The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall: Networks of Knowledge in the Early Middle Ages 9781350038677, 9781350038905, 9781350038684

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The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

Studies in Early Medieval History Series editor: Ian Wood Concise books on current areas of debate in late antiquity/early medieval studies, covering history, archaeology, cultural and social studies, and the interfaces between them. Dark Age Liguria: Regional Identity and Local Power, c. 400–1020, Ross Balzaretti Inventing Byzantine Iconoclasm, Leslie Brubaker The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall: Networks of Knowledge in the Early Middle Ages, Sven Meeder Pagan Goddesses in the Early Germanic World: Eostra, Hreda and the Cult of Matrons, Philip A. Shaw Reading the Bible in the Middle Ages, edited by Jinty Nelson and Damien Kempf Vikings in the South, Ann Christys

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall Networks of Knowledge in the Early Middle Ages Sven Meeder

BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2018 Paperback edition first published 2020 Copyright © Sven Meeder, 2018 Sven Meeder has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. vii constitute an extension of this copyright page. Cover image: St. Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. Sang. 1395, p. 426 – Veterum Fragmentorum Manuscriptis Codicibus detractorum collectio Tom. II. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Meeder, Sven, author. Title: The Irish scholarly presence at St. Gall : networks of knowledge in the early middle ages / Sven Meeder. Description: 1st edition. | London ; New York : Bloomsbury Academic, [2018] | Series: Studies in early medieval history | Includes index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017049472| ISBN 9781350038677(hardback) | ISBN 9781350038691 (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Kloster St. Gallen. | Learning and scholarship--Ireland--History. | Manuscripts, Irish--History. | Learning and scholarship--Switzerland--St. Gall--History. Classification: LCC DQ549.4 .M44 2018 | DDC271/.104947234--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017049472 ISBN: HB: 978-1-3500-3867-7 PB: 978-1-3501-2940-5 ePDF: 978-1-3500-3868-4 ePub: 978-1-3500-3869-1 Series: Studies in Early Medieval History Typeset by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters.

Contents List of Illustrations Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations Map of Places Mentioned

Introduction

vi vii ix xi 1

Part One  Identity, Wanderers and Books

1 2 3

Irish Identity at St. Gall Irishmen at St. Gall Irish Books at St. Gall

15 39 53

Part Two  Scholarly Texts

4 5 6

De XII Abusiuis at St. Gall The Collectio canonum Hibernensis at St. Gall Irish Exegesis and Penitentials at St. Gall Conclusion

Notes Manuscripts Sources Literature Index

65 83 99 109 113 155 159 163 181

Illustrations Map of places mentioned (drawn by Erik Goosmann). 1. The genealogies of Gallus, Brigit and Patrick, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 553, p. 163 (www.e-­codices.unifr.ch). 2. The list of books written in Irish fashion, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, p. 4 (www.e-­codices.unifr.ch). 3. The opening page of the Gospel of John in St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 60, p. 5 (www.e-­codices.unifr.ch). 4. The decorated page taken from an Irish book of prayers (?), St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 1395, p. 422 (www.e-­codices.unifr.ch). 5. The final page of the St. Gall copy of the Collectio canonum Hibernensis with a colophon mentioning Eadberct, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 243, p. 254 (www.e-­codices.unifr.ch).

xi 26 56 58

59

90

Acknowledgements This book has been in the making for a long time. For over a decade seeds were sown, thoughts planted and ideas nurtured. Throughout this time, I have benefited greatly from the wise advice, incisive comments and piercing questions of supervisors, colleagues and friends. Many have helped me write this book without realizing it and yet it could not have been written without them. It is my distinct pleasure to thank them here. This book is an expansion of a section of my doctoral thesis on the early medieval spread and reception of Hiberno-Latin scholarship on the continent. This topic was first discussed over an international telephone call on a balmy Cairns evening with Dr Bart Jaski. It is a subject which has occupied my research for a long time since and it continues to fascinate me. I am very grateful for Bart’s inspiration. By then, I had already enjoyed for some years the unequivocal and continuous support of Prof. Koen Goudriaan, who advised me to aim high, trusted me to follow my interests, and inspired me to tackle the historical questions most difficult to answer. I am enormously grateful to Koen for putting me on the path to where I am now. That journey took me to the lecture halls and colleges of Cambridge, where my doctoral thesis was written. I owe a great debt of gratitude to the Master, Fellows and staff of Trinity College, Cambridge, for their generous support and for making my studies possible, productive and pleasant. The warm welcome and rigorous supervision I received from Tessa Webber in my first year greatly shaped my ambitions, for which I am extremely grateful. My studies have benefited greatly from my membership of the Texts & Identities ‘family’ and I should like to thank all participants and in particular the convenors, Professors Mayke de Jong, Rosamond McKitterick, Walter Pohl, Ian Wood and Régine Le Jan. A special debt of gratitude is owed to the friends from Trinity College who provided the warmest and most stimulating environment any PhD student could wish for. Professors Mayke de Jong and Rosamond McKitterick have played truly foundational roles in my studies and my career. Rosamond, as my doctoral supervisor, has monitored my progress through endless first and second drafts, gently correcting my mistakes and repeatedly pointing me in the right direction.

viii

Acknowledgements

Mayke, like something of an archsupervisor of my career, has encouraged and guided me for many years beyond the call of duty, and then some. My happy employment in academia would not have been possible without their support and unwavering belief in me. For this, I will be forever in their debt. I have received invaluable encouragement, help and inspiration from friends and colleagues and I have been extremely fortunate for having worked among inspiring historians in Cambridge, Utrecht, Amsterdam (somewhat unofficially) and now at Nijmegen. I am grateful to them all. I wish to thank, especially, Dr Roy Flechner, for sharing his coffee, friendship and the Hibernensis with me. Roy has also read chapters of this book in an earlier draft, as have Prof. Constant Mews and Dr Giorgia Vocino. I have benefited greatly from their incisive comments, and any remaining errors or silly mistakes naturally remain my own. Throughout the years, my work has relied on the financial support from many generous institutions, including the External Research Scholarship of Trinity College, Cambridge, the Cambridge European Trust, the European Science Foundation in the guise of the HERA Joint Research Programme ‘Cultural Memory and Resources of the Past’ and, most recently, the VENI grant from the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research (NWO) for my project ‘Networks of Knowledge: The Spread of Scholarship in the Carolingian Era’. This book would have been completed much sooner if it had not been for the welcome distractions offered by the real world in the form of the three most beautiful creatures to inhabit it: Marie, Abe and Karel. I wish to thank Martine and my parents for their love and unwavering support, no matter how uncertain the outcome. It is to them, with love and gratitude, that I dedicate this book.

Abbreviations AU

Annals of Ulster, ed. and transl. Séan Mac Airt and Gearóid Mac Niocaill, The Annals of Ulster (to ad 1131) (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1983).

BCLL

Michael Lapidge and Richard Sharpe, A Bibliography of Celtic-Latin Literature, 400–1200 (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1985).

CCCM

Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis (Turnhout: Brepols, 1966–)

CCSL

Corpus Christianorum Series Latina (Turnhout: Brepols, 1952–)

CLA

Lowe, Elias A., Codices Latini Antiquiores. A Palaeographical Guide to Latin Manuscripts Prior to the Ninth Century, 11 vols plus supplement (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1935–71).

CLLA

Klaus Gamber, Codices liturgici latini antiquiores (Freiburg, Switzerland: Universitätsverlag, 1968–88).

HE

Beda Venerabilis, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, ed. and transl. A. Crépin, M. Lapidge, P. Monat, P. Robin, Sources Chrétiennes 489–91 (Paris, 2005).

PL

J.-P. Migne (pr.), Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Latina, 221 vols (Paris 1841–64).

MGH

Monumenta Germaniae Historica Capit. Conc.

Epp.

Leges: Capitularia regum Francorum Concilia. Legum Sectio III, Concilia II, ed. A. Werminghoff, Hanover (1906–8); III, ed. W. Hartmann (Hanover, 1984). Epistolae III–VIII (=Epistolae Merovingici et Karolini Aevi, Hanover, 1892–1939).

List of Abbreviations

x

Poet. SS rer. Germ. SS rer. Merov. SS

Poetae latini aevi carolini Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum seperatim editi Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum Scriptores in Folio

Map of places mentioned.

Introduction

That fierce and restless quality which had made the pagan Irish the terror of Western Europe, seems to have emptied itself into the love of learning and the love of God: and it is the peculiar distinction of Irish mediaeval scholarship and the salvation of literature that the one in no way conflicted with the other.1 With these words Helen Waddell introduced the brief section on Irish wanderers in her seminal 1927 book The Wandering Scholars. Her florid description is a witness to the celebratory perspective with which Irish scholarly influence was studied in her time, only eight years after the Dáil Éireann had proclaimed the independence of Ireland. The notion of Ireland as an island of both saints and scholars, however, has a longer history: since medieval times it has been widely acknowledged that Irishmen answering to both descriptions have made important contributions to the spiritual and intellectual history of Europe.2 Their love for God found expression in the religious activities of Irish missionaries and monastery-­founding saints. In the sixth, seventh and even eighth centuries, Irish holy men and wandering priests travelled over Europe to preach the religion of the book. Others founded monasteries often with an alleged distinctly Irish regime, at least initially, and helped transform the monastic landscape of western Europe.3 The love of learning of Ireland’s doctores resulted in the island’s reputation for scholarship, which, as Bede tells us, brought many foreigners to visit Ireland in order to study at its many monastic schools.4 The scholars at these Irish centres produced impressive works of learning, including, but not limited to, computus, exegesis, canon law, penitentials and hagiography. An impressive number of these works is known to have reached continental Europe, particularly in the eighth and ninth centuries, where they exerted their influence on continental canonical, penitential, scientific and exegetical texts. Eventually, Ireland began exporting its scholars in the late eighth and ninth centuries. Lured by the prospect of Carolingian patronage, Irish men of learning

2

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

found new homes at imperial and royal courts and employment at cathedral and monastic schools. Men like Dicuil, Clemens Scottus, Dungal, Cadac-Andreas and Duncaht found welcoming receptions within continental scholarly circles, but the champions of the emigrant Irish scholars were, above all, Sedulius Scottus and John Scottus Eriugena. Sedulius worked as a teacher in various continental centres, where he composed poetry and wrote biblical commentaries, grammatical treatises and a mirror of princes. He may have also had a hand in the creation of several bilingual biblical books (see Chapter 2). The philosopher Eriugena wrote the ‘first great philosophical production of western Europe’, the Periphyseon, as well as biblical commentaries, a commentary on Martianus Capella and poetry in Greek and Latin.5 The early medieval Irish feats of scholarship were formidable. The labours of Irish thinkers, scribes and artists, in the form of original writings, preserved antique scholarship and works of art had lasting effects on European culture. The impressive breadth and depth of Irish scholarship in this period is undoubted and uncontested. If there was a civilization to be saved, the Irish certainly played a part in the rescue operation. This success invites us to study the precise circumstances in which Irish scholarship could gain this position of influence, in particular how HibernoLatin works of learning were spread over Europe in the Carolingian eighth and ninth centuries. In this book I aim to explore the routes taken by Irish scholarly texts to one continental intellectual centre: the monastery of St. Gall. More broadly, I am interested in the place of Irish scholarship at this Alpine monastery: how was it received, read and valued and what part did its Irish origin play in all this? The investigation of this case study may shed more light on the practicalities of the dissemination of Irish learning, and the mechanisms of intellectual and cultural exchange in general.

Irish scholarship in the Carolingian revival of learning The Carolingian revival of learning, or (inappropriately) the ‘Carolingian renaissance’, of the late eighth and ninth centuries is one of the main formative phases of ‘Western culture’. Its most concrete expression is the staggering rise in book production in the ninth century, of which a little under 10,000 volumes survive to our day. Most of the celebrated texts from Latin classical antiquity are known to us because they were copied and studied by members of religious communities in the Carolingian empire. In the creation of a new identity in this

Introduction

3

post-Roman melting pot, the biblical as well as the Roman past provided crucial sources of inspiration, but the common literary ground was, first of all, a religious one. Its initial deep, but modest, concern with the ‘correctness’ of the cult of God and its basic biblical and liturgical texts around 780 proved only the beginning. The next three generations saw a new, unexpected and exciting appropriation of these various traditions. The Carolingian emphasis on correctio, correct knowledge of church dogma and the correct performance of ecclesiastical rituals, called for schools where clergy of all ranks would be taught to provide pastoral care in the proper fashion using corrected books.6 The focus on correction created an interest in teachers of grammar and grammatical handbooks, as well as (late) antique works of literature to hone the students’ literary skills. The concern for moral and clerical discipline increased a demand for penitential handbooks and canonical collections. Exegetical tracts aided European students and teachers in their ambition to better understand the Bible. Irish learning (and to some extent Anglo-Saxon and Lombard scholarship) was well positioned to supply the Carolingian realms with the desired scholarship. In fact, intellectuals from far and wide were attracted and employed by the Frankish elite to teach, and books were acquired, copied and reworked with great ferocity. The fact that Ireland had so much to offer in terms of learning was the result of many different fortuitous circumstances, such as a tradition of a learned caste since pre-Christian times, the absence of a living tradition of Latin as a spoken language (thus creating the need for grammatical handbooks) and a fierce but bloodless debate between pro-Roman and traditional factions within the seventh-­century Irish church. Travelling Irish scholars capitalized on the reputation of learnedness that became attached to their Irish identity and teachers like Sedulius and Martin of Laon used the ethnic bynames ‘Scottus’ and ‘Hiberniensis’ themselves.7 Lastly, the appeal, to Carolingian elites at least, of the Irish peregrini and their learning was ideologically motivated. The imperial ambitions of the Carolingians went with an emphasis on imperial hospitality for outsiders stretching across the Christian world. In fact, ethnic diversity was a key feature of the notion of a renewed empire harbouring Christian peoples of various descents. In these circumstances, stressing Irish heritage was often beneficial to Irish peregrini as well as the royal elite.8 It certainly increased the visibility of Irish travellers and scholarship in Europe, as is evinced by the observations by continental authors of the Irish love of travel.9

4

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

Intellectual networks Charlemagne’s ambitions for greater unity in the Carolingian realms certainly set the main agenda of the era,10 but scholarship progressed parallel to and often separate from the Carolingians’ stated aims and goals. The scholarly developments were marked by creative outbursts reflecting diversity rather than uniformity. Historians since the 1960s have been aware of a dichotomy between the unifying aims of the court and the resultant abounding diversity in learning.11 While initially this was regarded as an indication of a ‘failure’ of the Carolingian religious reform ambitions, historians have come to realize that the diversity of the day-­to-day implementation of the reforming zeal greatly enhanced the didactic efforts to Christianize Frankish society. Rather than signifying a failure, the diversity of reforming texts contributed greatly to some of the reform’s successes.12 The Carolingian revival of learning cannot be understood solely by a study of the ambitions of the court; instead the mechanics of early medieval transmission of tradition ‘on the ground’ determined the dynamics of the intellectual blossoming in the religious and learned centres of western Europe. In order to study how the Carolingian revival of learning came into being, took form and was maintained at a local level, historians need to focus on communication between intellectual centres, instead of (or rather, alongside) any top-­down communications emanating from the court. This approach takes into account that the transmission of texts and ideas was fundamentally a practical enterprise: a text was copied by hand into one manuscript from another, with either book or scribe travelling to the other. Access for medieval scholars to learned texts was dependent on personal and institutional contacts and networks. This study maintains that these networks linking intellectual centres determined access to and reception of scholarly works, and thus played an essential role in shaping and directing the revival of learning on a local level. Much of the Hiberno-Latin scholarship arrived at the Alpine monastery of St. Gall. The monastery was built on the grave of the saint Gallus, whose Irish pedigree was uncontested in the early Middle Ages. This book studies the intellectual connections and networks that supplied St. Gall with its Irish scholarship. These connections were shaped by institutional and personal scholarly contacts, regional and extra-­regional interests in particular genres, and occasional as well as perennial prejudices governing the ways through which books, texts and ideas were exchanged. The overarching question is obviously

Introduction

5

how the Irish origin of this scholarship determined its spread to and reception by the community of St. Gall. The fact that relatively many St. Gall manuscripts have survived the ravages of history, and that a great many of them have been preserved at the abbey itself, puts St. Gall in a unique position: it is possible to form an idea of the holdings of the ninth-­century library of the monastery. This makes it particularly suitable as a testing ground to study the spread and reception of Irish scholarship over the continent. We must, however, continually be mindful of the fact that the survival of St. Gall’s manuscript witnesses is entirely fortuitous. St. Gall cannot claim to represent the average Carolingian monastery.

The role of ‘Irishness’ The abbey of St. Gall in present-­day Switzerland appears to owe much to both Irish saints and Irish scholars. It was dedicated to Gallus, the companion of the Irish saint Columbanus, and built close to Gallus’s original cell. Gallus’s own Irish heritage was not in doubt. Tradition has it that the presence of their compatriot’s relics resulted in frequent visits from Irish travellers, and one of these, Moengal-Marcellus proved to be a celebrated Irish scholar. In the eighth and ninth centuries the abbey obtained a good selection of influential Irish scholarly works, as well as manuscripts written in Irish script. Some of the manuscripts containing copies of Irish texts have survived, while others are mentioned in library book lists. All signs would indicate a close, special connection between Ireland and the abbey in the Alps. Monastic identity in the early Middle Ages was mostly based on the tradition of its foundation and the histories of the saint whose relics a monastery was fortunate enough to possess. In the case of St. Gall, this was the history of the acts of the Irish holy man whose relics were housed at the abbey, and the ninth century saw many new versions of Gallus’s Life. These were the stories that ensured that the inmates of St. Gall maintained a strong interest in the origin of their patron saint. The same relics attracted many Irishmen to visit, especially since the monastery was conveniently situated along the Alpine routes from the North to Rome. The fascination with Ireland, combined with the steady coming and going of pilgrims and visitors from the Western Isle constituted stable and quick lines of communication. These produced lasting relationships between those producing learned texts in Ireland and the scholars working at St. Gall, eventually ensuring the important

6

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

transmission of Irish knowledge over Europe. Or, so the rather romantic story goes. This study proposes to look more closely at the Irishmen visiting or living at St. Gall, the books brought over from Ireland that ended up at St. Gall, and especially the itineraries that Irish works of learning took to get to the monastery. Raymund Kottje, in a study of the spread and reception of Irish penitentials, noted that the manuscript evidence suggested a concentration of the penitential works in north-­eastern France, Lorsch, St. Gall, Salzburg and Bobbio. The latter three, he observed, were known to be bridgeheads (Brückenköpfe) for Irish texts on the continent.13 It is useful to reflect briefly on the implications of the use of this terminology, for this and similar language pervades modern studies into the European spread and reception of Irish material. A bridgehead is the ground around the end of a bridge, where the expanse of the bridge touches dry land. The two bridgeheads are, ultimately, the two points connected by the bridge. Kottje’s characterization of St. Gall as a continental bridgehead of Irish scholarship suggests that the Alpine monastery was connected in a straight line with the origin of Irish learned works, i.e. Ireland. This description ignores the possibility of intermediate steps on the continent between Ireland and St. Gall and from his description there is no indication that Kottje was thinking of a connection with bridgeheads in Anglo-Saxon England. Instead, it seems that he considered St. Gall and the other centres as continental gateways through which the scholarship was disseminated further over western Europe.14 This is arguably a somewhat pedantic analysis of the use of an innocent turn of phrase, but its implications touch on a more widespread image of the dissemination of Hiberno-Latin scholarship: that it was spread mainly by Irish peregrini to continental centres with special connections to Ireland, with a minimum of intermediate stops or non-Irish involvement. Rob Meens, writing on the Irish Penitential of Finnian, concluded from the fact that the two extant manuscripts that contain almost the entire text are from places ‘with strong Irish connections’ (St. Gall and Salzburg) that it seemed ‘that this penitential was transmitted to the continent mainly by the Irish peregrini’ and that ‘the fact that it was known in places where Irishmen settled is a case in point’.15 These lines of reasoning ultimately rest on the assumption that the ‘Irishness’ of Hiberno-Latin scholarship shaped and coloured its spread and reception on the continent. This assumption is perhaps not entirely without merit. One could argue, for instance, that there are certain attributes of Hiberno-Latin scholarship that appear to be based on distinctly Irish traditions, and that those peculiarities

Introduction

7

would impede further dissemination by all but the emigrant steeped in these traditions. Yet, even if we can identify certain peculiarities in Irish learning, we cannot assume that every eighth- or ninth-­century reader on the continent recognized the ‘Irishness’ of a particular work or regarded every Irish text as specifically Irish.16 Furthermore, the fact that the works were kept (and studied) in continental centres belies the assumption of their inherent offensive nature to foreign eyes. At the same time, there is no denying that Irish scholarship could also be very conspicuous. The Carolingian animosity in early ninth-­century councils towards certain penitentials unmistakably targeted a genre that was dominated by Irish influences,17 and it is clear that ninth-­century Irish scholars on the continent were very conscious of their Irish roots and often asserted themselves proudly as Irish-­born.18 For now, then, the question of how the Irish background of the HibernoLatin texts influenced the process of their spread over the continent remains unanswered. In the meantime, modern historians habitually testify to the notion that the Irish origin of Hiberno-Latin learned texts necessarily determined their diffusion over the continent, as it was carried out by (mainly) Irish peregrini, via ‘insular centres’ on the continent, or relying on a ‘Celtic population’. When historians make such assertions, they often do so in the form of subtle, matter-­ of-fact statements, consisting mostly of no more than a subclause introduced to explain the presence of an Irish text in a certain place at a certain time. This approach may be associated with Kenney’s statement that the spread of the Irish canonical collection known as the Collectio canonum Hibernensis must in part reflect the expansion movement of Irish Christianity: Irish monks travelling abroad and foreign monks returning from a visit to the Irish monasteries took the books of Irish scholarship with them.19 In more recent scholarly literature, however, this has led to an image in which the dissemination of Irish learning across Europe was almost exclusively the responsibility of Irish travellers (in addition to the aforementioned ‘Celtic population’ of Brittany).20 This view was summed up as a truism by Roger Reynolds in his 2000 article on the Hibernensis: ‘It is well known that the Hibernensis [. . .] was early spread widely north of the Alps by Irish wanderers and in Irish ecclesiastical and monastic establishments.’21 This study will argue that there is a need to test the implicit and explicit assumption that Irish peregrini and ‘centres with strong Irish connections’ on the continent played almost exclusive roles in the spread of Irish scholarship. This conjecture is problematic in a number of ways, and in particular with regard to the logical implications that must follow from it. The emphasis on alleged insular

8

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

connections of continental centres in which one may find Hiberno-Latin scholarship seems to be based on the supposition that copies of Irish works arrived continuously from the British Isles to individual scholarly centres on the mainland (as this direct communication would necessitate insular connections) or, otherwise, that the spread of Hiberno-Latin scholarship across Europe was carried out solely by insular travellers. While it is quite clear that Irishmen would have been involved in the first stage of the transport of Hiberno-Latin works beyond the shores of Ireland (either by taking it with them on their own travels, or by allowing it to be copied by foreigners visiting Ireland), historians have not been able to provide evidence supporting the theory that the subsequent distributors of Irish scholarship were only (or even mainly) Irishmen. If the people spreading Irish learned texts were indeed confined to such a small circle, this would imply a rather limited integration of Irish scholarship within European learning. It suggests that only insular travellers and centres deemed Irish learning worthy of further propagation. In many instances this is demonstrably not the case. It evokes an image, moreover, of an elaborate, semi-­ exclusive Irish (or insular) network of intellectual centres on the continent, between which peregrini from the Isles travelled and spread books and texts. The existence of such a network, however, has never been demonstrated and there is evidence that Irishmen working on the continent were not so confined. Instead, they are found scattered over all of western Europe, well-­integrated within political and religious society, as courtiers, bishops or abbots.22 There is, therefore, no reason to assume that the diffusion of Hiberno-Latin scholarship on the continent was dependent chiefly on one route, on Irish peregrini only, or on an exclusively insular scholarly network. Instead, more light may be shed on the question of the spread and reception of Hiberno-Latin scholarship on the continent by detailed reassessment of the extant manuscript material, textual research in order to determine the relationship between the different extant witnesses, and the study of the historical context of the Irish scholarly presence on the continent in the eighth and ninth centuries. Although most present-­day historians would refrain from ascribing the salvation of literature (let alone civilization) solely to Irish scholarship in the way that Waddell appeared to do, modern historiography still retains some of the celebratory tenor. There has been a tendency to overextend the Irish connection, or Irish identity, of the European monasteries founded by Irish saints or housing their relics. In asserting the important Irish contribution to European culture historians throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have emphasized the perceived ‘Irish tradition’ within Irish scholarship and

Introduction

9

works of Irish scholars working on the continent.23 Such works are thereby implicitly – though sometimes also very explicitly – treated as peculiarities. This perceived particularism created the narrative which left little room for continental involvement in the transmission of Irish learning, but instead saw the learned texts produced in Ireland being transmitted by Irish travellers to monasteries with links to Ireland, peopled with monks with particular interest in all things Irish, and often in manuscripts written in Irish script. Yet, there is a certain tension between the view that Irish scholarship has been influential, and viewing its spread and reception as a phenomenon mostly isolated from most of the ‘rest’ of European scholarship. In order to fully grasp the role and influence of Irish scholarship in the early Middle Ages, it is imperative to study it within its continental context. In order for us to understand the ways in which Hiberno-Latin texts were received and perceived by continental scholars, how their contents were debated, rejected, celebrated, scorned, altered and reused, it is imperative that we study more closely the paths taken by these works of scholarship from Ireland to overseas and there from one place to another. This complex issue of how people, ideas, texts and manuscripts travelled throughout Europe not only contributes to the demystification of the position of Irish scholarship on the continent, it also addresses something that we might term the early medieval infrastructure of scholarship: the ways through which books, texts and ideas were exchanged. The study of Irish medieval learning in this respect is especially interesting: there is a well-­identified body of Irish learned texts, some with distinct Irish elements, a great number of intellectual centres celebrating real or perceived Irish connections, and a multitude of very visible and vocal Irish scholars on the continent being admired as well as scorned. These features make it, perhaps more than any other body of ‘national’ scholarship, suitable for research into the means by which this learning was diffused. The present study hopes to reveal new insights about the dissemination and reception of Irish scholarly material by a fresh investigation of the evidence. This book aims to demonstrate that it is possible (and necessary) to allow for some continental involvement in the spread and reception of Irish learning without diminishing the learned splendour of the Irish contribution to European culture. In fact, a careful study of the mechanics of the actual participation of Irish learning in the early medieval intellectual tradition can expose its extensive influence as well as the continental appreciation of the Irish scholarly accomplishments. This book aims to offer a start to that research, by studying the Irish scholarly presence at one ninth-­century monastery, that of St. Gall.

10

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

This book This study is divided into two parts. In the first part, the role of the Irish element in St. Gall’s own sense of identity is studied, specifically its influence in the reception of Irish scholarship (Chapter  1). This includes its effect on the treatment of Irish books (Chapter 3) and texts, but also its role in attracting or parrying foreign visitors as the embodiment (and sometimes bearers) of scholarship from abroad (Chapter 2). Carolingian monasteries were multi-­ethnic institutions and St. Gall was no exception. The confraternity books of the eighth and ninth centuries, listing the names of living and dead members of communities tied to the St. Gall through confraternity contracts, provide ample evidence for this.24 The great linguistic variety in the many names demonstrates that the larger monasteries in this period housed monks from all over Europe.25 This was arguably an essential element contributing to the genesis of the idea of a universal populus christianus within the Carolingian realm, a concept of conspicuous importance in the royal push for renouatio and correctio.26 The religious centres played an indispensable role in the promulgation of this idea and could, at the same time, perceive themselves as the representation of the ideal in miniature. Yet, a multi-­ethnic community does not make for a non-­ethnic, or even ‘supra-­ethnic’ monastery: the identities of individual members based on heritage and ethnicity were not expunged within the confines of the cloister. Demarcation along ethnic lines is evident in jokes and sneers surviving in literary sources (see Chapters 1 and 2). While allusions to ethnicity can seem as mere banter, they may also express serious social tensions. One can imagine that, especially when conflicts rose up in the outside world, the bonds of community within monasteries were tested, challenging the various elements of the intersectional identities of the inmates.27 Monastic inmates did not automatically lose or forget their familial, gendered or ethnic identity, or that of their fellow monks or visiting outsiders.28 The self-­image of a community guides its attitude towards external influences. In order to explore the attitude of St. Gall to incoming Irish scholarship, it is thus essential to explore the ways in which the abbey’s sense of identity impacted on its reception of Irish learning. The Irish element in the identity of St. Gall, as the foundation built on the grave of the purportedly Irish saint and peregrinus Gallus, is a fruitful starting point. The convenient location of the abbey for travellers en route to Rome must account for the abbey’s appeal to pilgrims, but modern scholars have tended to assume that the presence of the saintly remains of Gallus stimulated even more traffic, especially from Irish peregrini drawn by

Introduction

11

the attraction of a visit to their presumed compatriot’s tomb.29 As we scrutinize the notion of Irish travellers as the main (if not sole) transporters of Irish learning to and throughout the continent, we confront the idea that the Irish scholarly presence at St. Gall is linked to the abbey’s image of its own connection with Ireland. As a matter of course, this revolves mostly around the appreciation of Gallus and his Irish origin, and in particular the manner in which the element of the saint’s heritage coloured the perception of the character and identity of the abbey carrying his name and holding his remains. Part Two of this book studies the manuscript witnesses to the presence of Irish scholarly works at ninth-­century St. Gall. Through detailed study of the manuscript context, the textual evidence and the associated contents, it is possible to shed some light on the provenance of the St. Gall copies of the influential moral tract De XII Abusiuis Saeculi (Chapter  4), the great Irish canonical collection Collectio canonum Hibernensis (Chapter 5), the exegetical work of Ailerán and the penitential handbooks by Finnian and Cummean (Chapter 6). Here an eye for detail is crucial to determine how the community of St. Gall got their hands on these works of Irish learning and how they were read, studied and further disseminated.

Part One

Identity, Wanderers and Books

1

Irish Identity at St. Gall In the opening paragraph of the second book of his two-­book version of the Life of Saint Gallus, Walahfrid Strabo wrote about the crimes committed by the tribune Erchonald in the area around Arbon on Lake Constance at the end of the seventh century. He relates how Erchonald laid waste to the lands surrounding St. Gall and how his search for plunder led him to the grave of Gallus. Suspecting that the local Rhaetian population had hidden some of their possessions under Gallus’s coffin, Erchonald proceeded to commit sacrilege for which he received swift divine punishment. Fleeing from the scene, he hit his head on the oratory’s threshold, lost consciousness and had to be carried off to his home. Throughout the following year, he suffered from some painful and disfiguring illness, causing his hair to fall out, his skin to flake and his fingernails to come off. So that all would witness the divine punishment of Erchonald, he was condemned to live a long life in this state.1 For this passage, Walahfrid relied on the earlier version of the Life written some years earlier by the Reichenau master Wetti, but he altered words and phrases changing the tone of the narrative. In Wetti’s version, Erchonald is cited remarking that he suspects the Romani to be so ‘clever’ (ingeniosi) as to stow away their belongings in a saint’s grave. The use of the term ‘Romans’ reflects the presence of a Romanized Rhaetian population in the region since antiquity,2 while evoking images of distinguished ancienneté. Such connotations are wholly absent in Walahfrid’s version; his choice of words now results in the Rhaetians (Rhetiani) being characterized as ‘cunning by nature’ (calliditate naturali).3 His revision denies the Rhaetians their association with Romanness and withdraws any possible positive tenor from Erchonald’s remark by using a decidedly more negatively laden phrase to refer to their ingenuity. This ethnic stereotyping fits in a pattern discernible throughout Walahfrid’s revision of the Life of Gallus. His description of the land and peoples surrounding St. Gall with which he opens his work consistently downplays the significance of the Rhaetian element in favour of the Alemannic presence, while he emphasizes

16

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

enmity between Rhaetians and Alemanni. The latter Walahfrid identifies as ‘our people’ (nostra gens),4 unequivocally signalling his own heritage as well as his allegiance. Despite the role of Rhaetians in the founding of the St. Gall and the well-­attested presence of Rhaetian monks in the abbey, Walahfrid here appears to bring the message across purposely that the identity of the abbey of St. Gall is more Alemannic than Rhaetian.5 The passage illustrates the interaction between the representations of ethnic and monastic identity in narrative sources. The role of the ethnic element within monastic self-­representation is at the heart of this study, although our interest lies not in the Alemannic or Rhaetian identities, but rather in Irishness. Like ethnic, political or economic identity, monastic identity had real-­world consequences. Not only did a convincing self-­representation bind the community of monks (and attached laity) together, it also had the potential to attract religious and scholarly visitors, as well as political and economic patronage by powerful secular magnates and rulers. The identity of a religious centre could be determined by a host of distinguishing markers, including ethnic allegiances of its inmates, but it could also revolve around other features, such as the identity of the institution’s patron saint or saints, the adherence to specific disciplinary practices or affiliations with religious and secular rulers. Similarly, there was a multitude of instruments available to medieval communities to communicate this monastic identity, including historical and political narratives, architectural and artistic display, and liturgical celebrations.6 Arguably the most potent statement of corporate identity of a social or institutional group relied on the representation of its history. The perception of a common monastic past informed the identity of the community and its members. The memory of the monastery’s foundation, its mémoire des origines, was a particularly formative element, offering links from the community’s beginnings to the present through historical narrative, hagiography and liturgy.7 This chapter will consider the hagiographical texts from St. Gall and their context in an attempt to study the developments in the abbey’s corporate identity and the place of Irishness within it. The aim is not to question the Irish origin of Gallus, or to determine whether the monks at St. Gall doubted the saint’s Irish origin: there is no convincing evidence that they did. Instead, this chapter aims to examine the manner in which this information about Gallus’s Irish roots was expressed in the narrative sources that were key to St. Gall’s self-­image: how was Gallus’s Irish heritage presented, how often was it mentioned and how much emphasis did this fact receive? The premise of this chapter is that the narratives about the patron saint are pre-­eminent in the articulation of the monastery’s

Irish Identity at St. Gall

17

identity; the study of the rich corpus of hagiography can shed light on the question what role Irishness in general, and the Irish origin of its patron saint in particular, played in the monastic identity of St. Gall. Hagiographical texts, especially when acting as repositories of the memory of the monastery’s origins, were well-­suited to introducing ethnic bias in the centre’s representation. St. Gall’s premier mode of identification remained its position on the site of Gallus’s hermit cell, and thereby Gallus himself. The Carolingian period witnessed conspicuous activity on this front by the community of St. Gall: the many hagiographical texts emanating from the monastery form the largest body of evidence for the representation of its past.

The earlier Lives of Gallus The earliest and most obvious link between the abbey of St. Gall and Ireland is through the saint himself, the one-­time companion of the Irish peregrinus Columbanus. Modern historians have voiced serious doubts about Gallus’s supposed Irish origin,8 and when seemingly pressed on the subject, some of the Carolingian hagiographers can be remarkably coy about the Irish identity of Gallus, as we shall see. Nevertheless, throughout the Middle Ages public opinion dictated that Saint Gallus hailed from Ireland. The role played by his ‘Irishness’ in the shared identity of the abbey’s community can be gleaned from a closer study of the various uitae of the saint written in the eighth and ninth centuries. There was an intense interest in the history of Gallus in the Carolingian era and there is no shortage of hagiographical texts written about him in the ninth-­ century so-­called ‘Golden Age’ of St. Gall.9 Gallus’s life served as a generous topic for the energetic outburst of cultural creativity in the abbey of St. Gall itself and connected intellectual centres (notably Reichenau), which also witnessed the composition of the Life of Otmar,10 the production of the famous monastery plan11 and the completion of a grand, new basilica. In this period, the earliest Life of Gallus (the so-­called uetustissima) was revised on two occasions in quick succession. Subsequently, two endeavours at a metrical uita were undertaken, only one of which seems to have come to full fruition. From this rate of hagiographic production, it seems that the community of St. Gall was heavily investing in the study (and formation) of its identity in this period. This was undoubtedly related to a dynamic growth in members, landed wealth, prestige and intellectual activity. This dynamism continuously generated new tastes,

18

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

preferences and expectations from learning, which also impacted on the remembrance and celebration of the founder and his story.12 Three versions of the prose Life of St Gallus are preserved: the aforementioned anonymous, supposedly Merovingian, Life known as the Vita S. Galli uetustissima, and two Carolingian recastings, the first of which was written by Wetti (ob. 824) and the second by Walahfrid Strabo, Charles the Bald’s tutor and later abbot of Reichenau (ob. 849). The oldest, the uetustissima, has come to us in an incomplete form, surviving only on two mutilated ninth-­century bifolia, which served as binding material in a late medieval book from Zürich.13 The extant material on the two bifolia (foliated at 1r–4v) does not represent a continuous narrative: we lack material preceding the text on the first bifolium, the material between fols 2v and 3r, and the text originally following fol. 4v. The remaining text and its structure suggest that the authors of the subsequent uitae, Wetti and Walahfrid Strabo, modelled their works closely on the uetustissima. If the later versions are indicative of the length of the work, the surviving text would constitute about a quarter of the original, complete narrative. It would also mean that we lack a significant part of the beginning of the Life, which, as we shall see, is the most likely place for comments on Gallus’s Irish background. The text on each of the two bifolia is different in character, indicating a division made by the author: the first bifolium has text dedicated to Gallus’s life and death, while the second is filled with accounts of miracles performed through Gallus’s intercession since his death.14 Following the account of the saint’s death, a rubric is entered that reads INCIPIUNT SIGNA ET VIRTUTES EIUS, QUAS DEUS POST TRANSETUM EIUS MANIFESTA DECLARAVIT, ‘Here begin his miracles and mighty works, which God has manifested after his death’. In modern editions, the paragraphs are numbered as chapters (in the MGH edition, the chapters are simply numbered 1 to 11, which I will adopt here as well for the sake of convenience),15 although the only authorial division appears to be that into two parts. As we have it now, the fragmentary uetustissima opens with a crucial episode in Gallus’s life when he sends the Deacon Magnoald to Bobbio to ascertain that his vision of Columbanus’s death is accurate. Magnoald arrives at Bobbio to find that everything in his master’s vision turned out to be correct and Columbanus had indeed died shortly before. The monks at Bobbio presented the deacon with Columbanus’s own staff, which was to be given to Gallus signifying his absolution from excommunication (fuisset absolutus ab excommunicatione). With the death of Gallus’s former master, his ban from presiding over mass is lifted. Therefore, on Magnoald’s return – and after much weeping – the holy man

Irish Identity at St. Gall

19

enters the oratory and celebrates mass in commemoration of Columbanus. The episode of Gallus’s reinstatement as a priest and what seems to be the transfer of Columbanus’s authority in the form of his staff is of great significance to the history of Gallus and, by extension, to the abbey of St. Gall. It is purely by chance that the extant text happens to open with a report of this momentous occasion. It is also the only surviving chapter in the uetustissima that describes the connection between the Irish Columbanus and his disciple Gallus. It is therefore the only extant passage alluding (indirectly) to Gallus’s connection with Ireland. As we have them, the extant fragments of the uetustissima do not mention Gallus’s origin at all. This is possibly due to the fact that parts of the opening of the text are missing; the origin of Gallus is a topic we would have expected at the beginning of the text (as it is in the subsequent versions of Gallus’s uita). Exactly what was covered in the chapters before this episode will remain unknown, but if we assume it was similar to the arrangement of Wetti’s and Walahfrid’s versions, the original text of the uetustissima would have chronicled the history of Columbanus’s expedition into Francia, with Gallus as one of the band of twelve companions travelling with him. This might have been preceded by an introduction to the lands and people touched by Gallus, that is the Alemannic territories and their inhabitants, and Gallus’s and Columbanus’s place of origin, Ireland. The surviving sections make no reference to Ireland or to Irishmen and we find no instance of geographically identifying words such as hibernia, scotigena or even scot(t)us in the entire text. This means that if Ireland was mentioned at all in the original text of the uetustissima, it was only referred to in the parts now lost. Like the content and tone of the missing sections, we remain in the dark about the date of the uetustissima as well as the identity of its author. There are clues to the date of composition in the later chapters, which contain references to datable persons and events. A story about a miraculously saved piece of wax intended to be gifted to Saint Gallus (c. 9, fol. 3r) is said to have taken place when Carloman was mayor of the palace (741–7). Later events, described in subsequent chapters, are dated to the reign of King Pippin (c. 751–68) and the fourth year of King Carloman’s reign (i.e. 771) respectively. The last of these thus provides us with terminus post quem. It is, however, not immediately clear if we can apply this terminus for the entire work. Both the style and content of the later chapters differ from the earliest chapters. Chapters 9 to 11 all address miracles befalling devout visitors to Gallus’s grave. These chapters lack the author’s predilection for direct speech, which is so distinct in the earlier chapters. This has prompted Walter Berschin to argue that the final chapters are in fact later additions to an

20

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

older text from a ‘pilgrimage chronicle’.16 These additions must have been made sometime after 771. The preceding chapters, Berschin argues, are also products of successive stages: the first seven chapters being written around 680 and the material from Chapter  8 onwards representing additions made around 720. Berschin’s reasoning is heavily dependent on the apparently close correspondence of the uetustissima with the versions of Wetti and Walahfrid, respectively. Following the account of Gallus’s death at the castrum of Arbon and the events immediately afterwards, the uita jumps forty years ahead to describe the devastation visited upon the towns of Constance and Arbon and their hinterland, as well as the plunder of the refugees’ possessions at St. Gall. This silence in the uitae about the forty years between Gallus’s death and Otwin’s atrocities, Berschin argues, is the result of a different author taking over. The first author, according to Berschin, must have been unaware of the outrage to befall the grave of Gallus forty years after his death, for otherwise he would have left traces of his foreknowledge in the earlier sections of the Life. This leads Berschin to conjecture a date of composition sometime within four decades following Gallus’s passing.17 The first continuator of the uita, whom Berschin dates to around the time of Otmar’s foundation of the monastery of St. Gall, must have added the ‘historiographical chapters’ on Otwin, as well as an account of the reburial of Gallus by Bishop Boso of Constance and the invasion of Alemannia by Pippin II (ob. 714), the Frankish mayor of the palace. Apart from a few lines (c. 8), however, these chapters are absent in the extant fragments of the uetustissima. Their inclusion in the original text is conjectured from their presence in the version by Wetti and Walahfrid.18 Berschin’s is an elegant case, but the fragmentary nature of the extant text inevitably means that his evidence is slim, especially concerning the break between the first author and the first continuator. His deduction ultimately rests on the evidence from another, later version of the text and the problematic assessment of the ignorance by the original author of events he had not alluded to. One wonders, furthermore, about the impetus for writing an extensive Life of St. Gallus before the refounding of the abbey by Otmar. Instead, this momentous event provides a plausible context for the writing of a uita of Gallus that focuses (inevitably) mostly on the protagonist’s life and the events surrounding his death. The ‘blind spot’ of approximately forty years makes perfect sense, if we account for the fact that there was probably only a limited cult of Gallus before Otmar.19 The gravity of the violations perpetrated by Otwin, which took place shortly before Otmar founded his abbey on Gallus’s grave, merited a

Irish Identity at St. Gall

21

mention in this Life – if they featured in the uetustissima at all. Included here or not, the very nature of the appalling events meant that they would stand out in any hagiography, as they now do in the later uitae. The inclusion of the three pilgrimage miracles must be dated to 771 or later, but the same date could of course apply to the whole composition, if we dismiss Berschin’s identification of successive stages of the uetustissima entirely. These uncertainties make it hard to study the relationship between the text and the context of composition and its author or authors. The St. Gall scholar Ekkehard IV (c. 980–c. 1057), writing in the eleventh century, appears to have believed that the uetustissima was the product of more than one author. In fact, he averred that the Life was ‘very inaptly written by semi-­latinate Irishmen’.20 There is no evidence within the text of the uetustissima to support Ekkehard’s claim of an Irish authorship of this earliest Life,21 and if Irishmen did write this earliest uita, they certainly seem not to have indulged in references to their homeland. As mentioned above, the extant fragments of the uetustissima do not refer Gallus’s origin, nor are there mentions of Ireland or Irishmen. Instead, the various parts of the Life are clearly centred on the direct surroundings of the abbey. Beginning with the (arguably) youngest chapters: the pilgrims who were visited by miracles were all close neighbours, described as living in the Alemannic region of Bertoltespara and servants of the Alemannic count Pirahtilo, respectively.22 The uetustissima as we have it now – with its focus on Gallus’s activities in the vicinity of his cell, the immediate aftermath of his death in the bishopric of Constance and the miracles happening to devout people in the surrounding area – paints a picture of a cult with mostly local significance. The moments when the writing activity seems most likely to have taken place, that is around 720 and around 771, may go some way to account for this emphasis on the regional connections. At the time of Otmar’s abbacy, the newly refounded abbey will have wanted to receive the attention of local magnates and landholders in a bid to secure support and donations. It appears to have been successful in its efforts: most of the donors in the early charters carry Alemannic names.23 Subsequently, the 770s and early 780s were dynamic years in which the ‘outstanding scribe’ Waldo would invigorate intellectual life at St. Gall and as abbot pick a fight with the bishop of Constance in a long-­standing dispute over the latter’s authority over the abbey.24 In both instances, the preferred audience for a glorifying work on Gallus and the abbey built on his cell was a local one. The attention to the impact of Gallus on his new-­found home is also recognizable in the subsequent uitae. The second Life of Gallus, and the first to

22

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

survive complete, was written at the request of Abbot Gozbert (816–37) by the Reichenau teacher Wetti. In writing the Vita (II) S. Galli, Wetti appears to have followed closely the arrangement of the uetustissima. The first book details Gallus’s life, while the second describes miracles performed by Gallus after his death. The first chapters of book 1 are devoted to the travels of Columbanus and reinforce Gallus’s association with the Columbanian mission. One would expect this to be a suitable opportunity to recount the Irish context of Columbanus and the origin shared by Gallus and Columbanus, but the author is in fact remarkably cursory on the subject: Wetti’s work features no description of Ireland’s geographical position or its religious, social or intellectual circumstances. There is also no elaboration on Gallus’s Irish roots, with the exception of the guarded mention in the opening sections that Gallus spent ‘the flower of his youth’ in Ireland,25 leaving open the possibility that Gallus had come from overseas, like the many Englishmen seeking education as described by Bede.26 The only instance where the saint himself is identified as an Irishman occurs in a short phrase of indirect speech in which a father tells King Sigebert that the man responsible for curing his daughter from illness was ‘an Irishman named Gallus’.27 The silence on the matter of Gallus’s earlier life in Ireland in the hagiography has, of course, been the primary cause for the academic debate on the question of whether Gallus was of Irish origin at all. Wetti’s Life provides evidence that at least from the early ninth century onwards Gallus was considered to have grown up in Ireland and, if we assume the same information was also present in the uetustissima, possibly earlier. I think it is fair to assume that the lack of details about Gallus’s life in Ireland in the Vita (II) S. Galli is not the result of active suppression of the information, but stems from the fact that Wetti (and his sources) simply did not have more knowledge. It is also possible that the early hagiographers simply assumed that Gallus was Irish from his documented association with Columbanus,28 but that they did not have access to any corroborating evidence themselves. The connection with Columbanus is evident in the manuscript context of the only surviving copy of the Life by Wetti. MS 553 has been in the Stiftsbibliothek since its composition in the ninth century. It is one of the two oldest manuscript witnesses of the Life of Columbanus.29 The Vita (II) S. Galli is preceded by the hagiographical works of Jonas of Bobbio, namely the aforementioned Life of Columbanus (with two hymns attached), with the associated Lives of Attala and Bertulf, and his tract on the monks of Bobbio.30 This manuscript arrangement firmly positions Gallus within Columbanus’s orbit, thereby placing St. Gall within the tradition of Columbanian monasticism.31 The first part of Wetti’s Vita (II)

Irish Identity at St. Gall

23

S. Galli provides no new information, but essentially summarizes the account of Columbanus’s travels from Jonas’s text. Wetti did not compensate for the lack of information on Gallus’s early life with a more general narrative on Ireland, a practice we find in later hagiographical texts. His uita therefore does not indicate any intimate knowledge of Gallus’s home by Wetti or his patrons, nor a well-­ established connection of the abbey of St. Gall with Ireland, real or imagined. The words used in Wetti’s work to describe Gallus are connected with his blessed status and his position as a traveller from afar. Wetti uses the term peregrinus five times in his text. In one incident, this label is seen to pertain to Columbanus and his party, including Gallus.32 On two occasions, demons describe Gallus or his party by this term.33 There is one instance in which Gallus himself uses the term to describe himself, when he refuses the pleas to accept the episcopacy of Constance, stating that church law does not permit a peregrinus to be made bishop.34 A more general use of the term, in the meaning of ‘traveller’ or ‘stranger’, is found in a passage describing Gallus on the run from earthly honour and finding shelter just across the Alps in the house of a certain deacon John, who is said to have offered Gallus and his companions hospitality ‘as if they were peregrini from far, since they pretended to come from far away’.35 Although the word peregrinus is certainly not overused by Wetti, it still occurs much more frequently in his work than words referring to Ireland. The large body of text devoted to Columbanus’s travels, which only reflects on Gallus by implication, suggests that the patron saint’s connection with the founder of Luxeuil was of more importance for his personality than his own connection with the western isle. The uita devotes more attention to the saint’s travelling nature and his status as a stranger than to his supposed origin in Ireland, let alone the position of Ireland within the cultural and intellectual context of his time. Gallus’s ‘Irishness’ is only cursorily noted and in Wetti’s text does not seem to determine Gallus’s character or identity. Instead, the most important attribute of the peregrinus Gallus is the fact that he had renounced all worldly comfort, including the safety and familiarity of home, for Christ. This informs his decision to decline the abbacy of Luxeuil when it is offered to him after Eustasius’s death: ‘I broke away from my friends and my loved ones to this wilderness [. . .]; I have despised the city and the episcopacy, I have disdained all the riches in the world; I have abandoned my parents and [their] estates [. . .]’.36 These renunciations were of the essence of peregrinatio pro amore Dei as the Irish presented their particular form of ascesis,37 but the same sacrifices were of course made by every missionary working in foreign lands. In Wetti’s work Gallus is remembered as such a peregrinus, an ascetic exotic who left everything behind for his love for

24

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

Christ and who happened to end up in Alemannia where his holiness would benefit the local population. If we consider MS 553 as an important manifestation of St. Gall’s corporate identity, then we must conclude that it presents St. Gall as an abbey with strong local ties with the Alemannic people in the area, which remembers its (past) ties to the Columbanian tradition and has an additional exotic element in the form of an ascetic patron saint from foreign extraction. This celebration of Gallus’s exoticism shines through in another, remarkable text in MS 553. Following the texts by Jonas and immediately preceding Wetti’s Life of Gallus, two shorter works are entered: a homily intended for the celebration of Gallus’s feast day (pp. 151–63) and a short genealogical tract on St Patrick, St Gallus and St Brigit, which may have been entered in this manuscript (slightly) later than the other texts.38 The homily certainly testifies to an interest in the foreign and transitory nature of Gallus rather than his Irish context, for this text is a rather uncreative adaptation of Bede’s homily for the founder of his own monastery of Monkwearmouth-Jarrow, the decidedly Anglo-Saxon Benedict Biscop.39 Introduced by verses from the Gospel of Matthew, the main focus of the sermon is the act of forsaking worldly securities for the love of Christ. It opens with Peter’s words to Jesus: ‘look we have left behind everything and followed you; what will there be for us?’,40 echoing the sentiments of probably every ascetic in history. The first half of the sermon is dedicated to an exegetical (and pastoral) explanation of Matthew’s words, with particular attention to the temporal and eternal rewards of ‘everyone who leaves his home or brothers or sisters or father or mother or wife or sons or fields on account of My name’.41 This, as Bede showed, was applicable to Benedict, who left his ancestral home and his position at court for a devout life in Rome (before being sent back to Britain by the pope), but equally to Gallus, as the editor demonstrated. Wherever Bede mentions Benedict Biscop, the editor replaces the name with that of Gallus. Whenever details of Benedict’s life were incompatible with the story of Gallus, the editor revised the text slightly. But the main characteristic of Benedict on which Bede focuses is retained to apply also to Gallus: And most particularly we see the whole thrust of this reading most perfectly fulfilled in our father Gallus of blessed memory, whose venerable assumption we celebrate with proper reverence today. For since he was a nobleman by birth and his parents were rich in worldly goods, spurning his [people] and those things he could equally have acquired through them if he had considered a mundane way of life, he hastened to set out on his journey to this place. But because at this time among the people here the faith and the teaching of the Churches was blossoming but as yet undeveloped, he had no doubt that he was sent across to this place by

Irish Identity at St. Gall

25

divine plan. And as far as the perfect form of living goes, this has been bestowed [upon us] through his deeds.42

The only text within the manuscript that explicitly focuses on the Irish context of Gallus is the inserted genealogy of the saints Gallus, Brigit and Patrick (pp. 163–4). The text is entered on the last leaf of a quire, which appears to have been left blank initially. The handwriting is not attested anywhere else in the manuscript or even in the extant St. Gall codices in general, and it has been dated somewhat later than the main hands in the manuscript.43 It appears that this is an original piece of writing and that whoever wrote the short note did not have an exemplar at hand to copy it from,44 which suggests that the information about Gallus’s heritage first arrived at St. Gall at the time of writing. This would have been after the uitae written by Wetti and Walahfrid, which do not borrow any information about Gallus’s parentage or his connections with Brigit from this text. According to the text, Gallus was the Latinized version of the Irish name Callech. He was the son of a king ‘filled with goodness’, Kethernach, and the grandson of King Unuchum. Revisiting the by now familiar theme, Callech is said to have fled the wealth and royal power of his father, and his own claim to them, and to have taken up the peregrinatio, performing mighty works in Gaul before ending up in Germania. The reader is then advised to read Gallus’s gesta if he wishes to know all the miracles performed by the saint.45 The ensuing genealogical note on Brigit emphasizes that she was of the same gens as Gallus and even more specifically, that both were of ‘one genealogy of kings’. This suggests that Gallus, like Brigit, was a native of Leinster, the province where Columbanus was also from.46 The lineage of Patrick follows on the next page. Most early commentators on the genealogical tract have dismissed the context as fictitious.47 Heinz Löwe has demonstrated that the information on Brigit’s and Patrick’s ancestry has parallels in Irish texts.48 Whether the details on Gallus’s pedigree also stem from Ireland remains unclear, since we have no evidence of familiarity with Gallus in Ireland itself. The rubric introducing the genealogy, however, informs us of the involvement of Irishmen in its genesis. It reads: ista sunt ergo nomina uenerabilium uirorum, quos aliqui uenerabiles scotti nobis legendo conprobauerunt atque firmauerunt, ‘these then are the names of the venerable men, which some venerable Irishmen attested and confirmed for us to read’. Some unnamed Irishmen (plural) are thus expressly offered as authorities authenticating the information, which they themselves were perhaps responsible for bringing to the abbey. This does not necessarily mean that the information on Gallus was brought from Ireland: the men could have learned it somewhere

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The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

Fig. 1  The genealogies of Gallus, Brigit and Patrick, St. Gall.

Irish Identity at St. Gall

27

along their travels or made it up themselves. Although it is the only text in the manuscript to consider the Irish context from which Gallus hailed, it offers little knowledge on Ireland, except that the Irish are spread over the seas since before Patrick, that he converted the Irish and that Ireland had good kings. There are no allusions to Irish religious or monastic traditions, or to scholarship or learning.

‘The island of Hibernia’ In 833 or 834, the Reichenau monk and star poet Walahfrid Strabo finished his version of the Life of Saint Gallus. It is unclear why Walahfrid was asked by Abbot Gozbert to write another uita of Gallus so soon after Wetti, but it is clear that the circumstances had changed considerably since then. The abbey of St. Gall was rapidly growing in size and importance and the new Life must perhaps be considered alongside new building activity.49 Walahfrid’s version, moreover, was clothed in a new classicizing style of Latin and thereby a product of the Carolingian endeavours of correctio and renouatio. In the prologue, Walahfrid explains that he aims to improve on the lowly (degenerem) earlier Life as he was requested to do.50 It appears that, as St. Gall made its transition to a thriving Carolingian monastery with increasingly stronger ties to the political centre, an up-­to-date version of the Vita Sancti Galli answering to contemporary tastes could not be lacking. At the same time the political situation had changed dramatically. Although Emperor Louis the Pious may never have had the strong grasp on power that his father Charlemagne had, the tense relationships with his sons certainly burst to the forefront with the events of 830 and 833–5, which saw two rebellions and a de facto temporary deposition in the form of the emperor’s forced public penance.51 High-­ranking subjects were forced to re-­evaluate their allegiances and renegotiate their alliances. The complexities of the period are illustrated by Walahfrid’s own connections with Grimald, the later abbot of St. Gall. Walahfrid, a native of Alemannia born in 809, had close ties with Grimald, whom he knew in his early years as a student at Reichenau and by whom he was possibly taught. Grimald, chaplain at Louis the Pious’s court, was probably helpful in securing Walahfrid a position at court as the tutor of the young prince Charles from 829 onwards. By then Walahfrid had already dedicated his first extensive work of poetry, the versified Visio Wettini, to Grimald.52 In 833, Grimald became the arch-­chaplain at the court of Louis the German, one of the emperor’s rebellious sons. Walahfrid, who would remain a staunch supporter of the emperor throughout the 830s, was kept out of harm’s way during the heady times of the

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833 rebellion by this same Grimald, who let him stay at Weissenburg, at that time under his abbacy.53 The alliances were often cemented through literary works, which were also used to attract patronage and amicitia, ‘friendship’.54 Similarly, Gozbert’s request and Walahfrid’s willingness to revise Gallus’s Life were perhaps informed by a desire to confirm and strengthen the ties between the partisan poet and the abbot and community of St. Gall.55 In his version of the Life of St Gallus, Walahfrid adapted the contents and style of both the uetustissima and Wetti’s vita slightly and also provided some new passages, apparently gleaned from a dossier assembled by Gozbert’s eponymous nephew.56 The opening of the Life immediately directs attention to Ireland, where, Walahfrid writes, Columbanus and Columba were famed and celebrated for their devout life.57 The brief reference to Columba hints at Walahfrid’s acquaintance with Irish religious history which informed his earlier work on the life and death of Blathmac, who was martyred at Iona by Vikings around 825. The Versus de Beati Blaithmaic uita et fine, written at the request of a priest named Felix, may or may not have been based on direct reports of travelling Irishmen.58 Other than the events at Iona some years earlier, the verses do not evidence any particular deeper knowledge on Walahfrid’s part of the social, ecclesiastical or intellectual circumstances in Ireland. The same applies for his Life of Gallus: Walahfrid first repeats the information gleaned from Wetti’s work and his allusions to Ireland. He writes nothing about Gallus’s birth, but confirms that the saint was committed to Columbanus’s care in Ireland early in his youth, and that he was one of Columbanus’s company travelling from Ireland to Francia. His addition that Gallus was well versed in the subtleties of the rules of grammar and metre does not seem to be based on additional knowledge of the saint, but rather represents Walahfrid’s desire to connect the protagonist with the Carolingian interest in these disciplines.59 Opportunities to emphasize the Irishness of Gallus are often missed. After Abbot Eustasius of Luxeuil had died, the monks of that place decided to offer Gallus the abbacy. They sent six men to him, all of whom had originally come from Ireland, and were therefore among the original party of which Gallus had also been a member. In this passage there is a conspicuous absence of a mention of Gallus’s Irish origin. Walahfrid does not choose to label the six men as Gallus’s compatriots. And when Gallus declines the offer, he is quoted as saying that he did not leave his ‘friends and loved ones’ and abandon his parents and home estate to now accept episcopal honour and worldly praise.60 His fatherland (patria) is notably lacking in Gallus’s summary of the things he left behind.61

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For those searching to find clues in Walahfrid’s text that may betray the fact that Gallus was born not in Ireland but elsewhere, the passage that explains how Gallus chose the place for his hermit’s cell offers interesting information. For here we find that Gallus, it seems in contrast to Columbanus, had a God-­given talent for the local language (barbariacae locutionis) of this region,62 which might be explained by the fact that his mother tongue was related to the Germanic language of the Alemanni.63 However, in a passage uniquely included by Walahfrid, the author unequivocally identifies Gallus as an Irishman. In the second book of the uita relating the Gallus’s miracles after death, he recounts a miracle performed in his own time (nuper), involving a sick Irish traveller who, unfit to travel further, was left by his companions in the care of the monks at St. Gall (see Chapter 2). The saint appeared to this Irishman in a vision, whereupon the sick man implores Gallus to heal him. He thereby identifies the saint as one of his own people: ‘For I realize that I have been preserved until now to this end that, just as your virtue is revealed far and wide to these barbarians, in the same way the splendour and fame of your merits may be made known to the men of your own people (gentis tuae hominibus).’64 This passage confirms Walahfrid’s perception of Gallus as an Irishman, or at least the anonymous sick Irish traveller’s perception of the saint as one of his people. At the same time, the passage betrays the existence of ethnic tension. The most eye-­catching witness to this is perhaps the use of the word barbari, which, although here probably simply used to denote non-Irish people, is laden with derogatory undertones. The passage displays some jealousy on the sick man’s part due to the fact that an Irish saint performs miracles for ‘barbarians’ and not (or less so) for his fellow Irishmen. As we have seen, Walahfrid is not one to shy away from revealing ethnic tension and there is no reason to assume his choice of words was accidental. In fact, the man’s plea calls Gallus’s reputation among Irishmen into question by implying that the intercession of the saint on his behalf is necessary to reveal Gallus’s glory and fame to the Irish, who are so far unaware of this saint’s workings abroad. The most interesting addition by Walahfrid to the hagiographical tradition of Gallus to date is the short description of Ireland in the preface of the text. It has no parallel in the older uitae. It follows the opening of Walahfrid’s work in which he included a much larger description of Alemannia (and Rhaetia) and the surrounding ‘provinces’. Since I have entered on the description of these provinces, let me also, following the same authorities, devote a few words to the island of Hibernia, from which so great a glory has shone upon us. ‘The Island of Hibernia’, says Orosius, ‘lies

30

The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall between Britain and Spain and stretches a greater distance northward than Britain. It is nearer to Britain and of more limited area, but on account of its temperate climate and the nature of its soil more productive.’ According to Solinus ‘it is so rich in pasture that unless the cattle were sometimes in summer shut out from their pastures, they would be in danger from overfeeding. There are no snakes and few birds’. As for the shocking accounts which Solinus and others give of the manners of the inhabitants, now that the faith of Christ hath shone upon them, these may be regarded as obsolete; for where sin abounded, grace did more abound [Rom. 5.20], and from the rising of the sun – in India or Ethiopia – unto its setting – among the Britons and Irish – the name of the Lord is now praised. For the Lord is exalted above all the peoples and His glory above the heavens [Ps. 112.3].65

The order of Walahfrid’s geographical illustrations, Alemannia before Ireland, reflects the author’s main interest. And so does the length of the text devoted to both locations, almost three times as much text on Alemannia compared to the lines on Ireland. The central theme of Walahfrid’s work is the story of the salvation of his compatriots and Walahfrid’s primary interest is therefore less with the donor than with the recipient: Alemannia and its people. The relative prominence of Alemannia was probably entirely inspired by his intended audience, namely the inmates of the abbey of St. Gall, in whose population the Alemanni were probably best represented. One might also note that Walahfrid wrote the Life for Abbot Gozbert (ob. 837), who himself was also from Alemannia. By comparison, Walahfrid’s description of Ireland appears rather colourless; he seems to be following the respected authorities. He certainly does not elaborate much on the religious or scholarly tradition of Ireland in this passage. In fact, with his statement that Solinus’s ‘shocking accounts’ are now obsolete, he draws attention to damning references to the customs of the Irish. For Solinus had remarked about the inhumane rituals of the Irish, their inhospitable and bellicose nature, the custom of smearing their faces with the blood of their fallen enemies, and their inability to distinguish between right and wrong (fas et nefas).66 The primary reason for including this reference to Solinus was probably to display how well read Walahfrid was, but also in anticipation of being read by scholars equally familiar with ancient authorities. In doing so he consciously took the risk of trampling on Irish sensitivities and exposing the more embarrassing aspects of the Irish past, something he tries to mitigate by his inclusion of Romans 5.20: ‘where sin abounded, grace did more abound’.

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The function of Ireland in Walahfrid’s Life, as it had been in Wetti’s uita, appears to be to emphasize the distance between the point of departure from which Gallus (and Columbanus) set off and St. Gall, and to lay stress on how far the saint had had to travel to save the people of Alemannia. Walahfrid highlights the distance travelled by Gall from the farthest limits of Ireland to save the multitudes of Rhaetia and Germany.67 The image of Ireland as the land where the sun sets is especially important, for it reinforces Ireland’s position at the end of the world and therefore the truly worldwide spread of Christianity.68 As Walahfrid writes: ‘It is indeed fitting that he whom the Lord chose from the farthest ends of earth to bring us salvation should be made known throughout the world by our praises.’69 Following the fashion of the time, Walahfrid announced a metrical version of his Life, which he apparently was working on at the time of his death in 849.70 The so-­called Vita S. Galli metrica has a prologue which may have been written by Walahfrid, but is followed by the main text whose style proves that it was the composition of another author.71 Before we turn to this text, however, we should look at the famous letter of Ermenrich of Ellwangen. The same geographical focus as in Walahfrid’s uita is demonstrated in the ‘open’ letter to Abbot Grimald of St. Gall by Ermenrich of Ellwangen. This document is a highly interesting testimony to the scholarly life of second-­ generation Carolingian scholars. Written in the early 850s, possibly in 854, the grandiloquent letter buzzes with the traces of Ermenrich’s knowledge of theology, philosophy, topography, grammar and exegesis. Its value for our subject lies specifically in the fact that it is addressed to Grimald, written in thanks for a stay at St. Gall, and relates the scholarly milieu at the monastery. Because of the potential light it sheds on the scholarly culture within the abbey, this letter and its author merit a closer look. Ermenrich’s date of birth has been estimated at around 814. He probably enjoyed his first education at Ellwangen in Alemannia before his stay at Fulda, where he possibly studied under the tutelage of Master Rudolf.72 Afterwards he was a member of the royal court of Louis the German at Regensburg, which enabled him to make acquaintance with some prominent members of the intellectual and political elite of his time. After a brief return to Ellwangen, Ermenrich stayed some time at Reichenau and St. Gall. By the time of writing the letter, between 849 and 855, he had left St. Gall and had possibly returned to Reichenau.73 His whereabouts from that moment until 866 remain unknown. In that year, Ermenrich was elevated to the episcopacy of Passau, where he remained until his death in 874.74

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Previously, historians by and large dismissed much of his work and in particular the letter to Grimald as pompous, shapeless, deranged and ‘third-­ rate’.75 More favourably, Ermenrich is classified as either a middle-­of-the-­road ninth-­century scholar (Durchschnittgelehrte)76 or a learned eccentric.77 Recent decades have seen scholars carefully appreciating his learning and the information it provides on the scholarly culture of his time. The presence of his letter in Abbot Grimald’s vade mecum (Stiftsbibliothek, MS 265) demonstrates that at least its addressee valued the work enough to have it included in his personal miscellany.78 Ermenrich devotes parts of his letter, the so-­called calx, ‘heel’, to St. Gallus. In fact, it appears that he was working on a metrical uita of the saint – perhaps on request – when he wrote the epistle. He was beaten to the punch by the author of the metrical Life (on which more below), but in his letter Ermenrich shares some text, ‘some flowers of the mind’, that would have constituted an introduction.79 Analogous to Walahfrid’s Life, he opens with a description of the geography of his current habitat, the land between the Rhine and the Danube. Next, he mentions Ireland in the sentence that opens: ‘How could we not speak of the island of Ireland, which lies between Spain and Britain, whence we received the radiance of such a great light?’80 The opening of this sentence appears to sum up the connexion and gratitude felt by a former inmate of St. Gall towards Ireland. Closer reading of this passage on Ireland reveals that Ermenrich here taps into a second-­hand discours, although he gives it his own twist. The ‘great light’ in Ermenrich’s sentence could be the figure of Gallus, although the next sentence seems to demonstrate that he thought more in general terms about the faith. He compares this great light radiating from Ireland to the biblical story about the sun turning backwards by ten degrees in the reign of King Ezechias.81 He elaborates that the land (Ireland) which only saw the sol iusititiae setting since it had not yet received the lumen fidei, now through God’s grace was able to project its light to other peoples. The furthest corner of the known world was now brought into the light of Christendom and repaid the world by sharing that light through the mission with other places, in this case Alemannia. Ermenrich cleverly combines the theme of Ireland’s position as the westernmost frontier, where the sun sets, with the theme of Christianity or a holy man portrayed as light. With regard to the latter theme Ermenrich follows a model laid down by Walahfrid in his uita, when he describes Columbanus as ‘a bright ray of the fiery sun’,82 while the former theme is touched on by Walahfrid when he describes the spread of Christianity from the sunrise in India or Ethiopia to the sunset in Britain or Ireland.83

Irish Identity at St. Gall

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This is a powerful reversal of the topos of the periphery as an uncouth, unorthodox and wild place. The theme of Ireland at the furthest end of the world is prevalent throughout Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica, in which it is often noted that the Irish, ‘at the remotest corner of the world’, should not presume to know better than those Christians closer to the core (Rome).84 Irish writers, in particular Adomnán of Iona, were aware of the potent power of the ‘edge of the earth’ theme and had been trying to reverse it for some time before Ermenrich. They claimed that the fact that even the remote periphery of the Western world was blessed by God’s grace reinforced the universality of Christendom, and thereby the strength of orthodoxy.85 In addition to Walahfrid and Irish authors, Ermenrich partly recycles this motif from his own earlier work on St Sualo. Before writing his letter to Grimald, Ermenrich had authored two hagiographical works. He wrote the first, his Life of the Anglo-Saxon hermit and companion of Boniface, Sualo (sometimes Solus or Sola), sometime before 842, celebrating the miraculous unearthing of the saint’s body at Solnhofen, the site where the holy man had withdrawn in a cella. Ermenrich creatively circumvents the problem that there was scant historical evidence for the life of St Sualo, by focusing on Boniface, the sacred landscape of Germania and exegesis.86 When describing St Sualo’s decision to leave Britain for the continent in the company of Boniface, Ermenrich uses the same imagery and paints it as the sun’s withdrawal of its most radiant light from his (Sualo’s) native land: Thus at the same time when Lord Emperor Pippin reigned over Francia and Germania, the blessed saint, Solus, in every action almost the same as the apostles – and he himself from the people of the Angles – followed his master, that is the holy Archbishop Boniface, so that [it seemed that] from there the most brilliant light of the sun was taken away to this country [i.e. Germania].87

In fact, Ermenrich uses the same word, iubar, ‘radiance’, as in his letter to Grimald to denote Gallus or Christendom in general. In addition, an allegorical exploration of Sualo’s Latinized name Solus or Sol invites further association with the sun and light. It reveals Ermenrich’s love for this figure of speech.88 Ermenrich’s knack for the ‘esoteric arena of exegesis’89 and preference for mystical and allegorical explanations of geography is also evident in his description of the various lands in Gallus’s Life. Following his exposé on the light emanating from Ireland, he takes over Bede’s description of the island when he states that because of Ireland’s latitude and favourable winds, it surpasses Britain in that snow rarely stays on the ground longer than three days. Therefore the

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The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

storage of hay in the summer, or the building of stables is unnecessary. The scent of the air is fatal to snakes, even those arriving on the island in boats from other countries. Almost everything from this island is good against poison, even (sed et) the leaves of books, the scrapings of which, mixed with water and given to drink, can be used as an antidote to poison. This land, Bede and Ermenrich conclude, is truly a land of plenty. In contrast to Bede’s exposition, Ermenrich perhaps understandably does not settle for the literary meaning of this description. Instead, he offers allegorical readings of each of this passage’s sentences. The remarks on the mild climate and the absence of fierce cold must be explained in the light of Proverbs 31.21: ‘She shall not fear for her house in the cold of snow: for all her domestics are clothed with double garments.’ The Church’s doctores have two garments, the Old and New Testament, with which there must be no fear that their house can be overthrown by the cold of heretics or schismatics. The fact that serpents cannot live on the island demonstrates that there is neither a place in the Church for the devil nor for malicious men, even for those from abroad. On the passage about the salubrious effects of the scrapings of Irish books, Ermenrich writes: ‘On the assertion that the leaves of books and everything that is on this island resists poison, what can this signify but that every divine word brought from there to everywhere wards off and casts out the vices instigated by the devil and instils eternal salvation.’90 In other words, the passage about the books cannot be read in any other way than to signify that the sermo diuinus that came from Ireland brought salvation. The term sermo diuinus usually denotes the Holy Writ, and is used to refer to citations of biblical passages, and the word sermo invokes connotations with spoken word (as a conversation, speech or, indeed, a sermon) rather than with the written word. Ermenrich’s interpretation of this passage is therefore indeed quite broadly allegorical: the passage does not reflect on Irish learned texts, but on the Bible (in book and in spoken word) brought to this land from Ireland.91 The decisive event in this respect is obviously Gallus’s arrival and works in Germania. The celebration of this episode by Ermenrich is not in doubt, but it cannot be concluded from this passage that the fact that the apostle of the Alemanni came from Ireland was enough to foster a lasting positive opinion about Ireland and that, as Damian Bracken avers, from then on ‘learning and sanctity, not barbarism, are what the Irish came to represent for the peoples of this region.’92 The so-­called Vita S. Galli Metrica survives in a paper manuscript written around 1400.93 Its prologue, addressed to Gozbert, the nephew of the former

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abbot of St. Gall, purports to be written by Walahfrid Strabo, sixteen years after the completion of his prose Life of Saint Gallus. This would place the composition of this text close to the year of Walahfrid’s death in the waters of the Loire. According to Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Walahfrid was still writing his metrical Life of Gallus when he met his untimely death, so it is not probable that Walahfrid wrote the entire text as it is preserved in this manuscript. On stylistic grounds, in fact, Walter Berschin resolutely denied Walahfrid’s authorship of the main body of the text, and only hesitantly left the possibility open that Walahfrid wrote the prologue.94 Ermenrich’s letter seems to provide information about the author of the main text of the metrical Life. Ermenrich recalls how he himself was asked to take the task of writing a metrical Life upon him, presumably following Walahfrid’s death, and attached to his letter are the beginnings of a prosimetrical Life of Gallus. Ermenrich writes, however, that Gozbert lacked the necessary patience,95 meaning that someone had finished a metrical Life before Ermenrich. This person is described by Ermenrich as ‘some new Homer’ from this side of the Rhine, who was able to quickly finish such a task.96 This ‘Homer’ features again a few lines later, when Ermenrich admits that he is so hot-­tempered that he fears he would have attacked him were he not stopped by Gozbert’s staff and by his fear of ‘javelins from a particular Irish bag’, thrown from the flank. This Irish bag is described as currently collecting foodstuffs for ‘Putto’ (Ermenrich) in Italy.97 Scholars have pored over these complicated sentences, which carry a double meaning probably only clear to Gozbert. The traditional interpretation of this passage, offered by Johannes Duft, is that this bag might be a leather satchel in which Irishmen carried their books, and this passage is sometimes interpreted as a reference to the censorious manners of Irish scholars, who in sharp learned discussions may have ‘shot from the hip’.98 Walter Berschin linked these passages together: Ermenrich feared javelins from an Irish bag should he confront this Homer (in a learned battle), who had completed a metrical Life of Gallus before him. Therefore, he wondered, can we conclude that this Homer was an Irishman?99 According to Berschin, the Irish identity of the author of the Vita S. Galli Metrica would explain the prevalence of Graecisms in the Life and the fact that Gozbert was able to contract an author so quickly: the Irish were flooding Europe at this time, according to Berschin, offering a surplus of itinerant writers.100 Berschin offered his theory complete with a question mark, and I do not think this question mark can lightly be dismissed. First of all, one must wonder why the bag in question is adorned with the adjective ‘Irish’, rather than this Homer himself. Perhaps the mentions of the ‘Irish bag’ and Homer were not references

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to one person, but two. And while Irish scholars have been attributed with a love of the Greek language, they were not the only aficionados for exotic linguistic words and phrases, therefore this argument cannot have a higher status than circumstantial evidence. The speed with which Gozbert was able to contract the labour of a scholar from outside the monastery is of no help whatsoever in determining the identity of this person. Surely, the uitae by Wetti and Walahfrid (and Ermenrich himself!) prove that the abbey of St. Gall had been successful in employing the services of non-Irish, external scholars before and there is no reason to assume this time this scholar from outside the abbey must be an Irishman. Furthermore, the second part of the phrase containing the Irish satchel is wholly unexplained: what Ermenrich might have meant when he described the foodstuffs collected in parts of Italy for Putto remains unclear. Does this refer to books or, rather, ‘wholesome learning’? Despite these uncertainties, it is probable that the clue to the identity of the author of the metrical life of Gallus lies hidden in this passage of Ermenrich’s letter. To us, however, its precise meaning remains obscure. Following Walahfrid’s preface, the Vita S. Galli Metrica itself is a long, some would say long-­winded, work that has received consistently negative critique from modern scholars. The text is marked by a tendency to provide repetitive phrases and Greek words and phrases, as well as rare Latin words.101 Walter Berschin restored some of the anonymous poet’s credentials, by evincing his large repertoire of stylistic measures and his knowledge of some of the most important classical and Christian poets, including Lucretius, Virgil and Juvencus.102 In general, the author follows the order of the previous uitae, complete with a rather crudely executed opening featuring the by now familiar image of the sun rising in the west.103 The author demonstrates few clues to his geographical location or allegiance, although he uses ‘Germania’ more often than Walahfrid, at the expense of the more regional ‘Alemannia’.104 More important for our purpose is the threefold use of the word Scotigena by the author. This adjective is normally thought to be an even stronger marker for an Irish origin than the term scot(t)us: it emphasizes that Ireland was the place of birth. Each occurrence is within the phrase scot(t)igenae Galli, in the genitive case, and at the beginning of a verse. The rationale for the (repeated) use of this word combination (rather than scoti Galli or peregrini Galli), to my mind, is based on metrical convenience, a poetic device we would expect from an author writing in haste. Apparently, scot(t)us was not useful, for this word does not feature once in the poem, neither does Hibernia although the third verse has the Graecism Hierne for Ireland. In comparison, the

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poet describes Gallus mostly with words referring to his origin ‘from elsewhere’, in particular the word exul, ‘exile’.105 In conclusion, the period under investigation demonstrates a remarkable interest in the hagiographical stories concerning the patron saint of the abbey of St. Gall. After the uetustissima was revised thrice in the eighth century, two prose versions were patronized in the ninth century and no fewer than three scholars tried their hand at a prosimetrical biography. To this we should add the now lost De relatione translationis sancti Galli in nouam ecclesiam, a reference to which is found in the list of ‘Libri scottice scripti’ attached to the late ninth-­century library booklist (see Chapter 3). This interest in Gallus reflects an interest in the abbey’s history on the part of its members and the hagiographical texts constitute an important body of sources for the study of St. Gall’s identity and self-­ representation in this period. A prominence of the Irishness of Gallus, and with him the fundamentals of St. Gall, would suggest that this was an important element in the monastic identity of the Carolingian abbey, and according to Berschin, the hagiographical tradition of St. Gallus emphasizes the saint’s Irish origin.106 Closer study of the hagiographical works from this period shows this to be an overstatement. In fact, when pressed, the hagiographers seem to circumvent the issue of the saint’s place of birth, referring instead to his youth in Ireland as one of the disciples of Columbanus. Often references to Gallus’s Irishness are indirect, words put in other people’s mouths and when Gallus himself is quoted about all he has left behind, his motherland or ‘Ireland’ is not mentioned among the items on the list. The vagueness which the authors of the biographies left in their texts has given rise to scepticism amongst some historians about the Irish roots of Gallus. It would be a mistake, however, to assume a similar scepticism is at the root of the reticent manner in which the early medieval hagiographers described Gallus: they were undoubtedly convinced that Gallus hailed from Ireland. Their constraint is rather due to their lack of interest in the matter. The authors portray Gallus first and foremost as a traveller coming from far away, an outsider and an exile. This, rather than a specific ethnic identity, was of importance to eighth- and ninth-­century hagiographers and their audience. The hardships endured by Gallus, as well as the distance travelled, added significance to the salvation he offered to the people of Alemannia. The origin from Ireland specifically is gratefully used to elaborate on the topos of the outermost periphery now firmly within the fold of Christendom, or to paint the literary image of the land of the setting sun now casting the sun’s rays on the people to the east. The

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Irish context from which Gallus came forth, however, is of no importance to the authors and their readers. The exception is possibly the connection between Gallus and Columbanus, although the Irish context of the latter is not emphasized by Gallus’s biographers either.107 This connection is of great importance to the authors of Gallus’s biographies to the extent that Gallus is hardly awarded any agency in the events related in the first chapters of his respective uitae. This lasting association with the Irish saint eventually resulted in an altar for St. Columbanus, parallel to one dedicated to St. Benedict, in the St. Gall Plan. Although the structure subsequently built by Abbot Gozbert does not entirely reflect the church in the Plan, in 830 the abbot did send a request to Bobbio for the saint’s relics for an apparently new altar.108 In the late ninth or early tenth century scribes from St. Gall copied Jonas’s Vita Columbani in a manuscript that also contains Wetti’s Life of Gallus.109 Through the impressive spread of ‘Iro-Frankish monasticism’, however, Columbanus had probably become more a continental icon than a specifically Irish one: that is to say, the memory of Columbanus, precisely because of his success, probably evoked thoughts about his ideals of religious strictness, steadfastness and self-­discipline, but without reminding continental scholars explicitly of the Irish heritage of himself and his ideals. It is to this ascetic image that the biographers of Gallus subscribe when they emphasize the connection of their protagonist and Columbanus. In the stories underpinning St. Gall’s sense of its history the Irish context of learning and scholarship is mostly absent. It is fair to say that this makes it doubtful that the representations of St. Gall’s past were the result of intensive scholarly or personal contacts with Ireland, or that an Irish-­informed identity of St. Gall and its members gave rise to such contacts. The hagiographical literature alone provides no grounds to assume that the qualities of scholarship and sanctity were what the Irish nation as a whole came to represent to the peoples of southern Germany, or even St. Gall.110 Sanctity was without question awarded to Gallus (as to Columbanus), but this quality was independent of his origin.

2

Irishmen at St. Gall Sometime in the first two decades of the ninth century, a plan for the layout of the monastery of St. Gall was made. It survives in the monastery’s library (MS 1092) and is known as the Plan of St. Gall.1 An inscription on the Plan itself explains that it was made for Abbot Gozbert (816–37) and it is thought to have been given to him by Haito, abbot of Reichenau (806–23). The abbey church, as delineated in the Plan, has a number of altars, one dedicated to John the Baptist and John the Evangelist; in the middle of the nave an altar with cross dedicated to the Holy Saviour at the Cross, and altars for the saints Philip and Jacob, as well as St. Benedict, St. Columbanus and St. Andrew. The most important altar was dedicated to St. Mary and St. Gallus, and built over the latter’s crypt housing his bodily remains. It is clear that the centre depicted on the Plan was meant to represent the monastery of St. Gall, although the Plan seems to have depicted an ideal design of a monastery as envisaged by leading Carolingian churchmen, rather than a specific building project for Gozbert to actually execute. The St. Gall Plan offers a unique perspective of Carolingian ideas on building a religious centre, in particular one whose church would endure heavy traffic by pilgrims. The Plan features a house for guests, a specific court for pilgrims and a chapel for visiting monks. The design for the church is accompanied by numerous notes that betray a consideration of the logistics of the expected visits to the Gallus’s grave, including remarks on the exits and entries of the choir and the crypt. These explanations mirror the description by Walahfrid of the pilgrimage at St. Gall.2 Walahfrid described the many pilgrims visiting Gallus’s grave, among whom were people from Ireland. Here they were able to come face to face with the two most important Irish holy men to visit the continent, Columbanus and his companion Gallus. While most of the pilgrims must have stayed at the monastery for only a short period, leaving nothing but a fleeting impression to the community of St. Gall (and monetary income), some of these visitors may have left a more lasting

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The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

impact and exerted some influence on the monastery’s intellectual life by the books they carried and left there. Others decided to remain and spend their lives at St. Gall in devotion or scholarly pursuits. As Johannes Duft forcefully asserted on numerous occasions, however, the abbey of St. Gall was never a monastery dominated by Irish monks and at no point in this period did it house something resembling an Irish colony.3 This is evident from a simple review of the Irish names preserved in ninth-­century St. Gall documents. For the period between the eighth and the twelfth centuries, twenty Irish names have been identified in the necrologies, fraternity books and martyrologies from St. Gall (some insecurely), and while more Irishmen may be hidden behind Latinized names, the proportion of Irish names remains very small compared to the thousands of Alemannic names found in the same sources.4 Moreover, it is not always certain that these Irishmen were in fact attached to the monastery of St. Gall; sometimes names of monks attached to associated houses sneaked into St. Gall’s lists.5 One might nevertheless assume that the abbey’s dedication to an Irish saint inspired a special interest from the Irish peregrini on the continent in visiting the place, especially since the knowledge of the St. Gall community about the Irish patron saint may have guarded against the most hostile sentiments towards Irishmen and their religious traditions such as we find them in some other ninth-­century narrative sources.6 It is worthwhile to briefly explore the evidence of Irish pilgrims at St. Gall; although they might not always have qualified as a ‘scholarly presence’, the line between pilgrims and scholars was often thin and blurry.

Pilgrims The identification of visiting pilgrims is not a straightforward task. Usually pilgrims represented a cursory presence at the monastery and were gone before any of the inmates had taken notice of their presence, their names and their origins. Their names would not habitually have ended up in St. Gall’s confraternity book, the necrologies or Liber uitae. The majority of faithful visiting the grave of Gallus must have been non-Irish people. In the miracle stories recounted by Walahfrid Strabo, at least, the beneficiaries of Gallus’s miraculous powers were mostly local monks or inhabitants of the surrounding area.7 It is in this same region that we must assume the greatest familiarity with Gallus’s sainthood and

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with his wondrous deeds. For those from further away the tomb of Gallus may not have been their main destination: the monastery was ideally located on one of the paths from the north to Rome, which made it a convenient stop for anyone en route to the Eternal City, with or without prior knowledge of the Irish saint. This is relevant to our purpose, since we cannot assume that (all) Irish peregrini had extensive knowledge of the saintly position of their countryman before they made their way to St. Gall; there is no evidence of a cult devoted to Gallus in Ireland. Yet, Walahfrid hinted at a steady stream of Irish travellers to the continent when he declared that the custom to travel is almost second nature of the Irish,8 some of whom must have come to St. Gall. The textual context of Walahfrid’s assertion was the visit of a group of Irishmen, who – it seems – used the monastery of St. Gall as a stop-­over on their way to somewhere else. Such groups of Irish pilgrims sojourning for a short time at St. Gall may have been a familiar sight. The genealogy of Gallus, entered in the hagiographic manuscript MS 553 (p.  163), is preceded by the assurance that these names of venerable men were attested and confirmed by ‘some venerable Irishmen’.9 Apparently, there were multiple Irish inmates or visitors at hand at one time who could verify the veracity of these saintly genealogies. The identity of these venerable Irishmen and where they obtained their genealogical knowledge remains unknown. In the last chapter of his Vita S. Galli, Walahfrid Strabo recorded an anecdote that hints at a lack of knowledge of the Irish saint by his compatriots. Walahfrid describes a nameless Irishman (de natione scottorum) who was afflicted with many diseases and abandoned at the monastery by the aforementioned group of Irish fellow travellers. After some days of heartfelt pleading to be cured, the sick Irishman was visited in a dream by an old man. Asking who he was, the man learned that the old man was Saint Gallus himself. The patient then called on Gallus not to ‘delay further in what I believe you are about to do’.10 The passage continues with hints that reveal the saint’s reputation to be not as well-­known among Irishmen (and arguably in Ireland) as among the inhabitants of Alemannia. The sick Irishman states: For I realize that I have been preserved until now to this end that, just as your virtue is revealed far and wide to these barbarians, in the same way the splendour and fame of your merits may be made known to the men of your own people. For you know, I tell you, you know by how great a distance I have been separated from my native soil and by how much bodily sickness I have been oppressed amid the hardships of travel.11

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In this passage, the Irishman (and thus Walahfrid) is suggesting that Gallus’s fame had not yet reached the Irish and that a miracle performed on a compatriot would change this. Walahfrid connects the ailments of the sick man with his peregrinatio. When the Irishman continues his lament addressed to the saint, he says that he knows that Gallus is conscious of the man’s suffering during his peregrinatio, which for a long time now has separated him from the soil of his birth. In his vision, Gallus explains to him that, at daybreak, he should make for the church where he will experience that divine aid will lift his spirits, more than the solace of his homeland or parents ever could.12 Although the Irishman is said to suffer from ‘bodily debility’ (corporis debilitate), this conversation raises the suspicion that his ailments were caused by the mental strains of overseas travel rather than physical injuries: Gallus apparently thinks the Irishman was desperate for the solace of his home country and family, which hints at a bad case of homesickness. This, supposedly, would be a condition with which Gallus would have been familiar in his lifetime as the Irishman insinuates when he emphasizes the fact that Gallus knows his suffering: ‘For you know, I tell you, you know’ (scis enim, scis inquam). In an elegant way Walahfrid repeats the theme with which he began his Life of Gallus, stressing the fact that Gallus came from very far away, enduring all kinds of (mental) hardship, to bring the light of faith to the people of Alemannia. At the end of the book, Walahfrid closes the circle: the radiance and brightness of Gallus’s sanctity is now reflected back to his countrymen, or at least to one of them. Whether this knowledge actually reached the island of Ireland is uncertain: restored to health, the Irishman decided to stay at the abbey, where he was still living a holy life when Walahfrid was writing his story.13 The issue of ethnic identity was not shunned in Carolingian monasteries, as Walahfrid’s story about the sick Irish peregrinus demonstrates. The ailing pilgrim thought it about time that the saint was better known among his countrymen and his words were perhaps meant to implicitly disparage the disproportionate saintly care offered to the continental ‘barbarians’. In a mysterious poem entered on a blank page in MS 10, another Irishman protested against the treatment he received from his continental hosts.14 MS 10 is a large manuscript written by many different scribes and contains mostly texts from the Old Testament. It has been dated to sometime early in the second half of the ninth century. The poem on p. 3 is written in a continental hand – with frequent round d’s and distinctive –us ligature – that seems somewhat later than most of the other hands in the manuscript and may even date to the tenth century.15 It might be a later copy of

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an older poem. The verses possibly fall outside of the period under investigation here, but it is nevertheless worthwhile to study them briefly: perhaps their sentiments applied to earlier times as well. The Irish author of the poem was apparently named Dubduin and was writing at St. Gall. He complained about the lack of respect shown to his countrymen, to which he seems to think they are entitled because of the Irish origin they share with Gallus and so many other Irish saints.16 It is useful to cite the whole poem here: Hic sunt insignes sancti quos insula17 nostra Nobilis indegenas nutriuit hibernia claros, Quorum grata fides uirtus honor inclita uita, Has aulas summasque domus sacrauit amoenas, Semina qui uitae anglorum sparsere per agros, Ex quis maturos conuertis in horrea fructus Nos igitur fratres una18 de19 stirbe creati, His sumus imbiciles miseros quos mente superba20 Dispicitis proceres mundique tumentia membra Cum christi potius debetis membra uideri, Prudens hic pausat quin gallus atque sepultus Ardens ignis scotorum conscendit ad altos. Dubslane meruit nomen dignumque uocari, Annue rex caeli me hic pro nomine faelan, Dubduin hos optos fecit quicumque requiris, Bessibus21 labrisque canens qu[o]d dixit amice. These are the illustrious saints whom our noble island of Hibernia reared as her glorious children, whose grateful faith, virtue, honour and blameless life hallowed these high temples and lofty houses. They strewed over the fields of the English the seeds of faith from which you now gather the ripe fruits into your storehouse, and we are [their] brothers, created from the same stock as they, we, whom you arrogantly despise as pitiful weaklings, you princes and swollen up members of the world, rather should you appear as members of Christ. Here the prudent man stops – in fact, Gallus is also buried here, the bright flame of the Irish has ascended to the skies. Dubslane has earned a name and dignity. Grant, King of Heaven, that I may be mentioned here, as is Faelan.

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The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall Dubduin made these wishes, should anyone inquire, and singing these things for himself with his lips, he who called you friend.22

The Latinity of these poetic complaints can be hard to follow at times, but it seems clear that the butt of his protestations are not the members of the community of St. Gall, but rather ‘princes and swollen up members of the world’, which suggests his targets to include men in positions of authority in the secular world as much as in the church. In a monastic setting, these words could be aimed at the monks who were (sons) of local nobility and who quickly rose through the monastic ranks. There is, however, also a reference reserved for the English, for his target audience is criticized for reaping the fruits that have grown from the seeds of life sown by Irish saints ‘on the fields of the English’. Given the fact that Dubduin reveals himself to be at St. Gall, ‘the place where Gallus is buried’, the allusion to the anglorum is not immediately clear. There is no history of missionary activities employed by Gallus ‘sowing the seeds of faith’ among the Anglo-Saxons. Perhaps anglorum must be interpreted to refer to the local populace, whose identity may have been unknown to Dubduin and whom he may have thought to be related to the Angles, on account of the fact that both spoke a Germanic language. It is more likely, however, that his invective reveals a tension between Anglo-Saxons and Irish wanderers on the continent. It appears that the Irish author felt that the peregrini from England failed to acknowledge their debt to the missions of Irish saints, or perhaps he perceived the former were awarded higher regard than merited, at least higher than the Irish. More practically, Dubduin may be lamenting his personal struggle to secure support and patronage from the ‘princes of the world’, while observing Anglo-Saxon pilgrims having more success. The impressive Irish legacy, so he seems to think, should favour him. In the Carolingian context, where a scholar like Sedulius Scottus appears to use the label ‘Irish’ interchangeably with ‘learned’,23 an ethnic identity marker could be a valuable commodity and it is easy to imagine that tensions occasionally rose over people’s ethnic identification.24 The name of Dubduin is not found elsewhere in the St. Gall sources, which suggests that he was a passing visitor rather than a permanent resident of the monastery. In this light it is perhaps even more likely that his complaints were not aimed exclusively at the community of St. Gall, or at all, but instead reflected his frustrations accumulated throughout his travels with his treatment by the ‘swollen up members of the world’. His stay at St. Gall seems to have provided him with the breathing space to blow off steam – among ‘friends’ – and somehow his silent mutterings were recorded here. He found proof for the friendly

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reception of Irishmen at the monastery – occasional or consistent – in the respect that was awarded to other Irishmen, who, in contrast to him, do appear to have been inmates of St. Gall. The name of Dubslane, who merits dignified mention according to Dubduin, occurs in the monastery’s necrology with the description ‘Irish monk and priest’.25 Dubduin does not mention a reason for the respect due to Dubslane; there is no reference to scholarly qualities or intellectual accomplishments anywhere in the poem. Instead, his focus appears to be the honourable, virtuous life of Irish saints, a trait he considers to be shared by Irishmen in general. Similarly, the mention by Dubduin of Faelan does not include further description of his accomplishments. A Faelan (or Faillan) is documented in St. Gall’s necrology and the Annales Sangallenses maiores (which records his death on 3 June 991),26 where he is noted for his learnedness and appears to have worked as a teacher at St. Gall. If this is the Faelan referred to by Dubduin, it would obviously date the poem to the turn of the tenth century. An argument against a tenth-­century date may be the absence of any mention of the most famous and respected Irish master at St. Gall, Moengal, about whom Ekkehard IV (c. 980–c. 1057) wrote such a detailed and celebratory narrative (see below). Moengal was not the only ninth-­century Irishman omitted by Dubduin. The St. Gall sources record several other Irish names. In a later copy of the necrology, a certain Comgan is described similarly as an Irish monk and priest. His mention in Bern, MS 363 (see below), if this is the same man, may put his floruit in the middle of the ninth century. The decidedly Irish name Maelchomber occurs in the necrology, the St. Gall book of vows and the Reichenau confraternity book, without any allusion to his Irishness. He too must have been a monk of St. Gall in the middle of the ninth century.27 This would make Comgan and Maelchomber contemporaries of the best-­known Irish scholars to arrive at St. Gall, Marcus and Moengal. Like learnedness, pious devotion could also be associated with ethnic identity. For decades, the Irish Eusebius lived a life of a recluse at nearby Viktorsberg. Ratpert of St. Gall describes how the mountain was given to the monastery of St. Gall by Emperor Charles the Fat at Eusebius’s request in 882. By this time, Eusebius was accompanied by a community of devout Irishmen (religioso quorundam scotorum conuentu), which was expressly placed under the protection of St. Gall. Following Eusebius’s death in 884, the confirmation charter of 885 stipulates that from then on St. Gall will always (semper) care for a community of twelve peregrini, whose ethnicity is not further specified. While not technically located at St. Gall, this refuge confirms the role played by the monastery in the pilgrimages of foreigners, specifically Irish peregrini.28

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The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

Scholars The role played by Irish pilgrims in the dissemination of scholarship to or from St. Gall is unclear. Some Irish peregrini may have travelled over Europe with the express and exclusive aim to visit the graves of saints and other holy sites. They may or may not have brought books filled with scholarly texts with them from their native land, and they may or may not have acquired books along the way. Other visitors are unambiguously portrayed as scholars in the sources. Their capacity to contribute to intellectual exchanges between Irish and continental centres, and between different continental centres, seems more promising. The most famous and possibly most important Irishman to have visited the ninth-­ century abbey of St. Gall was arguably Moengal. His arrival is described, over a century after the fact, by the St. Gall scholar Ekkehard IV in his continuation of the Casus Sancti Galli, a text begun by Ratpert. Sometime between 849 and 872, on his return trip from Rome, the Irish Bishop Marcus visited St. Gall with the son of his sister, Moengal, whose name was quickly changed by the monks of St. Gall to Marcellus, the diminutive form of his uncle’s name. Moengal-Marcellus was ‘most learned in religious as well as secular scholarship’ (in diuinis et humanis eruditissimus),29 and it is clear from Ekkehard’s description that the community of St. Gall was particularly interested in having him stay for an undetermined period of time. After Marcellus had been enticed to stay, Bishop Marcus was invited to live in the abbey and after some deliberation the Irish travellers decided to remain at St. Gall with a few Irish-­speaking servants. The remainder of the travelling party, so Ekkehard suggests, was particularly grieved to be separated from their bishop, or from his money. Their grief and anger was such that Marcellus felt forced to throw his uncle’s money at them from a window, fearing to be mutilated if he came too close. The horses and mules were also given to their erstwhile companions, but Marcus is said to have kept his books, gold, and costly vestments (pallia) for himself and for Saint Gallus (sibi et sancto Gallo retinuit).30 Marcellus became an important master at the inner school of the abbey, which trained future monks. Among his students was the famous trio Notker, Ratpert and Tuotilo, who were first instructed in spiritual matters (non mediocriter) by the Alemannic Iso, the master of the outer school, but it was not until they were instructed by Marcellus in the seven liberal arts (especially music) that their minds and hearts were joined.31 Marcellus’s impact on the minds of these promising students is further illustrated by Notker’s description of his inspiring nature. In his letter to Liutward, to whom he dedicated his

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hymnbook, Notker wrote that Marcellus joyfully accepted his pupil’s creations.32 Notker expressed gratitude to magistro meo Marcello for having collected the verses and given them to his pupils for singing. In six St. Gall charters from 853 to 865 we find the name of Marcellus in the capacity of scribe, where he identifies himself as ‘(unworthy) monk’ or ‘deacon’. Whether this Marcellus is the same man as the Irish master remains unsure. If so, he had adapted his writing to continental script, for all four St. Gall charters written by Marcellus are in a pure Caroline minuscule.33 The names of both the uncle and his nephew are mentioned in the necrologies of both St. Gall and Reichenau.34 We do not know when the two relatives died, but by 883, when Notker wrote his account of the deeds of Charlemagne, Marcellus was no longer alive. It is likely that in Marcellus’s teaching he fell back on knowledge and ideas imbued during his own instruction in Ireland, and intellectual notions with which he grew up were undoubtedly occasionally integrated in his lessons to the future monks of St. Gall (unless he was educated mostly on the continent, which would explain his continental script). The precise character and extent of any such influence, however, is impossible to gauge.35 As far as we know, Marcellus did not write any scholarly texts while at St. Gall or before. The most practical manner in which Marcellus and Marcus can have played roles as conduits of Irish learning to the monastery in Alemannia is by bringing with them books with native learning. In his description of Marcus and Marcellus’s arrival at St. Gall, Ekkehard IV informs us that the bishop kept his books ‘for himself and for St. Gall’, which no doubt meant that Marcus’s possessions, including the books, would fall to the abbey after Marcus’s death.36 This particular phrase is, incidentally, the only explicit mention of an Irish peregrinus providing St. Gall with books. Yet, there can be no doubt that books were included in the effects of many, if not most, early medieval wanderers – including Irishmen. While visiting the abbey these books were either left behind, traded for other books, or used as exemplars by the St. Gall monks for the texts they found interesting. Ekkehard IV’s account is devoid of details and it is thus unknown how many books Marcus possessed, which texts they contained or from where these books came – some perhaps brought from Ireland, but others likely collected during his travels (after all, Italy was the perfect place to acquire new books containing rare texts and authors). The lively exchange of books that took place at St. Gall is evinced by illuminating notes in the catalogue of Abbot Grimald’s private library added sometime in the 880s. They reveal, for instance, that a splendid lectionary was

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given to emperor Charles the Bald on his request by Hartmut, who then replaced it with another copy.37 Similarly, the book list notes that Grimald had given ‘a good psalter to the Irish Marcus, which is now placed in the church’.38 This book, initially omitted in Grimald’s list – probably because it was no longer his to donate – was eventually found in the abbey church and identified as originally belonging to the former abbot’s collection. It is intriguing and a little ironic that the only book which we know for sure was bequeathed by the Irish bishop to the community of St. Gall was a biblical book he was given from the personal collection of a Frankish magnate (and not a work of exotic scholarship). The contribution of the Irish Marcus and Marcellus to St. Gall’s intellectual networks, however, was greater than the simple conveyance of books. The personal connections of the uncle and his nephew with other scholars on the continent (and elsewhere) were integrated in St. Gall’s network of learning when they took up residence at the monastery. These relations can only tentatively be pieced together with some scattered snippets of evidence. One of these shreds of evidence is the mention of an Irishman named Marcus by the great Irish master Sedulius Scottus, who worked at Liège and Cologne at the time. In a famous poem to his Irish companions, Sedulius mentioned his compatriots Marcus, Blandus, Fergus and Beuchell as ‘the four-­horse chariot of the Lord’ and ‘the lights of the Irish people’. Marcus in particular is commended for his merits and his ‘shield of faith’.39 This Marcus may very well have been the Bishop Marcus who settled at St. Gall.40 If so, this would mean that Marcus brought his personal connections to Sedulius and those in his milieu with him to the monastery of St. Gall, providing access for the monks of St. Gall to the scholarship that was studied and developed in Sedulius’s circle. The history of St. Gall’s monastery library provides some evidence for the presence of Sedulian scholarship: one of several famous books connected to his circle might have been at St. Gall in the ninth century and Marcus may have played a role in their dissemination. We find a mention of a Marcus monachus in the so-­called Codex Boernerianus, a book written in Irish script and containing a bilingual (Greek and Latin) copy of the Pauline letters.41 It is part of a famous group of bilingual manuscripts which includes the Greek–Latin psalter now at Basle,42 and the bilingual Gospels in St. Gall, MS 48.43 The three manuscripts are similar in size, script and content, and all contain annotations. The books were written in the middle of the ninth century by scribes writing an Irish script, with one hand appearing in multiple manuscripts. Where early medieval bilingual manuscripts were often arranged with the two languages in facing columns or pages, these manuscripts all have the Latin translation of the Greek in interlinear

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lines. While some of the scholarship of the biblical manuscripts is possibly dependent on the work of John Scottus Eriugena, the books appear to be connected more strongly to the intellectual milieu of Sedulius. One of the scribes also seems to have been involved in the copying of Bern, Burgerbibliothek MS 363, a vade mecum with a heavily annotated mix of didactic works including texts by Dioscorides, Servius’s commentary on Virgil, Fortunatianus’s Ars Rhetorica, texts by Augustine, a tract on rhetoric by Clodianus, poems by Horace, a passage from Ovid’s Metamorphoses, a fragment of Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica, and poems with clear reminiscences of or outright verbatim citations from Sedulius Scottus’s poetry. Among the many marginal glosses there is a plethora of references to ancient and contemporary persons, including Irishmen.44 A complex web of relations binds these four manuscripts, whose production clearly involved a small team of scholars and scribes, writing in Irish script, who were well informed about the recent works of Irish immigrant scholars, contemporary continental scholarly debates and political controversies.45 The origin of these bilingual biblical manuscripts is unknown. The Graeco–Latin Gospels in MS 48, copied for the most part by a scribe named Fergus, has some leaves with text in Caroline minuscule resembling the script written in northern Italy. This might be the origin for the entire manuscript and, probably because of perceived Irish connections, the monastery of Bobbio has been suggested.46 The exemplar for the largest part of the miscellany in Bern MS 363 consists of texts, including Servius’s commentary on Virgil, which were already extensively commented on in the exemplar of the scribe. The original commentator was someone in the ambit of Sedulius Scottus, as evinced by references to sometimes rare late antique scholarly texts used in this circle. The origin of this commentary can thus be located in north-­eastern France or Lotharingia.47 In fact, the Bern Master confirms this by frequent references to Sedulius in the margins: Sedulius received the most references in the manuscript, followed at some distance by John Scottus Eriugena.48 The final folios of the vade mecum have some hurriedly copied texts, without commentary, which the Bern Master may have taken not from the original commentated schoolbook, but rather from somewhere else. These include three poems with clear echoes of Sedulius’s poetry dedicated to men like Archbishop Tado of Milan (860–8), Bishop Seufrid of Piacenza and Leutfrid, the maternal uncle of Lothar II,49 and (rare) texts known to have circulated in northern Italy. It suggests that the last entries into the Bern Master’s vade mecum were jotted down in northern Italy, like the bilingual Gospels. Similar hints at the origin for the other manuscripts are lacking. The marginal gloss in the Codex Boernerianus remarking on the pilgrimage to Rome (Téicht do

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róim mór saido; beic torbai; ‘The going to Rome is a great hardship, the profit small’) could have been written anywhere on the return route from Rome.50 Whether or not the ‘monk Marcus’ mentioned in the Boernerianus, Sedulius’s Marcus as one of the ‘lights of the Irish’, and St. Gall’s Bishop Marcus are indeed one and the same person cannot be confirmed, but we would probably be overly sceptical to assume the three contemporaneous mentions are merely coincidental. There is, furthermore, an additional piece of evidence that connects the group of manuscripts with Marcus and his nephew. In the Basle Psalter a crudely written colophon at psalm 30 (fol. 23r) appears to signal a change of copyists, referring to Marcellus: Hucusque scripsi. Hic incipit ad Marcellum nunc, ‘Up to here have I written. From here Marcellus now begins’.51 Probably rightly, this Marcellus has been interpreted by historians as Moengal-Marcellus. The understanding of the colophon, however, is not without difficulties. For one, there is no noticeable change of scribe at the place of the colophon, which itself is entered in a wholly different hand than the main text. Moreover, the Basle Psalter is copied in insular script, whereas Marcellus – if he is indeed the scribe of the St. Gall charters bearing his name – wrote in a continental hand.52 Instead, the marginal ‘colophon’ may represent a later note by a scribe copying from the Basle Psalter, signalling where his copying activity stopped and where Marcellus had begun his part of the joined copying effort.53 This would mean that, at least for a while, the Basle Psalter was available to Marcellus for him to copy parts of it. Bernhard Bischoff argued for Marcellus’s involvement in getting all three bilingual biblical manuscripts to St. Gall, but he seems to have based his claim solely on this colophon and the psalter’s connections with the other books.54 If, however, the ‘colophon’ makes a ninth-­century sojourn at St. Gall feasible for the Basle Psalter, there is no convincing evidence that the other books of the group were also at St. Gall in the middle of the ninth century. When the Gospels in MS 48 came to St. Gall must thus remain unknown. The vade mecum Bern MS 363, in Bischoff ’s opinion, may have found an early home at Strasbourg, rather than St. Gall.55 In conclusion, the arrival of Marcus and Marcellus must have constituted a valuable expansion of St. Gall’s intellectual network. The scholarly connections which the two Irishmen had gathered during their travels in Europe now benefited the community of St. Gall. It is likely that these included relations with the scholars surrounding Sedulius Scottus. Ekkehard’s description of the arrival of Marcus and Marcellus demonstrates that the two Irishmen were carrying books with them, which were undoubtedly integrated in the library holding of

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St. Gall. Whether these books included one or several from the group of continental bilingual manuscripts in Irish script, or Bern MS 363, remains uncertain.56 There is no conclusive evidence that any one of the latter books was at St. Gall in the ninth century, although there are some indications in favour of the Basle Psalter and the St. Gall Gospels. None of these important books contain scholarly works originating from Ireland. Instead, the books are filled with biblical material and late antique scholarship. While they are clearly heavily invested with the knowledge and wisdom of Irish scholars working on the continent, notably Sedulius Scottus and Eriugena, they preserve no scholarly texts originating from Ireland. The conclusion to be drawn from this fact is twofold: on the one hand, this challenges the perception of Irish itinerant scholars spreading the works of scholarship that were composed in Ireland itself. Or rather, we must acknowledge that the sources for the activities of two of the most extensively described Irish learned visitors do not reveal any role for them in the dissemination of Irish works. On the other hand, the evidence points at an active role for the Irish wandering scholars in the spread of continental learning, in the innovative reinterpretation of this material, and a keen interest in cultural and political circumstances of their new homes. They certainly revealed a talent to successfully operate in the eye of the storm that was the Carolingian revival of learning.

3

Irish Books at St. Gall The account of Marcus and Marcellus’s arrival at St. Gall shows that Irish travellers brought books with them. Unfortunately, we do not know if any of Marcus’s books were written in Ireland, although it seems likely that the two men did not leave Ireland without at least some books. Yet, these Irish books may have been traded for other books, goods or services along the way, before their arrival at St. Gall. As an object of material value, status and intellectual interest, books made excellent gifts,1 especially in a context that relied on reciprocal acts of kindness. Travelling long distances in the early Middle Ages certainly was such a context. The books, and the texts within them, that were carried by Irish peregrini across Europe need not have been Irish compositions themselves. The Bern Master is a case in point: his script reveals his Irish heritage and the arrangement of his manuscript evinces that he copied the texts during his travels, but the text material in his vade mecum was continental. By collecting writings during their travels, Irish peregrini thus facilitated the transmission of continental (and also Anglo-Saxon) texts. Such a course of events has been suspected in the case of a Lombard copy of the Edict of the Lombard King Rothari, dated to the second half of the seventh century. Historians have claimed that it was transported from Bobbio to St. Gall by Irish monks. While this scenario proves our point here, there is in fact no evidence that the transporters of this particular manuscript were Irishmen.2 The picture is further complicated by the fact that Irishmen will have brought on their travels foreign books and, even more so, continental texts directly from their homeland, in particular the many patristic works known to have been available in Ireland. The multiple library catalogues and book lists from ninth-­century St. Gall are important witnesses to the exchange of books and texts that resulted in the abbey’s collection. The Breuiarium librorum de coenobio s. Galli confessoris Christi or ‘breviary of books of the monastery of Saint Gallus, confessor of Christ’, lists around 400 of the monastery’s books and was composed between

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850 and 860, during Grimald’s abbacy, and continued into the 880s.3 The initial scribe arranged the ‘catalogue’ systematically according to author or genre, under headings like De libris beati Gregorii Pape, ‘On the books of the blessed Pope Gregory’. It starts with copies of the Old and New Testament, the works of authoritative authors (Church Fathers, Bede, Isidore, Alcuin etc.), followed by books according to genre, such as laws, hagiographies and glossaries. It has a wealth of additional notes and comments were added by later scribes in the margins and between the lines. Perhaps one of these hands belonged to Hartmut (ob. after 895), Grimald’s proabbas and successor.4 The later insertions concern additions to the library collection, but more often contain comments on the outward features of the books or the quality of their contents. Among other things, the comments tell us that one copy of the twenty-­two homilies by Gregory the Great was returned to Reichenau as a new copy was finished; another that of the four copies of the Gospels, one was missing; and that the St. Gall monks were sceptical of the authenticity of some of the commentaries purported to be by Jerome, labelling one a ‘fraud’ (mendacium) and noting that the two great volumes of psalm commentary were ‘not his, but useless’ (non sunt eius, sed inutiles).5 Occasionally, the glosses explain how the community had obtained the books, but there is no reference to Irishmen bringing in books. There are, however, notations revealing that certain books were written in Irish script. Under the list of New Testament books, we find one entry (in fact written by the first cataloguer) of a two-­volume edition of the Gospel of John scottice scripta, in Irish script or ‘written in Irish fashion’.6 Among the books of Prosper of Aquitaine we find a copy of his Epigrammata in two books, to which the later scribe added the note that one of these books was a small Irish codex (unum fuit Scotticum pusillum), followed by the sign for require, indicating that the book was lost at that moment.7 The description thus also serves as a search instruction; the comment was not only a reference to the book’s origin, but especially on its script and decoration; the way it looked.8 The same concern for the outward looks of a book is found further down, where the later scribe added an entry for a collection of old sermons in an Irish volume (sermones in uolumine scottico ueteri).9 The remarks on the Irish script are unique in the breviary: no other ‘regional script’ (such as Alemannic, Beneventan, or Visigothic) is found to be described in the list proper or in the glosses entered in the following decades. Two books were found to be illegible by the glossator, a copy of Isidore’s Synonyma and a uita of Abbot Aredio of Limoges, but unfortunately he does not mention whether this was due to a complicated script, wear or poor grammar (or perhaps

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even poor style).10 The absence of a reference to Anglo-Saxon script, and its close resemblance to books written in Ireland,11 makes one wonder whether the label scottice included books originally copied in England. Even to modern palaeographers, it is often difficult to ascertain the precise origin of insular script and the same must have been the case for ninth-­century St. Gall cataloguers, especially if they were not Irish or Anglo-Saxon themselves. The unique attention to the insular script raises another question: why did the scribes recording this list make a note of those books written in ‘Irish script’? Was it out of reverence, exoticism or dismissal? This question is pertinent because of the list preceding the Breuiarium. Separate and independent from the thematic arrangement of the breviary, this list records the libri scottice scripti, ‘the books written in Irish fashion’. The list survives on p. 4 of Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, immediately preceding the breviary, and contains the details of approximately thirty distinct volumes, booklets and quires that were at one time present at St. Gall.12 This list of books is an important, but complicated, witness to the relations between Ireland and St. Gall. The list of libri scottice scripti was not entered by the same scribe who first penned the library catalogue. Instead, the handwriting resembles that of one of the later commenters of the breviary.13 The text of the interlinear and marginal glosses demonstrate that they were added some years after the initial composition of the breviary; that is to say, enough time had passed for volumes to have gone missing, been donated, or to have had their contents reassessed. It follows that the list of libri scottice scripti was also written some time after the original catalogue. Since none of the texts in this list features in the breviary (apparently), this means that the Irish books were already regarded as a separate corpus of books at the time of compilation of the breviary. Judging by the separate listing in an arbitrarily arranged list, the compilers did not regard the books scottice scripti as part of the general collection of St. Gall. The works mentioned comprise texts of various genres and topics, including texts written by patristic authorities, including Augustine. The reason for the exclusion of the Irish books, then, cannot have been based on the texts within them. Instead, it must have been the script in which these books were written that was perceived at St. Gall as outlandish, hard to read and, ultimately, of little use. Indeed, in the late ninth-­century copy of the breviary of books in MS 267, the preceding list of books scottice scripti was omitted and none of the Irish manuscripts have since been securely identified (although there are some tentative leads, see below), suggesting that the books were unbound and their parchment reused within decades after the composition of the list.14

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The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

Fig. 2  The list of books written in Irish fashion, St. Gall.

It is worthwhile briefly to examine the works listed:15 LIBRI SCOTTICE SCRIPTI 1. Metrum iuuenci, in uolumine I 2. Epistolae pauli in uolumine I

Irish Books at St. Gall 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29.

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Actus apostolorum in uolumine I Epistolae canonicae VII in uolumine I Tractatus bedae in prouerbia salomonis in uolumine I Ezechiel propheta in uolumine I Euangelium secundum iohannem in uolumine I Enchiridion augustini in uolumine I Item iuuenci metrum in uolumine I Apocalypsis in uolumine I Item apocalypsis in uolumine I Metrum sedulii in uolumine I De gradibus eclesiasticis in uolumine I Arithmetica boetii uolumen I Missalis in uolumine I Uita sancti hilarii in codicillo I Passio sanctorum martyrum marcellini et petri Metrum uirgilii in uolumine I, Eius glosa in altero Quaternio I de inuentione corporis sancti Stephani Quaternio I De relatione translationis sancti Galli in nouam eclesiam Bedae de arte metrica in quaternionibus Instructio eclesiastici ordinis in codicillo I Liber I genesis in quaternionibus Actus apostolorum et apocalypsis in uolumine I ueteri Quaternio I in natali innocentium legenda Orationes et sententiae uariae in uolumine I Orationes in quaternionibus Expositio in cantica canticorum in quaternionibus II Item in regum quaternio I

The libri scottice scripti include nine volumes of biblical books: two with material from the Old Testament (items 6 and 23), and seven with texts from the New Testament (2, 3, 4, 7, 10, 11, 24), three exegetical tracts on Old Testament books (5, 28, 29), one patristic work (Augustine’s Enchiridion, item 8), two canonical tracts on the liturgical matters (texts titled De gradibus eclesiasticis (13) and Instructio eclesiastici ordinis (22)), two liturgical volumes (15, 25), two books of Orationes (26, 27), four hagiographical texts (16, 17, 19, 20), four poetical works (of which one was a Virgil with glosses in a separate volume, items 1, 9, 12, 18), and two schoolbooks (Arithmetic by Boethius (14), Metrics by Bede (21)). A few manuscripts and fragments may be identifiable with entries in the list of libri scottice scripti: St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 60, a Gospel of John, may be the Euangelium secundum iohannem in uolumine I (item 7), or, perhaps, a rebound version of the two-­volume copy in the main catalogue.16 MS 60 opens with two

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The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

richly, but not flawlessly executed, decorated facing pages: a portrait page depicting the evangelist and the initial page.17 A leaf of composite manuscript MS 1395 (pp. 440–1), a fragment of Colossians, may be identified with the entry Epistolae Pauli in uolumine I, although the fragment in fact is copiously glossed in the margins with commentaries, while the book list does not mention a glossed volume. A single leaf with a decorated cross in MS 1395 (pp.  422–3) with a

Fig. 3  The opening page of the Gospel of John in St. Gall.

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penitential prayer and a litany on its verso side might be a remnant of either of the two volumes of Orationes (items 26 and 27). A fragment of an eighth- or ninth-­century missal written in Ireland (MS 1394, pp. 95–8) perhaps once was part of the missal found in the list (item 15).18 Finally, Zürich Staatsarchiv MS 639 XII (leaves 24–5; earlier 61–4), which may have been at St. Gall at some

Fig. 4  The decorated page taken from an Irish book of prayers (?), St. Gall.

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The Irish Scholarly Presence at St. Gall

stage,19 is a manuscript fragment of the book of Ezekiel with marginal and interlinear glosses written in an eighth- or ninth-­century Irish hand, which could fit the entry: Ezechiel propheta in uolumine I (item 6).20 The focus of this collection of books is profoundly biblical and liturgical, or rather utilitarian. Many of the volumes listed provided users with readings during services and mealtimes, and with some advanced school texts. These books appear to have been the sort of works that pilgrims would have chosen to bring on their travels. They would have provided readings from the Bible, instructions for the celebration en route of religious services, and even texts for the teaching of their companions and those they encountered. The emphasis on the Bible and liturgy is also apparent in the other surviving examples of Irish script in the library of St. Gall. The greatest Irish manuscript treasure at St. Gall must be MS 51, a mid- to late-­eighth-­century Irish copy of the gospels with twelve impressive illustrated pages.21 According to its nineteenth-­century cataloguer, however, the book did not reach St. Gall before the tenth century.22 The same may or may not be true of the fragments of Irish manuscripts found by nineteenth-­century librarians Hauntinger and Von Arx in the abbey’s library lining the bindings of younger manuscripts. These fragments, now bound together in several composite manuscripts, preserve mostly liturgical material: a fragment of the Gospel of Luke on poor, thick vellum (MS 1394, pp. 101–4);23 a seventh-­century fragment of a requiem mass including John’s narration of the story of Lazarus (MS 1395, pp.  430–3); two beautifully illustrated pages from eighth-­century Ireland with on their verso sides assorted blessings, and, in one case, unintelligible text of an unknown language (MS 1395, pp. 418–19, 426–7 – not from the same manuscripts);24 a ninth-­century copy of prayers over the dying in large script (MS 1395, pp. 445–7); an eighth-­century leaf with a fragment of Augustine’s, De musica (MS 1395, pp. 436–7);25 and the appendix from a sacramentary, a ritual or pontifical (a double-­leaf in Zürich, Staatsarchiv 639 XXXVI, 57 (earlier 117)).26 In the 1950s, work at the library uncovered a single leaf from a seventh-­century Irish copy of the Etymologiae of Isidore of Seville.27 Unfortunately, these remnants of Irish manuscripts raise more questions than historians can answer. For one, it is mostly unclear in which volumes the St. Gall librarians found these leaves, information which could perhaps be useful to determine the time when they were recycled as lining pages. Such a dating would help, because it is equally uncertain whether or not the books from which these leaves came were at St. Gall in the period under discussion here. The Irish manuscript fragments that cannot be linked to the list of Irish books were either cut up before the composition of the list sometime between 850 and 860 or, more probable, arrived at the abbey after its composition. In fact, this is the case

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for most insular books; even eighth-­century manuscripts seldom reached their current locations, by means of pilgrims and scholars, before the ninth century, and perhaps not until the late ninth or early tenth centuries.28 Moreover, as with the other manuscript witnesses, we do not know how, from where and by whose hands they arrived at St. Gall. They might have been on the continent for centuries, or came to Alemannia straight from Ireland. Nevertheless, the extant book fragments fit well with the information from the list of libri scottice scripti; the surviving witnesses to Irish script do not appear to be the remnants of a particularly scholarly influence from Irish travellers, but rather as testimonies of a large volume of practical insular books travelling over the continent and through St. Gall, probably transported by pilgrims from the British Isles. Here, some of these works were unceremoniously cut up and used to strengthen the bindings of other, newer books. Many of the salvaged fragments have impressive specimens of insular art on their leaves, suggesting that the monks who dismembered the Irish volumes still had a keen appreciation for the aesthetics of their illustrations. This perhaps also saved the biblical MSS 51 and 60 from recycling. But most of the books on the list of libri scottice scripti were doomed, it seems. Their presence on the list appears to testify to their irrelevance to the library’s holding.29 None of the titles on the booklist represent an identifiable Hiberno-Latin scholarly work, although some originally Irish texts may be hidden behind some of the less familiar titles. Some of the biblical manuscripts reveal insular features in the text of the Bible, while others communicated insular ideas through glosses or the treatment of their texts, but the main staple of the non-­liturgical manuscripts seem to have been non-Irish scholarship: works of Virgil, Juvencus, Sedulius, Boethius, Augustine, Bede. The Irish books and, supposedly, their Irish porters thus mainly facilitated the spread of Anglo-Saxon and continental learning. An intriguing case in point is offered by the identification of a text recorded in the Irish book list under the entry Instructio eclesiastici ordinis in codicillo I (item 22).30 This title, in the same wording, occurs in St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 349: in nomine sancte domini nostri ihesu christi incipit instruccio aecclesiastici ordinis.31 MS 349, a collectarium of assorted prayers and liturgical and monastic material, was written in the second half of the eighth century somewhere in the Lake Constance region, probably at St. Gall.32 Its scribe wrote a minuscule bordering on Caroline minuscule, but with some peculiarities that indicate that its exemplar was written in insular script. This exemplar was probably the small booklet (codicillo) written in ‘Irish fashion’ listed in the libri scottice scripti, which apparently made its way to St. Gall by the eighth century at the latest.

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The Instructio eclesiastici ordinis in MS 349 is a monastic ordo romanus, instructing a monastic community in the liturgical songs. It corresponds to the description which Bede gives of the ordo romanus written by the Roman archicantor and abbot of Rome’s St. Martin monastery, Johannes. Following the Lateran synod of 680, this Johannes had been sent by Pope Agatho to accompany Benedict Biscop to his monastery at Wearmouth to teach its community ‘the method of singing throughout the year, as it was practised at St. Peter’s at Rome’.33 If the text in MS 349 is indeed the ordo romanus which Johannes committed to parchment,34 then it follows that its exemplar scottice scripti contained a text that ultimately had come from England to the continental monasteries. As its background sketched by Bede indicates, this work concerns the Roman liturgy and was aimed at aiding the introduction of Roman traditions in Northumbria, countering any local peculiarities of the Anglo-Saxons or Irish.35 The AngloSaxon context of the origin Instructio eclesiastici ordinis draws attention to the possibility that the libri scottice scripti included insular manuscripts from Britain, as well as from Ireland. At the least, it reveals that the list of ‘Irish books’ includes volumes that spread Anglo-Saxon, or ultimately Roman, texts and traditions. In conclusion, the library lists of St. Gall, including the list of ‘books written in Irish fashion’, provide us with unique and complicated evidence for the presence of insular manuscripts at the ninth-­century monastic library. With over thirty codices, booklets and loose quires in insular script, the monastery held a sizeable corpus of insular manuscripts. In the eyes of the St. Gall monks, the script of the insular manuscript set them apart from the approximately 400 other books in the collection. This recognition of the insular contribution to their book collection, however, was not the result of reverence, but rather of their overall uselessness. Within decades of the fashioning of the list of ‘Irish books’ all but the most beautiful seem to have been discarded, cut up and used to strengthen bindings of other (continental) manuscripts. The evidence thus points to both a lively exchange of insular books at St. Gall, presumably mostly through the agency of Irish and Anglo-Saxon visitors, as well as a quickly diminishing appreciation and declining use of those books. It substantiates the image of these books as pilgrims’ belongings; they arrived at St. Gall in the luggage of peregrini visiting the grave of Saint Gallus and on their way to or from the Eternal City. Their books stayed behind, but seem to have been seldom expressly solicited by the monks of St. Gall. The Irish books washed up at St. Gall following their ride on the waves of insular pilgrimage; they do not seem to have been an integral part of the abbey’s intellectual network.

Part Two

Scholarly Texts

4

De XII Abusiuis at St. Gall The most influential Irish work in early medieval Europe is probably the mid-­ seventh-century treatise known as De Duodecim Abusiuis Saeculi (hereafter De XII Abusiuis).1 The relatively short text, which describes the twelve main faults in the world and their corresponding vices, struck a chord with continental scholars and lawmakers, who not only copied it in its entirety, but also drew selected passages from it. While it has been common for scholars to ascribe the text to Cyprian – hence its modern renown as a work by Pseudo-Cyprian – the author of the work has also been variably identified as ‘Patricius’, Augustine or Isidore, while some copyists left the work anonymous.2 The text on the ninth abuse, ‘the unjust king’, and especially its antithesis, ‘the righteous king’, which built on older Irish ideas, was warmly received on the European mainland, not least by Carolingian authors as they were contributing to the formation of a new, specific brand of royal rulership. De XII Abusiuis survives in more than two hundred medieval manuscript copies, of which the ten oldest date from the ninth century. More than twenty-­four medieval library catalogues list the work, referring to a total of thirty-­four copies. The relatively large number of catalogue entries and extant manuscript copies can be safely regarded as a reflection of the text’s popularity, at least from the ninth century onwards. The fact that the surviving manuscripts preserve several different recensions of the work with varying attributions testifies to a lively, sprawling dissemination, rather than a straightforward, linear transmission process. The abbey of St. Gall now owns four copies of De XII Abusiuis which belong to some of the oldest manuscript witnesses to the text in Europe (as usual, there are no surviving Irish copies). By the time that these copies were made, De XII Abusiuis had probably already enjoyed considerable circulation on the continent: by the second quarter of the ninth century one finds contemporary evidence of different recensions and different authorial attributions. The arrival at the abbey of the different copies of the work was effected by St. Gall’s position within various intellectual networks connecting the abbey with learned centres

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elsewhere. St. Gall was not only on the receiving end; the abbey was also instrumental in the further dissemination of the learning it acquired. This chapter discusses the reception of De XII Abusiuis by the community of St. Gall and will attempt to unpick the threads of the scholarly web that facilitated the spread of De XII Abusiuis to the abbey. It may be helpful to start with a brief description of the Irish tract and its transmission.

De XII Abusiuis in Ireland De XII Abusiuis is made up of a series of brief but comprehensive moral-­ theological essays on the twelve main evils that lead to humanity’s damnation. They are organized around the public or private roles of persons and the ideal virtues associated with them. A king, for instance, is required to be just and righteous, while a young person is expected to be humble and a woman modest. It is when these virtues are neglected that vices, or ‘abuses’, set in. Hence, the first six chapters concern ‘the wise man without good works’ (sapiens sine operibus bonis), ‘the aged man without piety’ (senex sine religione), the ‘youth without obedience’ (adolescens sine oboedientia), ‘the wealthy man who does not give alms’ (diues sine eleemosyna), ‘the woman without modesty’ (femina sine pudicitia) and ‘the lord without virtue’ (dominus sine uirtute). These chapters, it seems, focus on individual manifestations of sinful behaviour, which lead to the corruption of the persons involved and in turn, threaten the integrity of their communities. The second set of six abuses describes more public breaches of order and morality by individuals invested with a general responsibility for the rectitude of society.3 These abuses have more far-­reaching social implications and, in the case of the unjust king, even cosmological repercussions. They include ‘the contentious Christian’ (christianus contentiosus), who is governed by vanity and desires for worldly rewards, ‘the proud poor’ (pauper superbus), presented as a threat to the social order,4 ‘the unjust king’ (rex iniquus), ‘the negligent bishop’ (episcopus neglegens), ‘the undisciplined laity’ (plebs sine disciplina) and, embracing all previous social abuses, ‘a lawless people’ (populus sine lege). The Irish origin of De XII Abusiuis is not in doubt. Its Bible readings reflect insular versions of the Vulgate and a complex, identifiable web of textual correspondences and parallelisms connects the tract with other Hiberno-Latin texts, in particular the prose works of Columbanus, canonical material such as the so-­called ‘Second Synod of St. Patrick’, De mirabilibus Sacrae Scripturae by Augustinus Hibernicus, and the anonymous De ordine creaturarum.5 The

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prescription of some harsh punishments for perjury has parallels in Irish penitentials and can be connected to Old Irish legal texts,6 while the ideas on justice promoted in De XII Abusiuis are strongly connected to Irish secular literary tradition, such as the Audacht Morainn.7 The concept of iustitia is especially apparent in the text’s most influential chapter, that on the unjust king, which declares that an act of injustice by the king, who is expected to be supreme upholder of justice, constitutes a breach of a fundamental cosmological rule, resulting in a host of negative effects and natural disasters.8 Conversely, the reign of a righteous king guarantees peace among the peoples, the healing of all sorrows and ailments, temperateness of weather, the stillness of the sea, and a fertile earth. By contrast, the reign of an unjust king will cause the fruits of the earth to be diminished, result in the deaths of loved ones and children and attract hostile invasions. The cosmological consequences will be evident from the ubiquity of tempests and disturbances of the weather preventing ‘the fertility of the land and the constancy of the tidal motion of the sea’, while frequent blasts of lightning ‘wither the corn on the ground and the blossoms and young shoots on the trees’.9 This notion of a cosmological balance tied to the righteousness of a king can be argued to mirror the all-­embracing Irish concept of fír flathemon, the ‘ruler’s justice’, or the ‘ruler’s truth’, which is central to Irish moral works such as Audacht Morainn and the Tecosca Cormaic, with analogies in the Irish saga ‘The Destruction of Da Derga’s Hostel’.10 Other evidence for the Irish origin of De XII Abusiuis is its citation in known Irish works like the Hibernensis, the ninth-­century Stowe Missal, and probably Irish Collectanea of Ps.-Bede.11 The compilation of De XII Abusiuis is associated with the efforts of the Irish ‘Romani’ faction. Following the synod of Mag Léne convened in 630, two factions emerged in the early Irish church. Of these, the so-­called ‘Romani’ promoted closer adherence to Roman practices, in particular regarding the calculations of the correct day of Easter, whereas the ‘Hibernenses’ appear to have been more resistant to change in existing rites and practices.12 For almost a century, the two parties would organize their separate church synods, echoes of which survive in the Hibernensis, but there is also evidence of cross-­party communication and even cooperation.13 Although its main energies were probably devoted to the introduction of a uniform, orthodox (Roman) Easter reckoning, the Romani reform movement may also have been concerned with other religious and ecclesiastical matters, such as clerical discipline, liturgy and church hierarchy.14 Modern historians continue to debate the details of the dispute, and questions remain regarding the way in which it developed throughout the seventh century. Scholarship has traditionally framed the debate along geographical lines,

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identifying the Romani with churches in the south of Ireland and the Hibernenses with churches in the north, which eventually reformed in 716 when, according to Bede, the community of Iona adopted the Roman system of calculation in Easter in 716. In truth, however, we do not know the precise affiliations of most churches or the way in which these affiliations changed and when. Our uncertainty could in part be the result of a successful eighth-­century effort by Irish scholars to brush over the painful division, the traces of which are found in the compilation of the great Irish canonical collection, the Collectio canonum Hibernensis, and a new redaction of the Romani text known as the Synodus II S. Patricii.15 De XII Abusiuis appears to be a Romani text written within a few decades of the Mag Léne synod.16 It seems to display an interest in the paschal controversy in its chapter on the people without discipline (plebs sine disciplina) and it has some ideological parallels with the two ‘Patrician’ synods (the first and second ‘Synod of St Patrick’), both of noted Romani origin.17 Finally, like other canons taken from Romani authorities, the citation from De XII Abusiuis in the Hibernensis is attributed to ‘Patricius’.18 This mention of Patricius, also alluded to in the incipits of Synodus I S. Patricii and Synodus II S. Patricii, may very well refer to the missionary St. Patrick, ‘Apostle of the Irish’ and purported first bishop of Armagh. Here the Romani party appears to harness the authority of Patrick for its own cause.19 Apart from ‘Patricius’, medieval readers attributed the De XII Abusiuis to the third-­century Bishop Cyprian of Carthage, the Church Father Augustine of Hippo, and Isidore of Seville, while some manuscript copies left the work anonymous. Working with a limited corpus of manuscript witnesses, the text’s first modern editor, Siegfried Hellmann, attempted to sketch a classification of different text-­types on the basis of shared variant readings. More recently, Hellmann’s work was followed up on by Aidan Breen, who noted textual differences between the two versions and a different arrangement of the capitula in the prologues. Breen argued that the different authorial attributions reflect different versions: the versions travelling anonymously or under the name of Augustine he regarded superior with regard to grammar, sense and logical arrangement of material.20 This ‘Augustine recension’ (class I) Breen argued to represent an earlier recension of De XII Abusiuis, closest to its Irish original. Yet, linguistic or organizational superiority is not a reliable indication of its proximity to the original version: De XII Abusiuis can also have been improved during its transmission, rather than deteriorated. The ascription to Cyprian, possibly prompted by the use of works by this Church Father, was perhaps imposed upon

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the text during a mostly grammatical revision that took place early in the text’s continental transmission, somewhere in a Carolingian learned centre.21 Or, vice versa, the Augustine recension, including its ascription to an even higher patristic authority, was created later. The copies carrying an ascription to Cyprian are further divided into two groups (class II and III, paralleling Hellmann’s β and α sub-­groups, respectively). This evidence can be employed in a study into the patterns of the text’s dissemination. The oldest surviving copies of De XII Abusiuis belong to the two Cyprian text-­groups, while the earliest references in library catalogues point to an Augustine recension. This suggests that the text had proliferated to some extent before its oldest manuscript witnesses were copied, among which are the St. Gall books. A brief exploration of the earliest secondary witnesses to the work’s presence on the continent may throw some light on the paths travelled by De XII Abusiuis to the library of St. Gall.

The earliest attestations of De XII Abusiuis in Europe A study of the spread of De XII Abusiuis must start from the realization that the oldest extant manuscript witnesses of the complete text date from the middle to the late ninth century, about two centuries after its composition. In fact, only ten ninth-­century copies survive.22 These material remains, however, do not seem to represent the first phases of the tract’s spread on the continent. At least some of the ideas of De XII Abusiuis had found an audience among insular and continental scholars before then. The Hibernensis, with its extract from De XII Abusiuis on the just and unjust king, arrived in Europe no later than the middle of the eighth century, when it was used for the revision of the Collectio Vetus Gallica at Corbie. Further east this canonical collection was possibly known among those in Boniface’s circle.23 The earliest continental use of these ideas on kingship came some decades later in the form of an exceptional letter to the Frankish king. Sometime in the early months of 775, following Charlemagne’s successful conquest of Lombard Italy, a certain Cathwulf wrote to the Frankish king.24 Cathwulf heaped praise on the young king and described the eight reasons for his ‘crown of glory’ of worldly successes, the eight pillars on which his rule of good government rested, and the proper relationship between bishops and kings. The author drew extensively from the Old Testament, employing typological comparisons between the king’s position and the history of Israel, and providing

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ideas that considerably shaped Carolingian political thought in the years to come. In this exhortative letter, which can be regarded as an early example of a ‘mirror of princes’, Cathwulf also has recourse to the ideas on just kingship as they appear in De XII Abusiuis. He describes the natural benefits of having a righteous king in terms that closely parallel De XII Abusiuis. Conversely, the injustice of the king results in negative effects on a cosmological scale. Therefore, if you keep these eight columns [of just kingship] with all your strength, you will then be king [. . .] and your kingdom will be blessed for all your days, with your wife and sons. And then there will be stillness of air and storms, fruitfulness of the earth and the sea with all that is born in it, and you will happily be master of even more peoples, and your enemies [will] fall before your face, and so on. And conversely, as the holy Patricius said: ‘For through the injustice of the king there will be his own misfortune, dissension among his wife and sons, hunger of peoples, pestilence, unfruitfulness of the earth, the sea, and earthly fruits through diverse beatings by storms, and [he will be] overcome by his enemies and expelled from the kingdom.’ And you have sufficient examples from these days and from those of your fathers, for example Waifer and Desiderius and his son and of their kingdoms and so on, just like Rehoboam, Achaz, Achab, and the rest of the kings of the Jews, who became evil in the eyes of the Lord and will not walk in the company of God.25

Cathwulf ’s letter demonstrates that these Irish ideas arrived at the royal court even before the most famed insular scholars did. The author of the letter, Cathwulf, is otherwise unknown. His name appears to be Anglo-Saxon and the letter testifies to many insular learned notions and a knowledge of Irish scholarship.26 Cathwulf ’s very keen understanding of the inner political workings of the Frankish kingdom, including the public secret of the past rivalry between Charles and Carloman, suggests, however, that he wrote his letter on the continent.27 Moreover, Cathwulf refers to Charlemagne as ‘my king’ and ‘my Charles’ and to himself as ‘your servant’.28 Cathwulf must have written his letter in an intellectual centre that could accommodate such an accomplished biblical scholar with a well-­stocked library including insular works. Where his workplace was located, however, remains unknown. Arguments have been made for either the royal abbey of St. Denis, the origin of the sole surviving manuscript witness, or a centre in eastern Francia in the area in which Boniface had been active.29 Cathwulf ’s epistle has been regarded as the first sure sign of the presence of the De XII Abusiuis on the continent.30 The precise wording of Cathwulf ’s letter,

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however, argues against direct borrowing. A first clue revealing his direct source is the attribution of part of the passage to Patricius. It mirrors the attribution of the extract of the De XII Abusiuis in the Hibernensis (book 25.3–4) and since there are no manuscript witnesses preserving De XII Abusiuis under the authorship of a Patricius, one may infer that Cathwulf did not directly quote from De XII Abusiuis, but rather from the Hibernensis. And even though both the compilers of the Hibernensis and Cathwulf rephrase the passages taken from De XII Abusiuis, there is evidence for their connection. Some of Cathwulf ’s descriptions of natural conditions have clear parallels in both De XII Abusiuis and the Hibernensis, such as the stillness of the air, the fertility of the earth and its juxtaposition with marine fruitfulness. Some phrases seem to be more loosely based on these Irish sources, while others are unique to Cathwulf ’s letter, such as the mention of the potential of more conquests and the references to hunger, pestilence and the unjust king’s expulsion from (his own) kingdom. The letter’s fascinating concern with the relationship between the king’s wife and his sons, which is not paralleled in the two Irish texts, may point to Cathwulf ’s anticipation of the disinheritance of Charlemagne’s first-­ born son Pippin in 780, which was probably prompted by Queen Hildegard. Cathwulf ’s mention of fruits beaten by storms could allude to storms ripping unripe fruit from trees, and as such it could have a parallel in the Hibernensis, where it is said that the iniquity of an unjust king could cause the falling of unripe fruits.31 There is no corresponding description of this natural catastrophe in De XII Abusiuis. The last sentence of this citation confirms that Cathwulf ’s exemplar stood closer to the Hibernensis tradition than to a complete version of De XII Abusiuis. Here Cathwulf lists examples of unjust kings who were expelled from their kingdoms and will not walk in the company of the Lord: Duke Waifar of Aquitaine (who had rebelled several times against Pippin III), the Lombard King Desiderius and his son, the Old Testament kings Rehoboam, Achaz, Achab ‘and the rest of the kings of the Jews’. De XII Abusiuis also refers to Old Testament kings, pointing out that the sons and nephews of kings who sinned will not inherit the kingdom, but fade out of significance. Here the tract does not mention Rehoboam, Achaz or Achab, but instead refers to Solomon, whose children did not inherit Israel because of their father’s great sin, whereas God left the lamp of David’s seed forever burning in Jerusalem because of his righteousness.32 In this context, however, the Hibernensis produces almost the identical group of kings as Cathwulf: ‘Because of the sins of kings Saul, Rehoboam, Achab and others, God destroyed their offspring so that they did not rule.’33

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The passage illustrates Cathwulf ’s authorial freedom, but it also strongly suggests that he drew his inspiration from the Hibernensis, or possibly from a version of the treatise which was sourced by the Hibernensis’s compilers. Cathwulf ’s work therefore does not constitute proof for the eighth-century presence of De XII Abusiuis on the continent, but rather a further attestation to the access for continental scholars to the Hibernensis. The two theories of Cathwulf ’s possible whereabouts correspond to the evidence for the earliest continental use of the Hibernensis: St. Denis was connected to nearby Corbie through many institutional and personal connections, and Boniface’s circle has been implicated in the earliest continental dissemination of the Hibernensis. Cathwulf ’s letter to Charlemagne provides crucial evidence for the spread of insular learning, sources and ways of thinking on the continent. It bears witness to the royal court’s exposure to insular-­style imagery of Old Testament kingship before insular scholars attained prominence in courtly learning. There is no evidence that typological comparisons with Israel were in fashion before this letter was sent.34 Cathwulf ’s epistle contributed to the promotion among the most powerful dynasty of the continent of the idea that the Old Testament was a source of legislation applicable to contemporary conditions, an idea current in insular scholarship.35 It is significant for our purpose that our reconstruction does not immediately point to a role for an Irishman;36 instead the evidence suggests that the appropriation of Irish material in the letter was done within Frankish lands, and that the person at the base of the transmission of this Irish learning to the court was an Anglo-Saxon. The insular notions of good kingship and its cosmological consequences that are expounded in De XII Abusiuis took firm root at the Carolingian court. We find these same thoughts on kingship in a letter by Alcuin to King Æthelred of Northumbria, written in 793. He writes that he has read (legimus quoque) that good kingship benefits the whole people, brings victory to the army, good weather, abundance from the earth, the benediction of children and good health.37 It seems very likely that a well-­informed courtier like Alcuin knew Cathwulf ’s letter and the shared themes are unmistakable. They differ in that Alcuin’s descriptions of the cosmological blessings resulting from the king’s goodness are preceded by a list of the responsibilities of a just king, such as the suppression of iniquity of loyalty, justice in judgments, an inclination to compassion etc.38 Such a register of the just king’s duties is absent in Cathwulf ’s letter, but a similar description is found in De XII Abusiuis and its citation in the Hibernensis. Luitpold Wallach (and after him Hans Hubert Anton) noted that Alcuin drew from the Hibernensis-version of De XII Abusiuis, which means that

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Alcuin had access either to a copy of the canon law collection, a shared source,39 or that Alcuin arrived at this list of duties independently. In the year that Alcuin wrote his letter, he also returned to Europe from an extended stay in Northumbria, and it is unclear whether he found the sources for this part of his letter at the Carolingian court or at York.40 As such, we cannot interpret his letter as strong evidence for the presence of the Hibernensis (or its source) at Charlemagne’s court. Nevertheless, it is a compelling witness to the acceptance of insular notions of kingship by the scholarly circle at court. The first sure witness to De XII Abusiuis on the continent is the Paris synod of 829, where the text of abusio 9, ascribed to Cyprian, is cited in its entirety.41 Bishop Jonas of Orléans was responsible for drawing up the acts, and the same extract from the tract is found in his De institutione regia, written for Pippin of Aquitaine, probably in 831.42 Some years later, Sedulius Scottus referred to De XII Abusiuis, or an earlier version, in his De rectoribus christianis, although he does not cite the text in his treatment of good and bad kingship.43 Hincmar of Rheims used De XII Abusiuis in his tract occasioned by the attempts by Lothar II to divorce his wife Theutberga, De diuortio Lotharii regis et Theutbergae reginae, and in the 870s in his De regis persona et regis minsterio.44 The first references to the text in the list of books in the inventory of St. Riquier Abbey (831) attributes De XII Abusiuis to Augustine, under the title Sermones eius de XII abusibus.45 The same ascription is present in the early medieval Würzburg catalogue of unknown date.46 In the 840 catalogue from Murbach the author of the text is listed as Isidore.47 Many of the earliest catalogue entries thus seem to refer to the Augustine version, while the earliest manuscript copies attribute the treatise to Cyprian, as does the first sure sign of its presence on the continent in the form of Jonas’s work.48 Any comments on the early spread of De XII Abusiuis, in light of the apparent loss of manuscripts, can only be tentative, but it is nevertheless interesting to observe that the image presented by extant copies and book lists correlates with Breen’s thesis that the Augustine version is closest to the insular original and that the ascription to Cyprian was perhaps imposed early in its continental dissemination.49 Interestingly, the copies of De XII Abusiuis under Cyprian’s name were almost never transmitted with genuine works of Cyprian.50 Two St. Gall copies are very rare exceptions. Of the ten extant ninth-­century copies of De XII Abusiuis, four are from St. Gall’s inventory. This impressive concentration of copies at St. Gall demonstrates the intense interest in this Irish text by the monks of St. Gall, as well as, ultimately, the fortuitous vicissitudes of St. Gall’s early medieval manuscript collection

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throughout the ages. The four copies all attribute De XII Abusiuis to Cyprian and represent both of Breen’s classes of the Cyprian text, II and III. They constitute two pairs, each an exemplar and a direct copy: an independent codicological unit in MS 150 is the exemplar of MS 89; MS 570 is copied from MS 277. Both pairs have their own transmission story to tell and both pairs represent different approaches by the monks of St. Gall to this Irish text. These different approaches become evident when we look at the so-­called associated contents: the texts which the St. Gall scribes chose to accompany De XII Abusiuis in these manuscripts. We can assume active choices on their part; even when they copied the associated contents from their exemplars, the scribes made a conscious decision not to omit them. As such, these texts hold important clues to the use and appreciation of De XII Abusiuis by the scholarly community of St. Gall.

Cyprian and Pseudo-Cyprian at St. Gall: MS 150b and MS 89 The meticulously arranged ‘breviary of books of the monastery of St. Gallus’ follows the list of ‘books in Irish script’ (see Chapter 3) in MS 728. This book list was probably begun sometime during Grimald’s abbacy and expanded on in the 880s. It features one volume with De XII Abusiuis, in the section listing homilies: Sancti Cipriani de XII Abusiuis seculi et de oratione dominica et de patientia et de opere et elemosinis, dicta Gregorii Nazanzeni episcopi de Hieremia propheta et alia nonnulla in uolumine I.51 Attributed to Cyprian, De XII Abusiuis is the first text of the book mentioned by the cataloguer. The fact that this book is listed as a collection of homilies suggests that the De XII Abusiuis was regarded as a pastoral text. It could have been read aloud in St. Gall, either during services or as readings at mealtimes, or perhaps it was thought to supply material for sermons and lectures. This pastoral focus is evident also in the accompanying texts: orations on Sunday, on patience, on good works and charity, followed by dicta (i.e. spoken work) by Gregory of Nazianzus on Jeremiah. The contents of two extant manuscripts preserved in the monastery library correspond to the entry in the book list: an independent codicological unit dating from the first or second quarter of the ninth century, now in the composite MS 150, and its slightly later copy MS 89. A brief description of MS 150 is in order. This composite manuscript consists of five independent codicological units, which were bound together at an unknown moment.52 The nineteenth-­ century cataloguer Gustav Scherrer dated the units constituting MS 150 to the late ninth and tenth centuries and assumed that MS 150 was a copy of MS 89.

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Scherrer’s findings have been followed by most later historians.53 Yet, a closer look at the palaeography of the units reveals that the manuscript parts are in fact older, written in scripts that represent various stages of Alemannic minuscule typically used in periods ranging from the end of the eighth century to the middle of the ninth.54 When exactly these ninth-­century booklets were combined into MS 150 remain uncertain. An almost complete thirteenth-­century list of the book’s contents on p. 2 evinces that the five units were put together sometime before then. The separate mention in the monastery’s book list of the unit containing De XII Abusiuis suggests that it was still an independent book by the second half of the ninth century. In the remainder of this chapter, I will assume that it stayed so for the entire ninth century, the period covered in this study. The associated contents within MS 150 (outside of the unit holding De XII Abusiuis) will therefore be disregarded. To avoid confusion (we will study other units of MS 150 in Chapter 6), I will refer to this unit, dated to the first half of the ninth century, as MS 150b. The texts in MSS 150b and 89 are the same as those in the catalogue entry, but in a different order. The manuscript opens not with De XII Abusiuis, but with Cyprian’s treatise on the Lord’s Prayer, De dominica oratione, followed by a text carrying the title De patientia in the manuscript, known to historians as De bono patientiae.55 This is followed by Cyprian’s work De opere et elemosynis, then De XII Abusiuis, followed by the invocation by Bishop Gregory to his flock at Nazianzus ‘in times of grave danger’,56 and Cyprian’s consolatory sermon or tract De mortalitate addressed to a Christian community struck by the plague, something that Cyprian saw as a sign of the approaching end of the world,57 and his De ecclesiae unitate. The last two texts are not mentioned by the cataloguer, but they may have been the texts he referred to as ‘some other works’ (alia nonnulla). The difference in the texts’ sequence makes it difficult to definitively identify either MS 150b or MS 89 with the entry in the book list, but it is evident that the entry refers to a book very closely related to MSS 150b or 89. If the cataloguer really did have MSS 150b or 89 in mind, the position of De XII Abusiuis at the beginning of the catalogue entry may evince its significance to its St. Gall readers. MS 150b and MS 89 are the only early manuscripts in which De XII Abusiuis is accompanied by genuine works of Cyprian. The texts are not merely connected by a perceived common authorship; thematically De XII Abusiuis is, in fact, a good fit with this combination of texts. As noted above, the texts in this volume all testify to a pastoral interest and focus in particular on the correct disposition of Christians, which is based on humility, courage and endurance, and on proper

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conduct. In explaining the Lord’s Prayer, Cyprian also devotes attention to the proper character for the believer during the prayer. In De bono patientiae, the virtues of endurance and patience are described as vital for a Christian life. Cyprian’s work on good deeds and almsgiving began as an admonition to the rich that almsgiving, for people of their social position, is essential for the promise of eternal life. This focus on fundamental virtues and the required actions and responsibilities of those in the elite connects Cyprian’s treatises with De XII Abusiuis. The latter has itself a whole chapter on the wealthy man who does not give out alms (abusio 4).58 Gregory of Nazianzus’s oration, which appears to be prompted by natural disasters that had struck Nazianzus, neatly follows the same sentiment. In fact, Gregory’s oration is specifically also addressed to the town’s prefect, counselling him on his role in the face of a distraught and confused populace, much the same as De XII Abusiuis concentrates on those of high station. The realization that a failure to abide by these essentials causes the world’s mortal wrongs links De XII Abusiuis with Cyprian’s work on the plague as a portent of the world’s end (something correctly faced with courage and endurance). Cyprian’s important treatise De catholicae ecclesiae unitate, lastly, warns against the dangers to the Church that come from within, a theme also discussed in the last chapters of De XII Abusiuis on a schismatic people without discipline and a populace without law. Despite the thematic coherence of the combination of texts in MSS 150b and 89, this manuscript is a very rare example of genuine works of Cyprian accompanying De XII Abusiuis. This rarity argues against an insular origin for the combination of texts in MSS 150b and 89; if this combination had been devised early in the text’s dissemination, one would expect it to recur more often in the extant manuscript witnesses. It is possible that the combination originates from St. Gall. Regardless of the origin of this arrangement, the great interest in this text and the recognition of its functionality for the members of the community of St. Gall is also evident in the fact that MS 150b served as the exemplar for another St. Gall copy of De XII Abusiuis: MS 89. There is no evidence that the St. Gall scholars recognized the Irish origin of De XII Abusiuis or doubted the authorship of Cyprian of Carthage. If Breen is correct in assuming the ascription to Cyprian to be a continental addition, this might demonstrate that the text did not travel to the desks of the St. Gall scribes from Ireland in a straight and uninterrupted line.59 In fact, the absence of any evidence of recognition of the text’s Irish descent could be considered an argument against a direct copy from Ireland. Nevertheless, Breen’s thesis is

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certainly not beyond doubt and it must be stressed that there is very little we can say with certainty about the provenance of the exemplar(s) of MS 150b, the oldest manuscript witness to the complete text of De XII Abusiuis. The version of the text of De XII Abusiuis in MS 150b points to a few other extant copies which are more or less closely related to it and which may betray something about the network of scholarly exchange that facilitated the spread of the texts in MS 150b. Breen placed the text of De XII Abusiuis in MSS 150b and 89 in his class II, where they constitute the oldest surviving specimens. Later copies of the same text recension, dating from the late ninth or early tenth centuries, testify to a lively engagement with the text in north-­eastern France: St. Omer, Bibliothèque publique, MS 267 was written at St. Bertin; Cambrai, Bibliothèque municipale MS 204 originates from the region of St. Amand,60 and Bern, Burgerbibliothek MS 425 is from Rheims.61 Cambrai, MS 204, like St. Gall MSS 150b and 89, has a homiletic focus: De XII Abusiuis is accompanied by a number of sermons, including some by Ambrosius Autpertus, as well as both genuine and spurious works by Augustine and Gregory the Great. This combination of texts associates Cambrai MS 204 with a number of other roughly contemporary manuscripts, including a late ninth-­century Rheims manuscript, which is now preserved in St. Gall’s Stiftsbibliothek (MS 141), where it arrived in the eleventh century or before. Another associated manuscript is an early tenth-­century codicological unit now in Graz, Universitätsbibliothek, MS 830 with a provenance from St. Lambrecht’s monastery in Styria (Austria).62 MS 141 has been studied for Ps.-Seneca’s De moribus, a text whose earliest surviving manuscript copy originates from Reichenau or St. Gall (St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 238, late eighth century).63 These manuscripts do not help us solve the riddle of the provenance of the exemplar for De XII Abusiuis in MSS 150b and 89, but the corpus of learned texts within this group of manuscripts does hint at an active intellectual exchange between St. Gall and centres of learning in north-­eastern France, in particular the archdiocese of Rheims. How old these links were must remain uncertain and the same holds for the question of whether they played a role in the transmission of De XII Abusiuis (in the version of MSS 150b and 89) to St. Gall: did the monks of St. Gall get their copy of the De XII Abusiuis from the Frankish heartland, or did they supply the scholars in Rheims and its environs with this Irish text? Since the St. Gall copies are older, the argument leans towards intellectual traffic from St. Gall to the west. A further indication of the influence of St. Gall on the Rheims region is the fact that another St. Gall copy of De XII Abusiuis, MS 277 (see below), provided the exemplar of the Rheims copy, now Vatican,

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BAV Pal. lat. 973.64 The fragmentary survival of manuscripts, however, should caution us from expounding any firm conclusions.

Ebo’s text on the twelve abuses: MS 570 and MS 277 In 835, the archbishop of Rheims, Ebo (ob. 851), was formally deposed at the Synod of Thionville. The low-­born prelate was the scapegoat for the Frankish bishops’ involvement in the ultimately unsuccessful rebellion against Louis the Pious by the latter’s sons in 833/4, in particular for the ‘voluntary’ penance forced upon the dethroned emperor. The legitimacy of Ebo’s deposition and especially the possibility of his reinstatement would remain a matter of fierce discussion in the following decades. The archiepiscopal see of Rheims was vacant for a decade after Thionville, although Ebo managed to regain his position for a brief moment with help from Lothar, Louis’s successor as emperor. Even with the formidable Hincmar installed as archbishop of Rheims, from 845 onwards, the position of Ebo continued to be a divisive issue. Although none of the events had a direct bearing on St. Gall, the history of Ebo forms the backdrop of the transfer of one version of De XII Abusiuis to the abbey. For while the provenance of the exemplar lying in front of the St. Gall scribe of MS 150b must remain unknown, the path taken by the version of De XII Abusiuis in MSS 570 and 277 is quite clear. This text arrived in the book bag of St. Gall’s formidable abbot, Grimald. His extensive abbacy began sometime in the early 840s and lasted until his death at the abbey in 872 and represented a period in which St. Gall was firmly connected to the world outside. Grimald combined his abbacies of St Gall, Weissenburg (since 833, with breaks) and an unknown third monastery, with a busy political career intermittently as chancellor and arch-­chaplain. These influential positions enabled Grimald to act as a power broker and mediator in the heated political climate of the time, and various scholarly celebrities vied for Grimald’s amicitia through the dedication of poetry and works of learning.65 In both Weissenburg and St. Gall, Grimald’s time as abbot was a period of intellectual flowering and impressive building activity, phenomena which must have been the result as much of Grimald’s personal interests and vigour as of his influence within the world. His interest in scholarship is well attested. It resulted in a fine collection of books of which he brought several dozen to St. Gall’s monastery library. The late ninth-­century MS 267 in St. Gall’s Stiftsbibliothek contains copies of several of the abbey’s book lists, including a list of thirty-­four books which our

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‘Lord Grimald gave from his own [belongings] to St. Gallus’.66 It is not entirely clear when these books were gifted; some were perhaps in the abbey’s library during Grimald’s lifetime, while others may only have been deposited there after his death. The list as we have it now has some later notations recording the movement of books since Grimald’s death. Some of the extant manuscripts for which we can match certain entries originate from St. Gall, probably representing Grimald’s personal requisition with the monastery’s scriptorium, while others were written (and obtained?) elsewhere. This is relevant for our purpose; of the two copies of De XII Abusiuis donated to St. Gall by Grimald, one was produced there, while the other came from somewhere else. Both books are mentioned in the list. The first entry appears to refer to St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 570 and reads De sex aetatibus mundi et chronica Iulii Cesaris, Ebonis episcopi de octo principalibus uitiis et Cypriani de XII abusius saeculi et passio Hemmerammi martyris in uolumine I. This MS 570 is a composite manuscript consisting of three independent codicological units, which reflect Grimald’s cosmopolitan station: the first two units were written in western Frankish hands (pp. 1–6 and 7–22) and a larger third section was copied in typical St. Gall script.67 The units were joined early in its production, perhaps since its inception, because the texts from all sections are mentioned in the book list. The first codicological unit contains a short fragment from Bede’s Liber de temporum on the six ages of the world, while the second has a less coherent combination of texts, including Julius Honorius’s Cosmographia, here attributed to Julius Caesar. The third unit, the St. Gall unit, contains the Penitential of Halitgar of Cambrai with associated texts, written at the bidding of Archbishop Ebo (see below), and De XII Abusiuis. The manuscript now no longer has any trace of the passion of St Emmeram of Regensburg to which the book list referred.68 Perhaps this represented another independent unit originally attached to MS 570 but has since been detached and presumably lost. Instead, pp. 194–7 have a fragment from a sermon on purgatory by Caesarius of Arles, here attributed to Augustine. The rationale behind the combination of these three (or perhaps originally four) booklets into one codex is not immediately clear. The first two texts seem of mostly didactic value, while the third unit holds a combination of texts with a pastoral focus, albeit of another character to that of the corpus in MSS 150b and 89: instead of homilies, De XII Abusiuis is here accompanied by penitential works. How the passion of Emmeram would have worked in this combination is unclear. The combination of De XII Abusiuis and Halitgar’s penitential is quite well-­chosen. Halitgar’s penitential consists of six books, of which the first two provide a general introduction to the penitential, with a description of the most

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important sins and the main virtues. The third book deals with general questions on penance, followed by an exposé of the main offences of the laity and clergy in the fourth and fifth books, while the sixth book provides a liturgical ordo for penance and a list of faults and their respective prescribed penances.69 Both works then are concerned with vices and abuses, and both also provide their readers with the mirror image, either in the form of spiritual remedy (through penance) or in the description of the converse of the great misdeeds. The description in Grimald’s book list, nicely pairs the eight principal vices with the twelve abuses of the world: ‘[the works] of Bishop Ebo on the eight principal vices and of Cyprian on the twelve abuses of the world’. Both works, moreover, emphasize the role of pride, superbia, in the offences, in particular the pride unbecoming of one’s station and the arrogance of power. The abuses of those in a position of power, including masters of slaves, receive particular treatment in Halitgar’s work, as well as sinful clerics.70 In all, these wrongs involve a lack of virtues that should in reality accompany one’s position or responsibility. The exemplar for the De XII Abusiuis in MS 570 was another one of Grimald’s books, now St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 277. Notwithstanding the presence already of a copy of the Irish text at St. Gall in MS 150b, Grimald apparently ordered the scribes of the monastery to transcribe his personal copy once more, which brought the number of copies at St. Gall to a grand total of three.71 Slightly later, perhaps still in Grimald’s abbacy, the text of De XII Abusiuis was copied once more, into MS 89. It confirms the great interest in De XII Abusiuis at St. Gall. The provenance of the Irish scholarly work De XII Abusiuis in MS 570 thus brings us to its exemplar, MS 277, which was written at Weissenburg in the second quarter of the ninth century. This codex made its way to St. Gall as part of Grimald’s luggage, as his book list evinces, where it is referred to as Ebonis de VIII principalibus uitiis et sancti Cypriani de XII Abusiuis saeculi in I uolumine.72 Its contents are the same as MS 570, pp. 25–193: Halitgar’s penitential (including some letters between Ebo and Halitgar), followed by a number of fragments taken from genuine and pseudonymous letters and texts: a pseudonymous letter from Hormisdas, a passage from Julianus Pomerius’s De uita contemplatiua (attributed to Prosper), a fragment of the pseudonymous letter from Gregory the Great to Secundinus and Isidore’s letter to Massona.73 Following some sentences on morals ‘by certain masters’ (Sententia cuiusdam doctoribus) and extracts from Fructuosus’s Rule, we find De XII Abusiuis, attributed to Cyprian, and a short passage on honouring one’s parents, De honore parentum. This first combination of short passages, from pseudo-Hormisdas to Isidore, has a coherent theme:

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it deals with the issue of a high-­positioned cleric who has been deposed, and the question of whether such a fallen churchman can be reinstated in his former position (de reparatione lapsi, in Kottje’s words).74 MS 277 is an important witness in the transmission of the Penitential of Halitgar of Cambrai, here consequently referred to as Ebo’s book on the eight principal vices (Ebonis de VIII principalibus uitiis).75 Halitgar, bishop of Cambrai (c. 817–30) composed the penitential as a priest’s aid at the request of his archbishop, Ebo of Rheims.76 The ninth-­century manuscript diffusion of Halitgar’s penitential was heavily concentrated in north-­eastern France – without doubt the result of Ebo’s promotion of the handbook among his priests and bishops – and somewhat less in northern Italy, where Ebo later took up the abbacy of Bobbio (843–4/5).77 The St. Gall manuscript witnesses to this text, however, are members of what Kottje named a ‘mainzisch-­lotharingischen’ group, which all combine the penitential with this combination of texts on the possibilities of a cleric returning to his office after lapsing. As Kottje describes, this combination originated in the 830s in Fulda, where the subject was of particular interest: since 834 Ebo was held in the custody of Abbot Hrabanus Maurus.78 A year later, Ebo formally lost his archiepiscopal dignity at the Synod of Thionville for his role in the excommunication and deposition of Louis the Pious in 833. The question whether canon law permitted the reinstatement of a fallen archbishop was obviously pertinent to Ebo and relevant to his custodian Hrabanus. It appears that Hrabanus became increasingly convinced that Ebo could or should be reinstated.79 The combination of texts in MS 277 must be considered in this context at Hrabanus’s Fulda. It was undoubtedly Ebo who brought Halitgar’s penitential from the province of Rheims to Fulda. Grimald and Hrabanus were in close contact during these years: Hrabanus dedicated his Martyrologium in 850 to Grimald, calling him his ‘sweetest’ and ‘beloved’ brother.80 It is probably through this relationship that the combination of texts came to Weissenburg, where Grimald was abbot from the early 830s until 839 and again from 847. Via his private collection, the books finally came into the possession of the abbey of St. Gall. This version of the Irish De XII Abusiuis in MSS 277 and 570 can thus ultimately be traced back to Weissenburg and, earlier still, Fulda. We know the work was at Fulda from the evidence of a medieval library catalogue.81 How De XII Abusiuis came to Fulda remains unknown. Like the version in MSS 150b and 89, the text version in MSS 277 and 570 travelled westwards from St. Gall. In the third quarter of the ninth century a copy was made somewhere in Alsace (Zürich, Zentralbibliothek, MS Car. C 176), which includes the texts de reparatione lapsi.82 MS 570, with all its codicological

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units, served as the exemplar for Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 973, written in the second half of the ninth century at a scriptorium in the vicinity of Rheims, apparently aimed at an episcopal audience.83 Other mid-tolate-­ninth-century manuscript copies of the same redaction include Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 18095, a (northern?) French manuscript with an intriguing combination of miscellaneous texts including some insular material;84 and Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 293, also written in France sometime in the second half of the ninth century, with letters of Ambrose. The St. Gall witnesses to De XII Abusiuis thus testify to a very lively interest in the Irish treatise and a keen eye to the practical, pastoral and canonical applications of the text. They also demonstrate that the treatise was thought to be the work of Cyprian of Carthage and was, indeed, combined with his genuine works in certain cases. There is no indication in the St. Gall manuscripts that the monastery’s scribes or scholars were aware of the Irish pedigree of De XII Abusiuis and there is no evidence of the involvement of Irish scholars or peregrini in the transfer of this text to St. Gall. In fact, the text tradition behind MSS 277/570 testifies to an intensive intellectual network connecting St. Gall with scholarly centres in Bavaria (Weissenburg) and Hesse (Fulda). The connections with Francia, in particular the archdiocese of Rheims, facilitated the further spread of De XII Abusiuis from St. Gall westwards. These continental connections, rather than Irish links, form the backdrop of the spread of De XII Abusiuis to and from St. Gall.

5

The Collectio canonum Hibernensis at St. Gall The two mid-­ninth-­century scribes working at St. Gall on MS 243 produced a carefully executed copy of the Irish canonical collection known as Collectio canonum Hibernensis. Written in impeccable minuscule on well laid-­out pages with elaborate capitals sporting animal and leaf motifs, this St. Gall book is certainly one of the prettiest early medieval copies of the Hibernensis. Its significance is further enhanced by the fact that this book is the only early manuscript witness to the complete Hibernensis without any Breton connections. It is therefore of particular interest to scholars mapping the diffusion of HibernoLatin scholarship in Europe. It is equally important for our purpose: perhaps more than any of the other Irish scholarly works accessible at St. Gall, this work must have been identifiable by the monks as being of Irish origin. Its modern title flags the Irish origin of the Hibernensis to modern students, but even for ninth-­century monks working in an Alpine monastery unaware of the work’s later title, its Irish provenance should have been evident from its contents.1 The treatment of the Hibernensis by the scholars of St. Gall may therefore reveal something of their attitude towards scholarship originating from Ireland. In fact, the collection offered its Alemannic readers the best that Irish canonical scholarship had to offer. This impressive and complex work is the product of a period of intense scholarly activity in Ireland and constitutes one of the earliest systematically arranged canon law collections and is unique in its choice of sources. In contrast to other widely used collections which are organized chronologically, such as the collections known as the Dionysiana, Sanblasiana or Dacheriana, which present the decrees of synods and councils and papal decretals in sequential order in one volume, the content of the Hibernensis is thematically divided into books.2 For example, the first book (De episcopo) holds rules and regulations concerning (or pertaining to) bishops, while other books cover topics as diverse as ‘royal power’ (De regno, book 25), ‘burial law’ (De iure sepulturae, book 18), ‘dreams about dead people’ (De mortuis in somno uisis, book 51) and ‘truth’ (De ueritate, book 22). Each of the books is

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further divided into, on average, twenty chapters, or capitula, addressing specific legal problems or issues, such as the legitimacy and procedure of the laying of hands on a bishop (De inpositione manuum in episcopum, book 1.4). Each of these chapters is made up of a number of canons or sententiae, which form the actual legal decrees taken from a variety of sources: book 1.4, for instance, cites Isidore of Seville’s De officiis (1.4a), followed by a rule taken from the late fifth-­century Gallic Statuta ecclesiae antiqua (1.4b).3 In many instances the decrees taken from these authorities, sometimes correctly and sometimes incorrectly attributed, were revised, shortened or expanded (something which the prologue had announced, see below). This sophisticated systematic arrangement of canon law added to the accessibility and the practicality of this collection and may have also reflected a more ‘functional’ mode of medieval canonical thinking.4 Alongside more mainstream canonical authorities such as papal letters and conciliar and synodal acts (including many Irish synods), the compilers of the Hibernensis drew on texts not traditionally used before as sources for canonical rules and precepts, such as the Bible and the writings of the Church Fathers, but also Irish vernacular law, Irish wisdom texts, hagiography and historiography. In the words of the late Professor Sheehy, the Hibernensis is ‘an astonishing feat of [. . .] Christian erudition’, and the collection seems to have been fairly well-­diffused over the continent in the first two centuries following its composition.5 The unique nature of the Hibernensis, coupled with its exhaustive coverage of topics, may go some way to explain the relative popularity of the collection in Europe, judging by the many surviving manuscript witnesses to the full text or fragments. In her invaluable guide to canon law collections, Lotte Kéry notes twenty-­two manuscript witnesses, containing either the full text of the Hibernensis, partial copies or derivative collections. She furthermore lists another seventy manuscripts containing excerpts, most of them dating from the eighth to the tenth centuries.6 Despite this rich manuscript material, the ways by which this text arrived on the continent, the practical means by which it was subsequently spread, as well as the relations between the manuscripts remain largely unknown. The survival of early complete copies of the Hibernensis is more limited and it is firmly centred in Brittany. Of the seven extant copies from before 1000, five exhibit Breton connections, with only the St. Gall copy and a tenth-­century Italian manuscript as the exceptions. MS 243, the only complete ninth-­century copy from outside of Brittany, is therefore an important piece of evidence for historians studying the spread and reception of Irish scholarship over the

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continent in the Carolingian era. This copy has, moreover, earned fame among canonists as it forms the basis of the only published modern edition of the Hibernensis by Hermann Wasserschleben from the 1870s. In order to place the St. Gall specimen in its context, it is necessary to look more closely at the textual history of the Hibernensis and its Irish background.

The Irish background of the Hibernensis The extant copies of what appears to be the complete text of the Hibernensis (that is, without accidental lacunae or overt redaction) exhibit many major and minor differences. First of all, the number of books varies between sixty-­four and sixty-­ nine, and in some manuscript witnesses the collection opens with a preface describing the aim of the compilation. In this prologue, the compiler or compilers describe the scale of their efforts to gather and arrange the relevant canons, as being confronted with an ‘enormous forest of writings’.7 In five manuscript copies, the prologue is followed by an introductory text on synods,8 after which the first ten books address the different clerical grades, from bishop to doorkeeper. There is no evident system in the order of the following books. The last two books, De uariis causis and De contrariis causis concern decrees on various topics and the latter presents examples in which authorities disagree with one another. This is testimony to an Irish legal tradition of which the Hibernensis is a product (see below). The compilers’ efforts resulted in a more accessible canonical collection than chronologically arranged collections, especially in the case of the manuscript witnesses where the collection is preceded by a table of contents. A copy of the Hibernensis would have served any monastic library as a useful repository of citations from authoritative sources on specific topics. The Hibernensis is distinct from earlier canonical collections in its size, the systematic ordering and the selection of sources. The arrangement and scope of the Hibernensis address, more so than other canon law collections, not only the strict juridical aspects of the Church, but also the spiritual, moral and social aspects of Christian life. The use of the Bible as an authoritative source for canon law reflects the high regard for the legal character of the biblical passages. The wide range of authorities employed in the Hibernensis is discussed separately in the citation attributed to Pope Innocent I in book 19. Following the Old and New Testament, it recounts the sequence in which one should consult sources (the word used is causae) for a specific problem.9 If the answer is not found in

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the books of the Bible, one should study the Catholic histories, written by Catholic doctores, or, if this fails, papal decretals. Next, one is to examine hagiographical works, and finally the problem must be put before the senior clergy of one’s province, possibly in a newly convoked regional synod.10 This citation has never been traced to an authentic work by Pope Innocent I and it is not known to be cited in other, European, canonical texts. It reflects the Irish scholarly tradition of appealing to a wide range of authorities, which appears to contrast with contemporary procedures on the continent.11 In addition, the Hibernensis is much more concerned with legal discussion than other canonical works. With the sententiae taken from a number of non-­ legal sources, the various decrees in a single chapter not merely complement each other, but often present different approaches, although they shy away from direct contradiction. The exception is book 67, De contrariis causis, ‘On contrary sources’, where the selected canons sketch a supposed legal contradiction. One source, for instance, would state that a judge must not go back on his verdict, but another source says an unjust verdict should be reversed.12 These disagreements illustrate how different authoritative sources offer different rulings for the same problems. Such legal colloquies fit well with the custom within Irish vernacular law tradition, whose lawbooks are not records of legislation, but rather extended discussions of the structures and practices prominent in early Irish society. To the frustration of modern scholars, these lawbooks are, in the words of one historian, ‘willing to discourse at length on the mechanics of distraint, but obstinately opposed to mentioning even a single historically verifiable cow’.13 Modern scholars are by and large convinced of the Irish origin of the Hibernensis. The most compelling indication of an Irish origin is its ample use of Irish sources. A large number of canons included in the Hibernensis derive from or are attributed to Irish synods, convoked by either the pro-Rome Romani, or their more conservative counterparts, the Hibernenses. Other canons are sourced from Irish canonical texts, such as the so-­called ‘First Synod of St. Patrick’ and the ‘Second Synod of St. Patrick’,14 the Liber Angeli and the Penitential of Finnian. The book devoted to royal power (De regno), includes long citations on the just and the iniquitous king from De XII Abusiuis.15 The Latinity of the collection, furthermore, often displays Irish features and there is some use of stylistic features characteristic of Hiberno-Latin literature.16 In addition to the direct use of Irish Latin scholarship, there is evidence of the influence of Irish vernacular law and borrowings from it in the Hibernensis. Native legal principles are supported by (sometimes tenuous) interpretations of biblical passages and

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the compiler(s) of the Hibernensis devote a whole book to the native legal institution of suretyship (book 34).17 Vice versa, further indications of the collection’s Irish origin are provided by the familiarity of authors of Old-Irish (law) texts with the Hibernensis. The canon law collection was mined for guidelines on topics such as offerings to the church, theft and excommunication. Old-Irish translations of sections of the Hibernensis are found in a recension of the Munster law text Bretha Nemed.18 The Irish and insular texts that often accompany the Hibernensis in the extant manuscripts, including the collection of Old Testament rules known as the Liber ex lege Moysi19 and several Irish penitentials, provide external and circumstantial evidence for its Irish origin. A noteworthy example is the Cambrai Homily, a curious text written without interruption in both Latin and Old-Irish, which was (inadvertently?) copied in the middle of the incomplete copy of the Hibernensis in Cambrai, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 679 (619).20 A number of surviving manuscripts contain more Irish traces, including Irish glosses. The question of the authorship of the Hibernensis has revolved mostly around an obscure line in the margin of Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, MS lat. 12021. It reads: hucvsq: nubeN & cv cuiminiae & durinis, which was eventually deciphered by Rudolf Thurneysen as a chiastic colophon: Hucusque Ruben et Cú Chuimne Iae et Dairinis, ‘Thus far Ruben of Dairinis and Cú Chuimne of Iona’. It is believed to refer to Ruben of Dairinis (ob. 725) and Cú Chuimne of Iona (ob. 747) as contributors to the project of the Hibernensis.21 Although the short notice only mentions the names of the two men, leaving many uncertainties regarding the details of their involvement, their association with the Hibernensis has been widely accepted.22 The two men are described by the author of the Annals of Ulster as scriba and sapiens respectively, denoting high distinctions in learning, which indicates that both men would have had the ability to compile a collection such as the Hibernensis.23 Yet, the ‘colophon’ stops short of actually ascribing authorship of the collection to the two men,24 and the survival of their names in only one manuscript witness demands caution. Edmondo Coccia pointed out that the ascription of the authorship to the two men can only have the status of an hypothesis.25 Adding to the problem of this authorial identification is the fact that the prologue is written in the first person singular.26 Despite (or because of) the scant evidence offered by the comment in Paris MS lat. 12021, historians have hypothesized about the nature of the scholars’ collaboration and the division of labour, in particular with reference to the two

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recensions of the Hibernensis, the so-­called ‘A-recension’ and ‘B-recension’ (see below). The alleged exclusive involvement of the two Irishmen in the composition of the Hibernensis has been used in order to date the collection to sometime during the first half of the eighth century. The obit of Cú Chuimne of Iona provides a terminus post quem non of 747 for the compilation of the latest version of the text. The collection’s sources provide further (and more reliable) indications concerning its date. The youngest work used in the A-recension is the penitential of Theodore, generally believed to have been compiled not by Theodore of Canterbury, but by his students after his death, providing a terminus ante quem non of 690. The latest work cited in the B-recension copy in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Hatton 42 are the Canones Adomnani, a collection of regulations attributed to Adomnán of Iona (ob. 704).27 Kathleen Hughes suggested a date after 716, when Iona (the residence of Cú Chuimne) changed its Easter reckoning to the Roman practice, since the debate on the correct calculation of Easter seems to have been resolved by the time of the collection’s compilation.28 This observation is supported by the fact that the Hibernensis appears to attempt to reconcile the Romani and Hibernenses traditions in one collection, as demonstrated by the inclusion of decrees from synods from both parties. The absence of allusions to works of Bede (c. 673–735) may also serve as an indication for a date soon after 716 (although it is always hazardous to argue from silence). In addition, the reception of parts of the Hibernensis in other texts provides evidence for the existence of (a version of) the text in the second quarter of the eighth century. The Corbie-­recension of the Collectio Vetus Gallica, composed before 749, draws on the Hibernensis,29 and the Old-Irish translations of sections of the Hibernensis were made in Munster and have been dated to the reign of Cathal mac Finguine (ob. 742).30 In contrast to the other influential Hiberno-Latin text, De XII Abusiuis, the Hibernensis did not travel under a pseudonym. Although the name, ‘Collectio canonum Hibernensis’, is a modern one, the terms hibernenses and sinodus hibernensis feature prominently throughout the collection as an identifier of the origin of precepts from the works and synods associated with the Hibernenses (as opposed to the Romani, who also feature often). This extensive collection contains a treasure of canonical rulings from Irish sources, often identified as such. The discussion of the perceived Irishness of the collection seems pertinent, since the St. Gall sources appear to demonstrate a measure of ignorance or disinterest in the matter.

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Eadberct We may now return to the manuscript witness to the Hibernensis at the abbey of St. Gall. The 128 folios of MS 243, which is wholly devoted to the Hibernensis, were very skilfully written by its two scribes with clear, upright and almost identical handwriting. Red uncials and majuscules are used for the titles. Some initials are little works of art, combining leaf and animal motifs with some crude interweaving elements. On the basis of this palaeographical evidence, the manuscript is thought to have been written in the scriptorium of St. Gall in the first half of the ninth century.31 Although the clear, upright scripts are very similar, there is a change of hands detectable at p.  88. Both hands have been identified as being of St. Gall origin, and the hand of the first scribe is said to resemble that of Wolfcoz, a very prolific scribe during the abbacy of Gozbert (816–37).32 The manuscript itself may hold a clue to the circumstances in which the exemplar for MS 243 found its way to the desks of these two copyists. On the last page of the manuscript, immediately following the end of the Hibernensis, an epilogue is entered by the second scribe, which reads: I, Eadberct, have finished this book, furnished with authorities of old and new documents and a collection of the examples of the holy Fathers, and adorned with many flowers of the Scriptures, copying [it] not without physical labour, all the way to the end with God as my helper. He who knows not writing thinks [it] is not labour. For three fingers write, [but] the whole body labours. I beseech whoever reads these sentences to recite and to consider asking God to look kindly on me.33

The epilogue is unique to the St. Gall copy and does not feature in any of the other manuscript witnesses of the Hibernensis. Although Wasserschleben referred to it in his edition, the epilogue has received almost no scholarly attention, even though historians generally lurch at the mention of proper names in manuscripts (the single gloss mentioning Ruben and Cú Chuimne is a case in point). The brief note in the St. Gall manuscript inspires a host of questions, the most evident question of which must be: who was Eadberct? What was his role in the production of this manuscript? Or perhaps more pertinent, who did the St. Gall readers of the Hibernensis think Eadberct was, and what did they understand to have been his role? The epilogue leaves room for speculation as to the precise nature of Eadberct’s involvement in the production of this manuscript. The wording seems to suggest

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Fig. 5  The final page of the St. Gall copy of the Collectio canonum Hibernensis with a colophon mentioning Eadberct.

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that Eadberct was the name of the scribe who copied this book.34 The verb used to indicate Eadberct’s activity, ‘finishing (perducere) the book’, may be somewhat general and ‘book’ (liber) could easily refer to either a textual work or a physical copy with two covers. The choice of the verb depingere to refer to his physical labour, however, certainly echoes the bodily exertion of putting pen to parchment, and the following sentence also emphasizes the industry of writing. This analysis is somewhat complicated by the fact that Eadberct’s is the only name mentioned in the manuscript, although its production is the work of two scribes. It is of course possible that the second scribe slighted the first by omitting him from the epilogue. Likewise, it is possible that the epilogue was copied directly from the exemplar and that the name refers to the copyist of that (imported) book.35 An uncommon entry in the monastery library’s catalogue, however, seems to argue for another role for Eadberct. This catalogue surviving in MS 728, compiled between 850 and 880, lists a host of different texts, which might constitute complete books or smaller libelli, arranged by author or genre. Under the heading ‘On books by various authors’ (de libris diuersis auctorum), one entry reads: ‘Eadberct’s collection from various little works of the holy Fathers, in one volume’.36 It is unlikely that this refers to any St. Gall manuscript other than this copy of the Hibernensis, MS 243. The Hibernensis is, for all intents and purposes, a collection of texts taken from patristic works (among other works) and this description echoes the phrasing of the epilogue, which also mentions the centrality of the works of the holy Fathers. While this entry enables us to identify the manuscript to which it refers, it also seems to disprove the theory of Eadberct as one of its copyists: copyists are not generally mentioned in library catalogues, which normally list the author – if known – and the title of the work or a description of its contents. Moreover, it seems somewhat rash to accord intellectual property to a copyist, as the phrase ‘the collection of Eadberct’ implies. Instead of a lowly copyist, we must contemplate a different function performed by Eadberct.37 The nature of the reference to Eadberct may hold an important clue to the way in which the Hibernensis arrived at St. Gall. The name Eadberct, or Eadbeorht, appears to be Anglo-Saxon38 and was perhaps not unheard of in the ninth-­century monasteries of southern Germany that harboured English inmates. Nevertheless, although relatively common in Anglo-Saxon sources, we do not find the name (or close orthographic parallels) in the confraternity books of St. Gall or nearby Reichenau.39 Perhaps Eadberct must be understood as the person responsible for bringing this Irish collection to the monastery of St. Gall, perhaps from Anglo-Saxon England or one of the southern

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German monasteries, where the work was henceforth referred to as ‘Eadberct’s collection’. Alternatively, the epilogue, which may or may not have been copied from the exemplar, could refer to the supposed author of the collection. This conjecture by the cataloguers is permitted by the focus in the epilogue on Eadberct’s involvement with the practicalities of the compilation of the Hibernensis, that is the ‘joining’ of the biblical texts, the ‘collecting’ of patristic works and ‘decorating’ with flowers of writings.40 The possibility that the catalogue’s compilers viewed Eadberct as the author of the collection has never been considered seriously by modern scholars, though the claim of authorship of Eadberct could rival that of Ruben and Cú Chuimne, whose association with the Hibernensis rests solely on the mention of their names in a mysterious marginal gloss in one manuscript only. I do not intend to argue here for the authorship of the entire Hibernensis – the evidence for an Irish origin is simply overwhelming – but my point is that it is feasible to imagine the recipients of the Hibernensis at St. Gall assuming that Eadberct had a hand in the compilation of the collection. The question who Eadberct was, and who the cataloguers thought Eadberct was, must remain unanswered. He may have been a monk of St. Gall – although this is unlikely in the face of the evidence above – of another continental centre, or a monastery in Anglo-Saxon England. There are various men by the same name mentioned in early medieval sources, but there is no corroborating evidence for any of them. One is therefore left to speculate. For instance, it is possible that the erstwhile bishop of Lindisfarne (688–98), answering to the same name, was thought to be the author of the Hibernensis. He would be a worthy candidate: Bede affirmed that this holy man excelled both in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, and in the observance of the divine precepts.41 Despite this uncertainty, it is clear that at one time an Anglo-Saxon named Eadberct made his mark on the transmission of the Hibernensis to St. Gall. The involvement of an Anglo-Saxon makes it unlikely that the collection was brought to the abbey by Irish peregrini, either directly from Ireland or from elsewhere. Perhaps, the monks of St. Gall did not even recognize the Irish origin of the ‘Eadberct’s collection’.

The two recensions of the Hibernensis Clues to the route by which the Hibernensis made its way to St. Gall can be found in the version of the text in MS 243, which may reveal connections

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between this copy and other extant witnesses to the Irish collection. Historians have traditionally distinguished two main recensions of the Hibernensis: the A-recension and B-recension touched on above. The version of the Hibernensis in MS 243 has been classified as a copy of the A-recension, but, according to Maurice Sheehy, with ‘uniquely different variants’ and ‘less meaningful readings’.42 MS 243, in fact, is riddled with anomalies and uniquely different readings from other manuscripts of its text-­type.43 A closer look at the wealth of manuscript witnesses, including the ones preserving partial texts, uncovers a greater diversity than the division into an A- and a B-recension would suggest. For instance, the number of books in both recensions is not consistent: in manuscript copies of the A-recension, typically regarded as the shorter version of the Hibernensis, we find the collection divided into sixty-­four, sixty-­five, sixty-­six or sixty-­seven books,44 while the B-recension has sixty-­eight books in one manuscript and sixty-­nine books in another. Although the B-recension has been argued to preserve more faithfully the wording of its sources, this appears to be incorrect for a source like the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua. There is also evidence for variety within the group of A-recension witnesses, for example in their use of the Bible.45 Finally, while the B-recension has many ‘extra’ canons and some ‘extra’ books which are not represented in the other recension, stray ‘B-recension canons’ occur in many (fragmentary) copies of the Hibernensis. B-recension material is especially found in Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, MS Aug. 18 and Cologne, Dombibliothek, MS 210, but also in the derivative works in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 4592 and Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 522. Another manuscript, London, British Library, MS Cotton Otho E.XIII, contains a copy of the A-recension augmented with many B-recension readings including an appendix of additional material taken from the B-recension. And then there is the St. Gall copy of the A-recension, which exhibits significant variants that distinguish it from other complete (Breton) A-texts. Until recently, the scholarly consensus was that the A-recension was to be regarded as the ‘preparatory notebook’, whose final redaction found its form in the B-text.46 The variety within the Hibernensis copies, however, argues against a strict division between an A-recension and B-recension. Instead, the two recensions should be regarded as independent revisions of a first version, a ‘proto-Hibernensis’, that has not survived. After comparing the readings in both recensions, both Thomas Charles-Edwards and Roy Flechner independently proposed a text tradition in which both recensions essentially, after a number of redaction phases, descended from the same original, an ‘undivided’ text of the Hibernensis.47 The A-recension preserves traces of this undivided version

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where it refers to material now only preserved in the B-recension. Such is the case with the chapters in the concluding book 67 (De contrariis causis), containing combinations of seemingly contradictory canons, which are all – in other contexts – present in the earlier books of the Hibernensis. A number of these canons, however, do not occur in the previous material of the A-text, but only in the B-text.48 It appears that when book 67 was assembled from a selection of seemingly contradictory canons drawn from elsewhere in the collection, that collection still contained material unique to both the A- and B-recensions. While no copy of an undivided text survives, a secondary witness appears to confirm the existence of an earlier undivided version of this ‘proto-Hibernensis’. This is a peculiar derivative text of the Hibernensis in the late eighth- or early ninth-­century manuscript Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, MS Mp. th. q. 31. The compiler of this abridgment took over most of the Hibernensis’s book and chapter titles – in a different order from that of the complete copies of the A- and B-recension – but copied only those canons attributed to Ambrose, Gregory of Nazianzus, Jerome, Augustine and Gregory the Great under these headings, while excluding nearly all texts from other patristic authors, the Bible and synodal decrees. Flechner demonstrates that the Würzburg derivative contains material unique to the A-recension, as well as some canons unique to the B-recension.49 Rather than having access to two copies of the Hibernensis – one of the A- and one of the B-recension – and at the same time reshuffling the canons to fit a new sequence, it seems much more likely that the compiler of the Würzburg text excerpted his material from a text containing both A- and B-material and whose order is reflected in the Würzburg florilegium.50 This undivided proto-­text of the Hibernensis appears to have followed a different – but still systematic – arrangement than the surviving complete copies of the Hibernensis. It appears that this sequence was revised before the two recensions were compiled. Some of these revisions may have taken place on the continent.51

The connections with Reichenau The debate concerning the relation between the two recensions of the Hibernensis is relevant, because of the awkward position of the St. Gall copy within this discussion. The text of the Hibernensis in MS 243, while a copy of the A-recension, features many readings which are different from other complete A-recension copies. Some of these variant readings are unique to the St. Gall copy, but many are shared with the B-recension copies in the Bodleian’s MS Hatton 42 and

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Rome’s Biblioteca Vallicelliana MS T.XVIII and, even more often, with a fragmentary surviving copy of the B-recension from nearby Reichenau, now in Karlsruhe, MS Aug. 18.52 The Reichenau codex has quite a different appearance from St. Gall MS 243; it is written in two columns in a rather small script on large leaves. A number of quires are missing and it is clear that with them the manuscript would have made a sizeable book. The script varies from a very regular upright Caroline minuscule to a heavily ligatured late Alemannic minuscule that has been identified as the handwriting of the Reichenau librarian, Reginbert (ob. 847). This minuscule has high e-­ligatures, many tall r-­ligatures, distinctive f-­ligatures and a prevalence of cc-­shaped a’s.53 The identification of Reginbert’s handwriting places the book’s origin firmly in Reichenau. The manuscript is mentioned in the two Reichenau library catalogues of 821 and 822. In both cases the entries only list the first texts of this manuscript, which are mainly texts on topics of dogma: the quaestiones or confessiones of Augustine and the fides Niceni concilii nec non et fides Ieronimi Gregorii nec non Athanasii Ambrosii Augustini et decretal Gelasii.54 The description of the manuscript in Reginbert’s own catalogue, the so-­called rotulus, is more complete, since it mentions that included in this ‘large book’ (liber praegrandis), following the dogmatic works, are ‘various canons, i.e. from Greece, Africa, Gaul and Spain. Following are decretal letters of the Roman high priests and thereafter canons composed from the old and new testaments, afterwards several penitential books’ (diuersi canones, id est Graeciae, Africae, Galliae, Hispaniaeque. Postea decretales epistolae antistitum Romanorum ac deinceps canones ex ueteri et nouo testamento compositi, postmodum diuersi libri paenitentiarum). These catalogue entries evince that Karlsruhe Aug. 18 is one of Reginbert’s earliest larger books and dates to the first quarter of the ninth century. It stayed at Reichenau until early modern times.55 The first 148 pages are devoted to a large number of texts on dogmatic issues, focusing especially on the creed.56 The last two surviving quires of the manuscript, numbered 25 and 24 (bound in the wrong order), contain the parts of the Hibernensis, comprising material from book 17, chapter 16 to book 42, chapter 13. The quire signatures reveal that quires 1, 10 and 12 to 23 are missing (and, probably at least two more quires which followed the last quire) and they also suggest that the Hibernensis was meant to be included in this manuscript with dogmatic, canonical and penitential texts from the outset. Raymund Kottje already proposed studying the whole region around Lake Constance, as an ‘intellectual unity, so to speak’, pointing not only to the many

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personal contacts within this region, but especially to the many pieces of evidence of scholarly exchange.57 The fact that the two manuscripts contain copies of two different recensions of the Hibernensis would seem to be at odds with the possibility that the two manuscripts are associated in any way. Closer textual study, however, evinces the close relation between the A-recension text in MS 243 and the B-recension text at Reichenau, providing en passant very direct testimony to the intense scholarly exchange between the monastery of St. Gall and Reichenau. Besides the extra B-recension material found occasionally in MS 243 (less than in the Reichenau manuscript), this copy also displays a multitude of smaller textual variants, in the form of added or missing words, grammatical differences or orthographical variation. For instance, in listing persons who cannot act as guarantors in contracts and legal proceedings (De personis indignis ad fideiiussionem), the St. Gall copy includes slaves and refers to stupid people as brutus rather than robustus. This reading contrasts it with every other A-recension copy. It matches the reading of the B-recension, including the Reichenau fragment.58 In fact, of the hundreds of similar variant readings, MS 243 shares most with the version of the Hibernensis preserved in the manuscript at Reichenau. At the level of spelling and syntax – but not contents – MS 243 is more strongly associated with the Reichenau copy than with any of the complete A-recension copies. The Reichenau text is closer to the B-recension than the St. Gall copy, but it still sports many variant readings against Hatton 42, and it lacks the great majority of the added B-recension canons. The Reichenau version of the Hibernensis, then, cannot be regarded as a straightforward copy of the B-recension as it is found in Hatton 42. Rather, the many shared variants demonstrate that the Reichenau and St. Gall copies form two rather different parts of the same branch of the Hibernensis’s text-­tradition, possibly sharing a single, distant archetype, distinct from the Breton branch. In fact, it appears that the St. Gall and Reichenau copies form part of a text tradition in which the text of an ‘undivided’ archetype was progressively edited losing more and more B-recension material in the process, but retaining much of its wording. The close connection between the two Lake Constance copies does not end there, though. The heuristic hand of Reginbert is on display throughout the Reichenau book and it reveals even closer, practical links with MS 243. The Reichenau master not only started copying the passages which his students would then finish – presumably as a model of the desired dimensions of the script (though clearly not the shape of the script itself)59 – he also entered many corrections in the text once finished. Reginbert was a conscientious and critical

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corrector, correcting grammatical errors and what he probably saw as spelling errors, but he only seems to have added or emended words or phrases when he thought it necessary or beneficial to the text. He was known not only to correct from the exemplar, but also to record readings taken from second manuscript witnesses, if one was available to him.60 This is the case here: Reginbert can be seen to have read the initial copy of the Hibernensis made by his students against another witness from which he took further corrections and additions. This other witness was MS 243 or a now lost book with the same text. All corrections correspond to the parallel reading in MS 243. Except for a few minor improvements of grammar and spelling, all corrections appear to have been taken from the St. Gall manuscript. Reginbert does not seem to have aimed at changing his copy to an exact mirror image of MS 243. Instead, he appears to have judiciously selected better or fuller readings from the version in the St. Gall version. In one instance, Reginbert took over a phrase in a passage in book 29, chapter 2 that is unique to the St. Gall copy. In this canon Jerome is quoted on the topic of theft, stating that both small and large acts of thievery should be fiercely judged, according to the St. Gall text ‘because all thievery is a sin’.61 In another instance, Reginbert entered a complete sentence unique to MS 243: the second canon of Hibernensis 21.1 purports to cite Gregory of Nazianzus (in reality the text is probably of Irish origin) describing the three persons who can act as ecclesiastical lawyers or judges: the bishop, the scribe and the person contemptuous of earthly things. After the mention of the scriba (who is said to ‘consult scripture’), MS 243 cites a certain ‘Faustinus’: ‘I have examined and questioned and reached a verdict.’62 This interpolation only survives in MS 243 and Reginbert’s amended version. The copy of the Hibernensis that lay in front of Reginbert while he corrected the initial copy in his grand book (liber praegrandis) could very well have been the actual MS 243. Although the main text of Karlsruhe, MS Aug. 18, one of Reginbert’s earliest grand books, was copied before MS 243 was made, the corrections could have been entered into the book decades later. Since there are no signs in MS 243 of Reginbert’s use of it – it is hard to believe that the assiduous Reginbert would not have been tempted to correct a few of its grammatical slips – we must also entertain the possibility that the Reichenau librarian had access to a different book with the same text as MS 243, perhaps the latter’s exemplar. In this case the Hibernensis may have arrived at St. Gall from nearby Reichenau. Although the precise route travelled by the Hibernensis to St. Gall is left unknown, as well as the identities of all the people involved in its transmission,

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it is clear that the intense scholarly bond with the island monastery of Reichenau had a role to play: here the scholars had access to a different but related version of the Hibernensis, as well as a copy of the same text as MS 243. The learned men at St. Gall envisaged an important role for a man sporting the Anglo-Saxon name Eadberct in the composition, transmission or copying of their copy of the Hibernensis. At no stage did they betray having any suspicion of Irish involvement in this great canonical work of which they possessed such a wonderful copy.

6

Irish Exegesis and Penitentials at St. Gall Ailerán’s Interpretatio MS 433 is a large, beautifully written lectionary written at St. Gall by multiple scribes writing a Caroline minuscule in the third quarter of the ninth century.1 The book contains sermons under various patristic attributions to be read to the community on Sundays and feast days. For the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary (8 September), it prescribes a reading of an Irish commentary on Matthew 1.1–16 (the genealogy of Christ) introduced as Ailerani scotti Interpretatio mystica progenitorum domini ihesu christi.2 This Irishman named Ailerán is conventionally identified with the ‘Aileran sapiens’ of Clonard (ob. 665), whose obit is mentioned in the Annals of Ulster and whose name is recorded in the Martyrology of Tallaght and the Martyrology of Oengus.3 The Interpretatio is a moral-­didactic tract on the meaning of the names of Christ’s forefathers in the genealogy in Matthew 1.1–16. It is separated into two parts, the first of which presents the ‘mystical interpretation’ of the meaning of the names of Christ’s forebears, in particular their foretelling of Christ’s birth, teachings, miracles, passion and death. The second, longer, part, the ‘explanation of morals’, studies the etymologies of the names and expounds on the moral significance of their meaning. Ailerán drew on an extensive range of patristic writings, including works from Cyprian, Jerome and Gregory the Great, as well as less well-­known exegetes such as Chromatius of Aquileia (ob. 407) and Marius Victorinus (ob. after 363).4 This dense tract, which combines a deep Christian learning with an emphasis on high standards of morality, seems to have been written for a monastic community. While used at St. Gall in a liturgical setting as a reading for the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary – the main altar in the abbey church was dedicated to Mary and Gallus – the tract was also well-­suited to use for exegetical and instructive purposes.

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Such an instructive, more learned context for the text is suggested in the only other primary manuscript witness to the text, which survives in a slightly younger Reichenau manuscript dated to the end of the ninth or the early tenth century.5 Here the Interpretatio (unattributed) is added to works of Augustine (and two pseudo-Augustinian letters), including his libellus on penance and, directly preceding Ailerán’s work, an extract of Augustine’s words de continentia et sustinencia. The (ps.-)Augustinian works thus fit the moral-­didactic theme of the Interpretatio. The textual divergences in both copies are few and insignificant, which suggests that they are very closely related. The St. Gall manuscript, however, was not the direct exemplar for the Reichenau manuscript, judging by a few corrections made by the St. Gall scribe, but not copied in the Reichenau text. Instead, it appears they were sister manuscripts, copied from a common exemplar, although other, secondary witnesses to the text suggest that the transmission of the text in the Middle Ages was basically very good and that the two manuscripts may have been merely close relatives.6 The limited survival rate of copies of the tract is not a good reflection of its popularity in the ninth century: there is secondary evidence of its presence and use in Anglo-Saxon England and in Europe. An eighth-­century synopsized version is preserved in a late eighth-­century St. Amand manuscript Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS lat. 940, which was brought to Salzburg during Archbishop Arn’s (ob. 821) lifetime.7 Alcuin (ob. 804) clearly had access to Ailerán’s work when he used it extensively for his tract Interpretationes nominum hebraicorum, written probably during his stay at York between 790 and 793. He divided his work into three parts presenting literal, allegorical and moral interpretations.8 It is possible that Alcuin brought Ailerán’s work with him when he returned to the continent. Later ninth-­century authors who used the Hiberno-Latin tract include Walahfrid Strabo, who adheres closely to the Interpretatio, independently of Alcuin’s text, in his Homilia in Initium Euangelii.9 Hrabanus Maurus (ob. 856) made somewhat different use of the same text, also independent of Alcuin’s, in his Commentaria in Matthaeum, written between 822 and 826.10 This indicates that the Interpretatio may have been studied by both scholars at Fulda. Ailerán’s compatriot Sedulius Scottus also made extensive use of his Interpretatio in the Collectaneum in Mattheum. This extensive work essentially consists of a collection of (edited) excerpts from commentaries on the Gospel of Matthew. Early in this work, he entered a heavily abbreviated version of Ailerán’s Interpretatio, introducing the author of the work as ‘the holy Ailerán, the most wise of the Irish’.11

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The close personal connections between some of the protagonists allows for a possible reconstruction of the European dissemination: Hrabanus Maurus could have obtained a copy of Ailerán’s text from his teacher, Alcuin, during his stay at Tours (802–4) and could have brought a copy with him to Fulda. Perhaps Walahfrid Strabo accessed it there during his studies at the monastery between 827 and 829. The timeline fits neatly with the oldest manuscript witness to the Homilia in Initium Euangelii, which was copied at St. Emmeram around 830 (and then brought to Fulda).12 Walahfrid may have brought the Interpretatio with him to Reichenau, where he had started his monastic career as an oblate and where he became abbot in 838. Walahfrid’s copy, in turn, may have been the exemplar for the St. Gall copy as well as the copy written later at Reichenau itself. This early transmission appears to have utilized some of the connections between Anglo-Saxon England (Northumbria, to be precise) and the continent. The text’s presence in England is evinced by the exposition of the names in the Matthaean genealogy in the, arguably later, Canterbury manuscript now in Durham Cathedral Library (MS B.II.11), which certainly used some abbreviated version of Ailerán’s Interpretatio.13 This Anglo-Saxon contribution is mirrored by the dissemination of Ailerán’s only other known work, a poem on the canon tables Quam in primo speciosa quadriga.14 The oldest witness to this poem is an eighth-­century Echternach manuscript, known as the Augsburg Gospels.15 Dáibhí Ó Cróinín dates the manuscript to c. 702–5 and makes a case for its production at Echternach by a scribe trained at Rath Melsigi (possibly at Clonmelsh, Co. Carlow),16 the Irish monastery populated mostly by Englishmen and which had some contact with Clonard, possibly Ailerán’s monastery.17 The availability of Irish material at Echternach might be explained by its history, as a foundation of Willibrord (c. 697–8), himself a student of Ecgberct of Rath Melsigi (639–729) in Ireland. This may have resulted in more durable relations between the two monasteries. At least one Irish scribe was present at Echternach in the first quarter of the eighth century (signing his name Vergilius, the Latin rendering of Fergal).18 Alcuin probably had direct access to Irish sources preserved at Echternach at the end of the eighth century, when writing the Vita Willibrordi upon request of Abbot Beornrad (774–97) of Echternach.19 He is known to have used at least one literary product of an Irish author: an earlier Latin Life of Willibrord, written by an Irishman ‘in a rustic style’, which is now lost, but was still known much later to Thiofrid, abbot of Echternach (ob. 1110).20

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The Penitential of Finnian at St. Gall The Penitential of Finnian is one of the earliest surviving penitential handbooks. It is often attributed to Saint Finnian of Clonard (ob. 549) or Saint Finnian of Moville (ob. 579), although British and Breton origins of the author have also been proposed.21 The author was known to Columbanus, who referred to him in one of his letters.22 Columbanus’s own penitential, probably written in Francia, drew on the Penitential of Finnian.23 Scholars appear to agree on the Irish nature of the text, if not the Irish origin of its author, and on its importance as a specimen of the genre of confessional handbooks that originates from the insular world. These penitentials contain detailed lists of sins and offences with the appropriate form of penance. The penitential measures often take the form of tariffs with increasing severity (and longevity) for increasingly serious sins. They typically concern offences perpetrated by clerics as well as lay people and have a heavy emphasis on sins pertaining to sexuality, matters of violence and orthodoxy. The insular penitentials found a particularly creative reception in Europe and they were energetically excerpted, combined, rearranged and expanded on, resulting in a multitude of different penitential handbooks in circulation in the eighth and ninth centuries. Despite – or perhaps on account of – the popularity of these penitentials on the continent, the diversity and dubious authority of these works were criticized by Carolingian clergy in the first decades of the ninth century, culminating in the call by the Synod of Paris in 829 for the penitentials of dubious authority to be destroyed. Yet, most of the continental manuscript witnesses in fact date from the Carolingian period. The Penitential of Finnian is only preserved in its (near) entirety in two southern German manuscripts: St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 150, written at St. Gall in the second quarter of the ninth century, and the late eighth-­century manuscript Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS lat. 2233, from Salzburg.24 Two Breton manuscripts filled with insular material contain fragments of the work.25 Finnian’s penitential arrived at St. Gall in the early ninth century at the latest, when it was copied by a St. Gall scribe into a booklet which is now part of MS 150 in the Stiftsbibliothek (hereafter MS 150d). This fourth part of the composite manuscript MS 150 is written in a ‘post-­alemannic’ script at St. Gall sometime in the second quarter of the ninth century. As noted in Chapter 4, the constituent parts of MS 150 appear to have remained independent book(let)s for the period under discussion. MS 150d (pp.  323–84) contains the so-­called Paenitentiale Sangallense tripartitum, a fragment of the old liturgical ritual text Ordo Romanus

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VII and an incomplete copy of the Iudicia Theodori in the recension of the Discipulus Umbriensum, the so-­called Paenitentiale Sangallense simplex, the almost complete copy of the Penitential of Finnian (the text breaks off in chapter 46),26 and a pseudo-Augustinian sermon ‘Sermo ad fratres in eremo’.27 This booklet thus has a strong pastoral character with particular interest in liturgical practice and preaching and especially the administration of penance. In fact, the first rubric of this booklet on p. 323 confirms its penitential interest: qualiter suscipi debeant penitentiam, ‘this is how they should undergo penance’.28 In addition to the three confessional handbooks, it includes excerpts from the penitential part of Theodore of Canterbury’s teachings (ob. 690) known as the Iudicia Theodori and a sermon aimed at correction and education attributed to Augustine. This one-­time integral manuscript catered expressly for readers involved with pastoral care and administering penitential corrections.29 The presence of liturgical directions in the Ordo Romanus VII, expressly concerned with the ceremonies of Christian initiation (i.e. catechumenate to baptism) adds to the pastoral character of the book and to its practical aim of assisting priests reading mass, preach and hear the confessions of the faithful. The Ordo opens with a prayer stressing the need for repentance in order to be worthy of grace and consolation.30 The utility of the book is reflected by the manuscript’s sober character and humble size.31 In Vienna MS 2233, the textual context is rather different: passages from the Penitential of Finnian are here integrated, sometimes in blocks, sometimes scattered, in a tripartite penitential known as the Paenitentiale Vindobonense B. This newly compiled text is essentially a selection of passages from the Irish penitentials of Finnian and Cummean, the Anglo-Saxon Iudicia Theodori and the hugely popular continental compilation known as the Excarpsus Cummeani.32 The latter penitential work was written at Corbie in the second quarter of the eighth century, itself a product of combining penitential material from Theodore’s sentences, Cummean’s handbook and a simple Frankish penitential.33 The Excarpsus Cummeani is thus the youngest source of the Paenitentiale Vindobonense B and firmly set in northern France just decades before the only copy of the latter penitential was penned down at Salzburg. The version of the Penitential of Finnian in the Paenitentiale Vindobonense B is more complete than the version in MS 150, which misses the last canons and the epilogue as it breaks off abruptly in canon 46. Canon 31, on the other hand, is only preserved in the St. Gall version and not in the Salzburg copy. The textual differences between the two copies are hard to assess; a number of the canons in the Paenitentiale Vindobonense B which purportedly are from the Penitential of

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Finnian may actually have derived from intermediary sources.34 The heavy revision of the penitential’s arrangement in the Salzburg text reminds us that the text perhaps underwent a similar rigorous redaction. Textual differences (or correspondences) between the St. Gall copy of Finnian’s penitential and the passages in the Paenitentiale Vindobonense B can be the result of such indirect borrowing, which makes it almost impossible to ascertain the precise connection between the two copies. Yet, the two copies testify to the text’s availability in southern Germany by the late eighth and early ninth century. Was it transported directly from Ireland, or with a minimum of stops along the way, by itinerant Irish men, or did it circulate in Europe as a member of the continentally well-­known and widely spread penitential texts? Given the ‘strong Irish connections’ of St. Gall and Salzburg, Rob Meens suggested that this penitential was transmitted to the continent mainly by Irish peregrini.35 In this context, the first conveyor was Saint Columbanus, who probably brought the copy he used over from Ireland himself. One would expect that a copy was still accessible at Bobbio in the late eighth century and connection across the Alps may have provided the route taken by the text to Salzburg and St. Gall. Yet, the fact that some 150 years separate the writing of Columbanus’s penitential and the copy by the St. Gall scribe leaves a multitude of other possibilities open: a century and a half is long enough for other copies of Finnian’s work to travel from Ireland to the continent and, especially, for more continental copies to be made and circulated. Finnian’s work was in Bavaria by the time the Paenitentiale Vindobonense B was written probably at Salzburg (possibly Freising), in the first half of Bishop Arn’s episcopacy (785–821). This was a period coloured by the bishop’s efforts to collect an entire corpus of canonical texts, for which he utilized the links he had with northern France, where Arn had been abbot of the monastery of St. Amand. In northern France, the Excarpsus Cummeani and the Iudicia Theodori were circulating at an early stage,36 texts which were drawn from by the compiler of the Paenitentiale Vindobonense B. The spread to Salzburg of these two texts, a continental text based on the Irish Penitential of Cummean and the Anglo-Saxon Iudicia Theodori, is credited to Arn’s links with northern France; despite the ‘strong Irish influence’ in both Freising and Salzburg, these insular and insular-­influenced texts are supposed to have arrived there not directly from Ireland, but via northern French centres.37 Perhaps, Finnian’s work travelled with these penitentials along the same route from northern France to south-­eastern Germany. Both regions feature in a study of the associated contents in MS 150d, in particular concerning the Paenitentiale Sangallense tripartitum. This penitential,

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as well as its near-­namesake, the so-­called Paenitentiale Sangallense simplex, are unique copies: no others exist. Despite having ‘St. Gall’ in its modern name, the Paenitentiale Sangallense tripartitum does not originate from the abbey of St. Gall according to its modern editor. Instead the tripartite penitential was written in northern France or Belgium at the end of the eighth century at the latest, from where it travelled to southern Germany. This path parallels the pattern of dissemination of the so-­called G-recension of the Iudicia Theodori, an important source for the tripartite penitential. In fact, the Theodorian section of the Paenitentiale Sangallense tripartitum contains a canon, attributed to Theodore, which is absent in all manuscript witnesses of the G-recension but one: Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14780. This late eighth- or early ninth-­century manuscript was written in France, but travelled to the Bavarian see of Regensburg at a very early stage. Once in southern Germany, the Paenitentiale Sangallense tripartitum was slightly revised (some liturgical material was included, while some material of Theodore and Cummean was omitted). It was this version that was finally copied into the St. Gall manuscript.38 It is possible that this revision was executed at St. Gall but it could also have been done elsewhere in the region. The Paenitentiale Sangallense simplex is usually not thought to be much older than its only manuscript witness, that is the second quarter of the ninth century.39 It is one of a group of continental penitential works modelled on the penitential of Columbanus. They contain mostly canons from this latter work, but also from the British or Irish Paenitentiale Ambrosianum, and in the case of the Sangallense simplex, canons from Cummean’s work.40 Whether these continental penitentials all derive from a common archetype is unclear, since such a work has not been identified. The focus of the tradition, and its possible origin, appears to be Burgundy and, again, northern France. With the liturgical fragment from the Ordo Romanus VII, MS 150d confirms its utilitarian character. It contains directions for the performance of liturgical rituals, especially those connected to initiation, before and after baptism. The author of Ordo VII had recourse to an archetype of the Canon missae as it is now preserved in a manuscript known as the Sacramentary of Padua,41 a ninth-­ century codex copied for Emperor Lothar (840–55), and builds on a Roman archetypical ordo composed sometime between 650 and the papacy of Leo II (682–3).42 According to Cyrille Vogel, Ordo VII was redacted in eastern France in the diocese of Metz or Besançon sometime after 750 by a Frankish scribe who was ‘favourable to the Romanization of the liturgy’.43 MS 150 is not only the oldest extant manuscript witness to Ordo VII, but its version also preserves some unique passages, including the opening prayer

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Pretende nobis Domine misericoridiam tuam utque uotis expetimus conuersatio tibi placita consequamur,44 absent from all of the other witnesses to Ordo VII. The St. Gall fragment appears to represent the oldest form of the text, preserving passages that were lost in subsequent copies. Other manuscript witnesses are all of later date, but the dissemination of this text centres clearly in Alemannia.45 The presence of a fragment of the oldest preserved version of the Ordo VII in MS 150 thus testifies to the scholarly traffic between eastern France and Alemannia. The last text of MS 150d is a sermon attributed to Augustine exhorting priests to teach their flock all that is necessary for a Christian life.46 It is also preserved in another, younger, St. Gall manuscript: Stiftsbibliothek MS 614 (pp. 19–26). The tenth-­century codicological unit (MS 614a) was written by various scribes, some whom may have may have been working at St. Gall and others who probably were not. The pseudo-Augustinian sermon is written in a tenth-­century Caroline minuscule probably of a non-St. Gall scribe.47 This copy of the sermon is possibly relevant to the study of MS 150d, because here it features within a larger collection of sermons, which may reflect the context of its early dissemination to St. Gall and thus to MS 150d. The collection contains mostly sermons by Caesarius of Arles or (spuriously) ascribed to Augustine. Audite filioli mei immediately follows the pseudo-Augustinian Omelia de die iudici.48 These two pseudo-Augustinian sermons both feature in an even older collection of some twenty-­seven sermons, which was probably compiled in the eighth century. The collection of sermons survives in several late eighth- or ninth-­century manuscripts, including the late eighth- or early ninth-­century Upper Rhineland or Alemannia manuscript, Vatican, MS Pal. lat. 212,49 a ninth-­century manuscript in Anglo-Saxon script from the Middle of Upper Rhineland, Vatican, MS Pal. lat. 220,50 and an early ninth-­century manuscript of uncertain origin, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Phillipps MS 49 (1716).51 In addition, a fragment of this collection, with only five sermons – and without our sermon – survives in an early ninth-­century Freising manuscript, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 6293.52 In MS 150d, the pseudo-Augustinian sermon Audite filioli mei is copied without other sermons in a utilitarian book for a priest. The sermon was probably copied from a collection of sermons, chosen to complement the penitential nature of MS 150d. The pairing of Audite filioli mei with Omelia de die iudici in MS 614 suggests that a version of the eighth-­century homiliary collection present in the Rhineland and Bavaria was also available at St. Gall.53 This collection of sermons in the two Vatican manuscripts and the manuscript now in Berlin include seven sermons which Robert E. McNally regarded as Hiberno-Latin works.54 In addition, MS Pal. lat. 220 has many significant

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connections with insular traditions, including other Irish texts, as well as apocryphal texts known to the Irish and the Anglo-Saxons. One such Irish connection is the unique redaction (‘redaction XI’) of an apocalyptic work known as the Visio Pauli (MS Pal. lat. 220, fols 56r–60r). ‘Redaction XI’ has been identified as an insular, probably Irish redaction.55 Based on palaeographical evidence, the manuscript written in Anglo-Saxon minuscule was the descendant of an Irish or Anglo-Saxon exemplar.56 A closer study of the texts in MS 150d and their dissemination reveals many connections with European centres. There are strong links with copies of the same texts in northern and eastern France and southern Bavaria. It is possible that the Penitential of Finnian travelled with at least one of these texts to St. Gall, that is to say: from a continental centre, rather than from an insular centre transported by an Irish pilgrim. This is all the more probable since we find the same text at Salzburg mere decades before it is first recorded at St. Gall.

The Penitential of Cummean The third codicological unit of MS 150 (hereafter MS 150c) contains yet another Hiberno-Latin penitential text, to wit a fragment of the Paenitentiale Cummeani. The work was only identified as a real product of the Irish author in 1902, when the so-­called Excarpsus Cummeani lost its Irish credentials.57 The penitential was ascribed to the Irish Bishop Cummaine Fota of Clonfert (ob. 661 or 662). It has a strong monastic character and in addition to the insular Paenitentiale Ambrosianum and Finnian’s penitential, it draws on John Cassian’s classification of vices, especially for its prologue (which is the only part preserved in MS 150c).58 MS 150c (pp.  273–322) was written at St. Gall in Alemannic script, which Bischoff dated to the turn of the ninth century,59 and has two sermons of Caesarius of Arles, the prologue of the Penitential of Cummean,60 the so-­called Paenitentiale Capitula Iudiciorum, and excerpts from Gregory the Great’s Libellus responsionum. The St. Gall copyists were aware of the Irish origin of Cummean’s penitential. The text is introduced by the words: prefatio cummeani abbatis in scothia ortus.61 The incorrect grammar probably means to refer to the author, ‘Abbot Cummean’, who was born in Ireland. Only two complete copies survive: Vatican MS Pal. lat. 485, probably written in the third quarter of the ninth century at Lorsch, and Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodl. 311, a tenth-­century northern French manuscript that travelled to England in the eleventh century.62 Another fragment, dating from the second quarter of the ninth century and possibly written at Mainz or Fulda, is

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Marburg, Hessischen Staatsarchiv MS Hr 4,7. It was thought to be the oldest fragment of Cummean’s work,63 but with a date around 800, the St. Gall fragment is in fact older. Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana MS L 28 sup., written somewhere in northern Italy in the second half of the ninth century, is younger still.64 Kottje carefully studied the Marburg fragment and argued that it was more closely related to the Lorsch copy (in the Vatican manuscript) than the Oxford copy. The few extant manuscript witnesses of the Penitential of Cummean make it impossible to speculate on the route it took to St. Gall. From its influence on compilers of other penitentials, however, we can observe where the text was known at what time. Judging from the Iudicia Theodori, for instance, it was known at Canterbury by the late seventh century. It was used by the scholars who wrote the Excarpsus Cummeani at Corbie in the early eighth century. At the end of the eighth century Cummean’s work was available in Salzburg. In MS 150c, the preface to the Paenitentiale Cummeani is followed by the Paenitentiale Capitula Iudiciorum and excerpts from Gregory the Great’s Libellus responsionum. The same combination of texts is found in the roughly contemporaneous manuscript Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek MS lat. 2223, from the Main area, which suggests that the preface of Cummean was meant as a preface to the Paenitentiale Capitula Iudiciorum.65 It also means that there is no evidence of knowledge at St. Gall of the full Paenitentiale Cummeani; its preface probably travelled to St. Gall attached to the Paenitentiale Capitula Iudiciorum. The Paenitentiale Capitula Iudiciorum presents the sinful offences with the prescribed reparations from each of the three main penitential traditions (Frankish penitentials, the Theodorian teachings and the Penitential of Cummean). This compilation was created making use of the Excarpsus Cummeani, the Paenitentiale Sangallense tripartitum, the G-recension of the Iudicia Theodori and the Penitential of Cummean. Its eighth- and ninth-­century dissemination, judging by the extant manuscript witnesses, was mostly centred in southern Germany. The oldest manuscript witness, however, is a manuscript from northern France that travelled to Benediktbeuern early in the ninth century, where the penitential text was palimpsested and overwritten with De uiris illustribus of Jerome-Gennadius. From the sources used, a northern French origin seems more likely than one in southern Germany.66 The oldest manuscript is proof of a link between the two regions and eastward traffic and it would seem that the preface to the Irish Paenitentiale Cummeani travelled with the Paenitentiale Capitula Iudiciorum along the same route.

Conclusion The glosses that were added to the breviary of St. Gall’s books in the last decades of the ninth century are testimony to the voracity with which the community had obtained its scholarship. In their urge to acquire learned texts, the monks of St. Gall had hit a number of misses, so the later annotator recorded. Especially among the texts of purported patristic writers, he found false, mendacious and useless works (see Chapter 3). While the later annotator appears to have had the leisure to thoroughly examine the books in the library, the earlier copyists and book buyers were simply too eager to collect authoritative texts and too time-­ pressed to inspect closely what they were about to acquire. These unique glosses paint a picture of a bustling and vibrant blooming of intellectual energy that distinguished the Carolingian revival of learning. Networks of knowledge were buzzing with activity and scholarly exchange. With its focus (mainly) on a few manuscripts, written at or brought to the Alpine monastery of St. Gall, and containing scholarly material originally composed in Ireland, this book only covers a tiny detail of the prodigious intellectual phenomenon that was the Carolingian revival of learning. Nevertheless, this study represents an attempt to offer a contribution towards a better understanding of the intellectual boom of the eighth and ninth centuries. Rather than taking a top-­down approach and attempting to explain the situation ‘on the ground’ from the well-­expressed ambitions of a distant court, it aims to present a ‘horizontal’ model for the inquiry of intellectual contacts between St. Gall and other learned centres. And despite its modest scope, this book has tried to demonstrate that, when studied closely, a history painted with broad strokes can prove to be deceiving. Thus, whereas the numerous surviving products of Irish learning in the library of a monastery with an Irish patron saint would suggest the existence of a singular connection between the monastery and Irish scholarship, or a gateway function connecting Ireland with continental Europe, a more detailed look presents us with a different picture altogether. The turbulent and creative years of Carolingian renouatio formed the circumstances in which Irish learning was spread over the continent, where they

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were read, copied, redacted or ransacked with vigorous creativity. The community of St. Gall managed to collect a sizeable corpus of Irish scholarly works with some of the most influential texts from Ireland: De XII Abusiuis, the Collectio canonum Hibernensis, Ailerán’s exegesis and Irish penitentials. The monastery was no stranger to Irish influence. It appears that a modest, but steady stream of pilgrims visited Saint Gallus’s grave among the many travellers seeking to cross the Alps into or out of Italy. The Irish learned texts were, however, obtained through other channels. The study of the extant manuscript witnesses to Hiberno-Latin scholarly texts at St. Gall reveals evidence (sometimes circumstantial) for intellectual connections with nearer, continental centres. In particular, north-­eastern France and central and southern Germany – and of course Reichenau – seem to have supplied St. Gall with Irish scholarship; and vice versa. By the time it arrived at the monastery of St. Gall, it had often already gone through a number of continental or Anglo-Saxon hands: an Anglo-Saxon by the name of Eadberct had been able to put his stamp on a version of the Hibernensis; De XII Abusiuis was already employed to fulfil a role in a continental, political dispute; the preface to Cummean’s penitential was already appropriated for use in a continental penitential composition. The monastery of St. Gall did not fulfil the role of bridgehead, connecting Ireland with the continent, nor was it any more of a gateway than other continental centres within the Frankish realms. If metaphors are necessary, St. Gall acted more as a sink strainer. With the streams of scholarship rushing through St. Gall, an impressive number of Irish works were trapped by its monks. Partly thanks to the cupidity of the St. Gall monks, partly owing to its convenient location, and partly due to the fortuitous survival of so much of the library’s holding, we have this unique collection to study. None of this, of course, diminishes any of the creative splendour of the Irish scholars who produced the learned masterpieces. On the contrary, the rich evidence of continental appreciation and appropriation, and the dynamic redistribution of Hiberno-Latin scholarship between continental intellectual centres only underlines the fact that Irish learning was valued greatly by its continental recipients for its skill, sagacity and utility. It was these qualities rather than any value automatically attributed to ‘Irishness’ that ensured its place within the pan-European pool of learning. The medieval spread and reception of scholarship was, ultimately, an exercise in cultural exchange in which both the ‘sender’ and the receiving party influenced the scholarly product that was shared. The transference of a cultural object from

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one context into another by necessity transforms its meaning. By the time Irish scholarly works arrived at St. Gall, they had already gone through a number of such semantic transformations. While the Irish background is important for historians to understand the context of the works’ conception and original composition, we cannot assume that this background was equally significant for the St. Gall recipients. In fact, one can justifiably wonder whether the St. Gall monks always knew the origin of the Irish texts they copied, read and taught (and whether they cared). Similarly, the meaning and relevance of Irish works of learning must have been different for the community of a continental monastery than for its Irish author and initial Irish audience. In fact, one could argue that the Irish scholarship became ‘more continental’ (or rather ‘more European’) with every step of its dissemination beyond the shores of Ireland. This ‘globalizing’ trend is, after all, the hallmark of the most durable of scholarly expressions. And the durability of Irish learning is not in doubt.

Notes Introduction 1 Helen Waddell, The Wandering Scholars, 7th edn (1927; repr. London: Constable, 1968), 28. 2 Jane Stevenson, ‘The Politics of Historiography: Or, Novels with Footnotes’, in Forging in the Smithy: National Identity and Representation in Anglo-Irish Literary History, ed. Joep Leerssen, A.H. van der Weel and Bart Westerweel (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995), 195–206, at 201–2. 3 The most complete discussion of this subject remains Friedrich Prinz, Frühes Mönchtum im Frankenreich. Kultur und Gesellschaft in Gallien, den Rheinlanden und Bayern am Beispiel der monastischen Entwicklung (4. bis 8. Jahrhundert) (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1965); on Columbanian monasticism, see Yaniv Fox, Power and Religion in Merovingian Gaul: Columbanian Monasticism and the Frankish Elites (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014) and ‘The Political Context of Irish Monasticism in Seventh-Century Francia: Another Look at the Sources’, in The Irish in Early Medieval Europe: Identity, Culture and Religion, ed. Roy Flechner and Sven Meeder (London/New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 53–67; on the position of Irish monastic foundations in the Carolingian reform efforts see Sven Meeder, ‘The Irish Foundations and the Carolingian World’, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo 57 (2010): 467–93. 4 See for instance HE, III.4; III.27; IV.3; V.10. On monastic education in Ireland, see Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, Early Medieval Ireland 400–1200 (London: Longman, 1995), 178–81. 5 The phrase is from James F. Kenney, The Sources for the Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical. An Introduction and Guide, 2nd edn by Ludwig Bieler (1929; New York: Octagon Books, 1966), 584; cited by Ó Cróinín, Early Medieval Ireland, 227. 6 The main agenda-­setting document for the Carolingian revival of learning appears to be the capitulary known as the Admonitio Generalis (789), ed. A. Boretius, MGH Capit. 1 (Hanover, 1883), 52–62; trans. P.D. King, Charlemagne: Translated Sources (Kendal: P.D. King, 1987), 209–20. 7 Elva Johnston, Literacy and Identity in Early Medieval Ireland (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2013), 49; and Sven Meeder, ‘Irish Scholars and Carolingian Learning’, in The Irish in Early Medieval Europe: Identity, Culture and Religion, ed. Roy Flechner and Sven Meeder (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 179–94.

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8 See Sven Meeder, ‘The Irish Foundations’. 9 Such as Heiric of Auxerre, Vita Sancti Germani Episcopi Autissiodorensis, ed. L. Traube, MGH Poetae 3 (Berlin, 1896), 428–517, at 429; and Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, II.46, ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH SS rer. Merov. 4 (1902; Hannover/Leipzig: Hahn, 1977), 280–337, at 336. 10 See Mayke de Jong, ‘Charlemagne’s Church’, in Charlemagne: Empire and Society, ed. Joanna Story (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 103–35. 11 Raymund Kottje, ‘Einheit und Vielfalt des kirchlichen Lebens in der Karolingerzeit’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 60 (1965): 323–42. 12 Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1977). 13 ‘Außerhalb des nordfranzösischen Raumes begegnen also im Überlieferungsbild der irischen Bußbücher [. . .] nur Lorsch, St. Gallen, Salzburg und Bobbio, von denen die drei letztgenannten ja auch durch andere Zeugnisse als Brückenköpfe irischen Wirkens auf dem Kontinent bekannt sind’, Raymund Kottje, ‘Überlieferung und Rezeption der irischen Bußbücher auf dem Kontinent’, in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Heinz Löwe (Stuttgart: Klett-Cota, 1982), I: 511–24, at 517. 14 Such a ‘gateway function’ is also ascribed to Brittany, the origin of a number of manuscript witnesses to Hiberno-Latin works, see esp. Henry Bradshaw apud Hermann Wasserschleben, Die irische Kanonensammlung, 2nd rev. edn (1874; repr. Aalen: Scientia, 1966), lxiii–lxxvi (Bradshaw’s ‘Nachtrag’ was only printed in the second edition); Henry Bradshaw, The Early Collection of Canons Known as the Hibernensis: Two Unfinished Papers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1893), 14–40; Julius von Pflugk-Harttung, ‘The Old Irish on the Continent’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society n.s. 5 (1891): 75–102, at 77; Heinrich Zimmer,‘Über direkte Handelsverbindungen Westgalliens mit Irland im Altertum und frühen Mittelalter’, in five instalments, Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (1909, 1910); Ludwig Bieler, The Irish Penitentials (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1963), 20–1; Richard Sharpe, ‘Gildas as a Father of the Church’, in Gildas: New Approaches, ed. Michael Lapidge and David N. Dumville (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1984), 191–205, at 196 (referring to Bradshaw, Early Collection); Roy Flechner, ‘Aspects of the Breton Transmission of the Hibernensis’, in La Bretagne carolingienne: entre influences insulaires et continentales, ed. Jean-Luc Deuffic (St. Denis: Pecia, 2008), 27–44. But see objections raised by Kenney, Sources, 248 (no. 82); Louis Gougaud, Christianity in Celtic Lands. A History of the Churches of the Celts, Their Origin, Their Development, Influence and Mutual Relations, 2nd edn (1932; Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1992), 17–45, 281–2; and Julia M.H. Smith, Province and Empire: Brittany and the Carolingians (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 167–77. 15 Rob Meens, ‘The Penitential of Finnian and the Textual Witness of the Paenitentiale Vindobonense “B” ’, Mediaeval Studies 55 (1993): 243–55, at 246–7.

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16 This problem was raised concerning English scholarship by Rosamond McKitterick, ‘Kulturelle Verbindungen zwischen England und den fränkischen Reichen in der Zeit der Karolinger: Kontexte und Implikationen’, in Deutschland und der Westen Europas im Mittelalter, ed. Joachim Ehlers (Stuttgart: Thorbecke, 2002), 121–48, at 143–4. The discussion of (the role of) ‘Irish symptoms’ has been present in the discussion following the publication of Bernhard Bischoff ’s article ‘Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese im Frühmittelalter’, Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954), 191–281, repr. in his Mittelalterliche Studien, 3 vols (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1966–81), I: 205–73; see Michael M. Gorman, ‘A Critique of Bischoff ’s Theory of Irish Exegesis: The Commentary on Genesis in Munich Clm 6302 (Wendepunkte 2)’, Journal of Medieval Latin 7 (1997), 178–233; Charles D. Wright, ‘Bischoff ’s Theory of Irish Exegesis and the Genesis Commentary in Munich Clm 6302: A Critique of a Critique’, Journal of Medieval Latin 10 (2000), 115–75; Michael M. Gorman, ‘The Myth of Hiberno-Latin exegesis’, Revue Bénédictine 110 (2000), 42–85; and, most recently, Mark Stansbury, ‘Irish Biblical Exegesis’, in The Irish in Early Medieval Europe: Identity, Culture and Religion, ed. Roy Flechner and Sven Meeder (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 116–30. 17 In particular the Council of Chalon-­sur-Saône (813) and the Council of Paris (829), see Concilium Cabillonense (a. 813), c. 38, MGH Conc. II, 1: 273–85, at 281; Concilium Parisiense (a. 829), c. 32, MGH Conc. II, 2: 605–80, at 633. 18 The notion of an Irish ‘national’ identity in the early Middle Ages has been questioned by historians, such as Marco Mostert, ‘Celtic, Anglo-Saxon or Insular? Some Considerations on “Irish” Manuscript Production and Their Implications for Insular Latin Culture, ad 500–800’, in Cultural Identity and Cultural Integration. Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Doris Edel (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1995), 92–115, at 100; and Rosamond McKitterick, ‘Geschichte und Gedächtnis im frühmittelalterlichen Bayern: Virgil, Arn und der Liber Vitae von St. Peter zu Salzburg’, in Erzbischof Arn von Salzburg, ed. Meta Niederkorn-Bruck and Anton Scharer (Vienna: R. Oldenbourg, 2004), 68–80, at 76. There is, however, enough evidence for the awareness of the existence of an Irish ‘nation’ in Irish contemporary texts (especially those in the vernacular), in early medieval Irish society (according to early Irish law), as well as in the works of Irish peregrini. On this topic see for instance Donnchadh Ó Corráin, ‘Nationality and Kingship in Pre-Norman Ireland’, in Nationality and the Pursuit of National Independence, Papers Read Before the Conference Held at Trinity College, Dublin, 26–31 May 1975, ed. T.W. Moody (Belfast: Appletree Press, 1978), 1–35. 19 Kenney, Sources, 248. 20 Maurice Sheehy, ‘The Collectio canonum Hibernensis: A Celtic Phenomenon’, in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Heinz Löwe (Stuttgart: Klett-Cota, 1982), 525–35, at 526.

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21 Roger E. Reynolds, ‘The Transmission of the Hibernensis in Italy: Tenth to the Twelfth Century’, Peritia 14 (2000): 20–50, at 23. 22 See especially John J. Contreni, ‘The Irish in the Western Carolingian Empire (According to James F. Kenney and Bern, Burgerbibliothek 363)’, in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Heinz Löwe (Stuttgart: Klett-Cota, 1982), 758–98. 23 Johannes Duft identified these impulses as symptoms of ‘Iromania’, which frequently afflicted both medieval and modern scholars: Johannes Duft, ‘Iromanie – Irophobie. Fragen um die frühmittelalterliche Irenmission exemplifiziert an St. Gallen und Alemannien’, Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Kirchengeschichte 50 (1956): 241–62, at 242–3. Influential literature includes Ludwig Bieler, Irland: Wegbereiter des Mittelalters (Olten: Graf, 1961); and Thomas Cahill, How the Irish Saved Civilization: The Untold Story of Ireland’s Heroic Role from the Fall of Rome to the Rise of Medieval Europe (London: Sceptre, 1995). A decidedly sceptical outlook is presented by Edmondo Coccia, ‘La cultura irlandese precarolingia: Miracolo o mito?’, Studi Medievali 8 (1967): 257–420. On ‘nativists’, and their counterparts, ‘anti-­nativists’, see Kim McCone, Pagan Past and Christian Present in Early Irish Literature (Maynooth: An Sagart, 1990), 1–28. 24 For an introduction to confraternity books see Dieter Geuenich, ‘A Survey of the Early Medieval Confraternity Books from the Continent’, in The Durham Liber Vitae and Its Context, ed. David Rollason (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 141–8. 25 See Paul Piper, Libri Confraternitatum Sancti Galli, Augiensis, Fabariensis (Berlin: Weidmannschen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1884). 26 On Carolingian monasticism, see Mayke de Jong, ‘Carolingian Monasticism: The Power of Prayer’, in New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. II: c. 700–c. 900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 622–53. 27 As was the case with blood ties, see for instance the correspondence between the bishops Tello and Sidonius about a conflict of the latter with the abbey of Walahfrid, Vita (III) s. Galli, II.17. 28 Peter Erhart, ‘Contentiones inter monachos – ethnische und politische Identität in monastischen Gemeinschaften des Frühmittelalters’, in Texts and Identities in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Richard Corradini (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2006), 373–87. 29 See for instance Johannes Duft and Peter Meyer, The Irish Miniatures in the Abbey Library of St. Gall (Olten: Urs Graf-Verlag, 1954), 14.

1  Irish Identity at St. Gall 1 Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) s. Galli, II.1, ed. Bruno Krusch. MGH SS rer. Merov. 4 (Hannover/Leipzig, 1902; repr. 1977) 280–337, at 313–14.

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2 See Rosamond McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 81–3. 3 Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) s. Galli, II.1, at 313–14; compare Wetti, Vita (II) s. Galli, 35, ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH SS rer. Merov. 4 (Hannover/Leipzig: Hahn, 1902; repr. 1977) 256–80, at 277. 4 Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, II.1 and II.11, at 314 and 321. 5 Peter Erhart, ‘Contentiones inter monachos – ethnische und politische Identität in monastischen Gemeinschaften des Frühmittelalters’, in Texts and Identities in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Richard Corradini, 373–87 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2006), 375–8; on the Alemannic context of the monastery’s founding, see also McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written Word, 83–4. 6 On liturgy and monastic identity, see Susan Boynton, Shaping a Monastic Identity: Liturgy and History at the Imperial Abbey of Farfa, 1000–1125 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006); on monastic rules, see Albrecht Diem, ‘Rewriting Benedict: The Regula Cuiusdam ad Virgines and Intertextuality as a Tool to Construct a Monastic Identity’, Journal of Medieval Latin 17 (2007): 13–328. 7 See the project announced by Cécile Caby, ‘La mémoire des origines dans les institutions médiévales: Bilan d’un séminaire collectif ’, in Écrire son histoire: les communautés régulières face à leur passé: actes du 5e colloque international du C.E.R.C.O.R., Saint-Étienne, 6–8 novembre 2002 (Saint-Étienne: Publications de l’Université de Saint-Étienne, 2005), 13–20. 8 The discussion was opened by Barbara Helbling and Hanno Helbling, ‘Der heilige Gallus in der Geschichte’, Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Geschichte 12 (1962): 1–62 and followed up by Kurt-Ulrich Jäschke, ‘Kolumban von Luxeuil und sein Wirken im alamannischen Raum’, in Mönchtum, Episkopat und Adel zur Gründungszeit des Klosters Reichenau, ed. Arno Borst (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1974), 77–130, at 112–30; Gerold Hilty, Gallus und die Sprachgeschichte der Nordostschweiz (St. Gall: Verlagsgemeinschaft St. Gallen, 2001). Doubt as to Gallus’s Irishness was also raised by McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written Word, 83; and Herbert Schutz, The Carolingians in Central Europe, Their History, Arts, and Architecture: Cultural History of Central Europe 750–900 (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 161; the topic was revisited by Max Schär, ‘Woher kam der heilige Gallus?’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner Ordens und seiner Zweige 121 (2010): 71–95. 9 For the description of St. Gall’s ‘Golden’ and ‘Silver Age’, see Walter Berschin, ‘Gallus abbas vindicatus’, Historisches Jahrbuch 95 (1975): 257–77. 10 On the life of Otmar, see Hugh Feiss, ‘Saint Otmar, Model Benedictine’, in The Joy of Learning and the Love of God: Essays in Honor of Jean Leclercq, Cistercian Studies Series 160, ed. Rozanne Elder (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1995), 49–65.

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11 The literature on the St. Gall Plan is vast. A full list of publications is found on the project website ‘Carolingian culture at Reichenau & St. Gall. Codex Sangallensis 1092: Content and context’ (finished 2012): http://www.stgallplan.org/ (accessed May 2017). The standard work on the St. Gall Plan is Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture & Economy of, & Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery, California Studies in the History of Art 19 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979). Recent publications include Werner Jacobsen, ‘Der St. Galler Klosterplan – 300 Jahre Forschung: Adveniens aditum populus hic cunctus habebit’, in Studien zum St. Galler Klosterplan, Mitteilungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte 52, ed. Peter Ochsenbein and Karl Schmucki (St. Gall: Historischer Verein des Kantons St. Gallen, 2002), II: 13–56; Barbara Schedl, Der Plan von St. Gallen: Ein Modell europäischer Klosterkultur (Vienna/Cologne/Weimar: Böhlau Verlag, 2014); and the Stiftsbibliothek published a wonderful facsimile edition with commentary: Ernst Tremp, Der St. Galler Klosterplan. Faksimile, Begleittext, Beischriften und Übersetzung (St. Gall: Verlag am Klosterhof, 2014). 12 See Rolf Sprandel, Das Kloster St Gallen in der Verfassung des karolingischen Reiches (Freiburg im Breisgau: Eberhard Albert, 1958). 13 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 2106; until 2006 the fragments were held at the Staatsarchiv in Zürich where they had the signature C VI, 1, II 8a. See the recent facsimile, edition and translation in Vita sancti Galli uetustissima. Die älteste Lebensbeschreibung des heiligen Gallus (St. Gall: Verlag am Klosterhof, 2012), 1–21. 14 Vita S. Galli uetustissima, MGH SS rer. Merov., 4: 251–6; see Walter Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil im lateinischen Mittelalter, 5 vols (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1986–2004), II: 272–3. 15 Fols 1–2: ch. 1–7; fols 3–4: ch. 8–11. A modern editor has entered the numbers of the corresponding chapters in Wetti’s uita in pencil in the margin of St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 2106. This material corresponds with chapters 26–32 and 39–41 of Wetti’s uita of Gallus and I.26–32 and II.5–8 in Walahfrid’s version. 16 Berschin, ‘Gallus abbas vindicatus’. 17 Ibid., at 272. 18 Chapters 35–9 in Wetti, Vita (II) S. Galli, ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH SS rer. Merov. 4: 256–80, at 276–9. 19 See Max Schär, ‘St. Gallen zwischen Gallus und Otmar 640–720’, Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Religions- und Kulturgeschichte 102 (2008): 317–59. 20 ‘[uitam sancti Galli] a Scotis semilatinis corruptius scriptam’, Metrum de uita S. Galli, praef., ed. Walter Berschin, ‘Notkers Metrum de vita S. Galli’, in Florilegium Sangallense: Festschrift für Johannes Duft zum 65. Geburtstag (St. Gall/Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1980), 71–121, at 92; on Ekkehard’s authorship of the preface to the Metrum de uita S. Galli, see Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil, III: 405. 21 See ibid., II: 94–9.

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22 Vita S. Galli uetustissima, 9–11, 255–6. 23 Michael Borgolte, Dieter Geuenich and Karl Schmid (eds), Subsidia Sangallensia I. Materialen und Untersuchungen zu den Verbrüderungsbüchern und zu den älteren Urkunden des Stiftsarchivs St. Gallen, St. Galler Kultur und Geschichte (St. Gall, 1986). See also McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written Word, 84. 24 ‘scriptor [. . .] eximius’, Ratpert, Casus S. Galli, 4 (9), ed. Hannes Steiner, Ratpert, St. Galler Klostergeschichten (Casus Sancti Galli), MGH SS Rer. Germ. (Hannover, 2002), 164–7. On Waldo in general, see Emmanuel Munding, Abt-Bischof Waldo: Begründer des Goldenen Zeitalters der Reichenau (Beuron: Kunstschule der Erzabtei, 1924); and Donald A. Bullough, ‘ “Baiuli” in the Carolingian “Regnum Langobardorum” and the Career of Abbot Waldo (813)’, The English Historical Review 35 (1962): 625–37. 25 Wetti, Vita (II) S. Galli, I.1. This is quite in contrast with Jonas of Bobbio’s Vita Columbani, in which he devotes a few sections at the beginning to Columbanus’s life in Ireland, see Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani, I.2–I.4, ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH SS rer. Germ. 37: 1–294, at 152–60. 26 See for instance HE, III.4; III.27; IV.3; V.10. 27 ‘A qua responsum est, esse ibi Scottum nomine Gallum in heremo . . .’, Wetti, Vita (II) S. Galli, I.21. 28 Arno Borst, Mönche am Bodensee 610–1525 (1978; Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1985), 22. 29 The other manuscript being Metz, Bibliothèque du Grand Séminaire, MS 1. On the Vita Columbani, see Albrecht Diem, ‘Monks, Kings, and the Transformation of Sanctity: Jonas of Bobbio and the End of the Holy Man’, Speculum 82 (2007): 521–59; and Alexander O’Hara, ‘The Vita Columbani in Merovingian Gaul’, Early Medieval Europe 17 (2009): 126–53. The uita is now available in the translation by Alexander O’Hara and Ian Wood, Jonas of Bobbio: Life of Columbanus, Life of John of Réomé, and Life of Vedast, Translated Texts for Historians 64 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2017). 30 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 553, 2–118; Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani. 31 On the early history of Columbanian monasticism, see Yaniv Fox, Power and Religion in Merovingian Gaul: Columbanian Monasticism and the Frankish Elites (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014); and Yaniv Fox, ‘The Political Context of Irish Monasticism in Seventh-Century Francia: Another Look at the Sources’, in The Irish in Early Medieval Europe: Identity, Culture and Religion, ed. Roy Flechner and Sven Meeder (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 53–67. 32 Wetti, Vita (II) S. Galli, I.2. 33 Wetti, Vita (II) S. Galli, I.7, I.12. 34 Wetti, Vita (II) S. Galli, I.24. It is unclear to me to which canonical regulation Gallus is referring. 35 ‘[Diaconus Iohannis] Qui eos domum introduxit nec non et septem diebus quasi longinquis peregrinis ministrauit, illis se fingentibus de longinquo esse’, Wetti, Vita (II) S. Galli, I.15.

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36 ‘Ego fugebam omnes notos et propinquos meos in hanc solitudinem, [. . .] Ego urbem et pontificatum contempsi et omnes diuitias terrenas dispexi, propter Christum parentes et praedia dereliqui [. . .]’, Vita S. Galli uetustissima, 3, at 252. In Wetti’s version, Gallus responds with a rhetorical question: ‘ “Ego”, inquit, “notos et predia propter Christum dereliqui; et iterum capiam diuitias saeculi?” ’, Wetti, Vita (II) S. Galli, I.28, 272. 37 See Thomas Charles-Edwards, ‘The Social Background to Irish Peregrinatio’, Celtica 11 (1976): 43–59. 38 Beat Matthias von Scarpatetti, Die Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, vol. 4: Codices 547–669: Hagiographica, Historica, Geographica, 8.–18. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003), 25. 39 Bede’s homily is discussed by Michael Winterbottom, ‘Bede’s Homily on Benedict Biscop (Hom. i.13)’, Journal of Medieval Latin 21 (2011): 35–51. For his edition, see Beda Venerabilis, Homelia in Natale S. Benedicti, ed. Michael Winterbottom in The Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow, ed. Christopher Grocock and Ian N. Wood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2013), 1–19. For the lection and homily in our manuscript, see Heinz Löwe, ‘Irische Genealogien aus St. Gallen und ihr historischer Hintergrund’, in Tradition als historische Kraft: Interdisziplinäre Forschungen zur Geschichte des früheren Mittelalters, ed. Norbert Kamp and Joachim Wollasch (Berlin/New York: De Gruyter, 1982), 138–55, at 151–3. 40 ‘ecce nos reliquimus omnia et secuti sumus te. Quid ergo erit nobis?’, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 553, 151 (Mt. 19.27). 41 ‘ “Et omnis”, inquit, “qui reliquerit domum uel fratres aut sorores, aut patrem, aut matrem, aut uxorem, aut filios, [ins. aut agros], propter nomen meum centuplum accipiet et uitam aeternam possidebit [possedebit before corr.]” ’ (Mt. 19.29); St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 553, 156. 42 ‘Et maxime in beatae memoriae patrae nostro Gallo, cuius hodiae uenerandam adsumptionis diem debita sollemnitate recolimus totum lectionis huius tenorem uidemus perfectissime compleri; Nam cum esset nobilis natu et in rerum opulentia parentes eius essent ditati, spretis eius [ins. et] quae per eosdem adquirere potuit pariter cum mundana conuersatione dispectis [dispecta before corr.], hunc locum peregrinaturus aduolauit. Sed quia rudis adhuc illis temporibus in hac gente fides et aeclesiarum institutio florebat diuina dispositione illum istuc [istic before corr.] transmissum [transmissus before corr.] esse non dubitatur. Quatenus perfecta uiuendi forma, de eius tribueretur factis’, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 553, 157–8. Compare Bede’s text: ‘et maxime in beatae memoriae patre nostro Benedictus cuius hodie uenerandam assumptionis diem debita sollemnitate recolimus totum lectionis huius tenorem uidemus perfectissime compleri. Derelictis enim omnibus secutus est Christum, quando spretis eis quae in ministerio regali adquesierat uel adquirere ualebat cum esset nobilis natu ad beatorum apostolorum limina Romam

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peregrinaturus aduolauit ut, quia rudis adhuc in gente Anglorum fides et ecclesiarum institutio florebat, ibi potius perfectam uiuendi formam sumeret ubi per summos Christi apostolos totius ecclesiae caput eminet eximium’, Beda Venerabilis, Homelia in Natale S. Benedicti §7 (10). 43 Von Scarpatetti, Die Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, IV: 25. 44 Löwe, ‘Irische Genealogien’, 141–2. 45 ‘Fuit ergo in Scottia uir uenerabilis nomine Unuchum rex, qui filium generans, nomen illi indidit Kethernach; qui Kethernach regnum patris accipiens, multa bonitate fulcitus est. Erat namque pauperibus in amminiculum, orfanis in adiutorium, uiduis in subsidium. His ergo principalibus uirtutibus fulgens in regno, procurante sua optima bonitate, genuit filium, nimia bonitate pollentem, qui Callech nuncupatus fuerat in eorum lingua et apud Latinos Gallus uocitatus. Qui Callech patris diuitias regnumque refugiens, peregrinationem suscipiens, in patria Galliarum multas uirtutes faciens, ad ultimum in Germaniam ueniens, nimia sanctitate defunctus est. Si autem alias uirtutes eius scire uis, lege gesta eius et omnia recognoscis’, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 553, 163. The text is edited in MGH SS II, 34 and MGH SS rer. Mer. IV, 241. Both editions omit the genealogy of Patrick, which is edited by Löwe, ‘Irische Genealogien’, 140–1. 46 See Jonas, Vita Columbani, I.3. 47 See Löwe, ‘Irische Genealogien’, 138–9. 48 Ibid., 142–51. 49 On the monastery church (completed around 825), see H.R. Sennhauser, Das Münster des Abtes Gozbert (816–837) und seine Ausmalung unter Hartmut (St. Gall: Verlag am Klosterhof, 1988). On this context for the literary activity, see among others Martin Brooke, ‘The Prose and Verse Hagiography of Walahfrid Strabo’, in Charlemagne’s Heir. New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (814–840), ed. Peter Godman and Roger Collins (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 551–64, at 553–4; and Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil, III: 286. 50 Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, prologue. 51 See Mayke de Jong, The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); and Courtney M. Booker, Past Convictions: The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009). 52 Walahfrid Strabo, Visio Wettini, ed. and trans. David A. Traill, Walahfrid Strabo’s Visio Wettini: Text, Translation, and Commentary (Bern: Lang, 1974). 53 Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Eine Sammelhandschrift Walahfrid Strabos (Cod. Sangall. 878)’, in Aus der Welt des Buches: Festschrift Georg Leyh (Leipzig, 1950), 30–48, repr. in Bernhard Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, 3 vols (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1966–81), II: 34–51. Grimald would later hold three abbacies: Weissenburg, St. Gall and a third, unknown monastery.

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54 See Francesco Mosetti Casaretto, ‘L’“Amicitia”, chiave ermeneutica dell’Epistola ad Grimaldum Abbatem di Ermenrico di Ellwangen’, Revue Bénédictine 109 (1999): 117–47. 55 On Walahfrid’s skills as a diplomatic broker of patronage, see Peter Godman, Poets and Emperors: Frankish Politics and Carolingian Poetry (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), 130–48. 56 Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli. 57 Cum praeclara sanctissimi uiri Columbani, qui et Columba, conuersatio per omnem Hiberniam celebris haberetur, et ueluti splendidum ignei solis iubar singulari decore omnium in se prouocaret amorem, sicuti de eo, priusquam nasceretur, prouisum esse liber gestorum ipsius pleniter indicat, inter ceteros, quos fama uirtutum eius attraxerat, parentes beati Galli, secundum Deum religiosi, secundum saeculum nobiles, filium suum primo aetatis flore nitentem cum oblatione Domino offerentes [. . .], Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, I.1, at 285. 58 Walahfrid Strabo, Versus de Beati Blaithmaic uita et fine, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH Poet. 2, 297–301; The short metrical life (it is only 172 lines long) is discussed by Brooke, ‘The Prose and Verse Hagiography’. Direct contact with Ireland (or Iona) is assumed by Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Il monachesimo Irlandese nei suoi rapporti col continente’, in Mittelalterliche Studien, I: 195–205, at 204; and Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil, III: 275 (who connects it with the arrival of the Iona copy of the Vita Columbae at Reichenau); see Hansgeorg Wegner, ‘Walahfrid und die Iren’, in Irische Mönche in Süddeutschland: literarisches und kulturelles Wirken der Iren im Mittelalter, ed. Dorothea Walz (Heidelberg: Mattes, 2009), 183–98, at 187. 59 Hilty, Gallus und die Sprachgeschichte, 30. 60 ‘Ego quidem, o fratres, uerba prophetae cupiens imitari dicentis: Extraneus factus sum fratribus meis et peregrinus filiis matris meae, deserui notos meos et propinquos, et ut liberius Domino possem uacare, solitudinis elegi secreta; utque parentum et praediorum dimissionem praeteream, episcopatus honorem et diuitias mundi suscipere non consensi’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, I.28, at 305–6. 61 For a similar treatment of Columbanus’s exile to Bobbio in the Epitaphium Arsenii, see Sven Meeder, ‘The Irish Foundations and the Carolingian World’, Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo 57 (2010): 467–93, at 478–9. 62 Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, I.6. 63 See especially the work of Gerold Hilty, such as his ‘Gallus in Tuggen’, Vox Romanica 44 (1985): 125–55; and more recently Hilty, Gallus und die Sprachgeschichte. 64 ‘Ad hoc enim hucusque me reseruatum esse cognosco, ut sicut his barbaris uirtus tua latissime claret, ita etiam gentis tuae hominibus meritorum tuorum fulgor innotescat et claritas’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, II.46, at 336. 65 ‘Et quia prouinciarum descriptiones attigimus, liceat paucis Hiberniae insulae, de qua nobis tantum decus emicuit, iuxta eosdem auctores situm commemorare.

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Hibernia insula, ut scribit Orosius, inter Brittanniam et Hispaniam sita, longiore ab africo in boream spatio porrigitur. Haec propior Brittanniae, spatio terrarum angustior, sed caeli solisque temperie magis utilis, et ut supradictus Solinus testatur, ita pabulosa, ut pecua ibi, nisi interdum aestate a pastibus arceantur, in periculum agat saties. Illic nullus anguis, auis rara. Quam horrenda uero ipse uel alii de moribus incolarum eius testentur, fide Christi iam lucente, supersedendum est: quia ubi abundauit peccatum, superabundauit gratia; et a solis ortu, Indis uel Aethiopibus, usque ad occasum, Brittannis uel Scottis, iam laudabile est nomen Domini. Excelsus enim est super omnes gentes Dominus, et super caelos gloria eius’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, prol., at 282; I loosely follow the translation of Maud Joynt, Life of St. Gall (1927; Lampeter: Llarnech, 1992). 66 ‘Multis insulis nec ignobilis circumdatur, quarum Hibernia ei proximat magnitudine, inhumana incolarum ritu aspero, alias ita pabulosa, ut pecua, nisi interdum a pastibus arceantur, ad periculum agat satias. illic nullus anguis, auis rara, gens inhospita et bellicosa; sanguine interemptorum hausto prius uictores uultus suos oblinunt; fas ac nefas eodem loco ducunt; apes nusquam’, Gaius Iulius Solinus, Polyhistor sive De Mirabilibus Mundi, XXII, ed. Theodor Mommsen, C. Julii Solini Collectanea rerum memorabilium (Berlin: Weidmann, 1864), 100. 67 ‘Nam eodem momento, quo iter illud aggressus est, de equo cui insidebat corruit, coxaque illius eo casu confracta est, Domino beati uiri merita in hoc quoque remunerante, ne a loco, quem ipse elegerat, auferretur, quem de ultimis Hiberniae finibus ad salutem multorum Rhetiae uel Germaniae destinauit’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, II.12, at 321–2. 68 The same poetic image is found in Jonas’s poem on Ireland in the Vita Columbani, I.2. 69 ‘Dignum quippe est, ut nostris laudibus per orbem celebretur, quem de extremis orbis finibus ad nostram salutem Dominus destinauit’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, praef., at 282–3. 70 Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, praef., at 282; see Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Epistola ad Grimaldum, § 28, ed. Monique Goullet, Ermenrich d’Ellwangen: Lettre à Grimald, Sources d’Histoire Médiévale (Paris: Éditions CNRS, 2008), at 152–4. 71 Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil, III: 283–5; and Walter Berschin, ‘Die karolingische Vita S. Galli metrica (BHL Nr. 3253), Werk eines Iren für St. Gallen?’, Revue Bénédictine 117 (2007): 9–30. 72 F.J. Worstbrock, ‘Ermenrich von Ellwangen’, in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon, vol. 2, 606–11; Wilhelm Forke, ‘Studien zu Ermenrich von Ellwangen’, Zeitschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte 28 (1969): 1–104, at 4. According to one of his own hagiographical composition, the Vita Sualonis, he may have stayed at Fulda from 822 to 826, see Goullet, Ermenrich d’Ellwangen, 17. 73 Ibid., 32.

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74 Ibid., 17–18. 75 See the historiographical paragraphs at Lynda L. Coon, ‘Historical Fact and Exegetical Fiction in the Carolingian Vita S. Sualonis’, Church History 72 (2003): 1–25, at 2–4; and Gerhard Schmitz, ‘Ermenrich von Ellwangen oder Vom Nachteil und Nutzen von Re-Editionen’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 66 (2010): 478–510, at 480–4. 76 Sibylle Mähl, Quadriga virtutum. Die Kardinaltugenden in der Geistesgeschichte der Karolingerzeit, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, Beihefte (Cologne: Böhlau, 1969), 150; cited by Schmitz, ‘Ermenrich von Ellwangen’, 484. 77 Ibid. 78 Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Bücher am Hofe Ludwigs des Deutschen und die Privatbibliothek des Kanzlers Grimalt’, in Mittelalterliche Studien, III: 187–212; Francesco Mosetti Casaretto, ‘Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 265: Ad Grimaldum Abbatem?’, Maia: Rivista di Letterature Classiche 51 (1999): 471–83. 79 ‘mihi nunc mentis floscellos carpere quosdam / De sancte Galle’, Ermenrich of Elwangen, Epistola ad Grimaldum, c. 33, at 172. 80 ‘Sed neque de Hibernia insula, quae inter Spaniam et Brittanniam iacet, silendum censeo, unde nobis tanti luminis iubar processit’, Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Epistola ad Grimaldum, c. 36, at 178. 81 2 Kgs 20.11; Isa. 38.8. 82 ‘splendidum ignei solis iubar’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, I.1, at 285. See, again, also the Vita Columbani, I.2. 83 ‘a solis ortu, Indis uel Aethiopibus, usque ad occasum, Brittannis uel Scottis, iam laudabile est nomen Domini’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, praef., at 282. 84 Bede, HE II.19 (John IV’s letter); V.15. 85 See also Damian Bracken, ‘ “Whence the Splendour of Such Light Came to Us”: The Account of Ireland in Ermenrich’s Life of St Gall’, in Listen, O Isles, Unto Me: Studies in Medieval Word and Image in Honour of Jennifer O’Reilly, ed. Elizabeth Mullins and Diarmuid Scully (Cork: Cork University Press, 2011), 73–86, at 74–5. 86 Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Sermo de vita s. Sualonis dicti Soli, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH Script. 15.1: 151–63; on the narrative structure of the Life, see Coon, ‘Historical Fact’, 7–9. 87 ‘Igitur beatissimus caelicola apostolis in omni actione sua pene consimilis Solus, regnante domno Pippino imperatore super Franciam et Germaniam eodem tempore quo ipse de gente Anglorum magistrum suum sanctum scilicet Bonifacium archiepiscopum prosecutus hanc in patriam ceu iubar solis clarissimum delatus est’, Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Vita Sualonis, 1, at 157. 88 Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Vita Sualonis, 1, MGH Script. 15.1, at 158; see also Coon, ‘Historical Fact’, 9–11. 89 Ibid., 8.

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90 ‘Quid autem folia codicum et omnia quae in eadem insula sunt uenenis resistendo significant, nisi quod omnis sermo diuinus inde ubique perlatus uitia a diabolo inmissa arcet et excutit et salutem incutit eternam’, Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Epistola ad Grimaldum, § 36. 91 Cf. Bracken, ‘ “Whence the splendour” ’, 85, who claims that ‘the sermo diuinus that came with Columbanus and his disciple was transmitted on the “leaves of the books”, and veneration of the missionaries from Ireland was extended especially to books from Ireland that also spread the “divine word” .’ 92 Ibid., 79. 93 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 587, 7–175; Vita S. Galli Metrica, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH Poet. II: 428–73. 94 Berschin, ‘Die karolingische Vita’, 9–15. 95 ‘Fecissemque fateor in hac re uotis satis, si supra dictus dilectus noster in hac petitione aliquam patientiam habuisset’, Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Epistola ad Grimaldum, § 28. 96 ‘Ad haec etiam de uno fonte non putauit sitibundus sitim suam posse sedari, ad mare cucurrit, scilicet Homerum nescio quem nouum pro hac re inuocans cis Hrenum, qui in morem Flacci non currit in poemate sed fluit’, Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Epistola ad Grimaldum, § 29. Note that Grimald himself occurs as an important teacher of the emperor’s entourage in Walahfrid Strabo’s De imagine Tetrici, written in 829, under the name ‘Homer’; see Walahfrid Strabo, De imagine Tetrici, ed. Michael W. Herren, ‘The “De imagine Tetrici” of Walahfrid Strabo: Edition and Translation’, The Journal of Medieval Latin 1 (1991): 118–39, at 136. 97 ‘Inter haec etiam et cuiusdam Scotticae perae iacula uereor, ceu ex latere emissa, quae modo in partibus Ausoniae puttoni cittonias uel aliud quid incogniti cibi colligit, et, licet attrita fronte, apparebit, quando putto inde gustabit’, Ermenrich of Ellwangen, Epistola ad Grimaldum, § 29. 98 Johannes Duft and Peter Meyer, The Irish Miniatures in the Abbey Library of St. Gall (Olten: Urs Graf-Verlag, 1954), 31. 99 Berschin, ‘Die karolingische Vita’, 25. 100 Ibid. 101 Max Manitou’s, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols (1911–31; Munich: Beck, 1965), I: 314–15; Berschin, ‘Die karolingische Vita’, 15–19. 102 Ibid., 21–2. 103 Vita S. Galli Metrica, 429 (ll. 1–4). 104 Berschin, ‘Die karolingische Vita’, 19–20. 105 ‘Finibus ex aliis’ (v. 198); ‘peregrinus’ (v. 321, 677); ‘exul’ (v. 674, 675, 1159, 1622); ‘exter’ (v. 1270). 106 ‘Traditionell wird in der Gallusbiographik ein kräftiger Akzent auf die irische Herkunft des Gallus gelegt’, Berschin, ‘Die karolingische Vita’, 20; see also statements I made earlier in Meeder, ‘The Irish Foundations’, 8–9.

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107 Diem, ‘Monks, Kings, and the Transformation of Sanctity’. 108 E.A. Stückelberg, Geschichte der Reliquien in de Schweiz (Zürich: Verlag der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Volkskunde, 1902), I: 5 (nr. 31); see Michael Richter, Bobbio in the Early Middle Ages: The Abiding Legacy of Columbanus (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008), 109. St. Gall concluded a confraternitas with the monastery of Bobbio (as well as Schienen and Disentis) in 846, see Paul Piper, Libri Confraternitatum Sancti Galli, Augiensis, Fabariensis (Berlin: Weidmannschen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1884), 142. 109 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 553. 110 Bracken, ‘ “Whence the Splendour” ’, 78–9.

2  Irishmen at St. Gall 1 See Ernst Tremp, Der St. Galler Klosterplan. Faksimile, Begleittext, Beischriften und Übersetzung (St. Gall: Verlag am Klosterhof, 2014). 2 Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) s. Galli, ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH SS rer. Merov. 4: 280–337, II.24, II.36, II.38. 3 See, for instance, Johannes Duft, ‘Irische Einflüsse auf St. Gallen und Alemannien’, in Mönchtum, Episkopat und Adel zur Gründungszeit des Klosters Reichenau, ed. Arno Borst (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1974), 9–36, at 10. 4 See Johannes Duft and Peter Meyer, The Irish Miniatures in the Abbey Library of St. Gall (Olten: Urs Graf-Verlag, 1954); on the names recorded in St. Gall documents, see the work of Dieter Geuenich, including Dieter Geuenich, Prümer Personennamen in Überlieferungen von St. Gallen, Reichenau, Remiremont und Prüm, Beiheft zu den Beiträgen zur Namenforschung NF 7 (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1971); and the contributions in Michael Borgolte, Dieter Geuenich and Karl Schmid (eds), Subsidia Sangallensia I. Materialen und Untersuchungen zu den Verbrüderungsbüchern und zu den älteren Urkunden des Stiftsarchivs St. Gallen (St. Gall, 1986). 5 Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 33. 6 See Roy Flechner and Sven Meeder, ‘Controversies and Ethnic Tensions’, in The Irish in Early Medieval Europe: Identity, Culture and Religion, ed. Roy Flechner and Sven Meeder (London/New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 195–213. 7 See book II of Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) s. Galli. 8 ‘Nuper quoque de natione Scottorum, quibus consuetudo peregrinandi iam paene in naturam conuersa est, quidam aduenientes . . .’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) s. Galli, II.46. 9 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 553, 163; MGH SS II, 34 and MGH SS rer. Mer. IV, 241 (both omit the genealogy of Patrick). See Johannes Duft, ‘Iromanie – Irophobie. Fragen um die frühmittelalterliche Irenmission exemplifiziert an St. Gallen und

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Alemannien’, Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Kirchengeschichte 50 (1956): 241–62, at 10. Schär assumes these Irishmen were Marcus and Moengal (without citing evidence), see Max Schär, ‘Woher kam der heilige Gallus?’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner Ordens und seiner Zweige 121 (2010): 71–95, at 78–9. 10 ‘noli ergo, quod te aliquando credo facturum, differre diutius’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) s. Galli, II.46, 336. 11 ‘Ad hoc enim hucusque me reseruatum esse cognosco, ut sicut his barbaris uirtus tua latissime claret, ita etiam gentis tuae hominibus meritorum tuorum fulgor innotescat et claritas. Scis ipse, scis, inquam, a natali solo, quam longe sim disiunctus, quantaque inter peregrinationis angustias corporis debilitate compressus. Succurre citius, opitulare quantocius’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, II.46, at 336. 12 ‘Qua ille motus querimonia, uultu placido paucis ita respondit: “Die mortalibus reddita, ecclesiam petito et uidebis diuino te melius subleuari consilio, quam patriae uel parentum solatio” ’, Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli, II.46, 336. 13 Walahfrid Strabo, Vita Sancti Galli Confessoris, II.46, 336. 14 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 10, p. 3; ed. Karl Strecker, MGH Poetae 5.1 (Leipzig, 1937), no. 48, 527; see Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 31–2. 15 Duft and Meyer suppose a tenth-­century date for the script of the poem, but in my opinion it can also be dated slightly earlier, see Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 31–2. 16 ‘Dubduin hôs optos fecit’; St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek, MS 10. The peculiar (contraction?) mark over hos is puzzling and has been silently ignored here. I interpret optos as optatos, which could be intended to mean something like ‘hopes/ wishes’, although this still leaves us with a grammatically unsatisfactory phrase. See J.M. Clark, The Abbey of St Gall as a Centre of Literature and Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926), 29. 17 The scribe corrected insula to insola. 18 Here uno was corrected by the scribe to una. 19 Here dec was corrected by the scribe to de 20 Superba was corrected by the scribe to suberba. 21 For Res sibi? 22 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 10, p. 3; ed. Karl Strecker, MGH Poetae 5.1 (Leipzig, 1937), no. 48, 527. The reconstruction of the last line is my own, based on the faltering shape of the B (which looks like an L corrected for an R) and the hesitancy in writing the two Ss. I have emended the translation of Clark, The Abbey of St Gall, 29–30. 23 See Elva Johnston, Literacy and Identity in Early Medieval Ireland (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2013), 42–50; and Sven Meeder, ‘Irish Scholars and Carolingian Learning’, in The Irish in Early Medieval Europe: Identity, Culture and Religion, ed. Roy Flechner and Sven Meeder (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 179–94;

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and also Meeder, ‘The Irish Foundations and the Carolingian World’. Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo 57 (2010): 467–93. 24 The commercial value of Irishness is wonderfully illustrated by Notker the Stammerer’s account of the Irish wisdom peddlers arriving on the Frankish shores during Charlemagne’s reign: Notker Balbulus, Gesta Karoli Magni, I.1, ed. Hans Haefele, MGH SS rer. Germ. N.S. 12 (Berlin: Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1959), 1. 25 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 915, p. 336. 26 ‘Obitus faillani scotti doctissimi et benignissimi magistri’: St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 915, p. 321. ‘Faillanus scottus beatae memoriae de hoc saeculo migrauit’: Annales Sangallenses maiores, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 915, p. 219. 27 See Clark, The Abbey, 43; Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 32. 28 Ratpert, Casus S. Galli, ed. Hannes Steiner, Ratpert, St. Galler Klostergeschichten (Casus Sancti Galli), MGH SS rer. Germ. 75.IX.31; the charters are edited in Hermann Wartmann, Urkundenbuch der Abtei Sanct Gallen (Zürich: S. Höhr, 1863), II: 232–3, 247–8; see Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 34–5. 29 Ekkehard IV, Casus Sancti Galli, continuatio I, § 1, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH SS II (Hannover, 1829), 74–147, at 78–9. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid., § 3. 32 Wolfram von den Steinen, Notker der Dichter und seine geistige Welt (Bern: A. Francke, 1948), I: 8–11. 33 The charters written by Marcellus are numbers 424, 429, 441 and 470 (854–60) in Wartmann’s edition: Wartmann, Urkundenbuch. See Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 36. 34 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 915, p. 307: Marcus episcopus (1 March), and p. 339: Obitus Moengal cognomento Marcelli viri doctissimi et optimi (30 September); See MGH SS II: 78, nn. 7, 8. 35 Duft rightly doubts any decisive Irish influence in the musical education at St. Gall. Despite his careful wording, his conjecture that the traces of Greek learning in St. Gall sources can be ascribed to Irishmen, and in particular Marcellus, is without basis; see Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 38. On the knowledge of Greek at St. Gall and a possible connection with the Irish, see also Walter Berschin, ‘Die karolingische Vita S. Galli metrica (BHL Nr. 3253), Werk eines Iren für St. Gallen?’, Revue Bénédictine 117 (2007): 9–30. 36 ‘libros uero [. . .] sibi et sancto Gallo retinuit’: Ekkehard IV, Casus Sancti Galli, continuatio I, 1 (78). 37 ‘Lectionarium optimum, quem petenti imperatori Karolo dedit domnus Hartmotus et pro eo alterum reposuit’: St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 267, p. 31; Paul Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 1: Die Bistümer Konstanz und Chur (Munich: Beck, 1918), 88.

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38 ‘Psalterium bonum Marco Hiberniensi dedit, quod est positum in ecclesia’: St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 267, p. 30; See Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge 1, 89. 39 ‘Marce, precor, fidei scuto meritisque beatis / Pellito uulniferas hostis, amice, minas’: Sedulius Scottus, Carmen 34, MGH Poetae 3, 199–200. 40 Yet, this raises the question why Sedulius was silent about Moengal. If the latter was as learned as Ekkehard maintained, Sedulius would surely have mentioned him. Perhaps then, Moengal was not with Marcus at the time, or his scholarship was not yet noteworthy (which would suggest he received most of his training on the continent, rather than in Ireland). I thank Dr Giorgia Vocino for this observation. 41 Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, MS A.145.b; facsimile accessible through the library website: http://digital.slub-­dresden. de/id274591448. On these three manuscripts, see Michael Herren, ‘John Scottus and the Biblical Manuscripts Attributed to the Circle of Sedulius’, in Iohannes Scottus Eriugena, the Bible and Hermeneutics: Proceedings of the Ninth International Colloquium of the Society for the Promotion of Eriugenian Studies, Held at Leuven and Louvain-­la-Neuve, June 7–10, 1995, ed. Gerd Van Riel and Carlos G. Steel (Louvain: University Press, 1996), 303–20; and Bernice Kaczynski, Greek in the Carolingian Age: The St. Gall Manuscripts (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1988), esp. 75–98. 42 Basle, Universitätsbibliothek, MS A VII 3. 43 St-Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 48. 44 Bern, Burgerbibliothek, MS 363; A facsimile edition was published in the nineteenth century: Hermann Hagen, Augustinus, Beda, Horatius, Ovidius, Servius, Alii: Codex Bernensis 363 phototypice editus, Codices Graeci et Latini Photographice Depicti (Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1897); on the manuscript, see Bernhard Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), 3 vols (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998–2014), I: 125 (no. 585); on the Irish ‘Schülerkreis’ see also Bischoff ’s ‘Irische Schreiber im Karolingerreich’, in Jean Scot Erigène et l’histoire de la philosophie, Laon, 7–12 juillet 1975, Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (Paris: Éditions CNRS, 1977), 47–58, repr. in Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studien, II, 39–54; John J. Contreni, ‘The Irish in the Western Carolingian Empire (According to James F. Kenney and Bern, Burgerbibliothek 363)’, in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Heinz Löwe (Stuttgart: Klett-Cota, 1982), 758–98; Simona Gavinelli, ‘Per un’enciclopedia carolingia (Codice Bernese 363)’, Italia medioevale e umanistica 26 (1983): 1–25; and Nikolaus Staubach, ‘Sedulius Scottus und die Gedichte des Codex Bernensis 363’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 20 (1986), 549–98. 45 That is, the argument surrounding Gottschalk of Orbais’s views on predestination and the conflict stemming from Lothar II’s attempt to divorce Theutberga, see

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Staubach, ‘Sedulius Scottus’, at 558–70. On Lothar’s divorce, see Karl Josef Heidecker, The Divorce of Lothar II: Christian Marriage and Political Power in the Carolingian World (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010). 46 See also the description of the manuscript on http://www.e-­codices.unifr.ch/de/list/ one/csg/0048 (accessed 31 May 2017). 47 Most clearly described by Giorgia Vocino, ‘A peregrinus’s vademecum. Bern 363 and the “Circle of Sedulius Scottus” ’, in The Annotated Book. Early Medieval Practices of Reading and Writing, ed. Mariken Teeuwen and Irene van Renswoude (Turnhout: Brepols, in press). I am grateful to Giorgia Vocino for sharing her work with me before publication. 48 The glosses are described in Hermann Hagen’s facsimile, Augustinus, Beda, Horatius, xliii–lxvii. 49 Similar pseudo-Sedulian poems are found in the St. Gall Gospels and the Basle Psalter. 50 Printed by Whitley Stokes and John Strachan, Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus: A Collection of Old-Irish Glosses, Scholia, Prose, and Verse (1903; repr. Dublin: Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies, 1975), II: 296. 51 Basle, Universitätsbibliothek, MS A VII 3, fol. 23r. 52 Ludwig Bieler, Psalterium Graeco-Latinum, Codex Basiliensis A. VIII. 3 (Amsterdam: North-Holland Pub. Co., 1960), x. 53 Bischoff, ‘Irische Schreiber’, 47; cf. Herren, ‘John Scottus’, 320, n.43 who claims that both Bieler and (mistakenly) Bischoff ‘were convinced the entry was a copy’. 54 Bischoff, ‘Irische Schreiber’, 46–7; cf. the cautious remarks by Bieler, Psalterium, v, xix–xxi; see also Johannes Duft, ‘Irische Handschriftenüberlieferung in St. Gallen’, in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Heinz Löwe (Stuttgart: Klett-Cota, 1982), 916–37, at 921–3. 55 Bischoff, ‘Irische Schreiber’, 46; cf. Herren, ‘John Scottus’, 304, who wrongly suggests that Bischoff argued for a St. Gall origin for the three biblical manuscripts and misquoted Bischoff at 318, n.10. 56 Cf. e.g. Walter Berschin, ‘Griechisches in der Klosterschule des alten St Gallen’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 84/85 (1991/92), 329–44, at 333 (repr. in Berschin, Mittelateinische Studien (Heidelberg: Mattes, 2005), 179–92).

3  Irish Books at St. Gall 1 See Rosamond McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), esp. 155–7. 2 Johannes Duft and Peter Meyer, The Irish Miniatures in the Abbey Library of St. Gall (Olten: Urs Graf-Verlag, 1954); Bernhard Bischoff, Latin Palaeography: Antiquity and

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the Middle Ages, transl. Dáibhí Ó Cróinín and David Ganz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 191; Alban Dold first suggested the manuscript was transported from Bobbio to St. Gall, but he did not specifically credit Irish monks with it, see Alban Dold, ‘Zum Langobardengesetz. Neue Bruchstücke zur ältesten Handschrift des Edictus Rothari’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 4 (1940): 1–52, at 52; see also Alban Dold, Zur ältesten Handschrift des Edictus Rothari (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1955); Edictus Rothari, ed. C. Azzara and S. Gasparri, Le leggi dei Longobardi: Storia, memoria, e diritto di un popolo germanico (Milan: Editrice La Storia, 1992); on the edict, see also Nicholas Everett, ‘Literacy and the Law in Lombard Government’, Early Medieval Europe 9 (2000): 93–127, esp. at 96–104. 3 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, pp. 5–21; printed in Paul Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 1: Die Bistümer Konstanz und Chur (Munich: Beck, 1918), I: 66–82. 4 As Lehmann suggested in Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, I: 67; Hartmut was deacon and ‘proabbas’ under Abbot Grimald, succeeding him in 872 until 883; see Johannes Duft, ‘Hartmut’, Neue Deutsche Biographie, vol. 8 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1969), 7. 5 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, pp. 5–7; Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, I: 72–3. 6 ‘Item euangelia II secundum Johannem scottice scripta’, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, p. 5; Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, I: 72. 7 Prosper of Aquitaine, Epigrammata, pr. PL 51, cols 497–531. 8 ‘Item eiusdem epigrammata in uoluminibus duobus [unum fuit scotticum pusillum. require]’, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, p. 9; Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, I: 75. 9 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, p. 19; Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, I: 80. 10 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, pp. 11, 14; Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, I: 76, 78. 11 See Elizabeth Duncan, ‘The Irish and Their Books’, in The Irish in Early Medieval Europe: Identity, Culture and Religion, ed. Roy Flechner and Sven Meeder (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 214–30. 12 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, p. 4; Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, I: 71. 13 Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, I: 72. 14 See Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 40–2. The late ninth-­century copy of the library catalogue in St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728 is found in St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 267, pp. 3–25. A similar treatment at ninth-­century St. Gall is suspected to have befallen the Lombard copy of the Edict of Rothari, whose

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fragments are strewn across the library’s possessions; see St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MSS 52, 111, 165, 230, 248, 339, 367 and 424; see Gustav Scherrer, Verzeichniss der Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen (1875; repr. Hildesheim/New York: G. Olms, 1975), 23, 42, 60, 83–4, 91–2, 119, 126, 139–40; and CLA VII.949, VIII.949. 15 For a full list of the works, see Johannes Duft, ‘Moines et manuscrits irlandais à Saint-Gall’, in L’Abbaye de Saint-Gall: rayonnement spirituel et culturel, ed. Werner Vogler (Lausanne: Ed. Payot, 1991), 119–32. 16 ‘euangelia II secundum iohannem scottice scripta’, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728, p. 5. On St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 60, see J.J.G. Alexander, Insular Manuscripts: Sixth to Ninth Century (London: Miller, 1978), no. 60. 17 On the decoration of St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 60, see Mildred Budny, ‘Deciphering the Art of Interlace’, in From Ireland Coming: Irish Art from the Early Christian to the Late Gothic Period and its European Context, ed. Colum Hourihan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 183–210, at 190–5. 18 CLA VII.979. 19 Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 42. 20 See Leo Cunibert Mohlberg, Katalog der Handschriften der Zentralbibliothek Zürich, vol. 1: Mittelalterliche Handschriften (Zürich: Berichthaus, 1932–52), 309. 21 Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, no. 44. 22 Scherrer, Verzeichniss der Handschriften, 22; Alexander notes it was ‘no doubt’ at St. Gall by the ninth century, but cites no evidence: Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, no. 44. The St. Gall ownership inscription on p. 1 is thirteenth century. 23 CLA VII.980; fifteenth-­century entry on the last page evinces that the folios were used as jacket for a manuscript of Boethius’s De Trinitate. 24 Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, nos. 50, 57–8. 25 The text is not identified by Scherrer, Verzeichniss der Handschriften, 463; it concerns a fragment of book 5 of Augustine of Hippo’s De Musica, pr. PL 32, cols. 1081–194, at cols. 1150–2 (inc. ‘ut praecedens membrum sit, roma, roma’; expl. ‘sequi desidiae est, et nouam instituere . . .’). 26 See Frederick Edward Warren, The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church, ed. Jane Stevenson, 2nd edn (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1987), 23–4. 27 Alban Dold and Johannes Duft, Die älteste irische Handschriften-Reliquie der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen mit Texten aus Isidors Etymologien (Beuron: Beuroner Kunstverlag, 1955). Duft noted two reasons why it was probably not among the possessions of Gallus himself (12, n.9). 28 Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 43; For the same phenomenon in Würzburg, see Bernhard Bischoff and Josef Hofmann, Libri Sancti Kyliani: Die Würzburger Schreibschule und die Dombibliothek im VIII. und IX. Jahrhundert (Würzburg: F. Schöningh, 1952), 11, 155.

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29 Duft and Meyer, The Irish Miniatures, 41–2. 30 Ibid., 43. 31 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 349, p. 54. 32 CLA VII.937–8; see also CLLA II.1501. 33 HE, IV.18. 34 Cf. Sible de Blaauw, Cultus et decor: Liturgie en Architectuur in Laatantiek en Middeleeuws Rome (Delft: Eburon, 1987), 260–1. 35 See Warren, Liturgy and Ritual, 63–82; Louis Gougaud, Christianity in Celtic Lands: A History of the Churches of the Celts, Their Origin, Their Development, Influence and Mutual Relations, 2nd edn (1932; Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1992), 185–216; and Leo Cunibert Mohlberg, ‘Der älteste “Ordo Romanus” und sein Verfasser Johannes Archicantor von S. Peter zu Rom in einer St. Galler Handschrift’, Jahrbuch für Liturgiewissenschaft 4 (1924): 178–82.

4  De XII Abusiuis at St. Gall 1 De XII Abusiuis saeculi, ed. Siegmund Hellmann, Pseudo-Cyprianus De XII Abusivis Saeculi (Leipzig: Hinrichsische Buchhandlung, 1910); A better, but less accessible edition (with facing-­page translation) was prepared by Aidan Breen, ‘Towards a Critical Edition of De XII Abusivis. Introductory Essays with a Provisional Edition of the Text and Accompanied by an English Translation’, unpubl. PhD thesis, Trinity College, Dublin (1988). 2 Mario Esposito, ‘Notes on Latin Learning and Literature in Medieval Ireland III, I: Pseudo Patriciana (contd.)’, Hermathena 23, no. 48 (1933): 221–49, at 221–36; Anton counted forty-­three manuscripts from the ninth to twelfth centuries, of which twenty-­seven list the work as Cyprian’s, eight do not mention an author, seven ascribe it to Augustine and one to Isidore, see Hans Hubert Anton, ‘Zur neueren Wertung Pseudo-Cyprians (‘De duodecim abusivis saeculi’) und zu seinem Vorkommen in Bibliothekskatalogen des Mittelalters’, Würzburger Diözesangeshichtsblätter 51 (1989): 463–74, at 469–74; and Hans Hubert Anton, ‘Pseudo-Cyprian, De duodecim abusivis saeculi und sein Einfluß auf den Kontinent, insbesondere auf die karolingischen Fürstenspiegel’, in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Heinz Löwe, 2 vols (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1982), II, 568–617, at 604. 3 This distinction between the two sets of six abuses was noted by Breen, ‘Towards a Critical Edition’. 4 Irish literature displays a general contempt among the upper (literate) classes for the lower classes of Irish society according to Donnchadh Ó Corráin, Ireland Before the Normans (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1972), 48.

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5 Aidan Breen, ‘The Evidence of Antique Irish Exegesis in Pseudo-Cyprian, De Duodecim Abusiuis Saeculi’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Section C, 87 (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1987): 71–101; Breen, ‘Towards a Critical Edition’, 68–92. Augustinus Hibernicus, De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae, pr. PL 35, cols. 2149–200; De Ordine Creaturarum, ed. and transl. Manuel C. Diàz y Diàz, Liber De Ordine Creaturarum: Un Anónimo Irlandés del Siglo VII (Santiago de Compostela: Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, 1972). 6 See Rob Meens, ‘Politics, Mirrors of Princes and the Bible: Sins, Kings and the Well-­being of the Realm’, Early Medieval Europe 7 (1998): 345–57, at 350–2; Francis J. Byrne, Irish Kings and High-­kings (London: Batsford, 1973), 16–27, 59–62. 7 Audacht Morainn, ed. Fergus Kelly (Dublin: Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies, 1976). 8 Anton, ‘Pseudo-Cyprian’, 589. 9 De XII Abusiuis saeculi, ed. Siegmund Hellmann, 52; I have used, but slightly altered, the translation by Aidan Breen, ‘Towards a Critical Edition’, 405–9. 10 Tecosca Cormaic, ed. Kuno Meyer, Tecosca Cormaic: The Instructions of King Cormac Mac Airt, Royal Irish Academy Todd Lecture Series (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis, & Co., 1909). Togail Bruidne Da Derga, ed. Eleanor Knott (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1975). On the tradition of advice to a king, see also Julianna Grigg, ‘The Just King and De Duodecim Abusiuis Saeculi’, Parergon 27 (2010): 27–51. 11 See Anton, ‘Pseudo-Cyprian’, 582–6; Meens, ‘Politics, Mirrors of Princes’ at 351–3; Sven Meeder, ‘The Early Irish Stowe Missal’s Destination and Function’, Early Medieval Europe 13 (2005): 185–7; Ps.-Beda, Collectanea, ed. Martha Bayless and Michael Lapidge, Collectanea Pseudo-Bedae, Scriptores Latini Hiberniae 14 (Dublin: School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1998). 12 Aidan Breen, ‘De XII Abusivis: Text and Transmission’, in Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages: Texts and Transmission / Irland und Europa im früheren Mittelalter: Texte und Überlieferung, ed. Próinséas Ní Chatháin and Michael Richter (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2002), 78–94 at 84; According to Cummean’s letter to Ségéne, the rift was caused by the machinations of Fintan (Munnu), see Maura Walsh and Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, Cummian’s Letter De controversia paschali and De ratione conputandi (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988), 50, 92–3. 13 For instance, the signing of the Adomnán of Iona’s Cáin Adomnáin, see the edition and translation by Pádraig P. Ó Néill and David N. Dumville, Cáin Adomnáin and Canones Adomnani, Basic Texts for Gaelic History 2, 2 vols (Cambridge: Department of Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic, University of Cambridge, 2003), II, 20–62; the older edition and translation by Kuno Meyer remains more accessible: Kuno Meyer, Cáin Adomnáin: An Old-Irish Treatise on the Law of Adamnan (Oxford: Clarendon, 1905), with corrigenda in Kuno Meyer, ‘Notes on the Oxford Edition of Cáin Adomnáin’, Archiv für celtische Philologie 3 (1905–7), 108. On the morality of

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Adomnán’s law, see James Fraser, ‘Adomnan and the Morality of War’, in Adomnán of Iona: Theologian, Lawmaker, Peacemaker, ed. Jonathan Wooding (Dublin: Four Courts, 2010), 95–111. 14 The classic, but now out-­dated, treatment of the Romani and Hibernenses is by Kathleen Hughes, The Church in Early Irish Society (London: Methuen, 1966), 103–42, esp. 123–33. See also the articles by Richard Sharp, ‘Armach and Rome in the Seventh Century’, in Irland und Europa / Ireland and Europe. Die Kirche im Frühmittelalter / The Early Church, ed. Próinséas Ní Chatháin and Michael Richter (Stuttgart: Klett-Cota, 1984), 58–72 and Pádraig P. Ó Néill, ‘Romani Influences on Seventh-Century Hiberno-Latin Literature’, ibid., 280–90; and Caitlin Corning, The Celtic and Roman Traditions: Conflict and Consensus in the Early Medieval Church (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), esp. 102–8. 15 On the efforts at harmonization in the Hibernensis, see Roy Flechner, ‘The Problem of Originality in Early Medieval Canon Law: Legislating by Means of Contradictions in the Collectio Hibernensis’, Viator 43 (2012): 29–47, at esp. 41–2; on the Second Synod of St. Patrick, see Sven Meeder, ‘Text and Identities in the Synodus II S. Patricii’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 98 (2012): 19–45. 16 On the date of De XII Abusiuis, see Breen, ‘The Evidence of Antique Irish Exegesis’, 230, n.3; and earlier James F. Kenney, The Sources for the Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical. An Introduction and Guide, 2nd edn by Ludwig Bieler (1929; New York: Octagon Books, 1966), 281–2. 17 Breen, ‘Towards a Critical Edition of De XII Abusiuis’, 16–22, 222; and Aidan Breen, ‘The Date, Provenance and Authorship of the Pseudo-Patrician Canonical Materials’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 112:125 (1995): 83–129, at 107–11. Already noted by Siegmund Hellmann, ‘PseudoCyprianus De XII Abusiuis Saeculi’, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Altchristlichen Literatur 34:1 (1909): 1–62, at 12–13. 18 Collectio canonum Hibernensis, 25.3–4. 19 Cf. Breen, ‘Date, Provenance and Authorship’, 110, who argues that Patricius was the name, or possibly an honorary title, of an important person within the Romani party of the seventh century. 20 Breen, ‘De XII Abusivis: Text and Transmission’, 88. 21 Breen, ‘Towards a Critical Edition of De XII Abusiuis’, 241; and Breen, ‘De XII Abusivis: Text and Transmission’, 93. 22 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MSS 89, 150, 570, and 277; Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 18095; Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. Lat. 293; Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reg. lat. 195; Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. Lat. 973; St. Omer, Bibliothèque publique, MS 267; and Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS Voss. Lat. F48 (only the preface).

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23 Hermann Schüling, ‘Die Handbibliothek des Bonifatius’, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 4 (1963): 285–348, at 325–7; but see Flechner, ‘A Study and Edition’, 113*–14*. 24 Cathwulf, Epistula Carolo I Francorum regi, MGH Epp. IV: 501–5. On the letter’s ideas on kingship, see Mary Garrison, ‘Letters to a King and Biblical Exempla: the Examples of Cathuulf and Clemens Peregrinus’, Early Medieval Europe 7 (1998): 305–28. 25 ‘Has ergo octo columnas si obnixae seruas, eris tunc rex – quod rex dicitur a regendo, sicut regnum a regibus – et regnum tuum erit benedictum cum diebus tuis, cum uxore et filiis. Et tunc erit aeris et tempestatum tranquillitas, terre maris cum omnibus in eis nascentibus fecunditas, et dominaberis etiam multis feliciter gentibus et inimici tui ante faciem tuam cadunt et reliqua.   E contra, sicut dixit sanctus Patricius: “Pro regis iniustitia sui ipsius infelicitas erit, uxoris filiorum quoque dissensio, populorum fames, pestilentia, infecunditas terre, maris quoque tempestatibus fructus terrarum diuersis percussis, et ab inimicis suis superatus et expulsus de regno”. Et sicut habes exempla sufficienter in his diebus et patrum tuorum, sicut de Waepere et de Desiderio filioque eius regnisque illorum et rel.; sicut Roboam, Achaz, Achab et reliqui reges Iudeorum, qui fecerunt malum in conspectu Domini et non ambulauerunt in mandatis Dei’: Cathwulf, Epistula Carolo I Francorum regi, 502. 26 While Cathwulf is generally assumed to be an Anglo-Saxon, Michael Lapidge and Richard Sharpe included him among the ‘authors [. . .] of possible or arguable Celtic origin’; BCLL, no. 1181. 27 Cf. Michael E. Moore, ‘La monarchie carolingienne et les anciens modèles irlandais’, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 51 (1996): 307–24. 28 Cathwulf, Epistula Carolo I Francorum regi; see Meens, ‘Politics, Mirrors of Princes and the Bible’, 354, n.44.; Garrison, ‘Letters to a King and Biblical Exempla’, at 306, n.4. 29 The sole surviving manuscript witness to Cathwulf ’s letter is Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, MS lat. 2777 (St. Denis, probably between 802 and 806), see Joanna Story, ‘Cathwulf, Kingship, and the Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis’, Speculum 74 (1999): 1–21. Garrison raises doubts over a St. Denis origin in Garrison, ‘Letters to a King and Biblical Exempla’, 319, 323–4. On Abbot Fardulf and Paris, lat. 2777, see also Rosamond McKitterick, Charlemagne: The Formation of a European Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 43–9. 30 See Hellmann, ‘Pseudo-Cyprianus’, 1; Anton, ‘Pseudo-Cyprian’, 599; and Meens, ‘Politics, Mirrors of Princes and the Bible’, 354. 31 Cathwulf: ‘tempestatibus fructus terrarum diuersis percussis’; Collectio canonum Hibernensis, 25.3: ‘iniquitas iniqui regi . . . fructus immaturos deiicit’ 32 ‘Propter piaculum enim Salomonis regnum domus Israhel Dominus de manibus filiorum eius dispersit, et propter iustitiam Dauid regis lucernam de semine eius semper in Hierusalem reliquit’, De XII Abusiuis, abusio 9.

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33 ‘Propter piacula regum, Saul, Jeroboam, Achab, et ceterorum, semina eorum ne regnarent, extinxit Deus’. 34 Garrison, ‘Letters to a King and Biblical Exempla’, 307–8. 35 See Wilfried Hartmann, ‘Die karolingische Reform und die Bibel’, Annuarium historiae conciliorum 18 (1986): 58–74. 36 Cf. Anton, ‘Pseudo-Cyprian’, 597: ‘Die Verbreitung des Traktats erfolgte zunächst durch die Iren selbst und besonders auch durch die Angelsachsen.’ 37 ‘Legimus quoque, quod regis bonitas totius est gentis prosperitas, uictoria exercitus, aeris temperies, terrae habundantia, filiorum benedictio, sanitas plebis’ (We have also read that the king’s goodness means prosperity for the whole people, victory for the army, temperate air, abundance of the earth, the blessing of sons, [and] the health of the masses), Alcuin, Ep. 18, MGH Epp. IV: 49–52, at 51; see Anton, ‘Pseudo-Cyprian’, 600–2; Moore, ‘La monarchie carolingienne’: 314. Alcuin revisited the theme in 799 in a praising letter to Charlemagne; Alcuin, Ep. 177, MGH Epp. IV: 292–3, esp. 293. 38 ‘Regis est omnes iniquitates pietatis suae potentia obprimere; iustum esse in iudiciis, pronum in misericordia – secundum quod ille miseretur subiectis, miserebitur ei Deus – sobrium in moribus, ueridicum in uerbis, largum in donis, prouidum in consiliis; consiliarios habere prudentes, Deum timentes, honestis moribus ornatos’; Alcuin, Ep. 18. 39 Luitpold Wallach, ‘A Review of: Bernhard Bischoff and Suso Brechter (eds), Liber Floridus: Mittellateinische Studien’, Speculum 26 (1951): 705–7, at 707; Hans Hubert Anton, Fürstenspiegel und Herrscherethos in der Karolingerzeit (Bonn: Röhrscheid, 1968): 104–6. 40 Dümmler dated the letter to after 8 June 8 793, see MGH Epp. IV: 49. 41 Concilium Parisiense (a. 829), II.1, MGH Conc. II.2: 650. 42 Jonas of Orléans, De munere regio siue De institutione regia, c. 3, ed. A. Dubreucq, Jonas d’Orléans, Le métier du roi, Sources Chrétiennes 407 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1995), 192 and, for the date of this work, see 45–9. 43 Sedulius Scottus, Liber de rectoribus christianis, c. 20, ed. Siegmund Hellmann (Munich, 1906). 44 See Meens, ‘Politics, Mirrors of Princes and the Bible’, 355 for references. Hincmar of Rheims, De divortio Lotharii Regis et Theutbergae Reginae, ed. Letha Böhringer, MGH Conc. IV, Suppl. 1 (Hannover: Hahn, 1992), 235–61, at 260. For a translation, see Rachel Stone and Charles West, The Divorce of King Lothar and Queen Theutberga: Hincmar of Rheims’s De Divortio (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016). Hincmar of Rheims, De regis persona et regio ministerio ad Carolum Calvum regem, pr. PL 125, cols. 833–56. 45 Gustav Heinrich Becker (ed.), Catalogi bibliothecarum antiqui, 2 vols (Bonn: Cohen, 1885), 25 (no. 40).

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46 Günter Glauche and Hermann Knaus (eds), Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 4: Bistum Freising / Bistum Würzburg (Munich: Beck, 2009), 986 (no. 215). 47 Wolfgang Milde, Der Bibliothekskatalog des Klosters Murbach aus dem 9. Jahrhundert. Ausgabe und Untersuchungen von Beziehungen zu Cassiodors ‘Institutiones’ (Heidelberg, 1968): 42 (no. 178): ‘Ysidori, Abusiva XII’. 48 Breen, ‘De XII Abusivis: Text and Transmission’, 93. 49 Ibid. 50 Anton, ‘Pseudo-Cyprian’, 603–5; and Anton, ‘Zur neueren Wertung’, at 469–70. 51 Paul Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 1: Die Bistümer Konstanz und Chur (Munich: Beck, 1918), I: 80. 52 MS 150a (s. ix2/4): pp. 3–66; MS 150b (s. ix1/2): pp. 67–272; MS 150c (s. viiiex/ixin): pp. 273–322; MS 150d (s. ix2/4): pp. 323–84; MS 150e (s. ixin), pp. 385–414; see Rob Meens, Het tripartite boeteboek. Overlevering en betekenis van vroegmiddeleeuwse biechtvoorschriften (met editie en vertaling van vier tripartita) (Hilversum: Verloren, 1994), 75. 53 Gustav Scherrer, Verzeichniss der Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen (1875; repr. Hildesheim/New York: G. Olms, 1975), 55–6; followed by, among many others, Letha Mahadevan, ‘Überlieferung und Verbreitung des Bußbuchs “Capitula Iudiciorum” ’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 72 (1986): 17–75, at 34, n.82; and Sara Janner and Romain Jurot, Die handschriftliche Überlieferung der Werke des Heiligen Augustinus, vol. 9/2: Schweiz (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001), 128–9. 54 The manuscript is extensively described by Meens, Het Tripartite Boeteboek, 74–9; who repeated these dates more recently in Rob Meens, Penance in Medieval Europe 600–1200 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 112, nn. 53–4. MS 150 is not discussed by Natalie Maag, Alemannische Minuskel (744–846 n. Chr.): Frühe Schriftkultur im Bodenseeraum und Alpenvorland (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 2014). 55 Cyprian of Carthage, De bono patientiae, ed. C. Moreschini CCSL 3a, 115–33 (Turnhout, 1976); transl. G.E. Conway in Saint Cyprian: Treatises, ed. R. Deferrari, Fathers of the Church 36 (New York: Fathers of the Church, 1958), 255–87. 56 Gregory of Nazianzus, Oratio XVII, PG 35, cols. 964–81; transl. Martha Vinson, St. Gregory of Nazianzus: Select Orations, Fathers of the Church 107 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2003), 85–94. 57 Cyprian of Carthage, De mortalitate, ed. M. Simonetti, CCSL 3A (Turnhout, 1976), 17–32; On this text, see J.H.D. Scourfield, ‘The De Mortalitate of Cyprian: Consolation and Context’, Vigiliae Christianae 50 (1996): 12–41; Scherrer, Verzeichniss der Handschriften, 34–5. 58 The connection between abusio 4 and Cyprian’s De opere et elemosynis may or may not have been the direct reason for the combination of De XII Abusiuis with genuine

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Cyprianic works as Jelle Wassenaar suggests in ‘Social Justice in the Carolingian World: Poverty, Hierarchy, and the (Non)uses of Pseudo-Cyprian’s De Duodecim Abusivis Saeculi in the Ninth Century’, unpubl. RMA thesis, Utrecht University, Utrecht (2016), 42–3. Regardless, it is clear that the thematic coherence runs deeper. 59 Albert Bruckner noted some insular influence in the handwriting of the sole copyist of MS 89: Albert Bruckner, Scriptoria medii aevi Helvetica, vol. 3: Schreibschulen der Diözese Konstanz, St. Gallen II (Geneva: Roto-Sadag, 1938), 66. This observation, however, does not stand up in a closer palaeographical study of the manuscript. 60 Bernhard Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), 3 vols (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998–2014), I: 170 (no. 776). An incomplete description of its contents is supplied by François Dolbeau, ‘Un Sermon prêché durant des intempéries, témoin négligé de versets d’Isaïe en vieille-­latine’, Revue d’études augustiniennes et patristiques 59 (2013): 95–116, at 98–9. 61 Bischoff, Katalog, I: 127 (no. 593). 62 Graz, Universitätsbibliothek, MS 830, fols 71–104. Dolbeau, ‘Un Sermon’, at 96–8. On the St. Gall manuscript, see also Veronika von Büren, ‘La transmission du De moribus du Ps. Sénèque, de Winithar de S. Gall à Sedulius Scottus’, in Ways of Approaching Knowledge in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages: Schools and Scholarship, ed. Paulo Farmhouse Alberto and David Paniagua (Nordhausen: Traugott Bautz, 2012), 206–44, at 218–23. 63 On the latter manuscript, see Cinzia Grifoni, ‘A New Witness of the Third Recension of Ps.-Methodius’ Revelationes: Winithar’s Manuscript St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 238 and the Role of Rome in Human History’, Early Medieval Europe 22 (2014): 446–60. 64 Raymund Kottje, Die Bussbücher Halitgars von Cambrai und des Hrabanus Maurus (Berlin/New York: De Gruyter, 1980), 224–5; and Hubert Mordek, Bibliotheca capitularium regum Francorum manuscripta: Überlieferung und Traditionszusammenhang der fränkischen Herrschererlasse (Munich: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1995), 801–5. 65 Such as Walahfrid Strabo and Ermenrich of Ellwangen (see Chapter 1). 66 ‘Istos autem libros domnus Grimoldus de suo dedit ad sanctum Gallum’: St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MS 267, p. 30; see Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, 1, 88. 67 See Beat Matthias von Scarpatetti, Die Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, vol. 1.4: Codices 547–669: Hagiographica, Historica, Geographica, 8.–18. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003), 75–8; cf. Kottje, Die Bussbücher, 59–60 (no. 47). 68 Arbeo of Freising, Vita et passio Sancti Haimhrammi Martyris, ed. Bernhard Bischoff, Vita et passio Sancti Haimhrammi Martyris. Leben und Leiden des Hl. Emmeram (Munich: Ernst Heimeran, 1953).

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Notes to Pages 80–83

69 In MSS 570 and 277, only the first part of the sixth book is copied, without any indications that this is a new book following the fifth, see Kottje, Die Bussbücher, 86. 70 Wassenaar, ‘Social Justice’, 43–5. 71 Kottje, Die Bussbücher, 60. 72 Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, I: 89. 73 For a full description, see von Scarpatetti, Die Handschriften, 1.4: 75–8; and Kottje, Die Bussbücher, 58–60 (nos. 46–7). 74 Kottje, Die Bussbücher, 86. 75 Halitgar of Cambrai, De vitiis et virtutibus et de ordine poenitentium libri quinque, pr. PL 105, cols. 651–710. 76 Ebo’s request is found in his letter: Ebo of Rheims, Epistola Halitgario, ed. E. Dümmler, MGH Epp. III: 616–7; see Kottje, Die Bussbücher. 77 Kottje, Die Bussbücher, 251; see also Sven Meeder, ‘Defining Doctrine in the Carolingian Period: The Contents and Context of Cambridge, Pembroke College, MS 108’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 13 (2008): 133–51, at 146–7. 78 Kottje, Die Bussbücher, 89–90, 223–40. 79 Ibid., 229. 80 ‘Dulcissimo fratri . . . frater amate . . . Qui mihi te notum dedit et concessit amicum . . . quos hic conuinxit amicos’, Hrabanus Maurus, Martyrologium, ed. J. McCulloh, CCCM 44 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979), 4. 81 Siegmund Hellmann, ‘Pseudo-Cyprianus De XII Abusiuis Saeculi’, at 17; Fulda is not mentioned by Anton, ‘Zur neueren Wertung’: 470–1. 82 See Kottje, Die Bussbücher, p. 82. 83 The manuscript omits Halitgar’s penitential, see Kottje, Die Bussbücher, 224–5; Mordek, Bibliotheca capitularium, 801–5; Meens, ‘Politics, Mirrors of Princes and the Bible’, 353. 84 This manuscript holds, among other texts, Alcuin’s De virtutibus et vitiis, a poem on St. Brigit by Colman nepos Cracavist, Heito’s Visio Wettini, and the Visio Drycthelmi from Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica; see David Ganz, ‘Knowledge of Ephraim’s Writings in the Merovingian and Carolingian Age’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 2 (1999): 37–46, at 45.

5  The Collectio canonum Hibernensis at St. Gall 1 Nineteenth-­century historians have occasionally argued for other origins, such as Friedrich Loofs, who proposed a Northumbrian origin, see Friedrich Loofs, Antiquae Britonum Scotorumque Ecclesiae (Leipzig/London: Bernard Tauchnitz, 1882), 76, n.1. August Nürnberger advanced the possibility of Boniface as author of the Hibernensis

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in ‘Über die Würzburger Handschrift der irischen Canonensammlung’, Archiv für Katholisches Kirchenrecht 60 (1888): 1–84, at 33–42; see Hermann Wasserschleben, Die irische Kanonensammlung, 2nd rev. edn (1874; repr. Aalen: Scientia, 1966), xiv; The most detailed discussion of the evidence for an Irish origin of the Hibernensis is provided by Roy Flechner, ‘A Study and Edition of the Collectio canonum Hibernensis’, unpubl. DPhil thesis, University of Oxford (2006), 5*–40*. 2 On chronological and systematic canon law collections in the Carolingian period, see Rosamond McKitterick, History and Memory in the Carolingian World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 249–56. 3 The classic edition of the Hibernensis is Wasserschleben’s, Die irische Kanonensammlung, first published in 1874 (Giesen). A revised edition was published in 1885 (Leipzig), and reprinted in 1966 (Aalen). This outdated edition remains the most accessible hardback version. Roy Flechner’s edition includes readings from both the A- and B-recension and the Würzburg florilegium (see below) and is far superior: ‘A Study and Edition’. Until its publication in book form, an updated version can be accessed at http://www.asnc.cam.ac.uk/conversion/logos/Flechner_ Hibernensis.pdf. In this book, I will refer to book and chapter numbers as they appear in Wasserschleben’s edition, but – when appropriate – cite the text from Flechner’s edition. 4 Roy Flechner, ‘An Insular Tradition of Ecclesiastical Law: Fifth to Eighth Century’, in Anglo-Saxon/Irish Relations Before the Vikings, Proceedings of the British Academy, ed. James Graham-Campbell and Michael Ryan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 23–46. 5 Maurice Sheehy, ‘The Collectio canonum Hibernensis: A Celtic Phenomenon’, in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, Veröffentlichungen Des Europa Zentrums Tübingen, Kulturwissenschaftliche Reihe, ed. Heinz Löwe (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1982), 525–35, at 527. 6 Lotte Kéry, Canonical Collections of the Early Middle Ages (ca. 400–1140): A Bibliographical Guide to the Manuscripts and Literature, History of Medieval Canon Law (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1999), 73–8. 7 ‘. . . ingenti silua scriptorum’: Collectio canonum Hibernensis, prologue; on the prologue, see David Howlett, ‘The Prologue to the Collectio canonum Hibernensis’, Peritia 17–18 (2003): 144–9. 8 This text is edited in Flechner, ‘Study and Edition’, 2–4. It is absent in the St. Gall copy due to a lacuna and thus does not feature in Wasserschleben’s edition. 9 For causa as ‘source’, see the Oxford Latin Dictionary, ed. P.G.W. Glare, 2nd edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), s.v. ‘causa’; see also Roy Flechner, ‘The Problem of Originality in Early Medieval Canon Law: Legislating by Means of Contradictions in the Collectio Hibernensis’, Viator 43 (2012): 29–47, at 31 and 39. 10 Collectio canonum Hibernensis, 19 (De ordine inquisitionis causarum).

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Notes to Pages 86–87

11 Maura Walsh and Dáibhí Ó Cróinín observed that there are similarities between the list of authorities in the book 19 of the Hibernensis (and their order) and the sources consulted by Cummean before convening the synod at Mag Léne in 630 (see Chapter 4): Maura Walsh and Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, Cummian’s Letter De controversia paschali and De ratione conputandi (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1988), 17–18. 12 Collectio canonum Hibernensis, 67.1. 13 Robin Chapman Stacey, Dark Speech: The Performance of Law in Early Ireland (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 9. 14 On the version of the ‘Second Synod’ in the Hibernensis, see Sven Meeder, ‘Text and Identities in the Synodus II S. Patricii’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 98 (2012): 19–45. 15 Flechner, ‘Study and Edition’, 169*–75* (see Chapter 4). 16 Luned Mair Davies, ‘Isidorian Texts and the Hibernensis’, Peritia 11 (1997): 207–49, at 211. 17 The influence of Irish vernacular law on Irish canonical legislation, and vice versa, has been studied by many historians, including Maurice Sheehy, ‘Influences of Ancient Irish Law on the Collectio canonum Hibernensis’, in Proceedings of the Third International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Strasbourg, 3–6 September 1968, ed. Stephan Kuttner (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1971), 31–42; Kathleen Hughes, Early Christian Ireland: Introduction to the Sources (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1972); Liam Breatnach, ‘Canon Law and Secular Law: the Significance of the Bretha Nemed’, Peritia 3 (1984): 439–59; Donnchadh Ó Corráin, ‘Irish Law and Canon Law’, in Irland und Europa / Ireland and Europe. Die Kirche im Frühmittelalter / The Early Church, ed. Próinséas Ní Chatháin and Michael Richter (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1984), 157–66; Donnchadh Ó Corráin, ‘Synodus II Patricii and Vernacular Law’, Peritia 16 (2002): 335–43; Akiko Tatsuki, ‘The Early Irish Church and Marriage: An Analysis of the Hibernensis’, Peritia 15 (2001): 195–207; Thomas Charles-Edwards, ‘Early Irish Law’, in A New History of Ireland: Prehistoric and Early Ireland, ed. Dáibhí Ó Cróinín (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), I: 331–70; Flechner, ‘Study and Edition’. 18 See Breatnach, ‘Canon Law’; and Liam Breatnach, ‘The First Third of the Bretha Nemed Toísech’, Ériu 40 (1989): 1–40. 19 See Sven Meeder, ‘The Liber Ex Lege Moysi: Notes and Text’, Journal of Medieval Latin 19 (2009): 173–218. 20 The Cambrai Homily is edited by Whitley Stokes and John Strachan, Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus: A Collection of Old-Irish Glosses, Scholia, Prose, and Verse (1903; repr. Dublin: Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies, 1975), II: 244–7; For background information on the homily, see Pádraig P. Ó Néill, ‘The Background to the Cambrai Homily’, Ériu 32 (1981): 137–47; and Clare Stancliffe, ‘Red, White and Blue Martyrdom’, in Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe: Studies in Memory of Kathleen

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Hughes, ed. Dorothy Whitelock, Rosamond McKitterick and David Dumville (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 21–46. 21 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 12021, fol. 139r; Rudolf Thurneysen, ‘Zur irischen Kanonensammlung’, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 6 (1908): 1–5; the obits of the two clerics are found in the AU s.a. 725 and 747. The background of both clerics is described by Bart Jaski, ‘Cú Chuimne, Ruben and the Compilation of the Collectio canonum Hibernensis’, Peritia 14 (2000): 51–69; Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, ‘Hiberno-Latin Literature to 1169’, in A New History of Ireland, ed. Dáibhí Ó Cróinín (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2005), 371–404, at 391–3. 22 James F. Kenney, The Sources for the Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical. An Introduction and Guide, 2nd edn by Ludwig Bieler (1929; New York: Octagon Books, 1966) 247–50 (no. 82); see for instance Kathleen Hughes, The Church in Early Irish Society (London: Methuen, 1966), 123; Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, Early Medieval Ireland 400–1200 (London: Longman, 1995), 216; Davies, ‘Isidorian Texts’, 212–15; and Thomas Charles-Edwards, Early Christian Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 265. 23 AU, s.a. 725.4, 747.5. 24 E.W.B. Nicholson suggested that the two men were merely copyists, see E.W.B. Nicholson, ‘The Origin of the “Hibernian” Collection of Canons’, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 3 (1901): 99–103. 25 Edmondo Coccia, ‘La cultura irlandese precarolingia: Miracolo o mito?’ Studi Medievali 8 (1967): 257–420 at 358–61; David Dumville similarly explored the uncertainties involved in this ascription, see David N. Dumville, ‘Ireland, Brittany, and England: Transmission and Use of Collectio canonum Hibernensis’, in Irlande et Bretagne: vingt siècles d’histoire: actes du colloque de Rennes (29–31 Mars 1993), eds C. Laurent and H. Davis (Rennes, 1994), 85–95, at 86. 26 See David Howlett, ‘The Prologue’: 149, who hypothesized that the prologue ‘may have issued from the mind of a single orderly legist, who described accurately what he and his late colleague had done’. 27 Canones Hibernenses, ed. and transl. Ludwig Bieler, Irish Penitentials (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1963), 160–75. Since this text is only represented in a single manuscript witness of the B-recension, however, it is not a very reliable marker, see Roy Flechner, ‘Paschasius Radbertus and Bodleian Library MS. Hatton 42’, Bodleian Library Record 18 (2004): 411–21, at 415. 28 Hughes, The Church, 123. 29 Hubert Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform im Frankreich: Die Collectio Vetus Gallica, die älteste systematische Kanonessammlung des fränkischen Gallien (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1975), 86. 30 Breatnach, ‘Canon Law, 447–56; Liam Breatnach, A Companion to the Corpus Iuris Hibernici (Dublin: DIAS, 2005), 188–91; see also Paul Russell, ‘ “What Was Best of

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Notes to Pages 88–91

Every Language”: The Early History of the Irish Language’, in A New History of Ireland, I: Prehistoric and Early Ireland, ed. Dáibhí Ó Cróinín (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2008), 405–50, at 445. 31 Albert Bruckner, Scriptoria medii aevi Helvetica: Denkmäler schweizerischer Schreibkunst des Mittelalters (Geneva: Roto-Sadag, 1936–8), I: 74 and II: 23; also Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform, 257; Roger E. Reynolds, ‘Unity and Diversity in Carolingian Law Collections’, in Carolingian Essays: Andrew W. Mellon Lectures in Early Christian Studies, ed. Uta-Renate Blumenthal (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1983), 99–135, 103; Dumville, ‘Ireland, Brittany, and England’, 87, n.22. 32 Johannes Duft, Mittelalterliche Schreiber: Bilder, Anekdoten und Sprüche aus der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen (St. Gall: Tschudy-Verlag, 1964), 32. 33 ‘Ego eadberct hunc librum de ueteris et noui instrumenti testimoniis coaptatum et de sanctorum exemplis patrum collectum, multisque scripturarum floribus ornatum non sine corporis labore depingens, opitulante Deo ad finem usque perduxi. Qui nescit scribere non putat esse laborem. Tres [enim] digiti scribunt totum corpus laborat. Obsecro quicumque haec legens recitaueris ut propitium mihi fieri deum rogare digneris’, St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 243, p. 254. 34 Johanne Autenrieth, ‘Insulare Spuren in Handschriften aus dem Bodenseegebiet bis zur Mitte des 9. Jahrhunderts’, in Paläographie 1981: Colloquium des Comité International de Paléographie München, 15.–18. September 1981, Müncher Beiträge Zur Mediävistik Und Renaissance-Forschung 32, ed. Gabriel Silagi (Munich: Arbeo-Gesellschaft, 1982), 145–57, at 149, n.15; Flechner, ‘Study and Edition’, 109*. 35 Michael D. Elliot, ‘Canon Law Collections in England ca. 600–1066: The Manuscript Evidence’, unpubl. PhD thesis, University of Toronto (2013), 121. 36 ‘Collectio Eadberti de diuersis opusculis sanctorum patrum, uolumen I’: see Paul Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 1: Die Bistümer Konstanz und Chur (Munich: Beck, 1918), I: 66–82, at 77; and Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Bücher am Hofe Ludwigs des Deutschen und die Privatbibliothek des Kanzlers Grimalt’, in Bischoff, Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, 3 vols (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1966–81), III: 187–212. 37 Although he does not go into detail, Johannes Duft seemed to conclude that it is unlikely that an Anglo-Saxon scribe was responsible for a copy written in a continental minuscule, see Duft, Mittelalterliche Schreiber, 32; cf. Albert Bruckner et al. (eds), Katalog der datierten Handschriften in der Schweiz in lateinischer Schrift vom Anfang des Mittelalters bis 1550, 3 vols (Zürich: U. Graf, 1977–91), III: no. 905, 274. 38 See William Searle, Onomasticon Anglo-Saxonicum: A list of Anglo-Saxon Proper Names From the Time of Beda to that of King John (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1897), 176–8.

Notes to Pages 91–93

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39 Paul Piper, Libri Confraternitatum Sancti Galli, Augiensis, Fabariensis (Berlin: Weidmannschen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1884); Johanne Autenrieth, Dieter Geuenich and Karl Schmid (eds), Das Verbrüderungsbuch der Abtei Reichenau, MGH Libri mem. N.S. 1 (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1979). 40 On the vocabulary of collections and florilegia (especially the word colligere), see Mariken Teeuwen, The Vocabulary of Intellectual Life in the Middle Ages (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 56, 327–34. 41 Beda Venerabilis, Vita Cuthberti, c. 40, ed. Bertram Colgrave, Bede’s Life of St Cuthbert (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940); and HE, IV.29–30. 42 Sheehy, ‘Celtic Phenomenon’, 534. 43 Luned Mair Davies, ‘The Collectio canonum Hibernensis and Its Sources’, unpubl. DPhil thesis, University of Oxford (1995), 178–9, 292–3; and Flechner, ‘Study and Edition’: 117*–18*. 44 Sixty-­four books (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, MS lat. 3182), sixty-­five books (Orléans, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 221 (193)), sixty-­six books (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, MS lat. 12021) and sixty-­seven books (London, British Library, MS Cotton Otho E.XIII and St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 243). A greater number of books does not necessarily result in a fuller text: sometimes chapters are turned into separate books or vice versa. 45 The B-recension does appear to preserve more faithfully than the A-recension the canons drawn from the Gaulish councils, the Collectio Dionysiana, Jerome’s Epistulae and the Dialogues of Gregory the Great, see Luned Mair Davies, ‘The Biblical Text of the Collectio canonum Hibernensis’, in Irland und Europa im früheren Mittelalter: Bildung und Literatur / Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle Ages. Learning and Literature, ed. Próinséas Ní Chathain and Michael Richter (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1996), 17–35; Luned Mair Davies, ‘Statuta Ecclesiae Antiqua and the Gallic Councils in the Hibernensis’, Peritia 14 (2000): 85–110; Davies, ‘Isidorian Texts’. These studies are based on her DPhil work, ‘The Collectio canonum Hibernensis’. 46 See for instance Sheehy, ‘Celtic Phenomenon’, 534; and Davies, ‘Isidorian Texts’: 244–5. Siegmund Hellmann, however, envisaged a process of increasing corruption due to scribal errors made by successive copyists, see Hellmann, Sedulius Scottus (Munich: Beck, 1906); Kenney, Sources, 249, n.276. In 1874 Wasserschleben proposed the continent as the likely place of origin of the ‘final’ B-recension, only to alter his opinion in the 1885 edition to Anglo-Saxon England, apparently on the basis of the presence of the name ‘Wulfric cild’ in the margin of the B-recension manuscript Hatton 42, see Wasserschleben, Kanonensammlung, xxvii, xxxiv. On this inscription, see David N. Dumville, ‘Wulfric cild’, Notes and Queries 238 (1993): 5–9. For his theory of a Breton origin, see Dumville, ‘Ireland, Brittany, and England’, at 87–8. 47 Thomas Charles-Edwards, ‘The Construction of the Hibernensis’, Peritia 12 (1998): 209–37, at 222–3; Flechner, ‘Study and Edition’, 119*–20*.

146

Notes to Pages 94–96

48 Flechner, ‘Study and Edition’, 119*–20*. 49 Nürnberger already identified a number of the canons of the Würzburg florilegium not occurring in Wasserschleben’s edition of the Hibernensis as canons from the B-recension in Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana, MS T.XVIII, see Nürnberger, ‘Über die Würzburger Handschrift’, 7–11, 42–71; see also Paul Fournier, ‘De l’influence de la collection irlandaise sur la formation des collections canoniques’, Nouvelle revue historique de droit français et étranger 23 (1899): 27–78, at 31. 50 Flechner, ‘Study and Edition’, 120*–4*. 51 See Davies, ‘Isidorian Texts’: 244–5. 52 Wasserschleben already pointed out that the version of the Hibernensis in this manuscript had some B-recension additions and noted that the text often agreed with readings in the Vallicelliana manuscript, containing the B-recension, see Wasserschleben, Kanonensammlung, xxxiv; also Dumville, ‘Ireland, Brittany and England’, 89 (with reference to Reynolds, ‘Unity and Diversity’, who does not identify the recension); Mordek, Kirchenrecht and Reform, 256. Luned Davies described the version in this manuscript as ‘influenced by the B-recension’: Davies, ‘The Collectio canonum Hibernensis’, 33. 53 On Reginbert and MS Aug. 18, see Natalie Maag, Alemannische Minuskel (744–846 n. Chr.): Frühe Schriftkultur im Bodenseeraum und Alpenvorland (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 2014), esp. 68–75; also Bernhard Bischoff, Latin Palaeography: Antiquity and the Middle Ages, transl. Dáibhí Ó Cróinín and David Ganz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 114. 54 A. Holder, Die Handschriften der Großherzoglich Badischen Hof- und Landesbibliothek in Karlsruhe, 9 vols (Leipzig, 1909–32), V: 69. 55 K. Preisendanz, ‘Aus Bücherei und Schreibstube der Reichenau’, in Die Kultur der Abtei Reichenau: Erinnerungsschrift zur zwölfhundertsten Wiederkehr des Gründungsjahres des Inselklosters, 724–1924, ed. K. Beyerle (Munich: Münchener drucke, 1925), II: 657–83, at 663; Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform, 256 (‘ixin’); Roger E. Reynolds, The Ordinals of Christ From Their Origins to the Twelfth Century (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1987), 69–71; and Reynolds, ‘Unity and Diversity’, 104 (‘ixin’); Dumville, ‘Ireland, Brittany, and England’, 87, n. 22 (‘ix1/2’); Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), 3 vols (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998–2014), I: 333, no. 1590 (‘ix1/4’). 56 An exhaustive list of contents is printed by Holder, Die Handschriften, V: 58–69; Bischoff terms the contents a ‘corpus symbolorum’: Bischoff, Katalog I: 333, no. 1590. On creed commentaries see Susan Keefe, A Catalogue of Works Pertaining to the Explanation of the Creed in Carolingian Manuscripts (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012). 57 ‘gleichsam geistige Einheit’: Raymund Kottje, Kirchenrechtliche Interessen im Bodenseeraum vom 9. bis 12. Jahrhundert (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1975), 25.

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58 Collectio canonum Hibernensis, 34.4: ‘Synodus Hibernensis: Non est dignus fideiiusor fieri nec perigrinus, nec robustus, nec monachus . . .’ (version in Paris, MS lat. 12021); ‘Sinodus Hibernensis: Non est dignus deiussor eri seruus nec peregrinus, nec brutus, nec monachus . . .’ (MS 243; Karlsruhe, MS Aug. 18; Oxford, MS Hatton 42). An example of a reading unique to MS 243 and Karlsruhe MS Aug. 18 not attested in B-recension copies is 26.7, citing Deut. 21.18–21, ending with ‘eum populus ciuitatis et auferes malum de medio tui’. 59 On such prescriptiones, see Sidney Tibbetts, ‘Praescriptiones, Student Scribes and the Carolingian Scriptorium’, in La collaboration dans la production de l’écrit medieval, ed. H. Spilling (Paris: École nationale des Chartes, 2003), 25–38. 60 Preisendanz, ‘Aus Bücherei und Schreibstube’, 660–1. 61 Paris, MS lat. 12021: ‘Hironimus in commentario aepistulae ad Titum: Fur non solum in maioribus, sed et in minoribus iudicatur’; St. Gall MS 243: ‘Hieronimus in commentario epistulae ad Titum: Fur non solum in maioribus quia omne furatum peccatum est, sed etiam et in minoribus acriter iudicatur’; Karlsruhe, MS Aug. 18: ‘Hieronimus in commentario epistulae ad Titum: Fur non solum in maioribus [interl. gloss: quia omne fur peccatum est], sed etiam et in minoribus acriter iudicatur’; MS Hatton 42: ‘Hironimus in commentario epistulae ad Titum: Fur non solum in maioribus, sed etiam in minoribus acriter iudicatur’. 62 Collectio canonum Hibernensis, 21.1 (MS 243 and Karlsruhe MS Aug. 18 only): ‘Inde ait Faustinus: scrutatus sum et interrogaui et constitui iudicium’.

6  Irish Exegesis and Penitentials at St. Gall 1 See Anton von Euw dates the manuscript to c. 870: see Anton von Euw Die St. Galler Buchkunst vom 8. bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts (St. Gall: Verlag am Klosterhof, 2008), 377; It was included only in the library catalogue of the fifteenth century, see Paul Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 1: Die Bistümer Konstanz und Chur (Munich: Beck, 1918), I: 133; also Gustav Scherrer, Verzeichniss der Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen (1875; repr. Hildesheim/ New York: G. Olms, 1975), 142; and Mario Esposito, ‘Hiberno-Latin Manuscripts in the Libraries of Switzerland’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy C 28 (1909–10): 62–95, at 73. The text from this manuscript was copied in the fourteenth century in St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 776, which is not of much interest for our purpose. 2 ‘Ailerani Scotti Interpretatio mystica progenitorum Domini Iesu Christi. In natiuitate sanctae genitricis ipsius legenda’: St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 433, pp. 685–706; Ailerán, Interpretatio mystica et moralis progenitorum Domini Iesu Christi, ed. Aidan Breen, Ailerani Interpretatio Mystica et Moralis Progenitorum Domini Iesu Christi (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1995); BCLL 299.

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Notes to Pages 99–101

3 ‘dormitatio de eodem morbo, i. don bhuide Conaill, Feicheni Fabair [ocus] Ailerain sapientis’: AU s.a. 665. 4 Breen, Ailerani Intepretatio, 111–62. 5 Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, MS Aug. 249, fols 80v–95r; see Alfred Holder, Die Handschriften der Großherzoglich Badischen Hof- und Landesbibliothek in Karlsruhe, 9 vols (Leipzig, 1909–32), V: 560. 6 Breen, Ailerani Interpretatio, 11–13. 7 Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS lat. 940, fols 19–21r; Breen, Ailerani Interpretatio, 72–5; Bernard Bischoff, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, 2 vols, 3rd edn (1940–80; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1974–80), II: 111–12; On the Hiberno-Latin scholarship within this manuscript, see Elizabeth Mullins, ‘The Eusebian Canon Tables and Hiberno-Latin Exegesis: The Case of Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, lat. 940’, Sacris Erudiri 53 (2014): 323–43. On Ailerán’s poem and its scholarly context, see Thomas O’Loughlin, ‘Harmonizing the Truth: Eusebius and the Problem of the Four Gospels’, Traditio 65 (2010): 1–29. 8 Alcuin of York, Interpretationes nominum hebraicorum progenitorum domini nostri I.C., pr. PL 100: cols 725–34; see Donald A. Bullough, Alcuin: Achievement and Reputation (Being Part of the Ford Lectures Delivered in Oxford in Hilary Term 1980) (Leiden/ Boston: Brill, 2004), 274–5. Michael Gorman questioned the authorship of Alcuin in Michael Gorman, ‘Alcuin before Migne’, Revue bénédictine 112 (2002): 101–30, at 129 and 127. His arguments were countered by Olivier Szerwiniack, ‘Les Interpretationes nominum Hebraicorum progenitorum Iesu Christi (ALC 62): une oeuvre authentique d’Alcuin’, Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l’Ouest 111 (2004): 289–99. 9 Walahfrid Strabo, Homilia in Initium Euangelii, pr. PL 114, cols 849–62. 10 Hrabanus Maurus, Commentaria in Matthaeum, pr. PL 107, cols 729–1156, esp. 738–77. 11 ‘incipit tipicus ac tropologicus eiusdem genelogiae intellectus quem sanctus Aileranus Scottorum sapientissimus exposuit’, Sedulius Scottus, Collectaneum in Mattheum, ed. Bengt Löfstedt, Sedulius Scottus: Kommentar zum Evangelium nach Matthäus (Freiburg: Verlag Herder, 1989 and 1991), 34–44 (citation on p. 34, ll. 47–9); see also Mario Esposito, ‘The Latin Writers of Mediaeval Ireland – Supplement’, Hermathena 15 (1909): 353–64, at 359. 12 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 52 (fols 137r–143v); see Bischoff, Schreibschulen, I: 205 and II: 238. 13 Durham Cathedral Library, MS B.II.11, fols 99r–100r; Breen dates this manuscript to the late ninth century, although it is probably an eleventh-­century manuscript, see Breen, Ailerani Interpretatio, 70, n.43. 14 Ailerán, Quam in primo speciosa quadriga, ed. David Howlett, ‘Seven Studies in Seventh-Century Texts’, Peritia 10 (1996): 1–70, at 12–16 (a diplomatic edition and

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translation of the version in the Augsburg Gospels); incidentally, a St. Gall copy of Ailerán’s poem is now in the Zentralbibliothek of Zürich: Zürich, Zentralbibliothek, MS 98 (C 68); see also Zürich, Zentralbibliothek, MS 109 (C 78), see James F. Kenney, The Sources for the Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical. An Introduction and Guide, 2nd edn by Ludwig Bieler (1929; New York: Octagon Books, 1966), 280–1. 15 Augsburg, Universitätsbibliothek, MS I.2.4° 2, fol 1v. 16 Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, ‘Rath Melsigi, Willibrord and the Earliest Echternach Manuscripts’, Peritia 3 (1984): 17–49, at 23, n.1. 17 See Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, ‘Is the Augsburg Gospels a Northumbrian manuscript?’, in St Cuthbert, His Cult and His Community to AD 1200, ed. Gerald Bonner, David Rollason and Clare Stancliffe (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1989), 189–201; for a full list of relevant literature, see Douglas Mac Lean, ‘Scribe as Artist, Not Monk: The Canon Tables of Ailerán ‘the Wise’ and the Book of Kells’, Peritia 17–18 (2003–4): 433–68, at 438, n.21; for additional manuscript versions, see David Howlett, ‘Further Manuscripts of Ailerán’s Canon euangeliorum’, Peritia 15 (2001): 22–6; on the Echternach scriptorium, see Nancy Netzer, Cultural Interplay in the Eighth Century: The Trier Gospels and the Makings of a Scriptorium at Echternach (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), and Rosamond McKitterick, ‘Buch, Schrift, Urkunden und Schriftlichkeit in der Karolingerzeit’, in Vom Nutzen des Schreibens: Soziales Gedächtnis, Herrschaft und Besitz im Mittelalter, ed. Walter Pohl and Paul Herold (Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2002), 97–112. 18 See Mac Lean, ‘Scribe as Artist’, 452. 19 Ibid., 443, n.42. 20 Ibid., 452, n.75. 21 On literature concerning the supposed Brittonic origins of Finnian, see Rob Meens, ‘The Penitential of Finnian and the Textual Witness of the Paenitentiale Vindobonense “B” ’, Mediaeval Studies 55 (1993): 243–55, at 245–6; and Rob Meens, Penance in Medieval Europe 600–1200 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 47. 22 Columbanus, Epistola I.7, ed. G. Walker, Sancti Columbani Opera (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1970), 8. 23 Thomas Charles-Edwards, ‘The Penitential of Columbanus’, in Columbanus: Studies on the Latin Writings, ed. Michael Lapidge (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997), 217–39, at 220–5. 24 On St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 150, see Chapter 4, above; on the Vienna manuscript (CLA X.1509), see Bischoff, Schreibschulen, II: 91. In the Vienna manuscript, Finnian’s penitential is integrated in a so-­called tripartite, penitential work, the so-­called Paenitentiale Vindobonense B, see Rob Meens, Het tripartite boeteboek. Overlevering en betekenis van vroegmiddeleeuwse biechtvoorschriften (met editie en vertaling van vier tripartita) (Hilversum: Verloren, 1994), 105.

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25 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 12021 (tenth-­century, Brittany; prov. Corbie) and Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 3182 (tenth-­century, Brittany); see Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese im Frühmittelalter’, Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954): 191–281, repr. in Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, 3 vols (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1966–81), I: 205–73, at 269; cf. Ludwig Bieler, The Irish Penitentials (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1963), 12. 26 Bieler, Irish Penitentials, 74–95. 27 Ps.-Augustine, Sermo ad fratres in eremo (Audite filioli mei et intellegite . . .), pr. PL, 40, cols. 1347–50. 28 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 150, p. 323. 29 See Meens, Het Tripartite Boeteboek, 78. 30 Ibid.; on the combination of liturgical and canonical material in manuscripts, see Niels K. Rasmussen, ‘Célébration épiscopale et célébration presbytérale: une essai de typologie’, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo 33 (1987): 581–603; and Yitzhak Hen, ‘Knowledge of Canon Law Among Rural Priests: The Evidence of Two Carolingian Manuscripts From Around 800’, Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 50 (1999): 117–34. 31 Bruckner thought that the manuscript was part of Grimald’s personal library, bestowed on the monastery after his death in 872, but it is impossible to identify parts of the manuscript in the surviving list of Grimald’s books, see Albert Bruckner, Scriptoria medii aevi Helvetica: Denkmäler schweizerischer Schreibkunst des Mittelalters, vol. 2: Schreibschulen der Diözese Konstanz: St. Gallen (Geneva: RotoSadag, 1936–8), 37, n. 183; see also Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Bücher am Hofe Ludwigs des Deutschen und die Privatbibliothek des Kanzlers Grimalt’, in Bischoff, Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, 3 vols (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1966–81), III: 187–212, at 193–4, n.35, 196 and 199. 32 See Meens, ‘The Penitential of Finnian’; and Meens, Het Tripartite Boeteboek, 105–37. 33 Franz Bernd Asbach, Das Poenitentiale Remense und der sogen. Excarpsus Cummeani: Überlieferung. Quellen und Entwicklung zweier kontinentaler Bußbücher aus der 1. Hälfte des 8. Jahrhunderts, PhD thesis Universität Regensburg (1975); see also Meens, Penance in Medieval Europe, 108–11. 34 Meens, Het Tripartite Boeteboek, 125; cf. Bieler, Irish Penitentials, 17. 35 Meens, ‘The Penitential of Finnian’: 247; referring to Raymund Kottje, ‘Überlieferung und Rezeption der irischen Bußbücher auf dem Kontinent’, in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Heinz Löwe (Stuttgart: Klett-Cota, 1982), I: 511–24, at 517. 36 Meens, Het Tripartite Boeteboek, 134–7; see also Roger E. Reynolds, ‘Canon Law Collections in Early Ninth-Century Salzburg’, in Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Salamanca 21–25 September 1976, ed. Stephan

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Kuttner and Kenneth Pennington (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1980), 15–34. 37 Meens, Het Tripartite Boeteboek, 136–7; for the cautious remark that one of the sources for the Paenitentiale Vindobonense B might have been the ‘hand book’ of the Irish Bishop Virgil of Salzburg, see Herwig Wolfram, ‘Virgil als Abt und Bischof von Salzburg’, in Virgil von Salzburg Missionar und Gelehrter. Beiträge des Internationalen Symposiums vom 21.–24. September 1984 in der Salzburger Residenz, ed. Heinz Dopsch and Roswitha Juffinger (Salzburg, 1985), 342–56, at 347. 38 Meens, Het Tripartite Boeteboek, 101–4; Bernhard Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), 3 vols (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998–2014), II: 264 (no. 3267). 39 Cyrille Vogel, Les ‘libri paenitentiales’, Typologie des Sources du Moyen Âge Occidental 27 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1978), 75; Günter Hägele, Das Paenitentiale Vallicellianum I: ein oberitalienischer Zweig der frühmittelalterlichen kontinentalen Bussbücher: Überlieferung, Verbreitung und Quellen (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1984), 90–1; Paenitentiale Sangallense simplex, ed. Raymund Kottje, Paenitentialia minora Franciae et Italiae saeculi VIII–IX, CCSL 156 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1994), 118–21; see also Ludger Körntgen, Studien zu den Quellen der frühmittelalterlichen Bußbücher (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1993), 76–7. 40 Kottje, Paenitentialia minora, xxiii–xxiv. 41 Padua, Biblioteca capitolare, MS D. 47; see Cyrille Vogel, Medieval Liturgy: An Introduction to the Sources (Washington, DC: The Pastoral Press, 1986), 92–7 (dating our manuscript to the late ninth century); Leo Cunibert Mohlberg, Die älteste erreichbare Gestalt des Liber sacramentorum anni circuli der römischen Kirche (Cod. Pad. D 47, fol. 11r–100r) (1927; repr. Münster: Aschendorff, 1967), 71 (no. 872 – for this prayer). 42 Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, 94–5. 43 See ibid., 162; and Michel Andrieu, Les ordines romani du haut moyen age, 5 vols (Louvain: Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense Administration, 1960–5), II: 282–91. 44 Andrieu, Les ordines romani, I: 6–7 (without mentioning our manuscript); the section in the St. Gall manuscript is edited in ibid., II: 295–304. 45 Ibid., II: 257–61. 46 Pseudo-Augustine, Sermo ad fratres in eremo (Audite filioli mei et intellegite . . .); its opening paragraphs preserve the same text as the third of three so-­called Dicta of Pseudo-Ephraim, see Giuseppe Luigi Assemani (ed.), Sancti Patri Nostri Ephraem Syri Opera omnia quae exstant Graece, Syriace, Latine, 6 vols (Rome: ex Typographia Vaticana apud Joannem Mariam Henricum Salvioni, 1732–46), VI: 583, cols 1–2D; For Ephraim, his works, and the three Dicta of Ps-Ephraim, see David Ganz, ‘Knowledge of Ephraim’s Writings in the Merovingian and Carolingian Age’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 2 (1999): 37–46.

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Notes to Pages 106–107

47 For an exhaustive description of the manuscript, see Beat Matthias von Scarpatetti, Die Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen, vol. 1.4: Codices 547–669: Hagiographica, Historica, Geographica, 8.–18. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003), 1.4: 198–206. 48 Inc.: O fratres karissimi quam tremendus est nobis dies ille in quo dominus (sermon 251). 49 CLA I:85. 50 Bischoff, ‘Irische Schreiber im Karolingerreich’. In Jean Scot Erigène et l’histoire de la philosophie, Laon, 7–12 juillet 1975, Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 47–58. Paris: Éditions CNRS, 1977; repr. in Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, 3 vols (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1966–81), II, 39–54 at 49; Löfstedt thinks both manuscripts are ninth-century and that Vatican, MS Pal. lat. 212 is younger (and possibly a copy of) MS Pal. lat. 220; Bengt Löfstedt, ‘Zu einer hibernolateinischen Sammlung von Predigten’, Orpheus: rivista di umanità classica e cristiana 19–20 (1998–9): 95–8, at 95–6. 51 Bischoff noted insular influences in this manuscript (in ligatures and abbreviations) and proposed ‘Etwa Holland?’ as possible origin, see Bischoff, Katalog, I: 87 (no. 415); Valentin Rose, Verzeichniss der Lateinischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, vol. 1: Die Meermann-Handschriften des Sir Thomas Phillipps (Berlin: A. Asher, 1893), 72–7. 52 CLA IX:1262; Bischoff, Schreibschulen, I: 88–9; ibid., II: 214; Bischoff, Katalog, II: 237 (no. 3034); our sermon is also featured in a sermon collection surviving in a twelfth-­century manuscript, Uppsala, University Library, MS C 148, see Margarete Andersson-Schmitt and Monica Hedlund, Mittelalterliche Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Uppsala: Katalog über die C Sammlung, vol. 2: C 51–200 (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1989), 178–82, at 182–3. 53 The Ps-Augustinian sermon is also part of the so-­called homiliary of Saint-Père of Chartres, so called after one of its witnesses, the now-­destroyed Chartres, Bibliothèque municipale MS 25. Although its manuscript witnesses all date from the tenth century or later, the homiliary itself is thought to be composed around the middle of the ninth century; See Henri Barré, Les homéliaires carolingiens de l’école d’Auxerre (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1962), 17–25 (In Henri Barré’s analysis, our sermon is number 20); James Edwin Cross, Cambridge Pembroke College MS 25: A Carolingian Sermonary Used by Anglo-Saxon Preachers (London: King’s College, 1987). 54 Robert E. McNally (ed.), Scriptores Hiberniae Minores, vol. 1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1973). 55 Charles D. Wright, ‘Some Evidence for an Irish Origin of Redaction XI of the Visio Pauli’, Manuscripta 34 (1990): 34–44, at 34–5; a transcription of this redaction is supplied by M.E. Dwyer, ‘An Unstudied Redaction of the Visio Pauli’, Manuscripta 32 (1988): 121–38, at 125–9.

Notes to Pages 107–108

153

56 Wright, ‘Some Evidence’: 34. Ganz and Stevenson argued for an English connection in the transmission of the works of Ephraim to Europe (especially to Lorsch and Bavaria), see Ganz, ‘Knowledge of Ephraim’s Writings’: 41–2; Jane Stevenson, ‘Ephraim the Syrian in Anglo-Saxon England’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 1:2 (1998): 253–72. 57 Joseph Zettinger, ‘Das Paenitentiale Cummeani’, Archiv für Katholisches Kirchenrecht 82 (1902): 501–40. 58 See Meens, Penance in Medieval Europe, 57–61. 59 As per Meens, Het Tripartite Boeteboek, p. 74, n. 10. 60 See the edition in Bieler, Irish Penitentials, 108–10. 61 St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 150, p. 285. 62 Bieler, Irish Penitentials, 13, 17; and Neil R. Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain: A List of Surviving Books, 2nd edn (London: Offices of the Royal Historical Society, 1964), 84. 63 It contains parts of the last chapter (XI) XII (cc. 12–29) and the epilogue, Raymund Kottje, ‘Das älteste Zeugnis für das Paenitentiale Cummeani’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 61 (2005): 585–9. 64 Bieler, Irish Penitentials, 13–15; Bischoff, Katalog, II: 162 (no. 2642). 65 Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Panorama der Handschriftenüberlieferung aus der Zeit Karls des Großen’, in Karl der Große: Lebenswerk und Nachleben, ed. Bernhard Bischoff, 5 vols (Düsseldorf: L. Schwann, 1965–8) II: 233–54, reprinted in Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, 3 vols (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1966–81), III: 5–38, at 27–8; Letha Mahadevan, ‘Überlieferung und Verbreitung des Bußbuchs “Capitula Iudiciorum” ’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 72 (1986): 17–75, at 42, 48–9. 66 Meens, Het Tripartite Boeteboek, 176; and Meens, Penance in Medieval Europe, 111–12; cf. Mahadevan, ‘Überlieferung und Verbreitung’: 73–5.

Manuscripts Augsburg Universitätsbibliothek, MS I.2.4 2 Basle Universitätsbibliothek, MS A VII 3 Berlin Staatsbibliothek Phillipps MS 49 (1716) Bern Burgerbibliothek, MS 363 Burgerbibliothek, MS 425 Cambrai Bibliothèque municipale, MS 204 Bibliothèque municipale, MS 679 (619) Chartres Bibliothèque municipale MS 25 (destroyed) Cologne Dombibliothek, MS 210 Dresden Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, MS A.145.b Durham Cathedral Library, MS B.II.11 Graz Universitätsbibliothek, MS 830 Karlsruhe Badische Landesbibliothek, MS Aug. 18 Badische Landesbibliothek, MS Aug. 249 Leiden Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS Voss. Lat. F48 London British Library, MS Cotton Otho E.XIII Marburg Hessischen Staatsarchiv, MS Hr 4,7 Metz Bibliothèque du Grand Séminaire, MS 1 Milan Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS L 28 sup.

156

Manuscripts

Munich Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 52 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 4592 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6293 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14780 Orléans Bibliothèque municipale, MS 221 (193) Oxford Bodleian Library, MS Bodl. 311 Bodleian Library, MS Hatton 42 Padua Biblioteca capitolare, MS D. 47 Paris Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 2777 Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 3182 Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 12021 Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 18095 Rome Biblioteca Vallicelliana, MS T.XVIII St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek, MS 10 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 48 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 51 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 52 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 60 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 89 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 111 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 141 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 150 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 165 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 230 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 238 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 243 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 248 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 265 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 267 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 277 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 339 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 349 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 367 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 424 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 433

Manuscripts Stiftsbibliothek, MS 553 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 570 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 587 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 614 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 776 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 915 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 1394 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 1395 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 2106 St. Omer Bibliothèque publique, MS 267 Uppsala University Library, MS C 148 Vatican Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 212 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 220 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 485 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 973 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reg. lat. 195 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 293 Vienna Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS lat. 522 Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS lat. 940 Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS lat. 2233 Würzburg Universitätsbibliothek, MS Mp. th. q. 31 Zürich Staatsarchiv, MS 639 XII Staatsarchiv, MS 639 XXXVI, 57 Zentralbibliothek, MS 98 (C 68) Zentralbibliothek, MS 109 (C 78) Zentralbibliothek, MS Car. C 176

157

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Index Achab, Biblical king 70–1 Achaz, Biblical king 70–1 Adomnán, abbot of Iona (ob. 704) 33 Canones Adomnani 88 Cáin Adomnáin 134–5 n.13 Æthelred I, king of Northumbria (ob. 796) 72 Agatho, pope (ob. 681) 62 Ailerán ‘sapiens’ of Clonard, scholar (ob. c. 665) 11, 99–101, 110 Interpretatio mystica et moralis progenitorum Domini Iesu Christi 99–101, 110 Quam in primo speciosa quadriga 101 Alcuin, courtier and abbot of Tours (ob. 804) 54, 72–3, 100–101 Commentaria in Matthaeum 100 Interpretationes nominum hebraicorum 100 Vita Willibrordi 101 Alemannia (and Alemanni) 15–16, 19, 20–1, 24, 27, 29–32, 34, 36–7, 40–2, 47, 61, 106 Alsace 81 Ambrose, bishop of Milan (ob. 397) 82, 94 Angles 33, 44 Annals of Ulster 87, 99 Anton, Hans Hubert 72 Arbeo of Freising, Vita et passio Sancti Haimhrammi Martyris 79 Arbon 15, 20 Aredio, abbot of Limoges (ob. 591) 54 Arn (or Arno), abbot of St. Amand and archbishop of Salzburg (ob. 821) 100, 104 Audacht Morainn 67 Augsburg, Universitätsbibliothek, MS I.2.4° 2 (Augsburg Gospels) 101 Augustine, bishop of Hippo (ob. 430) 49, 55, 57, 60, 61, 65, 68, 73, 77, 79, 94, 85, 100, 103, 106 De musica 60

Enchiridion 57 Augustinus Hibernicus, Irish scholar (seventh century) 66 De mirabilibus Sacrae Scripturae 66 Basle, Universitätsbibliothek, MS A VII 3 (Basle Psalter) 50–1 Bede (Beda Venerabilis), Anglo-Saxon scholar and monk (ob. 735) 1, 22, 24, 33–4, 49, 54, 57, 61–2, 68, 79, 88, 92, Historia Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum 33, 49, 140 n.84 Homelia in Natale S. Benedicti 24–5 Benedict Biscop, founder of Monkwearmouth-Jarrow (ob. 690) 24, 62 Benedict of Nursia, saint (ob. c. 543) 38, 39 Beornrad, abbot of Echternach (ob. 797) 101 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Phillipps MS 49 (1716) 106 Bern Burgerbibliothek, MS 363 45, 49–51 Burgerbibliothek, MS 425 77 Berschin, Walter 19, 20, 21, 35, 36, 37 Bertoltespara 21 Besançon 105 Beuchell, Irish peregrinus mentioned by Sedulius Scottus 48 Bischoff, Bernhard 50, 107 Blandus, Irish peregrinus mentioned by Sedulius Scottus 48 Blathmac, abbot of Iona (ob. c. 825) 28 Bobbio 6, 18, 22, 38, 39, 53, 81, 104 Bodensee, see Lake Constance Boethius, scholar (ob. 524) 57, 61 Boniface (Winfrid), archbishop of Mainz (ob. 754) 33, 69, 70, 71, 140 n.1 Boso, bishop of Constance 20 Bracken, Damian 34 Breen, Aidan 68, 73, 74, 76, 77

182

Index

Bretha Nemed 87 Brigit, Irish saint (ob. c. 525) 24–6 Britain (and Britons) 24, 30, 32, 33, 62 Brittany 7, 83–4, 93, 96, 102 Cadac-Andreas, Irish peregrinus at Charlemagne’s court 2 Caesar, Julius 79 Caesarius of Arles, scholar and bishop of Arles (ob. 542) 106, 107 Cambrai Bibliothèque municipale, MS 204 77 Bibliothèque municipale, MS 679 (619) 87 Cambrai Homily 87 Canterbury 101, 108 Carloman, Frankish king (ob. 771) 19, 70 Carloman, Frankish mayor of the palace (ob. 754) 19 Cathal mac Finguine, King of Munster (ob. 742) 88 Cathwulf 67–72 Chalon-­sur-Saône, council (813) 115 n.17 Charlemagne, Frankish king and emperor (ob. 814) 4, 27–47, 69, 70–3 Charles the Bald, Frankish king and emperor (ob. 877) 18, 27, 48 Charles the Fat, Frankish emperor (ob. 888) 45 Charles-Edwards, Thomas 93 Chartres, Bibliothèque municipale MS 25 152 n.53 Chromatius of Aquileia, scholar (ob. 407) 99 Clemens Scottus, Irish peregrinus (fl. c. 820) 2 Clodianus, Latin author 49 Clonard 99, 101–2 Coccia, Edmondo 87 Codex Boernerianus, see Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, MS A.145.b Collectio canonum Hibernensis 7, 11, 67–9, 71–3, 83–98, 110 Collectio Dacheriana 83 Collectio Dionysiana 83 Collectio Sanblasiana 83 Collectio Vetus Gallica 69, 88

Cologne 48 Dombibliothek, MS 210 93 Columba, founder of Iona (ob. 597) 28 Columbanus, founder of Luxueil and Bobbio (ob. 615) 5, 17–19, 22–3, 25, 28–9, 31–2, 37–9, 66, 102, 104–5 Comgan, Irish peregrinus 45 Constance (Konstanz) 20–1, 23 Corbie 69, 72,103, 108 Cú Chuimne of Iona, Irish scholar (ob. 747) 87–9, 92 Cummaine Fota, bishop of Clonfert (ob. c. 662) 107 Paenitentiale Cummeani (Penitential of Cummean) 11, 103–5, 107–8, 110 Cyprian, bishop of Carthage (ob. 258) 65, 68–9, 73–8, 82, 99 De bono patientiae 75 De mortalitate 75 Dáil Éireann 1 Danube 32 De Duodecim Abusiuis Saeculi 11, 65–82, 86, 88, 110 De Ordine Creaturarum 66 De uiris illustribus, see Jerome-Gennadius Desiderius, Lombard king (ob. c. 786) 70–1 Dicuil, Irish peregrinus (fl. 825) 2 Dioscorides, Greek scholar (ob. 90) 49 Discipulus Umbriensum, Iudicia Theodori 103 Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, MS A.145.b (Codex Boernerianus) 48–50 Dubduin, Irish peregrinus and poet 43–5 Dubslane, Irish peregrinus 43, 45 Duft, Johannes 35, 40 Duncaht, Irish peregrinus 2 Dungal, Irish peregrinus (fl. 811–828) 2 Durham, Cathedral Library, MS B.II.11 101 Eadberht, bishop of Lindisfarne (ob. 698) 92 Eadbert, scribe or scholar mentioned in St. Gall, MS 243 89–92, 97–8, 110 Ebo (or Ebbo), archbishop of Rheims (ob. 851) 78–81

Index Echternach 101 Ekkehard IV, scholar at St. Gall (ob. c. 1057) 21, 45–7 Casus Sancti Galli, continuatio I 46 Emmeram, bishop of Poitiers and martyr (ob. c. 652) 79 Erchonald, tribune in area of Lake Constance (fl. 680) 15 Eriugena, John Scottus, Irish scholar and peregrinus (ob. c. 877) 2, 49, 51 Ermenrich of Ellwangen, scholar and bishop of Passau (ob. 874) 31–6 Epistola ad Grimaldum 31–6 Sermo de vita s. Sualonis dicti Soli 33 Ethiopia 30, 32 Eusebius, Irish peregrinus and hermit 45 Eustasius, abbot of Luxeuil (ob. c. 629) 23, 28 Excarpsus Cummeani 103–4, 107–8 Ezechias, Biblical king 32 Faelan (or Faillan), Irish peregrinus 43, 45 Felix, priest 28 Fergus, Irish peregrinus mentioned by Sedulius Scottus 48–9 Finnian, founder of Clonard (ob. 549) 102 Finnian of Moville, missionary (ob. 579) 102 First Synod of St Patrick, see Synodus I S. Patricii Flechner, Roy 93–4 Fortunatianus, Ars Rhetorica 49 Francia 19, 28, 33, 70, 82, 102 Freising 104, 106 Fulda 31, 81–2, 100–1, 107 Gaius Iulius Solinus 30 Gallus, saint (ob. c. 646) 4–5, 10–11, 15–44, 46, 53, 62, 74, 79, 99, 110 Gozbert, abbot of St. Gall (ob. 837) 22, 27–8, 30, 34–6, 38–9, 89 Graz, Universitätsbibliothek, MS 830 77 Gregory the Great, pope (ob. 604) 54, 77, 80, 94, 99, 107–8 Libellus responsionum 107–8 Gregory of Nazianzus, archbishop of Constantinople (ob. 390) 74–6, 94, 97 Grimald, archchaplain and abbot of Weissenburg and St. Gall (ob. 872) 27–8, 31–3, 47–8, 54, 74, 78–81

183

Haito, abbot of Reichenau (ob. 836) 39 Halitgar, bishop of Cambrai (ob. 831) 81 De vitiis et virtutibus et de ordine poenitentium libri quinque (Penitential of Halitgar) 79–81 Hartmut, abbot of St. Gall (ob. after 895) 48, 54 Hauntinger, Johann Nepomuk, librarian at St. Gall (ob. 1823) 60 Hellmann, Siegfried 68–9 Hibernenses, Irish church faction 67–8, 86, 88 Hibernensis, see Collectio canonum Hibernensis Hincmar, Archbischop of Rheims (ob. 882) 73, 78 De diuortio Lotharii regis et Theutbergae reginae 73 De regis persona et regis minsterioi 73 Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus), Latin poet (ob. 8 BCE) 49 Hrabanus Maurus, scholar and abbot of Fulda (ob. 856) 81, 100–1 Commentaria in Matthaeum 100 Martyrologium 81 Hughes, Kathleen 88 India 30, 32 Innocent I, pope (ob. 417) 85–6 Iona 28, 33, 68, 87–8 Isidore of Seville, scholar (ob. 636) 54, 60, 65, 68, 73, 80, 84 De officiis 84 Etymologiae 60 Synonyma 54 Iso, master at St. Gall (ob. 871) 46 Iudicia Theodori, see Theodore of Canterbury and Discipulum Umbriense Jerome (Eusebius Sophronius Hieronymus), scholar and saint (ob. 420) 54, 94, 97, 99 Jerome-Gennadius, De uiris illustribus 108 Johannes ‘the Archcantor’, abbot of St. Martin in Rome 62 John, deacon 23 John Cassian, scholar (ob. 435) 107

184

Index

John Scottus Eriugena, see Eriugena Jonas, bischop of Orléans (ob. 843) 73 Jonas of Bobbio (or Susa), scholar (ob. c. 659) 22–4 De monachis ebobiensibus 22 Vita Athale 22 Vita Bertulfi 22 Vita Columbani 22–4, 38, 119 n.25 Julianus Pomerius, scholar (fifth century) 80 Julius Honorius, Cosmographia 79 Juvencus, Christian Latin poet (fourth century) 36, 61 Karlsruhe Badische Landesbibliothek, MS Aug. 18 93–7 Badische Landesbibliothek, MS Aug. 249 100, 148 n.5 Kenney, James F. 7, 113 n.5 Kéry, Lotte 84 Kethernach, Irish king 25 Konstanz, see Constance Kottje, Raymund 6, 81, 95, 108 Lake Constance (Bodensee) 15, 61, 95–6 Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS Voss. Lat. F48 135 n.22 Leinster 25 Leo II, pope (ob. 683) 105 Leutfrid 49 Libellus responsionum, see Gregory the Great Liber Angeli 86 Liber ex lege Moysi 87 Liège 48 Liutward, archchancellor and bishop of Vercelli (ob. c. 900) 46 London, British Library, MS Cotton Otho E.XIII 93 Lorsch 6, 107–8 Lothar I, Frankish emperor (ob. 855) 78, 105 Lothar II, Frankish king (ob. 869) 49, 73, 129 n.45 Lotharingia 49 Louis the German, Frankish king (ob. 876) 27, 31 Louis the Pious, Frankish emperor (ob. 840) 27, 78, 81

Löwe, Heinz 25 Lucretius, Latin poet (ob. c. 55 BCE) 36 Luxeuil 23, 28 Maelchomber, Irish peregrinus 45 Mag Léne, synod of (630) 67–8 Magnoald, deacon at St. Gall 18 Mainz 81, 107 Marburg, Hessischen Staatsarchiv, MS Hr 4,7 108 Marcellus, see Moengal-Marcellus Marcus, Irish peregrinus at St. Gall 45–8, 50, 53, 126–7 n.9 Marcus, Irish peregrinus mentioned by Sedulius Scottus 48, 50 Marius Victorius, scholar (ob. after 363) 99 Martianus Capella, Latin prose writer (fl. c. 410–420) 2 Martin Hiberniensis, Irish peregrinus and master at Laon (ob. 875) 3 Martyrology of Oengus 99 Martyrology of Tallaght 99 McNally, Robert E. 106 Meens, Rob 6, 104 Metz 105 Bibliothèque du Grand Séminaire, MS 1 119 n.29 Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS L 28 sup. 108 Moengal-Marcellus, Irish peregrinus and monk of St. Gall 5, 45–50, 53, 126–7 n.9 Monkwearmouth-Jarrow 24 Munich Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 52 148 n.12 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 4592 93 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 6293 106 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14780 105 Murbach 73 Northumbria 62, 72–3, 101, 140 n.1 Notker the Stammerer, scholar at St. Gall (ob. 912) 46–7 Ó Cróinín, Dáibhí 101 Ordo Romanus VII 102–3, 105

Index Orléans, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 221 (193) 145 n.44 Orosius 29–30 Otmar, abbot of St. Gall (ob. c. 759) (Life of Otmar) 17, 20–1 Otwin, prefect in area of Lake Constance (fl. c. 680) 20 Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso), Latin poet (ob. c. 17) 49 Oxford Bodleian Library, MS Bodl. 311 107 Bodleian Library, MS Hatton 42 88, 94, 96 Padua, Biblioteca capitolare, MS D. 47 151 n.41 Paenitentiale Ambrosianum 105, 107 Paenitentiale Capitula Iudiciorum 107–8 Paenitentiale Cummeani (Penitential of Cummean), see Cummaine Fota Paenitentiale Finniani (Penitential of Finnian) 6, 11, 86, 102–7 Paenitentiale Sangallense simplex 103, 105 Paenitentiale Sangallense tripartitum 102, 104–5, 108 Paenitentiale Vindobonense B 103–4 Paris Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 2777 136 n.29 Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 3182 145 n.44, 150 n.25 Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 12021 87, 145 n.44 Synod of 829 73, 102, 115 n.17 Passau 31 Patricius, mentioned in Romani texts 65, 68, 70, 71 Patrick, saint and missionary to Ireland (fl. fifth century) 24–7, 68 Pippin I, king of Aquitaine (ob. 838) 73 Pippin II of Herstal, Frankish mayor of the palace (ob. 714) 20 Pippin III (‘the Short’), Frankish king (ob. 768) 19, 33 Pippin ‘the Hunchback’, eldest son of Charlemagne (ob. 811) 71 Pirahtilo, Alemannic count (ob. c. 797) 21 Pomerius, see Julianus Pomerius

185

Prosper of Aquitaine, scholar (ob. c. 455) 54, 80 Pseudo-Augustine Audite filioli mei 106 Omelia de die iudici 106 Pseudo-Bede, Collectanea 67 Pseudo-Cyprian, see De Duodecim Abusiuis Saeculi Pseudo-Seneca, De moribus 77 Rath Melsigi 101 Ratpert, scholar at St. Gall (ob. c. 911) 45–6 Regensburg 31, 79, 105 Rehoboam, Biblical king 70–1 Reichenau 15, 17–8, 22, 27, 31, 39, 45, 47, 54, 77, 91, 94–8, 100–1, 110 Reynolds, Roger 7 Rhaetia (and Rhaetians) 15–6, 29, 31 Rheims 73, 77–8, 81–2 Rhine 32, 35 Romani, Irish church faction 67–8, 86, 88 Rome 5, 10, 24, 33, 41, 46, 49–50, 62 Biblioteca Vallicelliana, MS T.XVIII 94 Rothari, Lombard king (ob. 652) 53 Ruben of Dairinis, Irish scholar (ob. 725) 87, 89, 92 Rudolf of Fulda, scholar (ob. 865) 31 Rule of Fructuosus 80 Sacramentary of Padua 105 Salzburg 6, 100, 102–4, 107–8 Scherrer, Gustav, cataloguer of St. Gall manuscripts (ob. 1892) 74–5 Second Synod of St Patrick, see Synodus II S. Patricii Sedulius Scottus, Irish peregrinus (fl. 840–860) 2, 3, 44, 48–51, 73, 100 Carmina 48 Collectaneum in Mattheum 100 De rectoribus christianis 73 Sedulius, Christian poet (first half of the fifth century) 61 Servius, Latin grammarian 49 Seufrid, bishop of Piacenza 49 Sheehy, Maurice 84, 92 Sigebert II, Frankish king (ob. 613) 22 Solinus 30 Solnhofen 33 Solomon, Biblical king 71

186 Solus, see Sualo Spain 30, 32, 95 St. Amand 77, 100, 104 St. Denis 70, 72 St. Emmeram 101 St. Gall Gospels, see St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 48 St. Gall Plan 38–9 St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek, MS 10 42 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 48 49–50 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 51 60–1 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 52 131–2 n.14 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 60 57–8, 60–1 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 89 74–82 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 111 131–2 n.14 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 141 77 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 150 74–5, 102–7 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 165 131–2 n.14 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 230 131–2 n.14 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 238 77 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 243 83–4, 89–97 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 248 131–2 n.14 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 265 32 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 267 55, 78 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 277 74, 77–82 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 339 131–2 n.14 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 349 61–2 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 367 131–2 n.14 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 433 99–101 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 553 26 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 587 125 n.93 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 570 74, 78–82 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 614 106 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 728 55–6, 74, 91 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 776 147 n.1 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 915 128 n.25–6 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 1394 58, 60 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 1395 57–60 Stiftsbibliothek, MS 2106 118 n.13 St. Lambrecht in Styria 77 St. Omer Bibliothèque publique, MS 26 77, 135 n.22 Bibliothèque publique, MS 267 77, 135 n.22 St. Riquier 73 Statuta ecclesiae antiqua 84, 93 Stowe Missal 67

Index Strasbourg 50 Sualo (or Solus or Sol), saint 33 Synodus I S. Patricii 68, 86 Synodus II S. Patricii 66, 68, 86 Tado, archbishop of Milan (ob. 868) 49 Tecosca Cormaic 67 Theodore of Canterbury, Archbishop of Canterbury (ob. 690) 88, 103, 105 Iudicia Theodori 88, 103–5, 108 Theutberga, Frankish queen to Lothar II (ob. 875) 73, 129–30 n.45 Thiofrid, abbot of Echternach (ob. 1110) 101 Thionville, synod of (835) 78, 81 Thurneysen, Rudolf 87 Togail Bruidne Dá Derga (The Destruction of Da Derga’s Hostel) 67 Tours 102 Tuotilo, monk at St. Gall (ob. c. 915) 46 Unuchum, Irish king 25 Uppsala, University Library, MS C 148 152 n.52 Vatican City Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reg. lat. 195 135 n.22 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 212 106 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 220 106–7 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 293 82, 135 n.22 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 485 107 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. lat. 973 77–8, 82 Vergilius, scribe at Echternach (fl. first quarter of eighth century) 101 Vienna Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS lat. 522 93 Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS lat. 940 100 Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS lat. 2233 102–3 Vikings 28 Viktorsberg 45

Index Virgil, Latin poet (ob. 19 BC) 36, 49, 57, 61 Visio Pauli 107 Vita S. Galli metrica 17, 31–7 Vita S. Galli uetustissima 17–22, 28, 37 Vita (II) S. Galli see Wetti, Vita (II) S. Galli Vita (III) S. Galli see Walahfrid Strabo, Vita (III) S. Galli Vogel, Cyrille 105 Von Arx, Ildefons, librarian at St. Gall (ob. 1833) 60 Waddel, Helen 1, 8 Waifar, duke of Aquitaine (ob. 768) 70–1 Walahfrid Strabo, scholar and monk of Reichenau (ob. 849) 15–6, 18–20, 25, 27–33, 35–6, 39–42, 100–1 Visio Wettini 27 De imagine Tetrici 125 n.96 Homilia in Initium Evangelii 100–1 Versus de Beati Blaithmaic uita et fine 28 Vita (III) S. Galli 27–31, 41 Waldo, scribe and abbot of St. Gall (ob. 784) 21 Wallach, Liutpold 72 Wasserschleben, Hermann 85, 89

187

Wearmouth-Jarrow, see Monkwearmouth-Jarrow Wetti, scholar and monk of Reichenau (ob. 824) Vita (II) S. Galli 15, 18–20, 22–5, 27–8, 31, 36, 38 Willibrord, Anglo-Saxon missionary and bishop of Utrecht (ob. 739) 101 Wolfcoz, scribe at St. Gall (fl. c. 820–840) 89 Würzburg 73, 94 Universitätsbibliothek, MS Mp. th. q. 31 94 York 73, 100 Zürich 18 Staatsarchiv, MS 639 XII 59, 118 n.13 Staatsarchiv, MS 639 XXXVI 57 (earlier 117) 60 Zentralbibliothek, MS Car. C 176 81 Zentralbibliothek, MS 98 (C 68) 148–9 n.14 Zentralbibliothek, MS 109 (C 78) 148–9 n.14