. The Trinity is mentioned only in the concluding remark(s), which were more or less obviously added by the copyists. The apocryphon employs directly or reworks a number of literary elements of the biblical book. Among its characterizations, Jeremiah represents the true prophet. The faithful servant (the courtier Ebed-Melech of the Book; Abimelech or Ephtimelech of the Arabic Aprocryphons) seemingly represents the solitary man of righteousness, that is, exemplar of true morality. Thus, the apocryphal work presents the following themes by way of allegory. The true prophet (= Jeremiah) prevails over false prophets. Jeremiah is sustained during his three imprisonments by the solitary righteous man (= the courtier). This righteous one is absent (= the courtier’s decades-long sleep) during the destruction of Jerusalem and its people’s captivity. The symbolism of Jeremiah’s habitats reflects on conditions of the human spirit. The relevant imagery is that this true prophet spends days in a subterranean prison in Jerusalem ____________________ 3 The Arabic version reads “eternal Son of God;” Mingana, “Jeremiah Apocryphon,” p. 172.

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and dwells in a tomb in Babylon. Apart from characterizations of the true prophet and the righteous one, the aprocryphon amplifies the motif of correct ritual. Both Coptic and Arabic versions of the apocryphal work address sacrifice in numerous instances. In one of them, they accord a role to the prophets Daniel and Ezekiel in tandem with Ezra. Ezra alone is the hero of an earlier episode involving miracles, which confirms his capacity to lead Israel (somehow in the future). As that episode ends abruptly, it seems to be an interpolation that sets the background for the thanksgiving sacrifice at the release from captivity. This point notwithstanding, it is Jeremiah who leads the people back from captivity and revives the ancestral rites at Jerusalem. The implication may be that the other prophets are subordinate to him, although they are nowhere characterized as his disciplines. When Ezra appears with the other two prophets in the communal thanksgiving scene, their common role is to verify the proper way to sacrifice. In offering a ram, they evoke God’s interaction with exemplary men of primordial times. In both versions, these exemplars include Seth, Enoch, Noah, and Adam. In the Arabic version, Abraham is also included, while Noah is referred to as second Adam. Thus, there are several supporting characters in the scene, which is one of many that contrast rightful sacrifice with heathen sacrifice. This episode also includes the image of the sacrifice being consumed by fire from heaven, which indicates that the offering is favorably accepted. Other notable symbolism conveys that proper ritual is linked both to the cornerstone of the Temple and to the sun. Prior to the exile, Jeremiah entrusts (for safekeeping) the mantle of the high priest to the former and the miter of the high priest to the latter. Upon the return from exile, he recovers both from their respective keepers. At the (earlier) sacrifice in Babylon, Ezra too faces toward the sun – although in the Arabic version he faces Jerusalem as well. One last observation concerning pious behavior is that Jeremiah prostrates himself when invoking God’s compassion for his people. What might we deduce from such observations? First, it appears that the persona of Moses has been deleted, although imperfectly, from the story. Christian redactors may well have wanted to edit out any word associations with Mosaic Law. Second, the obviously Christian features are quite limited. They are the imbedded allusion to the lord of two testaments, who replaces

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the Temple, and the concluding invocation of the Trinity. Third, the two Ezra episodes seem to be additions to the original storyline in that they clash with the image of Jeremiah’s prominence. They address questions of how the exiles maintained their morale and their religion. Thus, they may replace some excised passages concerning adherence to Mosaic Law. These episodes may also serve to reconcile the apocryphal storyline with Old Testament lore concerning the end and aftermath of the Babylonian exile. Such editing is not at all unusual for a Christian redaction. Regarding key themes and motifs of apocryphal Jeremiah, the following table shows significant correlations for the EsseneNasorean way, the Apostolic-Nasorean way (including Ebionite, Elkesaite, and other), and the Qur'anic revelation. It is also noteworthy that the names of the litany of righteous patriarchs correlate with those of the apocalyptic books of the Abrahamic Sabians (see Appendix C), except that the apocryphon commemorates Noah instead of Moses. Granted, this approach may be seen as somewhat sketchy. Nonetheless, it indicates that deep-layer features of apocryphal Jeremiah are not only fairly consistent with the Essene way but also concordant with the Qur'anic revelation.

Theme/Motif of Apocryphon Antithesis of true versus false prophecy Esteem for patriarchal creed Association of false religion with injustice Litany of righteous patriarchs Immanence of divine mercy Resurrection & vindication of the righteous Prayer toward the sunrise

Essene Apostolic Qur'anic Nasorean X

X

X

X X

X

X X

X

X X X

X X

X

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INDEX linkage, 129-130, 164; see also Roman Arabia Arabic, xiv, 10, 18, 32, 90, 93, 106-108, 128, 154, 195; loan words in, 17, 47, 87, 91-92, 94-95, 183 Aramaic, 13, 17-19, 32, 35, 42, 57, 61, 82, 93, 154, 160, 180183 Aʛʘâb al-Kashf, allegory, 146148 Babylonia, 77, 181, 187, 190192; Jewish Christianity in, 46; see also Mesopotamia Baʘîra (Sergius), monk, xv, 130132 baptism, 52, 56-60, 65, 82, 85, 187 baptismal rituals, 53, 56-62, 6465, 118, 161, 191 brotherhood, institution, 38-40, 63, 165-166, 170; virtue, 159; see also umma Chaldean culture, 25, 27, 29, 56, 181, 187, 189 chanting, 62-63, 152-155 Christianity, 6-7, 8-11, 14, 16, 20, 26-27, 29-30, 45, 48, 51, 54, 61-62, 65-66, 85, 115, 122, 130-131, 160, 184, 186-

Abraham (Ibrâhîm), 50, 76, 99, 123-124, 160-161, 177, 193, 196-197; creed of, 2, 20-21, 90, 123, 143, 178; cult of, 21, 74, 124-125; House of, 68, 78; maqâm (post) of, 74, 77; Qur'anic mention, 68-75, 84, 87, 89, 102, 137, 143, 178; scrolls of, 77-78 Abyssinia (Ethiopia), 46-47, 9395, 110, 129, 166-167; Jewish Christianity in, 47, 65, 97 Acts of Judas Thomas, 33, 54 cÂd, people, 71-72, 77, 104-109, 112, 138 Adam, first man, 27, 52, 68-70, 83-84, 87-88, 193, 197 Ahl al-Dhikr, xiv, 91, 129, 131, 161, 167 Alexander the Great, 2, 25, 3536, 135-136, 143 apocalypse, 22-23, 25-29, 62, 71, 79, 84, 117, 130, 133, 137138, 140-141, 143, 149, 175, 178, 193, 198 Anʛâr, 85-86, 92, 170, 174 Arabia, 1-2, 15-16, 65, 95, 102, 115, 142, 134; monotheism in, 16-17, 20, 183; regional

215

216

THE LATENT TRACE OF ISLAMIC ORIGINS

187; Qur'anic mention, 19, 47, 91-92, 119, 150, 156, 178; Roman (ecclesiastical), xii, 45, 8, 14-15, 25, 29, 40, 45-46, 52-53, 63, 67-68, 83, 110, 132, 136, 148, 161, 175, 182; Syrian, see Syriac Christianity Dhû al-Kifl, 69, 80-81, 87-88, 137; see also Jeremiah Ebionites, xiv-xv, 2-6, 57, 64-66, 69, 78, 81, 84-85, 97, 110, 119, 160-161, 198; comparative sources, 49-54; heresiological sources, 48-49 Elkesaites, xiv, 2-4, 58, 66, 69, 161; comparative sources, 58-60, 118, 189-190, 193194; heresiological sources, 49, 54-56, 60-62, 64 Enoch (Idrîs), 71, 80, 84, 87-88, 94, 137, 197; Enochic lore, 71, 143, 148-149; Qur'anic parallels, 86, 120, 136, 143146, 154; scriptures, 26, 47, 50, 94, 149, 159, 193 Essenes, xiv, 6, 26, 28-33, 38-40, 44-45, 49-50, 57-58, 61, 63, 66, 77-78, 81, 88, 91-92, 110, 147, 153, 155, 161, 174, 198 Ethiopic, 87, 94-95, 160 Fâtiʘa, 126-127, 155 ʚanîf, 70, 89-90, 118, 124 Harnack, Adolf von, 2, 57, 63, 69 historiography, 15, 36; ecclesiastical, 8, 13, 17; Roman, 7, 9, 35, 37, 56 hypocrites (munâfiqûn), 95, 168169

Hûd, prophet, 71-73, 101-104, 108 Imran, House of, 68, 78-79, 81, 113, 123 Ishmael (Ismâcîl), 74, 87-88, 112, 137, 142, 160 James, brother of Jesus, xiv, 9, 45, 48, 50, 52, 148, 159 Jeremiah, 81, 139; Jeremiac lore, 139, 142-143, 196-198; Qur'anic parallels, 139-142; scriptures, 25, 51, 81, 106, 142, 195 Jerusalem, 8-9, 30-31, 43, 45, 48, 51, 60, 75, 78, 82, 139, 143, 171, 176, 181, 185, 192, 196197 Jesus (cÎsâ), xiv, 9, 15, 29, 33, 40-41, 44-45, 48, 52, 61, 6566, 93, 98, 180, 182, 184, 190, 192, 196; miracles of, 24, 83, 138; not divine, 19, 48-49, 83; Qur'anic mention, 27, 68, 81-86, 89, 91, 97, 138, 150-151 Jesus movement, 4, 9, 33, 45, 61, 108, 118 Jewish Christians, see Ebionites, Elkesaites, Nasorean movement, and Sampsaeans Jewish Christianity, historical disregard of, 8-9 Jewish-Christian gospels, 5, 4951, 150-151 Jews, 16, 20, 28, 31, 44-45, 48, 62, 67, 76, 91, 96, 115-116, 132, 161, 170, 181, 184-185, 187, 196; allies of Muhammad, 170-171; opponents of Muhammad, 168-169, 174-

INDEX 175; Qur'anic mention, 19, 68, 81, 83, 92, 119, 150, 156, 169, 174-178; sects of, 26, 28, 57 Judaism, rabbinic, xii, 25, 29, 40, 52-53, 67-68, 78, 88, 136, 148, 157, 175, 182, 184 Kacba, 20, 74, 177 Lakhmid state, 115-116, 120122 Lucian (Luqmân), 135 Magianism, 37, 187 Mandaeans, 41, 44, 72, 84, 147, 149, 183, 191-193 Manichaeism, 58-60, 64-66, 9899, 115, 122-123, 125, 139, 161, 187, 189, 194 martyrs, 93, 95-96, 116, 118 Mary, mother of Jesus, 81-83, 85, 87, 94, 98, 137 Mecca, xv, 1-2, 6, 16, 18, 20-21, 73-74, 86, 99, 112, 120, 125, 128-131, 161, 164-165, 170, 173, 176-178 Medina (Yathrib), 21, 161, 167, 169-172; Constitution of, 170-171 Mesopotamia, 8, 14, 16, 41, 46, 54, 56, 58-59, 114, 117-118, 122-123, 136, 149, 182, 187, 193 Midian, 1-3, 101-104, 120-122, 129-130; Qur'anic mention, xiv-xv, 2, 72-73, 97, 110-112, 121, 128; traditions of, 2, 118-120 militancy, 163, 174 Mithraism, 37-40 monasticism, 45, 122-125, 127

217 Mosaic Law, xiv, 45, 52, 150, 197-198 Moses (Mûsâ), 52, 85, 89, 91, 114, 123, 192, 196-198; allegoric, 76-77, 114-115, 136; apocryphal, 26, 77, 193; Qur'anic mention, 68-69, 76-79, 87, 97, 113, 118-119, 128, 137, 151; scrolls of, 77 mu'min(ûn), 5, 23, 93, 95, 117 Muhâjirûn, 86, 170-171, 174 Muhammad, xiii, xv, 5, 10, 13, 19-21, 25, 74, 76, 86, 94, 104, 118, 128-131, 137-139, 143, 154-156, 161, 163-171, 173, 175-178; biographic account, 11, 76; prophethood, xv, 20, 98, 118, 130, 138, 154, 163, 178 muslim, 90, 172 Nabataeans, 2, 104, 106-109 Nasorean, etymology of, 40-44; movement, 6, 66, 108; way, 45, 49, 51, 61, 81, 91, 96, 110, 128, 132, 147, 155, 161, 163, 170, 192, 198 night vigil, 39, 153-155 Noah (Nûʘ), 69-72, 84, 87, 102, 104, 112, 116, 124, 148-149, 193, 197-198 Parthian Empire, 15, 35-37, 41, 58, 60 Patriarchs, biblical, 69-71, 87, 123, 160, 193, 196 Pharaoh, 77-78, 114-118, 139, 141 pilgrimage, 74, 173, 176-177 primordial (patriarchal) creed, 2, 28, 44, 65, 78, 92, 97, 115-

218

THE LATENT TRACE OF ISLAMIC ORIGINS

117, 128, 150, 158, 160, 163164, 167, 178, 196 prophecy, 22-23, 25, 52, 68, 91, 97, 113, 137-139, 178, 186187; false, 51, 53, 80, 196 psalms, 22, 28. 62-64, 79, 89, 134, 137 qibla (direction of prayer), 76, 176 qeryânâ, 18-19, 151-152 Qur'an, allegoric interpretation, 77, 82, 110, 114-117, 136; chronology of suras, 21, 69, 153; foreign vocabulary, 1718, 160, 183; personas, 6973, 76-85; purpose, 133, 151152; structure, 22-24, 133; style, 22; themes, 13, 69, 88, 123, 139-140, 143-148, 150, 198; theories of origin, 10-13 Roman Arabia, 2, 54, 63-65, 75, 101, 108, 123 Romans, 2, 7, 15, 35, 83, 121, 129 ʜâliʚ, term, 86-87 ʙâliʘ, prophet, 71-73, 101-102, 108-110 Sampsaeans, xiv, 62-65, 154, 161, 190 Sassanian Empire, 15, 37, 46-47, 66, 97, 114-117, 122, 129, 164 sayings, genre, 123-126, 133, 137, 153 Schoeps, Hans Joachim, 2, 42, 51-54, 57, 69, 161 scripture, categories, 22-23; non-canonical, 26, 28, 67, 71, 77, 83-84, 193

scrolls, heavenly records, 27, 77, 133-134, 143, 156 Seleucid Empire, 28, 31, 35 sermons, 124, 152-155 Shucayb, prophet, xiv-xv, 71-73, 87-88, 110-113, 120-123, 125-128, 130-132, 149, 161, 164; prayer of, 126-127 ʜiddîq(ûn), 87-89 Sinai, 1, 77-78, 101, 106, 118119, 131, 160 Syriac, language, xiv, 17-19, 32, 47, 62, 89, 160, 180, 182-183 Syriac Christianity, 8, 10, 13-19, 146, 153; East (Nestorian), 14-16, 47, 91, 96, 122, 182; West (Monophysite), 14-16, 47, 182 Syriac substrate, 12-13, 17, 150, 152, 154, 160 Syrian Desert, 15, 65, 105, 122; traditions of, 118 Thamûd, people, 20, 71-72, 77, 97, 108-112, 121, 138 Transjordan, xv, 1, 6, 15, 58, 64, 76, 112-113, 154 Torah, 31, 43-44, 85, 134, 150151, 159, 177, 193 umma, 166, 170, 173-178 virtue, 25, 30-31, 35, 37-40, 50, 123-124, 157; Qur'anic, 70, 89, 91, 157-159 wisdom lore, 23-24, 79, 123124, 134-137; in Sura 18, 119, 135 Zoroastrianism, 37, 39, 60, 148, 181, 184-188