The Inter American Press Association: Its Fight for Freedom of the Press, 1926–1960 9781477304129

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THE INTER AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION Its Fight for Freedom of the Press, 1926-1960

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LATIN AMERICAN MONOGRAPHS, NO. 6 INSTITUTE OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES T H E UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS

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THE INTER AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION: Its Fight Freedom

of the Press,

for

1926-1960

BY M A R Y A .

PUBLISHED FOR THE

GARDNER

Institute of Latin American Studies

THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS

AUSTIN

BY

Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 66-65208 Copyright © 1967 by Mary A. Gardner All rights Reserved Printed by the University of Texas Printing Division, Austin Bound by Universal Bookbindery, Inc., San Antonio

To those gallant Latin American

journalists

who have dedicated their pens to the cause of freedom

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Many persons, because of their various acts of assistance to me, deserve recognition at this time. I would like to thank especially the busy Latin American and North American journalists who kindly submitted to interview, the Inter American Press Association, which made its files available, and Doctor Raymond B. Nixon, who gave his guidance and encouragement. A special vote of gratitude is due the School of Journalism at the University of Minnesota, the Minneapolis Woman's Club, the University of Minnesota Graduate School, the Tozer Foundation, and the Organization of American States for the financial assistance which made my studies and research trips possible. Mrs. Catherine Tashjean, formerly of the Journalism Library, University of Minnesota, should also be thanked for her patience and her assistance, both of which were of incalculable value. Mr. and Mrs. Richard P. Halverson and Doctor and Mrs. J. P. Gardner deserve my eternal gratitude, for reasons they know only too well. The contributions of others, however, in no way alter the ultimate and complete responsibility which I assume for the contents of this book. Mary A. Gardner Austin, Texas

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INTRODUCTION Even today, the idea that North American and Latin American professional men might unite into an association which acts on its own initiative and subsists from its own resources is both unique and exciting. North Americans tend to concern themselves with local, national, and European matters. Latin Americans for centuries have tended to expect their governments to do whatever needs to be done. North Americans have long been accustomed to forming groups and associations for the purpose of perpetuating mutual interests, or of exerting pressures on local, state, and national governments. The Latin Americans are traditionally individualistic. 1 Few interest or pressure groups exist in Latin America. 2 Furthermore, as Frank Tannenbaum so aptly pointed out, "The phenomenon so common in the United States of life-long service to a public cause . . . is simply non-existent." 3 However, such an inter-American professional group, the Inter American Press Association, does exist. It appears to have resolved, in part, cultural and personal differences, to have transferred ideas into programs, to have exerted real pressure on governments. For some members, the Association evidently provides material advantages. For others, it appears to be a dedication to a public cause—the defense of freedom of the press. Above all, it is a pioneer in the concept of an inter-American professional, independent, and self-sufficient pressure group. 1

Frank Tannenbaum, "Toward an Appreciation of Latin America," The United States and Latin America, pp. 45-47. 2 Κ. Η. Silvert, "Political Change in Latin America," The United States and Latin America, pp. 77-79. 3 Tannenbaum, "An Appreciation of Latin America," pp. 50-51.

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I N T E R A M E R I C A N P R E S S ASSOCIATION

In recent years dictators have abdicated or been ousted from power in Argentina, Colombia, Cuba, Peru, and Venezuela. The Inter American Press Association has unblushingly taken a large part of the credit for their downfall. It also points with pride to the newspapermen who have professed to owe their life or their liberty to the Association. The Inter American Press Association is an effort by private citizens in an area most often left to government or foundation funds.4 As such, it has assumed an important role in inter-American communications, relations, and understanding. It has performed this role in the name of press freedom, a freedom which it feels is basic to a democracy. Article II of IAPA's Charter says, "Without freedom of the press there is no democracy" (Appendix A ) . Colombia's Germán Arciniegas has said that it is one of the two great institutions "in which Latin America puts its highest hopes." 5 The Association's historical roots and its growth from 1926 to 1960 will be traced here in an effort to determine why it developed into an independent association rather than remain tied to government purse strings. An attempt will be made to explicate its structure as an organization, its administration, and its finances. The steps that it has taken to contribute to the professionalism of its members, in the name of better journalism, and the problems that it has encountered in doing so will also be discussed. The Inter American Press Association (IAPA) has evolved certain tools of pressure for use in its fight for freedom of the press. These will be examined and some effort will be made to determine their efficacy. The value of IAPA as a service organization—its strengths and its weaknesses—also will be considered. As the IAPA is a pioneer in this type of inter-American movement, no comparable organizations, or studies thereof, are available to be 4 Farris A. Flint, of Famous Features Syndicate and president of the Americas Foundation, said in an interview on July 15,1959, that he tried to help a movement toward a similar type of association in the educational field but, to his disappointment, it turned to sources other than its own membership for funds. 5 Germán Arciniegas, "One America Looks at the Other," Current History, XXXI, No. 184 (December, 1956), 355. The other institution he names is the university.

INTRODUCTION

xiii

used as a yardstick in measuring the importance or the effectiveness of its role in inter-American affairs and as a professional association. The Inter-American Association of Broadcasters, whose organizational structure and operations are really quite different, is one of the few associations with a similar mission working in the field.6 The first Inter-American Conference of Working Journalists met August 8-13, 1960, in Lima, Peru, to organize the Inter-American Federation of Working Newspapermen's Organizations. Its purpose is to develop an inter-American organization of reporters. 7 Since the American Newspaper Guild is one of the chief sponsors, however, the group has the characteristics of a union rather than those of a professional organization. In any event, no published studies in depth have been made of the IAPA or of the other organizations mentioned. Published references concerning the IAPA are scattered throughout periodicals and such newspapers as the New York Times, and in IAPA's own publications. This study is apparently the first effort to tap all possible sources, consolidate the data, and consider IAPA's role as an inter-American professional and pressure group. 6 7

Estatutos de la Asociación Inter americana de Radiodifusión, pp. 5-24. Press of the Americas, February 1,1960.

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments

ix

Introduction

xi

I. The Historical Roots The First Pan American Congress of Journalists, 1926 (p. 3) The First National and Pan American Press Congress, 1942 (p. 5) The Second National and Pan American Press Congress, 1943 (p. 7) The Third Inter American Press Congress, 1945 (p. 10) The Fourth Pan American Press Congress, 1946 (p. 12) The Fifth Inter American Press Congress, 1949 (p. 15) The Sixth Inter American Press Conference, 1950 (p. 18) Summary Comments (p. 21) II. IAPA's Structure Today Membership Requirements (p. 26) Administration (p. 32) Finance (p. 35)

3

25

III. Steps toward Better Journalism Ethics (p. 38) Awards (p. 49) Newsprint Committee (p. 54) Legal Study (p. 57) IAPA Scholarship Fund, Inc. (p. 58) IAPA Technical Center, Inc. (p. 62) Office of Certified Circulation, Inc. (p. 65)

38

IV. The Fight for Freedom of the Press The Tools of Pressure (p. 72) The Battles Won (p. 95)

71

V. The IAPA as a Service Organization: An Appraisal The Benefits of Membership (p. Ill) Considerations for Improvement (p. 116) Summary Comments (p. 141) VI. Conclusions

.

110

143

Appendixes Α. ΙΑΡΑ Administration and Operations Materials (p· 151) B. Propaganda Disseminated against ΙΑΡΑ (ρ. 165) C. Letters and Editorials in Behalf of ΙΑΡΑ (ρ. 177)

149

Bibliography A. Inter American Press Association Sources (p. 187) B. Personal Interviews (p. 190) C. Personal Letters (p. 197) D. Books (p. 198) E. Articles (p. 199) F. Pamphlets (p. 201) G. Periodicals (p. 201) H. Other Sources (p. 202)

187

Index

203

FIGURES

1. IAPA Organization Chart 2. Cartoon: "The Pen That Pricks"

152 185

THE INTER AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION Its Fight for Freedom of the Press, 1926-1960

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I . T H E HISTORICAL·

ROOTS

It is not possible to understand what the Inter American Press Association is, how it operates, and why it operates the way it does without considering its antecedents. The Association was able to grow as a force in inter-American communications primarily because of its 1950 reorganization. That reorganization was prompted by those North Americans and Latin Americans who attended the early press congresses and did not like what they saw and heard. The First Pan American Congress of Journalists, 1926 The First Pan American Congress of Journalists convened April 7— 13, 1926, in Washington, D.C., under the auspices of the Pan American Union. 1 An eight-man executive committee headed by S. E. Thomason, president of the American Newspaper Publishers Association, took care of the meeting arrangements. Some fifty representatives of United States newspapers contributed to a fund to cover organizational expenses.2 It was a flossy affair. The United States government extended the freedom of customs to the Latin American delegates as "distinguished 1

Acta, Primer Congreso Panamericano de Periodistas, Abril, 1926, p. 1. "Background of Previous Inter-American Press Meetings," Confidental Memorandum prepared by Hal Lee, executive secretary of the Organizing Committee for the VI Inter American Press Conference, July 1,1950. 2

INTER AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION

4

foreign visitors." 3 Government buildings and Pennsylvania Avenue from the White House to the Capitol were decorated for the visit.4 Both houses of Congress welcomed them, Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg greeted them, and President Coolidge addressed them. 5 After a week of meetings in Washington the delegates were feted during a three-week tour of the Eastern and Central states as guests of newspapers, chambers of commerce, and other groups and individuals. About 130 Latin American newspapermen from twenty nations participated in these meetings and festivities.6 As a meeting of the free press of the Americas, the Congress failed in two particular regards: too much official and semiofficial influence was present in the arrangements and activities, and the Congress failed to provide officers or a charter to insure the continuity of such press meetings. Unlike some of the congresses of the 1940's, however, it did bring together many responsible and widely known Latin American publishers and editors. The complaints voiced by the delegates of 1926 have been expressed in almost every inter-American press congress since that date: (1) information in the United States press concerning Latin America is "scanty and deficient,"7 (2) United States news agencies do not cover the area adequately and hence a Latin American news agency should be formed,8 and (3) the time limitations imposed on conference speakers are too short.9 In his address President Coolidge said in part to the delegates: "It seems to me it would be well if your gathering could be repeated periodically, possibly alternating between Latin America and the United States." 10 Prophetic though his words were, sixteen years passed before another meeting was held. The outcome of it, and subsequent meet3

New York Times, March 22,1926, p. 11. Ibid., March 22,1926, p. 11. 5 Ibid., April 8,1926, p. 27; April 9,1926, p. 9. 6 Lee, Confidential Memorandum. 7 New York Times, April 9,1926, p. 9. 8 Ibid., April 21,1926, p. 12. 9 Acta, Primer Congreso, pp. 217-218. 10 New York Times, April 9,1926, p. 9. 4

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THE HISTORICAL· ROOTS

ings, was far different than the supporters of the 1926 meeting had envisioned. The First National and Pan American Press Congress,

1942

The Federal District government of Mexico organized and financed the First National and Pan American Congress, which was held in Mexico City, May 15-19, 1942. 11 Indications are evident that the municipal government of Mexico City also contributed to its support. 12 After stating that only directors and editors of periodicals with at least one year of uninterrupted publication could attend, the convening proclamation immediately excepted from this requirement periodicals of North America, Central America, South America, and the Antilles. Editors and publishers who could not attend were permitted to designate representatives. 13 Result: nonprofessional delegates, delegates representing entities from two different countries, 14 and a score of Mexican delegates from obscure provincial periodicals. Mexico had some one hundred delegates in attendance and the United States about fifteen. Most of the other countries had one or two delegates. Only Argentina, Haiti, Costa Rica, Panama, and Paraguay were not represented in some form or other. 15 The avowed purpose of the Congress was to contribute to continental unity and to counteract pro-Axis propaganda. 16 There seems 11

Memoria del Primer Congreso Nacional y Pan-Americano de la Prensa, Mayo 1942, p. 1. 12 According to Editor & Publisher (May 30, 1942), p. 1, the municipal government took over the Hotel Waldorf for the duration of the Congress. Joshua B. Powers, in an interview on July 14,1959, observed that the municipality contributed some 25,000 pesos for the Congress and that all expenses of the delegates, including travel from the border, were paid by the host governments. 13 Memoria del Primer Congreso, p. 1. 14 Efraín Salazar Hidalgo served as a delegate for Periodistas Unidos de América (Mexico) and Nuevo Diario of Uruguay, while Colonel Gabriel Cravioto represented A Capital of Brazil and Revista Militar of Bolivia. Memoria del Primer Congreso, pp. 10-11,34. 15 Memoria del Primer Congreso, pp. 11-12. 16 "Press Congress in Mexico," Bulletin of the Pan American Union (August, 1942), pp. 476-477.

INTER AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION

6

to be little doubt that the Communists attempted to manipulate it to their own advantage. Floor fights erupted over the slate of candidates for the offices of the Congress. With hoots and foot stamping, delegates overrode one speaker's demand that the governments of the Americas suppress their anti-Communist campaigns. 17 Manuel Braña, former director of Excélsior, Havana, Cuba, attended the Mexican meeting. He noted that the Congress was called to combat Nazi penetration of the hemisphere, a penetration which had had some success economically. The Congress represented a movement by a "liberal'-thinking group to oust the totalitarians. Above all, its actions must be examined "within the political considerations of the time." 18 Joshua B. Powers, of Joshua B. Powers, Inc., New York, attended the Mexican meeting as a delegate representing La Unión of Valparaiso, Chile.19 He said quite frankly that he was invited, he accepted, he attended, and he listened. He did not like what he heard and he left convinced that he wanted nothing to do with such an organization. 20 Although he did not realize it then ("I was naive"), he believes that the meeting was instigated by Communists with the intent of gaining control over an international group whose membership would supply both the prestige and the organs for the dissemination of Communist propaganda. 21 The actions of subsequent congresses held in Latin America in the 1940's give some credence to such a conjecture. It is interesting, nevertheless, to note what the Mexican congress did and did not do. It did not directly attack the United States press and new agencies for inadequate Latin American coverage, a common occurrence in later meetings. It did, however, recommend that the proposed Pan American Press Institute undertake an exchange of news services among the newspapers of the continent. 22 17

Memoria del Primer Congreso, pp. 31-35,49-50. Interview with Manuel Braña (Cuba), January 28,1960. 19 Memoria del Primer Congreso, p. 11. 20 Interview with Joshua Powers (United States), July 14, 1959. 21 Ibid. 22 Memoria del Primer Congreso, p. 191. 18

7

THE HISTORICAL ROOTS

It did, of course, denounce fascism as a menace to a free press. It declared its support of the Allied cause (pp. 162-164). It adopted a code of honor. Lost among the more patriotic and emotional topics were two pledges of interest: to publish no advertising not prominently identified as such, and to accept no employment from private or political interests designed to exploit the newspaperman's periodical or position (pp. 240,104). Above all, the Congress aroused little United States support. Walter Karig, Washington correspondent of the Newark Evening News (New Jersey), who served as the elected first vice-chairman of the Congress, commented in Editor & Publisher: Some of the delegates came second-class for 3,000 miles living on sandwiches; the press of the United States all but ignored the whole business. . . . there was not a word of encouragement from the White House or the State Department, no acknowledgement of the telegrams sent to Washington, and from the American Embassy in Mexico only the niggardly gesture of a cocktail party.23 The Second National and Pan American Press Congress,

1943

Cuba sent a representative to invite personally a select group of some thirty United States editors and publishers to the Second National Pan American Press Congress held in Havana, June 7—11, 1943. President Fulgencio Batista set aside $10,000 toward the expenses of the Congress, and said that if more were necessary he would give it with pleasure. All expenses from and to Miami, as well as hotel accommodations and meals, were defrayed by the Cuban government. 24 Yet few United States delegates showed up: only twelve publications sent representatives. Ninety-one Cuban and thirty-eight Mexican publications sent delegates.25 Although small, the United States group was strong. Tom Wallace, 23 Walter Karig, "Karig's Inside Story of Democracy at Work," Editor & Publisher (May 30,1942), p. 6. 24 "U. S. Delegation To Attend Press Congress in Havana," Editor & Publisher (May 29,1943), p. 9. 25 The three best references for these early conferences (New York Times, Editor & Publisher, and the available published minutes of the meetings) seldom agree as to how many accredited delegates attended.

8

INTER AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION

editor of the Louisville Times (Kentucky) and former president of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, lent his prestige to the delegation. 26 Also among the delegates were Julio Garzón, editor of La Prensa (New York); Lee Hills, managing editor of the Miami Herald; Eugene B. Mirovitch, the Mergenthaler Linotype Company and Boletín de Brooklyn; William P. Carney, New York Times; Herbert Corn, managing editor of the Washington Star (District of Columbia); Ralph McGill, editor of the Atlanta Constitution; and Robert U. Brown, managing editor of Editor & Publisher.27 The United States delegation found itself extremely handicapped by lack of translators at the meetings. Only Garzón could handle the language with the ease of a native, although Wallace and Carney had a working knowledge of Spanish. They all agreed, however, that the United States press would never be able to participate actively in such meetings until its representatives could speak Spanish or until provisions were made for interpreters or translators. 28 They attended meetings, sought interpretations from bilingual delegates, but restricted their participation to that of observers.29 It was a tumultuous congress. Irrelevant political discussions sparked personal antagonisms, particularly among the Cubans. At a rowdy all-night session, the secretary general of the Congress resigned because of personal attacks, and the president threatened to do so because of the difficulty of maintaining order. The Mexicans became disgusted and showed signs of walking out. The adroit statesmanship of a few Cubans and Mexicans kept the session from disintegrating completely, restored the secretary general to his post by acclamation, and managed to keep most of the delegates at work until 6:30 A.M.30 The Congress approved 107 resolutions. They concerned such 26 Wallace became an enthusiastic champion of the inter-American press movement. In an interview, August 19, 1958, he said that he had been misinformed about the importance of the first meeting (México) or he would never have missed it. 27 Memoria del II Congreso Nacional y Panamericano de Prensa, Junio 1943, p. 29. 28 Robert U. Brown, "Pan-American Press Congress Forms Permanent Association," Editor & Publisher (June 19,1943), p. 10. 29 Robert U. Brown, "Havana Made Headquarters of Inter-American Society," Editor & Publisher (May 26,1945), p. 8. 30 Memoria del II Congreso, pp. 121-127.

THE HISTORICAL ROOTS

9

diverse topics as freedom of political prisoners, working and living conditions of journalists, development of the Scout movement in the Americas, advertising agencies, and a message of sympathy to Free France (pp. 259-302). Three resolutions were directed at United States activities in the Latin American area: foreign news agencies were requested to hire only native newspapermen to head their bureaus (pp. 294-295) and to increase their Latin American news output (pp. 269—270); Selecciones, the Spanish edition of Reader's Digest, was the real target of a recommendation entitled "Unfair Competition" (pp. 290— 291). Again, as in Mexico City, the Congress agreed to set up the Latin American Information [news] Agency. A committee was to undertake this task (pp. 288-289). Two Cuban newspapermen backed by the Dominican Republic's Ramón Marrero Aristy tried to push through a demand for the independence of Puerto Rico. The Congress' president, Miguel Coylla Llaguno of Cuba, smoothly ignored their efforts (p. 185). 3 1 Most important, however, was the resolution which in effect reorganized the Congress into an association with a secretariat. The Congress had been perpetuated by a permanent committee elected at the Mexican meeting. Resolution LXIX of the Havana Congress proposed that an organization be formed by the publications and the professional groups present. Its expenses would be covered by extracting quotas from the founding members and the democratic governments of the continent. An Executive Committee, which would direct the organization, would include among its officers as many vice-presidents as countries represented. The Board of Directors would also have a member from each country. The Executive Committee was charged with formulating the new organization's statutes for presentation at the third congress, scheduled for Caracas, Venezuela.32 31

The two Cubans were Alberto Arredondo G. and Manuel Millares V., of the Havana Newspapers Mañana and El Pueblo. Marrero was killed in a mysterious automobile accident (on a "rainy day" when no rainfall was reported) in the Dominican Republic in July, 1959. See XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959, p. 169. 32 Memoria del II Congreso, pp. 287-288.

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INTER AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION

The United States group promptly elected Tom Wallace as its vice-president representative on the Executive Committee and Julio Garzón as its Board member. 33 The Third Inter American Press Congress, 194534 Wartime exigencies evidently interfered with the travel plans of press representatives from other countries "besides thrice postponing the Congress date from that originally scheduled for June, 1944." 35 No newspapermen came from Brazil, Argentina, or Chile for the meetings held at Caracas, Venezuela, May 11-18, 1945. Mexico, which had provided large delegations in the past, sent only two representatives. 36 The United States mustered its largest group to date: twenty-one representatives of newspapers and magazines published in the United States.37 According to Robert U. Brown, the United States delegates were well organized, well versed in Spanish, and determined to help create a worthwhile association: They were met head-on . . . by an even better organized and more determined group of Cubans, only one of which represented an important daily newspaper, which had affected close liaison with the Venezuelan delegates before the Congress was held.38 On the opening day of the Congress, it was successfully proposed that each delegation be limited to one vote. The established pro33

Brown, "Congress Forms Permanent Association," p. 10. Published minutes of this Congress and of that held in Quito, Ecuador, in 1949, were not available to this writer. Periodicals, personal interviews, and correspondence are the main sources of information for these meetings. 35 Paul S. Walcott, "Third Inter-American Press Congress, Caracas, 1945," Bulletin of the Pan American Union (August, 1945), pp. 444-445. In Quill (July-August, 1945) Tom Wallace wrote that it is customary in Latin America to await the disposition of the government; the Venezuelan government did not want the Congress in October or December, 1944, and deferred it until March, and then until May, 1946. Once the Congress was set, the government appropriated $27,000 for entertainment, and housed delegates at the Avila Hotel as government guests. 36 Walcott, "Third Inter-American Press Congress," pp. 444-445. 37 William P. Carney, "Third Inter-American Press Congress," New York Times, May 20,1945, p. 13. 38 Brown, "Havana Made Headquarters," p. 8. 34

THE HISTORICAL ROOTS

11

cedure in such congresses had been that all measures be discussed in committee before presentation on the floor. Hence, when the Cubans managed to schedule a special plenary session to consider their detailed plan for the permanent press organization and a Latin American news agency, the United States delegation was backed by other countries in having the proposal referred to a special committee. 39 Tom Wallace said that the Cubans adroitly outmaneuvered the United States delegation when the question of a permanent headquarters for the new organization was scheduled for discussion. The United States group wanted the headquarters in New York or Miami. The Cubans were fighting to retain the secretariat in Havana. 40 Wallace wrote: The Cubans knew that on that day the Venezolanos would be hosts at an exceptionally inviting luncheon which, surely, would extend into the afternoon hours of the plenary session of the congress. When the vote was taken every Cuban was in his seat. A majority of the delegates were still enjoying the hospitality of the Venezolanos, who are singularly able and interested hosts. Cuba won easily.41 William P. Carney's proposal in committee to condemn government news agencies resulted in four hours of wrangling between non-Communist and Communist elements. The Communists wanted to amend the resolution to read news agencies of antidemocratic governments so that it would exclude Tass automatically. In the final vote, the Communists won.42 The United States group battled with the Cubans and the Venezuelans also regarding the proposal to establish a news agency under the auspices of the permanent Association. It felt that the Association should not become involved in any type of profit or nonprofit business enterprise. 43 The details of setting up the news agency were referred to the Executive Committee for the forthcoming year. William P. Carney noted that "three Cuban Communist or Allied Leftist edi39

Ibid. Interview with Tom Wallace (United States), August 19, 1958. 41 Tom Wallace, "From a Good Sportsman a Good Suggestion," Louisville Times, January 7,1957. 42 Brown, "Havana Made Headquarters," p. 8. 43 Ibid. 40

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INTER AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION

tors and two sympathetic Venezuelan editors" were elected to the Association's Executive Committee.44 The United States group was encouraged, however, by the selection of Bogotá, Colombia, as the site for the next year's congress. Four prominent Colombian journalists, who had attended the meeting, had given their support to the principal aims of the United States delegation.45 Furthermore, other South American delegations which were not Communist dominated also lent their support to the United States group's efforts to forstall the strictly political resolutions, which it felt would damage the development and prestige of a newspaper association.46 Upon their return, the United States delegates organized their branch of the parent association on September 25, 1945, calling it the "Inter American Press Association of the United States." Tom Wallace was elected president. 47 By May, 1946, it boasted of thirty members, who were discussing plans for the forthcoming congress to be held in Bogotá on November 25,1946. 48 The Fourth Pan American Press Congress, 1946 Although the meetings of the Fourth Pan American Press Congress in Bogotá, Colombia, from November 25 to 30, 1946, were by no means tranquil, delegates credited its presiding officer, Doctor Alberto Lleras Camargo, former president of Colombia, for the "general constructive spirit" which prevailed.49 44

Carney, "Third Inter-American Press Congress," p. 13. Brown, "Havana Made Headquarters," p. 8. 46 Editorial in Editor & Publisher (May 26,1945), p. 46. 47 New York Times, September 26,1945, p. 24. 48 Editor & Publisher (May 18, 1946), p. 74. Other officers and directors who fought for years to get United States publishers interested in the organization included Robert U. Brown, Editor & Publisher, vice-president; Hal Lee, Pan American magazine, recording secretary; Julio Garzón, La Prensa (Ν. Υ.), secretary; Tom Kerney, Trenton Times (N. J.), treasurer; William P. Carney, New York Times; Paul Walcott, Greenfield Recorder-Gazette (Mass.); Floyd Miller, The Daily Tribune (Royal Oak, Mich.); Harold Horan, Time-Life; J. B. Thomas, Reader's Digest; Joshua B. Powers, Editors Press Service; Myron Zobel, Norte magazine, and Eugene B. Mirovitch, Mergenthaler Linotype Company. 49 Julio Garzón, "Hemispheric Freedom Committee Appointed," Editor & Publisher (December 14,1946), p. 86. 45

THE HISTORICAL ROOTS

13

To their surprise, the United States delegates found that Joseph Starobin, of the Daily Worker, New York City, had arrived a day ahead of them. The Daily Worker had not joined the IAPA of the United States nor intimated that it intended to send a representative to the Congress. Starobin was introduced to the other North Americans by some Cuban delegates heading the Communist minority in the Congress.50 Starobin kicked up quite a stir when, in an interview in El Siglo, he contended that the shortage of newsprint was "due to the monopolistic practices of the big newspaper companies." 51 Newsprint at this time was a scarce commodity in both North and South America. Tom Wallace attempted to rebut this stand in a later interview in El Siglo.52 Once again, a Puerto Rican delegation demanded to be seated as a separate entity, arguing heatedly about Puerto Rican independence. Significantly, Lleras Camargo was not presiding at the time. Julio Garzón rose to comment that according to the rules political matters were not to be discussed.53 Then he later suggested that the delegation be given the right to vote. "No one has come to discuss questions of state," he observed, "but problems pertaining to the press" (p. I l l , my translation). United States news agencies were attacked again for failing to provide adequate news coverage of Latin America and for sending their subscribers news detrimental to Latin American prestige. Garzón pointed out that the wire services transmit thousands of words daily which are not published. He suggested that protests should be directed not against the agencies, but the United States and Latin American newspapers which tend to print the sensational in preference to the cultural (pp. 7 4 - 7 8 ) . The Congress also formulated plans to establish a news agency to provide Latin American news to members of the Association.54 50 "Tom Wallace Feted at Bogotá Congress," Editor & Publisher (November 30,1946), p. 12. 51 New York Times, November 27,1946, p. 9. 52 Ibid. 53 Memoria del IV Congreso Panamericano de Prensa, Noviembre, 1946, pp. 66-67. 54 New York Times,, December 2,1946, p. 5.

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INTER AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION

It failed, however, to provide any economic or technical means for its organization. 55 Jack D. Fendell, International News Service, told the Congress that the United States delegation would give its moral support to such a news agency. But he pleaded that the Association itself not become involved in a business enterprise, suggesting that it would be better for the Latin American newspapers to get together after the meetings to form such an agency. He also cautioned against accepting services offered by groups dependent on government funds or support. 56 Perhaps the most important outcome of the meetings, however, was the resolution proposed by Julio Garzón. The Congress approved his proposal to create the Association's first standing committee for freedom of the press in the hemisphere (p. 103). The Executive Committee, headed by Colombia's Alberto Galindo, appointed as members: Tom Wallace; Julio Garzón; Pedro Cue, editor of El Mundo (Havana); Louis Ignacio Andrade, editor of El Siglo (Colombia); and B. Ponce, Excélsior (Mexico). 57 Santiago, Chile, was selected as the next meeting site.58 In evaluating the meetings, Carlos Puyo, the secretary general, wrote he was proud that for the first time a strictly inter-American congress had been called, eliminating "National" from the title. Furthermore, he attempted to end the past practice of permitting foreign newspapers to designate as their representatives natives of the country in which the congress was held.59 He felt, however, that the prestige of the congresses would never really become great until only the old established and widely known newspapers of the hemisphere attended. He also suggested that a proportional number of publications be invited from each country. Finally, he discussed the delicate problem of the host having an overwhelmingly large delegation and recommended that it be selected severely and carefully (pp. 8—10). 55

Garzón, "Hemispheric Freedom Committee," p. 86. Memoria del IV Congreso, pp. 81-82. 57 Garzón, "Hemispheric Freedom Committee," p. 86. 58 New York Times, December 3,1946, p. 18. 59 Memoria del IV Congreso, p. 8. 56

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The Fifth Inter American Press Congress, 1949 The Congress scheduled for Santiago, Chile, did not take place. Because of political unrest in that country, the government postponed the meetings several times. Finally, the leading newspapers of Ecuador agreed to hold the Congress and, after another postponement, it was held in Quito, July 11-17, and in Guayaquil, July 18-20,1949. 6 0 Sixteen nations were represented. 61 Carlos Mantilla Ortega, El Comercio (Quito, Ecuador), was elected president of the Congress over the protests of some of his own countrymen. 62 Their candidate settled the issue when he finally declined in favor of Mantilla. 63 Farris A. Flint, a member of the United States delegation, said that the Congress' Executive Committee operated behind locked doors deciding what the Congress would act upon and how it would act. Meanwhile, the delegates cooled their heels.64 After the first session of the Congress had ended, Flint told Wallace that he had never seen such shenanigans. He felt quite disgusted with the whole business but at the same time felt challenged to try to do something about it. He had long been interested in Latin America and had underwritten the now-defunct magazine, Pan American, as a "labor of love" for a number of years. 65 He asked Wallace to appoint him to the Seventh Commission, the commission to consider and advise any recommendations for constitutional changes. The Seventh Commission was a commission which existed on paper but had never been active.66 Wallace and Flint met with the United States delegates, who agreed 60

Lee, Confidential Memorandum; Interview with Carlos Mantilla Ortega (Ecuador), November 24, 1959; Interview with Julio Garzón (United States), August 12,1959. 61 Julio Garzón, "U. S. Delegates Win Victory in Quito," Editor & Publisher (July 30,1949), p. 7. 62 Mantilla Ortega interview. Mantilla said he was elected only because of the support of other delegations. 63 El Comercio (Ecuador), July 12,1949, p. 4. 64 Interview with Farris A. Flint (United States), July 15, 1959. 65 Ibid. 66 Ibid.

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to support a plan to formulate a resolution to reorganize the Association. Flint, a rugged individualist, a libertarian who believes the less government the better, places his faith in the independent voluntary group which exerts pressure for its causes.67 It was only natural, then, that he undertook to sponsor a resolution which would change the organization into one made up of individual members "without reference to nationalities and completely independent of government ties, sanction, or support." 68 The sudden activation of the Seventh Commission, to which Flint and Antonio Cárdenas, Editors Press Service, were appointed, perturbed the left-wing members of the Congress' Executive Committee. The United States members quietly demanded space to meet, with a secretary to take minutes of their deliberations, and made a special effort to be sure their meetings were impeccably correct procedurally.69 They also enlisted the assistance of Ecuador's Carlos Mantilla Ortega, the presiding officer. Flint told him they would need his help, the assist of the chair, if anything were to be accomplished. "After all," Flint observed, "Mantilla is a responsible publisher and no fool. He could see what was going on about him." 70 Flint said that Mantilla's handling of the hot-and-heavy meetings was "masterly." 71 Mantilla wryly observed that he often had to shout and that one time he literally used force to maintain order: he stepped down from the chair and shook one Latin American delegate into silence.72 Jack Fendell, International News Service, and Jules Dubois, Chicago Tribune, circulated among the delegates in the convention hall gaining support against the star-chamber tactics of the Executive Committee, the masters who ran the show while the delegations awaited their commands. 73 67

Ibid. New York Times, July 15,1949, p. 4. 69 Flint interview. 70 Ibid. 71 Ibid. 72 Mantilla Ortega interview. 73 Flint interview. 68

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Julio Garzón, in the meantime, struggled with the first freedom-ofthe-press report to be prepared for a congress. He had to present it to the Executive Committee prior to reporting it to the Congress. Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, editor of the Cuban Communist organ Hoy, set out to alter certain sections of the report and attempted to insert in the preamble a reference to the "threats of the freedom of the press in the U. S. A. caused by monopolies or newspaper chains." 74 At the plenary conference he turned in a minority report on the same subject. Although it was supposedly withdrawn, Dubois says it was put on record. 75 In any event, the only countries given a clean bill of health as far as freedom of the press was concerned were the United States, Colombia, Mexico, Uruguay, and Ecuador. 76 At first, Panama was designated as the site for the next meeting. Its delegation head then received a cable from the government which said it could not accept the designation for economic reasons, lack of hotels, and the state of the President's health. When the delegates from Puerto Rico offered their isle, bedlam resulted. Mantilla called a short recess; upon reassembling, the majority of the delegations cast their votes for New York City.77 Peruvian delegate Genaro Carnero Checa leaped to his feet to demand assurance that nothing would impede entry of Negro or Communist delegates into the United States. Carlos Rafael Rodriguez also voiced the same demand. 78 Hal Lee, head of the United States delegation, told Rodríguez he was sure that the delegates invited would be admitted into the United States. 79 This assurance later came back to plague the 1950 meeting when Rodríguez was detained by immigration authorities. 80 74

Garzón, "U. S. Delegates Win," p. 7. Jules Dubois, Freedom Is My Beat, p. 130. Dubois devotes Chapter Twelve to the Quito meetings. Factual though it may be, he leaves the general impression that he was the only United States delegate who contributed to the Congress. 76 New York Times, July 17,1949, p. 37. 77 El Comercio (Ecuador), July 17,1949, p. 1. 78 Ibid., p. 5. 79 Dubois, Freedom Is My Beat, p. 128. 80 Proceedings of the VI Inter-American Press Conference, October, 1950, p. 15. 75

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The United States delegation left Ecuador generally satisfied with the results of the Congress. Flint's resolution to reorganize the Association was approved, 81 although Rodríguez had insisted that the proposed constitution be cleared by the Executive Committee prior to submission to the 1950 Congress.82 Furthermore, the first freedom-ofthe press report had been received with some success. New York City awaited the next meeting. The Sixth Inter American Press Conference, 1950 The publishers and editors who met in New York City, October 9-14, 1950, for the Sixth Inter American Press Conference represented some of the most distinguished publications in the hemisphere. 83 It was a formidable accomplishment, preceded by extensive preparation. After the Flint resolution to reorganize the Association was passed and the delegates had agreed to meet in New York City, the United States delegates suddenly realized that, practically speaking, they had no membership to act as host.84 The delegation at Quito had numbered less than fifteen.85 A campaign to enlist the support, both moral and financial, of the United States press and the attendance of topflight Latin American publications began. Tom Wallace headed the organizing committee and Joshua B. Powers, Editors Press Service, served as chairman of the managing committee. 86 Farris Flint, Hal Lee's boss, agreed to release Lee to the post of executive secretary and still pay his salary.87 Hal Lee apparently did an extraordinary job of rallying the United States press to the cause, particularly the New York publications. 88 Powers set out to round up the bona fide publishers in Latin America. 89 81

Flint interview. Flint observed that little did the Latin American delegates realize the resolution they approved would probably eliminate many of them from membership. 82 Dubois, Freedom Is My Beat, p. 130. 83 VI Inter-American Press Conference, pp. 2-3. 84 Powers interview. 85 Garzón, "U. S. Delegates Win," p. 7. 86 VII nter-American Press Conference, p. 2. 87 Flint interview. 88 Powers interview. 89 Interview with Harmodio Arias (Panama), November 10, 1959. Arias had

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Meanwhile, Flint gathered together all the constitutions of magazine and press organizations that might be helpful in drafting the new constitution. He wrote registered letters to all supposedly accredited Latin American committee members for points to add to the new constitution. He received no replies. 90 Certificates from the secretary general of the society's secretariat in Havana, Guillermo Martínez Márquez, designating the membership of the Committee on Freedom of the Press and the Committee on Statutory Reforms were obtained. 91 Prior to presentation of the draft to the delegates, it was reviewed by a legal committee composed of three prominent Latin American lawyer-publishers: Harmodio Arias, El Panamá América; Luis Miró Quesada, El Comercio (Peru); and Bartolomé Mitre, La Nación (Argentina). 92 This was an astute move on the part of the North Americans, for their stamp of approval gave the constitution considerably more stature. 93 The North Americans then proceeded to jam their proposed constitution through the Conference over the violent protests of the Cubans and the Argentines. Cuba's Guillermo Martínez Márquez, El País, vigorously led the fight with protests based generally on matters of procedure. 94 For the first time, the meetings were set up with a simultaneous translating system in three languages. 95 Excited delegates forgot to use the proper microphones, however, and the translating system continually broke down. Martínez Márquez maintained later that the faulty-equipment excuse was often used in order to avoid translating never gone to previous inter-American meetings but Powers wrote urging him to participate, explaining the aims of the organization. Arias credited Powers, with his contacts and influence as an international publishers' representative, for getting reputable Latin American publishers to attend. 90 Flint interview. 91 Certificates of Appointments (in Spanish), Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, Havana, August 10,1950 (in IAPA files). 92 VI Inter-American Press Conference, p. 4. 93 Flint interview; Arias interview. Arias remarked that the North Americans particularly tried to avoid offending the sensitivities of the Latin Americans, who had run the past conferences, by having the new constitution sponsored by Latin Americans. He was its chief Latin American proponent. 94 VI Inter-American Press Conference, pp. 4-5. 95 Editorial in Editor & Publisher (October 7,1950), p. 42.

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his comments for the record. 96 Nevertheless, he continued over the years to give the organization his energetic support. The freedom-of-the-press report cited repressive measures against the press in fifteen nations of the Americas. Argentina was named as the most persistent offender. Tempers flared as national pride caused clashes among the delegates.97 When the Board of Directors nominations were being considered, an Argentine observed that the Conference was "a gangster meeting" (p. 2 5 ) . Wallace's arbitrary rulings prompted Raúl Aldunate of Zig Zag magazine, Chile, to comment during the Conference that he hoped Wallace would take a little less dictatorial attitude (p. 15). Wallace said he found it necessary to "bull-dog" the meetings, and observed that some Latin American delegates made fun of his lack of knowledge regarding Spanish and parliamentary procedures. "Both complaints," he admitted, "were justified."98 In general, the organization of the Conference had been poor,99 but it had attracted outstanding editors and publishers. 100 It was also a fiasco financially,101 and a number of persons were persuaded to help pay outstanding bills.102 Because of the shortage of funds, the Trenton Times (New Jersey) printed the minutes of the Conference in its own plant. 103 Tom Wallace was elected president and Joshua Powers Executive Committee chairman of the new association.104 Wallace labored under no illusions about the impact which their conference had made on the United States press. He wrote: I was elected president of I.A.P.A. (S.I.P.) knowing that no U. S. metropolitan publisher would accept the office. My election was not news in the eyes of the news lords (copy readers, news editors) across the map, up and 96

Interview with Guillermo Martínez Márquez (Cuba), January 28, 1960. VI Inter·American Press Conference, pp. 14-15,28-30. 98 Wallace interview. 99 Powers interview. 100 Letter from Robert U. Brown, December 3,1958. 101 Ibid. 102 powers interview. 103 Letter from Thomas L. Kerney, November 13,1958. 104 VI Inter-American Press Conference, p. 1. 97

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down therein, or even in Louisville. The United States press, still (1950), thought that lightly of S.I.P.105 Summary

Comments

The New York conference marked the end of the governmentsponsored inter-American press congresses. Although the IAPA did by no means spring full-blown into its present form, the first inexorable step forward had been taken. The Association passed through many crises after New York, and will probably pass through many more. However, it is important to consider first, in general, what brought the organization to this decisive point. The major shortcoming of the congresses was glaringly evident to the North Americans from a North American viewpoint: too much government influence. Congresses were held at the convenience and the whims of governments. The expenses of delegates were paid by the governments. Government influence resulted in ambassadors, senators, typographers, and others vaguely associated with the press being designated as delegates. Delegations sat and voted by countries. Heated arguments and nationalistic oratory occurred as delegates discussed political rather than press problems. Other difficulties were also evident. Many editors and publishers were politically ambitious and saw no harm in serving as public officials while remaining active in the newspaper business. They used their own editorial columns to attack the opposition and advance their personal political causes. Then, once in power, "they would often go so far as to imprison editors of the opposition papers." 106 Leftist Cubans dominated the Executive Committee, which was self-perpetuating and which had blocked other work by remaining in session throughout the Quito Congress. The treasurer, Carlos Rafael Rodríquez, editor of the Communist paper Hoy, never rendered a report to the congresses. No dues had ever been levied. The bills of 105

Tom Wallace, "Fight for Free Press in Latin American Conference," Louisville Times (Kentucky), January 11,1954. 106 Letter from Hal Lee, March 18,1959. (Mr. Lee died in December, 1959).

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the secretariat headquarters in Havana had been covered by the Cuban government.107 Furthermore, a constant battle was necessary to keep the Latin American orators within reasonable time limits. Latin American sensitivities flared within country delegations as political differences became personal and personal differences became political. This is not to say that the United States delegates were without fault. Undoubtedly, their rather blunt and direct approach to problems created friction. Their limited knowledge of Spanish probably did little to increase their stature in the eyes of the Latin Americans. Above all, they naturally tended to look at the meetings from their own frame of reference—Anglo-Saxon rather than Latin American. Fortunately, it was a patient and forebearing group. They endured attacks against the United States, its news agencies, and its press at every congress. In addition, as Hal Lee commented: There was always a delegate from "free Puerto Rico" denouncing U. S. influence and insisting that their "free flag" be added to the flags on the dais. Instead of objecting, one of our U. S. delegates would usually second the motion! In short, we tried to get along peacefully and not act like a "Colossus" of the North.108 Lee also noted that at one point a Brazilian editor with Communist leanings told them the United States did not have a free press, but Russia did. When pressed for details, he said, in effect: "If you are a publisher in the USSR, you get your property free, your building free, and your presses free. That is real freedom of the press!" A U. S. delegate wanted to know whether the Russian editor didn't also get his editorials free? In the laughter that followed, the Brazilian comrade took his seat.109 Julio Garzón maintains that had Tom Wallace and Eugene Mirovitch not attended the Havana meeting in 1943, the IAPA of today would never have come into existence. Wallace was very impressed by the spontaneous enthusiasm for the Congress among the Latin American newspapermen. Their apparent lack of understanding and 107

Lee, Confidential Memorandum. Lee letter. 109 Ibid. 108

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objective information regarding the United States, however, distressed him. He was alarmed, as were all the delegates, that "Even the most intelligent and independent. . . were prone to believe the propaganda ably injected into the conference by several Latin commies and nationalists." 110 Back in the United States, Wallace kept the group together by traveling from Louisville to New York to preside over its meetings. He campaigned incessantly to convince prominent United States publishers and editors to join the group. He had little success. Most of their calendars were already crammed with meetings of local and state associations, ASNE, ANPA, UP, AP, and other trade and professional organizations. They could see little to gain by joining an interAmerican group. 111 Meanwhile, Eugene Mirovitch on his business trips into Latin America set out to convince reputable publishers and editors there that the organization needed them and they needed it. Their correspondence and that of other members eventually filled two files in Garzón's office at La Prensa (New York), and he found himself devoting almost as much time to this work as to his job. 112 It was an uphill fight over the years and it was a wonder that this small group of enthusiasts stuck with it. Wallace was a sincere Pan Americanist, as were many of the others. As a former president of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, he also knew the value of such an organization. Furthermore, the group was determined to continue fighting the Communists in an effort to "prevent the organization from becoming a sounding board and a forum for Latin American Communists." 113 They also knew they could count on the support of many of the Latin American participants who had grown increasingly concerned about the direction the congresses were taking. Farris A. Flint perhaps best expressed the underlying philosophy which motivated the group. He pointed out, first, the distinct limitations in government action. 110 111 112 113

Letter from Garzón, December 10,1958. Ibid, Ibid. Editorial in Editor & Publisher (August 19,1950), p. 32.

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The intergovernmental systems which exist ostensibly for the defense of democracy are stopped by the rules of the game from "interfering" or "intervening" with each other. The citizens of one country cannot help the people of another to defend human freedoms by peaceful means of any official nature. 114 Secondly, he noted that a way does exist in our own society for individuals to fight as voluntary stewards for freedom and the general welfare through the innumerable community groups which have no official status. The common welfare is not the exclusive concern of the sovereign, as under authoritarian rule, but also of the free citizens striving for the common good in order to avoid excessive government growth and authority. 115 He further observed: Thus in the field of journalism, despite the "Guarantee" of a free press in our basic charter of government, a great many private or voluntary organizations without any official status whatever came into being to defend press freedom, lest someday our free press should be "licensed" by some central authority. Grasp this concept of the unique dual character of our democracy, . . . and you will have the key to the resolution in Quito which changed completely the concept and remade the IAPA as a free, independent and voluntary organization.116 114

Letter from Farris A. Flint, January 27,1959. Ibid. 116 Ibid. 115

I I . IAPA'S STRUCTURE TODAY

Sinee its reorganization in 1950 the Inter American Press Association has held its general assemblies each year, alternating between North American and Latin American countries. It has met in Montevideo, Uruguay (1951), Chicago, Illinois (1952), Mexico City, Mexico (1953), Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil (1954), New Orleans, Louisiana (1955), Havana, Cuba (1956), Washington, D.C. (1957), Buenos Aires, Argentina (1958), San Francisco, California (1959), and Bogotá, Colombia (1960). 1 From the small handful of stalwart supporters who founded it, the IAPA by 1953 could boast of a membership of 302 Latin American and North American publications. 2 Editor & Publisher reported in 1955 that the Association's membership stood at 407, representing a total of 472 Western Hemisphere periodicals and associate members. 3 Executive Committee Chairman John R. Reitemeyer, Hartford Courant (Connecticut), told the 1959 San Francisco General Assembly he was disturbed because the membership had remained at a more or less static 600 for the past year. 4 1

Editor & Publisher, 1950-1960. Press of the Americas, November 1,1953. 3 Editor & Publisher (September 17,1955), p. 34. 4 XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959, p. 20. The Executive Committee chairman, Robert U. Brown, reported a membership of more than 750 at the October, 1965, annual meeting. See Informe del Presidente del Comité Ejecutivo (Document 1-S), XXI Asamblea General (mimeographed). 2

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Membership Requirements The history of the membership requirements of this organization is just as cloudy in some areas as the rest of its history. The Mexican Congress (1942) required, among other things, that those invited be editors or directors of periodicals. 5 At the Havana Congress (1943) these requirements were expanded to include ad honorem delegates from professional organizations and other entities related to journalism. 6 At Caracas (1945) the permanent Inter American Press Society (Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa) was constituted on the basis of active memberships being held by newspapers and periodicals. Provisions were made for institutional members, associations, and news agencies. The Society was set up by national sections.7 Then, in New York (1950), membership in the newly reorganized association was extended to publishers, proprietors, editors, and editorial directors of bona fide daily newspapers of general circulation and of periodicals published at least four times a year. No more than four staff members of any one publication or group of publications could be members. When more than one active member was attached to a publication, the delegation would be entitled to only one joint vote. 8 Corporate membership (with voting rights) for press associations, news agencies, and the like, and associate memberships (no voting rights) for persons identified with the profession, such as journalism teachers, were also provided (p. 1 ) . The general idea was that individuals and publications would control a professional organization somewhat along the line of the American Society of Newspaper Editors and the American Newspaper Publishers' Association.9 5 Memoria del Primer Congreso Nacional y Pan-Americano de la Prensa, Mayo, 1942, p. 1. 6 Memoria del II Congreso Nacional y Panoamericano de Prensa, Junio, 1943, p. 16. 7 Robert U. Brown, "Havana Made Headquarters of Inter-American Press Society," Editor & Publisher (May 26,1945), p. 8. 8 Proceedings of the VI Inter-American Press Conference, October, 1950, P.1. 9 Report of Interim Credentials Committee of the 1950 Organizing Committee, Inter-American Press Association of the United States, p. 7 (mimeographed).

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The last rowdy session of the 1950 conference had hardly ended when the United States organizing group began to have policy conflicts about memberships in the organization. The designation of Joshua B. Powers of Editors Press Service as Executive Committee chairman prompted Jules Dubois to resign as the Association's secretary. He contended that the chairmanship should be held by a professional, not a publisher's representative. 10 Powers, on the other hand, found himself thrown into a job for which there was no office, no records, almost no active members, no money, and plenty of outstanding bills.11 He also said that the chairman should be an active publisher and offered his resignation. The Board of Directors refused it.12 By March 29, 1951, Powers' and Tom Wallace's correspondence concerning membership and other problems resulted in a terse analysis of the Association's difficulties by John S. Knight, editor and publisher of the Miami Herald. He noted that the IAPA appeared headed in two directions, along the lines of both the American Society of Newspaper Editors (with editors as members) and the American Newspaper Publishers Association (with publishers as members). He thought that a demand existed for the latter type of service organization for Latin American newspapers and questioned whether they should perhaps foster it.13 He also agreed that the Executive Committee chairman should be an editor or publisher. In addition, he pointedly observed that "until a substantial [financial] base is built, I hope the Association will proceed modestly and conservatively to accomplish its aims." 14 IAPA, then, was put together with the two heads which it still carries in a sense today. In 1952 the membership article was altered "to change the basis of membership from individual persons to publications and organizations." 15 The Association's bylaws, as published 10

Interview with Jules Dubois (United States), October 7, 1959. Interview with Joshua B. Powers (United States), July 14, 1959. 12 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, Mexico City, March 1,1951 (in IAPA files). 13 Letter from John S. Knight to Tom Wallace and Joshua B. Powers, March 29,1951 (in IAPA files). 14 Ibid. 15 VIU Annual Meeting, October, 1952, p. 157. 11

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after the San Francisco meeting (1960), place active membership squarely in the hands of bona fide newspapers of general circulation and magazines published at least six times a year. Corporate memberships with the right to vote are extended to publishing corporations, news and feature syndicates, and news and photographic agencies. Associate memberships without voting privileges are provided for persons working in journalism and allied fields.16 Active members, nevertheless, must be represented at meetings by their proprietors, editors, editorial directors, or managers. A limit of four representatives is imposed upon active and corporate members. 17 The problem in 1951, however, was not just one of deciding the details of membership qualifications. The Association needed United States members both for prestige and for economic support. It could promise no material benefits to potential members, and the United States press was uninterested. Few publications felt any necessity to belong. The Association needed a cause: a cause which would rally the United States press to its side. Suddenly, it had one: Albert Gainza Paz, of La Prensa, Buenos Aires, Argentina. His distinguished newspaper, one of the few Latin American publications of international reputation, had been harassed, closed, and finally expropriated by the Perón government. Gainza Paz sought refuge in Uruguay. 18 In September, 1951, he was invited to attend a press forum sponsored by Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism and the IAPA, and to receive an honorary degree from the University. John S. Knight, publisher of the Chicago Daily News, and Kenneth Olson, dean of the School of Journalism, presided. 19 Some forty-five United States and Latin American newspaper editors heard firsthand about the experiences of Gainza Paz and the closure of La Prensa.20 Tom Wallace took this opportunity to urge 16

Charter, By-Laws and Rules, Art. II. Ibid. 18 Por Defender la Libertad, pp. 1-248. 19 New York Times, October 1,1951, p. 14. 20 George A. Brandenburg. "Editors Declare Public Losing Freedom by Default," Editor & Publisher (October 6,1951), p. 9. 17

IAPA'S STRUCTURE TODAY

29

them to join the IAPA and to attend the forthcoming general assembly in Montevideo, Uruguay. Warning that Perón sympathizers wanted to take over the Association, he lectured them soundly regarding its value. 21 The forum adopted a resolution urging its members to give serious consideration to participation in the Montevideo meeting. 22 The journalism forum provided the spark needed to interest United States publications in the IAPA. Above all, it brought John S. Knight solidly into the Association and, although he did not agree to the nomination, he did not decline when named first vice-president of the Association at the Montevideo meeting. 23 This officer is generally elected president the following year. The prestige of Knight's support of the Association at this crucial period of its development was invaluable. The Association finally had a United States publisher of stature behind it,24 and it had a cause. Although membership was always to be a matter of concern, it never again threatened the very existence of the IAPA. In fact, the vigorous campaign 25 undertaken by James G. Stahlman, publisher of the Nashville Banner (Tennessee), before and during his presidency brought a notable increase in membership. The pressures of the times soon revealed the deficiencies of the loosely drawn membership requirements. A discussion was held regarding the acceptance of David Michel Torino, El Intransigente (Salta, Argentina), because he had no newspaper: Perón's government had expropriated it.26 His membership application caused a concern that was technical, not moral. Problems such as his and Alberto Gainza Paz' were resolved by a provision which permitted publications closed or confiscated by a government to "continue as 21

Interview with Tom Wallace (United States), August 18,1958. Brandenburg, "Public Losing Freedom," p. 9. 23 Interview with Lee Hills (United States), October 5,1959. 24 Wallace interview. Andrew Heiskell, publisher of Life magazine, also lent his weight to IAPA at this time by accepting selection as the Executive Committee chairman. 25 In a letter to John S. Knight on January 5, 1954, Stahlman said that he planned to write ninety-three publishers personally (in IAPA files). 26 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, October 7, 1951 (in IAPA files). 22

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members without payment of dues until the publication is regained by its rightful owners." 27 The Association also soon realized that it lacked any real tool against member publications which professed adherence to IAPA's principles but did not practice them. A resolution of the 1950 General Assembly authorizing the Board of Directors to expel any member who openly advocated press restrictions 28 was later expanded by the Board into a proposed constitutional amendment 29 to bar from membership any publications of Communist, Fascist, or other totalitarian tendencies, or which advocate suppression of freedom of the press. The amendment was adopted by the General Assembly in 1953. 30 The Board of Directors soon learned that the provisions for expelling members also needed clarification when it began actions to oust Stanley Ross, El Diario de Nueva York, from the Association. The basic issue was ethical. Ross was charged with offering to sell his pen to Rafael Trujillo, dictator of the Dominican Republic, in return for assistance in purchasing El Diario de Nueva York.31 The sale was not consummated, however, and the newspaper was later cleared by IAPA of Trujillo ownership.32 Ross, at that time, held an associate membership for Stanley Ross and Company, Ltd., and also represented El Diario de Nuevo York in the Association. At its semiannual meeting in 1956 the Board of Directors arbitrarily rescinded his associate membership and called for an investigation into the ownership of El Diario.83 Ross protested, and the IAPA suddenly realized that it had acted hurriedly and illadvisedly. In essence, it was questionable whether it had observed its 27

Charter, By-Laws, Art. II. Proceedings of the VII Assembly of the Inter-American Press Association, October, 1951, p. 144. 29 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, October 13,1952 (in IAPA files). 30 IX Annual Meeting, October, 1953, pp. 52-53. 31 Robert U. Brown, "IAPA Board Condemns Trujillo and All Stooges of Dictators," Editor & Publisher (April 14,1956), pp. 9-10. 32 John R. Reitemeyer, "El Diario de Nueva York," Special Report, n.d. (mimeographed). 33 Brown, "IAPA Board Condemns Trujillo," pp. 9-10. 28

IAPA'S STRUCTURE TODAY

31

own bylaws or the state of New York's regarding right of notice and hearing on the charges. The Association then went through the ignominious procedure of reinstating him as an associate member in June, 34 entertaining a motion signed by five members to expel him in September, listening to his defense, and then ousting him on October 29,1956. 3 5 One knotty problem, however, was yet to be solved. Ross had been tossed out as an individual, an associate member, but he still represented El Diario de Nueva York, an active member in the Association. IAPA had continually maintained that its members were publications, not individuals. Now it had an individual problem for which appeared no solution at the moment. When the Board expelled Ross it considered a recommendation that he be prohibited from acting as a delegate for any newspaper. The IAPA required that editors and publishers represent publications at its meetings. Ross was editor and associate publisher of El Diario and had been designated by the president and publisher as its representative. No provision existed in the bylaws preventing a member newspaper from designating whom it wished. IAPA's hands were tied.36 Without discussing the merits of Ross' case, it can be argued that if he did not measure up to the ethical standards of the Association as an associate member, he could hardly be any better qualified to serve as an active member. The Board of Directors was apparently of this opinion, and at its meeting in Costa Rica in March, 1957, it moved to amend the bylaws so that an expelled associate member could not represent an active member at annual meetings. 37 There can be little doubt at whom the amendment was aimed.38 In its joust with adherents of the Trujillo regime, the Board of 34

Letter of John R. Reitemeyer to Stanley Ross, June 11, 1956 (in IAPA files). 35 XII An[n]ual Meeting, October, 1956, pp. 44-45. 36 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, October 29,1956 (in IAPA files). 37 Press of the Americas, April 1,1957. 38 In a letter to John O'Rourke, on August 16, 1957, Ross questioned the Board's action and complained that he had never been properly informed regarding his status (in IAPA files). In an interview in New York on July 17, 1959, Ross maintained that he was still an active member.

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Directors at its Bermuda meeting in 1956 also directed a committee to investigate the regulation of the Dominican Republic press and to offer a report for consideration whether its two newspapers, El Caribe and La Nación, should continue as members. 39 The board decided that Dominican exile Germán E. Ornes was the rightful owner of El Caribe and permitted the publication to continue membership with Ornes as its representative. 40 La Nación was charged with not conforming to the IAPA constitution by failing to guard freedom of the press and by being an instrument of a totalitarian regime. It should be noted also that the Dominican Republic, at this time, sponsored an intensive and virulent campaign against the IAPA and some of its members (Appendix Β ) . After an acrimonious debate at a hearing in 1957, La Nación was expelled.41 It was a precedentsetting action. Undoubtedly, the Ross case was handled badly and did little for the prestige of the IAPA's administrative actions. The Board learned from the experience, however, and made certain that it proceeded correctly in the action against La Nación.42 The Ross case had two salutary effects: it brought a reappraisal of the charter and bylaws of the Association, and it gave impetus to a long-delayed movement to incorporate the organization. 43 Administration According to its bylaws (Appendix A ) , the affairs of the IAPA are managed by a forty-five-man Board of Directors, fifteen of whom are elected yearly by the membership for three-year terms. An Advisory Council, made up of honorary officers, past presidents and Executive Committee chairmen, and the current presidents of the IAPA Scholarship Fund, Inc., and IAPA Technical Center, Inc., also are members of the Board.44 Not less than one third of the forty-five elected directors at any time 39

Brown, "IAPA Board Condemns Trujillo," pp. 9-10. XII An[n]ual Meeting, pp. 30-31. XIII Annual Meeting, October, 1957, pp. 44-56. 42 Press of the Americas, April 1,1957. 43 XII An[n]ual Meeting, p. 20. Reitemeyer said that IAPA had been threatened by two law suits growing out of actions at the Bermuda meeting. 44 Charter, By-Laws, Art. II. 40 41

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must be representatives of publications printed in Spanish, Portuguese, or French outside the United States and circulated outside the United States. No less than one third of the directors at any time must represent publications printed in English, Spanish, or Portuguese in the United States, or printed in English and circulated outside of the United States (Art. I I ) . The Board has the power to expel or suspend members, make all rules and regulations for conducting the business and affairs of the Association, fill Board vacancies as they occur, and designate the Executive Committee, which actually exercises the powers of the Board in operational matters (Arts. II, III, V ) . The daily operations of the IAPA office are handled by a manager, who cannot be an officer in IAPA, under the eye of the Executive Committee chairman, the president's representative (Art. I V ) . The newly constituted Board at each annual meeting selects from its members the following IAPA officers: a president, two vice-presidents, a treasurer, and a secretary (Art. I V ) . Traditionally, though not by requirement of the bylaws, the first vice-president is elected president the next year. Also traditionally, the IAPA presidency alternates yearly between members from Latin America and the United States. The site of the annual meetings alternates also between the two areas. 45 The system appears to have been devised to permit the incoming president to take over the chair at an annual meeting in his own country. This action would tend to lend prestige both to the local press and to the country, and the incoming president would be on the spot to oversee the organizational details for the meeting. Travel by the members to different countries would also promote a greater understanding of each other's problems. Furthermore, such yearly changes might help avoid charges that either the Latin Americans or the United States members were running the organization. The Association has broken the tradition of alternating sites only once since its reorganization: the 1953 meeting was held in Mexico City and the 1954 meeting in Brazil. It broke another tradition in 1959 when First Vice-President Pedro Beltrán, director of Peru's La 45 Report of the Committee of Sites for Meetings in 1960 and 1961, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March, 1959 (mimeographed).

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Prensa, was slated to be elected president, and the 1960 meeting was scheduled for Bogotá, Colombia. As well intentioned as the policy is, it often involves the IAPA in personal conflicts. Many Latin American publishers are politicians, or many of the politicians are publishers, depending on one's point of view. Personal and political animosities among members of the press in some countries reach a bitterness seldom seen in the United States.46 Political differences sometimes tend to outweigh obligations to the profession. Evidence of such conflict was apparent among the Brazilian members in their preparations for the 1954 meeting. 47 The most striking recent example was the designation of Bogotá for the 1960 annual meeting. Traditionally speaking, the 1960 meeting should have been held in Lima, Peru. The committee on selection of sites recommended Colombia supposedly because the country had recently emerged from a dictatorship and because Bogotá could provide hotel accommodations. 48 It would be closer to the truth to observe that Luis Miró Quesada, director of El Comercio (Lima, Peru), did not favor the nomination of Beltrán as the IAPA's first vice-president,49 and had also opposed many of the political actions of Peru's prime minister, Pedro Beltrán.50 Result: Peru's loss was Colombia's gain. But then, there was the delicate matter of a Peruvian being scheduled to preside at a meeting in Colombia. Apparently, this factor influenced the conditional invitation to Bogotá offered by Roberto García Peña, director of El Tiempo (Bogotá), at the 1959 annual 46

Actions of the Colombia press from 1948 to 1957 might be cited as an example. 47 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1954 (in IAPA files). 48 Committee of Sites Report. 49 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1959 (in IAPA files). 50 El Comercio (Lima, Peru), December 1-8, 1959. Personal Notes, IAPA XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959. These differences were evident also when Alejandro Miró Quesada, El Comercio, disagreed sharply with Mrs. Pedro Beltrán, La Prensa, about the state of freedom of the press in Peru during the Committee on Freedom of the Press meetings. In March, 1960, Pedro Beltrán submitted his resignation as first vice-president to IAPA's Board of Directors because of his pressing duties as prime minister of Peru. The Board then elected Ricardo Castro Beeche, La Nación (Costa Rica), first vice-president. (See Press of the Americas, April, 1960.)

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meeting. He asked that the decision on Bogotá be postponed until after announcement of the elections. A real fracas resulted as members questioned whether there were strings attached to his invitation, intimating, of course, that García Peña was interested in the first vice-presidency himself. After a quick recess for consultation suggested by Panama's Harmodio Arias, the elections were announced, with Beltrán as first vice-president. García Peña then offered the invitation to hold the meeting in Bogotá, and the Board unanimously accepted. 51 Unfortunately, these are not the only examples of personal conflicts which could be cited. Finances When the IAPA was reorganized it was in bad financial straits. Members of the small group interested in its development personally bailed it out. It was evident, nevertheless, that the organization would have to be self-sufficient if it were to be independent. Skeptical North Americans doubted that the Latin Americans would dig into their own pockets to support the Association, especially after so many years of free rides sponsored by their governments. Some felt the Latin Americans would expect a similar set-up or expect the United States members to pay the bills.52 The first Board meeting was held in Mexico City in February, 1951. James Stahlman, Nashville Banner (Tennessee), asked the group if it wanted another debating society or a service organization. He remarked that the verdict would have to be made by the Latin Americans and said, in effect, "Gentlemen, we want to see the color of your money." 53 Guillermo Martínez Márquez, director, El País (Havana, Cuba), said he believed the society to date had been more lyrical than effective, and declared that a service organization was needed. Tom 51 Personal Notes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, October 8, 1959. In an interview on November 17, 1959, García Peña said that he had wanted to offer the invitation after elections were announced in order to emphasize that it in no way hinged upon the election results. If so, he went about it in the wrong way. 52 Interview with Farris A. Flint (United States), July 15,1959. 53 Ibid.

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Wallace appointed a committee of Latin Americans to study the possibilities of a budget. 54 The committee reported back with a proposed dues schedule based on circulation. It calculated that the Mexican newspapers would raise $2,500 per year and the Havana papers $1,500. As there was an immediate need for operating funds, the Mexican and the Havana publishers agreed to provide the amounts indicated. 55 After this commitment, the North Americans personally pledged $3,000. 56 The IAPA was in business, but still shakily so. At the Chicago Board meeting in 1952, Andrew Heiskell, Executive Committee chairman and publisher of Life magazine, informed the Board that for the first time no debts awaited the incoming officers. He noted, however, that the balance had been achieved only by special contributions totaling $8,000 or twenty-five per cent of the total revenue of $33,000. He also pointed out that the real deficit would have been between $16,000 and $20,000 if some of the services had not been provided at cost. In addition, various members had covered long-distance telephone and cable costs by routing such services through their own offices. The Board agreed to increase the dues scale for membership. 57 IAPA Treasurer Robert U. Brown, Editor & Publisher, could report to the General Assembly in 1955, however, that IAPA's total income for the year was $44,886 and total expenses were $38,164. 58 Some $3,000 had been spent on the El Tiempo (Colombia) case alone.59 At the San Francisco meeting in 1959 Treasurer John A. Brogan, Jr., Hearst Corporation, told the Board that cash receipts for 54

Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Directors Meeting, February 28, 1951 (in IAPA files). The committee consisted of Guillermo Martínez Márquez, El País (Cuba), and Rodrigo de Llano, Excélsior, Rómulo O'Farrill, Novedades, J. A. del Castillo, El Informador, and Miguel Lanz Duret, El Universal, all of Mexico. 55 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Directors Meeting, March 1,1951. 56 Ibid. The pledges were: James G. Stahlman, Nashville Banner, $1000, and $500 each by Farris A. Flint, Famous Features, Floyd J. Miller, The Daily Tribune (Royal Oak, Mich.), Thomas L. Kerney, Trenton Times (New Jersey), and Joshua B. Powers, Editors Press Service. 57 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Directors Meeting, October 10-11,1952. 58 XII An[n]ual Meeting, p. 22. 59 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meeting, 1955 (in IAPA files).

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the fiscal year had reached $60,099.99 and total disbursements $59,584.97. 60 It should be noted here that IAPA depends solely upon income from its members for its subsistence. In 1959 annual membership dues ranged from $25.00 for publications with not more than 10,000 circulation to $350.00 for those with more than 250,000. During the 1960 annual meeting the dues schedule was revised and a new category at $15.00 was created for publications with not more than 5,000 circulation. 61 Corporate members pay $500.00 and associate members $100.00 per year.62 In his report Brogan noted that twenty-five of the thirty-six members to be dropped for nonpayment of dues were Latin American. He indicated that the Latin American members needed IAPA more than members in other areas of the hemisphere and concluded: "I am not a Franciscan friar begging and pleading for money to be used for someone else, but I am a Yankee realist who insists and demands cooperation from those who benefit."63 60

XV Annual Meeting, pp. 39-44. In his report to the Twenty-first Annual Meeting, October, 1965, Brogan reported receipts of $77,098.77 and disbursements of $77,062.36. See Informe del Tesorero (Document 5-S), XXI Asamblea General (mimeographed). 61 XVI Annual Meeting, October, 1960, pp. 74-75. 62 Charter, By-Laws, Art. VIII. 63 XV Annual Meeting, p. 41.

I I I . STEPS T O W A R D B E T T E R J O U R N A L I S M

The Inter American Press Association is best known for its actions in behalf of freedom of the press. Less known and perhaps less exciting, but no less important, are its efforts designed to contribute toward the economic, educational, and ethical growth of the profession. Some of the most important steps it has taken are discussed below. Ethics The Setting One of the difficult problems facing the IAPA in its operations is the ethics of its members. The multicultural aspect of the organization tends to complicate the problem, while nationalism and Latin American sensitivity confound it even further, leaving no doubt that the problem is more serious in Latin America. Make no mistake about it, however, United States publications and journalists have not turned in flawless performances. United States newspapermen have been found on the payroll of state governments, 1 and four leading newspaper columnists have testified that a department-store owner paid them $1,000 each for making good-will visits: Hearst columnist Bob Considine, Jack O'Brian, of New York's Journal American, the San Francisco Chronicle's Stanton Delaplane, 1

Proceedings of the VI Inter-American Press Conference, October, 1950, p. 11.

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and Associated Press's Hal Boyle. Only O'Brian failed to give the store space in his column before the story broke. 2 It is unhealthy to make generalizations, but one must be made here. Ethical and unethical journalists exist in both North America and Latin America. Unethical practices, however, tend to be more common and more tolerated in Latin America. It is not uncommon in many Latin American countries to find governments giving subsidies to newspapers and bribes to newspapermen. The revelation of the infamous botella system of Cuba when Batista fell should not have been a surprise to anyone interested in Latin American journalism. Robert M. Hallet wrote about it in 1955, noting that "the 'botella' is applied most frequently to payments made to newspapers and newspapermen to keep them on the friendly side of the government." He also noted that no matter who happened to be in power at the moment, Fulgencio Batista or Carlos Prío Socarrás, the system of corruption flourished.3 As early as 1942, when Walter Karig, of the Newark Evening News (New Jersey), wrote of the First Pan American Congress in Mexico City, he commented on the "unhealthy phenomenon" of subsidized newspapers. 4 The iguala system of Mexico is almost as well known and undoubtedly will break open someday to surprise those who pretend it does not exist. Mexico City's daily Novedades published in September, 1959, what it called a "testimony against that type of journalism that ought to disappear." It revealed a letter which indicated that Aldo Baroni, columnist for Excelsior, had taken money to write favorable comments about Cuba's dictator Batista. The Time magazine account of the exposure noted further: In Mexico, there was little reason for Columnist Baroni to be deeply disturbed by the exposure. He was following an established custom, a journalistic practice common in many places in Latin America. Many a Mexican newsman is for sale; a chief duty of government press officers is to disburse igualas (fees) to reporters.5 2

Time (November 16,1959), p. 65. Robert M. Hallet, "Graft from Government Props Cuban Press," IPI Report, IV, No. 3 (July, 1955), 5. 4 Walter Karig, "Karig's Inside Story of Democracy at Work," Editor & Publisher (May 30,1942), p. 6. 5 Time (September 7,1959), p. 56. 3

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Serious and responsible Mexican newspapermen are concerned about the problem and will discuss it. One editor said he used three methods to combat the iguala system: he changed the beats of reporters continuously; he talked to iguala sources and asked them to stop paying his reporters (with little success); and he has tried to develop conscientious new reporters, pointing out that the initial economic sacrifices to stay independent will pay off later as individual prestige and reputation develop.6 The existence of PIPSA (La Productora e Importadora de Papel, S. Α.), a semiofficial organization which imports and delivers newsprint at favored rates, is a potential psychological force in keeping government favor. It has been speculated that the government is not desirous of permitting private importation under equally favorable circumstances because it would lessen the strength of PIPSA and hence the power of a potential arm. 7 A look at Mexico's standard-rate and data-service publication, Medios Publicitarios Mexicanos, reveals that the advertiser can purchase almost any kind of space. He can run an ad in the form of news (gacetillas) or even buy editorial space if he has enough money. 8 It is not intended that Cuba and Mexico be the victims of an inquisition here. Other Latin American countries have or have had similar problems. During Rojas Pinilla's dictatorship in Colombia the corbata, a government job for which one drew salary but never worked, was one favor used to keep pro-Rojas newspapermen pro-Rojas. When Rojas was ousted from power most corbatas went with him. 9 6

The writer prefers not to reveal this source even though the journalist in question did not so request. 7 Ibid, On September 30, 1965, PIPSA's thirty-year charter expired and the Mexican government proposed liquidation of the organization. IAPA has long condemned PIPSA as a potential danger to a free press. After several hasty meetings, however, a group of Mexican publishers appealed to President Díaz Ordaz to renew the charter for another thirty years. The support of PIPSA by some of IAPA's Mexican members is an interesting conflict. See: Robert U. Brown, "Shop Talk at Thirty," Editor & Publisher (November 20, 1965), p. 68. 8 Medios Publicitarios Mexicanos (Agosto 15-Noviembre 15, 1959), pp. 18-22. 9 Interview with Luis Gabriel Cano (Colombia), November 16, 1959.

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Similar types of favors have been known in almost all Latin American countries at some time or other. Most working journalists in Latin America seem to work at two or three jobs in order to subsist. This economic situation explains, in part, why the botella of Cuba and the iguala of Mexico came into existence. In Brazil, the journalists tend to have their second jobs in minor government posts,10 and in Argentina the trend seems to be to work for another newspaper. 11 Amazingly enough, the reporter usually fails to see any conflict of interest in this type of set-up.12 Carlos Mantilla Ortega, of El Comercio, Ecuador, 13 and Alberto Gainza Paz, of La Prensa, Argentina, 14 are two directors, among others, who do not permit their employees to take government jobs other than teaching. Another common practice found in many parts of Latin America is that of news pirating. Radio stations may steal from the newspapers, 15 and magazines may scissor articles and photos from European and United States magazines. 16 It is in this environment which IAPA operates. For the responsible Latin American publisher and reporter, it is a daily fight to try to raise journalistic standards. The irresponsible could not be less concerned. Toss into this mixture the political aspects of much Latin American journalism—politicians who are publishers and publishers who are politicians—and the situation becomes even more difficult. Add then, as Frank Tannenbaum states, the tendency for the Latin Americans to consider ideas as "things to argue about, to play with, and not programs or policies," and it becomes understandable why they can so easily condemn practices without discontinuing their use. Tannenbaum pointed out that even when such ideas as 10

Interview with Antonio Callado (Brazil), January 11,1960. Interview with Oscar García Rey (Argentina), December 22,1959. 12 Interview with Emilio Petcoff (Argentina), December 22,1959. 13 Interview with Carlos Mantilla Ortega (Ecuador), November 24,1959. 14 Interview with Alberto Gainza Paz (Argentina), December 19,1959. 15 XIV Annual Meeting, October, 1958, p. 197. 16 Interview with Lenka Franulic (Chile), November 16,1959. 11

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democracy or federalism get into constitutions, they remain ideas rather than norms of conduct, as history illustrates. 17 . Perhaps it would be more just to quote a Latin American in this regard. Speaking at the IAPA annual meeting in 1955, Harmodio Arias, former president of Panama and publisher of El Panamá América, said this about constitutional guarantees in some Latin American countries: In such countries, there is shocking contrast between theory and practice, between idealism and reality. It can be asserted that in some of our countries there is no other right which is more effectively and cruelly . . . outraged . . .18 Unfortunately, the same may often be said of adherence to journalistic ethical standards. Latin Americans have often risen in IAPA's annual meetings to denounce such practices as not identifying advertisments clearly,19 government subsidies and favors,20 and piracy of news.21 Committing themselves to eliminate such practices, too many delegates then return home to ignore them. IAPA, pledged to defend any publication that is the victim of arbitrary aggression, has sometimes found itself the unwilling victim of irresponsible journalism. It discovers itself defending a newspaper whose purple prose or attempts to justify assassination would make many an editor wince.22 This experience apparently prompted James G. Stahlman, publisher of the Nashville Banner and IAPA president at the time, to issue a statement for the Caribbean Press Seminar in 1956 which pointedly said: There is no such thing as absolute freedom, either in action, expression or the press... I am hopeful that none of our Latin colleagues will misinterpret this so17 Frank Tannenbaum, "Toward an Appreciation of Latin America," The United States and Latin America, p. 54. 18 XI Annual Meeting, October, 1955, p. 212. 19 Memoria del Primer Congreso Nacional y Pan-Americano de la Prensa, Mayo, 1942, pp. 240-241. 20 VI Inter-American Press Conference, p. 11. 21 XIV Annual Meeting, p. 197. 22 XII An[n]ual Meeting, October, 1956, p. 198.

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called right of a free press, with the consequence that they run afoul of the laws of their land or the personal objections of political opponents.23

A Code When the First Pan American Congress of Journalists met in 1926 it adopted as its creed an extract of a speech delivered by Ezequiel P. Paz, late editor and publisher of La Prensa (Argentina), on the paper's fifty-sixth anniversary, October 18, 1925. 24 The creed was a simple declaration of how the news should be reported (Appendix A). The First National and Pan American Congress of the Press held at Mexico City in 1942 rejected adoption of a model law guaranteeing freedom of the press, and substituted instead a twelve-point code of honor. 25 Among the points were pledges to separate news from opinion, to identify all paid materials in a manner easily recognized, and not to use parliamentary immunity to evade civil responsibility for the editing of a newspaper (pp. 240-241). Later congresos reaffirmed this code at their meetings. 26 However, when IAPA's 1950 reorganizational meeting was held in New York City, the Paz creed adopted in 1926 was reaffirmed.27 It then appears to have been forgotten. The Board of Directors in 1952 appointed a committee to prepare a code of ethics. John T. O'Rourke reported for the committee at the annual meeting in Chicago the same year. He questioned the wisdom of enunciating a code of behavior to apply to such matters as libel, good taste, use of paid propaganda as news, and other matters of this type. He observed that journalistic techniques are rooted in the depths of each community and reflect their differences.28 He counseled: But because of the ethnic, cultural and political differences in our vari23

James G. Stahlman, "Statement for Caribbean Press Seminar," March 5-8, 1956 (mimeographed). 24 Press of the Americas, February 1,1958. 25 Memoria del Primer Congreso, pp. 94-101. 26 Memoria del II Congreso Nacional y Panamericano de Prensa, Junio, 1943, p. 293; El Comercio (Quito, Ecuador), July 15,1949. 27 VI Inter-American Press Conference, p. 20. 28 VIII Annual Meeting, October, 1952, p. 93.

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ous countries, it would seem to be more practical for us to make haste slowly. Detailed codification is a matter of evolution, and not revolution. But we have proved ourselves, and we are proving ourselves faithful to our essential trust... (p. 95) At their meeting in March, 1953, the directors again considered the matter of a code and issued a resolution labeling "impractical" a United Nations proposal to call an international conference of journalists to formulate an international code of ethics. It observed that "the rules of journalism must come as a result of custom and be a form of morality instinctively adhered to by the great majority of journalists." 29 When O'Rourke reported at the 1953 annual meeting he said he had received a recommendation that the association establish a court of ethics as part of the Freedom of the Press Tribunal. The Committee on Ethics recommended against the resolution because it felt that it would be a mistake, among other things, to permit governments to invade the deliberations of the Association, even as quasi litigants. The proposed court would so permit. 30 Latin American delegates later rose to declare that the rejection of the court was a mistake (p. 159). The presiding officer, Miguel Lanz Duret, El Universal (Mexico City), agreed and said a code of ethics must first be created. He declared that the Association would try to establish it in order to determine what could be considered ethical and unethical, and would not leave it to the judgment of a few who might be biased or partial to the elements involved (pp. 194195). Obviously he did not agree with O'Rourke and his Committee. When he opened the annual meeting in Brazil in 1954 Miguel Lanz Duret, as IAPA president, again reiterated the need for a precise code of ethics. Frank C. Magloire, of Le Matin (Haiti), gave the Committee on Ethics report presenting a code of ethics drawn by Lanz Duret, with certain recommended alterations. Magloire pointed out that the code was in harmony with the creed adopted in 1926. 31 29

Press of the Americas, May 1,1953. IX Annual Meeting, October, 1953, p. 159. 31 Memoria de la Décima Asamblea General de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, Octubre, 1954, pp. 84-87. 30

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A Brazilian delegate attempted to support the code and to offer some modifications, but the presiding officer, IAPA Vice-President Paulo Bittencourt, of Correio da Manhã (Brazil), observed that the code would have to go to the resolutions committee before being open to debate (pp. 8 4 - 8 7 ) . It is significant that when the Committee on Freedom of the Press reported in the meantime, it narrated the events surrounding an idealistic code of ethics adopted by the first Colombian press congress in October, 1953. Rojas Pinilla by decree converted the code into law on September 24, 1954 (shortly before IAPA's meeting), and established sizable fines and penalties for infractions of it (pp. 112— 115). When Herbert Moses, director of O Globo (Brazil), reported for the resolutions committee, he said it recommended that each member newspaper adopt its own code of ethics. He observed: . . . an official IAPA code of ethics could be a two-edged sword in the hands of unscrupulous governments that might use it to persecute member publications by setting up the code as a standard and accusing them of supposed violations. In at least one country, a code adopted by the newspapers has been used in this maner. (pp. 155-156, my translation) The proposed code was dropped without comment. Incoming President Bittencourt asked the Committee on Ethics to stand by.32 It has not reported to the annual meetings since 1954. Matters concerning ethics, however, have arisen to the attention of the annual meetings. Francisco A. Rizzuto, Veritas (Argentina), submitted a rather verbose nine-point "Creed of the Western Hemisphere Journalist" to the 1956 General Assembly. Disgruntled by what he felt was poor administrative handling of his resolution, he insisted that it be adopted on the spot. Someone pointed out that a creed had already been adopted once by resolution in 1950. 33 Rizzuto's resolution was referred to the Board of Directors, who tabled it at its meeting in March, 1957, noting that the Ezequiel Paz statement had been approved as creed in 1950. 34 32

Press of the Americas, December 1,1954. XII An[n]ual Meeting, pp. 226-230. 34 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March 29-31, 1957 (in IAPA files). 33

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Other resolutions of an ethical nature subsequently approved at annual meetings include such topics as (1) identification of paid publicity, (2) reproduction of newspaper items on radio, 35 and (3) condemnation of sensationalism in publications. 36 The Latin Americans and the North Americans seemed to have resolved their differences pragmatically: no code of ethics. Publicity and the educational processes of the inter-American meetings themselves have been held out as the best hope of improving the ethics of the members. 37 Some North American observers, nevertheless, have felt that the position of the IAPA would be strengthened if its Committee on Ethics were more active.38 Other Considerations Considerable space has been devoted to ethics and "creed" problems within IAPA because, as time passes, the fine line between freedom-of-the-press problems and ethical problems grows dimmer. For example, Jules Dubois, Chicago Tribune, and John T. O'Rourke, Washington Daily News, reported on the matter of subsidies to Cuban newspapers at the request of IAPA's president. Both happened to be in Cuba when the revolutionary newspaper Revolución published a description of the notorious botella system with a list of its recipients. Dubois and O'Rourke reported their findings at the directors meeting in March, 1959. 39 Even without the details of the report, it is evident that the problem involved ethical and freedom-of-the-press considerations. Certainly acceptance of subsidies did not fall within the ethical standards of the journalism profession, and the consequences of such a practice upon freedom of the press are evident. How independent and free could a subsidized newspaper be? Dubois, chairman of the Committee on Freedom of the Press, in 35

XIII Annual Meeting, October, 1957, p. 250. XIV Annual Meeting, pp. 194-198. 37 Interview with John T. O'Rourke (United States), August 13,1959. 38 Hispanic American Report, III, No. 10 (October, 1955), 450. 39 Extracto (no oficial): Debate sobre Cuba, Junta de Directores, Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, San Salvador, Marzo 23-24, 1959 (mimeographed). 36

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his desire to denounce the Cuban subsidies, came in sharp conflict with other directors, who felt that naming those newspapers which Revolución said did not accept subsidies would prejudge the rest as guilty. Some Board members, such as James G. Stahlman, wanted corroborating proof prior to judgment. 40 The directors recommended that IAPA's president, Alberto Gainza Paz, appoint a special committee to investigate further. 41 The special committee, headed by John T. O'Rourke, reported at the fifteenth annual meeting in San Francisco in 1959. It found that Cuban newspapers, some of which were IAPA members, had accepted payments from the overthrown government. Official records stated that these payments were for publication of government news. The committee pointed out, however, that the Havana newspapers did present a variety of editorial views and that in spite of the payments the Batista government was forced to employ censorship in order to muzzle the press. The committee then reiterated IAPA's long-established stand against subsidies and against advertising which is not labelled as such.42 Often, during the Committee on Freedom of the Press meetings in San Francisco, members debated whether certain matters should rightfully be discussed by it or by an ethics committee. It is worthy of note that such matters had arisen because of their relationship to very real freedom-of-the-press problems, and not because a member publication denounced another for unethical practices. 43 IAPA directors have meticulously attempted to keep the Association divorced from any actions which might appear unethical or might smack of obeisance to government. They have never asked for a government's invitation or permission to hold meetings in a country. 44 IAPA asks its own members to offer such invitations. It refused a 40

Ibid. The Publishers Auxiliary (April 18,1959), p. 10. 42 Report of Special Committee to Investigate Charges of the Newspaper "Revolucion" of Havana (Document 13), IAPA XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959 (mimeographed). 43 Personal Notes, Committee on Freedom of the Press Meetings, XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959. 44 Interview with Joshua B. Powers (United States), July 14,1959. 41

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$1,000 gift offer from a member because it wished to avoid any possible charges of being connected with a publicity campaign which that member was undertaking at the time. 45 The directors also rejected in 1955 an offer of $500 annually from the Cuban government for a journalistic award called the "Batista Prize." The Board noted that it would not receive or administer funds from governments. 46 The IAPA also refused to solicit grants from United States foundations for fear that it might appear to be financed by North American interests, 47 and because acceptance might involve moral obligation.48 It is IAPA's strict policy to subsist exclusively from membership dues.49 IAPA also declined an invitation from one of its members to meet in 1957 in Bogotá, Columbia. President Guillermo Martínez Márquez, in rejecting the invitation, said that IAPA could not meet in a country where there was no freedom of the press.50 John S. Knight, when president, refused invitations to visit Colombia and Argentina, 51 and John T. O'Rourke declined to visit the Dominican Republic during a Caribbean tour with other editors and columnists in 1958. IAPA president at the time, O'Rourke said he refused to take that part of the tour because Trujillo suppressed not only freedom of the press but all freedoms.52 Six months later, when O'Rourke was informed that the Dominican Republic had barred him as "undesirable," he commented: "I am delighted; it is like being declared by the devil unwelcome in hell." 53 However, at least three of IAPA's directors have been decorated by governments. John T. O'Rourke's reported decoration on February 3, 1958, by the Haitian government while he was president of 45

Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1954 (in IAPA files). Press of the Americas. April 1,1955. 47 Hispanic American Report, III, No. 10 (October, 1955), 451. 48 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1955 (in IAPA files). 49 Press of the Americas, April 1,1955. 50 Editor & Publisher (December 22,1956), p. 52. 51 IX Annual Meeting, pp. 41-42. 52 Press of the Americas, March 1,1958. 53 Ibid., September 1,1958. 46

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the IAPA certainly raises ethical considerations. 54 O'Rourke says he never officially received the medal. 55 Furthermore, by May, 1958, he was denouncing Duvalier's government for imprisoning two newspaper editors, and was assailing it for imposing press curbs. 56 Herbert L. Matthews, New York Times, and Jules Dubois, Chicago Tribune, were decorated in May, 1959, by Fidel Castro during his Washington visit.57 Dubois, a fervent Castro supporter, later became disenchanted with the Castro regime and said so. As a result, he found himself declared persona non grata by Havana restaurant workers and under verbal attack on all sides. 58 Admittedly, Dubois has worn at least three hats. He is a journalist, a correspondent for the Chicago Tribune, and served for many years as chairman of IAPA's Committee on Freedom of the Press. It is the latter role, however, to which he has lent distinction and which has given him an inter-American prestige unlikely to have been reached through his other roles. The propriety of his accepting a decoration from any government may be questioned. Ethical questions in such an organization as IAPA range from large to small, if any ethical question is really small. Dictators and others fond of sniping at IAPA, however, look avidly for excuses to attack it. Hence, it could be suggested that the propriety of any of IAPA's directors accepting personal decorations from governments could be raised. One might even question the acceptance by each IAPA member of the Order of Merit from the city of New Orleans during IAPA's annual meeting there. Anastasio Somoza and Juan Perón had also been its recipients. 59 Awards IAPA-Mergenthaler Awards Three years after launching the Association in its reorganized 54

Ibid., March 1,1958. O'Rourke interview. 56 New York Times, May 6,1958, p. 18. 57 Press of the Americas, May 1,1959. 58 Robert U. Brown, "Shop Talk at Thirty," Editor & Publisher (September 19,1959), p. 68. 59 XI Annual Meeting, pp. 236-237. 55

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form, the Inter American Press Association was also offered the opportunity of providing an awards program for Latin American journalists and publications. Martin M. Reed, president of the Mergenthaler Linotype Company, it is said, first thought of the idea on a trip through Latin America in 1952. 60 Undoubtedly, Eugene B. Mirovitch, of Mergenthaler, long a strong supporter of IAPA, was also responsible for the company's award gift.61 In any event, the scholarship-committee chairman, Floyd J. Miller, The Daily Tribune (Royal Oak, Michigan), announced at the 1952 General Assembly that the Mergenthaler Linotype Company had offered funds for an award of $2,500 a year for twenty-five years. The Inter American Press Association agreed to supply the mechanics for determining and making the awards. Recipients, however, would not necessarily have to be members of ΙΑΡΑ (ρ. 104). Mergenthaler donated $62,500 and left the administration of the awards entirely to the IAPA. 62 The only stipulation was that the awards must go to newspapermen on Western Hemisphere publications other than those of the United States. 63 IAPA took until 1954, when the first awards were made, to devise and put a system into operation. Under the chairmanship of John S. Knight, Knight Newspapers, the Awards Committee drew up the awards and their requisites. Meant as the Latin American counterpart of the widely known Pulitzer Prizes, the awards were to be presented to candidates nominated by editors or publishers. 64 Five prizes were to be awarded, each with a scroll and $500. Today the categories are as follows: (1) in recognition of work done by a newspaperman in behalf of freedom of the press; (2) in recognition of meritorious service in behalf of the community through articles or columns; (3) in recognition of meritorious public service in behalf of the community through news writing or reporting; (4) in recognition of meritorious work by a cartoonist; and (5) in recognition of meritorious work by a photographer. A sixth prize, a bronze 60

XIII Annual Meeting, p. 268. VIII Annual Meeting, p. 104. 62 XIV Annual Meeting, p. 31. 64 Press of the Americas, May 1,1953. 61

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VIII Annual Meeting, p. 104.

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plaque, was to be awarded to the Latin American publication which had especially distinguished itself during the year for meritorious work in behalf of the community. 65 The third prize was not awarded in 1954 because the Committee felt that none of the nominations qualified. John S. Knight said they were of the opinion they should not give an award unless the work was of top-notch quality (p. 179). The Committee also declined to give the award to a cartoonist in 1955, 66 and in 195667 and 1957 68 no one received the awards for meritorious work in photography. Some of Latin America's finest journalists and publications have received the Mergenthaler awards (Appendix A ) . It should be noted, nevertheless, that nineteen of the thirty-eight awards given from 1954 to 1960 were received by newspapermen working on only eight publications, or by the publications themselves. For example, El Tiempo (Colombia) received one award and its staffers three. Six other publications or their staffers received two each (Appendix A ) . It is hard to believe that high-quality work is so limited, or the indicated publications so exceptional. IAPA proudly announced in 1958 that it had received thirty-eight entries. 69 Nevertheless, the Mergenthaler Award is not as widely known in Latin America as the Pulitzer Prize is in the United States, where any cub reporter will probably tell you he hopes to win one someday. Too many Latin American reporters profess they have never heard of the Mergenthaler Awards, and there are even editors and managing editors who say they have not heard of the prizes.70 Apparently, communication between the publisher, who usually receives the advance information and publicity, and his staff is not all it should be. The very persons for whom the award is supposed 65

Memoria de la Décima Asamblea, pp. 178-180. XI Annual Meeting, pp. 274-277. 67 XII An[n]ual Meeting, pp. 245-246. 68 XIII Annual Meeting, pp. 268-269. 69 XIV Annual Meeting, p. 181. 70 A few that may be cited from interviews are Ricardo Lince (Panama), November 11, 1959; Alberto V. McGeachy (Panama), November 10, 1959; Marcos de la Fuente (Chile), December 11,1959. 66

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to be an aspiration too often do not even know about it. The reporter never has the opportunity made available to him if his editors are uninformed. Furthermore, the IAPA headquarters office, too, may be at fault. Perhaps it should undertake a new program, or modify its present one, to assure greater dissemination of information about submitting nominations for the awards. That information will then reach the desk of those who are probably in the best position to recommend nominees to their publishers: the managing editors. IAPA-Tom Wallace Awards At the Board of Directors meeting in Buenos Aires, 1958, Francisco A. Rizzuto, Veritas (Argentina), submitted a resolution calling for the establishment of two prizes for North Americans, one for a newspaper and another for a journalist. The resolution committee regretfully concluded that such prizes were not feasible because no provisions had been made to finance them; some committee members, including North Americans, felt there was no reason to have prizes exclusively for North Americans. 71 Latin Americans quickly pointed out that North Americans were excluded from the IAPA-Mergenthaler Awards, and they wanted to fill the gap. It was felt that a medal and a plaque at least should be awarded in recognition of works furthering inter-American friendship. When the matter of finances was again raised, Guillermo Martínez Márquez, El País (Cuba), pledged to pay expenses for the first year and to collect money for subsequent years. Six other Latin American directors immediately indicated they would contribute (pp. 30—31). By the time the resolution was passed by the General Assembly nine Latin Americans had pledged financial support (p. 193). When the Awards Committee reported at the annual meeting in October, 1959, the rules for the IAPA-Tom Wallace awards were announced. Prizes consist of a plaque to the United States or Canadian publication, and a scroll and $500 to the journalist, whose work in behalf of inter-American friendship and understanding 71

XIV Annual Meeting, pp. 30-31.

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merits recognition. Candidates are to be nominated by any IAPA member. Pledges by Latin Americans for financing the awards had reached more than $2,500, enough to assure continuance of the prizes for five years. 72 The first awards were made at the annual meeting in 1960. Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal The IAPA awarded its Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal only four times from 1953 to 1960. The first two awarded not only were in recognition of their recipients' refusal to bow to arbitrary aggressions by dictatorial governments, but also were designed to call public attention to the acts of those governments. In October, 1953, the first was awarded to David Michel Torino, publisher of El Intransigente (Argentina), who had been held in jail without trial for three years. 73 Not until January 19, 1956, however, was IAPA able to present Torino with the award. In 1954 when Miguel Lanz Duret, the IAPA president, attempted to deliver the gold medal in Argentina he was seized at the airport by Perón's police and forced to leave by the next plane for Montevideo.74 Pedro Beltrán, director of La Prensa (Peru), was nominated for the award by the Executive Committee after being arrested and jailed by the Odría government. He had incurred the wrath of the government for publishing a manifesto which was part of an abortive army revolt. Beltrán refused to be intimated by the government and spent more than thirty days in prison. 75 He was discharged, however, shortly after IAPA's cabled request for his release and its announcement of his nomination for the award. When he received the medal at the 1957 annual meeting in Washington, D.C., he credited IAPA and its member newspapers for bringing pressure to bear on the Peruvian government and forcing it to yield (pp. 271-273). Guillermo Martínez Márquez, then director on leave from his newspaper El País (Cuba), received the Medal in October, 1958, for his 72

XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959, p. 125. IX Annual Meeting, p. 170. 74 Press of the Americas, February 1,1956. 75 XIII Annual Meeting, pp. 270-271.

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courageous stand against tyranny in his own country. 76 And Jules Dubois, the chairman of the IAPA Committee on Freedom of the Press, received the Medal in October, 1959, for his "indefatigable work" in the face of danger and persecutions for the cause of freedom of the press. 77 Other Honors The IAPA has also awarded honorary titles or positions to its members for the services which they have contributed to the organization or to journalism. For example, Tom Wallace was designated as honorary president of the Association, Alberto Gainza Paz, Le Prensa (Argentina), as honorary chairman of the Board of Directors, and Thomas L. Kerney, Trenton Times, and Eugene B. Mirovitch were named honorary life members. 78 IAPA's directors awarded the title of "The Grand Gentleman of the Free Press of the Americas" to Chile's Guillermo Pérez de Arce, of El Mercurio, in 1955, and to Brazil's Herbert Moses, of O Globo, in 1960. 79 Newsprint Committee Newsprint production, cost, and availability have been discussed at almost every inter-American meeting of the press since 1942. Generally, at the congresos, such discussions resulted in resolutions from the Latin American newspapermen asking governments to establish priorities for newsprint and its transportation, 80 or to lower import duties on it. 81 Robert M. Fowler, president of the Newsprint Association of 76

XIV Annual Meeting, pp. 225-226. XV Annual Meeting, pp. 265-267. Dr. José Ignacio Rivero, editor of Diario de la Marina (Cuba), was presented the Medal on October 18, 1961. See XVII Annual Meeting, October, 1961, p. 291. 78 XIV Annual Meeting, pp. 3-8. Carl W. Ackerman, of Columbia University, Farris A. Flint, of Famous Features, J. N. Heiskell, of the Arkansas Gazette (Little Rock), and William M. Pepper, Jr., later were also so honored. See minutes of the annual meetings, 1961-1965. 79 Press of the Americas, April 1,1955; XVI Annual Meeting, October, 1960, pp. 288-289. 80 Memoria del primer Congreso, pp. 187-189; Memoria del IV Congreso Panamericano de Prensa, Noviembre, 1946, p. 104. 81 Memoria del II Congreso, p. 284. 77

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Canada, spoke at the 1950 annual meeting regarding the difficult newsprint situation in Latin America. He told members that the drop in postwar trade between Canada and Latin America was essentially because Latin Americans stopped buying Canadian newsprint because of dollar shortages or because they chose to buy from other countries where the prices were temporarily more attractive. When this drop occurred Canada turned to other markets, chiefly the United States. 82 At the end of his speech Fowler was besieged by complaints from Latin Americans, who noted that newsprint was more expensive for them than for the United States buyers. Fowler pointed out that the higher cost of transport and special packaging accounted for the difference. They suggested that a standard price be established for newsprint by the Canadian industry. Fowler indicated that under Canadian law each individual mill sets its own prices. The Latin Americans noted that direct contacts with the mills were almost impossible, giving the middleman a substantial cut. Fowler suggested they check into the possibility of making direct contacts. 83 A seven-man committee was appointed to study the newsprint situation and report at the next annual meeting. 84 It was quite apparent the Latin Americans were resentful about the supposed inequalities of their newsprint supply and that they blamed the Canadian mills and the United States newspapers for their difficulties. At the 1951 directors' meeting in Mexico City it was suggested by Latin Americans that the United States publishers pledge five per cent of their newsprint to them. James G. Stahlman, Nashvalle Banner (Tennessee), suggested that instead of complaining about the situation, the Latin Americans do something about it. He pointed out how his publishers' group in the South had set up its own newsprint supply source.85 At the annual meeting in Montevideo in 1951 William J. Schechter 82

New York Times, October 13,1950, p. 23. VI Inter-American Press Conference, pp. 20-21. 84 New York Times, October 13,1950, p. 23. 85 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March 1, 1951 (in IAPA files). In an interview on July 24, 1959, Stahlman remarked that a five per cent loss in newsprint would have put his newspaper out of business. 83

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discussed the problems which the Canadian mills had in trying to do business in Latin America, in essence reiterating what Fowler had reported in 1950. He too became the target of peppery questions from the Latin Americans. It was Cuba's Guillermo Martínez Márquez, El País, who finally rose in the charged atmosphere to put the matter in its proper perspective: "The problem is not to take away paper from the North Americans, but to make it ourselves, to supply ourselves and this we can do." 86 When Martínez Márquez presented his study on new sources of newsprint later in the meetings he indicated that six Latin American countries had started mills or were undertaking mill projects. The Cuban Technical Society and the Cuban Agricultural and Industrial Bank were arranging for the establishment of a mill which would use sugar cane bagasse as the raw material (pp. 111-118). Martínez Márquez then asked, among other things, that the IAPA establish a permanent committee to continue the study of new sources of newsprint (p. 118). At its next meeting the Board of Directors unanimously approved his appointment as the chairman of a new consolidated Committee on Newsprint.87 For the next four years, 1952, 88 1953, 89 1954,90 and 1955, 91 Martínez Márquez gave comprehensive reports as the chairman of the Committee on Newsprint. The task was taken over by Angel Ramos, publisher, El Mundo (Puerto Rico), in 1956,92 and by Daniel Morales, publisher, Mañana (Mexico City), in 1957. 93 The reports for 1958 94 and 1960 95 were given by Julio Mesquita Neto, O Estado de São Paulo (Brazil). The technical aspects of these reports are transitory and shall not 86 Proceedings of the VII Assembly of the Inter-American Press Association, October, 1951, p. 43. 87 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, October 7, 1951 (in IAPA files). 88 VIII Annual Meeting, pp. 33-45. 89 IX Annual Meeting, pp. 58-82. 90 Memoria de la Décima Asamblea, pp. 72-81. 91 XI Annual Meeting, pp. 167-176. 92 XII An[n]ual Meeting, pp. 216-219. 93 XIII Annual Meeting, pp. 202-207. 94 XIV Annual Meeting, pp. 164-169. 95 XVI Annual Meeting, pp. 276-285.

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be discussed here. The indirect benefits of them are incalculable. It is apparent from reading them that both the Latin Americans and the North Americans began to gain more insight into each others' problems in this area. In the crucial days of 1951 Thomas L. Kerney, general manager of the Trenton Times (New Jersey), joined with some Latin American members in an attempt to supply newsprint to newspapers in that area from a mill he had purchased. 96 Furthermore, there is evidence that the IAPA reports might have inspired some of the members to push projects for mills in their own countries. 97 The report of Martínez Márquez in 1951 was submitted at a critical point in IAPA's existence: the Association was fighting both to get on its feet financially and to get its North American and Latin American members to resolve their differences and pull together. The newsprint situation had always been good for an argument and as an excellent way to use the North Americans as a whipping boy. This was particularly true in the days of the congresos. Martínez Márquez's report was the first positive effort to confront the situation realistically. Coming from him, it was accepted by the Latin American members.

Legal Study The 1953 annual meeting of IAPA approved a recommendation of the Committee on Freedom of the Press requesting the Pan American Union of the Organization of American States to undertake a technical study to strengthen freedom of expression in the Americas. This recommendation was forwarded by the IAPA Executive Committee, but died from inaction in Washington. 98 The Committee on Freedom of the Press at the 1954 annual meeting observed that its chairman, Jules Dubois, with the aid of the Uruguayan delegation, managed to have the proposition presented at the Tenth Inter American Conference. For the first time in such a meeting, liberty of expression was fully discussed, and a resolution recommending that the OAS directors undertake a technical study regarding human rights was approved (pp. 128—129). 96

Mantilla Ortega interview. XIV Annual Meeting, p. 168. 98 Memoria de la Décima Asamblea, p. 128.

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Constant urging thereafter by the Committee on Freedom of the Press and IAPA that the Organization of American States begin the study was without success. Finally, at the 1958 annual meeting in Buenos Aires the IAPA Committee on Freedom of the Press after noting the inability of OAS to perform the service in four years, recommended that IAPA conduct a study of legislation affecting freedom of the press." A twenty-one man committee headed by subgroup chairmen was appointed to gather and codify the laws and regulations affecting freedom of expression in their respective countries. 100 By May 15, 1959, only reports on Argentina, Brazil, and Peru had been received.101 When IAPA members gathered for their 1959 annual meeting in San Francisco, however, the Committee on Freedom of the Press could report that the Legal Division of the Pan American Union had begun the technical study of laws affecting freedom of expression. IAPA had turned over to the Legal Division the materials collected by its members. 102 IAPA Scholarship Fund, Inc. IAPA's Board of Directors in 1952, even when the organization was still struggling to survive financially, realized the need for some type of professional and educational program. It created a committee on scholarship, awards, and exchange of information, headed by Floyd J. Miller of The Daily Tribune (Royal Oak, Michigan), to explore the field. It was an extremely broad assignment.103 Utilizing the assistance of two Latin American publishers and heads of two United States journalism schools, Miller presented the problems to be considered in each area assigned to his committee. In the area of scholarship, the committee indicated that it would serve no purpose for a journalist of one country to work as a regular staff member in another without a knowledge of the language. It felt that an appropriation of $2,500 would be needed to support a student 99

XIV Annual Meeting, pp. 134-135. La Prensa de Nueva York, October 15,1958. 101 Letter from James B. Canel to committee members, May 15, 1959 (in IAPA files). 102 XV Annual Meeting, p. 188. 103 VIII Annual Meeting, p. 100. 100

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in either the United States or Latin America for one year. The committee suggested that IAPA appropriate $2,000 a year for the work: $1,000 to be assigned to a Latin American student for study and practice in the United States and $1,000 to a United States student to go to Latin America. The additional $1,500 would be raised by a contribution of $750 from the scholarship holder's newspaper and $750 from the newspaper for which he would work (pp. 102103). Apparently, it was assumed that all scholarship holders selected would be working journalists. By the 1953 annual meeting a committee to consider only the scholarship problem had been created under the chairmanship of William H. Cowles, Spokesman-Review (Washington). Cowles presented a comprehensive report concerning other existing scholarship opportunities and the problems of sponsoring a scholarship program. His committee suggested that as the financial conditions of IAPA improved it should consider a scholarship program based on four points: (1) no program should be undertaken until IAPA had a fund to carry it through; (2) when started, funds for such a program should be raised exclusively from IAPA members and administered within the purposes for which IAPA was created; (3) a scholarship trust fund should be set up from which withdrawals could be made only on approval of IAPA's Board of Directors; and (4) the fund should be raised by putting ten per cent of members' dues in it each year (p. 146). The committee also outlined a plan for an exchange of working journalists, with the publications involved sharing the expenses (pp. 149-150). By the 1954 annual meeting Cowles could report that the Board of Directors had taken legal steps to establish a scholarship fund. The committee felt no constructive program could be operated without funds, and recommended that financing be undertaken by voluntary contributions from IAPA members. Three ways to contribute to the fund were outlined.104 The first break came when John S. Knight, Knight Newspapers, announced at the Americas Foundation banquet in Rio de Janeiro Memoria de la Décima Asamblea, pp. 81-83.

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that he was establishing an annual La Prensa Scholarship, 105 and Farris Flint, president of the Americas Foundation, turned over to the general scholarship fund $852.50 collected from members attending the banquet. 106 When the directors met in March, 1955, in Guatemala, Cowles announced that the scholarship fund had been incorporated in New York State, with the same Board of Directors as IAPA, and that the plan for awarding scholarships to journalism students for study in Latin America and the United States had been formulated.107 In July, 1955, Barry Bingham, president of the Courier-Journal and Louisville Times (Kentucky), donated the $2,500 Tom WallaceLouisville Times Scholarship to be awarded annually for three years. 108 By September, the third full scholarship had been contributed by the New York Times.109 The first two IAPA scholarships were awarded at the closing banquet of the annual meeting in October, 1955. The La Prensa Scholarship went to a United States citizen for study in Peru and the Tom Wallace-Louisville Times Scholarship was awarded to an Argentine for study in the United States. Gifts amounting to $18,612.50 had been received by the fund.110 When Robert U. Brown, president of the IAPA Scholarship Fund, Inc., reported at the annual meeting in October, 1959, he pointed out that the Fund had received contributions amounting to $118,358.54 from 1954 to September 17, 1959. It had granted twenty-seven scholarships of $2,500 during that period. 111 Five scholarships were awarded at the 1959 annual meeting, seven at the 1960 semiannual directors' meeting, and six at the 1960 annual meeting, bringing the total to forty-five.112 105

Editor & Publisher (October 16,1954), p. 12. Press of the Americas, November 1,1954. 107 Editor & Publisher (April 2,1955), p. 70. 108PressoftheAmericas, July 1,1955. 109 Editor & Publisher (September 10,1955), p. 43. 110 Ibid. (November 5,1955), p. 65. 111 XV Annual Meeting, pp. 44-47. 112 XVI Annual Meeting, p. 49. By November, 1965, IAPA had awarded 106 scholarships. See XX Annual Meeting, October, 1964, p. 80, and Press of the Americas (April-May, 1965), and (November, 1965). 106

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Brown also announced that the American Legion Auxiliary had notified the Fund it wished to contribute a $2,500 scholarship. As the scholarship was offered "with no strings attached," the Fund officers could see no reason not to accept it.113 This scholarship was the first to be contributed from any organization outside the IAPA membership or the journalistic field (p. 4 8 - 5 0 ) . Brown noted further that operating expenses amounted to less than two per cent of the annual contributions because of the help of the IAPA general staff (p. 4 7 ) . The conservative and throughtful approach of William H. Cowles and his committee in setting up the program accounts largely for its success. At the 1958 annual meeting Cowles observed that the program appealed to donors because the carefully planned, nonprofit corporation had specific safeguards against the misuse or wasting of funds. The high standards required of potential applicants had kept the number of qualified applicants almost in line with the number of scholarships available.114 He felt, however, that in order to have the type of program necessary to command high respect and become an important factor in building hemispheric understanding, at least twenty-five scholarships should be awarded annually. Half of these should be received by Latin Americans for study in the United States and half by North Americans for study in Latin America. A minimum of $75,000 per year in donations would be needed to support such a program. He pointed out that contributions had been coming in at almost $30,000 per year, but had come from less than ten per cent of the members. He suggested that other members contribute, even in small amounts (pp. 179-180). Perhaps one of the most interesting facts concerning the Scholarship Fund is that the Latin American members have contributed to it. Wealthy Latin Americans have not been known for voluntary association with scholarships or other social-service endeavors. 115 Yet, within their means, IAPA's Latin American members have shared in supporting the Scholarship Fund. 113 114 115

XV Annual Meeting, pp. 48-50. XIV Annual Meeting, pp. 179-180. Frank Tannenbaum, "An Appreciation of Latin America," p. 50.

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From 1955 to September, 1959, the Association's Spanish- and French-speaking members donated about $26,000 to the Fund in contributions ranging from $25.00 to $2,500.00. Full scholarships of $2,500 were donated by IAPA's Havana (Cuba) members; Marta de Cordova, El Imparcial (Guatemala); Eduardo Santos, El Tiempo (Colombia); Alberto Gainza Paz, La Prensa (Argentina); and David Michel Torino, El Intransigente (Argentina). In all, about fifteen Latin American members contributed. 116 IAPA Technical Center, Inc. Perhaps the seeds from which the present IAPA Technical Center, Inc., sprouted were those planted by the committee on scholarships, awards, and exchange of information which reported at the 1952 annual meeting in Chicago.117 In any event, when the IAPA 1953 annual meeting took place in Mexico, John R. Herbert, Quincy Patriot-Ledger (Massachusetts), reported as chairman of the committee on exchange of information. His committee suggested that its work be continued and developed, that shoptalk sessions be worked into the annual meetings, and that a Latin American version of the American Press Institute seminars be developed.118 He noted: One of the major requirements in a successful battle to maintain freedom of the press is strong newspapers. You can never win the fight for press freedom with newspapers financially unsound and weak in matters of policy. Even well-run newspapers may be destroyed in some areas, but it is safe to say that a newspaper doing its work properly has less to fear than one with an empty treasury and no particular sense of direction, (p. 157) Upon the recommendation of the General Assembly, the Research and Information Center was established in January, 1954, as a permanent agency of the IAPA to supply technical information to members upon request. The Center's members and advisers came principally from IAPA's associate members—specialists in such areas as printing, advertising, and other technical aspects of journalism. John R. Herbert was appointed president of the new Center.119 116

Records of the IAPA Scholarship Fund, Inc., 1954-1959 (in IAPA files). 117 118 VIII Annual Meeting, p. 105. IX Annual Meeting, p. 158. 119 Press of the Americas, February 1,1954.

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Shortly thereafter, the Center accepted the cooperation of Cranston Williams, then the American Newspaper Publishers Association's general manager, and his offer to supply IAPA's Latin American members with ANPA's bulletins free of charge. The Center started a preliminary investigation in connection with the American Press Institute at Columbia University, and arranged that technical inquiries should come through the Center at IAPA headquarters for rerouting to the member that specialized in the field concerned. 120 Within less than eight months, the committee could report that it had answered queries about such matters as used printing equipment, cost controls, colored inks, reduction of newspaper column widths, and advertising rate structures. The American Press Institute had also been requested to hold a seminar for Latin American editors. 121 The Center continued to assist members in technical matters, introduced some technical bulletins in Spanish, talked the American Press Institute into holding a press seminar for Latin American editors in 1956, and lent its moral support to William M. Pepper, Jr., Gainesville Sun (Florida), in his compilation of the first EnglishSpanish, Spanish-English printing dictionary. 122 In 1956 it started to hold technical sessions at the IAPA annual meetings. 123 The Center furnished its services to IAPA members without charge and without a budget. As IAPA policy did not permit it to accept contributions from outside sources, the Center existed through the good will and cooperation of its members and the help of Cranston Williams of the ANPA. 124 In April, 1957, the IAPA Board of Directors authorized the incorporation of the Center, and the "IAPA Technical Center, Inc.," was incorporated that year in New York State as an educational nonprofit organization for the dissemination of technical information to IAPA members. 125 Incorporation was undertaken in order to 120

Editor & Publisher (March 13,1954), p. 64. Memoria de la Décima Asamblea, pp. 60-61. 122 XI Annual Meeting, pp. 45-50. 123 XII An[n]ual Meeting, p. 204. 124 XI Annual Meeting, p. 49. 125 Editor & Publisher (October 26,1957), p. 70. 121

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permit the Center to accept foundation funds to finance various planned projects.126 Herbert felt that the new organization meant "moving closer to our goal of stronger newspapers through technical excellent and efficient management." 127 The attendance at the Technical Center meetings, however, was not as good as it should have been. In setting the policy regarding what kind of money would be acceptable to the Center, it was decided that donations from foundations and similar independent organizations would be acceptable. Funds from governments and their agencies, however, would not be accepted.128 The Center arranged for Pepper's dictionary to be published jointly by the Columbia University Press and Editorial Sudamericana of Buenos Aires, and also convinced the American Press Institute to undertake another Latin American seminar in 1959.129 It continued with technical sessions at IAPA's annual meetings and contemplated undertaking a flow-of-the-news study.130 However, the Center was still without funds. The only financial help it had received during its existence was a $1,000 gift from an IAPA associate member. 131 In March, 1958, its gross assets were $3.00. Very little money for a Center which "could very well become the most important activity of the IAPA as it runs out of dictators." 132 Various suggestions were considered for financing the Center, but it was felt that it should not attempt to solicit foundation funds until specific projects were in hand and the Center was on a basic budget. 133 Herbert believed there were only two possible sources for funds: associate members and foundations. He feared that soliciting active members might affect their support of the Scholarship Fund. 134 126

Letter from John R. Herbert, February 12,1959. XIII Annual Meeting, p. 73. 128 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1957 (in IAPA files). 129 Press of the Americas, November 1,1958. 130 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March, 1958 (in IAPA files). 131 Herbert letter. 132 Minutes, Directors Meeting, March, 1958. 133 Ibid. 134 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1958 (in IAPA files). 127

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In March, 1960, Herbert announced that the Technical Center, Inc., had received a $15,000 Ford Foundation grant to conduct a three-month survey of the technical needs of Latin American newspapers. He also reported that a further grant of $250,000 might be obtained for a five-year technical program for Latin American newspapers if the survey revealed that such a need existed.135 In discussing the possible future role of the IAPA Technical Center, Inc., Herbert observed that it is hoped the Latin American countries will ultimately achieve a democracy sufficient to guarantee press freedom throughout the hemisphere. It is the Technical Center which he feels should fill the vacuum created by the lack of oppression against newspapers and publishers in Latin America. The greatest service of the Center would be to demonstrate that "economically strong, well managed newspapers, meeting the responsibility of the community, will be able to resist the political pressures that have so often caused the end of a free press." 136 Office of Certified Circulation, Inc. One of the serious problems which have long faced Latin American publishers is that of obtaining advertising. Carlos Mantilla Ortega, El Comercio (Quito, Ecuador), suggested at the 1952 annual meeting that a committee be formed to investigate and report on ways and means to obtain more advertising for Latin American newspapers. President John S. Knight cautioned that any actions undertaken in this area should be financed by those members directly concerned.137 Mantilla was appointed committee chairman. 138 As a result of his subsequent investigations and reports to the Board of Directors and the annual meetings in 1953,1954,1955, the Office of Certified Circulation was established in April, 1954, and 135 Editor & Publisher, (March 26, 1960), p. 11. The Ford Foundation in 1962 gave the Center an appropriation of $400,000 for five years of operation. By June, 1964, eight seminars in Latin America and one in the United States had attracted some five hundred Latin American participants or observers from 191 publications. For a comprehensive review of the Center's activities and plans see XX Annual Meeting, October, 1964, pp. 139-155. 136 Letter from John R. Herbert, February 20,1959. 137 VIII Annual Meeting, pp. 208-216. 138 Editor & Publisher (January 10,1953), p. 47.

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incorporated under the laws of New York State in 1955. Such an enterprise, it was felt, which involved contracts and economic commitments should operate as an autonomous organization. 139 Provisions were made for the OCC members to elect their own Board of Directors and for the president and the Executive Committee chairman of IAPA to sit on it. Only IAPA members could use the Office's services.140 OCC's first Board of Directors elected Carlos Mantilla as its president. 141 International auditing firms agreed to lend their cooperation. The newspaper El Espectador and the magazine Dominical, both of Bogotá, Colombia, were its first customers.142 By the end of its first year of operations, OCC had ten active members and twenty-four associate members. Seven audits of Latin American newspapers had been completed.143 It was apparent by the 1956 annual meeting, however, that not all was going well with the Office of Certified Circulation, Inc. Executive Committee Chairman John R. Reitemeyer reported to IAPA directors that it was well organized and had received recognition from United States advertisers. Unfortunately, it had not received the support hoped for from Latin American newspapers. Three newspapers had even withdrawn from it.144 Reitemeyer asked the directors what responsibility the IAPA had for agencies created for important services (pp. 2 2 - 2 5 ) . After a special meeting in March, 1957, the Office of Certified Circulation's Board of Directors undertook to revamp the organization.145 Voting control of the Board was transferred from publishers into the hands of advertisers. Seven members each from advertiser members, advertising agency members, and publisher or publisherrepresentative members make up the twenty-one-man Board.146 Arthur A. Kron, president of Gotham-Vladimir Advertising, Inc., 139

XI Annual Meeting, pp. 51-52. Press of the Americas, November 1,1954. 141 Ibid., March 1,1955. 142 Memoria de la Décima Asamblea, pp. 62-66. 143 Editor & Publisher (April 2,1955), p. 70. 144 XII An[n]ual Meeting, pp. 22-25. 145 Records, OCC Board of Directors Meeting, March 8, 1957 (in IAPA files). 146 By-Laws, Office of Certified Circulation, Inc., January 6,1958, Art. IV. 140

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served as president both in 1957 and in 1958. The OCC's secretarytreasurer was the IAPA's general manager. 147 On July 28, 1959, the secretary-treasurer reported a bank balance of $5,412 and the directors considered future projects and plans for displays at the lAPA's General Assembly in 1959. 148 By 1960 the organization was operating as an independent agency.149 In terms of problems, the operations of the OCC typify the difficulties of adapting standards developed in one culture to that of another. Latin Americans, for many reasons, have been reluctant to use OCC's services. In 1953 Carlos Mantilla observed in his first annual report that Latin American newspapers and magazines were barely receiving one tenth of the total publicity budget spent by United States industry in Latin America. He pointed out that this source of income was lost primarily because those concerned, the newspapers and magazines, failed to provide more precise information on the circulations of their papers. 150 The Latin American publisher, however, is somewhat in the same position as the United States publisher was some fifty to eighty years ago (pp. 9 2 - 9 3 ) . A newspaper's true circulation cannot be determined easily unless the owner desires to reveal it. Many Latin American newspapers have tended to inflate their circulation figures. A true audit would separate the honest from the less scrupulous and, of course, the less scrupulous from the honest. The latter perhaps is the more important point. It would be interesting to speculate, for example, why the newspapers supposedly second-place in circulation in some countries subscribed to the audit service, but the supposedly and traditionally first-place publications do not deign to admit its value. For example, La Prensa of Lima, Peru, has submitted to audit, but El Comercio has not. However, the matter is not quite so simple. There are deep-seated 147

Press of the Americas, December 1,1958. Board of Directors Meeting, Office of Certified Circulation, Inc., July 28, 1959 (mimeographed). 149 XVI Annual Meeting, p. 116. 150 IX Annual Meeting, pp. 82-88. 148

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reasons why Latin Americans might not like to have anyone poking about in their books. Traditionally, they look with suspicion upon this type of activity, and this feeling spills over into the realm of circulation auditing services. The possibilities of data from such a scrutiny being utilized by the government against the publication, either to harass it legally or illegally, cannot be overlooked. Furthermore, during the heyday of a dictator, it is conceivable that an opposition newspaper might not want the government to realize how strong or weak it had become. On a short term basis, some editors can argue with limited success that they have no need for certified circulations. For example, it was Carlos Mantilla who, along with his brother Jorge, was largely responsible for the IAPA undertaking an audit system for its member papers. 151 Yet their two newspapers, El Comercio and Ultimas Noticias (Quito, Ecuador), have never belonged to OCC, the very organization of which Carlos Mantilla was president. This factor alone must have made his arguments for joining OCC less convincing to potential members. Yet Jorge Mantilla has argued that their publications have no need for certified circulations. He maintained that the smallness of their country, the intimate knowledge of each others' businesses through contact and intuition in such affairs, permits each man to know what paper in the city has the largest circulation. He also pointed out that circulation itself does not provide a conclusive measure of readership, a fact which OCC probably would never dispute. In his opinion, the reputation of the newspaper, the reading public to which it appeals, and its circulation determine what publication would provide the most profitable avenue for the advertiser's purpose. He noted, furthermore, that perhaps not more than ten per cent of advertising comes from foreign sources, and that the local advertisers are well aware which newspaper reaches most of those who can afford to buy their products. 152 In short, Quito, with a population of 244,859

151 152

Letter from Robert U. Brown, December 3,1958. Interview with Jorge Mantilla Ortega (Ecuador), July 16,1959.

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(est. 1955), 153 is a small town. In Ecuador as a whole illiteracy ranges between forty-five to fifty per cent.154 Little doubt exists that their newspaper, El Comercio, is the most distinguished publication in Quito, and also has the greatest circulation, that is, 30,000 to 35,000. 155 In 1959 it had about double that of its nearest rival, El Diario del Ecuador. Approximately fifty to fiftyfive per cent of this circulation was delivered to areas outside Quito.156 Yet on a long-range basis, it is perhaps important to note that in Ecuador, as in all Latin America, the airplane is opening up the country. El Universo (Guayaquil) in 1959 had a circulation of approximately 50,000 daily, and delivered approximately 2,000 of this figure to Quito.157 Furthermore, it would seem logical that a United States advertiser interested in placing an ad in one Ecuadorian newspaper might prefer that which could present certified data regarding its circulation. One other very important factor, however, should not be overlooked. Executive Committee Chairman John R. Reitemeyer told the IAPA directors in October, 1956, that one of the most important reasons the OCC had not made rapid progress was its cost. He felt that the costs of the services, which, "for a paper of 50,000 circulation might run to $1,200, are too high." 158 Translate this amount into terms related with the cost of living and the exchange rate in most Latin American countries, and it becomes apparent that the service was costly indeed. At OCC's special directors meeting in March, 1957, an account of the decline in membership was given. Three Colombian newspapers had been forced to drop out because they had been shut down by Rojas Pinilla. Three others dropped because they thought the dues were too high, two indicated that the audits were not helping 153

Information Please Almanac, 1960, p. 690. World Communications, p. 133. 155 Interview with Umberto Vacas Gómez (Ecuador), November 21,1959. 154

156 Mantilla Ortega Interview. 157

158

Interview with Rafael Borja (Ecuador), November 23,1959. XII An[n]ual Meeting, p. 24.

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them, two initial audits were rejected by the Executive Committee, and one publication was dropped for failure to pay dues.159 What the future holds for the Office of Certified Circulation, Inc., will depend upon the persistence of its present Board in arousing Latin American interest in the merits of its services. On June 26, 1959, it had twenty-one advertisers, seventeen advertising agencies, two publisher's representatives, fourteen Latin American publications, and three miscellaneous members. 160 Membership dues ranged from $100 per year for publications under 10,000 circulation to $300 for those with circulations of more than 50,000. The costs of the audit must be assumed by the member publication. 161 Apparently, the cost of this service is still high. Harmodio Arias of El Panamá América said in November, 1959, that he was charged approximately $1,000 for a three-month audit. He felt it was too expensive and indicated that he had dropped his membership. 162 Robert U. Brown's remarks concerning the problem and its possible solution should be noted: IAPA by itself faced an almost insurmountable task in persuading its members South of the border to follow circulation accounting and auditing practices which are commonplace here in the U. S. The job can be done if advertisers and agencies who wish to do business with those newspapers and magazines apply enough pressure and point out the advantages involved for the publications.163 IAPA now lends only paternal support to the reorganized Office of Certified Circulation, Inc., and encourages its members to join OCC. 159

Records, OCC Directors Meeting, March 8,1957. Membership List, Office of Certified Circulation, Inc., June 26, 1959 (mimeographed). The OCC membership list dated July 26, 1965, indicated that ten advertising agencies, eleven advertisers, twenty-five publications, and two "others" are members. 161 By-Laws, OCC, Art. III. 162 Interview with Harmodio Arias (Panama), November 10,1959. 163 Robert U. Brown, "Shop Talk at Thirty," Editor & Publisher (October 27,1957), p. 80. 160

IV. THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM OF THE PRESS

The Inter American Press Association is better known for its battle for freedom of the press in Latin America than any other activity which it has undertaken. It has tilted with dictators Juan Perón of Argentina, Gustavo Rojas Pinilla of Colombia, Marcos Pérez Jimenez of Venezuela, Manuel Odria of Peru, and Fulgencio Batista of Cuba. As one of its directors remarked, "What other little $45,000 outfit has done so much and been so successful in helping bring freedom of the press to some Latin American countries? We've knocked off quite a few dictators." 1 There is no doubt that IAPA actions have been effective. Latin American newspapermen have paid homage to it by cable and in person. Dictators have paid homages to it by attacking it, trying to subvert it, and even by acquiescing to its demands. Demetrio Canelas, of Los Tiempos, Cochabama, Bolivia, expressed his gratitude to the organization in a few words: "I owe not only my freedom but my life to the Interamerican Press Association." 2 Government-inspired mobs had destroyed his newspaper. He was im1

Andrew Heiskell (United States), in an interview on July 23,1959. As quoted by James G. Stahlman at the annual meeting, November 1, 1955. XI Annual Meeting, October, 1955, p. 163. For Canelas' indirect quote see Summary Record, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March 20-21, 1954 (mimeographed). 2

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prisoned and under threat of execution as a traitor for not bowing editorially to the government when IAPA actions gained his release. 3 Juan Perón and his "bully-boys" were more profuse in their homage. After their strong-arm efforts to take over the 1951 annual meeting in Montevideo, Uruguay, failed, they dedicated a 437-page book to denouncing the IAPA. 4 How could such a "little outfit," as Andrew Heiskell called it, exercise so great an influence? Jules Dubois, chairman of IAPA's Committee on Freedom of the Press, once told the membership: "Your pens are the advance guard of the ramparts of freedom in the Americas. Your association possesses no other weapons but that of the arm of public opinion." 5 In short, the Association acts as an inter-American pressure group. To say that public opinion is its only weapon, however, is an oversimplification. The personal prestige of some of its members and the pressures they have exerted in behalf of the Association must not be discounted. IAPA, in exerting pressures on governments and on policies, has utilized a number of tools. What some of them are and how they have been employed are here discussed. The Tools of Pressure Public Statements The Committee on Freedom of the Press was created at the 1946 congreso in Bogotá, Colombia,6 gave its first report in 1949 at Quito, Ecuador, 7 and has reported yearly since. The public arena in which the report is debated, its documentation, and its often flamboyant presentation by Jules Dubois of the Chicago Tribune, have made it the central attraction at most annual meetings. Representatives of suspect nations flock to the General Assemblies like vultures ready to pounce upon the report at the first opportunity and tear it apart. At the 1951 meeting two Venezuelans became in3 4

Ibid.

Cincuenta y Tres Periodistas Argentinos, Libro Azul y Blanco de la Prensa Argentina. 5 XI Annual Meeting, p. 62. 6 Memoria del IV Congreso Panamericano de Prensa, Noviembre, 1946, p. 103. 7 Editor & Publisher (July 16,1949), p. 53.

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volved in a fist fight over their country's political situation, 8 and during the 1953 annual meeting Germán Ornes (later exiled from the Dominican Republic) swatted a Peruvian with the 300-page, onepound freedom-of-the-press report for calling Trujillo's regime a "stomach turning" dictatorship. 9 If such actions did not lend dignity to the meetings, they certainly lent color and made them good copy. Furthermore, the stature of many of the North American and Latin American publishers involved in the organization indicated its seriousness. Member publications and nonmember publications, with an assist from the wire services, usually gave IAPA meetings and resolutions on freedom of the press space in the columns of their newspapers. IAPA employs all the means within its grasp to keep public attention focused on an issue. It sends firm but usually courteous cables to dictators whose governments are abusing freedom of the press. The replies are not always in the same tone. Ecuador's President Velasco Ibarra replied to an IAPA cable protesting the arbitrary closure of two newspapers and the imprisonment of Jorge Mantilla Ortega of El Comercio (Quito) in sharp terms: "Ignorant and insolent persons, such as yourselves, who speak without sufficient documentation, without knowledge of foregoing events, without background of facts, merit only contemptuous silence." 10 Although Mantilla was released the day following, the press of the Americas was almost unanimous in its condemnation of the government's actions. 11 Furthermore, toward the end of his four years as constitutional president, Ecuador's José María Velasco Ibarra publicly praised the work of the Inter American Press Association.12 IAPA's headquarters keeps the hemisphere's press informed of impending encroachments on freedom of the press and outright abuses of it in Latin America through news releases. When the situation warrants it, as in the cases of Colombia and Venezuela, special

8

New York Times, October 11,1951, p. 31. Newsweek (October 19,1953), p. 93. 10 Press of the Americas, May 1,1953. 11 New York Times, December 29,1953, p. 22. 12 XII An[n]ual Meeting, October, 1956, p. 95. 9

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bulletins on press conditions are forwarded to the membership. 13 It is interesting to note that often some of the material used by IAPA in such releases consists of material smuggled out of the countries involved. The first two special bulletins on Venezuela, for example, reproduced such documents.14 Dictators never seem to learn that they cannot build an impenetrable wall about their countries, especially if courageous and vigorous proponents of freedom are being shut in. When La Prensa of Managua, Nicaragua, attempted to advise the IAPA that it could not publish on July 28, 1959, because of government censorship, its cable was stopped by authorities. Yet within two days a copy of the cable was at IAPA's headquarters in New York City.15 On the same morning when IAPA received the word, Jules Dubois called from Florida to report a copy had reached his hands. 16 IAPA perhaps carried on one of its best and most successful publicity campaigns against the government of Rojas Pinilla of Colombia. In addition to the measures discussed above, when El Tiempo of Bogotá, one of Latin America's most respected newspapers, was closed on August 4, 1955, the IAPA mustered all its resources and looked for more to step up its continuing campaign against suppression of the press in that country. 17 The press throughout the Americas rallied to the cause and assailed Rojas Pinilla and his oppressive measures. Editorials appeared in almost every country of the Americas, and IAPA forwarded a bundle of photostatic copies of them to Rojas almost daily. It distributed for reproduction editorials by El Tiempo and El Espectador which had been suppressed by earlier censorship. IAPA members received copies of a memorandum addressed to Rojas Pinilla by prominent Colombians, including two former presidents. Censorship had barred 13 IAPA Special Bulletin No. 4 on Colombia, August 23, 1956, and IAPA Special Bulletin No. 1 on Venezuela, January 17,1958 (mimeographed). 14 IAPA Special Bulletin No. 2 on Venezuela, January 20, 1958 (mimeographed) . 15 IAPA Press Release, July 30,1959. 16 Witnessed by the writer at IAPA Headquarters, New York City, July 30,1959. 17 XI Annual Meeting, p. 15.

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it from being published in Colombia and even from being sent out by foreign correspondents (p. 15). Panama's newspaper La Hora published a box daily on its front page stating the number of days El Tiempo had been closed. All but one Panamanian newspaper immediately did likewise (p. 9 1 ) . Public speeches and editorials by IAPA officers and members are also exploited to espouse IAPA's mission and to deplore restrictions on freedom of the press wherever they may exist in the Western Hemisphere, including the United States. One such speech by James G. Stahlman at the Overseas Press Club brought a response from a State Department assistant secretary.18 All in all, IAPA's members, both Latin American and North American, have spotlighted in their publications the arbitrary aggressions against the press committed by dictators. The glare of the spotlight not only has made some dictators squirm, it also has lent moral support to those victimized by their suppressive actions. Jorge Mantilla Ortega, subdirector of El Comercio (Ecuador), told IAPA directors that the immediate action taken the night his paper was closed gave him valuable moral support at a time when he felt all was lost.19 During the closure of his paper, he wrote IAPA's General Manager James B. Canel, thanking him for IAPA's "wonderful backing" and observed: I am sure that if our fight, from inside and from the outside, continues as vibrant and strong, it will show not only this Government but to any other who tries the same trick, how well fortified is the defense of Freedom of the Press in our Continent.20 Envoys IAPA has often used on-the-spot investigations to carry out its mission. Information from countries where the press is under duress is apt to be fragmentary and slow in coming, and prompt action may be decisive in saving a newspaper, or a newspaperman's life. 18

Letter from James G. Stahlman, November 25,1958. Record, Directors Meeting, March 20-21,1954. 20 Letter from Jorge Mantilla Ortega to James B. Canel, November 27, 1953 (in IAPA files). 19

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Jules Dubois, covering Latin America for the Chicago Tribune, goes where the news is, which is often where dictators and oppressions are. Hence, many times he has been able to check out incidents personally and to discuss them with the individuals concerned, pipelining the information to IAPA. 21 His mobility made his chairmanship of IAPA's Committee on Freedom of the Press most valuable. IAPA presidents have also traveled at their own expense to aid fellow members. In 1954 IAPA's president, the late Miguel Lanz Duret, jumped through a window in the Costa Rican embassy in Managua, Nicaragua, to talk with Hernán Robleto of La Flecha, who had taken asylum there. Lanz Duret counseled Robleto to stay put, and then secured a safe-conduct pass for him from Nicaragua's dictator Anastasio Somoza—no small accomplishment in view of the fact that Somoza thought Robleto was involved in an assassination plot against him.22 IAPA has also requested its members to act as special envoys to various countries with the task of observing and reporting on press conditions there. These emissaries have usually assumed most, if not all, of the expenses involved in such travels. The first mission of this type was undertaken by Monsignor Jesús María Pellín, of La Religión (Venezuela), in 1952, at the request of IAPA's Executive Committee chairman, Andrew Heiskell. Monsignor Pellín went to La Paz, Bolivia, to talk with Bolivia's president, Victor Paz Estenssoro, about the closure of the newspaper La Razón and to request that it be permitted to resume publication and distribution. Monsignor Pellín's mission was not successful.23 After Charles E. Scripps, Scripps Howard Newspapers, visited Bolivia in 1958 he could report to IAPA members only that the cases of La Razón and Los Tiempos (burnt by government-inspired mobs in 1953) had yet to be settled.24 Daniel Morales, editor and publisher of Mañana (Mexico), undertook two special missions for the Inter American Press Association. IAPA's directors had requested a comprehensive report on the Do21

XIII Annual Meeting, October, 1957, p. 147. XI Annual Meeting, pp. 200, 202. 23 Report on Bolivia by Monsignor Jesús María Pellín, 1952 (in IAPA files). 24 XIV Annual Meeting, October, 1958, pp. 98-99.

22

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minican Republic's press since Trujillo's rise to power. Morales, at his own expense, traveled to the Dominican Republic, where he gathered data and compiled the report for presentation to the 1956 IAPA General Assembly.25 He performed a similar task in April, 1957, when IAPA's president, Guillermo Martínez Márquez, asked him to interview Nicaragua's president, Luis Somoza Debayle, and to request that he permit exiled newspapermen to return to their country. Somoza agreed to the return of journalists Aquiles Centeno and Manola Cuadra. 26 Morales had been preceded some months earlier by a three-man subcommittee of IAPA's Committee on Freedom of the Press headed by Ricardo Castro Beeche, La Nación (Costa Rica), Samuel Lewis, El País (Panama), and José A. Dutriz, Jr., La Prensa Gráfica (El Salvador). Somoza promised them to restore full freedom of the press after the termination of the state of siege declared upon his father's assassination. He also pledged full guarantees for newspapermen arrested in connection with the incident. A few days after the committee's visit the government released Hernán Robleto, Jr., La Flecha, clearing him of all responsibility in the assassination.27 The care with which envoys apparently were selected should be noted. Morales of Mexico undertook missions to the Dominican Republic and Nicaragua: countries with no bitter history of direct conflicts with Mexico. Monsignor Pellín's Venezuela is far removed from Bolivia. The three-man subcommittee which visited Nicaragua was made up of Central Americans. None of them, however, were from Honduras (with which Nicaragua has had border conflicts) and the Costa Rican on the committee, Ricardo Castro Beeche, had seen diplomatic service.28 Awards As mentioned in Chapter III, IAPA awards have sometimes been used as tools to draw attention to particular members under oppression. 25

XII An[n]ual Meeting, p. 93. XIII Annual Meeting, p. 177. 27 Press of the Americas, January 1,1957. 28 Personal Notes, XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959. 26

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Apparently an award was used both to honor David Michel Torino, of El Intransigente (Salta, Argentina), and to keep his case alive before Perón and the hemisphere's press. His paper was a small one in a rather remote region of Argentina. La Prensa of Buenos Aires had a world-wide reputation; El Intransigente of Salta was not known outside Argentina until its owner was awarded IAPA's first Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal. When Perón's police later forcibly prevented IAPA's president, Miguel Lanz Duret, from presenting the medal to Torino, IAPA used the incident to obtain further publicity about his case.29 David Michel Torino said there was no doubt in his mind that the campaign waged by IAPA in his behalf brought about his release from prison and the subsequent return of his property to him.30 Similar in some respects to Torino's case was the nomination of Pedro Beltrán, director of La Prensa (Peru), for the medal when he was imprisoned by the Odría government for incurring its displeasure. Combined with other tools employed by IAPA, the dramatic announcement of his nomination for the medal influenced the treatment he received and his subsequent release. 31 Freedom of the Press Day In 1953 at its meeting in Mexico City the Inter American Press Association approved a resolution recommending June 7 of each year as Freedom of the Press Day. Proposed by Mexican members as a tribute to past presidents of Mexico, it was adopted after strong opposition had been expressed by a few Mexican editors. 32 IAPA President Miguel Lanz Duret suggested in 1954 that those countries which enjoyed freedom of the press should hold appropriate ceremonies and publish editorials, so that those areas suffering from censorship and silence would "stand out in sharp relief."33 Mexican newspapers celebrated the day with their president as a luncheon guest, and in Puerto Rico, Governor Luis Muñoz Marín proclaimed June 7 officially as Freedom of the Press Day. El Centro29

Memoria de la Décima Asamblea General, Octubre, 1954, pp. 97-101. Interview with David Michel Torino (Argentina), October l, 1959. 31 Interview with Mrs. Pedro Beltrán (Peru), December 4,1959. 32 IX Annual Meeting, October, 1953, pp. 177-189. 33 Press of the Americas, June 1,1954. 30

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americano (Leon, Nicaragua) courageously published an editorial deploring the absence of freedom of the press in Nicaragua. 34 In the year that followed, Freedom of the Press Day was observed in almost all the Americas, either by editorials, ceremonies, or pointed silence. In Colombia in 1956 the independent newspapers marked the day by halting the presses at 10:00 P.M. and "observing a minute of silence in mourning for their lost freedom." 35 King Features Syndicate and ΝΕΑ (Newspaper Enterprise Association) Service, Inc., have also distributed special Freedom of the Press Day cartoons in English, Spanish, French, and Portuguese on a complimentary basis to IAPA members and nonmembers in the Western Hemisphere. 36 IAPA's president utilizes the day to issue a public statement on the gains and losses in press freedom in the Americas. 37 Presidents of nations have noted the day by cabling congratulations to the Association for its activities in behalf of freedom of the press. 38 IAPA attempts to exploit the day to its fullest through the publicity given it by IAPA members and by emphasizing, through contrast, those areas where independent publications are muzzled or the press is completely controlled. Diplomatic Contacts IAPA and its members have also utilized personal contacts with diplomatic sources to their advantage when possible. Although IAPA officers would probably argue that it is the arm of public opinion which carries the weight in the final analysis, even with diplomats, it is significant that the diplomatic arm has not been ignored. Sometimes the contacts have been public, such as when John T. O'Rourke, of the IAPA Executive Committee, and General Manager James B. Canel handed Argentine Ambassador Hipólito Jesús Paz a request on January 18, 1954, for the release of imprisoned David Michel Torino. 39 On January 20 IAPA President Miguel Lanz Duret 34

Ibid., July 1,1954. 36 Ibid., July 1,1956. Ibid., June 1,1954. 37 New York Times, June 7,1958, p. 6. 38 Press of the Americas, July 1,1958. 39 Ibid., February 1,1954.

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interviewed the Argentine ambassador in Mexico in behalf of Torino. The ambassador promised to take up the matter personally on his return to Argentina, and shortly after his arrival Torino was released.40 Jules Dubois also told a directors' meeting in 1954 that he would contact Colombian Foreign Minister Evaristo Sourdis to seek revocation of an order forbidding Colombian newspapers to criticize chiefs of state of friendly nations. 41 Then, of course, there was James G. Stahlman's speech at the Overseas Press Club in New York City, which brought a letter from Henry F. Holland, United States assistant secretary of state for Latin American affairs, asking for further comments.42 In a blunt four-page letter Stahlman outlined his views about State Department actions which he felt had harmed United States relations in Latin America. He particularly took exception to the reappointment (at Perón's request) of Albert Nufer, "our diplomatic misrepresentative in Argentina," and to the lodging of Juan Perón in a United States government hotel in Panama. 43 He added: There may be some unexplained reason why a lot of these things have happened. To those of us in the IAPA, the implacable foe of Perón and all his kind, there can be no justification for condoning him, his administration, lauding him or playing footsie diplomatically just because that's the easiest way out.44 Stahlman continued to pressure the Latin American section of the State Department through editorials and speeches, and thoughtfully saw that copies of his letter reached other high government officials. He is certain that his letter influenced the quick removal of Nufer from Buenos Aires and of Perón from the Washington Hotel in Panama. 45 40

Memoria de la Décima Asamblea, p. 38. Record, Directors Meeting, March 20-21,1954. 42 Letter from Henry F. Holland to James G. Stahlman, February 6, 1956 (in IAPA files). 43 Letter from James G. Stahlman to Henry F. Holland, February 8,1956 (in IAPA files). 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. 41

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A Dominican Republic effort to get self-exiled newspaper publisher Germán Ornes deported from the United States in April, 1956, was scotched by a State Department denial after IAPA Executive Chairman John R. Reitemeyer, Hartford Courant (Connecticut), and director Herbert Matthews, New York Times, personally interceded in his behalf.46 When Ornes attended IAPA's annual meeting the following October in Cuba, however, the State Department took four months to issue a visa permitting him to return to the United States. IAPA and other American organizations shot protest after protest to the State Department. 47 His visa was finally granted in February, 1957. His wife, an American citizen, claimed that the American Embassy delayed the visa on charges brought by the Dominican Republic. 48 Not all contacts with the State Department and the diplomatic corps, however, have been quite so public. There is evidence that an IAPA member with such contacts discreetly asked the United States State Department to query its ambassador in Peru as to whether IAPA pressure for Pedro Beltrá1n's release from prison might do him more harm than good. The reply stated that the New York Times editorials and IAPA actions had had a significant effect in Peru. Furthermore, the row in the United States press apparently also had prompted the Peruvian ambassador in the United States to contact his government about Beltrán's release.49 It is not likely that this was the first time IAPA members, North American and Latin American, had discreetly used their diplomatic contacts to IAPA's advantage. It is worthy of note, however, that such inquiries were not made officially in the name of IAPA. Freedom of the Press Tribunal When the Inter American Press Association met in 1950 and reorganized its constitution, it also voted to set up a Freedom of the Press Tribunal to investigate any complaints by its members re46

Editor & Publisher (April 14,1956), p. 10. New York Times, December 4,1956, p. 30; January 20,1957, p. 54. 48 Ibid., February 12,1957, p. 55. 49 Two letters in IAPAfileswhose authors this writer prefers not to cite. 47

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garding oppressions against freedom of the press.50 The resolution adopted provided that members could complain of suppressions in their own countries if seconded by members from two other countries. Members from four countries had to second any motion made when a member denounced suppressions in a country other than his own.51 Miguel Lanz Duret, El Universal (Mexico), and J. A. Cova, Ultimas Noticias (Venezuela), were named to draft the new Tribunal's bylaws.52 Any action taken by the Tribunal was to receive the greatest publicity. The resolution said: . . . public opinion of the American countries should gravitate in favor of the liberty of the press considering that public opinion is the resource and incorruptible court on which journalism relies for its own defense.53 The first complaint to reach the Tribunal, as a court of last resort, was submitted by Argentina's David Michel Torino in November, 1950, through the Committee on Freedom of the Press. His ten-point bill of charges indicated there was a lack of a free press in Argentina. 54 On October 5, 1951, the tribunal found the Perón government guilty of violating freedom of the press in closing Torino's newspaper 55 and later published its decision in a twenty-five page pamphlet.56 When the Tribunal disclosed its ruling it also noted that Torino was serving a ninety-seven-day sentence for disrespect of two police agents.57 The Tribunal reported on La Prensa of Argentina in 1952, and condemned both the executive and legislative branches of the Argentine government for violating constitutional freedom of the press by suppressing that newspaper.58 50

Proceedings of the VI Inter-American Press Conference, October, 1950, p. 27. 51 New York Times, October 14,1950, p. 17. 52 Editor & Publisher (October 14,1950), p. 7. 53 New York Times, October 14,1950, p. 17. 54 Ibid., December 1,1950, p. 16. 55 Ibid., October 6,1951, p. 4. 56 Tribunal Interamericano de la Libertad de Prensa, Resolución en la denuncia presentada por "El Intransigente" de Salta, Argentina, vs. Autoridades de la República Argentina. 57 58 New York Times, October 6,1951, p. 4. Ibid., October 14,1952, p. 35.

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Other cases on freedom of the press referred to the Tribunal concerned La Nación and La Hora of Guayaquil, Ecuador, in August, 1953, 59 and El Comercio, Quito, Ecuador, in December, 1953. 60 President Velasco Ibarra forced the closure of the three newspapers through arbitrary actions. Prior to the Tribunal's consideration of the cases, however, the Ecuadorian government eased restrictions on their publication, and the Tribunal did not act on the charges submitted. 61 The Tribunal, nevertheless, reported on the La Hora and La Nación case at the annual meeting in October, 1953, and cited it as an example of the effectiveness of the Tribunal (p. 102). It pointed out that the character of the Tribunal had been recognized by the Argentine government when it answered and criticized the resolutions rendered in the cases of El Intransigente and La Prensa. The Tribunal observed further: The effectiveness of the censures imposed upon the administrations guilty of impairing freedom of the press, was plainly shown in the present case. The Government of Ecuador, by retracting or reconsidering its decision in the case of "La Nación" and "La Hora," avoided being publicly condemned by all papers belonging to the Association, papers which cover the principal cities in the Continent, (p. 102) The case of El Tiempo of Bogotá, Colombia, was referred to the Tribunal at the annual meeting in 1955, 62 and reported at the annual meeting in 1956. 63 The Tribunal found the charges of attacks on freedom of the press and freedom of thought proved against Colombia's president Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (pp. 238—239). Another case which was referred to the Tribunal at the same meeting in 1955 came to it under rather peculiar circumstances. The Tribunal apparently had been conceived primarily as a court of last resort to which an oppressed publication could enter complaints against arbitrary acts suffered at the hands of its own government.64 59

Prensa de las Américas, August 15,1953. Press of the Americas, December 1,1953. 61 Ibid., January 1,1954; IX Annual Meeting, p. 98. 62 XI Annual Meeting, pp. 205-206. 63 XII An[n]ual Meeting, pp. 238-239. 64 VI Inter-American Press Conference, p. 27. 60

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Yet somehow or other the Tribunal suddenly had before it a case concerning the expulsion of a newspaper from the Association. The Committee on Freedom of the Press recommended the expulsion of Novedades of Managua, Nicaragua, because its publisher, Anastasio Somoza, the president of Nicaragua, had deported two native newspapermen from their country without due process of the law.65 When the committee on resolutions reported on the recommendation to expel Novedades it noted that it was not up to the Assembly to make a decision on a problem of such a nature. It observed that the accused should have the opportunity for a hearing as established in the constitution of the Association. The committee also casually observed that the Freedom of the Press Tribunal could then present its evidence backing up the recommendation. Dubois added that according to the constitution the General Assembly should refer the matter to the Board of Directors (p. 205). In any event, when the Board of Directors met, Dubois proposed that it transfer the case to the Tribunal, thereby delegating part of its authority under the constitution to the Tribunal. The Board approved the proposal (p. 242). The Tribunal reported on the case at the 1956 meeting and recommended that Novedades NOT be expelled from the Association because, among other things, Anastasio Somoza's death had changed the juridical status of the newspaper's ownership.66 After immediate objections to the decision were made, a motion was proposed and approved requesting the Tribunal to reopen the case on the basis of new evidence presented (p. 8 6 ) . After the hurly-burly of the General Assembly was over and the Executive Committee had reflected on the Novedades case, the competence of the Tribunal to deal with the expulsion of members was questioned. Constitutionally speaking, the responsibility for such actions apparently lay with the directors, with no indication that this responsibility could be abdicated. The Committee decided to suggest that the Tribunal declare the case outside its jurisdiction. 67 It must not be overlooked that IAPA had just suffered the Stanley 65

XI Annual Meeting, p. 119. XII An[n]ual Meeting, p. 82. 67 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1956 (in IAPA files). 66

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Ross case and had voted for his expulsion.68 Just what happened to the Novedades case and the Tribunal after 1956 is not clear. Nothing was mentioned about it at the 1957 annual meeting, although the Dominican Republic newspaper La Nación was expelled at that time. 69 It should be noted, however, that the long-presiding president of the Tribunal, Miguel Lanz Duret, clashed shortly after the 1956 meeting with the Executive Committee's and the Board of Director's decision to incorporate IAPA in the state of Delaware. In addition to legal questions which he raised, he felt incorporation would restrict the organization's freedom under state laws and would also put a "made in the United State's" label on IAPA. 70 After the General Assembly had approved the resolution to incorporate at its 1957 meeting, which he did not attend, Lanz Duret submitted his resignation to the Board of Directors. However, he pledged his independent cooperation and his continued financial support to the organization. 71 Although there were indications that he planned to withdraw his resignation, he never did so; 72 Miguel Lanz Duret died on March 24, 1959, at the age of fifty.73 The first few cases studied by the Tribunal apparently achieved the effect for which it was created: its decisions condemning government aggressions against freedom received the attention of the hemisphere's press. The aura surroundingthe word "tribunal" and the procedures it used lent it an air of legality. Its deliberations were one step beyond the report of the Committee on Freedom of the Press and the subsequent debate and approval or disapproval of the Committee's recommendations by the General Assembly. In practice, its effectiveness suffered because its functions had not been clearly defined.74 Furthermore, if anyone bothered to read its 68

XII An[n]ual Meeting, p. 88. XIII Annual Meeting, p. 56. 70 Letter (in Spanish) from Miguel Lanz Duret to the Inter American Press Association, June 13,1957 (mimeographed). 71 Letter (IAPA English translation) from Miguel Lanz Duret to the InterAmerican Press Association, March 7,1958 (mimeographed). 72 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1958 (in IAPA files). 73 Press of the Americas, April 1,1959. 74 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1957 (in IAPA files). 69

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published decisions, he would find dull reading and bad translations, to say the least. If possible, the translation of the decision on Argentina's La Prensa case was worse than that on El Intransigente. The publicity value of the Tribunal obviously lay in the announcement of its decisions rather than in the text of the decisions themselves. The force of the Tribunal was considerably diminished by its misuse and its replacement by other forms of censure. At the 1957 annual meeting, for example, Article V of the IAPA charter was invoked for the first time in the Association's history. Article V states that political regimes which do not respect full freedom of the press are not democratic. 75 The primary target of the censure was Cuba's Batista government, but the resolution was extended to include the Dominican Republic, Paraguay, Bolivia, and Venezuela. As word had been passed prior to the meeting that such a resolution would be considered, Cuban government supporters, including Batista himself, worked diligently to modify it (pp. 250—258). Conceivably, this matter quite rightly could have been referred to the Tribunal. The Cuban situation had become increasingly more difficult, however, and immediate and forceful action was needed. The IAPA president, Guillermo Martínez Márquez, El País (Cuba), had told the Executive Committee prior to the annual meeting that Cuba was on the verge of being like the Dominican Republic. He also had informed Batista that he intended to propose measures against his government. Hence, the Executive Committee agreed to circulate Dubois' special report on Cuba and to announce that action would be taken on the Cuban situation at the 1957 annual meeting in Washington, D.C.76 The extension of the resolution finally adopted in Washington to include other countries was only a by-product of the strong desire to censure Cuba.77 When the IAPA incorporated in 1958 no provisions were made for the Tribunal in its bylaws. The Executive Committee discussed the possibilities of constituting the Tribunal again. The question whether it should be constituted on a permanent basis, as previously, or 75

XIII Annual Meeting, p. 8. Executive Committee Meetings, 1957. 77 XIII Annual Meeting, p. 8. 76

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formed only when needed to deal with specific cases, was not resolved. It was recommended that the matter be referred for study to the legal committee.78 Apparently, no further action has been taken. Panama Doctrine The Panama Doctrine, as it is called, is a resolution which was adopted jointly by the directors of the Inter American Press Association and the Inter-American Association of Broadcasters (IAAB) on March 23, 1952, during the IAPA directors meeting at Panama City. It stated, in effect, that any act of aggression against either radio or press would be considered an attack against both and would be resisted by all means possible.79 When IAPA President Luis Franzini, El Día (Uruguay), reported to the General Assembly in 1952 he told it that the two associations had launched an "intensive campaign" to divulge the circumstances relating to the closure of La Razón (Bolivia) and the failure of the Bolivian president to provide it with the proper protection. 80 At this time, he also noted: In view of the happy event marked by the joining of principles and wills on the part of radio and press so as to stand united for the same ideals of freedom, it is to be hoped that such an association of purposes may be permanent . . . (p. 23) The Committee on Freedom of the Press, at the same annual meeting, recommended the Panama Doctrine be invoked in the case of "premeditated aggressions" against El Tiempo and El Espectador (Colombia), and that the presidents of the two associations issue a declaration requesting radio stations and newspapers to give broad publicity to the action (p. 8 1 ) . Government police had stood by idly as organized teams of terrorists touched torches to the two newspaper plants (p. 6 4 ) . In his report to the directors the following March, Dubois noted that IAPA and IAAB had not acted on his Committee's recommendation. The situation in Colombia had worsened. He pointed out that 78

Executive Committee Meetings, 1958. New York Times, March 24,1952, p. 7. 80 VIII Annual Meeting, October, 1952, p. 23. 79

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unless translated into action, the Doctrine would not be "worth the paper it is written on." 81 The IAPA Executive Committee invoked the Panama Doctrine in the case of El Comercio (Ecuador) on November 25,1953, 8 2 and the Inter-American Association of Broadcasters' president followed the action with a cable to Ecuador's president in December, 1953. 83 Similar action was taken by IAPA on behalf of El Tiempo (Colombia) in August, 1955, 84 and once again the broadcasters' association added its cabled protest. 85 In May, 1957, the two groups joined forces in defense of Radio Stentor, a station shut down by the Paraguayan government "without due process of the law." 86 An intensive campaign by newspapers and radio stations in behalf of the station was conducted for a short period. Then, in 1958, the associations agreed to renew the drive and to continue it on a permanent basis. 87 At its meeting in March, 1958, IAPA's Board of Directors requested that the Association's president undertake immediate consultations with the president of the Inter-American Association of Broadcasters about invoking the Doctrine in defense of Cuban journalists and their freedom of expression.88 The majority of the InterAmerican Association of Broadcasters' Board of Directors voted against acceptance of IAPA's proposal to apply the Panama Doctrine in the case of Cuba.89 Apparently, the Panama Doctrine never quite had the efficacy its originators had hoped for. The records show that both organizations made numerous efforts to set up a joint consultation-and-coordinating group to expedite application of the Doctrine. In June, 1954, it was 81

Report of the Chairman of the Committee on Freedom of the Press to IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March 28,1953 (mimeographed). 82 Press of the Americas, December 1,1953. 83 Prensa de las Américas, December 15,1953. 84 New York Times, August 9,1955, p. 3. 85 Ibid., August 23,1955, p. 5. 86 Editor & Publisher (May 11,1957), p. 40. 87 Press of the Americas, May 1,1958. 88 Editor & Publisher (April 12,1958), p. 66. 89 Letter (IAPA abridged translation) from Raúl Fontaina to John T. O'Rourke, June 13,1958 (in IAPA files).

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reported that a committee "for joint action in defense of freedom of expression in the Western Hemisphere" had been appointed, with three members from each organization. 90 The committee would be called upon whenever the Panama Doctrine might be invoked or any other joint action considered by the two groups. 91 In May, 1955, the broadcasting association noted "growing ties of cooperation" with the IAPA 92 and, at the annual IAPA meeting in 1958, it sent representatives to consult with a special IAPA committee in an effort to formulate a more effective procedure for application of the Panama Doctrine. IAAB presented a memorandum on the matter and the two groups agreed to appoint a joint committee to draw up rules for the Doctrine's application. 93 The Inter-American Association of Broadcasters' committee was invited to attend the IAPA's 1959 General Assembly in San Francisco, and the 1960 directors' meeting in Jamaica. 94 In order to understand some of the difficulties involved in the application of the Panama Doctrine, the structural differences between the two organizations must be considered. The broadcasters group is an association of national associations, much as IAPA was prior to its reorganization in 1950. The presidents of the various national associations of IAAB attend its General Assemblies, and the "quota" for each is fixed according to the number of its members and its ability to pay. It is IAAB's policy not to accept members financed by governments. 95 Furthermore, in order to do business, a radio station normally must be licensed by the government; it is obligated to the government for assignment of its wave length. Most Latin American countries also have at least one government-owned-and-operated radio station and sometimes more. 96 Hence, it becomes more understandable why radio stations might perhaps be reluctant to wage an all-out fight against their own government concerning matters of press freedom. 90

Press of the Americas, July 1,1954. Ibid., July 1,1954. 92 Ibid., May 1,1955. 93 Ibid., November 1,1958. 94 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1959 (in IAPA files). 95 Interview with Ricardo Vivado (Chile), December 15,1959. 96 World Communications, pp. 177-197.

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Discussing the Panama Doctrine at the 1959 San Francisco meeting of the Committee on Freedom of the Press, John R. Reitemeyer, IAPA's Executive Committee chairman, observed: "Whatever information service requires a government license to stay in business . . . by that very fact, it loses a large measure of freedom." Reitemeyer also admitted quite honestly that on a number of occasions IAPA had invoked the Panama Doctrine unilaterally— 97 actions which certainly must not have endeared it to the IAAB. It is notable that most efforts directed toward better coordination between the two organizations have apparently been initiated by the broadcasters. There are indications that they feel IAPA has moved too quickly and too brashly in some instances. One can also detect a feeling of resentment because IAPA meetings receive more publicity in the press than do those of the broadcasters. IAAB members don't want their organization to be a mere "tail" of the IAPA. 98 The memorandum presented by the broadcasters at the IAPA 1958 annual meeting called for a constant exchange of information between the two organizations, suggested a joint committee to effect a more efficient procedure of cooperation, and outlined steps to be taken in cases of government aggressions against freedom of expression. The last step, interestingly enough, called for the creation of a Tribunal of Free Thought made up of recognized and independent jurists, before which the entity responsible for so-called aggressions might be invited to present its case.99 After IAPA's experience with its own tribunal, it seems likely that it would view with caution the creation and use of another. Prompt action by the organization might mean the difference between life and death for a newsman, as in the case of Bolivia's Demetrio Canelas.100 The methods of a tribunal tend to be slow and tedious. Overall, Ricardo Vivado, former president of the IAAB, feels that the Doctrine has been extraordinarily successful. If it has not been 97

Personal Notes, XV Annual Meeting. Interview with Julio Menadiér (Chile), December 15,1959. 99 "Defensa de las Libertades Fundamentales por la Acción Conjunta de SIP y AIR," Boletín, Asociación Interamericana de Radiodifusión (October, 1958), pp. 18-20. 100 Supra, pp. 71-72. 98

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an outright success, it is creating a different hemispheric mentality about freedom of the press, especially among dictators. It is not so easy now for a dictator to face world opinion, an opinion which the Doctrine helps create. Governments can close a radio station, shut it down, but they cannot silence other voices.101 Furthermore, radio may cross borders with greater ease than newspapers. It seems unlikely, nevertheless, that the Doctrine will ever really be a powerful instrument until consultation and action can be taken with some degree of promptness. IAAB must consult with its far-flung Board of Directors for approval of the Doctrine's application.102 In 1958 it still did not have the machinery for quick consultation. The IAPA Executive Committee, on the other hand, apparently can act for its Board in such an emergency; at least it has done so.103 As in the case of Cuba during the Batista regime, the national press and radio organizations may not be in full agreement regarding the need for application of the Doctrine. It matters little now which group opposed the use of the Doctrine—reports are in conflict on this issue. The important point is that they could not eliminate their differences, and without their joint support application of the Doctrine would have been a farce. Raúl Fontaina, IAAB's president, pointed out that it was the duty of IAAB and IAPA to eliminate differences that may separate the press and radio in such countries, as these differences are "superficial and incomprehensible among those who fight for a common ideal." 104 The fact that governments require radio stations to be licensed must inevitably affect the views of those subject to them: without a license they are out of business. Nevertheless, as Ricardo Vivado observed, radio stations, as compared to newspapers, are fairly new and inexperienced. The Panama Doctrine also is still fairly new, and both organizations have yet to find the most effective method for its use.105

101 Vivado interview. 102 Fontaina letter to O'Rourke. 103 press of the Americas, December 1,1953. 104 Fontaina letter to O'Rourke. 105 Vivado interview.

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Liaison with Other Press Associations As indicated previously, the American Newspaper Publishers Association through its former manager, Cranston Williams, has assisted the IAPA technical program for many years. 106 The American Society of Newspaper Editors has also cooperated with the IAPA, particularly in matters concerning freedom of the press. Its counsel, the late Harold L. Cross, addressed IAPA's annual meeting in 1955, 107 and its freedom-of-the-press-committee chairman, J. Russell Wiggins of the Washington Post (District of Columbia), consulted with IAPA's Committee on Freedom of the Press during the Association's annual meeting in 1957. 108 An informal exchange of information on matters concerning press freedom has apparently been established. ASNE has also urged its member editors to give their "continued and increasing" support to the Inter American Press Association.109 International press associations also have cooperated with the IAPA. At its annual meeting in Buenos Aires in 1958 IAPA adopted a resolution to request the support of the International Press Institute and the Féderation Internationale des Éditeurs et Journalistes against restrictions imposed on the journalistic activities of Gilíes Lapouge, the Paris correspondent of the Brazilian newspaper O Estado de São

Paulo.110

IPI promptly corroborated the facts and backed IAPA's actions by forwarding a letter to Prime Minister Charles de Gaulle.111 The Fédération took similar steps, but unfortunately the appeals had little effect: Minister of Information Jacques Soustelle maintained that accreditation of correspondents to the French government was a privilege, not a right.112 The Federation some years earlier had set up a committee on freedom of information patterned after that of the Inter American Press Association.113 106

107 Supra, p. 63. XI Annual Meeting, pp. 137-151. XIII Annual Meeting, p . 184. 109 press of the Americas, June 1,1955. 110 XIV Annual Meeting, p. 212. 111 Letter from L. F. Tijmstra to James B. Canel, December 1 1 , 1958 (in IAPA files). 112 Letter from Jacques Soustelle to Claude Bellanger, December 26, 1958 (copy in IAPA files). 113 Press of the Americas, July 1,1954. 108

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Most interesting to contemplate, perhaps, is the possible effect that IAPA has had on national press associations of Latin America. The Colombian National Commission of the Independent Press certainly showed courage during the regime of Rojas Pinilla. It reported at IAPA annual meetings on the state of the press in Colombia in spite of being under duress.114 The Círculo de Periodistas de Bogotá sent a letter of appreciation to IAPA in October, 1957, for its untiring work in behalf of freedom of expression,115 and Eduardo Santos, former president of Colombia and owner of El Tiempo, rose at IAPA's 1957 annual meeting to state: "The victory, gentlemen of the IAPA, was not won by Colombians alone. We won it with your help." 116 Luis Gabriel Cano said there was no doubt that the shoulder of IAPA against that of the Colombians was a moral factor of incalculable worth. He also noted that the action of the press was eighty per cent responsible for Rojas' fall.117 Whether IAPA's support actually stiffened the backbone of the national press groups in their resistance to oppression, of course, cannot be measured in ounces or inches. It is interesting, however, to observe that Rojas Pinilla found it necessary in 1956 to convoke a press congress of newspapers which supported his government or were financed by it. When it convened, a group of independent newspapermen met in another section of Bogotá and formed the National Association of Independent Newspapermen. The Association proclaimed its support of the IAPA and adopted the IAPA charter integrally.118 This action recalls an editorial comment published by El Diario of Medellín, Colombia, some three years before, when it noted that the Colombian press would have suffered fewer threats if its journalists had been professionally organized. El Diario observed: In any event, they would have been better protected against those 114

XII An[n]ual Meeting, p. 113. Letter from Félix Raffan Gómez to IAPA president, October 31, 1957 (in IAPA files). 116 XIII Annual Meeting, p. 114. 117 Interview with Luis Gabriel Cano (Colombia), November 16,1959. 118 IAPA Special Bulletin No. 1 on Colombia, June 20, 1956 (mimeographed) . 115

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threats. It is evident. . . that the INTER-AMERICAN PRESS ASSOCIATION, to

which many papers of the country belong, though it is an international organization, has had greater success than we ourselves in the defense of our newspapers, and if the restrictions which we have suifered during these past years are fewer, it is due principally to the intervention of the IAPA, and scarcely, if at all, to our own efforts.119 T h e Peruvian Federation of Journalists waged a vigorous fight when P e d r o Beltrán was jailed by Odría's government in F e b r u a r y , 1956. 1 2 0 I A P A ' s backing apparently added force to t h e Federation's stand, 1 2 1 even though some feel that a n y support it gave to I A P A was merely coincidental. 1 2 2 Its energetic stand, nevertheless, as well as the courageous actions of press groups in Brazil a n d Colombia, evidently prompted I A P A President J a m e s G. Stahlman, Nashville Banner ( T e n n e s s e e ) , to stress the effectiveness of such groups in h i s report to t h e semiannual directors meeting in April, 1 9 5 6 . H e observed that the groups indicated were prepared t o speak out a n d act in defense of the press of their own countries whenever necessary. H e urged that earnest efforts be m a d e to set u p active press organizations in other countries. H e said further: They would be able to initiate protests against governmental, legislative or other action inimical to free expression and a free press, to recommend prompt action in each case and to ask assistance of the IAPA where such might be found necessary . . . the Inter American Press Association, when called upon to assist, would speak with much more freedom and authority in supporting a local group on the scene of the trouble than it normally could in generating action on its own part outside the country affected. Many minor incidents occurring almost daily could be settled locally,.. . 123 Stahlman h a s noted since that a n u m b e r of national a n d local press groups have been set u p in Latin America in the past few years, although he did not claim they came about as a result of his 119 El Diario (Medellín, Colombia), quoted in Press of the Americas, November 1,1953. 120 Interview with Antonio Olivas (Peru), December 5,1959. 121 Interview with Bernardo Ortiz de Zevallos (Peru), November 30,1959. 122 Interview with Carlos Rizo Patrón (Peru), December 2,1959. 123 Report of the President, James G. Stahlman, to IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, April 6-8,1956 (mimeographed).

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recommendation. 124 Perhaps it should be indicated here that one of the problems in this area is that the press still seems to be divided in some countries. For example, Peru has two groups representing the working journalists; the Federation of Journalists represents one group and the Association of Journalists another. The Federation deals more with labor problems, in the manner of a union, than does the Association.125 It is a mere coincidence, of course, that these two groups represent the top contending newspapers. A similar situation exists among the working journalists in Mexico, in that three separate unions represent the three top competing newspapers. However, all are members of the same national federation.126 Some publisher and working-journalist groups in Latin America do appear to realize that in unity of action lies strength. The ABI group of Brazil has been cited as an example of such strength in freedomof-the-press matters. 127 To Ortiz de Zevallos, however, it is still IAPA which swings the influence that makes the real difference. Dictators are not often terribly concerned with public opinion in their own countries, but they are wary of the outside world's appraisal of their regimes. Their egos make them want the respect of the world and, economically, they may need it. Hence, when IAPA points its finger at them, exposing their aggressions to the world, dictators become concerned. 128 The Battles Won The Inter American Press Association protests arbitrary government aggression against freedom of the press wherever it occurs in the Western Hemisphere, and whenever it occurs. It has clashed with governments large and small. It has acted in behalf of member publications with large circulations, such as El Tiempo (Colombia) 129 and La Prensa (Argentina). 130 It has moved 124

Stahlman letter, November 25,1958.

125 Olivas interview. 126

Interview with Eduardo Téllez Vargas (Mexico), February 5,1960. Stahlman letter, November 25,1958. 128 Ortiz de Zevallos interview. 129 Editor & Publisher (August 16,1952), p. 13. 130 New York Times, January 30,1951, pp. 8,24. 127

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with equal vigor to assist publications with small circulations, such as La Nación and La Hora of Ecuador, 131 and Le Matin and Le Jour of Haiti. 132 It has helped extract publishers and directors of publications from prison, such as Demetrio Canelas, of Los Tiempos (Bolivia), 133 and Pedro Joaquín Chamorro, of Nicaragua's La Prensa.134 IAPA has also spoken out in behalf of imprisoned working journalists, such as Thomas Borge, of Nicaragua, 135 the Impacto staffers of Peru, 136 and James C. Buchanan, of the Miami Herald.137 It has gone to the aid of nonmember publications, too. Editor Adriaan de Wit wrote IAPA regarding his unsuccessful fight for his newspaper, Beurs-en Nieuwsberichten (Curaçao), and commented: . . . and wish hereby to give my thanks to the IAPA for its support to me, the paper and the principles involved, especially as neither I nor the paper was a IAPA-member at the time we requested your help.138 To recount the blow-by-blow events behind each battle won by IAPA would be a book in itself. Some of its main battles, however, must be considered in relation to IAPA's growth and the crises which it faced in its development. Argentina and Colombia, for example, produced similar crises in IAPA's operations, both of which were long-drawn-out battles successfully concluded. Argentina As mentioned earlier, it was really the cause of La Prensa (Argentina) which united the United States press in its support of the Inter American Press Association.139 Even though the Association still did not carry much weight in the United States (only sixteen delegates attended), 140 Juan D. Perón feared it enough to send a 131

Press of the Americas, June 1,1953. Ibid., August 1,1957. 133 Editor & Publisher (March 27,1954), p. 12. 134 Press of the Americas, May 1,1955. 135 Editor & Publisher (April 12,1958), p. 66. 136 press of the Americas, July 1,1956. 137 Ibid., May 1,1959. 138 Letter from Adriaan de Wit to James B. Canel, May 22, 1959 (in IAPA files). 139 140 Supra, p . 28. Editor & Publisher (October 20,1951), p. 6 1 . 132

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large delegation to flood the IAPA's 1951 annual meeting at Montevideo, Uruguay. The Argentines came fifty-three strong, and tried to take over the meeting by strong-armed methods. They enlisted the cooperation of Communist- and Peronista-inclined newspapermen from other countries. 141 They also temporarily duped a Puerto Rican, among others, into fronting their movement against the IAPA. 142 In addition, they made a special effort not to conceal the fact that some of them were armed. 143 When the Board of Directors rejected all but ten of their applications they stormed out en masse, taking with them two Brazilian, four Cuban, one Puerto Rican, and one Peruvian newspaperman. The dissidents announced they had formed a rival organization, the Latin American Press Association, with Brazil's George Galvao as provisional president, and would hold their first congress in Buenos Aires prior to April, 1952.144 It was in this charged atmosphere that the meetings took place. Tom Wallace suffered a mild heart attack, a fist fight broke out on the floor, heated arguments preceded the Argentine withdrawal, and the Montevideo police guarded the meeting hall.145 Most important, however, was the fact that the IAPA's Latin American supporters and North American supporters stood fast. It was their first real victory and they took courage from it. Luis Franzini, the IAPA president who presided at the conference, commented that it was also Perón's first real defeat in the international field.146 Furthermore, it made some of the North American delegates look upon their Latin American counterparts with a new respect. Andrew Heiskell, then publisher of Life magazine, who was elected chairman of the Executive Committee at the meeting, commented: It is easy for us to talk of freedom. It is dangerous for many of our friends south of the border. 141

Interview with Carlos E. Scheck (Uruguay), January 5,1960. Proceedings of the VII Assembly of the Inter-American Press Association, October, 1951, pp. 54,97. 143 Heiskell interview. 144 Editor & Publisher (October 20,1951), p. 61. 145 Ibid. 146 Interview with Luis Franzini (Uruguay), January 6,1960. 142

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The Peronistas tried to panic the conference. Who were those who stood firm? The Uruguayan press delegates, representing a country of only 2,500,000 located on Perón's doorstep!147 The battle to free the Argentine press was long and often disappointing. Perón did not drop immediately his attempt to sabotage IAPA. Although the group which promised to set up a rival organization never seemed to get around to it, it did find time to publish Blue and White Book of the Argentine Press, a 437-page bitter denunciation of the IAPA and the United States, in time for distribution at the IAPA semiannual directors meeting in 1952.148 When IAPA held its 1953 annual meeting in Mexico, Peronista-inspired posters were plastered about Mexico City telling Alberto Gainza Paz, exiled owner of La Prensa (Argentina), to get out of the country. 149 The closure and expropriation of La Prensa taught IAPA many things. It bumped up against an obstinate dictator and it learned how to fight. As the members were galvanized into action, many of IAPA's tools of pressure were developed in its fight for La Prensa and the Argentine press. The Association used La Prensa as a symbol to rally the United States and the hemispheric press to the defense of the Argentine press. The Freedom of the Press Tribunal, cable barrages, protests to the United Nations and Organization of American States, and joint actions with other press associations were just a few of the tools the IAPA learned to use. The fight in the name of La Prensa did not make IAPA any less aware of the trials which confronted smaller publications. As John S. Knight remarked in a letter to Tom Wallace and Joshua B. Powers, when speaking of El Intransigente (Salta, Argentina): "The fact that it is small does not mean that its freedom is less precious." 150 Perón did not concede many points to IAPA. Even his promise to restore freedom of the press as part of his new "soft" policy after the abortive revolt of June, 1955, resulted in little more than a 147

Editor & Publisher (October 20,1951), p. 63. Ibid. (March 29,1952), p. 11. ASNE Bulletin, November 1,1953. 150 Letter from John S. Knight to Tom Wallace and Joshua B. Powers, March 29,1951 (in IAPA files). 148

149

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few token gestures. 151 The Association concentrated on marking each anniversary of La Prensa's closure and on keeping Perón's transgressions exposed in the hemisphere's press.152 When Perón was ousted IAPA immediately cabled the new government urging it to expedite the return of La Prensa to its rightful owners.153 It also spoke out for the return of El Intransigente to David Michel Torino. 154 It kept the pressure on, through every means at its command, until David Michel Torino and Alberto Gainza Paz recovered their newspapers. Gainza Paz formally took over La Prensa again on December 21, 1955. 155 At the 1956 semiannual directors meeting in Bermuda, Gainza Paz personally appeared before the IAPA Board to express his thanks to the organization for helping him regain his newspaper. He said it was returned to him "thanks largely and primarily to the decisive efforts of my friends in the IAPA." 156 The story of La Prensa and the techniques which Perón and his cronies used to strangle the press in Argentina are known: they ranged from subtle indirect methods to outright thuggery. The account of La Prensa's demise as written by its editors should be required reading for all journalists. 157 Colombia If Colombia's dictator Gustavo Rojas Pinilla did not read the account by Argentina's La Prensa editors, he must have copied Perón's techniques through careful and admiring observation. Shortly after the closure of La Prensa, IAPA found itself facing a similar pattern of events in Colombia. As in Argentina, the local newspapers did not present a united front against the transgressions of the government (when La Prensa was expropriated, only Buenos Aires' La Nación openly protested), and so, divided, they fell. The 151

152

Press of the Americas, August 1,1955.

Ibid., February 1,1955. New York Times, October 18,1955, p. 47. 154 Ibid., November 5,1953, p. 3. 153

155 Press of the Americas, January 1,1956.

156

Alberto Gainza Paz, quoted in Editor & Publisher (April 14,1956), p. 71.

157

Editors of La Prensa, Defense of Freedom.

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purposeful destruction of El Tiempo and El Espectador in September, 1952,158 was only a fiery prelude to the violations which the press suffered after Rojas Pinilla came to power in 1953. Rojas subjected the press to a barrage of direct assaults. He forced the closure of El Tiempo in August, 1955, after a long siege of harassment.159 Other newspapers also suffered from suspensions, but Rojas soon resorted to more indirect means to control the press. Among other things, he set up newsprint quotas, a government newspaper, and a "peculiarly capricious" censorship system designed not only to control opinion but to favor the circulation of the government newspaper.160 When IAPA mobilized its forces against Rojas, he responded much in the same manner as Perón. Backed by a poisonous propaganda campaign, he attempted to infiltrate and sabotage the Inter American Press Association. Julián Devis Echandia, El Nacional (Barranquilla, Colombia), and Gustavo Gómez Mejía, El Frente (Bucaramanga, Colombia), were his spokesmen at the 1955 annual meeting in New Orleans. Devis Echandia also appealed to the Dominican Republic's dictator Rafael Trujillo for the support of the Dominican newspapers. 161 Evidently, the short time span between the closure of El Tiempo in August and the annual meeting in October, 1955, did not give Rojas sufficient time to muster his forces. At the New Orleans meeting his representatives generally restricted themselves to "explanations." Gómez Mejía stated there was no censorship in Colombia, that Rojas was not a dictator, and that freedom was respected in Colombia.162 During the following year IAPA increased its efforts to exert pressure on the Rojas regime and its abuses of the press. Rojas Pinilla, in the meantime, became sufficiently concerned with IAPA's activities to generate a scheme to embarrass or destroy the Associa158 VIII Annual Meeting, p. 62.

159

Sam Pope Brewer, "Colombia Regime Warring on Press," New York Times, September 17,1955, p. 2. 160 International Press Institute, The Press in Authoritarian Countries, p. 166. 161 Letter from Julián Devis Echandia to Rafael Trujillo, October 10, 1955 (copy in IAPA files). 162 XI Annual Meeting, p. 196.

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tion. He instructed his ambassadors in Latin America to compile lists of non-IAPA members and IAPA members who might sympathize with his regime. Gustavo Gómez Mejía announced plans for organizing an Iberian-American Press Association (the similarity in initials was no coincidence) to supplant the IAPA in a swing of emphasis from inter-American relations to Iberian-American relations. 163 In spite of gaining the cooperation of a few Cuban, Dominican, and Nicaraguan newspapers, however, the idea apparently was abandoned when its proponents realized that there were not enough backers to make it a success.164 Rojas then appeared to concentrate on a plan to attack the IAPA from within at the 1956 annual meeting in Havana. He changed his tone and began praising the IAPA as an organization which could do a lot of good if it were not in the clutches of "international pirates of the press," such as James G. Stahlman, Jules Dubois, and James B. Canel (IAPA's general manager). Rojas accused them of receiving large sums of money from the opposition publishers of Colombia to wage a campaign against him. His tactic appeared designed to convince other Latin American IAPA members to clean house by getting rid of such "international pirates." 165 It must not be forgotten that IAPA was jousting also with Trujillo at this time. It had just undertaken a crucial fight to expel Stanley Ross for offering to propagandize for Trujillo. It further incurred the wrath of Trujillo because of its energetic efforts to break open the case of Jesús de Galíndez,166 the Columbia University professor thought kidnapped and killed by Trujillo agents. In addition, it had initiated an investigation of press restrictions in the Dominican Republic and had raised the question of whether two Dominican newspapers should be IAPA members. 167 Hence, it would not seem strange that signs of cooperation ap163

Robert U. Brown, "Shop Talk at Thirty," Editor & Publisher (October 20,1956), p. 92. 164 Tad Szulc, "Report from Colombia," IPI Report, V, No. 10 (February, 1957), 6. 165 Brown, "Shop Talk," p. 92. 166 Letter from James G. Stahlman, October 22,1958. 167 Robert U. Brown, "IAPA Board Condemns Trujillo and All Stooges of Dictators," Editor & Publisher (April 14,1956), p. 9.

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peared in the propaganda campaigns launched against the IAPA by these two dictators. Prior to the 1956 Havana meeting the Dominican newspapers republished almost daily the Colombian dictator's attacks against the Association and its officers. Trujillo added his own fillip: in typical fashion, he accused the IAPA of being dominated by Communists.168 As did Perón at Montevideo in 1951, so did Rojas Pinilla at Havana in 1956: he sent emissaries to sabotage IAPA's annual meeting. James G. Stahlman said bluntly: The fight to rid the hemisphere of Perón had merely been a forerunner to the terrific struggle against Rojas Pinilla in Colombia. His stooges came to the New Orleans General Assembly in 1955, determined to make a shambles of the meeting and destroy the IAPA bodily.169 The meeting at Havana had all the characteristics of a Hollywood thriller; however, there was nothing synthetic about the plot and its actions. Dubois, Reitemeyer, Canel, and Stahlman had all received threats. The Hotel Rosita, where the meetings were held, was protected by armed guards, and Cuban plain-clothes men attended every session. Stahlman, over his own protests, was accompanied at all times by an armed bodyguard furnished by the Cuban Military Intelligence.170 At a party given in honor of IAPA officers and directors a fanatic with a fake Brazilian passport was caught trying to crash in. A loaded weapon was found on him and he was tossed into jail. He proclaimed he planned to assassinate Dubois or Stahlman, or both. 171 Shortly before IAPA's first general session a top army officer was machine-gunned to death as he left a Havana night club.172 Batista's chief of police was subsequently killed when he violated the Haitian embassy to shoot nine young political refugees who had sought sanctuary there. The public disorders were attributed 168

Brown, "Shop Talk," p. 92. For examples, see Appendix B. Stahlman letter, October 22,1958. 170 Ibid. 171 Ibid. 172 New York Times, October 29,1956, p. 6. 169

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to Batista's opponents who wished to focus the attention of I A P A ' s editors and publishers on the situation in Cuba. 1 7 3 Stahlman commented that this was the beginning of the general revolt against the Batista regime. As for the I A P A sessions themselves, he h a d this to say: Jules Dubois was challenged to a personal duel by Marrero Aristi [sic] of Ciudad Trujillo, who was there as a personal stooge of Generalissimo Trujillo. The Rojas Colombianos screamed themselves hoarse for a day and a half, but finally were fought down by the General Assembly. Stanley Ross was lawfully expelled from membership and I turned over the gavel to Martínez Márquez for another year of hell for him during the Castro revolt against Batista. 174 These two meetings might b e considered milestones in t h e development of the Inter American Press Association. E d u a r d o Santos, publisher of El Tiempo (Colombia) a n d former president of his country, indirectly recognized this when he told t h e 1957 General Assembly: The IAPA's great battles have been fought to defend persecuted newspapers. Here is Gainza Paz, and here am I, to proclaim this fact. La Prensa of Buenos Aires and El Tiempo of Bogotá, as well as many other persecuted newspapers, were battle banners in the permanent struggle of the American press. I come to tell you that the victory won was largely due to the newspapers of North, Central and South America. We render you this tribute of gratitude . . . 175 The Montevideo victory united I A P A m e m b e r s and set the organization on a determined a n d vigorous campaign in behalf of an independent and free press in the hemisphere. At the H a v a n a meeting it faced attacks on all sides a n d won t h e day. Both of these rowdy meetings were difficult to chair: t h e coolness of Luis Franzini against the P e r ó n onslaught in Montevideo, a n d the stubbornness and courage of J a m e s G. Stahlman a n d Cuba's Guillermo Martínez Márquez in H a v a n a , kept the meetings from disintegrating a n d 173

Ibid., October 30,1956, pp. 8,22. Stahlman letter, October 22,1958. 175 XIII Annual Meeting, p. 114.

174

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assured IAPA's future. In addition, Jules Dubois' contribution in these trying times cannot be overlooked. James G. Stahlman said: No history of the IAPA would be complete without a proper appraisal of the courageous and highly effective work of Jules Dubois as chairman of the Freedom of the Press Committee. . . . He has been fearless in his contacts with and subsequent denunciation of dictators and all who have endeavored to throttle a free press or suspend constitution guaranties.176 Furthermore, administratively and operationally speaking, IAPA had matured considerably between those two meetings and has continued to do so. It has learned how to apply its tools of pressure more judiciously and effectively. The long tenure of John R. Reitemeyer, Hartford Courant (Connecticut), as its executive chairman, and James B. Canel, as its general manager, also contributed to a greater consistency in the formation and application of its policies and decisions. Peru One of the questions sometimes posed about the Inter American Press Association is just where does it get its information and how does it actually move, practically speaking, when there is an arbitrary governmental aggression against the press. Because of the clear-cut actions involved, perhaps no better examples can be cited than that of La Prensa of Peru. When President Manuel Odría of Peru moved against La Prensa it was not the first time he had clashed with the newspapers of Peru, including La Prensa. In general, however, the Peruvian press had suffered not from frontal attacks, but from "invisible limits," which it did well not to overstep, especially in domestic affairs.177 IAPA at one time had a group of volunteer correspondents, staffers of member newspapers, who reported to IAPA headquarters on matters concerning freedom of the press. Antonio Olivas, of La Crónica (Lima), was IAPA's correspondent in Peru. 178 On February 16, 1956, an abortive army revolt took place in 176 177 178

Stahlman letter, October 22,1958. International Press Institute, Government Pressures on the Press, p. 103. Press of the Americas, March 1,1955.

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Iquitos, a city in northeastern Peru. The rebels issued a manifesto, which was telephoned to Lima, and publisher Pedro Beltrán dared to publish it in La Prensa. The government claimed Beltrán was involved in the uprising. When troops stormed the newspaper plant on February 17,179 Beltrán's employees surrounded him to protect him. He and forty of his staffers were arrested and eventually jailed in the Frontón, Peru's equivalent of Alcatraz.180 Prior to his arrest Beltrán tipped off Antonio Olivas that the building was surrounded and trouble expected. Olivas, who went to La Prensa to check on the situation, was almost caught in the arrested group. It was early morning, and knowing that the censor was closed, he cabled a frank report to IAPA about Beltrán's arrest. Somehow or other, it got through. 181 During Beltrán's imprisonment Olivas kept IAPA informed by giving police the slip and taking materials to the airport, from where a friend on one of the airlines carried them out for him. He also called James B. Canel by phone a number of times.182 A few days after Beltrán's arrest Olivas even sent to IAPA a cable, which, he said, he knew would not get through. He sent an entirely false report (he had not talked with Beltrán) that Beltrán was about to declare a hunger strike. It was, as he called it, a psychological "battle of cables": he knew that the censor would keep the palace informed.183 In the meantime, IAPA protested vigorously,184 the New York Times covered the story and wrote a strong editorial condemning the government's actions,185 discreet queries were made through diplomatic contacts about Beltrán's safety,186 and, perhaps most important of all, the Peruvian Federation of Journalists began a heated fight 179

Report of the Committee on Freedom of the Press, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, October 7,1956 (mimeographed). 180 XIII Annual Meeting, p. 270. 181 Olivas interview. 182 Ibid. 183 Ibid. 184 Press of the Americas, April 1,1956. 185 New York Times, March 3,1956, p. 18. 186 Two letters in IAPA files cited previously whose authors this writer prefers not to reveal.

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against the government's attempts to silence the press.187 Miguel Fort, acting publisher of La Prensa, as per Beltrán's instructions from jail, refused to publish the newspaper under censorship as the government insisted.188 The Federation's president, Alfonso Delboy, and Fort interviewed President Odria and obtained his promise that the newspaper could begin publication without censorship.189 Antonio Olivas wrote Canel during this period and told him it was important that Beltrán and La Prensa know they had not been abandoned. He then indicated that should any attempt be made to deport Beltrán, he would send a cable saying in effect: "My wife leaves for Panama (or wherever Beltrán might be sent) today. Please notify Doctor Schneider (the IAPA)," 1 9 0 At its meeting in March the IAPA Executive Committee directed a long cable to Odria protesting Beltrán's imprisonment and requesting his release. It decided at the same time to nominate Beltrán for IAPA's Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal, being careful to make a public announcement of its decision. Within two days after the announcement Beltrán was released from prison. 191 He received a wild reception from La Prensa staffers and other supporters. 192 Upon his release, Beltrán immediately thanked his IAPA colleagues for their efforts in his behalf.193 The Committee on Freedom of the Press in its report of April, 1956, however, stressed the roles played by Miguel Fort, of La Prensa, and Alfonso Delboy, of the Peruvian Federation of Journalists. 194 Their courage and tireless efforts contributed greatly to the ultimately victory.195 Only one discouraging note marred the victory: it had been won with little help from the important dailies of Lima. The schisms which plague the Peruvian press could not have been more pro187

New York Times, March 6,1956, p. 16. 188 Freedom of the Press Report. 189 New York Times, March 6,1956, p. 16. 190 Letter from Antonio Olivas to James B. Canel, March 5, 1956 (in IAPA files). 191 XIII Annual Meeting, p. 271. 192 Caretas ( P e r u ) , Marzo 20,1956, pp. 15-17. 193 Editor & Publisher (March 17,1956), p . 70. 194 Freedom of the Press Report. 195 TWO letters in IAPA files cited previously.

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nounced. The amount of newspaper space which they devoted to the La Prensa case barely fell within the limits of "taking action." Whether they failed to act because of fear or because of personal prejudices, they did not fulfill their obligations to the profession. Hard-hitting editorials were conspicuous by their absence.196 Other Battles and Skirmishes A mention must be made here about the campaign IAPA waged for so many years in Cuba. From 1953 until his ouster, Batista dexterously alternated between censorship and press freedom. He tended to cloak his actions in an air of legality whenever possible. He used Public Order Decree 997 (1953) 1 9 7 to limit freedom of the press, but later conceded to modify it. Censorship came and went as constitutional guarantees were suspended and then reinstated again and again. IAPA would gain an inch in its battle and then lose a foot, and vice versa.198 IAPA's campaign in Cuba was inevitably complicated by the delicacy of the position of some of its Cuban members. The Cuban botella system was no secret,199 but then neither was the courage of some of IAPA's Cuban members. 200 IAPA was pledged to protest any arbitrary government aggression against freedom of the press. Batista was often both arbitrary and aggressive. The Association could only play its cards close to its chest and hope for the best. It certainly could not undertake any wholesale investigation of its Cuban membership, for two reasons: it was fighting battles on three fronts at the time, and undoubtedly some members in other countries were just as suspect. One must not forget that active IAPA members are publications, not individuals. Gustavo Gómez Mejía and his publica196

New York Times, March 6, 1956, p. 16. To confirm the New York Times report, and others, regarding the performance of the Lima papers at the time, this writer measured, read, and evaluated news stories and editorials about the La Prensa case in the Lima dailies. In this writers' opinion, Lima's dailies did not give La Prensa adequate support. 197 Prensa de las Américas, August 15,1953. 198 Press of the Americas, 1953-1958. 199 Robert M. Hallet, "Graft from Government Props Cuban Press," IPI Report, IV, No. 3 (July, 1955), 5. 200 Executive Committee Meetings, 1957.

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tion El Frente (Colombia) were still carried on lAPA's membership list of 1959, although he fronted Rojas Pinilla's battle at the IAPA Havana meeting in 1956. In Venezuela, dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez never appeared very concerned about lAPA's protests. Monsignor Jesús María Pellín of La Religión (Caracas) and Juan Carmona of El Impulso (Barquisimeto) were about the only Venezuelans who attended IAPA meetings more than once or twice. It must be admitted, however, that the IAPA annual reports on freedom of the press seldom devoted more than a few lines to the Venezuelan situation until 1957. 201 At the 1957 annual meeting, after a Mexican, a Cuban, and a Peruvian rose to speak out in behalf of imprisoned Venezuelan newspapermen, Germán Arciniegas, El Tiempo (Colombia), observed that the problem was not to get the newspapermen out of jail but to get Venezuela out of prison. He said further: I have a simple question to ask. How is it that Caracas, a prosperous city of a million inhabitants, where some of the technically outstanding newspapers of the continent are published, is not represented here by even one publisher. Is it possible that there is no longer any press in Venezuela.202 Shortly after its 1957 meeting IAPA launched an intensive campaign in behalf of Venezuela. IAPA President John T. O'Rourke, Washington Daily News, sent a special letter to all members asking them to expose the Venezuelan situation. Special press releases and bulletins on Venezuela were distributed. Copies of two manifestos smuggled out of Venezuela and dealing with freedom of expression were forwarded to members for publication. 203 Marcos Pérez Jiménez was booted from power in January, 1958, with Venezuela's newspapers contributing greatly to his downfall.204 Miguel Angel Capriles, publisher of La Esfera and Ultimas Noticias, cabled his thanks to IAPA shortly after his release from jail. He also cabled an application for membership in IAPA. 205 201

See minutes of annual meetings, VI-XIII. XIII Annual Meeting, p. 240,241. 203 Press of the Americas, February 1,1958. 204 Joseph Taylor, "Revolt of Newspapers Rid Venezuela of Its Dictator," Editor & Publisher (February 1,1958), pp. 6,62. 205 Press of the Americas, February 1,1958. 202

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Of course, IAPA had been battling with the dictatorship of Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic for years, with only negligible results. The Dominican Republic was one of the Association's hardest problems to crack.206 In Nicaragua the wind has blown hot and cold against the press, much as it did in Cuba in the days of Batista. IAPA won some skirmishes for freedom of the press there, 207 but perhaps the battle is yet to be won. Again, it must not be forgotten, in all fairness to IAPA, that throughout the 1950's the Association battled not one dictatorship but many. It could not possibly take all of them on at once. It fought best where it found stalwart Latin Americans who wanted to fight with it. Perhaps no North American could appreciate the value of its efforts as much as a Latin American. Pedro Bertrán expressed it simply when he said: I wonder whether those of you who have not seen this sort of thing at close range understand the great significance of IAPA and the place it will hold in history when the story of the democratization of the Americas is told. When a government stamps out liberty, when it closes newspapers and denies freedom of expression, the voices from the outside, the voice of an authorized institution like the IAPA, open up new possibilties of hope: we have seen this clearly in Peru. I would even say—and I think those of you familiar with the situation will agree with me—that if it had not been for the invaluable help of the IAPA there would not be a regime of freedom today in my country, nor would I be here addressing you.208 206

IPI, The Press in Authoritarian Countries, pp. 171-172. Ibid., p. 173. The Committee on Freedom of the Press in 1965 reported that "there is freedom of the press" in Nicaragua. See Report of the Committee on Freedom of the Press (Document 16E), XXI Annual Meeting, October, 1965 (mimeographed). 208 XII An[n]ual Meeting, pp. 152-153. 207

V . THE I A P A AS A SERVICE ORGANIZATION: A N A P P R A I S A L

One Latin American noted that whatever IAPA's shortcomings may be, they are essentially human ones. The Association is young, and that fact alone has been responsible for some of its mistakes. It also possesses the defects of any institution, and the problems of any pioneer. 1 As an independent, financially self-sufficient, inter-American professional organization, it had no pattern or path to follow. It learned by doing and, of course, in the process it made some mistakes. It encountered problems peculiar to operations in a multicultural area of the world: problems for which it was not always prepared. It gained stature and prestige because of its ideals and its defense of them. As it acquired more members and more power it also acquired more enemies among the dictators who looked upon its growing strength with alarm. Argentina's Perón, Colombia's Rojas Pinilla, and the Dominican Republic's Trujillo all launched virulent propaganda campaigns against the organization. The Cuban revolutionary newspapers did the same.2 1

Interview with Ambrosio González del Valle (Cuba), January 28,1960. José Antonio Cabrera, "Estados Unidos: base de amenazas y agresiones a Cuba," Revolución (Cuba), January 25, 1960, p. 24. Cabrera says the United States reactionary press is the axis of the operations against Cuba, and the IAPA the force behind the campaign. He also called Alberto Gainza Paz, one of the "monjes grises" [grey monks] of IAPA. 2

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Harmodio Arias, former president of Panama and publisher of El Panamá América, has pointed out that North Americans have little to gain from being members of the IAPA. In fact, they could fight their battles alone or through their national associations. It is the Latin Americans, he maintained, who really need and benefit directly from the IAPA. 3 Otilio Ulate, former president of Costa Rica and publisher of Diario de Costa Rica, expressed the same sentiment when he told Diario de las Américas (Florida) that "the Latin Americans need IAPA more than the journalists of North America, where freedom of the press never suffers from darkness or from weakness." 4 It may be well to consider, then, just why the Latin Americans and the North Americans belong to the Association, and, in general, what may be its attributes and its defects. The Benefits of Membership It has been indicated that the North Americans who originally became interested in the Association during the days of the congresses were both sincere Pan Americanists and interested in keeping the organization from becoming a sounding board for the Communists. 5 James G. Stahlman, Nashville Banner (Tennessee), observed in a recruiting letter that a North American newspaper had no hope of profiting in the slightest, as a corporate entity, from membership in the IAPA. He belonged himself because he felt it was the one agency which held the highest potential for creating and maintaining hemispheric solidarity. He said further: 3

Interview with Harmodio Arias (Panama), November 10,1959. Diario de las Américas (Florida), October, n.d., 1956 (clipping in IAPA files). Some North Americans might not agree that freedom of the press never suffers in the United States. Ulate later became involved in an argument with Dubois and withdrew "irrevocably" from IAPA on April 1, 1957 (New York Times, April 2, 1957, p. 14). He wrote in his newspaper on April 4, 1957, an article blasting IAPA, which was used as a peg for propaganda against IAPA by the Colombian newspaper Transformación (Bogotá) on April 18, 1957. Ulate's publication was still carried on IAPA's membership list of June 1, 1959, and his name on the Board of Directors list of 1960; however, at the 1960 annual meeting, he was not reelected to the Board. See XVI Annual Meeting, October, 1960, pp. 141-144. 5 Supra, pp. 21-23. 4

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The United States has spent billions of dollars all over the world in trying to maintain friends upon whom we could rely in a pinch. To a degree, we have neglected our neighbors to the South, those nearest home, and consequently those whom we must cultivate and protect from subversive influence, for our own self-protection, if for nothing else . . .6 Of course, in speaking of hemispheric solidarity and selfprotection, it becomes evident even to the casual observer that the preservation of freedom of the press in the United States might ultimately depend on the encouragement and the maintenance of this freedom in Latin America. It is hard for some to imagine freedom of the press existing in the Northern Hemisphere if it should suddenly cease to exist in the Southern Hemisphere. IAPA's Charter says succinctly: "Without freedom of the press there is no democracy." 7 One North American editor perhaps expressed this thought more conclusively when he observed that if his Latin American colleagues were willing to go to jail for freedom of the press, the least he could do was give them his moral and financial support through the IAPA. 8 Agustín Edwards, Jr., chairman of El Mercurio (Chile), listed the three main reasons why most Latin Americans belong to IAPA as (1) idealism, agreement with IAPA's basic principles; (2) social security, IAPA membership as a form of insurance against government oppression; and (3) technical help, which may be obtained through contact with the United States membership and the IAPA Technical Center, Inc. 9 Both the North Americans and the Latin Americans speak highly of the benefits of the personal contacts which result from the IAPA meetings. North Americans admit to giving more space in their publications to Latin American news as a result of their increased understanding and interest in the area. This influence has even penetrated regions as far remote as Pocatello, Idaho. Nicholas Ifft, publisher of the Idaho State Journal, has long been an enthusiastic 6 Letter from James G. Stahlman to E. M. Dealey, February 1, 1955 (in IAPA files). 7 Charter, By-Laws and Rules, Inter American Press Association, Art. II. 8 Personal Notes, XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959. 9 Interview with Agustín Edwards, Jr. (Chile), October 30,1959.

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supporter of the IAPA. He says there is no doubt that he devotes more space to Latin American news because of his membership in the Association.10 The IAPA not only has brought publishers and editors of North America and Latin America together, it also has brought the Latin Americans into contact with each other. When Pedro J. Chamorro, publisher of La Prensa (Nicaragua), was jailed after he exchanged his pen for a rifle to lead an abortive revolt against Somoza, the IAPA could not act officially in the matter. After reports (proved false) said Chamorro had been tortured, a group of publishers issued a statement expressing hope that he would receive humane treatment. 11 Julio de Mesquita Filho, publisher of O Estado de São Paulo (Brazil), sent a correspondent to Nicaragua, thinking that such a move might ease Chamorro's prison treatment by reporting it to the world. Mesquita said his action was not only professionally inspired, but, more important, was also the result of an IAPA friendship with Chamorro. 12 Various Latin American members from different countries have also discussed pooling news, such as jointly paying the expenses of a correspondent to report the Cuban situation. Some ten or so have also agreed to exchange clippings from their publications. 13 Rómulo O'Farrill, Jr., vice-president and manager of Novedades (Mexico), said he contacted his IAPA friends in South America for help in covering a trip of Mexico's president through some of their countries. He feels that one of IAPA's fundamental benefits and strengths is the opportunity it provides for serious journalists of the hemisphere to know each other.14 Some Latin Americans believe that IAPA, through its meetings and actions, has had a salutary effect on the ethics of some of its members. 15 One Latin American journalist observed that, although it is difficult to tell what impact the Association has had, the fact 10

Interview with Nicholas lift (United States), October 7,1959. Press of the Americas, July 1,1959. 12 Interview with Julio de Mesquita Filho (Brazil), October 6,1959. 13 Edwards interview. 14 Interview with Rómulo O'Farrill, Jr. (México), February 2,1960. 15 Interview with José María Navasal (Chile), December 14, 1959. 11

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members must face their peers and take a stand on related issues tends to make them think more about their own performances as journalists. 16 IAPA has also forced publishers and editors in some countries to sit down together and discuss common problems for the first time, 17 if only that of planning a forthcoming IAPA meeting in their own country. IAPA's annual meetings also bring them together in small groups such as committees, encounters which cannot be avoided easily. Personal and political animosities in Latin America are such that any attempt to evaluate this aspect of IAPA's influence would be risky indeed. One can only point to the fact that Argentines, Costa Ricans, and Peruvians, among others, have cooperated together in IAPA (reluctant cooperation though it may be) without doing so at home. It can be hoped that this is the first step toward pulling together on the home front.18 One newspaper director from São Paulo, Brazil, observed that if he were tossed into jail, probably the only newspapers which would come to his aid would be those of the same political bent. He feels that the climate for cooperation does not yet exist there. "Here," he observed wryly, "everyone is for himself and God is for us all, only God." 19 Of course, he counts on IAPA's support should such an unfortunate thing occur to him. This is the social security or insurance which many Latin Americans consider to be IAPA's greatest strength and of greatest benefit to them. Most of the members are learning that "freedom of the press is the tree which protects all other liberties," 20 even if they themselves have sometimes been remiss in their support of it. IAPA has been called the "monitor" of freedom of the press in the hemisphere. 21 Ambrosio González del Valle, Diario de la Marina 16

Interview with Iñez Gutiérrez de Montaña (Colombia), October 7, 1959. Interview with Alberto Gainza Paz (Argentina), October 3,1959. 18 The situation in Peru has already been discussed in Chapter IV. 19 Interview with José Nabantino Ramos (Brazil), January 8, 1960. 20 Alejandro Miró Quesada (Peru) in an interview on December 1,1959. 21 Interview with Oscar García Rey (Argentina), December 22,1959. 17

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(Cuba), remarked that IAPA is more than a private organization, it is a response to the modern world's needs: a universalization of the press. What happens in each country is now of interest to all. Most important, he feels, IAPA provides great moral support to both members and nonmembers. Newspapers do not feel so alone in the world when suffering from oppression: IAPA shares their oppression and stretches out the hand of friendship.22 Xavier Chamorro, brother of Pedro Joaquín Chamorro, La Prensa (Nicaragua), maintains that if it were not for this great moral force, IAPA's towering influence in the background, the harassment and the difficulties their publication suffered would have been more severe.23 Guatemala's Ramón Blanco, editor of El Imparcial, sums up what IAPA means to him quite graphically: he simply calls it his "Alma Mater." 24 Most Latin American publishers and editors subscribe to Agustín Edwards' list of reasons as to why they belong to IAPA. And, they apparently remain members for exactly the same reasons in spite of occasional and stormy disagreements. Many of them just cannot afford to take the risk of not belonging. Even in such countries as Uruguay, where no recent governmental aggressions against the press have occurred, publishers and editors look upon IAPA as a form of insurance which, "should Uruguay lose its normality," would come to the defense of the press. 25 Admittedly, as the Association has become more powerful, a certain prestige value in membership has developed, and some publications may have joined for this reason. Should this be the case, it would not unduly preoccupy most IAPA directors. A great 22 González del Valle interview. At the time of the interview González' newspaper, Diario de la Marina, had been subjected to a vicious attack by Cuba's revolutionary press because it dared to criticize the Castro government. Revolución called it "the decrepit one" and predicted its demise. Advertising had dropped, distributors and vendors had begun to refuse to handle it, and copies were burned at public demonstrations in the Interior. Its circulation, however, was up fifteen per cent. 23 Interview with Xavier Chamorro (Nicaragua), October 5,1959. 24 Interview with Ramón Blanco (Guatemala), October 5, 1959. Here, of course Blanco is using the term in the literal sense. 25 Interview with Carlos E. Scheck (Uruguay), January 5,1960.

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number look upon IAPA membership as a long-range educational process toward more responsible journalism in an environment of freedom.26 Prestige may bring some members in, but they probably continue membership for sounder reasons. One should not assume from the high praise given IAPA by its members that they have never criticized it. On the contrary, their criticisms and their differences regarding the operations of the Association have sometimes been both sharp and violent. Although there appears to be little disagreement about the overall success of IAPA's fight for freedom of the press, there has been considerable disagreement about some of the methods it has employed. Members also feel that certain areas exist in which the activities of the Association could be improved. Considerations for Improvement Most of the suggestions and criticisms discussed here were proffered by Latin Americans. Some came from North Americans, and on many points both groups were in accord. For the evaluation of the merits of such suggestions and criticisms as well as for additional recommendations, this writer must accept full responsibility. 27 United States Influence Sensitive Latin Americans are quick to point out that the IAPA headquarters office is located in the United States, the executive chairman has usually been a North American, most IAPA Executive Committee and Board members are North Americans, and the Association is incorporated in the state of Delaware. Some of their charges are based on accurate information, and some are not. When it was pointed out to one Brazilian newspaperman that the 1959 forty-five—man Board of Directors contained twenty-eight representatives from publications printed in a language other than English, and that three of the English-language members came from the Caribbean area, he was still unhappy. "But ah," he said, looking 26 Interviews with Andrew Heiskell (United States), July 23, 1959, and with John R. Reitemeyer (United States), October 2,1959. 27 For obvious reasons, primarily for protection of sources, some citations in this section will be omitted.

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at the marked list, "it would take six of these [Latin Americans] to match one like Stahlman." 28 The 1960 Board of Directors contained twenty-five representatives from publications printed in languages other than English, and two members of the English-language group came from Trinidad and Jamaica, respectively. The Executive Committee had eight members from the Spanish-Portuguese-language group. The chairman, John R. Reitemeyer, was North American. The Advisory Council ratio was seven to six. In short, the region outside the borders of the United States had seven more elected directors on the Board and one less on the Executive Committee and Advisory Council than the region within the borders of the United States. 29 Why then, the feeling of nonparticipation? One reason is simply because of a feeling among some Latin Americans that IAPA's operations are being run by a North American "clique." This is an oft-repeated charge and merits consideration. One Latin American was quite straightforward with his appraisal of the situation, and his comments are revealing. "Everytime I hear others complain about the small group running the IAPA." he observed, "I ask myself who would do it if they didn't. I personally have neither the desire nor the time to tackle such a job." 30 Under the circumstances, he apparently felt it did not behoove him to complain. Andrew Heiskell admitted that the United States members have "carried the ball," and made the most noise in the organization. He pointed out, however, that in many cases the Latin American officers or members of the Association were in such delicate positions that they could indicate their willingness to go along with IAPA but could not risk an open stand. 31 Add to this possibility the distances that Board and Executive Committee members must travel to attend meetings, the inflation which makes such travel doubly expensive for a Latin American, and the tendency of many Latin Americans not to answer correspon28

Sources which must remain confidential. Personal Notes, XV Annual Meeting. 30 Source which must remain confidential. 31 Heiskell interview. 29

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dence,32 and it becomes evident why the North Americans assumed the major role in the daily operations of the Association. Several times they obviously have bent over backward in an effort not to offend their Latin American colleagues. They retained the numbering of the annual meetings from the 1942 Mexico City Congress (rather than from the 1926 Washington meeting), and incorporated the Association under the Spanish designation, "Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa," rather than the English title. The incorporation under the state laws of Delaware in 1958 was a move which many Latin American members apparently did not understand and therefore resented. It is not clear whether the problems involved were ever thoroughly explained to the general membership. Evidently some members still do not understand why it should have been incorporated at all, and if it were necessary, why it could not have taken place in a Latin American country. 33 The resignation of Miguel Lanz Duret in protest only substantiated what many Latin Americans were inclined to think of the move.34 Action to incorporate the Association was apparently first considered in 1953. At the semiannual directors meeting, Executive Committee Chairman Andrew Heiskell mentioned that the Association would be incorporated under the laws of New York State within a few months. 35 The next available reference on the subject occurs in the records of the Executive Committee meeting in April, 1956, when John R. Reitemeyer pointed out that someone might eventually sue IAPA, 32 In his report to the directors meeting in March, 1953, Executive Committee Chairman Heiskell noted that when IAPA decided to survey Latin American complaints about United States treatment of Latin American news, it mailed one hundred blanks to Latin American members. In two months time only three replies were received. This writer wrote some twenty-five North American and twenty Latin American IAPA members. Only two North Americans failed to answer; only two Latin Americans replied: Miguel Lanz Duret, director El Universal (México), and Carlos Lacerda, Tribuna da Imprensa (Brazil). 33 Source which must remain confidential. 34 Letters from Miguel Lanz Duret to IAPA directors on June 13, 1957, and March 7,1958 (in IAPA files). 35 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March 28-29, 1953 (in IAPA files).

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in which case all members would be liable. Lanz Duret, along with James G. Stahlman and Alberto Gainza Paz, felt that incorporation would subject the Association to charges of Yankee imperialism. It was decided to investigate Panama, Uruguay, and Puerto Rico as incorporation locales.36 Throughout the Executive Committee meetings of 1956 and 1957, the pros and cons of incorporation were discussed.37 This was quite a serious problem, especially for the United States members. Twice the Association had been threatened with law suits.38 Quite logically, United States members were much more vulnerable: relatively speaking, they were richer and more accessible targets. It became apparent that only incorporation in the United States would give the independence and the protection desired. Incorporation in Panama, for example, would not give individual officers relief.39 Angel Ramos, El Mundo (Puerto Rico), and Guillermo Martínez Márquez, El País (Cuba), understood the situation and spoke out strongly again and again in behalf of the move. Ramos thought incorporation should take place while Martínez Márquez held the office of president. 40 Martínez Márquez noted that "the IAPA would not be what it is if it were not for the support of the U. S. press . . . the Latin American press could not do the job alone." 41 He felt it was imperative that the Association incorporate. He had already pointed out that, with the possible exception of Uruguay, each and every country in Latin America had been, or might be, in the same situation as the Cuban press at the moment. 42 Ramón Blanco, El Imparcial (Guatemala), who opposed incorporation in the United States, was asked at the 1959 annual meeting if the move had brought the anti-United States results he had feared. He said that luckily there had been "no impact." 43 Be that as it may, 36

Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1956 (in IAPA files). Ibid,, 1956-1957. 38 XII An[n]ual Meeting, October, 1956, p. 25. 39 Executive Committee Meetings, 1956. 40 Ibid., 1957. 41 Ibid, 1957. 42 43 Ibid., 1956. Blanco interview. 37

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one tends to wonder how much the incorporation reinforced the impression some Latin Americans seem to have that the Association is strictly a United States directed outfit. There is some evidence that the Latin Americans may be justified in complaining that the same small group continues to manage the affairs of IAPA. At the 1957 annual meeting Jules Dubois, Chicago Tribune, remarked he would like to repeat the motion made a year earlier that a need existed for a constitutional amendment limiting the number of times directors could be re-elected. He observed that many good men were left off the Board because others were re-elected time and again.44 At the 1959 annual meeting Carlos Mantilla Ortega, subdirector, El Comercio (Ecuador), rose to request that nominees for election to the Board be listed alphabetically on the ballot. Those nominated for re-election evidently had always headed the list.45 Mantilla felt many nominees were not elected because those up for re-election were listed first and that such a position was psychologically effective. Although his request was apparently accepted, it was never executed.46 When the IAPA Advisory Council was conceived in 1954 47 and adopted by a constitutional amendment in 1955, 48 its purpose was not only to utilize the valuable experience and services of past officers but also to provide greater opportunity for more Board members. 49 The Council is made up of past presidents and past Executive Committee chairmen, who also tended to be re-elected to the Board year after year. As they have moved into Council membership, they generally have resigned from their elected directorships. 50 Council 44

XIII Annual Meeting, October, 1957, p. 263. Personal Notes, XV Annual Meeting. 46 Interview with Carlos Mantilla Ortega (Ecuador), November 21, 1959. By the 1963 annual meeting, however, the ballot for election of directors did list the candidates alphabetically. See XIX Annual Meeting, October, 1963, p. 226. 47 Press of the Americas, November 1,1954. 48 Ibid., November 5,1955. 49 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March 29-31, 1957 (in IAPA files). 50 Records, Executive Committee Meetings, 1955-1959 (in IAPA files). 45

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members automatically become integral members of the Board. 51 Evidently, for some, this action has failed to fill satisfactorily the need for which it was intended. The turnover on the Board of Directors has been comparatively small. Nevertheless, one point should not be overlooked. Directors are elected to the Board by the general membership. The Board fills only those vacancies which occur between annual meetings. 52 The opportunity always exists for dissident elements to campaign vigorously for their candidates. Political and economic conditions which sometimes limit the participation of Latin Americans have already been noted. In addition, there appears to be a tendency for some to consider election to IAPA's Board only an honorific position involving no work or responsibility. Whatever their reasons, it is noteworthy that Assis de Chateaubriand, owner of a group of Brazilian newspapers, Bartolomé Mitre, director, La Nación (Argentina), and José García Valseca, owner of a Mexican newspaper chain, were all elected to the Board of Directors. According to the records, they failed to attend any annual meetings during their tenures. Mitre attended the 1958 meeting at Buenos Aires and once more was elected to the Board. Neither is there any evidence, by the way, that Whitelaw Reid, publisher, New York Herald Tribune, attended any of the annual meetings when he was a director. 53 The problem here really seems to be that the group managing IAPA's affairs are not just the same North Americans year after year but also the same Latin Americans. It would be ridiculous to conclude that such a condition is, per se, a bad one. Certainly it does limit the training of the younger members who must necessarily move into office some day, but it does permit a greater degree, perhaps, of continuity and coordination in the Association's operations. It is noteworthy, nevertheless, that until the 1959 annual meeting very few of the younger members served as directors or on the Executive Committee. At that meeting Rómulo O'Farrill, Jr., of Novedades (Mexico), was appointed by the Board to fill a vacancy, 51

Charter, By-Laws, Art. Ill, Sec. 1. Ibid., Sec. 6. 53 Annual meetings, 1951-1958.

52

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and three of the younger directors—O'Farrill, José A. Dutriz, Jr., La Prensa Gráfica (El Salvador), and Μ. do Nascimento Brito, Jornal do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro)—were added to the Executive Committee.54 The North Americans may quite rightly be accused of not developing the young blood which must eventually represent the United States press in IAPA's operations. In addition to the young Latin American representatives mentioned, a number of other promising young Latin American editors and publishers actively participate in the Association. United States newspapers, with a few exceptions, are represented by an older group, and members of this group have been re-elected again and again as IAPA directors and officers. Perhaps it is time the North Americans look toward the future, and begin to encourage and develop the participation of some of their younger colleagues in the Association's activities. "Capitalism and Imperialism" Essentially, the previous discussion concerned what Latin American IAPA members think about their own organization. What do Latin Americans working in journalism and related fields who are not IAPA members think of its operations? Their impressions, if they may be considered at all representative, are quite revealing. 55 First, it should be noted that two Latin American newspaper directors from different countries, who are IAPA members, observed that IAPA urgently needs to concern itself with two criticisms: (1) it responds to the interests of big publications, that is, large capitalistic enterprise, and (2) it responds to the government of the United States.56 Whether such criticism is justified or not, such charges are flung at IAPA by some of its own members, by some publisher nonmembers, and, above all, by the Latin American working journalists. 54

Personal Notes, XV Annual Meeting. In the period from November 10, 1959, to February 7, 1960, this writer interviewed 145 persons in Latin American journalism. Of these, 59 were not on the executive staff of publications but were working journalists on newspapers or in other related areas. 56 Although the newspaper directors in question did not so request, this writer prefers not to cite them. 55

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The latter group, from a long-range point of view, is perhaps the most important. One newspaperman stated quite bluntly that the IAPA was nothing more than "a huge tentacle of the U. S. State Department." Another commented that it defends only the interests of the owners. Still another said it fights only for freedom of the press for the owners—it is his union that fights for freedom of the press for the journalist. IAPA is also accused of abandoning the working journalist to exploitation by owners, of preoccupying itself less with the problems of Latin American journalism than North American journalism, and of having converted itself from a society which once truly represented the working journalists into a group which now represents only business interests. Finally, of course, "it is run by North Americans for imperialistic purposes." 57 All these observations obviously fall within the two fundamental criticisms listed earlier. It would be comforting for the North Americans especially if it could be indicated that these remarks are isolated examples gleaned from reporters working on a few publications which represent the far left. On the contrary, these are only a few examples of the many which might be cited, and most of them came from reporters working on conservative or center-oriented publications. Why, then, do so many working journalists of Latin America tend to have this view of the IAPA? One point must be conceded immediately: the IAPA is basically an organization of owners. Some IAPA officers would argue against this point of view, for the Association continually stresses that its active members are publications and not persons. Nevertheless, these publications are most often represented by their owners or presidents, especially those from Latin America. The fact that a number have been represented by such working journalists as Roberto García Peña, El Tiempo (Colombia), Ramón Blanco, El Imparcial (Guatemala), Humberto Medrano, Prensa Libre (Cuba), and Juan S. Valmaggia, La Nación (Argentina), is generally overlooked. Many of these Latin American publications are also family enter57

Interviews with six Latin American journalists whom this writer prefers not to cite.

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prises.58 Many of them are also associated with the oligarchy of their nations: an oligarchy now under attack as the desire for social and political reforms surges through Latin America. Again, the importance of these charges, as concerns IAPA, is not that they may be just or unjust, but that they are made and believed. It should also be observed that newspapers in a number of Latin American countries have received special exchange rates in the past for the purchase and importation of newsprint and equipment. 59 Some owners have been able to construct beautiful buildings, and stock well-equipped plants. In general, however, very little has seeped down to the working journalist. Most newspapermen receive inadequate salaries and must work at two and sometimes three jobs in order to subsist. Quite frankly, this is often true of members of such professions as medicine, law, and education, also. Data gathered from interviews in 1959 and 1960 indicated that a reporter with two years of experience would earn monthly from one job approximately $55.00 to $60.00 in Argentina (6-hour day), $75.00 to $80.00 in Brazil (5-hour day), $75.00 to $85.00 in Uruguay, and $60.00 to $70.00 in Chile. Furthermore, the gap which exists between the employer and the worker in many Latin American countries, if not all, is far greater than in most comparable situations in the United States. This is just as true in newspaper offices as in other industries. The director is often far removed from his employees, both in matters of physical space and social distance. The working journalist, unfortunately, tends to think of freedom of the press as part of the privileges of the privileged class, of his patrón or boss, and not in any way related to his own privileges or rights. Most working journalists interviewed admitted the gap existed, but only a few publishers seemed consciously aware of it.60 Hence, some editors and publishers of IAPA, particularly the 58 Examples which may be cited include El Espectador (Colombia), El Comercio (Ecuador), El Comercio (Peru), and La Prensa (Argentina). 59 Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil, for example. 60 For references treating this matter in general see Robert M. Hallet, "Freedom Not a Tradition," IPI Report, II, No. 10 (February, 1954), 7, and Gustavo Adolfo Otero, La Cultura y El Periodismo en America, pp. 26-27.

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North Americans, may find it difficult to understand or believe that some of their Latin American colleagues, willingly or not, are antipathetic symbols of the aristocracy, autocracy, or oligarchy of their respective countries. The antipathy which many of the people and the working journalists feel toward these publications is reflected against the Inter American Press Association. The Association has failed to make its objectives and its operations known. Perhaps it has been too preoccupied with freedom-of-thepress battles to undertake a campaign involving self-publicity. There are indications that this deficiency is slowly being recognized. Roger Ferger, publisher, Cincinnati Enquirer (Ohio), suggested at the Executive Committee meeting on January 12, 1959, that the IAPA needed to build up more identity through publicity. 61 A number of Latin Americans have made similar observations.62 In any event, the degree of ignorance about IAPA's activities and objectives which exists among Latin American newspapermen indicates that some action should be undertaken. Undoubtedly, some publishers and editors are at fault for not transmitting data to their employees about the Mergenthaler Awards, the IAPA scholarships, and the fact that the Association has acted in behalf of imprisoned newsmen as well as imprisoned publishers. IAPA headquarters should devote some effort to this end with the cooperation of the Latin American papers. Above all, little by little, the Latin American publishers themselves might gain insight into the problem and move toward bettering their business operations, their employer-employee relations, and especially their employees' salaries. It must be admitted that many of them have lost their privileged exchange rates and are now suffering some severe economic difficulties because of inflation

61

Executive Committee Meetings, 1957. For example, Marcos Chamudes, former director, La Nación (Chile), Raúl González, acting director, La Tercera (Chile), and Mrs. Pedro Beltrán, La Prensa (Peru). La Nación is supported by the government and is not a member of IAPA, and Mrs. Beltrán is an American. At the 1960 annual meeting it was noted by Joshua Powers that a committee on promotion had been created at an Executive Committee meeting with Powers as chairman. See XVI Annual Meeting, p. 95. 62

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and the high cost of newsprint and equipment. 63 Nevertheless, it is perhaps time to start the move forward. The charge that the IAPA responds to the will and command of the United States State Department appears unfounded on the basis of the evidence available. There appears no doubt, as previous discussions indicated, that some members have asked the Department for information from time to time. That it can determine or command the decisions and actions made by the IAPA and its officers, however, is patently ridiculous. It would have to control too many persons and, furthermore, the men who have held high offices in the IAPA, both North Americans and Latin Americans, have been of such a caliber that it is quite unlikely anyone could dictate to them with success. On the contrary, there is evidence that the opposite may have occurred. John S. Knight, of Knight Newspapers, publicly castigated the United States government at IAPA's 1953 annual meeting, when he described as "unfortunate" the visit to Argentina of the President's brother, Dr. Milton Eisenhower.64 John R. Reitemeyer, Hartford Courant (Connecticut), critically noted that the United States State Department's Henry F. Holland had been photographed arm in arm with Perón. 65 James G. Stahlman's blunt letter to Holland about United States-Latin American policies already has been discussed.66 Its forthrightness and its indignant tone ("at times utterly disgusting utterances by you as head of the Latin division") must have curled the hair of its recipient. 67 IAPA also bombarded President Eisenhower, the United States attorney general, and the State Department about taking action in the disappearance of Dominican Republic exile and Columbia University professor Jesús de Galíndez.68 Its actions in behalf of Germán E. Ornes, self-exiled Dominican Republic newspaper owner, when he 63

Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay, for example. New York Times, October 9,1953, p. 2. 65 Press of the Americas, November 1,1954. 66 Supra, p. 80. 67 Letter from James G. Stahlman to Henry F. Holland, February 8,1956 (in IAPA files). 68 Editor & Publisher (April 12,1958), p. 66. Also see Press of the Americas, April, 1956-February, 1958. 64

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had visa trouble with the State Department have already been mentioned. 69 IAPA President William H. Cowles, Spokesman-Review (Washington), also complained to Secretary of State Herter about the issuance of an unsolicited visa to Venezuelan newspaperman Simón Jurado Blanco prior to his exile by the Venezuelan government. Jurado Blanco and, later, Alfredo Abilahoud, co-owner of an opposition daily, were exiled to the United States with visas they did not request. Cowles received an explanation from the director of the State Department's visa office and was assured that steps had been taken to avoid any similar incidents. 70 Admittedly, the above evidence indicating that United States IAPA officers and members have taken various of their own government departments and agencies to task for their policies or actions in Latin America does not prove that the IAPA is not controlled by the United States government. On the other hand, neither do the unsubstantiated accusations hurled at the organization consist of proof. Time and again, when this charge was made and the accuser was asked for evidence, the only reply usually given was that he knew it to be so. One director (an IAPA member), when pushed for evidence of what he called the "marked influence of the State Department" in the Association's activities, based his opinion on the way Jules Dubois, Committee on Freedom of the Press chairman, "operates" and the "self-perpetuating manner in which the Board of Directors is formed." 71 It should be noted here that both John R. Reitemeyer, Hartford Courant (Connecticut), and Jules Dubois, Chicago Tribune, have held reserve commissions in the United States armed forces,72 and that James G. Stahlman, Nashville Banner (Tennessee), served with navy intelligence during World War II. 73 These facts are often cited as conclusive evidence the Association is at the beck and call of the United States government.74 One can discount this accusation only by 69

Supra, p. 81. Editor & Publisher (February 27,1960), p. 56. 71 Source which must remain confidential. 72 Reitemeyer interview. 73 74 Stahlman letter. Sources which must remain confidential. 70

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citing the vigorous clashes these men have had with officials of the government. The observation already has been made that in Latin America "the phenomenon so common in the United States of life-long service to a public cause . . . is simply non-existent." 75 The Latin Americans tend to be suspicious of any motive which they cannot understand, and generally anything that resembles altruistic actions is just beyond their comprehension. They often have been disillusioned by their own governments, and have been left skeptical by past inter-American relations. Add to this their tendency to doubt that any action could be taken without material gain as the motive, and their suspiciousness regarding the IAPA and some of its members is more understandable. They are quick to point out that such men as Andrew Heiskell, presently [1966] chairman of the board of Time, John S. Knight, of Knight Newspapers, John A. Brogan, of the Hearst Corporation, and Joshua B. Powers, Editors Press Service, have business interests in Latin America and stand to gain materialistically by their association with IAPA. 76 Of course, they can give no explanation why many more men such as Roland T. Huson, publisher, The Plainsman (Louisiana ), Roger H. Ferger, publisher, Cincinnati Enquirer (Ohio), and H. Galt Braxton, Kinston Daily Free Press (North Carolina), have belonged to the organization. Angel Ramos, publisher, El Mundo (Puerto Rico), when commenting that the North Americans "believe in a free press in all the Americas," noted that not only have such men as Knight and Stahlman given their time and money to the Association but also others "not so big" such as J. N. Heiskell, publisher, Arkansas Gazette, William Pepper, Jr., former editor, Gainesville Daily Sun (Florida), and H. A. Fitzgerald, publisher, Pontiac Daily Press (Michigan). 77 Many Latin Americans find it most difficult to understand a man such as Farris A. Flint, Famous Features Syndicate, who devoted considerable time and money to get the IAPA on its feet, and now 75

Frank Tannenbaum, "Toward an Appreciation of Latin America," The United States and Latin America, pp. 50-51. 76 Sources which must remain confidential. 77 Interview with Angel Ramos (Puerto Rico), July 21,1959.

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refuses to participate because he is not a publisher and because he feels that his task is done. 78 Hence, there is a tendency to express dissatisfaction with any aspect of the IAPA in terms of capitalistic interest or governmentinspired motives. Two Latin American publishers have also pointed out that the Latin Americans tend to use "yanqui imperialism" as a rationale for their own shortcomings. 79 Whatever the reasons, there seems to be little doubt that some Latin American publishers, editors, and working journalists, especially, look upon the IAPA as a tool of imperialistic and capitalistic interests. Once again, it would be comforting to IAPA's members perhaps to rationalize such views as coming from those sympathetic to totalitarian movements, either of the right or of the left. Although some undoubtedly fall into this category, indications are that such a rationalization would probably be an oversimplification and contrary to the facts. It might be important to observe that a great part of the propaganda disseminated by Perón and by Castro attacked the IAPA as an imperialistic and capitalistic organization controlled by the United States State Department. Trujillo apparently preferred to label it a group run by Communists, and Rojas Pinilla more or less restricted himself to calling its members uncomplimentary names (Appendix B ) . Small Newspapers A number of Latin American journalists have observed that the IAPA has helped develop great friendships among the big newspapers of the hemisphere but has largely ignored the small newspapers, especially the Latin American provincial press. 80 One journalist commented that for a small newspaper publisher to be thrown in 78

Gainza Paz interview. At its March, 1965, meeting, the Board of Directors elected Flint to honorary life membership in the IAPA. See Press of the Americas, April-May, 1965. 79 Interviews with José A. Dutríz, Jr. (El Salvador), and David Michel Torino (Argentina), October 1,1959. 80 Interviews with René Silva Espejo (Chile), December 14,1959; Humberto Silva (Ecuador), November 23, 1959; and Fidélis Amaral Netto (Brazil), January 14,1960.

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with these "dignified" owners makes him "feel like a humble priest in a cathedral." 81 Rene Silva Espejo, subdirector, El Mercurio (Chile), noted that when the IAPA was reorganized in 1950 it naturally called in large prestige newspapers in order to gain stature. As a result, many small publications remained outside the Association. Some still do not have access to IAPA's benefits, not only because of the cost of membership, but because of the expenses involved in attending the annual meetings. He felt IAPA should send its bulletins free to all newspapers in all Latin American countries and have its manager, or someone, travel through Latin America explaining IAPA's aims and operations. 82 IAPA President Alberto Gainza Paz, La Prensa (Argentina), told directors at their 1959 semiannual meeting that one of the problems faced by the large newspapers of the hemisphere was that of inflation. He also observed: Newspapers with small economic resources find it difficult to pay their dues and others—small papers, but worthy of joining our ranks—do not dare commit themselves to payments beyond their means. Therefore, I submit to your consideration the possibility of establishing a new category in our scale of dues which will apply to newspapers with a circulation of under 5,000.83 Until 1960, newspapers and magazines with not more than ten thousand circulation paid $25.00 annual dues. The 1960 General Assembly in Bogotá amended the bylaws on dues to include a $15.00 category for publications under five thousand circulation. 84 The amount does not appear excessive, but in terms of the inflation which plagues many of the Latin countries it still may be beyond the means of many of the small newspapers. Hence, the provincial newspapers which perhaps most need the 81

Navasal interview. At its annual meeting in 1961 a short formal ceremony was instituted to welcome new members and to provide them with special identification. See XVII Annual Meeting, October, 1961, pp. 83-86. 82 Silva Espejo interview. 83 Report of the President, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March 23, 1959 (mimeographed). 84 Charter, By-Laws, Art. 8, as amended.

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benefits of IAPA often can least afford them. The provincial press in most of the Latin American countries is not well developed, but holds immense potentialities for the future. 85 The fact that IAPA has begun to recognize this problem is encouraging. IAPA's financial resources, however, limit the action it may be able to undertake. John R. Reitemeyer, Executive Committee chairman, told the Board of Directors at the 1959 annual meeting that he was convinced IAPA needed a traveling "membership secretary." He noted, however, that the expense would be completely beyond the means of the Association, which was "just barely getting by as it is." 86 Committee on Freedom of the Press The Committee on Freedom of the Press has been selected for discussion here for two reasons: (1) its activities and its chairman have probably precipitated more problems and controversies than any other IAPA committee, and (2) it exemplifies one of IAPA's most difficult problems, that of coordination. Furthermore, Latin Americans and North Americans alike have expressed concern regarding its operations. In order to appreciate the difficulties involved in the administration and operations of the IAPA, it should be recalled that the membership meets only once a year, and the Board of Directors only twice a year. The Executive Committee apparently meets as often as necessary and, according to the available records, this ranges from four to six times per year. 87 The headquarters office and the general manager are located in New York City. The officers of 1959 were scattered throughout the hemisphere as follows: Alberto Gainza Paz, president, in Buenos Aires, Argentina; William H. Cowles, first vice-president, in Spokane, Washington; Pedro G. Beltrán, second vice-president, in Lima, Peru; M. do Nascimento Brito, secretary, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; and John A. Brogan, Jr., treasurer, in New York City.88 85

Marvin Alisky, in "Growth of Newspapers in Mexico's Provinces," Journalism Quarterly, XXXVII, No. 1 (Winter, 1960), 75-82, points out that Mexico's provincial press is growing in vigor and influence. 86 XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959, p. 21. 87 Records, IAPA Executive Committee Meetings, 1953-1959. 88 XIV Annual Meeting, October, 1958, p. 188.

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Angel Ramos, the Executive Committee chairman, had offices in both New York City and San Juan, Puerto Rico, but illness forced his replacement by John R. Reitemeyer from Hartford, Connecticut.89 Jules Dubois, the chairman of the Committee on Freedom of the Press, worked from an office in Miami, Florida, when he was not traveling through Latin America for the Chicago Tribune. Although the lines of authority have not always been clearly defined, and sometimes are even ignored, General Assembly supposedly authorizes broad policies and amendments, the Board of Directors determines the more specific policies to be followed, the Executive Committee implements them, and the IAPA general manager assists in putting them into operation and attempts to coordinate all facets involved.90 The process sounds simple enough. When a specific incident occurs and action is needed, however, the consultative process and prior policy decisions might not adequately cover the case at hand. Prompt action, as it has been pointed out, might be necessary if a life or a newspaper is to be saved. In actual operations, in cases concerning freedom of the press, the key individuals who apparently determine what measures are to be taken are the Committee on Freedom of the Press chairman, the Executive Committee chairman, and the general manager. The president, it seems, is consulted, or informed, depending on his location and the degree of emergency involved. If an incident develops into a serious set of conditions, such as occurred during the regimes of Rojas Pinilla in Colombia and Batista in Cuba, Executive Committee meetings are called. When the president is North American the Executive Committee chairman may find his load lightened. When a Latin American is president, however, the travel and communication costs, and sometimes the great distances of the president from headquarters, necessarily force the Executive Committee chairman into a very active role. Of course, the vigor and interest of the president must also affect the role played by the Executive Committee chairman. 89

Ramos interview. Interview with John T. O'Rourke (United States), August 13, 1959. Also see IAPA brochure "IAPA—What it is . . . How it works . . . Why." 90

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It is perhaps significant to observe that only three Executive Committee chairmen served between 1951 and 1960, and all of them were based in New York or fairly close to it. Andrew Heiskell, then publisher of Life, New York City, served as Executive Committee chairman from 1951 to 1953; John R. Reitemeyer, publisher, Hartford Courant (Connecticut), from 1953 to 1956; and Angel Ramos, publisher, El Mundo (Puerto Rico) from 1956 until 1959, when Reitemeyer was again appointed. 91 Much of IAPA's effectiveness as an inter-American pressure group and service organization can undoubtedly be attributed to these three men, and to IAPA's former general manager, James B. Canel. One of the key and vital positions in the IAPA is the chairmanship of the Committee on Freedom of the Press. This office was held from 1951 to 1965 by Jules Dubois, Latin American correspondent, Chicago Tribune.92 He, more than any other man perhaps, helped develop an image of the IAPA as a rugged defender of freedom of the press. This was particularly true during the period from 1951 to 1956 when the young struggling Association needed publicity, needed to impress dictators with its power, and needed someone with the ability, interest, courage, and mobility to undertake the job. One must not forget also that the IAPA was fighting dictators on all fronts. Dubois filled the bill and has labored untiringly since then in the service of freedom.93 His flamboyant and colorful manner, as well as his sometimes violent outbursts, were extremely useful during this early period. He was always good press. There is considerable evidence, however, that he at times permitted these very same characteristics to embroil him in controversies detrimental to the interests of the Association. No one has ever doubted his courage or his sincere interest in the welfare of the IAPA; however, his judgment, his pretentiousness, and his tendency to pontificate have been subjected to severe criticism.94 91

See minutes of annual meetings, 1951-1959. Proceedings of the VII Assembly of the Inter-American Press Association, October, 1951, p. 80. See also Press of the Americas, November, 1965. 93 Interview with Herbert L. Matthews (United States), July 20, 1959. 94 Almost without exception, interviewees had some observations to make regarding Dubois' modus operandi. 92

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It must be recognized that Dubois' job was often most difficult. No matter how well he did he would have offended someone, and he did. Nevertheless, some of the criticism directed at him appears to have a legitimate basis. Likewise, without a doubt, at times he has been criticized unjustly. Too often he did not have the policy guidance and coordination needed to carry out his mission effectively. When Executive Chairman Andrew Heiskell addressed the directors at their 1953 semiannual meeting he pointed out that the Association found it hard to help members whose freedom was threatened because they failed to inform IAPA "well and rapidly." In most cases IAPA had to rely on sketchy newspaper stories. Members either ignored requests, or sent delayed or incomplete information. 95 At the 1954 semiannual directors meeting IAPA President Lanz Duret reported that in connection with the closure of El Comercio (Quito, Ecuador) isolated initial actions had been taken by the Executive Committee chairman, the chairman of the Committee on Freedom of the Press, and himself. This experience, he said, had led to the principle that the three should consult before taking action in future cases.96 Jorge Mantilla Ortega, El Comercio (Ecuador), in expressing his thanks for IAPA's help, told the same meeting that there should be closer coordination among IAPA officers, that all efforts should receive full publicity, and that campaigns should be based from the IAPA headquarters and should reflect uniform opinion. He further recommended that "all IAPA communications to government officials be couched in respectful terms." 97 The points Mantilla enunciated have been iterated again and again as some of the basic difficulties in the coordination and effectiveness of action in freedom-of-the-press matters. For a number of years IAPA correspondents were appointed in each country, 98 but 95

Report of the Executive Committee Chairman, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March 28-29,1953 (mimeographed). 96 Summary Record, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March 20-21, 1954 (mimeographed). 97 Ibid. 98 Press of the Americas, March 1,1955.

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apparently they did not meet the needs of the Association and were quietly dropped." Dubois maintains that because of poor coordination he has often been blamed for acts which he never committed. He said he did not inspire or compose the cable sent to Chile's President Ibáñez in 1953, which some members thought intemperate and written by him. He noted, too, that when Los Tiempos (Bolivia) was closed he drafted for the Executive Committee a statement, which he expected it to issue. The statement was issued over his signature, a move he had not expected.100 Dubois thinks there should be coordination of the actions of the president and the Committee on Freedom of the Press chairman. When a pronouncement concerning press freedom is made he contends that the Committee on Freedom of the Press representative in the country concerned and the Committee chairman should be consulted.101 There is evidence that Dubois asked the Board of Directors and the Executive Committee from time to time for policy guidance and for better coordination. 102 The real difficulty apparently lay in the difference between his concept of what his role should be and the concept held by many of IAPA's officers and directors. He seemed to believe that no move in matters concerning freedom of the press should have been made without consulting him.103 Others point out that IAPA committees clearly are created by an executive or executive group and hence should report to such authority rather than act on their own.104 Although this basic difference in views has sharpened in the last few years, indications are that a number of attempts were made to curb Dubois' activities while he, in turn, moved to expand their scope. At the 1954 annual meeting he suggested that a constitutional amendment be considered which would in effect give a new "Committee on Freedom of Information" exclusive jurisdiction in all mat99

Interview with Jules Dubois (United States), October 7, 1959. Ibid. 101 Ibid. 102 Stenographic Minutes, IAPA Board of Directors Meeting, March, 1957. 103 Dubois interview. 104 Executive Committee Meetings, 1959.

100

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ters relating to freedom of information.105 Subsequently, the Executive Committee recommended its rejection,106 and the Board of Directors so acted.107 It should be noted, perhaps, that earlier in 1954 IAPA had set up a committee to study and advise how "to prevent or counteract attacks on freedom of the press in the Western Hemisphere." 108 As suggested by John R. Reitemeyer, the committee was headed by Alberto Gainza Paz, La Prensa (Argentina), with Dubois as one of its members. There is no evidence, however, that it ever met or took any action. When Reitemeyer was questioned in 1959 about the fate of the committee, he said he could not recall why it had been created or whether it ever met. He suggested that its creation alone might have served the purpose for which it was intended. 109 In any event, time and again the Executive Committee expressed concern about the publicity which attended the Committee on Freedom of the Press meetings prior to its recommendations being approved by the Assembly. It was also suggested that a summary report on freedom of the press should be read to the General Assembly rather than the full lengthy report. Such a move would permit more time for discussion of the Committee's report and recommendations. Some also felt the recommendations should not be made public, or presented to the General Assembly, without first being scrutinized by the resolutions committee for conformity to IAPA's bylaws.110 In 1956 Dubois obtained permission from IAPA President James G. Stahlman to meet in advance of the General Assembly.111 He also arranged for his Committee to meet in advance of the semiannual Board meetings and to hold such meetings in a different country than the Board of Directors. His Committee met in Lima, Peru, in 1957 (p. 118), and in Bogotá, Colombia, in 1958, 112 prior to the directors meetings in Costa Rica and in Jamaica during the same years. 105

Memoria de la Décima Asamblea General, Octubre, 1954, p. 188. Press of the Americas, January 1,1955. 107 Ibid., April 1,1955. 108 New York Times, April 7,1954, p. 36. 109 Reitemeyer interview. 110 Executive Committee Meetings, 1954-1959. 111 XIII Annual Meeting, p. 118. 112 XIV Annual Meeting, p. 89. 106

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Dubois, apparently in recognition of criticism, had also enlarged his Committee in 1955 from six to twenty-two members. 113 Although these separate committee meetings might have given prestige to the countries in which they were held, they caused a number of problems: they drew publicity away from the directors meeting, they gave undue publicity to the freedom-of-the-press report before it was submitted to the directors, and they caused friction among some of the host nations who vied for the public spotlight in their own country. 114 At the 1958 annual meeting provisional rules for the operations of IAPA were submitted to the directors for approval. One provision concerning the function of committees drew a sharp protest from Dubois. The provision would have, in effect, forced his Committee to present its recommendations first to the resolutions committee instead of publicly presenting them to the General Assembly with its report. Dubois observed that this would be a waste of time because should the resolutions committee scrap any of his Committee's recommendations he would reintroduce them from the floor of the Assembly anyhow.115 Obviously the provision was an effort to forestall the undue publicity given to the Committee's discussions and recommendations prior to consideration by the directors or the general membership. In the main, such publicity in the past had tended to make the recommendations fait accompli before the other bodies had a chance to consider them. Dubois, with the support of some of his own Committee, managed to obtain modifications, and the less restrictive rules were eventually adopted at the 1959 annual meeting.116 Committee meetings may continue to be public, except those sessions involving the adoption of recommendations. Such recommendations must be submitted to the appropriate committee or body for scrutiny as to conformity to IAPA's rules and bylaws before becoming official. Committee mem113

Editor & Publisher (November 12,1955), p. 13. Executive Committee Meetings, 1955-1959. 115 XIV Annual Meeting, p. 26. 116 Personal Notes, XV Annual Meeting.

114

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bers are cautioned not to release the recommendations for publication until submitted to the Board or the membership. 117 Although Dubois might quite rightly maintain that lack of coordination and policy guidance often made his work most difficult, he appears to have contributed to this condition more than once by overstepping the bounds of his office. It is almost as if he revels in being declared persona non grata.118 He became so emotionally involved in the Cuban revolution that he publicly contradicted a statement made by IAPA's President Alberto Gainza Paz, of La Prensa (Argentina), about the press conditions in Cuba. Gainza Paz had said in an unsolicited interview that certain charges and accusations against the Cuban press had placed it in a state of fear.119 Dubois disagreed with Gainza Paz's evaluation of the conditions in Cuba and resented the fact that he and Cuba's freedom-of-the-press committee representative, Jorge Quintana, had not been consulted. He made his views known through the revolutionary newspaper Revolución and the Cuban magazine Bohemia.120 In addition, he also wrote Representative Charles 0 . Porter (Democrat, Oregon) a letter, to which Porter referred in the second of CBS's television-and-radio programs, "Is Cuba Going Red?" 121 He became involved likewise in a dispute with former IAPA President Guillermo Martínez Márquez, El País (Cuba), about Martínez Márquez' actions under the Batista regime. 122 The Executive Committee felt obliged to send Dubois a wire reminding him he could not speak for IAPA without appropriate con117

Charter, By-Laws, Art. III. Dubois has been under police surveillance in Guatemala (1954), challenged to a duel (1956), barred from the Dominican Republic (1957), expelled from Colombia (1957), and declared persona non grata by journalists in Cuba (1959). See the New York Times, July 2, 1954, p. 4; October 28, 1956, p. 31; April 4, 1957, p. 13; May 10, 1957, p. 5; and September 11, 1959, p. 2. This list is far from complete. 119 Press of the Americas, June 1,1959. 120 Ibid. 121 "Is Cuba Going Red?" Part II, CBS Television Network, CBS News, May 17,1959 (mimeographed). 122 Press of the Americas, June 1,1959. 118

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sent,123 and to issue a statement in support of Martínez Márquez.124 By June, 1959, the polemic between Dubois and Martínez Márquez had become so acrimonious and public that some IAPA directors personally felt obliged to write the two disputants and request that for the sake of the Association a halt be called to their public name calling.125 Now, there can be no question of the right of IAPA's president to make statements as he feels advisable, with or without consultation with the Committee on Freedom of the Press chairman. Furthermore, Gainza Paz's statement had been made in answer to a question during an unsolicited interview, a question he could not very well avoid answering.126 There also seems to be little doubt that Dubois overstepped the bounds of propriety and assumed authority he did not have. In addition, his actions not only placed the IAPA in an embarrassing position, but doubtlessly damaged his own prestige. They certainly brought into sharp focus some of the shortcomings of his modus operandi, and made more and more apparent the fact that no man should have remained chairman as long as he had. Dubois supplied the spark which made his Committee become the voice of freedom in Latin America, but in the process he became so closely identified with the IAPA that in the mind of many, and also apparently in his own, he was the IAPA. 127 A goodly number of members have indicated that a revamping of the Committee on Freedom of the Press should be considered. Many feel that personal negotiations with dictators, such as Dubois has employed, should not be undertaken because they inherently contain the dangers of creating either animosities or feelings of obligation. Specific freedom-of-the-press problems could be handled by special emissaries or by regional committees. The Committee should in truth be subordinate to the Association, not vice versa. Communications 123 124

125

Executive Committee Meetings, 1959. Press of the Americas, June 1,1959.

Source which must remain confidential.

126 press of the Americas, June 1,1959.

127 Many interviewees in Latin America, IAPA members and nonmembers, in some manner or other so identified him.

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with dictators should be kept at a high and dignified level, and consultation and coordination among IAPA's officers and committees should be complete.128 Why, then, were these changes not made if so many thought they were advisable? There were a number of very good reasons. First of all, IAPA owed Dubois a great debt: he stepped in where others preferred not to tread and devoted time, energy, and a great amount of personal courage in the performance of a most difficult job. Furthermore, in spite of his excesses, his basic thinking about the role of press freedom in relation to democracy and in relation to the Inter American Press Association usually was sound. One has only to read his reports and his comments at meetings to be convinced of this. 129 Dubois also had earned many staunch friends, who would not participate in any move to oust him, although they might think a change advisable. In addition, he had become a powerful element in the Association, and there were those who hesitated to test this power. He was never one to duck a fight and probably would have waged a first-class war of words against any move to push him out of his job. Also, there was hardly an annual meeting at which he did not offer his resignation, and it was never accepted. In reality, his gesture appears to have been only symbolic and psychological. He was subject to appointment each year by the incoming president. He generally offered his resignation concurrently with the presentation of his Committee's report to the General Assembly. The Assembly could hardly do less than protest his resignation; the incoming president, then, could hardly do less than reappoint him. Finally, as has been mentioned, he has done a formidable job and the Association has no assurance that any other group or individual 128 Sources which must remain confidential. Since 1960 the Committee on Freedom of the Press has been enlarged considerably. The 1964-1965 Committee, with Dubois as chairman, had seventeen regional chairmen and sixty-two members—a total of eighty persons. See Press of the Americas, NovemberDecember, 1964. 129 At the 1957 annual meeting former Colombian President Eduardo Santos, El Tiempo, gave an impassioned plea for more active intervention in behalf of Cuba. Dubois firmly reiterated IAPA's policy not to interfere in the internal politics of a nation. See XII An[n]ual Meeting, p. 215.

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will be as effective. In spite of his shortcomings, he was on the spot when needed, he saved more than one newspaperman's life or plucked him from jail, and his newspaper, the Chicago Tribune, assumed the cost of his travel expenses. He is not an easy man to replace. 130 Summary Comments The benefits and the strengths of the Inter American Press Association far outweigh its weaknesses, in the opinion of this writer, but there still seems to be a need for its members to make their Association better understood throughout the hemisphere. One argument often used against the IAPA is that its publications represent "capitalistic" or private "conservative" interests and, hence, neither such publications nor the IAPA can speak disinterestedly and with full freedom of the press. Although this may be the case, the argument that only a newspaper without such interests can speak freely is not necessarily true. For example, as René Silva Espejo, subdirector, El Mercurio (Chile), has pointed out, those who think that only the government can act disinterestedly in behalf of the public should be reminded that the men who make up the government also may have particular interests. 131 Silva Espejo feels that IAPA could counteract, in part, arguments regarding such "capitalistic" shortcomings by having a permanent traveling secretary, who could give speeches explaining IAPA's objectives and operations (stressing scholarships, journalistic prizes, and other awards) to Latin American working-journalist groups, and to nonmember publishers. He apparently feels that many Latin Americans still need to be convinced of the benefits of the private enterprise system, the system with which IAPA is associated. Perhaps the trips of Francisco A. Rizzuto ( h ) , Veritas (Argen130

At the 1965 annual meeting Dubois resigned as chairman of the Committee on Freedom of the Press after fifteen years of consecutive service, and requested that a distinguished Latin American editor replace him. The incoming president, Jack R. Howard of Scripps-Howard, appointed John T. O'Rourke, formerly of Scripps-Howard Newspapers, as the new chairman. See Keynote Address by Jules Dubois, Committee on Freedom of the Press (Document 9E), XXI General Assembly, October, 1965 (mimeographed), and Press of the Americas, November, 1965. Dubois died in Colombia on August 16, 1966. 131 Silva Espejo interview.

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tina), and James Β. Canel, former IAPA general manager, were utilized for such a purpose. At the semiannual directors meeting in 1960 Rizzuto volunteered as an organizing secretary to seek new members in Latin America. He planned to visit several Latin American countries during the summer of 1960. 132 James B. Canel made a technical study in Latin America for IAPA under a Ford Foundation grant during the winter of 1961. 133 132 Press of the Americas, April 1,1960.

133

Editor & Publisher, (March 26, 1960), p. 11. In 1962 Guillermo Gutiérrez, manager of the IAPA Technical Center, Inc., made an exploratory trip to Latin America, and Carlos A. Jiménez, general manager of IAPA, visited nine countries and eleven cities in South America in May and June, 1965. See XVIII

Annual Meeting, October, 1962, p. 97, and Press of the Americas,

July, 1965.

June-

VI.

CONCLUSIONS

On the basis of the evidence available, there seems to be no doubt that the Inter American Press Association has proved to be an effective instrument in maintaining and perpetuating freedom of the press in the Western Hemisphere. The degree of its effectiveness is not measurable, but even its enemies recognize its power by combatting it or by attempting to join it. 1 It is also notable that a great number of Latin American newspapers proudly carry in their mastheads the information that they are members of SIP, the Spanish equivalent of IAPA. 2 Furthermore, who could be better qualified to judge the value of the Association's operations than those members who have suffered oppression and who attribute, in a large measure, the recovery of their freedom of expression to IAPA activities? 1

Two of the Cuban revolutionary newspapers which had vigorously attacked the IAPA also tried to join it. At the Fifteenth Annual Meeting in October, 1959, El Diario Nacional precipitated a heated debate when it requested reinstatement (Press of the Americas, November 1, 1959); Revolución'sapplication submitted at the same time was rejected by the directors at their semiannual meeting in March, 1960 (Press of the Americas, April 1, 1960). 2 As late as January, 1960, when the IAPA and the few nonrevolutionary newspapers were under vicious attack by the revolutionary press, the Diario de la Marina, Prensa Libre, Havana Post, Excêlsior,and El País still carried such a statement in their mastheads. These newspapers have since been taken over by the Castro government.

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Various comments by Latin Americans and North Americans regarding certain shortcomings in Latin American journalism have been recorded herein. These comments have concerned particularly the problem of ethics in journalism, the exploitation of the profession for political purposes, and the tendency to let personal animosities sometimes outweigh professional considerations. It might be well to remind the reader that although these shortcomings exist they do not apply to all Latin American publications. Above all, there is one area in which the Latin American press has seldom been remiss: courage. Its fearlessness and bravery when faced with arbitrary aggression and dictatorial measures are undeniable. Without such the IAPA would not have achieved the power and prestige it obviously enjoys today. David Stern, publisher of the New Orleans Item, recognized this when he told members at the 1955 annual meeting: . . . in this country we exercise the privilege of boldly dashing into type whenever some government agency or official moves toward secrecy or suppression of legitimate news. Vigilance in battling this secrecy is necessary. But our circumstances happily are such that no publisher or editor who writes the bold editorial really expects to find himself in jail as a result—or his newsprint cut off or his front door padlocked. It takes a great deal less courage for us to write such an editorial than it does for our colleagues in some other parts of the hemisphere. To these noblemen of our profession, we humbly doff our hats. They are among the valiants of our time.3 If Latin American courage and imagination have contributed to the development of the Association, the North Americans' greatest contributions have probably been their pragmatic approach to problems and their Anglo-Saxon sense of compromise. Also, during the immediate days after the 1950 reorganization, many of them quietly carried more than their share of the financial burden. Tolerance and understanding of each other's cultural differences and ideas have grown with the organization and have been displayed equally by both groups. 3

Editor & Publisher (November 5,1955), p. 63.

CONCLUSIONS

145

A great part of IAPA's strength seems to lie in the firmness of purpose and the instruments of pressure which it has developed to carry out its mission. To date, it has been extraordinarily successful in the use of such tools. It must be admitted, however, that it has sometimes appeared to lack the proper information and coordination to act with the greatest efficacy. The Committee on Freedom of the Press, the committee which for a period almost carried the whole organization on its back, became too much of a one-man operation. There are indications its chairman realized it, as the Committee membership over the years has been increased. Nevertheless, this writer has concluded that a review of the methods IAPA has employed in its fight for freedom of the press should be made, and a different system for handling such problems considered. When IAPA President Alberto Gainza Paz reported at the annual meeting in 1959 he requested that such a study be undertaken "to take advantage of the valuable experiences compiled in nine years, in case it is decided to establish a new system of procedure to be followed in each of the accusations,. . ." 4 Obviously, IAPA officers and members are searching for answers to this problem. The one burning issue which has been greatly responsible for resolving the differences of IAPA members is freedom of the press. True, the report on freedom of the press has often aroused the greatest discord at annual meetings. Yet it is freedom of the press which has served as the common cause behind which members have rallied —it can apparently surmount the barriers of nationalism, cultural differences, and personal prejudices. Of course, the day will never come when freedom of the press will be unconditionally assured. The fight, however, may become less glamorous and exciting. Outright aggression is apt to be replaced by more subtle methods. Executive Chairman Angel Ramos, El Mundo (Puerto Rico), told the 1958 annual meeting there was evidence of disinterest on the part of some members in IAPA and that others: . . . having won their battles, retire from the field.. . . Our future struggles will not be waged against dictators who confiscate newspapers, destroy 4

XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959, pp. 81-82.

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linotype and press, murder journalists or send them into exile. The new dictators will not act thus, but they will resort to laws and decrees, . . . holding back the exchange necessary to import newsprint and equipment, imposing arbitrary taxes to render the life of newspapermen hard or even impossible, or promoting strikes.5 Once the reprehensible but sometimes colorful direct aggressions against the press no longer occur with such regularity, and the excitement of battle is replaced by the monotony of war, what can substitute for this stimulus which has been the welding force in the IAPA? John R. Herbert, Quincy Patriot-Ledger (Massachusetts), has great hopes that the Technical Center, Inc., will fill the vacuum. 6 Attendance as its sessions during the annual meetings of the 1950's, however, was discouraging. Nevertheless, the grant from the Ford Foundation for the Technical Center appears to be the first step toward increased and more practical services. It seems to this writer that the Center holds great potentialities. The contributions it might be able to make toward improved economics and management in Latin American newspapers is obvious. Such contributions, however, could also have far-reaching ethical and professional effects. The Association, administratively speaking, reflects the conditions and the times in which it has developed. The officers, the Executive Committee, and the Board of Directors meet infrequently and often hurriedly. Committees with overlapping functions have sometimes been appointed. There are instances when the functions of such committees or separate groups have not been well defined or their services have been improperly employed, as in the case of the Freedom of the Press Tribunal. One occasionally has the feeling that the pragmatic approach has sometimes been overworked, and that a bit of foresight would have proved far more beneficial than hindsight. IAPA's financial structure is sound but it leaves much to be desired as far as operating capital and resources are concerned. Flexibility of action can be hampered by such a tight operating budget. The organization owes its independence and its resultant effectiveness in great 5 6

XIV Annual Meeting, October, 1958, p. 12. Letter from John R. Herbert, February 20, 1959.

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part to the fact that it has refused any government or foundation funds. It cannot do otherwise but continue this policy if it wishes to continue to be independent. The Association has generally been able to argue convincingly that it does not meddle in internal political matters. It appears essential that it maintain this official position in its dealings with governments. The IAPA has failed, however, to make its objectives known and understood to a great many of the working journalists in the profession which it serves. The publishers and editors and working reporters will always have some opposing and divergent interests. The common interests of the two, however, particularly in matters of freedom of the press, improvement of journalism education, and professional ethics, should be stressed, and cooperation in these areas sought. The North Americans have sometimes quite justly been accused of trying to run the whole show. Those who complain, however, might examine themselves to be quite sure that they could not rightfully be reminded to do less talking and more work. The North Americans have been remiss in not building a young North American cadre to work alongside the capable young Latin American editors and publishers who are beginning to take places of responsibility in the organization. The Association, in reviewing its freedom-of-the-press actions, might do well to review the functions of the Committee on Ethics also. This writer agrees with IAPA's stand that a formalized code of ethics contains inherent dangers. The fine line where freedom-of-the-press problems stop and ethical problems begin is most difficult to distinguish. Nevertheless, incorporation of the concept of ethics into the proposed study on freedom-of-the-press procedures, if only in review, might prove fruitful. There are many questions, of course, which have not been fully answered or which remain unanswered. Can the organization not only increase its membership but also retain those members it already has? How can it increase its dues, or increase its income by other means, without losing either members or independence? Can the more prosaic Technical Center, Inc., be developed into as effective an instru-

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merit for freedom of the press in inter-American journalism as t h e Committee on F r e e d o m of the Press has been? How can the small provincial Latin American newspapers, those which p e r h a p s most need the benefits of such an association, participate m o r e actively in the organization? Will lowering their dues solve the problem if they cannot afford to attend the annual meetings anyhow? Could foundation funds be obtained t h r o u g h the Technical Center, Inc., to bring a group of such publishers to the annual meeting each year—if not each year, perhaps when the annual meetings take place in Latin America? Have the effects of the Association been even m o r e far-reaching than those which meet the eye? Freed newspapermen, restored newspapers, obtained visas, and matters of this type m a y be counted and used in evidence to sustain the argument that the I A P A has been effective. W h a t important effects m a y it have h a d on the concept of democracy itself? T h e following extract from a letter from Joshua B. Powers, of Joshua B. Powers, Inc. (New Y o r k ) , a long-time m e m b e r of I A P A , m a y leave the reader with a closing and tantalizing thought: What has it accomplished? You know the obvious answers to this question, but I will state one answer which probably has not occurred to you and that was told to me in Buenos Aires a few days ago by an outstanding teacher and political leader. He was commenting on the extraordinary effect on public opinion that the current meeting [of IAPA] had in Buenos Aires and he said: "It is extraordinary that this association has brought back into public discussion as a political theory democratic constitutional government. For a long time no one was discussing the advantages of traditionally American institutions created under liberal constitutions. All the discussion of political ideas was on opposing systems. The Interamerican Press Association has once again brought into the active current political debate the advantages of free institutions." 7 7

Letter from Joshua B. Powers, October 21,1958.

APPENDIXES

Α. ΙΑΡΑ Administration and Operations Materials B. Propaganda Disseminated against IAPA C. Letters and Editorials in Behalf of IAPA

THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK

Appendix A

IAPA Administration and Operations Materials

IAPA CREED To give information with exactness and truth, not to omit anything that the public has a right to know, to use always an impersonal and correct form without prejudice to rigorous and forceful thought, to exclude rumors, those statements that take refuge behind such phrases as "It is said," or "We are assured," and to affirm only that which has become a conviction based on proofs and documents, to consider that the lack of an item of news is preferable to its erroneous or unjustified publication, to take care that the personal opinion of the writer be not expressed because that would be equivalent to commenting on the news, and the reporter must not invade the field reserved to other sections of the newspaper, to remember before writing how powerful is the instrument that the writer is using, and that the harm caused to an official or private person can never be completely repaired by an explanation or a rectification, in however gentlemanly spirit this may be given, to keep serene and elevated ground in debate and not to affirm anything today that we may have to modify tomorrow, and, finally, to inscribe in letters of gold in a permanent place, always in sight of your work tables, the words of Walter Williams, that outstanding North American servant of the press, "No one should write as a journalist that which he cannot say as a gentleman." —Ezequiel P. Paz, Publisher, La Prensa (Buenos Aires, Argentina) October 18, 1925.

Figure 1. Organizational structure of the Inter American Press Association. Based on a sketch by James B. Canel, IAPA general manager, March 31, 1960.

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IAPA CHARTER I. Honest, free and independent journalism is the best contribution toward peace in a world of free nations peopled by free men. II. Without freedom of the press there is no democracy. Freedom of thought and its expression, spoken or written, are inseparable, essential rights. Together, they constitute the guarantee and defense of the liberties on which democracy is based. III. Freedom of information is a right inherent in freedom of opinion. Information, whether national or international, should be received, transmitted, and diffused without any restriction. Printed matter should circulate within a country or between countries with the same freedom. Any administrative measures that under any pretext restrain such freedom are antidemocratic. IV. The exercise of journalism is free. Prohibitions, restrictions, or permits to exercise it, whether they affect owners, editors, directors, collaborators, or employees of a publication, violate freedom of the press. V. Political regimes that do not respect fully freedom of the press, or do not cause it to be respected fully, are not democratic. VI. Whatever may be expressed verbally may be expressed by means of the printed word. To close any printing press or make it unusable is harmful to culture and to democracy. VII. The free press is basic in forming and expressing public opinion. America, by reason of its tradition and its destiny, must be a continent of public opinion.

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It is contrary to the existence of a free and independent press and to the principles of the IAPA for newspapers to accept subsidies or any other form of economic help from governments. BY-LAWS of Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, Inc. (Inter American Press Association) Article 1. Name: The name of this corporation shall be Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, Inc. (hereinafter called the Association). Article 2. Membership: 1. The incorporators shall be Active members of the Association until the first meeting of the Board of the Directors of the Association. From and after the first meeting of the incorporators, bona fide newspapers of general circulation and magazines published six or more times a year shall be eligible for Active membership. Active members shall be represented at membership meetings by their proprietors, editors, editorial directors, or managers, provided that an Active or Corporate member may not register more than four representatives. When one or more persons who are attached to an Active or Corporate member are registered as representatives, they will be entitled to only one vote jointly. 2. Publishing corporations, news and photographic agencies, and news and feature syndicates shall be eligible for Corporate membership, with each such member entitled to register not more than four representatives, provided, however, that they shall have only one vote jointly. 3. Persons identified with newspapers, magazines, publishers' representatives, news, photographic and feature agencies, or syndicates, schools of journalism, or those working in allied fields, shall be eligible for Associate membership, such membership not being entitled to election to the Board of Directors or to vote. 4. Any journalist or publishing executive who shall have distinguished himself by notable contributions to the public service or to the profession of journalism may be elected to Honorary membership by the Board of Directors. Such membership shall have no vote and pay no dues. 5. All candidates for Active, Corporate, or Associate membership shall send a written application to the office of the Association, which applications shall include a pledge to adhere to the Certificate of Incorporation

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and the By-laws of the Association and all Rules and Regulations adopted by the Board of Directors and to defend the freedom of the press. The officers of the Association shall cause a report to be made to the Board of Directors covering all such applications and each applicant. The applicant shall pay the required dues at the time the application is filled. Applicants shall not be entitled to any membership privileges in the Association nor to be represented at its meetings until they have been elected to membership and paid their dues. Only those publications which have filed their membership applications at least thirty days before the annual meeting of the members and have complied with any other requirements shall be entitled to participate in such annual meeting. Applicants may be elected to membership by an affirmative votes of two thirds of the directors present at a meeting where a quorum has been obtained or by a two-thirds vote by mail. In any case all applications must first have the approval of the Applications and Review Committee. 6. Publications which in the opinion of the Board of Directors are Fascist, or Communist, or which have any other totalitarian tendencies, no matter what their denomination may be, or those which willingly advocate as instruments of totalitarian regimes the suppresion of freedom of the press, do not qualify to become or remain members of the Association. 7. Any member failing to pay his dues or assessments during any fiscal year shall be eliminated automatically from the membership list in the subsequent fiscal year. Such member may be automatically reinstated at the discretion of the Executive Committee following payment of arrears. Publications closed or confiscated by a government shall continue as members without payment of dues until the publication is regained by its rightful owners. 8. The Board of Directors, by a two-thirds vote of the whole Board, shall have the power to expel or to suspend a member for a stated period or indefinitely, when it shall appear to the Board that the member has violated the provisions of The Certificate of Incorporation, By-laws, or Charter of the Association. The Board shall only entertain a motion of expulsion upon a presentation in writing by five voting members of the Association. In the case either of suspension or expulsion, the accused shall be given full particulars of the accusation and also shall be given at least thirty days' notice in writing of the time and place at which such complaints will be considered. An expelled member who presents a petition duly signed on behalf of at least ten per cent of the voting members in good standing of the Association, with each such signature notarized, can appeal from the decision of the Board of Directors to the annual meeting of the members of

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the Association next after the action of the Board of Directors, and such annual meeting, following such procedures as the meeting may deem advisable and with or without a hearing, may overrule the decision of the Board of Directors by a two-thirds vote of the Active and Corporate members of the Association present or represented at such meeting and entitled to vote. In the event that two thirds of the members who are present or represented at such meeting and entitled to vote, do not vote in favor of overruling the decision of the Board of Directors, the decision of the Board of Directors shall stand. 9. Any expelled member shall forfeit all right and interests in the Association. Any individual who has been suspended or expelled as an Associate member shall be ineligible to attend any meeting of the Association as the representative of any Active member. Any suspended or expelled Active or Corporate member shall not be entitled to be represented at any meeting of the Association. Such ineligibility shall continue notwithstanding the pendency of any appeal, as provided herein, to the annual meeting of the members of the Association. Article 3. Directors: 1. The affairs of the Association shall be managed by its Board of Directors. The incorporators shall elect the first directors of the Association, who shall serve until the conclusion of the first meeting of the Board of Directors at which meeting they shall elect forty-five individuals to serve as directors of the Association effective from and after the conclusion of such first meeting to serve for such terms which shall be staggered as shall be specified at such first meeting. From and after the first meeting of the Board of Directors, the Board shall consist of (a) the members of the Advisory Council, hereinafter defined, who shall be ex officio members of the Board, (b) the Presidents then in office of Inter American Press Association, Scholarship Fund, Inc., a New York membership corporation, and IAPA Technical Center, Inc., a New York membership corporation, who shall be ex officio members of the Board but only so long as they are such Presidents and (c) forty-five individuals (hereinafter called the elected directors) elected to the Board in the first instance by the directors at their first meeting as aforesaid and thereafter at annual meetings of the members subject to the power of directors to fill vacancies. The Advisory Council shall be composed of honorary officers and all past Presidents and past Chairmen of the Executive Committee of the Inter American Press Association, the unincorporated predecessor of this Association, and all past Presidents and Chairmen of the Executive Committee of this Associa-

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tion, and its members as well as the other ex officio members of the Board referred to above shall have the same powers and voting rights as those of the elected directors. 2. At each annual meeting of the members of the Association, fifteen directors shall be elected for a term of three years. Each director, including an ex officio director, must be a qualified representative of an Active or Corporate member of the Association. Any elected director who shall no longer be a representative of an Active or Corporate member shall automatically cease to be a director. Should any Active or Corporate member, for whatever reason, cease to be an Active or Corporate member of the Association, any representative of such member on the Board of Directors shall automatically cease to be a director. 3. Not less than one third of the elected directors at any one time shall be representatives of publications which are printed in the Spanish, Portuguese, or French languages outside the United States of America and circulated outside the United States, and not less than one third of the elected directors at any one time shall be identified with publications which are either printed in the English, Spanish, or Portuguese languages in the United States of America, or printed in the English language and circulated outside of the United States of America. 4. At any meeting of the Board of Directors the presence of fifteen of the directors shall be necessary for a quorum and such number shall constitute a quorum, provided, however, that at the first meeting of the Board of Directors to be held in January, 1958, the presence of a majority of the directors then in office shall constitute a quorum. 5. The Board of Directors or the Executive Committee may assign special projects to the Advisory Council. 6. The Board of Directors shall assume office immediately following the termination of the meeting at which they are elected and as soon thereafter as practicable the Board shall hold a meeting for which no notice need be given, at which the Board shall elect from its members a President, two Vice-Presidents, a Treasurer, a Secretary, and a Chairman of the Executive Committee. The remaining directors shall have powers to fill vacancies in the Board occurring as result of any cause between annual meetings of the members. 7. The Board of Directors shall hold a regular semi-annual meeting approximately six months after the annual meeting. It will also hold regular meetings of which no notice shall be required immediately before and after the annual meeting of the members. The place and time of the annual meeting of the members will be determined by the Board.

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8. Special meetings of the Board may be called by the President or any fifteen directors. Notice of all special meetings shall be given by telephone, cablegram, or regular mail to each director at least thirty days before the date of the meeting. 9. The Board of Directors shall have the power to make all rules and regulations for conducting the business and affairs of the Association, to establish an office or offices as required either within or without the State of Delaware, to employ and discharge essential staff and fix compensation, and generally to do all acts and things deemed necessary for the best interest of the Association, including the fixing of dues and assessments. 10. The Board of Directors shall submit at each Annual Meeting a full report of the condition and finances of the Association together with a full review of its acts annually for the approval and ratification of the membership. Article 4. Officers: 1. The President shall preside at all meetings of the Association, and with the Secretary shall sign, on behalf of the Association, all documents approved by the Board of Directors. In general, he shall perform all the duties usually incident to the office of President and such duties as the Board of Directors may from time to time determine, or as may be prescribed in these By-laws. 2. The two Vice-Presidents in the order of their election may exercise any of the powers and duties of the President as directed by the Board of Directors or the Executive Committee. In the absence of the President, either of the two Vice-Presidents shall preside at the meetings of the Association. In case of the resignation or death of the President, the First Vice-President shall assume the presidency until the next election of officers. 3. The Treasurer shall be the custodian of the funds of the Association and shall pay all bills when properly certified by the Manager of the office of the Association. He shall make reports on the state of the finances of the Association to the Board of Directors at its semi-annual meetings. 4. The Secretary shall attend the annual meetings and the meetings of the Board of Directors and shall keep a true record of the proceedings thereof. He shall also present to the Board of Directors before the annual meeting a report on previous meetings of the directors during the year. 5. The Chairman of the Executive Committee shall be the representative of the President of the Association and, as such, shall have the duties of the President on all matters dealing with the Administration of the Association. He shall be responsible for the operation of the office of the Asso-

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ciation and shall report to the Board of Directors at each meeting. He will direct the Manager of the office and provide instructions on the affairs of the Association. 6. The Manager of the office of the Association, who shall not be an officer of the Association, shall be responsible to the Chairman of the Executive Committee for the administration of the affairs of the Association. He shall cause to be kept in the office of the Association all letters, contracts, and other instruments in writing not required to be kept in the files of the Treasurer or Secretary. 7. Each officer shall perform such duties as may be incident to his office, including the preparation of reports and records required by the Board of Directors, and at the expiration of his term each officer shall deliver to the Board of Directors all books, papers, and property of the Association. Article 5. Committees: 1. The Board may by resolution designate two or more of its members to constitute an Executive Committee, which Committee shall have and may exercise all of the powers of the Board in respect of the affairs of the Association in all cases in which specific direction shall not have been given by the Board. The presence of the lesser of a majority of the members of the Committee or five members of the Committee shall constitute a quorum at all meetings of the Committee. The members of the Advisory Council and the Presidents then in office of said Inter American Press Association Scholarship Fund, Inc., and said IAPA Technical Center, Inc., shall be ex officio members of the Executive Committee. 2. The President shall appoint such standing and special committees, other than the Executive Committee, as shall be determined by the Association or by the Board of Directors, the membership of the standing committees to be so constituted that not less than one third of the members of any such committee at any time are identified with the publications issued in Spanish or Portuguese, and not less than one third with publication issued in English, with the membership of all standing committees confirmed by the Board. The duties of standing and special committees shall be indicated by their respective names, provided that no member shall serve on more than one standing committee at a time. 3. All standing and special committees shall report in writing to the annual meeting of the Association and shall be considered discharged at the end of each fiscal year; and should any standing or special committee fail to discharge the duties assigned to it with reasonable promptitude, such committee shall be declared discharged by the President, who shall report the

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same to the Board of Directors and appoint a new committee for confirmation. 4. Vacancies in any committee except the Executive Committee shall be filled by the President subject to the provisions heretofore specified and to approval by the Board of Directors. Article 6. Meetings: 1. The annual meeting of the members of the Association shall be held during the month of October, preferably coinciding with the Birthday of the Americas, at a place determined by the Board of Directors and announced six months before each annual meeting. 2. Special meetings shall be called by the President upon the order of the Board of Directors or whenever a request in writing therefore shall be received by the Secretary bearing the signature of at least one tenth of the voting members of the Association. The business of such special meeting shall be limited to that specified in the call. To constitute a quorum for the transaction of business there must be present and voting at least fifty members of the Association, provided that not less than one third of this number must be members identified with publications issued in Spanish or Portuguese and not less than one third with publications issued in English. Any meeting of the members or directors of the Association may be held outside of the State of Delaware. Article 7. Elections: 1. The election of members of the Board of Directors shall be a part of the order of business at the annual meetings. The President shall appoint a Nominations Committee at the semi-annual meeting of the Board of Directors to prepare a list of not less than thirty qualified candidates for the fifteen directors to be elected every year. This list shall be submitted to members at the annual meetings, who will mark candidates of their preference, provided, however, that all nomination of candidates shall be submitted to the Committee at least twenty-four hours prior to the election. 2. Members shall be limited to one vote on each ballot for any candidate at any election, and a plurality of the votes shall constitute an election. 3. No individual shall cast a ballot or ballots as the representative of more than one member. 4. Each ballot should show votes for no more and no less than fifteen candidates to the Board of Directors and any ballot with a lesser or larger number shall be invalid.

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Article 8. Financial Obligations of Members: 1. Each member shall be required to pay regular annual dues fixed by the Board of Directors. 2. Publications or individuals applying during the first half of each fiscal year shall pay dues for half a year and their membership will become effective on approval by the Board of Directors at its semi-annual meeting; those applying in the second half of each fiscal year shall pay dues for a full year and their membership will become effective on approval by the Board of Directors at its annual meeting. 3. The dues shall be in force until the end of the fiscal year. Members not paying dues during any fiscal year, ending September 30, shall be automatically eliminated from the membership list. These dues are based on published or certified statements furnished by individual publishers. 4. Members wishing to resign must notify headquarters before April 1 of each year. Resignations subsequent to that date will be accepted only after payment of dues for the current fiscal year. The Treasurer shall report fully to the Board on all resignations received. Annual Dues: a) Newspapers and Magazines with not more than 5,000 circulation $15.00 b) Newspapers and Magazines with more than 5,000 circulation but $15.00 for the first 5,000 circulation less than 10,000 plus $3.00 per thousand or fraction of one thousand thereafter. c) Newspapers and Magazines with more than 10,000 circulation $30.00 for first 10,000 circulation but less than 25,000 plus $3.00 per thousand or fraction of one thousand thereafter. d) Newspaper and Magazines with more than 25,000 circulation $75.00 for first 25,000 circulation but less than 50,000 plus $2.00 per thousand or fraction of one thousand thereafter.

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162

e) Newspapers and Magazines with more than 50,000 circulation but less than 100,000

f) Newspapers and Magazines with more than 100,000 circulation but less than 250,000

g) Newspapers and Magazines with more than 250,000 circulation h) Corporate Members i) Associate Members _ j ) Teachers of Journalism Article 9. Amendments

$125.00 for first 50,000 circulation plus $1.50 per thousand or fraction of one thousand thereafter.

$200.00 for first 100,000 circulation plus $1.00 per thousand or fraction of one thousand thereafter.

$350.00 $500.00 $100.00 $10.00

to By-Laws:

These By-Laws, or any of them, may be amended, modified, or repealed, or new By-Laws may be adopted, either by vote of a majority of the directors present at any annual, regular or special meeting, or by vote of two-thirds of the members represented at any annual or special meeting and entitled to vote thereat, provided that notice of any proposal so to amend, modify, repeal, or make any By-Laws shall be included in the notice of the meeting of the Board or the members at which such proposal is to be acted upon. —Charter, By-Laws and Rules, Inter-American Press Association, 1960

IAPA—MERGENTHALER AWARDS 1. In recognition of work done by a newspaperman in behalf of freedom of the press: 1954 Jorge Mantilla Ortega, El Comercio (Quito, Ecuador). 1955 Roberto García Peña, El Tiempo (Bogotá, Colombia). 1956 Antonio Olivas, La Crónica (Lima, P e r u ) . 1957 Miguel Angel Quevedo, Bohemia (Havana, Cuba).

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1958 Gabriel Cano, El Espectador (Bogotá, Colombia). 1959 Jorge Quintana, Bohemia (Havana, Cuba). 1960 Free Newspapermen of Cuba. 2. In recognition of meritorious public service in behalf of the community through editorials and columns: 1954 Carlos Lacerda, Tribuna da Imprensa (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil). 1955 Jorge Luis Martí, El Mundo (Havana, Cuba). 1956 René Silva, El Mercurio (Santiago, Chile). 1957 José Francisco Borgen, La Prensa (Managua, Nicaragua). 1958 Alejandro Miró Quesada, El Comercio (Lima, Peru). 1959 Andrés Borrasé, La Prensa Libre (San José, Costa Rica). 1960 Marco Tulio Rodríguez Martínez, El Espectador (Bogotá, Colombia). 3. In recognition of meritorious public service in behalf of the community through news writing or reporting: 1954 (not awarded) 1955 Juan Ramón Ardón, El Día (Tegucigalpa, Honduras). 1956 Etienne Dupuch, The Nassau Tribune (Bahamas). 1957 Roberto Justo Ezpeleta, El Rivadavia (Comodoro Rivadavia, Argentina). 1958 Víctor Gutiérrez Salmador, El Día (Montevideo, Uruguay). 1959 Horacio de Dios, La Razón (Buenos Aires, Argentina). 1960 Twenty-one-man reporting team, El Mercurio (Santiago, Chile). 4. In recognition of meritorious work by a cartoonist: 1954 Carmelo Filardi, El Mundo (San Juan, Puerto Rico). 1955 (not awarded) 1956 Noé Solano, La Prensa Libre (San José, Costa Rica). 1957 Hernando Turriago, El Tiempo and Intermedio (Bogotá, Colombia). 1958 Rafael Freyre, Excélsior (Mexico City). 1959 Peter Aldor, El Tiempo (Bogotá, Columbia). 1960 Antonio Prohías (in exile), Prensa Libre (Havana, Cuba). 5. In recognition of meritorious work by a photographer: 1954 Agustín Fuentes, La Prensa (Managua, Nicaragua). 1955 Tolentino Alegre, La Crónica (Lima, Peru). 1956 (not awarded) 1957 (not awarded)

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1958 José Agraz Solans, Avance (Havana, Cuba). 1959 Angel Edmundo Font, La Gaceta (Tucumán, Argentina). 1960 Luis González Núñez, El Mercurio (Santiago, Chile). 6. Bronze plaque to the Latin American publication which has especially distinguished itself during the year by meritorious journalistic work in behalf of the community: 1954 El Imparcial (Guatemala). 1955 El Tiempo (Bogotá, Colombia). 1956 La Prensa Gráfica (San Salvador, El Salvador). 1957 Veritas (Buenos Aires, Argentina). 1958 La Religión (Caracas, Venezuela). 1959 Prensa Libre (Havana, Cuba) 1960 Jornal do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil).

Appendix B

P r o p a g a n d a D i s s e m i n a t e d against IAPA

Argentine Propaganda—Excerpts translated from Chapter II, Libro Azul Y Blanco de la Prensa Argentina (Buenos Aires. Organización Nacional del Periodismo Argentino, 1951), pp. 58-59. Chapter II "The 'Inter-American Press Society,' Instrument of Yankee Aggression against Argentina" . . . the following premises are categorically established: 1) The Inter-American Press Association is a North American organization directed by the Department of State, the imperialistic groups of Wall Street and the newspapers allied with the two, or at least one of them; 2) The Inter-American Press Association plans, from New York, upon and against Latin America, intending to suffocate the independent and national press of each country that has not submitted to Wall Street or that is not disposed to surrender itself; 3) The Inter-American Press Association lives and grows with the money that Wall Street gives i t , . . . 4) The Inter-American Press Association defends the interest of the great news monopolies of North American i m p e r i a l i s m , . . . 7) The Inter-American Press Association will represent yankee capitalism and the Department of State in all the Latin American countries, defending the press that responds to the imperialistic interests of Wall Street, and attacking national sovereignty with its aggressions, its excesses, its frauds and its lies; . . .

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Argentine Propaganda—Excerpt translated from Libro Azul Y Blanco de la Prensa Argentina (Buenos Aires: Organización Nacional del Periodismo Argentino, 1951), p. 415. Chapter V "The Yankee Press Has No Freedom, Morals, nor Authority" The North American press is neither free nor independent. It has no ideal, it defends no disinterested cause for the public welfare or social interest. Its drive is an appetite for money. Organized as a great industry, it concerns itself only with its own economic interests and those of the trusts and gigantic monopolies that strangle all life in the United States. This subject was brought up by Carlos Rafael Rodríguez present editor of Cuba's communist newspaper Hoy, then treasurer of IAPA, at the V Interamerican Congress held in Quito. The question was formulated in the following terms: "Is there economic freedom of the press in the United States?" Dubois of the Chicago Tribune and Garzón of La Prensa of New York, opposed the subject, which was deferred to the Inter-American conference of the press held in New York, where the North American group without notification modified the statutes of the organization, with the results and in the manner discussed in an earlier chapter.

Bolivian Propaganda—IAPA translated excerpt from La Nación Paz, Bolivia), November 9,1964.

(La

"Freedom of the Press" It is interesting to note how Freedom of the Press fluctuates with every step and molds itself according to the momentary interests of those involved. For tyrants, press freedom means exaggerated praise of their persons; for businessmen, it is the lavish dissemination of advertisements for their merchandise; for politicians, it means propagation of their ideas . . . A dispatch from São Paulo, published here yesterday brings once more to the fore, the activities of the so-called Inter-American Press Association, which, from time to time, according to the interests of some

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of its associates, gets a notion to dogmatize in pseudo-Christian fashion on freedom of the press and demands justice against injustice, converting itself into an advocate of lost causes which are obnoxious to the people, and to the large majority of the citizenry. Fortunately, the Inter-American Press Association is only concerned at the present time with the commercial interests of A.N.P.A. to which the defunct La Razón and Los Tiempos belong. It should be noted that the former, defender of the mining corporations and of enemies of the country, was closed down by its owner, and its equipment is still under lock. Freedom of the press functions in the service of the majority. And at this time, when the People are the Government, and the press serves the People, nothing can be clearer or constitute a more basic natural development. We perhaps should not even have bothered with the outbursts of the Inter-American Press Association, but if we have done so, it is only in order to open their eyes and show them our true self and our strength.

Bolivian Propaganda—IAPA translated excerpt from La Nación Paz, Bolivia), April 25,1955.

(La

"Jules Dubois' Autopsy" by Carlos Velarde There is an Inter-American Press Association which is not to be confused with any organization of newspaper workers, but is essentially a club for newspaper owners. This club is headed by the notorious Jules Dubois, a tool of dictators, a type who hastens to demand "freedom of the press"for Carlos V. Aramayo, but forgets that there are countries such as Venezuela, Nicaragua, etc., where there isn't a trace of true freedom of the press, and where such types grow wealthy and thrive under dictatorship. Jules Dubois has been depicted in a newspaper article published by Rodrigo González Allende—Chilean politician who cannot be accused of leftist tendencies—in the April 17th issue of the Santiago newspaper La Tercera de la Hora. "I'm very much afraid that this Inter-American Press Association pre-

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sided over by Lanz Duret, has fallen completely into the hands of Jules Dubois . . . he represents the newspaper of the late Colonel McCormick, drum major of the U. S. reactionary and isolationist forces." Dubois whom we know from Bogotá is an active anti-communist, but so active that he exceeds the standards of responsible and judicious men, who distrust the Soviet imperialism of mind and territory, but do not compromise with anyone in their persistence. In the name of anti-communism Dubois seems to us to be compromising with Bossism, the nephew of fascism and legitimate descendant of the oppressor or dictatorial conception of life.

Colombian Propaganda—IAPA translated excerpts from Transformación (Bogotá), April 18, 1957. (The newspaper exploited an article written by Costa Rica's Otilio Ulate in an apparent attempt to divide the IAPA membership.) "Dubois Must Leave the IAPA, Otilio Ulate Says" As is known, the concepts and facts reproduced above were not written by a dictator nor a militant enemy of the Liberal Inter American movement, but by a member of the very Board of Directors of the IAPA. The frank position of Ulate in repudiating what he calls "the aggression by an impetuous and aggressive foreign visitor, seems to have accustomed himself to be lord and master in whatever country he visits" and its origin in a new, bold and machiavelian political maneuver by Dubois. Those who are familiar with the tactic of this shady person and his subtle manner of taking advantage of his trips in behalf of the IAPA and the meetings of that organization to pursue certain unadmitted political aims, had already wondered what reasons Dubois might have had for selecting San José as the site of the IAPA Board meeting that took place during the last days of March. Now everyone in the IAPA knows that the purpose in going to that country was to silence the opposition to the leftist and pinko government of Mr. José Figueres. Now the Anti-Communist Committee of the Americas, with headquarters in New Orleans, has just told the Americas that Messrs. James B. Canel and Jules Dubois are "consciously unintentionally" serving communism. This statement is the energetic reply by the Committee to

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the excesses by Dubois and his henchmen against rightist governments, which are bulwarks against communist penetration of the continent; the contrary occurs in San José with Mr. Figueres who is universally known as head of the Caribbean Legion, which is essentially pro-Soviet.

Dominican Republic Propaganda—El Caribe (Dominican Republic), May 5, 1956. Excerpts from translation by IAPA for distribution to IAPA members mentioned therein. "New Trojan Horses Appear on the American Scene" by Ramon Marrero Aristy . . . since 1950, when the direction of the Association became a monopoly of a certain group moved by bastard impulses—the IAPA has not been serving the aims for which it was created; . . . This is shown by the case of the present President and Secretary (respectively) John [sic] G. Stahlman and James Canel; it is, to put it graphically, like the catastrophe that ensues when an elephant invades a china shop; this is what has occurred in the sphere of newspaper relations in the Americas with the penetration made by these two characters and other henchmen of their group, among which the most outstanding is the adventurer Jules Dubois, who is known, more than for any other reason, for his laughable and clownish posturing. The wretched and clumsy pachiderm of the story unfortunately now has partners; that is why the damage done to the interests of journalism and good relations between the American peoples is greater. John G. Stahlman, an unforunate apparition in the Executive of the IAPA, is in reality the dummy of an evil-intentioned ventriloquist, whose make-up hides the real political color of his skin; we refer to the ambitions and unscrupulous Canel, whose real purpose and role in the hierarchy of the IAPA will some day attract the attention of those who in the U.S. have the job of investigating un-American activities, that is, the FBI. This dead policy, interference . . . entered the field of inter American affairs, is the one that is sought to be revived by that small dissident group at the service of Lucifer himself, if Lucifer would pay up, that has infiltrated an organization like the IAPA and that so efficiently subverts the functions of such organizations.

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Dominican Republic Propaganda—Excerpts from one of two editorials reprinted from El Caribe (August 4, 1956) in a pamphlet in the Dominican Republic, 1956. (Note tie-in with Colombia's Rojas Pinilla government.) Colombian Journalists Reject Stahlman's Interventionism —They Show Red Influence on IAPA "Reds within the IAPA" Communist infiltration into the Inter-American Press Association (IAPA) has been exposed in a factual article published by the Diario de Colombia and reproduced in this edition. Taking advantage of their positions in the press organization dubious characters who are either mercenary newsmen or unsuccessful politicians in their respective countries, or even undercover international communist agents, are grossly interfering, with increasing effrontery, in the domestic affairs of the nations of this hemisphere. The comments of the Colombian newspaper underline facts already denounced by responsible journalists in the hemisphere: the communist connections of Jules Dubois, the so-called President of the IAPA Committee on Press Freedom and those of James B. Canel, the resentful Executive Secretary of the IAPA. Reds and fellow-travelers are seriously jeopardizing the integrity of the IAPA as these subversive agents are trying to build themselves up into a super organization to impose their will on the American regimes under pain of being slandered. A strong reaction against so scandalous state of things is therefore urgent. Honest and free newspapermen of the hemisphere must not allow subversive-mongers and black-mailers to become their spokesmen.

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Dominican Republic Propaganda—New York Herald Tribune, November 21, 1956. (The same full-page advertisement was published in Spanish in El Diario de Neuva Nork, November 19,1956.) A Presentation of the Press Society of the Dominican Republic Reprinted from El Universal, Caracas, Venezuela "The Inter-American Press Association" By J. Penzini Hernández of El Universal of Caracas, Venezuela (Former Minister of the Interior of the Government of Venezuela and Professor of International Law, Caracas University) Caracas, (November 5, 1956) Pope Pius XII recently granted an audience to news agency directors from 12 European nations and spoke to them of the mission of modern journalism. The Holy Father exhorted them to direct public opinion "into paths of truth and righteousness," since at times public opinion "is dangerously unstable and passionate." And speaking of methods to so guide public opinion, he remarked: "The situation is incomparably more grave when newspaper and wire service reporters are unable to make free use of those powerful media for the dissemination of thought because they are controlled by other powerful organizations and parties or by whomever supports them financially." In these words of the Pontiff are revealed unhappy experiences and bitter truths that have become almost universal. When a newspaperman seeks to be loyal and sincere, "the press and the news services tyrannize him by setting deadlines," and thus, "often force him to submit material that has not been verified or is incomplete and immature." The pressure of time and work converts him into an automaton at the services of the great news agencies, of political parties, or whomever pays him. His ability is sapped by his submission to those gods of modern life. In reality, the newspaperman is now merely a laborer for a gigantic machine in which free thought is trampled underfoot. This machine may take the form of a newspaper chain or a political party. It may be some different capitalistic entity which conceals the true objective of its campaign and its ideological significance. But the worst of the development of the journalist's freedom of thought is found in the division of public opinion into multiple political parties. Each forms his opinion in accord with the preconceived norms of this

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party. If he wishes to be sincere he cannot do so because of his subordinate position. Party discipline destroys his individual will and his voice becomes no more than an echo of the collective will. This may be only human. But it is humanity full of hate, of vengeance, of pretence, of ambitions. It is very far from what the Holy Father called loyalty "before God and before men who love justice." From this has emerged a situation whereby the press associations have arrogated to themselves the judgment and denunciation of what they call violations of freedom of the press. This onslaught is especially directed against legitimate defense of government against press subversion. We refer particularly to the "Inter-American Press Association." We do not doubt its good faith nor its worthy goals. But we do question its tactics and doubt that it has the necessary fairness to establish a model for hemispheric journalism. We have not, for instance, heard that the IAPA has censured or deployed the defamatory propaganda with which the New York press and news services treat the political news from Latin America. The first goal of a truly interAmerican society should be sane education and regulation of journalistic culture. Because of its only moderate power it may be that such a press would be unable to hold its own with the powerful forces that seek to control it. It is desired, obviously, that the Latin American press take New York journalism as a model. That is inadmissible. Each country has its own characteristics molded by its environment. The imposition of a patron would be unthinkable, an impossible illusion. Thus, if the Inter-American Press Society abandons its role of educator and converts itself into a kind of inquisition it will inevitably be swerved from its avowed goal. Moreover, the IAPA will only arouse antagonism if it seeks to impose a capricious dictatorship on the press of our sovereign nations. A few days ago the Inter-American Press Association held its annual convention in Havana. Journalism did not live up to its lofty mission. There were fights and the Dominican newsman Ramon Marrero even challenged Jules Dubois, chairman of the Committee of Freedom of the Press, to a duel. Both the fights and threatened duel stemmed unquestionably from that certain proneness of the Inter-American Press Association to go beyond the pale of its duties and discuss subjects which are entirely out of its jurisdiction and competence, such as deciding through a single ruling and extra-legally that German Ornes is the legitimate owner of the daily El Caribe. The Association should have previously examined Ornes' record. The latter newsman lived in Ciudad

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Trujillo and, as is abundantly notorious, he heaped daily loving praise upon Generalissimo Trujillo and became rich while there. Now he is an outstanding member of the Inter-American Press Association and an enemy of his former benefactor in the name of press freedom and because of alleged differences in the financial administration of El Caribe. Another blunder of the Inter-American Press Association is to have proclaimed as "heroes of the freedom of the press" such newsmen as David Michel Torino, from Argentina, and Pedro Beltran, from Peru, for having opposed the governments of Peron and Odria, and to have declared General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla and his government violators of freedom of the press. All of this was done without providing an opportunity for the other side to be heard, plainly constitutes intervention in the internal affairs of the American Republics, and militates against the solution of national problems, it being understood that public opinion is made up of contradictory and conflicting elements and that all governments have their followers and oppositionists. By siding with one camp the Inter-American Press Association ceases to be a hemispheric-wide organization and assumes the character of an ideologically partial, selfish body. We believe that the Inter-American Press Association should first of all foster all-encompassing harmony in the Americas and abandon the road of dissension on which it now treads. It should keep clear of political passions and of spheres of influence centering around personal and partisan interests. It should act with an awareness of a fair public justice and of educational norms which may tend to humanize the domestic vicissitudes and international rivalries of nations, as well as the natural inclination of men toward egotism and sectarian exclusivism. Such is the danger which His Holiness the Pope points out to the news agencies and the press when he says: "They (the news agencies and the press) may also unscrupulously place themselves at the service of a public opinion perverted by error and prejudice and in this manner become mainly responsible when this ends up polluting society as a whole."

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Dominican Republic Propaganda—Excerpt from letter to IAPA members, February 22, 1957. Why Dubois and Canel Injure the IAPA Prom the foregoing facts it is not difficult to see why so many individuals and organizations have been obliged to defend themselves against the insults and slanders of Dubois and Canel. Unless such tactics really accomplish anything worthwhile they certainly lend no credit or dignity to the Association. Moreover, Dubois and Canel have converted the Association, whose rules define it as an organization dedicated to the defense of journalistic interests, into an instrument of personal passions and a sop to their bloated egos. Their political invective carries them so far afield that its reading sounds more like a Soviet hate sheet than anything from a professional group. This last circular, for instance—not a single point concerning the newspaper business. Canel unblushingly interjects himself into the right of the individual to make up his own mind concerning a nation and a government that is a friend and ally of the United States, one that has always served the cause of democracy and the West as can be proved by our record at United Nations. I suggest that the following questions are in order: How much voice do you have in Association matters? If you are not helping make decisions, then who is? And if control is almost entirely in the hands of two or three "activists" is that democracy? Lastly, I suggest you have a quiet talk with any of your Latin American colleagues. Ask them what they think about the present ruling clique and its tactics. You might find their answers—the truth—interesting if surprising. Regarding Generalissimo Trujillo and the present peace, prosperity and rising standards of living that we are enjoying under his leadership, we Dominican newspapermen wish to invite you [to] come down and get acquainted with us and see the facts with your own eyes. We invite you to form your own opinion instead of acceping the personal prejudices of Dubois and Canel. We sincerely hope you will come. Cordially, s/Ramon President Editor of American

Marrero Aristy of the Dominican Press Society. La Nación. Member of the Inter Press Association.

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Dominican Republic Related Propaganda—Excerpts from an editorial in Americanos, November, 1957. "Two Definitions of Freedom of the Press" The left wing element of the Inter-American Press Association was in full swing and had everything completely under control at the meeting of that organization in Washington October 16 to 18. Our contention has always been that though these same members "holler from the roof tops" that they are champions of freedom of the press this freedom only applies when they want it to apply. An exact case in point is that of German Ornes Coiscou self exiled newspaperman from the Dominican Republic told in a speech that Americanos and its editor were paid agents of Generalissimo Rafael Leonidas Trujillo. When our editor asked permission to answer this charge he was given the very weak excuse that this was a closed meeting and since he was not a member of the organization he could not defend himself of this false accusation. It seems that at each annual meeting such "lefties" as James B. Canel and Jules Dubois who have completely "bamboozled" the right thinking men of the organization pick out one or two people at whom to level false accusations. This meeting was no exception as they coerced the freedom of the press committee and the organization as a whole to vote to oust Ramon Marrero Aristy editor of La Nación of the Dominican Republic and accused our editor and our publication of being paid agents of a foreign country. This cold silence towards our editor plainly points out that the majority of the members of the IAPA are completely afraid of what Canel, Dubois, et al think. In fact one of them even said "please do not talk to me in public for I am afraid of what Canel and Dubois might t h i n k ? "

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—An example of the type of correspondence to which IAPA officers are sometimes subjected. Port-au-Prince, July 30,1958. Mr. John T. O'Rourke, Editor The Washington Daily News 1013 13th Street Washington 5, D.C. Dr. Mr. O'Rourke: I was surprised not to find your corpse among those of the American bandits who led the attack against the government of Haiti. After all the trouble you went through to embrarrass, annoy, undermine and discredit the administration of President Francois Duvalier and to give aid and comfort to the Louis Dejoie crowd, one would expect you to spearhead any armed revolt against him. Perhaps you will come over now with Roger Baldwin, Cunningham, and, oh, yes, Elizabeth Schermerhom, to lead those "2000 rebels" which your paper says are waiting "their chance to launch a new onslaught against the government of President Francois Duvalier." Of course you know that you can count on the utmost support of Ambassador Gerald Tartuffe Drew in this so noble a venture... Meanwhile Latin-American eyes, not to mention Russian's, are wide open to your schemes. A bientot, done. Your very devoted servant, Jean Q. Bouqui Champs de Mars Port-au-Prince Haiti

Appendix C

Letters a n d Editorials i n B e h a l f of IAPA

EL MUNDO, San Juan, P . R.

March 19, 1954

"Welcome, Colleagues" Bienvenidos, Colegas Durante esta fin de semana Puerto Rico va a tener el privilegio de que aquí se celebre la reunión de la Junta de Directores de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, a la cual pertenecen distinguidas personalidades del periodismo en las tres Américas. Decimos que es un privilegio porque la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, en sus pocos años de vida, ha probado ya ser vigorosa fuerza de cultivo democrático, un seguro afianzamiento de la libertad de expresión en el Hemisferio. Ha de ser de interés, para todos los que crean en los derechos del hombre, que esta Sociedad continúe desarrolándose con el mismo fervor con que se inició y ha hecho la obra de sus primeros años. Aquí en Puerto Rico sentimos ese interés y nos complace que sea en nuestro ambiente que los directores de la Sociedad discutan este año sus problemas del momento. Esperamos que ellos se sientan aquí como en su casa. En efecto, aquí no solamente estamos en simpatía y en completa afinidad con los altos propósitos de la Sociedad, sino que también vivimos y compartimos la cultura hispanoamericana y la angloamericana, con lo cual nuestro solar es propicio a la labor de acercamiento interamericano, que también es parte de la encomienda de la SIP. Nuestro entronque latino y nuestras relaciones con el pueblo de los Estados Unidos nos permiten ser privilegiado canal de comprensión y acercamiento. En Puerto Rico se admira la obra ya realizada por la SIP, que ha sabido poner el debido énfasis, en todos los países, a lo necesaria que es una Prensa libre. Señalamos con satisfacción hacia la reapertura de El Comercio, de Quito, y otros periódicos objeto de censura, así como la remoción de las restricciones impuesta a la Prensa cubana por órdenes

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del presidente Fulgencio Batista. Estos son exemplos de lo que ha alcanzado son su fuerza moral esta asociación, sin contar con que su actitud vigilante seguramente ha servido de freno para evitar otros intentos contra la libertad de la Prensa. EL MUNDO, que tiene a orgullo pertenecer a la SIP, se honra al saludar cordialmente a todos los distinguidos hombres de Prensa que han llegado a nuestras playas con motivo de esta reunión. Al entrar ustedes en nuestra casa, es con profunda sinceridad y con fraternal emoción que les decimos: Bienvenidos, colegas.

Letter from Roberto García-Peña, director, El Tiempo (Colombia), to IAPA president, thanking the press of the Americas for its "splendid and generous solidarity . . . " "El Tiempo" Diario De La Mañana Bogotá, Colombia, Sur América Director Madrid, España, Octubre 21/55 Señor Presidente de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa New Orleans, U.S.A. Estimado señor Presidente: Imposibilitado de asistir a la reunión de la Junta de Directores de la Sociedad ínteramericana de Prensa y de la Asamblea General, ruego a Ud. tenga a bien acreditar a D. German Arniegas (sic), antiguo director de "El Tiempo," para que me represente en la Junta, y al mismo señor Arciniegas y a los señores Enrique y Hernando Santos Castillo, jefes de redacción de dicho diario, para que sean tenidos como sus delegados en la Asamblea, a fin de que puedan ellos expresar a todos los miembros de la Sociedad nuestra profunda gratitud por la esplendida y generosa solidaridad con que todos los diarios de las Americas nos han acompañado en estos momentos de dura prueba para la libertad de prensa, que en EL TIEMPO tiene hoy, como la ha tenido en "La Prensa" de Buenos Aires, viva expresión de símbolo. Los delgados de EL TIEMPO

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dirán a la Sociedad cómo es de firme nuestra irrevocable decisión de seguir luchando por una causa que no es solo nuestra sino que corresponde a todos los periodicos libres, con cuya valiosísima colabración, por nosotros tan agradecida, aspiramos a seguir contando. Ruego al señor Presidente presentar a mis distinguidos colegas de la SIP el testimonio de mis agradecimientos infinitos y de mi cordial simpatía. Suyo Affmo., s/Roberto García-Peña Director de "El Tiempo"

Cable from David Michel Torino, publisher, El Intransigente (Salta, Argentina), to IAPA president Stahlman, thanking IAPA for its help which resulted in, first, his liberty and later the return of his newspaper. WESTERN UNION INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATIONS W. P. Marshall, President 1955 DEC 22 AM 3 16 Received VIA WESTERN UNION CABLES NA039 51 PD INTL

21 1930=

FR=SALTAARGENTINA VIA WESTERN

UNION CABLES JAMES STAHLMAN = 22 EAST 60 TH STREET ROOM 55 NEWYORK= AGRADEZCO FELICITACIONES Y QUEDO MUY RECONOCIDO EFICIENTE LUCHA LIBRADA POR SOCIEDAD INTER= AMERICANA PRENSA QUE CULMINO CON MI LIBERTAD PRIMERO Y DEVOLUCION EL INTRAN = SIGENTE DESPUES PUNTO DESDE REAPARICION MI DIARIO SIGUE BREGANDO ENTUSIASTAMENTE POR LIBERTAD PRENSA RECONICIDO SALUDALES CORDIALMENTE= DAVID MICHEL TORINO =

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Excerpts from address by Dr. Alberto Gainza Paz, La Prensa (Argent i n a ) , before the Convention of the American Newspaper Publishers, April, 1956. I cannot end without repeating to the American Newspaper Publishers Association my gratitude for all that the press of the United States did for the cause of freedom in Argentina. Your news and your stout editorials inspired Argentine eagerness. And together with the gratitude I express to the press of the United States, I must repeat how the Argentines recognize the noble, tenacious and effective action of the Inter American Press Association, of which your members are also a part. I.A.P.A. knew how to gather up the fraternal tradition of the American peoples, and for the good of the whole continent it raised the banner of the free press. I said that the Argentines "recognized it." That is it; I am not just expressing a personal concept, but I bring to you the appreciative sentiment of my countrymen.

Letter from the Circle of Journalists of Bogotá (Colombia), expressing recognition of IAPA's labor in behalf of freedom of the press. C Ρ Β CIRCULO DE PERIODISTAS DE BOGOTA Secretaria Bogotá, D. E. Octubre 31,1.957 Señor Presidente de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa SIP 22 East, 60th Street Suite 55 NEW YORK, 22, Ν. Υ. Me es honroso transcribir a Ud. la Proposición aprobada por la Junta Directiva del Círculo de Periodistas de Bogotá y que textualmente dice: "EL CIRCULO DE PERIODISTAS DE BOGOTA, teniendo en cuenta la necesidad de reconocer la ingente labor realizada por la SIP para hacer respectar los derechos y afianzar los vínculos de todos los escritores de la prensa libre del continente, expresa su voz de aplauso a la SO-

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CIEDAD INTERAMERICANA DE PRENSA por la forma como ésta entidad ha venido laborando incansablemente en defensa de la libertad de expresión como fundamento esencial de la democracia y derecho inalienable de la persona humana. "Igualmente, EL CIRCULO DE PERIODISTAS DE BOGOTA, felicita a los dirigentes de la SIP por la manera como han contribuído a la unidad de los escritores responsables y libres del hemisferio americano y por cuanto han defendido a toda costa sus derechos frente a las dictaduras enemigas de la información veraz. "Transcríbase la presente Proposición, en nota de estilo al señor Presidente de la SOCIEDAD INTERAMERICANA DE PRENSA. Federico Rivas Aldana, Presidente, Julio Abril, Premer Vicepresidente. Alvaro Monroy, Segundo Vicepresidente. Félix Raffan Gómez, Secretario General. Gloria Pachón Castro, Subsecretaría. Nicholás Mora Dávila, Tesorero. Felipe González Toledo, Revisor Fiscal. Vocales, Carlos Cabrera Lozano, Guillermo Lanao, José María Vall Serra, Gonzalo González, Rogelio Echavarría."—Es fiel copia— Del señor Presidente de la SIP, muy atentamente, Félix Raffan Gómez Secretario

October 6, 1959

La Nación Buenos Aires Argentina "The Annual IAPA Meeting" La Asamblea Anual de la S I P

Terminados los trabajos preliminares de su Comisión de Libertad de Prensa y completadas las tareas de las demás subcomisiones así como las de la Junta de Directores de la institución, iniciará hoy en San Francisco de California su XV Asamblea Anual la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa. Después de ésta se desarrollará en la vecina localidad de Palo Alto, en aquel mismo Estado, un seminario que analizará los problemas actuales de la América latina y sentará sus reales en la Universidad Stanford, donde funcionará bajo la dirección de Ronald Hilton, director de los estudios hisanoamericanos de dicho establecimiento.

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Tendrán efecto así, en días sucesivos, dos acontecimientos de singular trascendencia para el mutuo conocimiento de los hombres de prensa del continente y para el análisis razonado de los problemas comunes y la búsqueda empeñosa de soluciones apropriadas. El hecho de que los principales periodistas latinoamericanos que concurrirán a la reunión de la Sip tendrán luego a su cargo la conducción de dichos exámenes en relación con sus respectivos países, asegura a esas tareas una autoridad que no es posible desconocer. Y en su hora, las dos publicaciones en que hayan de recogerse las labores de ambas reuniones constituirán un utilísimo instrumento de trabajo para cuantos en nuestra América se preocupan por el progreso conjunto en la defensa de los mismos principios y la afirmación de análogo sistema vital. Ya parece innecesario presentar a nuestros lectores a la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, que este año ha presidido por primera vez un periodista argentino y que en 1958 celebró en Buenos Aires su decimocuarta asamblea anual. Entonces pudo la opinión nacional apreciar de manera directa la seriedad de los trabajo de la SIP, su cabal devoción a la causa de la libertad de expresión, que es punto fundamental de su quehacer incesante; la íntima solidaridad que a través del organismo que tiene su asiento en Nueva York se afianza cada vez más entre los hombres de prensa americanos. Como siempre, el despacho que, tras acucioso examen de la realidad continental del presente, ha de formular la Comisión de Libertad de Prensa constituirá el centro de los debates y la expresión más alta—en la condenación o el elogio, según los casos—de la función que la SIP ha asumido con fervor, de alerto centinentala de un derecho acerca del cual es terminante la llamada "Carta de la Prensa Interamericana," suerte de declaración de principios de la institución: "Sin libertad de prensa—léese, en efecto, en la base II de aquélla— no hay democracia. La libertad de pensamiento y su expresión hablada o escrita son derechos esenciales inseparables. Constituyen, a la vez, garantía y defensa de las otras libertades en que se funda la decocracia." Y la base V proclama: "Los regímenes políticos que no respetan o no hacen respetar la plena libertad de prensa no son democráticos." Finalmente, después de afirmar que "la prensa libre es primordial para formar y expresar la opinión pública," concluye la "Carta": "América, por su tradición y su destino, ha de ser un continente de opinión pública."

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183

A la luz de estas declaraciones volverá a examinarse en San Francisco de California la situación del periodismo continental, a fin de señalar a los países incursos en desconocimiento flagrante de una libertad tan esencial. Durante el año se ha venido ejerciendo la habitual vigilancia de la SIP al respecto y su presidencia realizó gestiones decididas cada vez que, en cualquier lugar de América, vio desconocida o amenazada la libre expresión del pensamiento por medio de la prensa. De acuerdo con la entidad . . .

October 6, 1959

El Correo Medellín Colombia "IAPA and Freedom of the Press" La Sip y la Libertad de Prensa

En San Francisco, Estados Unidos, delibera actualmente la Asamblea de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, Sip. En esta ocasión, al menos para los colombianos, su reunión no despierta la extraordinaria expectativa de años anteriores, por cuanto Colombia, afortunadamente, disfruta de absoluta libertad de prensa; no obstante, la asemblea de la Sip tiene, como todas las suyas, una grande importancia, como que ella ha sido, en los momentos de mayores dificultades, un "pequeño parlamento de América," como la calificara hace poco el vicepresidente Nixon. Hay que padecer—como los padecieron en su hora Perú, Argentina, Colombia, Venezuela y Cuba—los rigores de la tiranía y de la censura para entender cuánto vale y cuánto significa una voz de aliento como la de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa! Hace unos pocos años, olvidados un poco por el disfrute de la libertad, que en los diarios colombianos el nombre de la Sip estaba prohibido. Cuando ella empezaba a deliberar, los censores descendían hasta los talleres de los diarios para vigilar, acuciosos, como perros de presa, para que ninguna mención de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa escapase a su tarea de policías del pensamiento. En aquella época, poco o nada de lo que se decía en la Sip podía publicarse en Colombia, porque la fuerza lo impedía. Casos se dieron de que se montara guardia en los propios teletipos de los periódicos, en un infantil empeño por impedir la recepción de las noticias

184

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transmitidas directamente desde Nueva York. A pesar de esas dificultades, los argentinos en su país, y los colombianos en el nuestro, sabíamos, a cada oportunidad que la Sip era el mejor auxiliar de los demócratas y que sus miembros, lenta pero seguramente, trabajaban por el restablecimiento de las libertades. Quienes padecimos la ignominia de la censura durante varios lustros sabemos bien lo que significa el apoyo de la Sip: Ahora mismo, aunque la situación en el hemisferio—...

Figure 2. "The Pen That Pricks." Cartoon from El Tiempo, Bogotá, Colombia, October 4, 1959.

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1. Argentina Albanese Virgilio (director, La Tribuna [Rosario]), December 24, 1959, and December 26, 1959. Barcia, José (director, Noticias Gráficas [Buenos Aires]), December 18, 1959. Bavasso Roffo, Juan Carlos (rector, Facultad de Periodismo del Museo Social Argentino, Buenos Aires), December 18,1959. Castex, Hermildo N. (subdirector, Correo de la Tarde [Buenos Aires]), December 23, 1959. Ciruzzi, Renato (redactor, Clarín [Buenos Aires]), December 22, 1959. Efrón, Isaac (redactor, La Tribuna [Rosario]), December 26, 1959. Gainza Paz, Alberto (president, IAPA [1958-1959], and director, La Prensa [Buenos Aires]), October 3,1959, and December 19,1959. García Rey, Oscar (secretaria general, Clarín [Buenos Aires]), December 22, 1959. Gil Montoya, Luis (director, Escuela Superior de Periodismo, Institute Grafotécnico, Buenos Aires), December 18,1959. Ingrey, Norman (director, Buenos Aires Herald [Buenos Aires], December 29, 1959. Lagos, Nestor Joaquín (director, Crónica [Rosario]), December 26, 1959. Larralde, Pedro (subdirector, La Razón [Buenos Aires]), January 2, 1960. McCall, William H. (bureau chief, United Press International, Buenos Aires), January 2, 1960. Manrique, Francisco G. (director, Correo de la Tarde [Buenos Aires]), December 23, 1959. Massot, Diana Julio de (directora, La Nueva Provincia [Bahía Blanca]), December 21, 1959. Nudelman, Santiago (director, Crítica [Buenos Aires]), December 28, 1959. Ordoñez, Felipe (jefe de redacción, La Capital [Rosario]), December 26,1959. Pérez, Alvaro (assistant press attaché, USIS, United States Embassy, Buenos Aires), December 31, 1959. Petcoff, Emilio (redactor, Democracia [Buenos Aires]), December 22, 1959. Rawson, Guillermo J. (subdirector, Correo de la Tarde [Buenos Aires]), December 23, 1959. Rizzuto, F. Antonio (revista Veritas [Buenos Aires]), December 18, 1959. Rizzuto, Francisco A. (h) (director, Revista Veritas [Buenos Aires]), January 2, 1960. Santoné, Aldofo (redactor, Revista Veritas [Buenos Aires]), December 23, 1959. Señen González, Santiago (presidente, Federación Argentina de Periodistas, Buenos Aires), December 21,1959. Summerlin, Sam (director, Associated Press, Buenos Aires), December 21, 1959.

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Torino, David Michel (director, El Intransigente [Salta]), October 1, 1959. Valmaggia, Juan S. (subdirector, La Nación [Buenos Aires]), December 21, 1959. Vannucci, Raul T. (administrador, Crónica [Rosario]), December 26, 1959. 2. Brazil Amaral Netto, Fidélis (diretor-redator-chefe, Revista Maquis [Rio de Janeiro]), January 14, 1960. Bittencourt, Paulo (president, IAPA, [1954-1955], and director, Correio da Manha [Rio de Janeiro]), January 11,1960. Brito, Manoel Francisco do Nascimento (superintendente, Jornal do Brasil [Rio de Janeiro]), January 12,1960. Callado, Antonio (redator, Correio da Manha [Rio de Janeiro]), January 11, 1960. Chagas-Freitas, Antonio de Paula (diretor, A Noticia [Rio de Janeiro]), January 12, 1960. Correa, Moacir (chefe de los Servicios Unificados, Fôlha de São Paulo [São Paulo]), January 8, 1960. Davis, Denny (United Press International, Rio de Janeiro), January 13, 1960. Figueirdo, Aderbal (secretário, Diário de São Paulo [São Paulo]), January 7, 1960. Guimaraês, Luis Ferreira (presidente, Sindicato dos Jornalistas Profissionais do Rio de Janeiro), January 13,1960. Jobim, Danton (vice presidente, Diário Carioca [Rio de Janeiro]), January 16, 1960. Lopes, Valdecir Freire (assessoria de Serviço Social, Rede Ferroviãria Federal, Rio de Janeiro), January 15,1960. Lopes, Waldemar (diretor adjunto, Uniao Pan-Americana-OEA, Rio de Janeiro), January 18,1960. McLean, Malcolm (vice-consul, Press, USIS, United States Embassy, São Paulo), January 8, 1960. Mesquita, Luis (director técnico, O Estado de São Paulo [São Paulo]), January 8, 1960. Mesquita Filho, Julio de (diretor, O Estado de São Paulo [São Paulo]), October 6,1959; January 7,1960; and January 8,1960. Montiero, Edmundo (director-president, Diarios Asociados, São Paulo), January 7, 1960. Moses, Herbert (direto-tesoureiro, O Globo [Rio de Janeiro]), July 25, 1959, and January 13,1960. Neeleman, Gary (correspondent, United Press International, São Paulo), January 8, 1960. Poyares, Walter Ramos (diretor, Escola de Periodismo, Universidade Catolice

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Portela, Francisco V. (bureau manager, Prensa Latina, New York City), October 4,1959. Rodríguez, Francisco (secretaria de administración, Diario de la Marina [Havana]), January 28,1960. 6. Ecuador Bennett, William Frank (public affairs officer, USIS, United States Embassy, Quito), November 20,1959. Borja, Rafael (corresponsal, El Universo [Guayaquil], Quito), November 23, 1959. Izurieta, Bertha (directora, Diario del Cotopaxi [Quito]), November 24, 1959. Johnson, Roy (press officer, USIS, United States Embassy, Quito), November 24, 1959. Llerena, Alfredo (director, Escuela de Periodismo, Universidad Central de Ecuador, Quito), November 21,1959. Mantilla, Carlos (fundador, El Comercio [Quito]), November 25, 1959. Mantilla Ortega, Carlos (publisher, El Comercio [Quito]), November 21,1959, and November 24,1959. Mantilla Ortega, Jorge (publisher, El Comercio [Quito]), July 16, 1959. Paredes, José Ignacio (corresponsal, La Nación and Ultima Hora [Guayaquil], Quito), November 23,1959. Paz y Niño, Juan (secretario, Unión Nacional de Periodistas, Quito), November 23, 1959. Romero B., Patricio (reportero, El Diario de Ecuador [Quito]), November 21, 1959. Salgado Granjo, Victor Elias (representante, El Mercurio [Cuenca], El Heralde [Ambate], El Siglo [Mantu], La Verdad [Recife], and La Nación [Guayaquil], Quito), November 23,1959. Shaffer, Fred (assistant press officer, USIS, United States Embassy, Quito), November 24, 1959. Silva, Humberto (corresponsal, El Telégrafo [Guayaquil], Quito), November 23, 1959. Vacas Gómez, Umberto (jefe de redacción, El Comercio [Quito]), November 21, 1959. 7. El Salvador Dutriz, José Α., Jr. (publisher, La Prensa Gráfica [San Salvador]), October 1, 1959. 8. Guatemala Blanco, Ramón (gerente, El Imparcial [Guatemala]), October 5, 1959. 9. Jamaica Fletcher, S. G. (publisher, The Daily Gleaner [Kingston]), October 7, 1959.

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González, Fernando (jefe sección provincias, La Tribuna [Lima]), December 8, 1959. Lee, Henry (press officer, USIS, United States Embassy, Lima), December 3, 1959. Miró Quesada, Alejandro (subdirector, El Comercio [Lima]), December 1, 1959. Olivas, Antonio (jefe de supplemento dominical, La Crónica [Lima]), December 5,1959. Ortiz de Zevallos, Bernardo (director, Ultima Hora [Lima]), November 30, 1959. Pérez Palacio Carranza, Matilde (director, Escuela de Periodismo, Universidad Católica, Lima), December 1,1959. Portocarrero, Eleno (reportero, Página Femenina, La Prensa [Lima]), December 4, 1959. Rizo Patrón, Carlos (director interino, La Prensa [Lima]), December 2, 1959. Solari Swayne, Manuel (reportero, El Comercio [Lima]), December 2, 1959. 14. Puerto Rico Ramos, Angel (publisher, El Mundo [San Juan]), July 21, 1959. 15. United States of America Brown, Robert U. (publisher and editor, Editor & Publisher [New York City]), July 21, 1959. Dubois, Jules (chairman, Committee on Freedom of the Press, IAPA [19501965], and chief Latin American correspondent, Chicago Tribune [Chicago]), October 7,1959. Flint, Farris A. (Famous Features Syndicate, New York City), July 15 and July 24, 1959. Garzón, Julio (former editor, La Prensa [New York City], and United States Information Agency, Washington, D.C.), August 12,1959. Heiskell, Andrew (publisher, Life, New York City), July 23, 1959. Hellyer, C. David (Latin American editor, The San Diego Union [San Diego]), October 5, 1959. Herbert, John R. (editor, Quincy Patriot-Ledger [Quincy, Massachusetts]), October 3, 1959. Hills, Lee (executive editor, Detroit Free Press [Detroit, Michigan]), October 5, 1959. Hirschfield, Casey (editor, Supplement Hablemos [New York City]), July 23, 1959. Huson, Roland T. (publisher, The Plainsman [Zachary, Louisiana]), October 3, 1959. lift, Nicholas (publisher, Idaho State Journal [Pocatello]), October 7, 1959. Matthews, Herbert L. (The New York Times [New York City]), July 20,1959.

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O'Rourke, John T. (president, IAPA [1957-1958], and editor, Washington Daily News [Washington, D.C.]), August 13,1959. Powers, Joshua B. (Joshua B. Powers, Inc., and Editors Press Service, New York City), July 14, 1959; July 16, 1959; and October 5, 1959. Reitemeyer, John R. (chairman, Executive Committee, IAPA, and president and publisher, Hartford Courant [Hartford, Connecticut]), October 2, 1959. Ross, Stanley (editor and associate publisher, El Diario de Nueva York [New York City]), July 17,1959. Stahlman, James G. (president, IAPA [1955-1956], and president and publisher, The Nashville Banner [Nashville, Tennessee]), July 24, 1959, and October 2, 1959. Wallace, Tom (president, IAPA [1950-1951], and editor emeritus, Louisville Times [Louisville, Kentucky]), August 18-19,1958. 16. Uruguay Aguiar, César Luis (editor, El Bien Público [Montevideo]), January 5, 1960. Ferreira, Luis A. (presidente, Instituto Uruguayo de Opinión Pública, Montevideo), January 5,1960. Franzini, Luis (president, IAPA [1951-1952], and gerente, El Día [Montevideo]), January 6,1960. Manini Ríos, Carlos (director, La Manaña [Montevideo]), January 5, 1960. Scheck, Carlos E. (administrador, El País [Montevideo]), January 5, 1960. Secco A. García, Joaquín (director, El Bien Público [Montevideo], January 5, 1960. 17. West Indies Permuy, Leo (publisher, The Trinidad Guardian [Port-of-Spain]), October 7, 1959. C. Personal Letters Alisky, Marvin (chairman, Department of Mass Communications, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona), April 2,1959. Brown, Robert U. (treasurer, IAPA [1952-1957], and publisher and editor, Editor & Publisher [New York]), December 3,1958. Canel, James B. (general manager, IAPA, November 14, 1958, and March 21, 1960. Cowles, William H. (president, IAPA [1959-1960], and publisher, The Spokesman-Review [Washington]), April 10,1959. Flint, Farris A. (Famous Features Syndicate [New York]), January 27 and April 13,1959. Garzón, Julio M. (secretary, IAPA of United States [1945-1946]), December 10,1958. Herbert, John R. (president, IAPA Technical Center, Inc., and editor, Quincy

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Patriot-Ledger [Massachusetts]), January 29, February 12, and February 20, 1959. Kerney, Thomas L. (treasurer, IAPA [1950-1952]), and general manager, Trenton Times Newspapers [New Jersey]), November 13, 1958, and July 6, 1959. Lacerda, Carlos (director, Tribuna da Imprensa [Brazil]), June 1 and June 19, 1959. Lee, Hal (Lee associates [New York]), March 18,1959. Pooley, Edward M. (editor, El Paso Herald-Post [Texas]), January 27, 1959. Powers, Joshua B. (Executive Committee chairman, IAPA, [1950-1951], and president, Joshua B. Powers, Inc. [New York]), October 21, 1958. Stahlman, James G. (president, IAPA [1955-1956], and president and publisher, Nashville Banner [Tennessee]), October 22 and November 25, 1958; April 10, 1959. Wallace, Tom (president, IAPA [1950-1951], and editor emeritus, Louisville Times [Kentucky]), July 22,1958. D. Books Acta, Primer Congreso Panamericano de Periodistas. Washington, D.C.: Unión Panamericana, 1926. The American Assembly. The United States and Latin America, edited by Herbert L. Matthews. New York: The American Assembly, 1959. Anuário de Imprensa Rádio e Televisão. Rio de Janeiro: Emprésa Jornalística PN S.A., 1959. Cacus Prada, Antonio. La Libertad de Prensa en Colombia. Bogotá: Editorial "Prensa Católica," 1958. Cincuenta y Tres Periodistas Argentinos. Libro Azul Y Blanco de la Prensa Argentina. Buenos Aires: Organización Nacional del Periodismo Argentino, 1951. Dubois, Jules. Freedom Is My Beat. New York: Bobbs-Merril Company, Inc., 1959. Editors of La Prensa. Defense of Freedom. New York: J. Day, 1952. Information Please Almanac. New York: Macmillan Company, 1960. International Press Institute. Government Pressures on the Press. IPI Survey No. IV. Zurich: The International Press Institute, 1955. . The Press in Authoritarian Countries. IPI Survey No. 5. Zurich: The International Press Institute, 1959. Medios Publicitarios Mexicanos. México: Medios Publicitarios Mexicanos, 1959. Memoria del Primer Congreso Nacional y Pan-Americano de la Prensa, Mayo, 1942. México: Departamento del Distrito Féderal, 1943. Memoria del II Congreso Nacional y Panamericano de Prensa, Junio, 1943. La Habana: Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, 1945.

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Memoria del IV Congreso Panamericano de Prensa, Noviembre, 1946. Bogotá: Editorial El Gráfico, 1946. Merrill, John C. A Handbook of the Foreign Press. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1958. Otero, Gustavo Adolfo. La Cultura y el Periodismo en América. 2d ed. Quito (Ecuador): Casa Editorial Liebmann, 1953. Palmer, Norman D., and Howard D. Perkins. International Relations. 2d ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1958. Por Defender La Libertad. 4th ed. Buenos Aires: Diario, La Prensa, 1957. Proceedings of the VI Inter-American Press Conference, October, 1950. Trenton, New Jersey: Trenton Times, n.d. World Communications. Paris: UNESCO, 1964. E. Articles Alisky, Marvin. "Cuba and the Press," Nieman Reports, XII, No. 2 (April, 1959), 2, 29. . "Cuban Press: Censorship Replaces Bribery," Nieman Reports, XI, No. 2 (April, 1957), 17-18. . "Growth of Newspapers in Mexico's Provinces," Journalism Quarterly, XXXVII, No. 1 (Winter, 1960), 75-82. Arciniegas, Germán. "One American Looks at Other," Current History, XXXI, No. 184 (December, 1956), 352-356. Brandenburg, George A. "Editors Declare Public Losing Freedom by Default," Editor & Publisher (October 6,1951), p. 9. Brewer, Sam Pope. "Colombia Regime Warring on Press." New York Times, September 17,1955, p. 2. Brown, Robert U. "Havana Made Headquarters of Inter-American Press Society," Editor & Publisher (May 26,1945), p. 8. . "IAPA Board Condemns Trujillo and All Stooges of Dictators," Editor & Publisher (April 14,1956), pp. 9-10. . "Pan-American Press Congress Forms Permanent Association," Editor & Publisher (June 19,1943), p. 10. . "Shop Talk at Thirty," Editor & Publisher (October 20, 1956; October 27,1957; September 19,1959; and November 20,1965). Cabrera, José Antonio. "Estados Unidos: base de amenazas y agresiones a Cuba," Revolución (Cuba), Enero 25,1960, p. 24. Carney, William P. "Third Inter-American Press Congress," New York Times, May 20,1945, p. 13. "Código de honor de la Prensa aprobó el Congreso Panamericano." El Comercio (Quito, Ecuador), Julio 15,1949, p. 1. "Defensa de las Libertades Fundamentales por la Acción Conjunta de SIP y AIR," Boletín, Asociación Interamericana de Radiofusión (Octubre, 1958), pp. 18-20.

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Deutsch, Eberhard P. " 'Descato' Old Spanish Penal Law Flaunts Press Freedom in Latin America," Nieman Reports, XI, No. 3 (July, 1957), 7-9. "The Eleventh Annual Meeting of the Inter American Press Association, New Orleans, October 29-November 3," Hispanic American Report, VIII, No. 10 (November, 1955), 449-451. Fitzgibbon, Russel. "How Democratic is Latin America?" Inter-American Economic Affairs, IX, No. 4 (Spring, 1956), 65-77. Garzón, Julio. "Hemispheric Freedom Committee Appointed," Editor & Publisher (December 14,1946), p. 86. . "U. S. Delegates Win Victory in Quito," Editor & Publisher (July 30, 1949), pp. 7, 38. Hallet, Robert M. "Freedom Not a Tradition," IPI Report, II, No. 10 (February, 1954), 7. . "Graft from Government Props Cuban Press," IPI Report, IV, No. 3 (July, 1955), 5-6. Harvey, Mary Frances. "The IAPA," The American Editor, III, No. 3 (October, 1959), 5-16. "IAPA Will Denounce Any Government That Stifles Press Freedom," The Daily Gleaner (Kingston, Jamaica), March 19,1958. "Incidente en la Segunda Comisión," El Telégrafo (Guayaquil, Ecuador), July 14,1949. Karig, Walter. "Karig's Inside Story of Democracy at Work," Editor & Publisher (May 30,1942), p. 6. "Libertad de la Prensa," Diario de las Américas (Florida), April 10, 1956. "Press Congress in Mexico," Bulletin of the Pan American Union, (August, 1942), pp. 476-477. Silvert, Κ. Η. "Political Change in Latin America," The United States and Latin America. New York: The American Assembly, 1959, pp. 59-80. "SIP- Sigla de Confraternidad Hemisférica," Veritas (Argentina), Noviembre 30,1957, pp. 2,3. Szulc, Tad. "Report from Columbia," IPI Report, V, No. 10 (February, 1957), 6-8. "Tal se Consigna en el Debatido Informe de Comisión Que se Encargó de Investigar lo Referente a Libertad de Prensa en América," El Universo (Guayaquil, Ecuador), July 17,1949, p. 6. Tannenbaum, Frank. "Toward an Appreciation of Latin America," The United States and Latin America. New York: The American Assembly, 1959, pp. 5-57. Taylor, Joseph. "Revolt of Newspapers Rid Venezuela of Its Dictator," Editor & Publisher (February 1,1958), pp. 6,62. "Tom Wallace Feted at Bogotá Congress," Editor & Publisher (November 30, 1946), p. 12.

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Walcott, Paul S. "Third Inter-American Press Congress, Caracas, 1945," Bulletin of the Pan American Union (August, 1945), pp. 444-445. Wallace, Tom. "Fight for Free Press in Latin American Conference," Louisville Times (Kentucky), January 11,1954. . "From a Good Sportsman a Good Suggestion," Louisville Times, January 7, 1957. Waples, Douglas. "Public Communication in Peru," Studies in Public Communication, No. 2 (Summer, 1959), 61-65. Watson, Campbell. "IAPA Revises Its Charter to Denounce All Subsidies," Editor & Publisher (October 10,1959), p. 11. "La XIV Asamblea de la SIP," Veritas (Argentina), Octubre 30, 1958. F. Pamphlets Botana, Salvadora Medina Onrubia de "Formal protest against the actuation of the Interamerican Press Association, . . ." Buenos Aires: Imprimio Coloma, 1958. "The Case of 'La Prensa'." Undated and unidentified pamphlet attacking La Prensa (Argentina). "Colombian Journalists Reject Stahlman's Interventionism. They Show Red Influence on IAPA." Ciudad Trujillo, Dominican Republic, 1956. Estatutos, n.p.: Asociación Interamericana de Radioifusión, 1954. "The IAPA and the Cuban Press Racket." Published unidentified. Contains articles from El Caribe (Dominican Republic), dated February 11, 1959. Mota, María. "Husband, Father, Traitor." Published unidentified, 1958. Attack against Germán Ornes, Dominican Republic exile. "Why the Dominicans Call Him El Benefactor." The Herald of the Dominican Republic, 1959. G. Periodicals ASNE Bulletin, 1952-1959. Caretas (Peru), Marzo 20,1956. El Comercio (Quito, Ecuador), Julio 12-17,1949. El Comercio (Lima, Peru), Diciembre 1-8,1959. Diario de las Américas (Florida), October, 1956. Editor & Publisher, 1942-1965. Hispanic American Reports, 1953-1959. IPI Report, 1953-1959. Journalism Quarterly, 1940-1960. Newsweek, October 19,1953. Nieman Reports, 1950-1959. New York Times, 1926-1960. Pan American Bulletin, 1942-1947.

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The Publishers' Auxiliary, April 18,1959. Quill, July-August, 1945. Time, 1955-1960. Transformación (Colombia), April 18,1957. H. Other Sources Columbia Broadcasting System. "Is Cuba Going Red?" Part II, CBS Television Network, CBS News, May 17,1959 (mimeographed). Gardner, Mary A. Personal Notes, IAPA XV Annual Meeting, October, 1959.

INDEX ABI (Brazil): 95 Abilahoud, Alfredo: 127 Ackerman, Carl W.: 54 n. advertisers: and OCC, 66, 70 and n. advertising: and press congresses, 7, 9, 43; in Latin America, 40, 42, 47, 65, 6 8 ; a n d IAPA,47,63,65 Agraz Solans, José: 164 Aldor, Peter: 163 Aldunate, Raúl: 20 Alegre, Tolentino: 163 Allende, Rodrigo González. SEE González Allende, Rodrigo Allied Leftists (Cuba): 11-12 Allies: 1942 press congress on, 7 American Embassy (Mexico City): 7 American Legion Auxiliary: 61 American Newspaper Guild: xiii American Newspaper Publishers Association ( A N P A ) : and IAPA, 63, 92, 167; mentioned, 23, 26, 27 Americanos (Dominican Republic): propaganda of, against IAPA, 175 American Press Institute ( A P I ) : 62, 63, 64 American Society of Newspaper Editors (ASNE): 23, 26, 27, 92 Americas Foundation: 59-60 Andrade, Louis Ignacio: 14 ANPA. SEE American Newspaper Publishers Association Anti-Communist Committee of the Americas: 168 Antilles: periodicals of, 5 API. SEE American Press Institute Aramayo, Carlos V.: 167 Arce, Guillermo Pérez de. SEE Pérez de Arce, Guillermo Arciniegas, Germán: xii, 108 Ardón, Juan Ramón: 163 Argentina: delegates from, at press congresses, 5, 10, 19; IAPA's fight for press freedom in, 20, 28, 29, 71, 82, 9699; IAPA meetings in, 25, 52; income problems of reporters in, 41, 124; John S. Knight's refusal to visit, 48; IAPA report on, 58; propaganda of, against IAPA, 165-166. SEE ALSO Perón, Juan

Arias, Harmodio: on 1950 press conference, 18 n.-19 n.; and IAPA constitution, 19 and n.; at 1959 IAPA meeting, 35; on constitutional guarantees, 42; and OCC, 70; on IAPA benefits to members, 111 Aristy, Ramón Marrero. SEE Marrero Aristy, Ramón Arredondo G., Alberto: 9 and n. ASNE. SEE American Society of Newspaper Editors Asociación Interamericana de Radiodifusión: xiii, 87-91 Association of Journalists ( P e r u ) : 95 audits: of newspapers circulations, 65-70 awards. SEE IAPA awards and honors Baldwin, Roger: 176 Baroni, Aldo: 39 Batista, Fulgencio: aid of, to 1943 press congress, 7: Aldo Baroni's writings on, 39; press policies of 47, 107; IAPA's conflicts with, 48, 71, 86, 9 1 ; public disorders under, 102-103; Castro's revolt against, 103 Batista Prize: 48 Beeche, Ricardo Castro. SEE Castro Beeche, Ricardo Beltrán, Mrs. Pedro: 34 n., 125 Beltrán, Pedro: as IAPA officer, 33-34 and n., 35, 131; as Hero of Freedom of the Press, 53, 78, 106, 173; IAPA's aid to, 53, 81, 109; conflicts of, with Odría government, 53, 94, 105-106 Bermuda: IAPA Board meeting in, 31-32 and n. Beurs-en Nieuwsherichten (Curaçao): 96 Bingham, Barry: 60 Bittencourt, Paulo: 45 Blanco, Ramón: 115,119,123 Blanco, Simón Jurado. SEE Jurado Blanco, Simón Blue and White Book of the Argentine Press: 72,98, 165-166 Bogotá, Colombia: 1946 press congress in, 12; 1960 IAPA meeting in, 25, 34-35 and n.; freedom of the press in,

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48, 74-75. SEE ALSO Colombia; Rojas Pinilla, Gustavo Bohemia (Cuba) : 138 Bolivia: IAPA's conflicts with government of, 71-72; Msgr. Pellín's mission to, 76; IAPA censure of, 86; newspaper closure in, 87; propaganda of, against IAPA, 166-168 Borge, Thomas: 96 Borgen, José Francisco: 163 Borrasé, Andrés: 163 botella system (Cuba): 39, 41, 46-47, 107 Boqui, Jean Q.: 176 Boyle, Hal: 38-39 Braña, Manuel: 6 Braxton, H. Galt: 128 Brazil: 1954 IAPA meeting in, 25, 33, 34, 44; economic problems of reporters in, 41, 124; IAPA report on, 58; press associations of, 94; mentioned, 10, 22, 92 bribes to newsmen: 38-41 Brito, M. do Nascimento. SEE Nascimento Brito, Μ. do Brogan, John Α., Jr.: as IAPA treasurer, 36, 37 and n., 131; business interests of, in Latin America, 128 Brown, Robert U.: at 1943 press congress, 8; on 1945 press congress, 10; as vice-president of IAPA of the U.S., 12 n.; as IAPA Executive Committee chairman, 25 n.; as IAPA treasurer, 36; and IAPA Scholarship Fund, 60, 61; on Latin American audits, 70. Buchanan, James C.: 96 Buenos Aires, Argentina: IAPA meetings in, 25, 52, 58, 92 Cabrera, José Antonio: 110 n. California: IAPA meeting in, 25 Camargo, Alberto Lleras. SEE Lleras Camargo, Alberto Canada: newsprint mills in, 55, 56 Canel, James B.: aid of, to David Torino, 79; criticisms of, 101, 168, 169, 170, 174, 175; threats made to, 102; tenure of, as IAPA general manager, 104; Antonio Olivas' calls to, 105; Ford Foundation grant to, 142; IAPA Organization Chart of, 152 Canelas, Demetrio: 71-72, 90, 96 Cano, Luis Gabriel: 93, 163

Capital, A (Brazil): 5 η. capitalism: influence of, in IAPA, 122129 passim Capriles, Miguel Angel: 108 Caracas, Venezuela: 1945 press congress in, 9, 10; absence of delegates from, at 1957 IAPA meeting, 108 Cárdenas, Antonio: 16 Caribbean League: 169 Caribbean Press Seminar (1956) : 42 Caribe, El (Dominican Republic): ownership of, contested, 32, 172-173; propaganda of, against IAPA, 169-170 Carmona, Juan: 108 Carnero Checa, Genaro: 17 Carney, William P.: 8, 11-12 and n. Castillo, J. A. del: 36 n. Castro, Fidel: decorates U. S. journalists, 49; revolt of, against Batista, 103; propaganda of, against IAPA, 129 Castro Beeche, Ricardo: 34 η., 77 CBS: 138 censorship: in Cuba, 47, 107; in Colombia, 74, 75, 100; in Peru, 105, 106 Centeno, Aquiles: 77 Centroamericano, El (Nicaragua): 7879 Chamorro, Pedro Joaquín: 96, 113 Chamorro, Xavier: 115 Chamudes, Marcos: 125 n. Chateaubriand, Assis de: 121 Checa, Genaro Carnero. SEE Carnero Checa, Genaro Chicago, Illinois: IAPA meetings in, 25, 36 Chicago Tribune: 76, 141 Chile: proposed press congress in, 14, 15; salaries of reporters in, 124; mentioned, 6, 10 Circle of Journalists of Bogotá: 93, 180181 circulation audits: 65-70 Círculo de Periodistas de Bogotá: 93, 180-181 code of ethics (journalism). SEE ethics (journalism) Colombia: and 1945 press congress, 12; 1946 press congress in, 12; 1949 report on, 17; as IAPA meeting site, 25, 34-35 and n., 48; corbata system of, 40; national press conference of, 45; John S. Knight refuses to visit, 48; closure of newspapers in, 69, 87;

INDEX IAPA's battles over, 71-104 passim; IAPA bulletin on, 73-74; censorship in, 74, 75, 80; Freedom of the Press Tribunal charges against, 83; press associations in, 93, 94; propaganda of, against IAPA, 168-169, 170. SEE ALSO Bogotá; Rojas Pinilla, Gustavo Colombian National Commission of the Independent Press: 93 Columbia University: IAPA-API investigations at, 63; co-publishes Pepper dictionary, 64 columnists, U.S.: 38-39 Comercio, El (Ecuador): employment regulations of, 4 1 ; circulation figures of, 69; conflicts of, with government, 73, 75, 83, 134; Panama Doctrine invoked in behalf of, 88; ownership of, 124 n. Comercio, El ( P e r u ) : and OCC, 67, 68; mentioned, 34 and n., 124 n. commissions, IAPA. SEE Seventh Commission Committee on Freedom of the Press: created, 14, 72; membership of, 14, 19, 137, 140 n., 145; reports of, 17, 18, 20, 45, 57, 58, 72, 106, 109 n.; and Argentina, 20; in Beltrán affair, 34 n.: meetings of, 34 n., 47, 90, 136-137; and Colombia, 45, 87; and Committee on Ethics, 47; and Pan American Union, 57-58; and Nicaragua, 77, 84; and David Torino, 82; and Freedom of the Press Tribunal, 82, 85; and Panama Doctrine, 87; and ASNE, 92; and Venezuela, 109 n.; analysis of, 131-141; role of, 145. SEE ALSO Dubois, Jules Communists: at 1942 press congress, 6; propaganda of 6, 23; at 1945 press congress, 11; at 1946 press congress, 13; at 1949 press congress, 17; and IAPA, 23, 30, 97, 102; mentioned, 22. SEE ALSO Allied Leftists; Hoy (Cuba); Rodríquez, Carlos Rafael congresos. SEE press congresses, interAmerican Considine, Bob: 38 constitutions, Latin American: 42 Coolidge, Calvin: 4 corbata system (Colombia): 40 Cordova, Marta de: 62 Corn, Herbert: 8

205 Correo, El (Colombia): 183-184 Costa Rica: 5,31,76 Courier-Journal (Kentucky): 60 court of ethics: 44 Cova, J. Α.: 82 Cowles, William H.: 59, 60, 61, 127, 131 Coylla Llaguno, Miguel: 9 Cravioto, Colonel Gabriel: 5 n. Creed of the Western Hemisphere Journalist: 45. SEE ALSO ethics (journalism) Cross, Harold L.: 92 Cuadra, Manola: 77 Cuarto Congreso Panamericano de Prensa: 12-14 Cuba: 1943 press congress in, 7-10; and 1945 press congress, 10, 11; Communists of, on IAPA Executive Committee, 11-12, 2 1 ; IAPA secretariat in, 11, 19, 21-22; and 1946 press congress, 13; delegates of, at 1950 press congress, 19; 1956 IAPA meeting in, 25, 81, 101, 102-103, 108, 172; botella system of, 39; censorship in, under Batista, 47; IAPA rejects awards from, 48; decorations of, to U. S. journalists, 49; newsprint mills in, 56; IAPA's conflicts with, 71, 86, 88, 91, 107; use of Panama Doctrine against, 88, 9 1 ; attacks on IAPA by newspapers of, 110 and n., 143 nn.; newspapers in, taken over by Castro, 143 n. SEE ALSO Batista, Fulgencio; Castro, Fidel; Havana Cuban Agricultural and Industrial Bank: 56 Cuban Military Intelligence: 102 Cuban Technical Society: 56 Cue, Pedro: 14 Cunningham, : 176 Curaçao: 96 Daily Tribune (Royal Oak, Mich.) : 36 n. Daily Worker (N.Y. C.): 13 Debayle, Luis Somoza. SEE Somoza Debayle, Luis decorations (government) : to IAPA directors, 48-49 de Gaulle, Charles: 92 Dejoie, Louis: 176 Delaplane, Stanton: 38 Delaware: IAPA incorporated in, 85,116 Delboy, Alfonso: 106

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democracy: freedom of the press in, xii; Farris A. Flint on, 24 Devis Echandia, Julián: 100 Diario, El (Colombia) 93-94 Diario de Colombia: 170 Diario de Ecuador, El (Quito): 69 Diario de la Marina (Cuba): 115 n., 143 n. Diario de Nueva York, El: 30-31 Diario Nacional, El (Cuba): 143 n. Díaz Ordaz, Gustavo: 40 n. dictators: IAPA's conflicts with, xii, 49, 53, 71-75, 91, 109, 110, 139, 140; use of Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal against, 53; use of Panama Doctrine against, 9 1 ; and public opinion, 95; negotiations with, by Jules Dubois, 139; future methods of, 145-146. SEE ALSO Batista, Fulgencio; Odría, Manuel, Pérez Jiménez, Marcos; Perón, Juan; Rojas Pinilla, Gustavo; Trujillo, Rafael; Somoza, Anastasio dictionary of printing. SEE Pepper, William M., Jr. Dios, Horacio de: 163 "Doctor Schneider" (IAPA code name): 106 Dominical (Bogotá): 66 Dominican Republic: IAPA studies of, 32, 76-77; John O'Rourke's conflicts with, 48; IAPA'S conflicts with, 86, 101-103, 109; propaganda of, against IAPA, 169-175; Press Society of, 171, 174; SEE ALSO Ornes, Germán E.: Ross, Stanley, Trujillo, Rafael Drew, Gerald Tartuffe: 176 Dubois, Jules: at 1949 press congress, 16, 17 and n.; as IAPA secretary, 27; resignations of, 27,140,141 n.; and IAPA Directors, 46-47, 120; and Cuba, 4647, 49, 138 n.; reports of, 46, 72, 76, 86, 87; as chairman of Committee on Freedom of the Press, 49, 57, 76, 104, 127, 132-141 passim; as correspondent for Chicago Tribune, 49, 76; awarded Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal, 54; and La Prensa (Nicaragua), 74; diplomatic contacts of, 80; and Novedades (Nicaragua), 84; and Colombia, 101, 138 n.; threats made to, 102; challenged to a duel by Marrero Aristy, 103, 138 n., 172; conflict of, with Otilio Ulate, 111n.; reserve commission

of, 127; letter of, to Charles Porter, 138; barred from Dominican Republic, 138 n.; under police surveillance in Guatemala, 138 n.; dispute of, with Martínez Márquez, 138-139; dispute of, with Gainza Paz, 138, 139; death of, 141 n., propaganda against, 167169,170,174,175 Dupuch, Etienne: 163 Duret, Miguel Lanz. SEE Lanz Duret, Miguel Dutriz,José A.,Jr.: 77,122 Duvalier, François: 49, 176 Echandia, Julián Devis. SEE Devis Echandia, Julián Ecuador: 1949 press congress in, 15, 18; freedom of the press in, 17; circulation of newspapers in, 68-69; illiteracy in, 69; press restrictions in, 73, 83; Freedom of the Press Tribunal case against, 83; Panama Doctrine invoked against, 88 Editor & Publisher: 25 Editorial Sudamericana (Buenos Aires): 64 Editors Press Service: 36 n. educational programs (IAPA) : 58-62 Edwards, Agustín, Jr.: 112, 115 Eisenhower, Dwight D.: and Galíndez case, 126 Eisenhower, Milton: trip of, to Argentina, 126 envoys ( I A P A ) : 75-77 Espectador, El (Colombia) : as OCC customer, 60; censorship of, 74; burning of, 87, 100; ownership of, 124 n. Espejo, René Silva. SEE Silva Espejo, René Estenssoro, Víctor. SEE Paz Estenssoro, Víctor ethics (journalism) : and 1942 press congress, 7, 43; in U. S., 38, 39; in Latin America, 38-42 passim; and IAPA, 38-49 passim, 113-114; court of, rejected by IAPA, 44; and freedom of the press, 46; and subsidies, 46. SEE ALSO Committee on Freedom of the Press; Creed of the Western Hemisphere Journalist; Freedom of the Press Tribunal; IAPA committee on ethics; Paz Creed Excélsior (Havana): 143n.

INDEX Excélsior (Mexico City): 39 exchange rates: for Latin newspapers, 124, 125 Ezpeleta, Roberto Justo: 163

207 American

Famous Features: 36 n. fascism: 1942 press conference on, 7 Fascists: IAPA constitutional amendment on, 30 Federation Internationale des Éditeurs et Journalistes: 92 Federation of Journalists ( P e r u ) : 94, 95, 105-106 Fendell,Jack D.:14,16 Ferger, Roger: 125,128 Fifth Inter American Press Congress: 15-18, 21 Figueres, José: 168,169 Filardi, Carmelo: 163 Filho, Julio de Mesquita. SEE Mesquita Filho, Julio de First National and Pan American Press Congress: 5 and n.-7, 9, 26, 43 First Pan American Congress of Journalists: 3-5, 43 Fitzgerald, Η. Α.: 128 Flecha, La (Nicaragua): 76 Flint, Farris Α.: efforts of, to help educational movement, xii n.; on 1949 press congress, 15; work of, in reorganizing IAPA, 15-16, 18 and n., 19, 128-129; appointment of, to Seventh Commission, 16; contributions of, to IAPA of the U. S., 18, 19; on public welfare, 23-24; on freedom of the press, 24; dues pledge of, to IAPA, 36 n; named honorary life member of IAPA, 54 n., 129 n.; as president of Americas Foundation, xii n., 60; contributions of, to IAPA Scholarship Fund, 60 Font, Angel Edmundo: 164 Fontaina, Raúl: 91 Ford Foundation: 65 and n., 142, 146 Fort, Miguel: 106 Fourth Pan American Press Congress: 12-14 Fowler, Robert M.: 54-55, 56 France: 92 Franzini, Luis: 87, 97,103 freedom: James G. Stahlman on, 42; journalists' fight for, 72; IAPA's contributions toward, 148

freedom of expression: IAPA-OAS studies of, 57-58; laws concerning, 58; in Colombia, 93; in Venezuela, 108; Pedro Beltrán on, 109; recovery of, attributed to IAPA, 143 freedom of the press: IAPA's fight for, xi, xii, 38, 40 n., 71-109, 114, 145; and democracy, xii; in IAPA charter, xii, 86, 112; 1949 press congress on, 17; Farris A. Flint on, 24; IAPA constitutional amendment on, 30; James G. Stahlman on, 42-43; 1942 press congress on, 43; and ethics, 46; and Mergenthaler Awards, 50; IAPA-OAS relations concerning, 57-58; John R. Herbert on, 62; and government licenses, 90; ASNE's committee on, 92; as protector of other liberties, 114; as welding force in IAPA, 145-146. SEE ALSO Committee on Freedom of the Press; Dubois, Jules; Freedom of the Press Tribunal; IAPA awards and honors: Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal; Panama Doctrine —in the Americas: in the U. S., 17, 24, 75, 111 and n.; in Dominican Republic, 32; in Peru, 34 n.; in Mexico, 40 and n.; in Latin America, 42-43, 65, 124; in Colombia, 48, 79; in Haiti, 49; in Cuba, 107; in Venezuela, 108 Freedom of the Press Day: 78-79 Freedom of the Press Tribunal: and court of ethics, 44; creation of, 81-82; and Argentina, 82, 83, 86, 98; and Colombia, 83; and Ecuador, 83; and Novedades, 84-85; expulsion of members by, 84-85; activities of, 85, 86; criticisms of, 85-86; diminished force of, 86-87; misuse of, 86, 146 Free France: 9 Free Newspapermen of Cuba: 163 Frente, El (Colombia): 108 Freyre, Rafael: 163 Frontón (prison, Peru) : 105 Fuente, Marcos de la: 51 n. Fuentes, Agustín: 163 gacetillas (Mexico): 40 Gainza Paz, Alberto: at Northwestern University, 28; conflicts of, with Perón government, 28; named honorary chairman of IAPA Board of Directors, 54; contributions of, to IAPA Scholar-

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ship Fund, 62; propaganda against, in Mexico, 98; IAPA's aid to, 99; criticism of, by José Cabrera, 110 n.; on IAPA's incorporation, 119; on IAPA dues, 130; on Cuban press, 138; dispute of, with Jules Dubois, 138, 139; on Committee on Freedom of the Press, 145; address of, to ANPA, 180; mentioned, 29, 41, 47, 131, 136 Galíndez, Jesús de: 101, 126 Galindo, Alberto: 14 Galvao, George: 97 García Peña, Roberto: 34-35 and n., 123, 162, 178-179 García Valseca, José: 121 Garzón, Julio: at 1943 press congress, 8, 10; as secretary to IAPA of the U. S., 12 n., 23; at 1946 press congress, 13, 14; and Committee on Freedom of the Press, 14, 17; mentioned, 22, 166 General Assembly (IAPA). SEE IAPA annual meetings; press congresses, inter-American Globo, O (Brazil): 45 Gómez, Félix Raffan. SEE Raffan Gomez, Félix Gómez Mejía, Gustavo: 100, 101, 107108 González, Raúl: 125 n. González Allende, Rodrigo: 167-168 González del Valle, Ambrosio: 114-115 and n. González Núñez, Luis: 164 Gotham-Vladimir Advertising, Inc.: 66 "Grand Gentleman of the Free Press of the Americas": 54 grants: IAPA's policy on, 48 Guayaquil, Ecuador: 15, 69, 83 Gutiérrez, Guillermo: 142 n. Gutiérrez Salmador, Víctor: 163 Haiti: 5,48-49 Haitian Embassy (Havana) : 102 Hallet,Robert M.:39 Havana, Cuba: 1943 press congress in, 7; IAPA secretariat in, 11, 19, 21-22; 1956 IAPA meeting in, 25, 101, 102103, 108, 172; dues of IAPA members from, 36; government subsidies to newspapers in, 47; restaurant workers of, 49; scholarship donated by IAPA members from, 62 Havana Post (Cuba) : 143 n.

Hearst Corporation: 36 Heiskell, Andrew: as IAPA Executive Committee chairman, 29 n., 36, 133; at 1952 IAPA Board meeting, 36; on IAPA's fight for press freedom, 71, 72, 134; instigates Pellín mission, 76; on courage of Latin American press, 9798; on U. S. leadership in IAPA, 117; announces IAPA incorporation plans, 118; on correspondence with Latin Americans, 118 n. Heiskell, J. N . : 5 4 n . , 128 Herbert, John R.: 62, 64, 65, 146 Hernández, J. Penzini: 171-173 Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal: 53-54, 78, 173 Herter, Christian: 127 Hidalgo, Efraín Salazar. SEE Salazar Hidalgo, Efraín Hills, Lee: 8 Holland, Henry F.: 80,126 Honduras: 77 Hora, La (Ecuador) : 83, 96 Hora, La (Panama): 75 Horan, Harold: 12 n. Howard, Jack R.: 141 n. Hoy (Cuba): 17,21,166 Huson, Roland T.: 128 IAAB. SEE Inter-American Association of Broadcasters IAPA (Inter American Press Association) : fight of, for press freedom, xi, xii, 38, 40 n., 71-109, 114, 145; as pressure group, xi, xii, 72; independent nature of, xii, 24, 35, 47-48, 146147; governments' aid to, 3-4, 5 and n., 7, 10 n., 21, 22, 35; reorganization of, 3, 15-16, 18 and n., 24, 25, 35, 81, 130; origins of, 3-24; proposed news agency of, 9, 11, 13, 14; secretariat of, 11, 19, 21-22; constitution of, 18, 19, 30; structure of, 25-37, 152; dual nature of, 27; bylaws of, 27-28, 31, 32, 33, 154-162; financing of, 27, 35-37 and n., 57, 131, 146-147; officers of, 32, 33, 131, 146, 158-159; administration of, 32-35; propaganda against 32, 72, 98, 100, 101, 102, 110 and n., 111 n., 129, 143 n., 165-176; incorporation of, 32, 85, 86, 116-120; charter of, 32, 86, 153-154; legal action against, 32 n., 118, 119; traditions of,

INDEX 33, 34; as service organization, 35,110142; and ethics, 38-49 passim, 113114,147; goals of, 38,125, 141; creeds of, 44, 45, 151; donations to, rejected, 48, 63, 146-147; headquarters of, 52, 116, 131; and OAS, 57-58; legal studies of, 57-58; exchange program of, 59; and other press associations, 63, 92-95, 167; general manager of, 67, 131, 132; envoys of, 75-77; diplomatic contacts of, 79-81, 105; and IAAB, 87-91; aid of, to nonmembers, 96; U.S. influence on, 116-119 passim; considerations for improvements of, 116-142 passim, 146-148; advisory council of, 117,120-121; capitalism in, 122-129 passim, 141; and small publications, 129-131; coordination of actions in, 131-140, 145; correspondents of, 134-135; traveling secretary of, recommended, 141; tributes paid to, 177-184. SEE ALSO Committee on Freedom of the Press; Freedom of the Press Tribunal; IAPA Scholarship Fund, Inc.; IAPA Technical Center, Inc.; Inter American Press Society; Office of Certified Circulation; Panama Doctrine; Paz Creed; press congresses, inter-American; Research and Information Center; Seventh Commission; Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa ( S I P ) ; Statutory Reforms Committee —annual meetings: 1952 (Chicago), 25; 1954 (Brazil), 25, 34, 44, 57, 59; 1959 (San Francisco), 25, 36-37, 58, 60; 1955 (New Orleans), 25, 36, 60, 100, 102; 1951 (Montevideo), 25, 55-56, 72-73, 96-97, 102, 103; 1953 (Mexico City), 25, 57, 59, 62, 73, 78; 1958 (Buenos Aires), 25, 58, 92; 1960 (Bogotá), 25, 60; 1956 (Havana), 25, 81, 101-103, 108, 172; 1957 (Washington, D. C ) , 25, 86, 108; determination of sites for, 33-34, 47; press coverage of, 73; powers and duties of, 132; bylaws on, 160 —awards and honors: Mergenthaler Awards, 49-52, 125, 162-164; committee on, 50, 52, 62; Tom Wallace Awards, 52-53; Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal, 53-54, 78, 173; "Grand Gentleman of the Free Press

209 of the Americas," 54; honorary life memberships, 54; honorary titles, 54; for education, 58-62; need of publicity for, 141 — Board of Directors: refuses Joshua Powers' resignation, 27; and Stanley Ross, 30; powers of, 30, 33, 84, 132; meetings of, 31-32, 35, 44, 52, 55, 60, 87, 89, 131, 146; advisory council of, 32; and Dominican Republic, 32; membership of, 32-33, 116-117, 120121, 127; elections of, 32, 120 and n.-121; Pedro Beltrán's resignation from, 34 n.; studies IAPA budget, 3536; on ethics, 43, 44; tables Rizzuto's creed, 45; and Cuban subsidies, 47; rejects Batista Prize, 48; decorations to members of, 48-49; and professional-educational program, 58; and Scholarship Fund, 59, 60; authorizes incorporation of Technical Center, 63; and Novedades (Nicaragua), 84; decision of, to incorporate IAPA, 85; rejects applications of Peronistas, 97; bylaws on, 156-158 — committees: on statutory reforms, 19; on legal matters, 19, 87; on selection of sites, 34; to study budget, 36; on ethics, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 147; on resolutions, 45, 52, 84, 136, 137; to study Cuban subsidies, 47; on awards, 50, 52, 62; on scholarships, 50, 58, 59, 62; on newsprint, 54-57; on exchange of information, 58, 62; to study Latin American advertising, 65; with IAAB, 88, 90; on promotion, 125 n.; on freedom of information, 135-136; functions of, 137, 146; bylaws on, 159-160; on nominations, 160 — Executive Committee: membership of, 9, 116-117, 121-122; leftists' domination of, in 1940's, 11-12, 16, 2 1 ; appoints 1946 press freedom committee, 14; at 1949 press congress, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21; self-perpetuating nature of, 21; chairman of, 25 and n., 27, 32, 33, 66, 116, 132; decision of, to incorporate IAPA, 85; emergency powers of, 91; meetings of, 117, 131, 132, 146; duties of, 132 — membership: benefits of, xi, 111-116; for individuals, 16, 26, 27, 28; under new constitution, 18 n.; dues of, 21,

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29-30, 36, 37, 48, 130, 147, 148, 161162; growth of, 25 and n.; associate, 25, 26, 28, 30, 31, 37; for publications, 25, 107, 123, 129-131; for institutions, 26; for journalism teachers, 26; for press associations, 26; voting rights of, 26; for news agencies, 26, 28; active, 26, 28, 31, 107; corporate, 26, 28, 37; requirements for, 26-32; for feature syndicates, 28; for news syndicates, 28; for photographic agencies, 28; exemptions for, 29-30; expulsion of, 30, 32, 33, 84-85, 175; fines and penalties of, 45; U. S. dominance of, 116-122; criticism of, 123; problems of, 147; bylaws on, 154-156. —, president of: U. S. disinterest in office of, 20; Executive Committee chairman as representative of, 33; traditional selection of, 33; as OCC Board member, 66; travels of, 76; Freedom of the Press Day statements of, 79; duties of, 132 IAPA of the U. S.: 12 and n., 13, 18-19 IAPA Scholarship Fund, Inc.: 32, 5862, 64,125,141 IAPA Technical Center, Inc.: 32, 62-65, 112 n., 142 n., 146, 147-148 Ibáñez, Carlos: 135 Ibarra, José María Velasco. SEE Velasco Ibarra, José María Iberian-American Press Association: 101 lift, Nicholas: 112-113 iguala system (Mexico): 39-40, 41 Illinois: IAPA meetings in, 25, 36 Impacto ( P e r u ) : 96 Imparcial, El (Guatemala) : 62, 123, 164 imperialism: influence of, in IAPA, 122129 passim inflation: in Latin America, 125-126, 130 Inter-American Association of Broadcasters (IAAB): xiii, 87-91 Inter-American Conference of Working Journalists: xiii Inter-American Federation of Working Newspapermen's Organizations: xiii Inter American Press Association. SEE IAPA inter-American press congresses. SEE IAPA annual meetings; press congresses, inter-American Inter American Press Society: 26, 172.

SEE ALSO IAPA; Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa International Press Institute ( I P I ) : 92 Intransigente, El (Argentina): government expropriation of, 29; IAPA's aid to, 78, 83, 98, 99; mentioned, 53, 62, 86 IPI. SEE International Press Institute Iquitos, Peru: 104-105 "Is Cuba Going Red?" (CBS programs) : 138 Jamaica: 89 Jiménez, Carlos A.: 142 n. Jiménez, Marcos Pérez. SEE Pérez Jiménez, Marcos Jornal do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro): 164 Jour, Le (Haiti): 96 journalism schools: 58 journalism teachers: 26 Jurado Blanco, Simón: 127 Karig,Walter:7,39 Kellogg, Frank B.: 4 Kerney, Thomas L.: 12 n., 36 n., 54, 57 King Features Syndicate: 79 Knight, John S.: early criticism by, of IAPA, 27; at Medill forum, 28; named IAPA vice-president, 29; refuses to visit Colombia and Argentina, 48; as chairman of awards committee, 50; establishes La Prensa Scholarship, , 59-60; on Latin American advertising, 65; on El Intransigente, 98; on Milton Eisenhower's Argentina trip, 126; Latin American business interests of, 128 Kron, Arthur A.: 66-67 Lacerda, Carlos: 118 n., 163 language problems: at press congresses, 8, 10, 19-20, 22; in Tribunal decisions, 85-86 Lanz Duret, Miguel: appointed to 1951 budget committee, 36 n.; and IAPA code of ethics, 44; as IAPA president, 44, 79-80, 167-168; seized by Argentine police, 53; and David Torino, 53, 78, 79-80; and Hernán Robleto, 76; on Freedom of the Press Day, 78; codrafts Tribunal's bylaws, 82; death of, 85; opposes IAPA incorporation,

INDEX 85, 118, 119; replies to author's query, 118 n.; on IAPA interaction, 134 Lapouge, Gilíes: 92 La Prensa Scholarship: 60 Latin America: news agencies of, 4, 9, 11, 13, 14; politician-publishers of, 34; advertising in, 40, 42, 47, 65, 68; newsprint problems of, 54-57; contributions of, to IAPA, 61, 144; and OCC services, 66, 67-70; IAPA battles in, 95-109; inflation in, 125-126, 130; lack of public service in, 128 —, press of: failure of, to understand U.S., 22-23; political aspects of, 34, 4 1 ; need of, for IAPA, 37; ethics of, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42; favors to, 39-41, 42, 124; financial problems of, 41, 124, 125-126, 129-131; lack of action of, 42; government harrassment of, 68; competition of, 95; mutual cooperation of, 113-114; on IAPA's U. S. membership, 116-122; provincial newspapers of, 129-131,148; courage of, 144; shortcomings of, 144 Latin American Information Agency: 9 Latin Americans: individualism of, xi; correspondence of, 117-118 and n. Latin American Press Association: 97, 98 laws: IAPA-OAS studies of, 57-58 Lee, Hal: 12 n., 17, 18, 21 n., 22 leftists: 16, 21 Lewis, Samuel: 77 Libro Azul y Blanco de la Prensa Argentina: 72,98,165-166 Lima, Peru: xiii, 34, 106-107 and n. Lince, Ricardo: 51 n. Llaguno, Miguel Coylla. SEE Coylla Llaguno, Miguel Llano, Rodrigo de: 36 n. Lleras Camargo, Alberto: 12 Louisiana: 25, 36 Louisville, Kentucky: 21, 23 Louisville-Times (Kentucky): 60 McCormick, Colonel: 168 McGeachy, Alberto V.: 51 n. McGill, Ralph: 8 magazines, Latin American: 41 Magloire, Frank C.: 44 Managua, Nicaragua: 76 Mantilla Ortega, Carlos: at 1949 press congress, 15 and n., 17; employment

211 rules of, 4 1 ; and IAPA advertising committee, 65; and OCC, 66, 67, 68; newspapers of, 68; on elections of IAPA Board, 120 and n. Mantilla Ortega, Jorge: and OCC, 68; newspapers of, 68; imprisonment of, 73; gratitude of, to IAPA, 75; on coordination of IAPA actions, 134; Mergenthaler Award to, 162 Marín, Luis Muñoz. SEE Muñoz Marín, Luis Márquez, Guillermo Martínez. SEE Martínez Márquez, Guillermo Marrero Aristy, Ramón: at 1943 press congress, 9; challenges Jules Dubois to a duel, 103, 172; propaganda of, against IAPA, 169, 174; expulsion of, from IAPA, 175 Martí, Jorge Luis: 163 Martínez, Marco Tulio Rodríguez. SEE Rodríguez Martínez, Marco Tulio Martínez Márquez, Guillermo: in IAPA secretariat, 19; protests IAPA constitution, 19; at 1950 press congress, 19-20; service of, to IAPA 19, 20; at 1951 Board meeting, 35; appointed to 1951 budget committee, 36 n.; rejects Colombia's invitation to IAPA, 48; and Tom Wallace Awards, 52; awarded Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal, 53-54; and newsprint committee, 56, 57; criticizes Batista government, 86; at 1956 IAPA meeting, 103; favors U. S. incorporation of IAPA, 119; dispute of, with Jules Dubois, 138,139 Matin, Le (Haiti): 44, 96 Matthews, Herbert L.: 49, 81 Medill School of Journalism (Northwestern University): 28-29 Medios Publicitarios Mexicanos: 40 Medrano, Humberto: 123 Mejía, Gustavo Gómez. SEE Gómez Mejía, Gustavo Mercurio, El (Chile): 163 Mergenthaler Awards: 49-52, 125, 162164 Mergenthaler Linotype Company: 50 Mesquita Filho, Julio de: 113 Mesquita Neto, Julio: 56 Mexico: delegates from, at 1942 press congress, 5; delegates from, at 1943 press congress, 7, 8; delegates from,

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at 1945 press congress, 10; freedom of the press in, 17; 1953 IAPA meeting in, 25, 33, 62, 78; dues from IAPA members of, 36; iguala system in, 39, 40, 4 1 ; newspaper advertising in, 40; newsprint distribution in, 40 and n.; Freedom of the Press Day celebrations in, 78; press of, 95, 131 n. Mexico City: 1953 IAPA meeting in, 25, 33, 62, 78; 1942 press congress in, 5 and n., 43 Miami, Florida: 11 Millares V., Manuel: 9 and n. Miller, Floyd J.: 12 n., 36 n., 50, 58 Miró Quesada, Alejandro: 34 and n., 163 Miró Quesada, Luis: 19 Mirovitch, Eugene B.: 8, 12 n., 22, 23, 50, 54 Mitre, Bartolomé: 19,121 monopolies, newspaper: 13, 17 Montevideo, Uruguay: 25, 29, 55, 72 Morales, Daniel: 56, 76-77 Moses, Herbert: 45, 54 Mundo, El (Puerto Rico): 177-178 Muñoz Marín, Luis: 78 Nación, La (Argentina): 99, 123, 181 Nación, La (Bolivia): 66, 167 Nación, La (Chile): 125 n. Nación, La (Costa Rica) : 34 n. Nación, La (Ecuador): 83, 96 Nación, La (Dominican Republic): 32, 85, 175 Nascimento Brito, M. do: 122, 131 Nashville Banner: 36 n. National Association of Independent Newspapers (Colombia): 93 National Commission of the Independent Press (Colombia): 93 Nazis: 6 ΝΕΑ Service, Inc. SEE Newspaper Enterprise Association Service, Inc. Negroes: as IAPA delegates, 17 Neto, Julio Mesquita. SEE Mesquita Neto, Julio New Orleans, Louisiana: Order of Merit of, 49; IAPA meetings in, 25, 60, 100, 102 news agencies: U. S., 4, 6, 9, 13, 22; Latin America, 9, 11, 13, 14; government, 11; financial sources of, 14; as IAPA members, 26; Pius XII speaks to directors of, 171. SEE ALSO wire services

Newspaper Enterprise Association Service, Inc.: 79 newspapers: in monopolies, 13, 17; chains of, 17; circulation audits of, 6570; equipment of, 63, 124, 126, 146 news pirating: 41, 42 newsprint: 13, 40 and n., 54-57, 100, 124, 126, 146 Newsprint Association of Canada: 54r-55 New York City: 1950 press conference in, 17, 18-21, 43; IAPA of U. S. meeting in, 23 New York (state): as site of IAPA headquarters, 11; laws of, 31 New York Times: 60, 81, 105, 107 n. Nicaragua: 74, 76, 77, 84, 109 and n. North Americans: contrasted with Latin Americans, xi; contributions of, to IAPA, 144 Northwestern University: 28 Novedades (Nicaragua) : 84-85 Nuevo Diario (Uruguay) : 5 η. Nufer, Albert: 80 Núñez, Luis Gonzáles. SEE Gonzáles Núñez, Luis OAS. SEE Organization of American States O'Brian, Jack: 38-39 OCC. SEE Office of Certified Circulation, Inc. Odría, Manuel Α.: imprisons Pedro Beltrán, 53, 78; IAPA's conflicts with, 71, 173; persecution of press by, 104-107 O'Farrill, Rómulo, Jr.: 36n., 113, 121, 122 Office of Certified Circulation, Inc.: 6570 Olivas, Antonio: 104-106, 162 Olson, Kenneth: 28 Ordaz, Gustavo Díaz. SEE Díaz Ordaz, Gustavo Order of Merit: 49 Organization of American States ( O A S ) : 57-58 Ornes, Mrs. Germán: 81 Ornes, Germán E.: IAPA's aid to, 32, 81, 126-127; at 1953 IAPA meeting, 73; exile of, 73, 81; U. S. visa problems of, 81, 126-127; criticism of, by J. Penzini Hernández, 172-173; conflicts of, with Americanos, 175

213

INDEX O'Rourke, John T.: and IAPA ethics committee, 43-44, 79; and subsidy committee, 46, 47; refuses to visit Dominican Republic, 48; decorated by Haitian government, 48-49; denounces Duvalier government, 49; requests release of David Torino, 79; aid of, to Venezuela, 108; replaces Jules Dubois, 141 n.; Jean Bouqui's letter to, 176 Ortega. SEE Mantilla Ortega, Carlos; Mantilla Ortega, Jorge Ortiz de Zevallos, Bernardo: 95 Overseas Press Club: 75, 80 País, El ( C u b a ) : 143 n. Panama: represented at 1942 press congress, 5; proposed press congress in, 17; press campaigns of, for El Tiempo (Bogotá), 75; Juan Perón in, 80; as possible IAPA incorporation site, 119 Panamá América, El: 42, 70 Panama City: 87 Panama Doctrine: 87-91 Pan American: 15 Pan American Press Institute: 6 Pan American Union: 3, 57-58 Paraguay: 5, 86 Paz, Alberto Gainza. SEE Gainza Paz, Alberto Paz, Ezequiel P . : 43, 45, 151. SEE ALSO

Paz Creed Paz, Hipólito Jesús: 79 Paz Creed: adoption of, 43; 1954 code in harmony with, 44; IAPA's approval of, 45; quoted, 151. SEE ALSO ethics (journalism) Paz Estenssoro, Victor: 76 Pellín, Msgr. Jesús María: 76, 108 Peña, Roberto García. SEE García Peña, Roberto Pepper, William M., Jr.: 54n., 63, 64, 128 Pérez de Arce, Guillermo: 54 Pérez Jiménez, Marcos: 71, 108 Periodistas Unidos de América (Mexico) : 5 n. Perón, Juan: and Alberto Gainza Paz, 28; attempts of, to sabotage LAPA, 29, 72, 96-98; honored by city of New Orleans, 49; IAPA's battle against, 71, 72, 80, 82, 173; propaganda of, against IAPA, 72, 129; and David Torino, 78,

82; and Albert Nufer, 80; removal of, from Panama hotel, 80; downfall of, 98, 99; "soft" policy of 98-99. SEE ALSO Argentina

Peru: dictator ousted from, xii: 1960 press conference in, xiii; press associations in, xiii, 94, 95; delegates of, at 1949 press congress, 17; Beltrán as prime minister of, 34 and n.; IAPA report on, 58; IAPA's battles in, 71, 104-107; ambassador of, to U.S., 8 1 ; revolt in, 104-105 Pinilla, Gustavo Rojas. SEE Rojas Pinilla, Gustavo P I P S A : 4 0 and n. Pius XII:171,172,173 Ponce, B.: 14 Porter, Charles 0 . : 138 Powers, Joshua B.: and 1942 press congress, 5 n., 6; and IAPA of the U. S., 12 n., 18; aid of, to 1950 press conference, 18-19 and n.; as IAPA Executive Committee chairman, 20, 27; IAPA dues pledge of, 36 n.; and IAPA promotion committee, 125 n.; business interests of, 128; on IAPA's contributions, 148 Prensa, La (Argentina) : influence of, on U. S. press, 28, 96, 98; expropriation of, 28, 98, 99; employment regulations of, 4 1 ; fifty-sixth anniversary of, 43; reputation of, 78; IAPA's fight for, 82, 83, 86, 95, 96-99; ownership of, 124 n. SEE ALSO Gainza Paz, Al-

berto Prensa, La (Nicaragua): 74 Prensa, La (Peru) : 33-34 and n., 67, 104-107 Prensa Gráfica, La (El Salvador): 164 Prensa Libre, La (Cuba): 123, 143 n., 164 press associations: in Peru, xiii, 94, 95; as IAPA members, 26; international, 92; IAPA's relations with, 92-95; in Colombia, 93, 94; Latin American, 9395, 97; in Brazil, 94; in Mexico, 95. SEE ALSO American Newspaper Publishers Association; American Society of Newspaper Editors; IAPA; IAPA of the U. S. press congresses, inter-American: shortcomings of, 4, 2 1 ; housing of delegates to, 5 n., 10 n.; anti-U. S. actions at, 6,

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23; language problems of, 8, 10, 1920, 22; voting methods of, 10-11, 2 1 ; government sponsorship of, 10 n., 21. SEE ALSO Fifth Inter American Press Congress; First National and Pan American Press Conference; First Pan American Congress of Journalists; Fourth Pan American Press Congress; IAPA annual meetings; Second National and Pan American Press Congress ; Sixth Inter American Press Conference; Tenth Inter American Conference; Third Inter American Press Congress Primer Congreso Nacional y Pan-Americano de la Prensa: 5 and n.-7, 9, 26, 43 Primer Congreso Panamericano de Periodistas : 3-5,43 printing equipment: 63. SEE ALSO newspapers Prío Socarrás, Carlos: 39 prizes. SEE IAPA awards and honors Productora e Importadora de Papel, S.Α.: 40 and n. Prohías, Antonio: 163 propaganda: pro-Axis, 5 n.; Communists' use of press congresses for, 6, 23; in news, 43. SEE ALSO IAPA, propaganda against publicity: IAPA's need of, 125,141 Public Order Decree 997 (Cuba) : 107 public service: lack of, in Latin America, 128 Puerto Rico: independence of, debated, 9, 13; delegation of, at 1946 press congress, 13; IAPA invited to, 17; "free flag" of, 22; Freedom of the Press Day in, 78; as possible IAPA incorporation site, 119 Pulitzer Prizes: 50, 51 Puyo, Carlos: 14 Quesada. SEE Miró Quesada, Alejandro; Miró Quesada, Luis Quevedo, Miguel Angel: 162 Quintana, Jorge: 138, 163 Quito, Ecuador: 1949 press congress in, 15, 17 n., 18, 21, 24; newspapers of, 67, 68-69; population of, 68-69; newspaper closure in, 83 radio stations: pirating of news by, 41,

46; government licenses for, 89-90, 91; government closure of, 9 1 ; Ricardo Vivado on, 91 Radio Stentor (Paraguay): 88 Raffan Gómez, Félix: letter of, to IAPA, 180-181 Ramos, Angel: newsprint report of, 56; favors U. S. incorporation of IAPA, 119; on North Americans' aid to free press, 128; as IAPA Executive Committee chairman, 132, 133; on future dictators, 145-146 Razón, La (Bolivia): 76, 87, 167 Reader's Digest: 9 Reed, Martin M.: 50 Reid, Whitelaw: 121 Reitemeyer, John R.: at 1959 IAPA meeting, 25; as IAPA Executive Committee chairman, 25, 81, 117, 132, 133; on law suits against IAPA, 32 n.; 1956 OCC report of, 66, 69; aid of, to Germán Ornes, 8 1 ; on Panama Doctrine, 90; threats made to, 102; on incorporation of IAPA, 118; criticizes Henry F. Holland, 126; reserve commission of, 127; on IAPA's financial state, 131; on 1954 press freedom committee, 136 Religión, La (Venezuela) : 76, 164 Research and Information Center ( I A P A ) : 62-63 Revista Militar (Bolivia): 5 η. Revolución (Cuba): 46, 47, 115n., 138, 143 η. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: 25, 59 Rivero, José Ignacio: 54 n. Rizzuto, Francisco A. ( h ) : 141-142 Rizzuto, Francisco Antonio: 45, 52 Robleto, Hernán: 76 Robleto, Hernán, Jr.: 77 Rodríquez, Carlos Rafael: 17, 18, 21, 166 Rodríquez Martínez, Marco Tulio: 163 Rojas Pinilla, Gustavo: corbata system under, 40; legalizes Colombian press code, 45; closure of newspapers by, 69; IAPA's campaign against, 71, 74-75, 83, 99-104 passim; influence of press in downfall of, 74-75, 93; press congress convoked by, 93; Gómez Mejía's support of, 107-108; propaganda of, against IAPA, 129; mentioned, 170, 173

INDEX Ross, Stanley: IAPA case against, 30-31 and n., 32, 84-85, 101, 103 Russia: "free" press of, 22 Salazar Hidalgo, Efrain: 5 n. Salmador, Víctor Gutiérrez. SEE Gutiérrez Salmador, Victor San Francisco, California: IAPA meeting in, 25, 28, 33-35 and n., 58 Santiago, Chile: 14, 15 Santos, Eduardo: 62, 93, 103, 140 São Paulo, Brazil: IAPA meeting in, 25 Schechter, William J.: 55-56 Schermerhorn, Elizabeth: 176 scholarships. SEE IAPA Scholarship Fund, Inc. Scout movement: IAPA and, 9 Scripps, Charles E.: 76 Second National and Pan American Press Congress: 7-10, 26 Segundo Congreso Nacional y Panamericano de Prensa: 7-10, 26 Selecciones: 9 senators: as delegates to press congresses, 21 sensationalism (in news): IAPA condemns, 46 Seventh Commission: 15,16 Siglo, El (Colombia): 13 Silva Espejo, Rene: 130, 141, 163 SIP. SEE IAPA, Inter American Press Society; Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa Sixth Inter American Press Conference: 17,18-21,26,30, 43, 55 Socarrás, Carlos Prío. SEE Prío Socarrás, Carlos Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa ( S I P ) : 19 n., 20-21, 26, 118, 143. SEE; ALSO IAPA; Inter American Press Society Solano, Noé: 163 Solans, José Agraz. SEE Agraz Solans, José Somoza, Anastasio: 49, 76, 77, 84 Somoza Debayle, Luis: 77 Sourdis, Evaristo: 80 Soustelle, Jacques: 92 Stahlman, James G.: campaigns of, for IAPA membership, 29 and n.; at 1951 IAPA Board meeting, 35; IAPA dues pledge of, 36 n.; on "absolute" freedoms, 42-43; and botella system, 47;

215 on Latin American newsprint problems, 55 and n.; speech of, at Overseas Press Club, 75, 80; and U. S. State Department, 75, 80; and Henry Holland, 80, 126; on Latin American press groups, 94-95; and Rojas Pinilla, 101, 102; attempted assassination of, 102; threats made to, 102; courage of, 103; on 1965 IAPA meeting, 103; on Jules Dubois, 104; on hemispheric solidarity, 111-112; opposes IAPA's incorporation, 119; naval service of, 127; propaganda against, 169,170 Stanley Ross and Co., Ltd.: 30 Starobin, Joseph: 12,13 Statutory Reforms Committee ( I A P A ) : 19 Stern, David: 144 students: IAUA's aid to, 58-62 subsidies: to newspapers, 39, 42, 46-47 sugar cane: as newsprint source, 56 Tannenbaum, Frank: xi, 41-42 TASS: 11 Technical Center. SEE IAPA Technical Center, Inc. Tenth Inter American Conference: 57. SEE ALSO IAPA annual meetings, 1954 Tercera de la Hora, La (Chile): 167 Third Inter American Press Congress: 9, 10 and n.-12, 26 Thomas, J. B.: 12 n. Thomason, S. E.: 3 Tiempo, El (Colombia) : Roberto García Peña as director of, 34; IAPA's aid to, 36, 74-75, 83, 88, 95; Mergenthaler Award to, 51, 164; scholarship donation of, 62; censorship and closure of, 74-75, 100; destruction of, 87, 100; IAPA representative from, 123 Tiempos, Los (Bolivia) : 71, 76, 135, 167 Time: 39 Tom Wallace Awards: 52-53 Tom Wallace—Louisville-Times Scholarship: 60 Torino, David Michel: IAPA membership of, 29; and Hero of Freedom of the Press Medal, 53, 78, 173; imprisonment of, 53, 80, 82; contribution of, to IAPA Scholarship Fund, 62; newspaper of, 78; IAPA's aid to, 78, 79-80, 99, 179; complaints of, against Perón, 82

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totalitarianism: 6, 30, 32 Transformación (Colombia): propaganda of, against IAPA, 111 n., 168-169 translation systems: at press congresses, 19-20 Trenton Times (N. J . ) : 20, 36n. Tribunal, The. SEE Freedom of the Press Tribunal Tribunal of Free Thought: 90 Trujillo, Rafael: and Stanley Ross case, 30; IAPA's battle with, 31-32, 101102, 103, 109; suppression of freedom by, 48; Germán Ornes' defense of, 73; Daniel Morales' report on, 76-77; Devis Echandia's appeal to, 100; propaganda of, against IAPA, 129; Germán Ornes' conflicts with, 173; Marrero Aristy's defense of, 174; defense of, by Americanos, 175 Turriago, Hernando: 163 typographers: as delegates to press congresses, 21 Ulate, Otilio: 111 and n., 168 Ultimas Noticias (Ecuador) : 68 Unión, La (Chile): 6 United Nations: 44 United States: aid of, to 1926 press congress, 3-4; failure of, to support 1942 press congress, 7; State Department of, 7, 75, 80, 81, 123, 126-129; immigration authorities of, 17; influence of, on IAPA, 122-129 passim; Attorney General of, 126. SEE ALSO IAPA of the U. S.; news agencies, U. S. —, inter-American press meetings in: Washington, D. C. (1926), 3-5; New York City (1950), 17, 18-21, 25, 26, 30, 43, 55; Chicago (1952), 25; San Francisco (1959), 25, 36-37, 58, 60; New Orleans (1955), 25, 36, 60, 100, 102; Washington, D. C. (1957), 25, 86, 108 —, press of: Latin American news coverage by, 4, 112-113, 118 n.; at 1942 press congress, 5, 7; at 1943 press congress, 7, 9; at 1945 press congress, 10, 11; freedom of, 17, 22; support of, for 1950 conference, 18; aid of, to IAPA, 18, 19, 20; early disinterest of, in IAPA, 20-21, 23, 28; attacks upon, at press congresses, 22; IAPA dues of, 36; journalists of, on state payrolls,

38; ethics of, 38, 39; favors to journalists of, 38-39; influence of, in Beltrán affair, 8 1 ; influence of, on IAPA, 116— 129 passim, 147 Universo, El (Ecuador): 69 Uruguay: freedom of the press in, 17; 1951 IAPA meeting in, 29, 55, 98; delegates from, at 1953 IAPA meeting, 57; considered as IAPA incorporation site, 119; salaries of reporters in, 124 Valle, Ambrosio González del. SEE González del Valle, Ambrosio Valmaggia, Juan S.: 123 Valseca, José García. SEE García Valseca, José Velarde, Carlos: 167 Velasco Ibarra, José María: 73, 83 Venezuela: dictator ousted from, xii, 108; 1945 press congress in, 9, 10 and n.-12; editors of, on IAPA Executive Committee, 12; IAPA's conflict over, 71, 86, 108; conflicts over, at 1951 IAPA meeting, 72-73; IAPA bulletins on, 73-74; press information smuggled out of, 74; lack of press freedom in, 108. SEE ALSO Pérez Jiménez, Marcos Veritas (Argentina) : 164 Vivado, Ricardo: 90,91 Walcott, Paul: 12 n. Wallace, Tom: at 1943 press congress, 7-8 and n., 10, 22, 23; as president of ASNE, 8, 23; on government disposition of press congresses, 10 n.; on U. S.-Cuba conflicts at 1945 press congress, 11; service of, to IAPA of the U. S., 12, 18, 23; interviewed by El Siglo, 13; appointed to press freedom committee, 14; at 1949 press congress, 15; IAPA reorganization plans of, 1516; elected IAPA president, 20; procedures of, at 1950 press conference, 20; service of, to IAPA, 22-23, 2829; IAPA correspondence of, 23, 27; addresses Medill forum, 28-29; appoints budget study committee, 35-36; at 1951 IAPA Board meeting, 35-36; IAPA award named for, 52-53; named honorary president of IAPA, 54; scholarship named for, 60; heart attack of, 97

217

INDEX Washington, D. C : 1926 press congress in, 3, 4, 43; fails to support 1942 press congress, 7; 1957 IAPA meeting in, 25, 86,108 Wiggins, J. Russell: 92 Williams, Cranston: 63, 92 Williams, Walter: 151 wire services: 13, 73. SEE ALSO news agencies Wit, Adriaan de: 96

working conditions, journalists': 9 Yankee imperialism: 119, 129. SEE ALSO imperialism Zevallos, Bernardo Ortiz de. SEE Ortiz de Zevallos, Bernardo Zig Zag (Chile): 20 Zobel, Myron: 12 n.