The Inevitable Split Volume II : Institutionalised Political Violence in Manipur (Extract Copy Only) [II ed.]

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Table of contents :
CHAPTER 1
THE ENVIRONMENT OF NON-STATE ARMED MOVEMENTS IN MANIPUR 1
CHAPTER 2
MAJORITARIANISM AND SECESSIONIST INSURGENCY:
MEITEI TERRORIST OUTFITS IN ACTION 23
CHAPTER 3
A CIVIL SOCIETY MILITARISED:
MEITEIS AND OTHER COMMUNITIES 32
CHAPTER 4
THE VALLEY OF DEATH:
A VIOLENT MANIFESTATION OF MILITANT MEITEI CIVIL SOCIETY 49
CHAPTER 5
MEITEI MILITANCY:
A NATIONAL SECURITY THREAT 91
CHAPTER 6
THE CASE FOR SEPARATE ADMINISTRATION 103
ANNEXURE A - STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF THE ETHNIC VIOLENCE IN MANIPUR: A COMPARISON BETWEEN
THE ZO ETHNIC TRIBES AND THE MEITEI COMMUNITY 119
ANNEXURE B - COMPREHENSIVE REPORT ON
ACTIVITIES OF MEITEI TERRORIST OUTFITS (2000-2023) 131
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The Inevitable Split Volume II : Institutionalised Political Violence in Manipur (Extract Copy Only) [II ed.]

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CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS GLOSSARY DEDICATION PREFACE INTRODUCTION

IV V VII IX XV

CHAPTER 1 THE ENVIRONMENT OF NON-STATE ARMED MOVEMENTS IN MANIPUR

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CHAPTER 2 MAJORITARIANISM AND SECESSIONIST INSURGENCY: MEITEI TERRORIST OUTFITS IN ACTION

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CHAPTER 3 A CIVIL SOCIETY MILITARISED: MEITEIS AND OTHER COMMUNITIES

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CHAPTER 4 THE VALLEY OF DEATH: A VIOLENT MANIFESTATION OF MILITANT MEITEI CIVIL SOCIETY

49

CHAPTER 5 MEITEI MILITANCY: A NATIONAL SECURITY THREAT

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CHAPTER 6 THE CASE FOR SEPARATE ADMINISTRATION ANNEXURE A -

ANNEXURE B -

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STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF THE ETHNIC VIOLENCE IN MANIPUR: A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE ZO ETHNIC TRIBES AND THE MEITEI COMMUNITY COMPREHENSIVE REPORT ON ACTIVITIES OF MEITEI TERRORIST OUTFITS (2000-2023)

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119 131

‘To live amidst the Meiteis again is as good as death for our people.’ – 10 Zomi-Kuki MLAs of Outer Manipur

‘The idea that the state is helpless to stop violence and ethnic displacement and targeting after nearly 80 days, is one of the most atrocious lies you will hear. Every institution, from police to NHRC, has become part of the problem, not the solution. It is astonishing that a government that prides itself on “national security” actively creates a national security threat in its own country.’

– Pratap Bhanu Mehta, in ‘After Manipur, our self-serving morality’

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DEDICATION To all the Zo (Zomi-Kuki-Mizo-Hmar) martyrs - men, women and children slaughtered for belonging to the Zo ethnic tribes; the fearless volunteers who laid down their lives in defense of their people and their ancestral lands. Your death will not be in vain. To all the Zo women who faced the vilest of sexual violence at the hands of depraved Meitei men and women. It is their bestiality that was paraded and put on naked display. It is their dignity that they murdered and put to shame. Justice will be served. To the frontline heroes, the prayer warriors, the medical workers, and the relief volunteers who spent sleepless nights keeping us safe and tending to our wounds. Your commitment and service sustains us. Victory will be ours. To the Church that flames cannot tear down; to every living temple of God seeking His nearness in these darkest of times. He knows our name. Ebenezer - God is with us.

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PREFACE Democratic space in Manipur is fast receding under Meitei majoritarianism. The past decades have witnessed an increasing consolidation of majoritarianism in Manipur with alarming consequences. Although the present government prides itself in claiming that development has finally arrived across all corners of Manipur, including inner and outer Manipur, such initiatives have been paralleled by a quietly but steadily evolving and expanding militant majoritarianism, with the civil societies playing a significant role. While the State has recently experienced years of relative peace and development, and the culture of bandhs and blockades seemed to be coming to an end, these ‘peaceful’ years were used to gradually build something that was going to ‘blow’ the minorities away, beginning with the Zomi-Kuki tribals. The Manipur government’s history of belittling tribal aspirations and tyrannical response to suppress tribal voices meant that a crackdown of the minority tribal population was always going to be enforced at some point. As much as it seemed that the present government would propel Manipur towards a new direction of growth and prosperity in the 21st century, becoming a model for other states in the Northeast and even the country (‘State of the States 2022 Report by India Today puts Manipur as the ‘Best Improved Small State Overall’), the underlying majoritarian fundamentalism inculcated by sections of the Meitei populace meant that one or the other had to be sacrificed. Development cannot parallel militant majoritarianism. The suppression of non-consenting voices through intimidation, the indiscriminate slapping of government notices followed by arbitrary arrests, and the pervasive human rights violations have shown that the State government and the majority community have firmly chosen the latter. To squash the voice and constitutional rights of the minority tribal population, the Meitei majority is willing to even give up growth, development and prosperity. In majoritarian Manipur, the growth of minorities is seen as a threat, and their voices are seen as a direct challenge to their ‘authority’ and ‘interests’. Among the long list of the silencing of ‘other’ voices is the censorship of books and manuscripts. Although introduced through the pretext of maintaining ‘factual’ accuracy and preservation of ‘harmony’ among the various ethnic communities, the primary objective of this censorship is to check non-consenting voices that are perceived to challenge the majoritarian version of history, culture, economics and politics. The September 15, 2022 executive order of the Manipur government prohibits the publication of any book on Manipur without the prior approval of a self-appointed Select Committee. To the State government and their majoritarian fundamentalists, it did not matter whether such orders outrightly curtail the right to freedom of speech and expression. Such decisions directly limit the avenue for democratic and responsible dialogue amongst diverse communities and diverging perceptions. Apart from making a mockery of the idea of ‘academia’, ‘research’ and ‘conversation’, it also directly inhibits the development of a democratic pluralistic society in the State. For the State government and the majority community, Manipur is a Meitei State (forming 53% of the entire population), and they will never THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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have it otherwise. The minority communities, which includes the Zomi-Kukis (forming about 16% of the entire population) are recently seen by Meitei fundamentalists as ‘tenants’, against history and against factual data. This is yet another ploy in their long-drawn attempt to grab constitutionally protected tribal lands in Manipur.

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.

Image: Order for censorship of book manuscripts in Manipur

As the assault on democratic spaces by majoritarian forces intensifies, The Inevitable Split - which is a master document that reports the undisclosed truth about the ongoing State-sponsored ethnic cleansing amid the State government’s internet ban - is the latest victim of this silencing. The Home Department, in its communication to the Director General of Police (DGP), Manipur, dated July 8, 2023, included the directive to ban The Inevitable Split Volume I from further publication and the notice for stern action against Zomi Students’ Federation (ZSF), the co-publisher and compiler. However, The Inevitable Split is not the first book whose publication is targeted and will not be the last. Amid the State-sponsored ethnic violence in Manipur, The Inevitable Split Volumes strives to be a dedicated avenue for the expression of oppressed Zomi-Kuki voices seeking to be heard. It is one of the avenues through which they seek to share their plight and suffering in their search for justice and dignity as equal citizens of India.

THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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Needless to say, it welcomes correction, advice and even negation, and encourages all to engage and dialogue with the perspective presented here in a true democratic spirit of mutual conversation. It argues that in the face of deep-seated differences, dialogue is the only way forward. The intent of this volume is to expand our knowledge of the complexity that is Manipur from the perspective of the minority tribal population, rather than antagonize any ethnic community. It maintains that the more we understand and expand our perspectives, the more we are able to introduce solutions that are durable and meaningful to all.

Image: Manipur Home Department notification on the ban of ‘The Inevitable Split Volume I’

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RJD MP Prof. Manoj Kumar Jha holds up copies of The Inevitable Split and 15 Days of Home Minister’s Peace Appeal: A Retrospection, both prepared by the ZSF, at Parliament House, on Day 3 of the Monsoon Session.

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INTRODUCTION As India recently celebrated its 77th Independence Day on August 15, 2023, the State-sponsored ethnic violence in Manipur perpetrated by the dominant Meitei community against the Zomi-Kuki tribal minorities, has now been allowed to exceed 100 days. Till today, there has been no substantial measures taken to de-escalate the violence and no justice in sight. The genocide which unfolded in full degree since May 3, 2023, presents a direct existential threat to the very security of tribal life and has uprooted many families, villages and sacred places of worship in its aftermath. The unimaginable horrors of this inhumane State-sponsored genocide is slowly seeing the light of day, and one can only wonder whether and how the victims and survivors of this genocide will ever overcome the traumatic ordeal that they had gone through and barely survived. In the midst of all these challenges, there is a systematic attempt by the State government and aggressor community to intentionally give a false account of the violence and its gravity, and to pin the blame on the victims themselves (the Zomi-Kuki tribals) by inventing ever-shifting narratives such as ‘poppy cultivators’, ‘illegal immigrants’, and ‘narco-terrorists’. These efforts only expose the unwillingness of the State government and the majority community to come to terms with the horrors they have unleashed and to take full responsibility. What is often at risk of being lost amid the din and dust of fake narratives and successive attempts to divert the issue at hand is how systematic this violence is, and how deep the nexus runs between the various agents of the majoritarian induced violence i.e., the Manipur government, the Meitei terrorist outfits (also known as the Valley Based Insurgency Groups - VBIGs), and the radicalised Meitei civil society. The Inevitable Split Volume I focused primarily on the historical majoritarian agenda perpetrated through the Meitei’s total domination of the State’s legislative and administrative institutions and the unreported ground realities of the State-sponsored ethnic cleansing. It also looked into the cases of unconstitutional usurping of Zo tribal lands and rights to potentially give the dominant community unrestricted power and monopoly in harnessing the resources and prospects which the tribal inhabited hills offer. Taking the project of disclosing the nature and root of the genocide a step further, the current volume seeks to study the nature of the other two apparent embodiments of the Meitei majoritarian politics – the secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits, and the Meitei civil society that has been weaponized and transformed into civil militias. It is these elements that consistently terrorise tribal civilians in the hill districts in an attempt to make them passive subjects of the Meitei majoritarian doctrine. The underlying nexus between the two forces supported by the Manipur government has given rise to an insular and violent Meitei micro-nationalism whose activities and ideologies present a direct threat to India’s national security in the eastern frontiers. While this nexus between the State government, Meitei terrorist outfits and THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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civil societies are in full display from the beginning of the current violence, it has yet to become a point of concern and discussion even after 100 plus days. The present volume seeks to initiate this conversation, as the issue will determine whether there is lasting peace in the eastern frontiers or perpetual institutionalised political violence. For those unfamiliar with the troubled past and current political scenario of Manipur, the ongoing ethnic conflict may appear as a one-off incident, perhaps avoidable and easily resolve-able. To view the ongoing violence from this general perspective would be a grave misreading of the core issue at hand. Even journalists from respectable media houses who have come to cover the ‘burning’ issue are often perplexed and unable to place the issue into context as they lack a firm grasp of the nuances of the ground realities in Manipur. Without the knowledge of local dynamics, for which a half-day visit reveals almost nothing substantial, reportage on the nature of the causes and nature of the violence remains extremely limited. In such an atmosphere, the general public at large, who depend on these reportages, are unaware of the national security threats posed by majoritarian Meitei actors operating with impunity in Manipur. Today, the Meitei terrorist outfits maintain bases in foreign soil including Myanmar from where they regularly infiltrate into India to execute strategic attacks against Indian citizens, Indian state establishments, and Indian security forces. Within Manipur, these elements are also actively involved in meting out the worst form of inhuman atrocities to the Zomi-Kuki tribals. The Meitei civil militias like the Arambai Tenggol, Meitei Leepun and civil societies like Meira Paibis are unlike any other civil society groups in other parts of the world. The major difference is that the radical Meitei civil societies are used as an overground weapon, i.e. tools of Meitei majoritarian doctrine. These groups are supplied with the most sophisticated arms, ammunition and bombs from police stations and arm cotes by the State government. The weapons used in the incessant attacks of Zomi-Kuki villages have been verified to be the same ones that are handed out in police stations. What ties the Meitei terrorist outfits and Meitei civil societies together is their radical commitment towards the majoritarian doctrine, and the secessionist ideology that envisions the breakaway of Manipur from the Union of India. The double edged Meitei majoritarian doctrine - one directed at the minority groups in Manipur and the other at the Indian state - functions through systematic militarized values, where the need for force and crimes against humanity to assert absolute power are justified. This document, which is divided into 6 chapters, discusses how the agents of genocide present both a survival threat for the Zomi-Kuki tribals and a formidable challenge to the Indian national security interest in the eastern frontiers. This is a direct attack on the democratic values of the Constitution of India that has served our country so well for so long. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the non-state armed movements in Manipur. It explores the nature of militant Meitei majoritarianism, rooted in the secessionist ideology of the Meitei terrorist outfits, supported by hostile countries. To differentiate the two strands of political mobilization evident in Manipur, the chapter also introduces the history and nature of the autonomist movement of the Zomi-Kuki tribals in Manipur, who are seeking a political solution under the framework of the Constitution of India. Chapter 2 briefly highlights the history of inhuman atrocities committed on Zomi-Kuki tribals, including women and children by the Meitei terrorist outfits. The Zo Hills, the chapter argues, are plagued

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by perpetual security and humanitarian crises due to activities of the Meitei terrorist outfits based in both the Imphal valley and Myanmar. Chapter 3 discusses the manner in which Meitei civil societies function in Manipur. Meitei civil society groups, it is shown, are merely agents through which majoritarian diktats are executed and through which Meitei interests are made seemingly sacrosanct in Manipur. The chapter highlights the modus-operandi of Meitei civil society vis-a-vis its relationship with crucial stakeholders within Manipur, such as the secessionist and outlawed Meitei terrorist outfits, radical civil militias and the political leadership. It also traces the transformation of the Meitei civil society from civil rights advocates to radical Meitei civil militias armed to terrorize targeted minority groups. Chapter 4 explores how the radicalized Meitei civil society and armed Meitei civil militias have wreaked havoc in Manipur in the ensuing genocide. It also highlights how these civil groups colluded with secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits in their atrocities against Zomi-Kuki tribals, and how the State machinery has been endorsing and aiding their campaigns. Chapter 5 elaborates how the ongoing ethnic violence in Manipur, fed by Meitei majoritarianism, militarism, and secessionism, poses a direct threat to India’s national security. It examines how the unresolved ethnic strife in Manipur, institutionalised violence against minorities in the state, and the consequent turmoil in the eastern frontiers may invite elements pungent to India’s national interest and image as an aspiring world power. Chapter 6 highlights, by way of a conclusion, the need and the merit for instituting a Separate Administration for both the Zomi-Kuki tribals and the Meitei community. It points out that this administrative separation is in India’s national and strategic interest, and also the only viable recipe for durable peace in this part of the country. It presents total separation between the two ethnic communities as the only way to prevent another militant majoritarianism-induced national security problem, the breakdown of democratic institutions and values, and more importantly, another humanitarian catastrophe. It is our earnest hope that this document will facilitate a deeper understanding of the nature of the current Manipur State-sponsored ethnic violence, and aid the readers in making sense of the root causes of what exploded on May 3, 2023. It is our contention that an understanding of the core and structural issues points us towards the urgent need for stemming the anti-national and anti-humanitarian threat before it is too late.

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1 THE ENVIRONMENT OF NON-STATE ARMED MOVEMENTS IN MANIPUR Manipur, both as a Kingdom and as a modern state, has had a long history of conflict. Modern Manipur was formed through the forced merger of the erstwhile northern Chin Hills (inhabited by the Zomi-Kuki people) and southern Naga Hills (inhabited by the Naga people) with the former Manipur Kingdom (inhabited by the Meitei people), creating a demographic imbalance of a Meitei-majority state with minority Zomi-Kuki and Naga populations. Both the failure to politically empower the minority tribals and the anti-constitutional Meitei majoritarian politics have led to ethnic tensions which saw the breakdown of law and order on multiple occasions (refer Chapter 2 of the Inevitable Split Volume I). These tensions have often been leveraged by secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits, causing the volatile environment that is prevalent in the region till today. Manipur has seen the imposition of President’s Rule a record ten times, which is one the highest in India. The current socio-political and militant polarization in modern Manipur is symptomatic of deep ethnic, ideological, territorial and historical divides. Due to the historical grievances of the various ethnic communities that followed their forced merger into modern Manipur as well as into the Indian Union, several armed movements have arisen in Manipur since Indian independence. The most prominent and dangerous of these is the Meitei terrorist outfits whose organizational origin can be traced from the 1960s. They declared that the merger of Manipur into India was ‘illegal’, and sought to establish an independent sovereign Manipur country by breaking away from the Indian Union. The 1970s and 1980s also witnessed the expansion of the Naga armed movement in Manipur. The demand for Nagalim (Naga Homeland) encompassing all the Naga inhabited areas, and the Indo-Naga political negotiation, was used by Meitei propagandists to provoke insecurity among the Meitei population, creating a ‘siege mentality’ and misguided notions such as ‘territorial integrity’. The idea of territorial integrity is a misleading one as the Zomi-Kuki and Naga inhabited hill districts were never part of the Manipur kingdom historically. Reacting to successive majoritarian political structures and policies, a Naga Peoples’ Convention (NPC) was held on July 1, 2010, at Tahamzam (Senapati) under the aegis of the United Naga Council (UNC). The gathering declared the political objective of the Nagas in Manipur for an Alternative Arrangement, and resolved to sever political ties with the Manipur government. Likewise, the Zomi-Kukis in modern Manipur have also demanded various forms of political autonomy in response to the gross injustices meted out to them. THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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In modern Manipur, any interest that is non-Meitei is interpreted as a direct challenge to Meitei hegemony, and the Meitei populace are radicalized to perceive such interests as a threat to their culture and ‘territorial integrity’. Interestingly, the Manipur government, the Meitei terrorist outfits, and radical sections of the Meitei civil society are ideologically inseparable when it comes to restraining the voices of the tribals - culturally, socially, and politically. In addition to the historical and immediate causes of the ethnic cleansing listed in Volume I of this series, the years and months preceding the outbreak of the State-sponsored ethnic cleansing witnessed a realignment of social relations within the majoritarian State. As an aggressive posture towards the Nagas is considered unwise at the moment, a conciliatory policy of building ties on common grounds is pursued aggressively by the Meiteis towards the Naga. As a result, the Zomi-Kuki tribals are made the ‘other’ – baselessly accused as ‘encroachers’, ‘terrorists’, ‘narco-terrorists’, ‘illegal immigrants’, ‘foreigners’ and ‘infiltrators’. The genocide of 2023 once again brought the issue between Meitei secessionism and Zomi-Kuki autonomism to the limelight. To present a clear picture of the situation, the following section presents a brief survey of the two contrasting armed movements indigenous to modern Manipur - Meitei non-tribals vis-a-vis Zomi-Kuki tribals and the ideological divide between the two communities.

Image: Districts and People of Manipur Source: The Indian Express

AFSPA and UAPA in Manipur The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, or AFSPA in short, is an act of the Indian Parliament that gives security forces special powers to operate in areas that are classified as ‘disturbed areas’. The declaration can be made by the Central government or the Governor of a State. The special powers given to security forces are aimed at enabling them to deal with militant activities and restore law and order in these areas. These special powers include the authority to make searches and arrests in the absence of warrants, to shoot, to kill, and some immunity from prosecution for acts committed while on duty. The Act has been enforced in Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir, and in North-East India.

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Following the rise of militancy in Manipur, the entire territory of the State was declared a ‘disturbed area’ in 1980, and AFSPA was thus made applicable. The application of the Act has been gradually removed from the valley districts in previous years, following pressures from Meitei civil societies including the Meira Paibis. But AFSPA unjustifiably continues to be in place today in the hill districts. The removal of AFSPA from the valley districts was more or less completed by April 1, 2023, with the Manipur government removing it from districts inhabited by the Meitei community. And with the same order, it renewed the tag of ‘disturbed areas’ to the hill districts. A month later, when the ethnic cleansing broke out on May 3, 2023 the absence of AFSPA in the valley districts was used to great effect to hinder the operations of the Indian Army and paramilitary forces. The areas from which AFSPA was withdrawn, including Imphal, Thoubal, and Bishnupur, would become the epicentre of barbaric violence against the Zomi-Kuki tribal populace by Meitei mobs, Meitei civil militias and Meitei terrorist outfits. These developments have led many to speculate that the systematic removal of AFSPA from the valley districts had malicious intent, with the forces ensuring its removal being aware of what was going to unfold in the coming months. The removal is particularly suspect because there was no substantial basis for the move. Meitei terrorist outfits today are actively operating in the valley districts, extorting money and properties from civilians, and planning and launching terror attacks against Indian security forces and the general public. On the other hand, the armed groups operating in the hill districts are engaged in political dialogues with the Government of India. If at all AFSPA was to be removed, it should have been removed from the hill districts. The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, or UAPA in short, is another Parliamentary law aimed at preventing unlawful activities and associations in India, particularly those threatening the integrity and sovereignty of India. The UAPA is also called an ‘Anti-terror law’. Under this act, the Government of India maintains a list of ‘terrorist organizations’. Six Meitei armed groups including the People’s THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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Liberation Army (PLA) and Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) are in this list, while the Zomi-Kuki armed groups are completely absent. It is the presence of these Meitei terrorist outfits in the valley districts which warrants the reimposition of AFSPA there, particularly since these gun-toting terrorists have become highly active in the ongoing genocide.

List of proscribed Meitei armed groups designated as ‘TERRORIST ORGANISATION’ under Section 35 of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, listed in the 1st schedule of the Act.

1

People’s Liberation Army (PLA)

2

United National Liberation Front (UNLF)

3

People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK)

4

Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP)

5

Kanglei Yawol Kanba Lup (KYKL)

6

Manipur People’s Liberation Front (MPLF)

List of proscribed Meitei extremist organizations declared ‘UNLAWFUL ASSOCIATIONS’ under Section 3 of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967.

4

1

People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and its political wing the Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF)

2

United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and its armed wing the Manipur People’s Army (MPA)

3

People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) and its armed wing the Red Army

4

Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP)

5

Kanglei Yawol Kanba Lup (KYKL)

6

Coordination Committee (CorCom)

7

Alliance for Socialist Unity Kangleipak (ASUK)

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The Ideological Divide: Meitei Secessionism and Zo Autonomism In the context of modern Manipur, it is possible to distinguish between two parallel but distinctive ideological trends in non-state armed movements. The first involves the secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits, commonly referred to as Valley-Based Insurgent Groups (VBIGs). These outfits aim at breaking away from India and establishing an independent and sovereign Manipur country. They choose the path of violence to pursue their objectives, and vehemently oppose the idea of any peace talk or negotiation with the Government of India. The other armed movement involves the Zomi-Kuki armed groups, whose demands are for political autonomy within the Constitution of India. These groups have entered into a Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement with the Government of India and are in peace talks to arrive at a political solution. The Meitei terrorist outfits do not accept the Manipur merger agreement signed by their Maharaja Bodh Chandra Singh on September 21, 1949. The common objective of the Meitei terrorist outfits is to establish an independent sovereign nation-state called ‘Kangleipak’ through militant means. To show their rejection of the merger with India, they have been carrying out periodic terrorist attacks on government establishments and security forces. In the initial stages, the Meitei secessionist armed movement was harboured and nurtured with military and tactical support from external and hostile powers such as Pakistan and China, with the intention of disrupting the internal security of India and keeping the border regions vulnerable. Till today, the Meitei terrorist outfits continue to maintain bases in Myanmar, and are actively assisting the Junta’s dictatorial rule and massacre of innocent civilians. They also infiltrate into India periodically to launch terror attacks on Indian civilians and security forces. The Zomi-Kuki armed groups are under two umbrella bodies, namely the United People’s Front (UPF) and the Kuki National Organization (KNO). Their aspiration is to rectify the historical blunder of the British who merged parts of Zo territory with the Manipur Kingdom for administrative convenience. To this end, they aim to establish a separate and autonomous administration within the ambit of the Constitution of India in order to protect their lands and safeguard their way of life. Unlike Meitei terrorist outfits, the Zomi-Kuki armed groups choose the path of political dialogue to attain their aspirations. At different points in time, this aspiration has been expressed through demands for the creation of a State within a State (Autonomous Hill State), the creation of a Union Territory, and the creation of a full-fledged State out of the Zomi-Kukis areas in Manipur. It may be pointed out that even the Sixth Schedule provision, which is designed to protect indigenous tribal groups in Northeast India, have not been extended to the Hill Areas of Manipur because of opposition from the Meitei-majority.

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Meitei Secessionism in Context: A Brief Background The period since the 1960s witnessed the proliferation of Meitei terrorist outfits, all of whom are secessionist in character. They aim at the ‘liberation’ of modern Manipur from India through an armed insurrection. Besides the attacks carried out on Indian security forces, these groups also take it upon themselves to counter the pan-Naga insurgency which has spilled over to Naga-dominated districts in Manipur. The ZomiKuki and Naga demand for the separate administration of their ancestral lands is perceived by these Meitei terrorist outfits as a threat to Meitei interests, and therefore sought to be countered through military and other means. The Meitei majoritarian doctrine and the Meitei terrorist outfits’ refusal to enter into peaceful negotiations under the Constitution of India is the primary cause of the current security problem in Manipur. This civil (overground) and militant (underground) alliance against tribal interests has seen the systematic discrimination of the tribals, growing militarization of Meitei society, and repeated human rights violations over the tribal communities. The Meitei terrorist outfits remain an active tool for imposition of Meitei political interests, and their close political connections with the political leadership (regardless of the party that is in power) remain an open secret and unaccounted even till today. That a certain The United National Liberation Front (UNLF) sees portion of the State treasury is allegedly cut at source by itself as fighting the ‘colonial repression’ of India. these militants is well known by the public, so much so that it is internalized as ‘normal’. This is the bedrock of Meitei terrorism in Manipur.

The Foreign Hand in the Secessionist Project The United National Liberation Front (UNLF), the forerunner of the Meitei insurgency, was set up with the support of Pakistan in 1964. They had established their base in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). After the outbreak of the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971, and the formation of

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continue to profess an imagined ‘territorial integrity’ of Manipur under which they claim parts of the Naga and Zo Hills, behind this spotlight the Meitei terrorist outfits work relentlessly to break the territorial integrity of India. The alliance between these three forces gives rise to an insular Meitei micro-nationalism whose understanding of a nation is itself a threat to India’s national security.

Absence of AFSPA in Valley Areas as an Obstruction to Security Operations The unhindered movement and unaccountable operation of the Meitei terrorist outfits within the valley districts of Manipur are possible in the ongoing conflict because of the strategic removal of AFSPA from the jurisdiction of 19 police stations which covers the Meitei-dominated valley districts. Meitei CSOs and activists have raised opposition to AFSPA, tagging it as ‘draconian’ and using the language of human rights violations to argue their case. But oddly, their demands do not cover the hill districts and neither does its removal. Lt. Gen. HJS Sachdev (retd), former DG, Assam Rifles in his article titled Price of Negligence in Force News Magazine wrote that ‘The army and the Assam Rifles normally do not engage in active operations unless protection is provided under the AFSPA. This act [of removing AFSPA from Meitei-dominated valley districts] led to tacit protection of valley-based militant groups from the army and the Assam Rifles.’ But since AFSPA is still operating in the hill districts, Meitei terrorists and militants are cautious of venturing into the hill areas. Indeed, Central security forces regularly thwart the unprovoked military attacks on Zomi-Kuki villages by Meitei terrorists, civil militias, and State security forces. Consequently, Meitei civil society have launched a hate campaign against the Central forces, particularly the Assam Rifles, and demanded their removal from Manipur. These radicalised and militarized Meitei elements

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The Zo Autonomist Movement in Manipur The Zo (Zomi-Kuki-Mizo-Hmar) imagination as a distinct people-group predates colonial history. The Zo country which constitutes the erstwhile Lushai (Mizo) Hills, the Chin Hills, parts of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, and the Hills of Southern Manipur have always been an independent and sovereign entity, a fact acknowledged even by colonial writings. Colonial administration necessitated the fragmentation of Zo country under different political entities for administrative convenience. The Zo people as a community had always fought against alien encroachments to their freedom. The Anglo-Kuki War or Zo Gaal of 1917-1919 is one such testament, which took the colonial administration an amount to the tune of 24 lakh rupees to subdue, a huge cost to the colonial government at the time. Their autonomy as a people is something they have resolutely guarded, whether in the pre or post-independence era. Rather than give an exhaustive account of the history of Zo integration (unification) movements that predates colonial history, the following section will briefly outline the modern trajectory of the Zo autonomist movement, focusing particularly on its iteration in the Manipur of today.

A Brief Survey of Zo Autonomism

The Anglo-Kuki War 1917-1919 Particularly after the ethnic conflict started on May 3, various Meitei groups and their associates have denied the historical occurrence of the Anglo-Kuki War. The Federation of Haomee has even filed FIRs against two Zomi-Kuki scholars for publishing a book on the topic. But the truth was that the Anglo-Kuki War defined the history of not just the Zo ethnic tribes but also the very history of modern Manipur. Some historians believe that were it not for the Anglo-Kuki War and the administrative consolidation that the British undertook in its wake, Manipur today would have consisted mostly of the valley districts with some hills attached to it. There is too much documentary evidence to deny the occurrence of such a definitive moment in history. In fact, some point out that while the so-called Anglo-Manipuri War (1891) lasted for about 27 days, the Anglo-Kuki War (1917-19) lasted more than 2 years. ‘Going by historical facts, which of these two is really a rebellion, and which a war?’ tribals ask.

The turn of the twentieth century was characterised by a number of developments taking place in quick succession, leaving a lasting impact on the Zo people. This period was predominantly characterized by various national movements against European colonialists. The Zo people, like any other such national movements across the globe, positioned themselves in the struggle against colonial oppression and subjugation. The exposure of the Zo men as a part of the labour corps in Europe during the World Wars led them to reflect and make sense of themselves and their situation in relation to other people of the world. This played an important role in strengthening their sense of nationhood. This period also coincided with the introduction of the print culture, which facilitated the dissemination of ideas across the Zo Hills through locally printed communiques and newspapers. Pioneers among them were Kristian Tlangau, founded in 1911 and Tedim Thukizakna Lai, founded in 1919. This was followed by the publication of rich indigenous writings on the history and culture of the Zo people, widely distributed and read by the emerging literate section of the Zo society. 14

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Manipur Government as the Agent of Discord The Manipur government continues to level serious allegations against the SoO autonomist groups. Surprise official checks were undertaken on June 3, 2023, on the designated camps, in which a majority of the cadres lodged and the arms deposited were accounted for. However, this has not stopped the State government from seeking to introduce new narratives to lay the blame for the ethnic cleansing squarely on the Zomi-Kuki people. The label ‘narco-terrorism’ was the latest that gained wide currency within official circles of the Manipur government, radical Meitei civil society and State media based in Imphal to derail the SoO agreement-based dialogue, and discredit the Zo populace. These narratives and labels, shared by the communal State government, percolate down to all sections of the public through official and unofficial channels, and are used as keywords in their interactions with media houses, without understanding the meaning of the terminologies they are using. The popular interview of Meetei Leepun leader Pramot Singh by The Wire is a good example of staunchly parroting a narrative even when it is proven to be against facts and truth. The complicity of the State government in the ensuing ethnic cleansing has also been attested by a number of independent and expert sources including Ajai Sahni and Pratab Bhanu Mehta. Ajai Sahni, Executive Director of the Institute of Conflict Management stated in an interview in July 2023 that the prolonged violence was neither because of incompetence or lack of planning. Laying the blame on the State, he argues: ‘the state is either supporting or orchestrating the violence’. Pratab Bhanu Mehta, one of the most respected political scientists of India wrote in the Indian Express, ‘The idea that the state is helpless to stop violence and ethnic displacement and targeting after nearly 80 days, is one of the most atrocious lies you will hear.’

Image source: Hindustan Times

On August 9, a delegation of Member of Legislative Assembly (MLAs), mostly from the Meitei community submitted a representation to the Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi. The demand for the withdrawal of the SoO agreement is one of the 6 demands put forward to the PM. While concocting a scenario where the SoO groups are involved in constant conflict, including with central security forces to justify their demands, it also registered its opposition to any form of separate administration for the Zomi-Kuki people.

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2 MAJORITARIANISM AND SECESSIONIST INSURGENCY: MEITEI TERRORIST OUTFITS IN ACTION One of the essential embodiments of the Meitei majoritarian politics in Manipur is the State government – perpetrated mainly through the Meitei domination of legislative and administrative institutions and processes (refer Chapter 2 of Volume I). Another embodiment, which is comparatively less conspicuous but equally disastrous, if not more, is the Meitei secessionist insurgency - the militant extension of Meitei majoritarianism working primarily through the systematic use of force and violence. The third embodiment is the growing radicalisation and militarisation of Meitei civil society, who have shifted from peaceful protests to armed rebellions as seen in the current ethnic violence. From their bases in Myanmar and the Imphal valley districts, the activities of the Meitei terrorist outfits extend to the hills of Manipur - terrorizing Zomi-Kuki tribals in their attempt to turn them into passive subjects of Meitei majoritarianism. In the attack on Indian security forces carried out by the Meitei terrorist outfits, the Zomi-Kuki tribals are regularly at the receiving end as collateral damages, including women and children. Tribal lives are seen as disposable and without value. Such atrocities are possible because of the impunity with which they are able to operate in all the areas of Manipur. In the decades following the formation of the UNLF and PLA - the forerunners of Meitei insurgency hundreds of tribal civilians have fallen victim to assaults from landmines and improvised explosive devices (IEDs), sexual assaults, ambushes, abductions and other forms of inhuman atrocities. Highlighted below are a few cases of assault, though not exhaustive, that enable us to understand the operational nature of the Meitei terrorist activities in the Zo inhabited districts.

Landmines and Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) in the Hills In the year 2005, an extensive operation against Meitei terrorist outfits was undertaken by the Indian Army, including in Sajik Tampak in Chandel district, Manipur. As a consequence, a large number of the escapee Meitei militants started taking shelter in the forest-covered borders of the surrounding hills, including Lamka (Churachandpur) and Chandel. As the border regions were not heavily populated, they THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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set up new bases and camps in areas within the confines of Zo villages. The proscribed Meiteis terrorist outfits like PLA, UNLF and PREPAK started fortifying their camps by extensively planting landmines and detonating IEDs in the surrounding forested areas in case anybody came after them.

Image: Doukholun Lhanghal, a victim of Meitei insurgents’ landmine Source: North East Sun, November 30, 2005

Caught in the cross-fire of this confrontation between Meitei terrorist outfits and Indian Army, tribal civilians remain the primary casualty as it is on their lands that the altercation is often played out. As a consequence, many tribals were killed, injured and maimed by landmines and IEDs in the process. In the district of Lamka (Churachandpur), subdivisions like Singngat, Thanlon, Henglep and Tipaimukh were the worst affected by these confrontations. The first victim of the landmine assault was Doukholun Lhanghal, a resident of Zongmakot Village, Henglep subdivision in Lamka (Churachandpur) district. He died in a landmine explosion on November 25, 2005, while looking for firewood. Landmines and IEDs were planted in open fields by the Meitei terrorist outfits and claimed many tribal lives, including children. Alfred Lalditawm, a 14-yearold school-going student, died while returning from school, while his friend Joshua Lalramsang, aged 11, sustained severe injuries. The Hmar Students’ Association claimed that till January 2006, up to 81 persons were casualties in landmine blasts and traps planted by Meitei terrorist militants at Tipaimukh sub-division in Lamka (Churachandpur) district.

Image: Joshua Lalramsang, 11, injured near Thanlon. Source: North East Sun, November 30, 2005

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Apart from the danger to physical safety because of the planted landmines, Zo villagers were also hindered from tending to their fields or looking after their livestock. Consequently, as agricultural activities came to a partial halt, it caused scarcity of food in many

villages. Many students’ and philanthropic organizations repeatedly highlighted the plight of Zo tribal villagers to the Manipur government. A number of Zo village chiefs also appealed to the Chief Minister to ensure the safety and security of the villagers from terrorist attacks. Local organizations like the Zomi Human Rights Foundation and Zomi Students’ Federation took up the cause of rehabilitating and fighting for the justice of the landmine victims and also played an important role in demanding the sanitisation of the entire district from landmines. However, recourse from the State government was not forthcoming as expected. As late as the latter part of 2006, Zo civilians continued to die from landmine explosions in Parbung and other interior places in the hills, and the Meitei terrorist militants continued to roam the hill areas freely without being brought into account.

A Militant Run-State In remote Zo villages, the Meitei militants took advantage of the absence of the State’s administrative machinery, and the lack of proper means of communication and transport. Since October 2005, the actions of the Meitei terrorist outfits have grown worse. Inhabitants of villages like Parbung and Lungthulien in Lamka (Churachandpur) district were not able to tend their agricultural livelihood, as they were forcibly engaged in labour by the UNLF and KCP. They remained in constant fear of being killed and maimed by landmines. Many Zo villagers were forced to feed the entire Meitei insurgents at times. The militants would take crops and livestock from the villagers, often starving villagers at will and through threats. Any tribal villager who questioned the dictates of the Meitei insurgents was tortured. They used inhumane violence to threaten the villagers and yield their submission. In the process, more than 400 tribal youths were reported to have faced the brunt of militant torture. Hundreds of harassed villagers crossed over to Mizoram for their own safety. They were accommodated at temporary camps in Sakawrdai, which was set up by the Mizoram government. The forced occupation and atrocities meted out by Meitei terrorist outfits resulted in several instances of deadly shoot-outs between the Meitei terrorist outfits and the HPC(D)-ZRA in villages across Tipaimukh and Thanlon sub-division of Lamka (Churachandpur). The Zo armed groups had to intervene as their own people were caught in the cross-fire of the Meitei secessionist fight against the Indian security forces. They were finally driven out, but only after they have caused countless violence and inhumane deaths amongst the Zo populace. Such atrocities against innocent tribal villagers continue to be a method practiced by Meitei militants. In these assaults, minors are also at the receiving end. As recently as March 25, 2023, a minor student identified as Seigoulal Misao, aged 17, was killed at Motbung Model village in Kanggui (Kangpokpi) district of Manipur. He was a student of Class 12 appearing in the higher secondary examination. The National Revolutionary Front Manipur, which claimed responsibility and took itself as the arbiter, absurdly alleged that the minor boy was peddling drugs between Sekmai and Imphal. They tried to justify their daylight murder by claiming that despite repeated warnings, the student was involved in drug peddling, and thus capital punishment was necessary. Not only has the Meitei terrorist outfits regularly taken the law into their own hands in Manipur, but they are allowed to wreck violence and carry out killings with impunity. In a sense, Manipur is a prime example of a militant-run State. This arrangement and nexus between the Meitei terrorist outfits and the State machinery is the primary cause of unaccountable rising militancy in the state today.

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government towards the case was insensitive. Till today, it remains an enduring question whether the Manipur government has a part in the case, amid wide scale public suspicion.

Meitei Terrorist Outfits: A Security and Humanitarian Concern in the Zo Hills The violent ordeal meted out to the tribal populace of the hills by the Meitei terrorist outfits prompted the Indian military to resort to an all-out operation to clear their bases in the hills. The military operation code-named Dragnet initiated in January 2006 cleared the camps off the affected sub-divisions – including Tipaimukh and Thanlon sub-divisions of Lamka (Churachandpur) district. While the operation in the hills was successful, the Meitei terrorist outfits continued their operations from bases in the Imphal valley districts and Myanmar. This continues to pose a serious security and humanitarian concern in the Zo-inhabited districts – including Lamka (Churachandpur), Kanggui (Kangpokpi), Tengnoupal and Chandel today. Recently, in the ongoing State-sponsored ethnic violence, the Meitei insurgents have re-entered the valleys from Myanmar and have been leading the attacks on tribal villages. For them, the current violence is an opportunity to finally wipe out the entire tribal populace. The tribal lands are important for them to set up their bases again in Manipur, and also to finally monopolize the drug route and trade across the Northeast. They want the constitutionally protected tribal lands, but do not want the tribal inhabitants. This is the state of modern Manipur.

Periodic Attacks on Indian Security Forces The Meitei terrorist outfits have developed a mutual understanding with the military Junta in Myanmar over time. It was widely reported that the Meitei terrorist outfits pay a hefty sum regularly for their refuge in the foreign country. As part of the arrangement, they also sided with the Myanmar Army in fighting pro-democratic forces in Myanmar. From their camps on the Myanmarese side, the Meitei

Image: Attack on 6 Dogra Regiment by KYKL and allied Meitei terror outfits in Chandel Image source: Indian Express/PTI

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3 A CIVIL SOCIETY MILITARISED: MEITEIS AND OTHER COMMUNITIES In any democratic set up, the role of a civil society is to help usher transformative change by ensuring accountability (especially of government leaders) and local participation in the affairs of the people concerned. Seeing itself as an important stakeholder that represents the collective interests and welfare of the respective community, civil societies also help in fostering democratic interactions and social relationships. In Manipur where the Meitei community is a majority, Meitei civil societies are established in the name of ‘All Manipur’ associations and organizations to promote exclusive majoritarian interests. In the process of pursuing and defending such interests, it has often weaponized itself to assert its agenda aggressively at the costs of the minority communities. The Meitei civil societies are able to do this due to the huge power differential that exists between their community and other communities in Manipur. Controlling the State legislature and its institutions, they are able to present their language, culture, history and interests as a pan-Manipur phenomenon. Despite such unchallenged dominance, Meiteis have always been determined to expand their monopoly of political power, economic heft, social influence, and cultural dominance. Feeling threatened by the cultural and political aspirations of the minorities who are only demanding their constitutional rights and safeguards, they regularly oppose such demands both structurally and violently. Meitei majoritarian interests have always been imposed on other communities, with the civil society organizations playing a central role. Thus, the Meitei civil societies remain guilty of being direct or indirect perpetrators of systematic injustice and physical harm against non-Meitei communities in Manipur.

The Weapon that is Meitei Civil Society In this document, the phrase ‘Meitei civil society’ refers to the organized associations of Meiteis, usually into concrete civil society organizations and associations or bodies with certain socio-cultural and political objectives. Their modus operandi have wide repercussions and often violent consequences which seek to promote and uphold Meitei majoritarian doctrine, and negates any form of tribal assertion of dignity and rights. Thus, the activities of the Meitei civil society represents another form in which systematic violence against the minority communities in Manipur is carried out.

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The manner in which they operate has more often than not witnessed the truncating of minority communities and their interests in Manipur. For them, the underlying advantage of using civil society as a front for violent activities is that it prevents the attribution of crimes perpetrated during civil society level movements and protests on particular individuals or groups, and to make arrests. Meitei criminal masterminds always hide behind the veil of Meitei civil society even as they carry out their terrorist activities in broad daylight. There are some distinctive characteristics that can be identified across all Meitei atrocities; some of them are elaborated as below:

Massacre of the Muslim (Pangal) Community in Manipur The Muslim (Pangal) community of Manipur descended from a wave of Muslim migrations into Manipur in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. They were assimilated into Manipuri (Meitei) society, adopted the Meitei language, but somehow continued to preserve and maintain their distinct ethnic and religious identity. They account for about 8.4 percent of the total population of Manipur today. Though the Muslim (Pangal) community have even adopted the term ‘Meitei’ as a prefix to their community’s name (Meitei-Pangal), they continue to be sidelined and ‘othered’ by the majoritarian ethnic Meitei community. They have faced persecution in many forms throughout the past decades and are often stereotyped by the ethnic Meiteis as anti-social elements, prone to crimes Curious Fact: The Meitei like theft or drug peddling. Stigmatizing other communities ethnic violence against the by generalizing them with demeaning terms is a common Pangals in 1993, and the practice amongst the Meitei populace.

ethnic cleansing against

On May 3, 1993, organized Meitei mobs went on a the Zo people in 2023, rampage, killing over 130 Pangal civilians and grievously started on 3rd May. Is it a injuring many more over the next few days. A bus carrying Muslim passengers was set on fire. The Meitei mobs were mere coincidence? instigated by a series of disinformation campaigns by Meitei propagandists to provoke more violence against the Pangals. And the State security forces were reported to have done little to stop the violence, while there were allegations that some police personnel aided the Meitei mobs in attacking Pangals. The anti-Pangal riots resulted in the displacement of more than 3000 Pangals and subsequent loss of their lands to ethnic Meiteis. The cause of such an atrocious endeavor by the Meitei civil societies against the Pangals was the resistance by Pangal civilians against the extortion of money from them by secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits. Much like the Kangvai incident in the present ongoing ethnic conflict, the Pangal resistance and confrontation set off a chain of incidents that resulted in a full-blown massacre (ethnic cleansing) of minority Pangals by the majority Meitei community. Casualty reports of the anti-Pangal riots include

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threatening the Centre and State government a repeat of the June 18 incident. In Imphal, vehicles bound for the Naga-dominated district of Senapati were attacked along with their passengers. The Meitei civil societies naturally arm-twisted the State government to ban Muivah’s entry into his birthplace. Martial law was imposed and the State security forces including the Manipur Police Commandos were deployed in the border area of Mao to prevent Muivah and his supporters from coming home. The State police did more than stop Muivah from entering. They also started assaulting innocent Naga civilians in the hope of intimidating them and stemming any support for the cause of Naga self-determination. The Nagas were enraged - a Meitei-dominated State government was preventing a Naga leader from entering his own Naga ancestral village. An elderly Naga civilian, Puni, was returning from his farm when the IRB personnel mercilessly beat him up with impunity. When the locals gathered to protest against this, the police fired into the crowd, killing two Naga students, Neli Chakho and Dikho Loshou. S. Milan, General Secretary of United Naga Council (UNC) lamented: ‘It rained in Mao but it was not a natural rain, bullets and tear gas shells rained down in Mao gate and adjoining areas… This is our Land, nobody should have control over our land.’

The Five Characteristics of Meitei Civil Society Violence The form of violence that is inflicted upon minority communities by Meitei civil society is highly systematic. That is one of the reasons why their violence is so effective, first in intimidating and silencing minority communities, and second in coercing the State government to toe their radical line. Below are five common features that come into play whenever Meitei civil society launches a program of violence against minority communities in Manipur. 1. Reactive Violence: The Meitei civil society has a history of violent reactions to any attempt at political or cultural assertion by minority groups, even if the demands are constitutionally viable. The decision to extend the ceasefire agreement with the NSCN-IM (which would have reduced armed conflict in Manipur) was opposed by excessive and disproportionate rioting and mayhem by Meitei civil societies. This was aimed at intimidating the Nagas and forcing the Centre to reverse the peace process by scrapping the agreement. Even a peace agreement is opposed if it does not serve majoritarian Meitei interests. 2. Disinformation: A mass disinformation campaign is carried out by Meitei propagandists to fuel Meitei anger and incite more violence. Stereotypes and prejudices along with simmering hatred of the minority community are used liberally to spread blatant lies about them and encourage violence. Meitei aggression and atrocities perpetrated by members of the Meitei civil societies is always presented as a ‘retribution’, and never as the unprovoked violence that it really is. The Meitei control of all major media houses in Manipur ensures that the false narratives which are propagated by the civil societies are cemented in the public imagination. The protection accorded to them by the State functionaries allow them to carry out their atrocities with impunity.

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3. Barbarism: The reactive violence of Meitei civil societies are not simply aggressive but are more than often wild, depraved, and barbaric. It appears as if the rioters and mobs lose their sanity as they go on a murderous rampage, sparing neither political leaders, nor security forces, nor innocent civilians, and not even children, women and the elderly. Desecration of sacred and important places and sites of the targeted groups ensue, and they are aimed primarily at terrorizing and humiliating them. This benumbing of all human sentiments and transformation into savages is usually fueled by a systematic disinformation campaign into which the Meitei mobs drown. The purpose of this barbarism is to strike terror into the hearts of minorities and bring the government - both the Centre and the State - to its knees. That such degrading levels of barbarism is still possible in the twenty-first century show that there are many disgruntled and unsatisfied Meitei men, youths and even women, and that there is a deeper internal cultural crisis lurking amongst them. 4. State-sponsored: The Meitei civil societies are allowed to wield huge and disproportionate influence over the State government, its agencies and officials. Thus, to an alarming degree, the State government is always culpable in these crimes against minorities. In most cases, the State government is at the forefront of demonizing and victimizing a minority community, using laws, rules and procedures to systematically persecute them. In its most detached form, the State government will simply stand by and watch as Meitei mobs inflict excess violence on minorities. Most infamous among the State actors are the Manipur Police Commandos (made up mostly of ‘surrendered’ Meitei terrorist militants) who are reported to be present at every crime scene aiding and abetting the perpetrators. 5. Inconsistency and Indifference: The wide-scale, protracted, and barbaric violence inflicted on the minority communities is followed by sudden reversals in the stance of Meitei civil societies, who abruptly call for peace and normalcy when things do not unfold as planned by them. Such calls are never a genuine desire for peace but rather an endeavor to utterly decimate the interest of minorities and to get the government to submit to its diktats. By quickly reinstating peace and normalcy, the perpetrators of the violence are absolved of their crimes against humanity. No one is to be held accountable for the genocide. ‘Forgive and forget’, as the current Chief Minister N. Biren Singh callously told the Zo tribals after they faced months of genocidal violence. The Meitei civil societies and the people in power maintain complete indifference to the sufferings and losses endured by the minorities. This is the case for Pangals even after thirty years of the genocide against them, and the victims are yet to receive any compensation from the government. The power of the State is used to bring in a semblance of forced normalcy, after which everyone, including the families of the victims, are to carry on with business as usual in the State - as if the mayhem and terror inflicted were not real, as if they never happened. The truth of the matter is that visceral wounds are left unhealed, with segmented societies brought to a semblance of feeble peace, with dormant tensions allowed to prevail on the socio-political milieu of Manipur. Manipur continues to burn because of such insensitive and inept handling of grievances.

Contemporary Militarization of Meitei Civil Society: A New Phase The nature of Meitei civil society movements has undergone radical changes over the course of time. The form of aggression championed by the Meitei civil society has entered a new phase in the past few years. In this new phase, indoctrinated Meitei youths (possibly from the lower rung of society whose lives are considered dispensable by their own radical groups) are recruited and imparted training on the use THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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of weapons and provided various types of arms. From a loose association of violent mobs, Meitei civil society has now transformed itself into well-structured miliBiren Singh-led Government’s Role in tias with arms. Militarizing the Meitei Civil Society

Prominent among these is the Arambai Tenggol, Based on an RTI filed by TheWire, it has which is named after a specific weapon used by Meitei kings been revealed that Manipur has granted in ancient times. In keeping with its name, the Arambai the highest number of gun licenses in Tenggol has the titular king of Manipur Mr Leisemba Sanathe northeast region over the past seven years. The report from TheWire stated: jaoba, also a Member of Parliament in the Rajya Sabha, as ‘There are 35,117 active gun licenses their main patron who deploys them as his strongmen. This in Manipur. This is up from 26,836 in might have emboldened Mr Sanajaoba in making open and December 2016.’ This means that an alarming threats to people, assured of protection and shield unprecedented 8,281 gun licenses have from Arambai Tenggol members. On 2nd April, 2023, Mr been issued since the incumbent CM Sanajaoba issued a death threat on social media against N Biren Singh came to power in March Meitei Pastor T. Ramananda who allegedly made remarks 2017. that offended followers of the Meitei Sanamahi faith. The following day, the Arambai Tenggol stormed the residence of the pastor and forced him to apologise. A video of the incident shows the men shouting at him: ‘We will kill you wherever we meet you. We will bury you alive.’ .

Image: Mr Sanajaoba wrote the death threat on his facebook page on April 2, 2023. Translation to English: ‘If he [Ramananda] does not apologize, I swear in the name of Ebudhou Pakhangba [Supreme God of Meitei] that I would skin him alive. I do not care whether I remain an MP or not’

Image: Arambai Tenggol led by their leader, Korounganba Khuman, at the residence of Pastor T. Ramananda on April 3, 2023.

The Meetei Leepun is another prominent organization through which the violence of Meitei civil society is now nurtured and channelized. Recently, the Meetei Leepun chief, Pramot Singh, admitted during an interview on The Wire that his organization has indeed been training their members on the use of guns. These Meitei civil militias arising from Meitei civil societies are based on the old idea of

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weaponizing the civil society to violently impose Meitei majoritarian interests. What distinguishes them from previous operations is the coordinated and systematic ways in which they now carry out their violent campaigns, with impunity and protection offered from the highest political offices. They now have free reign to run Manipur according to their selective interpretation of the old ways. They have turned modern democratic Manipur into the Kingdom of old, making enemies of all its non-Meitei inhabitants. .

Image: A gathering of Meetei Leepun members

Highly Militarized Meitei Villages Journalist Barkha Dutt visited the Meitei village of Phayeng on the evening of July 31, 2023 and spoke to the men on duty. The armed Meitei men claimed to be villagers wielding only licensed guns. When Barkha Dutt asked them how many license gun the village has, the man in the video replied ‘More than 500 to 600, actually’. Barkha was taken aback and repeated ‘500 to 600 licensed guns?’ to which the man replied ‘Yes’. Barkha asked ‘And all you know how to use a gun?’ to which the man again replied ‘Yes’.

Manufacturing Anxieties The past few years have witnessed radical Meitei groups and leaders orchestrating a mass disinformation campaign among the Meitei community to heighten fears and build a climate of hatred and distrust against minority communities of Manipur. The indoctrinated masses, particularly the youths, are then easily persuaded to participate in violent rallies and protest, or recruited to civil militia organizations like the Arambai Tenggol and Meetei Leepun, which are portrayed as a platform and means by which Meitei interests are protected, and by which the so-called ‘threats’ to Meitei society can be eliminated. What is worrying about the current ongoing genocide is the civil militias that are growing in number, and will continue to stay and be a threat to both the State and the Nation, whatever the outcome of the present imbroglio may be.

Population and Illegal Immigration: One of the perceived threats that the majority Meitei ethnic community regularly propounds is the decline of their political, social and cultural dominance supposedly as a consequence of the ‘rise’ of the minorities. Using various false narratives and misleading examples, they present this perception in the most alarming manner through scores of fabricated facts and outright lies. This has worked in mobilizing their common populace, and especially the youths and young adults, towards their adversarial politics. For a long time, radical Meitei civil groups and politicians have popularised a false narrative that the THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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names (such as Lamka to Churachandpur and Kanggui to Kangpokpi etc.), they have not been able to bring the two entities (Valleys and Hills or Inner Manipur and Outer Manipur) together in any substantial sense, except politically. The Meiteis have always sought to claim the hills i.e. the ancestral lands of the tribals, through all legal and political means possible, using different narratives, but they have not been successful as these lands remain constitutionally protected. Infact, the Meitei MLA Nishikant Sapam, in an interview with The Wire, admitted the true malicious intent behind these false narratives, saying, ‘Land is where the whole fire will start. It’s all about land’.

Poppy Cultivation: To further demonize the Zomi-Kuki community and incite resentment among the Meitei populace, Meitei propagandists would selectively highlight instances of poppy cultivation by some Zomi-Kuki individuals, and then use these as a basis to blemish and dishonour the entire community as ‘poppy cultivators’ who are therefore destroying the land in Manipur. The Zomi-Kuki civil society organizations, Churches, tribal bodies have all collectively condemned the Source: Superintendent of Police, Narcotics and Border Affairs, Manipur government/deccanherald.com - August 2023 practice of poppy cultivation, and have been fighting the menace of drugs decades before the Chief minister’s supposed ‘War on Drugs’. If the ‘War on Drugs’ was really a war on drugs rather than a fight to monopolize its business and trade, then it would have been advisable and more effective to support the local fight against drugs (by the local CSOs and institutions) rather than alienate them.

Drug Busts During the Ongoing Conflict Several drug busts were made even as the ethnic violence continued in Manipur. Notably, most of the arrested were from the non-Zo community. On July 25, 2023 a team of Manipur Police Commandos busted a vehicle that was transporting heroin drugs worth 2 crore in the international market. The driver was Apu Gangmei (age 28 yrs), s/o Thomas Gangmei of Lilong Chaobok, Thoubal district. The arrested individual is from the Naga community, and he was based out of Thoubal, a valley district. But it would be wrong to implicate the entire Naga community, or claim that Thoubal is a hotbed of drug trade, based on this arrest.

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With most data available online, more people are becoming increasingly aware of the fact that every community in Manipur is involved in poppy cultivation. Government data shows that Meitei-Pangals account for the highest number of drug arrests, but it would be defamatory and immoral to link the entire Pangal community with drug trade. No community should be painted with such a broad brush. More importantly, it is simply an ignorant prejudice to link an entire community with a particular illegal trade. Individuals involved in drug business do it on account of their own reasons, not because they belong to a particular community. The urgent task in the ‘War on Drugs’ is to uncover and expose the drug business in Manipur with all its nexuses. It will be found that poppy cultivators in villages are simply cogs in the complex poppy machinery. The enablers of poppy cultivation, including the funders, the manufacturing lab owners, and the transporters are all valleybased individuals, with some having close links to the present Chief Minister of Manipur N. Biren Singh (refer Chapter 5 and Appendix of The Inevitable Split Vol I). But these facts notwithstanding, the twisted narrative that a particular community is involved in ‘poppy cultivation’ often works to stir up trouble. Such baseless accusations that are ethnically-driven cause indoctrinations rather than investigative research. Many misinformed Meitei youths are immediately caught up in an apparent mission to ‘save’ their ‘Sanaleibak’ (homeland) from ‘illegal encroachers.’ Some educated professors are even convinced that the increase in temperature in Manipur, which is because of global warming, could possibly be because of poppy cultivation! Such is the ludicrous manner in which stigmatizations and demonizing works in Manipur. Between 2021 and 2022, a controversy broke out over the Thangjing and Koubru hills, with Meitei civil society organizations calling for eviction of the Zomi-Kuki settlements nearby, who they term as ‘encroachers’ destroying the land. The local tribal leaders immediately pointed out that these hills are as sacred to them as they are to the Meiteis, and as they have given wholehearted support for their protection, it is not right to trample upon the right to settlement and livelihood of the local villagers. Meitei civil society organizations nonetheless attempted to materialize their claims over these tribal lands through militant means. In the name of a ‘tree plantation drive’, Meitei members of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM), Manipur, forced their way up the Thangjing hills, carrying firearms and threatening the local tribal villagers in a display of brute force.

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time immemorial. It is a historical fact that the Manipur kingdom, before and during the British era, comprised mainly of today’s valley districts. Autonomous Naga and Zo tribes inhabited the surrounding hills, and each community had their independent policy towards the Manipur kingdom. Some maintained good relations with the Meitei king, and some of the Kuki-clans for example were instrumental in saving the life of the Meitei king in many instances. On the other hand, the Zomi groups often had antagonistic relations with the Meitei kingdom. A battle of note is the war between the Manipur kingdom and the Zo chiefdom of Kamhau Sukte in 1857, in which the Meitei King Chandrakirti was thoroughly defeated and had to flee after his soldiers deserted him. Throughout the history of Manipur, the Zo communities have never been defeated by the Meitei armies. The southern extent of the Manipur kingdom at that time was marked as the Chakpi river, in north of today’s Chandel district. With the treaty of Sanjenthong concluded between the Meitei king and Guite chief Sumkam in 1872, the southern boundary of the Manipur kingdom was delineated as running along the Loktak Lake, or today’s Moirang town in Bishnupur district (refer ‘Historical Amnesia in Manipur’ in Annexure of Inevitable Split Volume 1). Once the British established their rule at the Manipur court after the Palace Uprising of 1891, they started a process of amalgamating the nearby hills with the Manipur kingdom for administrative convenience, thus bringing independent political communities together under one political rule. But in recognition that the hill areas were politically independent of the valley areas, the British introduced different administrative arrangements for both areas. This was affirmed and continued by the Indian Union after independence, by introducing laws like Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (MLR & LR) Act, 1960, and Article 371C of the Indian Constitution. THE TRAGIC BLINDSPOT OF DR BIMOL AKOIJAM Meitei academician Dr Bimol Akoijam, in an attempt to tacitly support the Meitei demand for ST status and abolishing of tribal land rights, argued that the communities inhabiting Manipur are the same people, belong to the same ethnolinguistic family, and that the idea of a hill-valley divide is based on a ‘false topographical perspective’ as Manipur is in fact a ‘hill state’. He condemned the different administrative arrangements given to the hill people by the British and the postcolonial Indian state as ‘dividing’ the people. What Dr Akoijam misses is what matters the most, namely political status. The hill communities, particularly the Zomi-Kuki tribes, were always politically independent from the Manipur kingdom. So, a separate administrative arrangement has always been necessary to keep the peace between the two independent communities. When these arrangements are challenged by a majoritarian-integrationist and exploitative agenda, like in recent years, tensions are bound to flare up. Sustained peace is possible only by restoring the independent political status of the two communities through total Separate Administration.

Because the new political entity created by the British carries the name ‘Manipur’, most Meiteis have a false historical notion that this constituent state of modern India, with its territorial extent, is the same as the Manipur kingdom of bygone years. Hence, most Meiteis are super-sensitive to the prospect of giving greater political autonomy to the hill areas of today’s Manipur. In fact, this sentiment is very often charged up and used by Meitei propagandists to start riots and violent attacks on the minority tribal THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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Systematic Planning of Violence Radical Meitei civil militias operate based on systematic and sinister planning. Everything is thought through carefully beforehand, which makes their violence much more damaging and targeted. In the months leading up to May 3, 2023 recruitment into Meitei militia outfits greatly increased, and these groups were conducting large gatherings and rallies more often. Orientation sessions were held frequently and in large numbers, leading to mass indoctrination and preparation.

Image: Arambai Tenggol members doing a drive-by survey at night in the Zo district of Pherzawl in April, 2023. Locals were alarmed by the sudden appearance of Meitei thugs in their villages

Members of Arambai Tenggol have also been making drive-by surveys of Zomi-Kuki villages in the past months. They travel in hordes of motorcycles, dressed in black and waving their separatist Kangleipak flag, which puzzled the tribal locals at the time, but the purpose of such unwelcome visits has now become clear in hindsight. Meiteis living in tribal-dominated settlements have also been indoctrinated and inducted into these Meitei militia outfits. They are recruited as spies, passing on crucial information about the political activities of the tribals and exposing vulnerabilities in their security setup. .

These members, trained in the use of firearms, also serve as sleeper cells for Meitei militant groups. Explorations of deserted Meitei homes in Lamka revealed guns, gun-parts, ammunition, and explosive devices stocked up in these sleeper cells. In fact, when the ethnic cleansing broke out on May 3, 2023, tribal locals in the vicinity of 46

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An Arambai Tenggol member walking the streets of Lamka while wearing the trademark Arambai Tenggol shirt.

The Lamka (Churachandpur) branch of the Arambai Tenggol. Prominent Meitei businessmen operating in Lamka, including Momocha, were secretly members of the Arambai Tenggol.

Meitei localities in Lamka were shot at with firearms from the terraces of Meitei homes. Several ZomiKuki tribal civilians were injured and killed. .

Image: An Arambai Tenggol member, days before the violence broke out on May 3, 2023 commented on the Arambai Tenggol facebook page (translated): ‘I am ready to die for beloved mother Kangleipak (Manipur). I’m here at Churachandpur. I don’t care, Kangleipak Manipur cannot break. I will die first…I’m ready. Hail Arambai Tenggol.’

Then, way back on April 27, 2023 the Arambai Tenggol had urged its members to be well-prepared and ready as something big was impending. The current ethnic cleansing in Manipur has been long in the making.

Image: The Arambai Tenggol announced in its facebook page on April 27, 2023: ‘All Arambai Tenggol members, please urgently report to your respective units’.

At the same time, a devious policy to disarm the Zo tribals was underway in Manipur. The district administrations in the Zo-inhabited districts issued a stringent order on February 14, 2023, requiring those with gun licenses to submit the guns along with the licenses for ‘re-verification’. This caused much suspicion and alarm among the Zomi-Kuki tribals as the order came so abruptly and without any clear reason. Re-verification of gun licenses were done usually on the eve of elections, but there were no elections slated to be held in the following weeks or months. Six ZomiKuki MLAs submitted a request to the Speaker of the Manipur Legislative Assembly requesting a discussion on this seemingly arbitrary move of the government. At the same time, it was reported that a large number of gun licenses were granted in the valley districts, thus arming the Meitei populace in an unprecedented manner. In fact, an investigation by The Wire discovered that Biren Singh’s government has issued the highest number of gun licenses in Northeast India in the past 7 years. With Biren Singh holding the Home portfolio in the state, the issuing of gun licenses is directly overseen by him. A major weakness of Meitei civil militias and radical groups is their obsession with making a show of their activities and plans, including the display of sophisticated arms, on social media. This misplaced pride has been hugely helpful for THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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4 THE VALLEY OF DEATH: A VIOLENT MANIFESTATION OF MILITANT MEITEI CIVIL SOCIETY N. Biren Singh’s first term as Chief Minister of Manipur under a coalition government saw a relative increase in the State government’s interest towards the Hill Areas, defined by popular announcements such as ‘the Hills and Valley are one’ and ‘Go to Hills’. However, in his second term when the BJP achieved majority, such initiatives were followed by the expansion of Meitei majoritarianism. The regular visits made to the hills were paralleled by expansionist policies which saw an increasing amount of surveys, explorations and even ‘tree plantation drives’ under different guises such as environmental concern, development projects etc. These projects were in turn gradually used to identify and survey the large swathes and terrains of tribal lands. There were consistent attempts to convert these tribal ancestral lands into government lands through the misuse of power, changing of legislations and usurping of constitutional provisions. For the Meiteis as a community, and as those in control of State power, tribal land is a desire for which they are even willing to wipe out the entire inhabitants, namely the Zomi-Kuki communities. The latent hatred and animosity harbored by Meitei civil populace for the tribal communities comes from the fact that tribal lands are safeguarded by the Constitution through special provisions such as Article 371C. The proud Meitei community, who practice a form of caste-system not dissimilar to what is witnessed in Bengal and other parts of India, are today, even willing to become Scheduled Tribe (a title and group they historically treated as an untouchable group) as long as it allows them to possess tribal lands. To justify the passing of arbitrary legislations for ownership over constitutionally protected tribal lands, the State government requires the majority Meitei community to do their bid of vilifying and collectively branding and stigmatizing the Zo people through different concocted ‘terms’, ‘names’, and ‘phrases’. This is where the Meitei civil societies step in, to further the majoritarian agenda, and become an extension of the repression, often using even humanitarian guises.

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The Spark While it is becoming increasingly apparent that the various Meitei militant organizations were well aware that the genocide they had planned would break out around the month of May, the big question was how to light the spark of this pre-planned violence. In April, 2023, the Zomi-Kuki tribals in Manipur came under heavy and aggressive pressure from Meiteis on two specific issues, namely land and tribal status for Meiteis. These were long standing issues, but were hastily taken up by the State government and the Meitei civil society with great urgency in the month of April, which alarmed tribal communities across the State. The Meitei-dominated State government, perpetually seeking to impose Meitei interests, pushed the land issue with all the means at its disposal without following due process, while the Meitei civil society took up the Meitei demand for Scheduled Tribe status in a combative spirit. The State government demolished three tribal Churches in Imphal East district on April 11, 2023, on the pretext that they were allegedly built on government land. The Church members and its caretakers were not even given a chance to evacuate the properties inside as the Church was demolished in the wee hours, starting from 3am. What was most puzzling was why the government took such a drastic step so suddenly when the Churches had been there for the longest time (the EBC church, for example, is 49 years old), and why there was no similar steps taken for the demolition of many other religious places erected on government’s properties. The procedural lapses and absence of consent of all concerned stakeholders in the arbitrary declaration of Reserved/Protected Forests over tribal lands have been discussed in great detail (refer Chapter 3 of The Inevitable Split Vol I). Since early 2023, the State government has been taking aggressive steps to evict Zomi-Kuki villages covered under the reserved forest areas. On February 20, 2023 a team of police and forest personnel arrived with 6 JCBs to the Zomi-Kuki village of K. Songjang in Lamka (Churachandpur) and razed all houses and properties to the ground without explanation, causing much anger and insecurity among the Zomi-Kuki tribes in Manipur. On April 12, 2023 just a day after the demolition of tribal Churches, government officials appeared all over the Zomi-Kuki inhabited districts, apparently to survey the existing areas under Reserved Forest. The revelation that the State government has manipulated the forest areas to include a large portion of Lamka town, the biggest Zomi-Kuki town in Manipur and the second largest district after Imphal, caused an outcry among the local populace. Meanwhile, the Meitei civil society organizations were aggressively amplifying their demand for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status. The demand for ST status, in brief, was a ploy to take over tribal lands by overriding constitutional provisions and also to totalize the Meitei monopoly over jobs and other privileges (refer Chapter 2 of The Inevitable Split Vol I). For unknown reasons, all important State functionaries and officials fell quickly in line to support the ST demand. Also, to much surprise, a single judge bench of the Manipur High Court on May 27, 2023 directed the State government to send its recommendation 50

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for inclusion of Meiteis under ST category to the Centre, that too within two weeks’ time! By then, many Meitei legislators had openly voiced their support for the same, despite ardent opposition from the tribals. At a time when Zomi-Kuki tribal grievances against the State government were at an all-time high, the Chief Minister decided to visit Lamka on a trivial pretext - to inaugurate an open gym in PT Sport Complex. For the tribal civilians, besides the ludicrous idea of the hills requiring an ‘open gym’, the CM coming to their town after having heaped such painful policies against them was an intentional provocative act. His presence in their land at this time was seen as rubbing more salt on their wounds - evidence that he doesn’t care for the sentiments of the local populace. Even as the people of Lamka called for a Total Shutdown on April 28, 2023 (the day of the CM’s planned visit), the government responded by declaring curfew on the same day. A large team of Manipur Police Commandos (as opposed to the Churachandpur Manipur police) were dispatched from Imphal to ‘crack down’ (and retaliate, as some suggest) on any protestors. This freedom was used to beat up several innocent people in full public view, after dragging them from their house on the pretext that they were ‘protesting’. This was followed by a military assault, where the commandos fired their automatic weapons freely and without care in all directions from 5pm onwards till 2am in the morning. Internet shutdown was immediately imposed in the Zomi-Kuki areas, to prevent evidences from getting shared in social media outlets. Seeking to express the tribal grievances through constitutional means, the various tribal civil society organizations across the Hill areas called for a ‘Tribal Solidarity March’ with the theme ‘Come now, let us reason together’, for May 3, 2023. The March was planned in all tribal districts, and was endorsed by both Zomi-Kuki and Naga civil society and student organizations. Though the tribal grievances were directed against the State government, and the rally was a call to discuss (dialogue) together to understand the concerns across both sides, the majority Meitei community took the tribal rally as an attack on the Meitei community as a whole. The Meitei community directly consider every protest against the Manipur government (unless organized by them) as an intrusion upon the interest of all the Meiteis. This reveals how much the interest of the government and the Meitei public are intertwined, and the level of identification and understanding the Meiteis have with the State government. The State government is essentially a Meitei government.

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Meitei civilians. In fact, at least two elderly Meiteis who were deserted by their families in Lamka and Sugnu were respectively taken care of by Zomi-Kuki volunteers and reunited with their families later on. Even till now, no innocent Meitei civilians have been harmed by the Zomi-Kuki volunteers, and women and elderly who were caught in the cross-fires were always returned home safely. As a goodwill gesture, the Zomi-Kuki volunteers have on one occasion even freed 5 Arambai Tenggol militias who were caught while attacking Zomi-Kuki villages, but no such gesture came forth from the Meiteis at any point in time, even when their civil societies were talking about bringing peace and normalcy. Image: A video clip of the moment the conflict broke But the Meitei mobs in Imphal started assaultout in Torbung village on May 3, 2023. A Meitei attacker ing, raping, and lynching Zomi-Kuki civilians right shoots at Zomi-Kuki tribals with a handgun away. Some of the Meitei atrocities against tribals are listed in Chapter 4 of Inevitable Split Volume I. Such Meitei savagery was justified on the pretext that similar atrocities were committed to the Meitei communities in hill districts. This of course, is a blatant lie that continues to be circulated amongst the Meitei populace by Meitei propagandists to incite more violence from their Meitei mobs. This is no accident, but rather part of a well thought-out strategy to inflict maximum violence against the tribals.

Zomi-Kuki Response

Meitei Response

Image: On the evening of May 3, 2023, Meitei men barged into the girl’s hostel in Manipur University and hunted for Zomi-Kuki female students.

Image: Domkhohoi (aged 75), a old Zo woman, from Khoken village, was brutally killed by Meitei militants while she was praying in her village Church

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Zomi-Kuki Response

Meitei Response

Image: In this interview, two Meitei women broke down disclosing how, as they were mistakenly fleeing in the direction of Kuki villages, they met a group of Kuki volunteers. The volunteers told them they were heading the wrong way and led them safely towards the Meitei village of Sekmai.

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Insights into Government Data (as on July 4, 2023) The majority of the deaths in the valley districts, including Imphal East and Imphal West, are a result of the State-sponsored pogrom of the Zomi-Kuki tribals since May 3, 2023. Between May 3 and May 5, 61 Zomi-Kuki tribals were killed by Meitei mobs, most of which occured in the capital city Imphal. Data collected by the Zomi Students’ Federation (ZSF) puts Zomi-Kuki deaths by July 4 at 127+ indicating the lopsided nature of the conflict, especially if the 142 death figures of the State government is taken as accurate.

Source: Indian Express The data is taken from the Manipur government’s report to the Supreme Court.

The deaths in the hill districts are either of village defence volunteers, or of the Meitei terrorists who had ventured out of the valley to attack tribal villages. No Meitei civilian was killed in the hill districts even though tribal civilians were butchered en masse in the valley districts.

For a more detailed account of the gross atrocities and crimes against humanity committed on ZomiKuki tribals by Meitei mobs and terrorist militants, see Chapter 4 of The Inevitable Split Vol I. What puzzled many is why the Central security forces, including those dispatched to Manipur after the outbreak of ethnic violence on May 3, 2023 were not allowed to operate and act against rioters by the State government. This move by the Biren Singh government gave leeway to Meitei mobs to go on a murderous rampage in Imphal for at least three days. Picture: News article for the Assam Tribune. THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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Stoking the Fire with Fake News As soon as the ethnic cleansing broke out, many of the Meitei civil populace immediately set about creating fake social media accounts to circulate communally-charged messages, as if they were already prepared for the cleansing that happened. Fabricated news, such as fake pictures and videos showing supposedly injured or even dead ‘Meitei civilians’ were circulated online to inflame Meitei sentiments and get the widest support for the ethnic cleansing against the Zomi-Kuki tribals. False claims of mass rape of Meitei women in Churachandpur Medical College or in Meitei villages by Zomi-Kuki aggressors went viral in Imphal, which gained wide reception across Meitei society. Many Zomi-Kuki victims in Imphal reported that their assailants were telling them that they were being assaulted in ‘retribution’ for what their people had done to Meiteis in the hill districts. The truth, which slowly but surely emerged when all the dust of fake news had settled, is that not a single Meitei civilian was harmed by the tribals. See Chapter 5 ‘Reality Checks: Some False Propagandas’ in The Inevitable Split Vol I for detailed account of these fake news.

Image: A placard in one of the Zo tribal protests against the ethnic cleansing.

Edison Moirangthem, a Meitei Math teacher, released a video on May 4, 2023 which was circulated widely in Meitei social media pages and accounts. In the video, he claimed that Meitei women are being openly raped in Churachandpur by Zomi-Kuki men. In the clip, he stated: ‘...A very tragic incident has occured, and it is confirmed by the women groups and the Arambai Tenggol. Kuki mobs have openly raped Meitei women. It's chilling, very disturbing… Meiteis in Kuki-dominated areas are being killed and raped…’ The truth was that not a single Meitei civilian was harmed in the days following May 3, 2023. Who benefited most from this mass disinformation campaign was certainly not the tribals who suffered grievously on its account, or the common Meitei populace who were manipulated to indulge in criminal acts. The groups that saw its popularity and acceptance rise as a consequence of the fake news

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dailies based in Imphal without due verification. Observers who understand the ground realities noted that the valley-based media, with no exception, have taken the side of the Meiteis and are now merely spewing out Meitei propaganda. In what is a sad and comical episode, residents of Imphal city were told at one point that ‘Kuki militants’ are coming to invade Imphal using ‘military tanks’. The poor residents were so frightened by the imminent ‘attack’ that many hid indoors for several days.

Independent journalists and reporters, particularly those from outside the State, were sought to be intimidated and silenced by Meitei militants in Imphal whenever they reported any news that did not fit the Meitei narrative. When India Today journalist, Afrida Hussain, reported a gunfight between the Arambai Tenggol and the Assam Rifles in Sugnu, she immediately Image: Journalist Afrida Hussain writes about her ordeal of being threatened and hounded by Meitei mobs. received threats from Meitei individuals, some of whom claimed to be senior officials. A large mob even gathered outside her hotel in an attempt to intimidate her and influence her independent reporting. She had to be rescued by the Assam Rifles. Likewise, Aaj Tak journalist Akshay Dongare along with other journalists working out of the Directorate of Information and Public Relations (DIPR) in Imphal were physically attacked by Sana Meitram, a Meitei who claimed to have had direct instructions from the Chief Minister to carry out the attack. He also destroyed the wifi router with a metal chain. No condemnations were forthcoming from any sections of the Meitei society. Legal action was swiftly initiated against any individual and groups who bring out the truth in public, as any truth that was brought to light negated Meitei narratives. For some reason, the Meiteis derived a certain sense of impunity with the impression that they could get away doing whatever they wanted. A three-member Enquiry team visited Manipur from June 28 to July 1, 2023 to understand the ground realities. The members included Annie Raja, General Secretary of the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW); Nisha Siddhu, NFIW National Secretary; and Deeksha Dwivedi, Advocate. After in-depth ground investigations and visits to various relief camps, they spoke to the press, revealing that the Manipur violence is a ‘State-sponsored violence’, and termed the Meira Paibi protests against the attempted resignation of Chief Minister Biren Singh as a ‘state-managed drama’. An FIR was quickly filed against them by Meitei activists even though they were an independent enquiry team. THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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The political leadership, led by N. Biren Singh, also attempted to misdirect media and public attention towards Zomi-Kuki armed groups currently under the Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement, in order to conceal the active role played by the State security forces and Arambai Tenggol in attacking Zomi-Kuki settlements and villages. The Central and State security forces subsequently undertook a routine inspection of the SoO designated camps. They found, against Biren Singh’s allegations, that all weapons were intact and attendance of SoO cadres were normal. Biren Singh himself was compelled to admit this. Nevertheless, Meitei politicians and civil societies persisted in inventing successive lies, saying at first that the fight is against ‘poppy cultivators’, then ‘illegal immigrants’, then ‘militants’, with the latest being ‘narco-terrorists’. Both the Union Home Minister Amit Shah and the National Security Adviser in Manipur Kuldiep Singh have bluntly rejected these fanciful narratives. The Home Minister chose to call it ‘an ethnic violence’. However, the lies served their purpose - many naïve Meitei youths were misled (or preferred) to believe that Meiteis were really up against terrorists threatening their community, and so set out to ‘eliminate’ these threats, wielding automatic guns and entering Zomi-Kuki villages, setting homes and Churches on fire, and massacring tribal civilians. Security Establishment Exposing Biren Singh’s Lies On May 30, 2023 Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Anil Chauhan, stated that the Manipur conflict is ‘not related to insurgency’. He added that it is a clash between two ethnic communities and is therefore only a matter of law and order. In a Walk The Talk & Manipur Situation program hosted by Doordarshan Tripura uploaded on July 3, 2023 Lt. Gen. P.C. Nair, Director General, Assam Rifles (AR) refuted the lies spun by Biren Singh that the current conflict is between the Manipur government and ‘Kuki militants’ under SoO agreement. The Director General clarified that the current conflict is not insurgency-related.

A good number of precious lives were lost on both sides as a result of the armed attacks launched by these misguided Meitei youths led by Meitei militias, Meitei terrorist outfits and State security forces. While the Zomi-Kuki village defenders were honest with their casualties and honored their dead kinsmen and women, the Meitei militias and State government attempted to hide the actual number of Meitei THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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Meitei media houses and social media users have constantly disparaged and spun ridiculous lies about Zomi-Kuki tribal victims who died at the hands of Meitei militants, usually attempting to justify their murder. A 7-year old boy who was shot and then burned was accused of burning Meitei houses! A 75 year old lady shot dead in a church was accused of being a ‘Kuki sniper’, and a mentally challenged 63 year old lady murdered in Imphal in broad daylight was tagged as a ‘suicide bomber’. The two Zomi-Kuki women paraded naked are ridiculously accused of being part of a ‘snipper team’ [sic].

Dipping Into State Patronage The torchbearers of militarized Meitei civil society, the Arambai Tenggol and the Meetei Leepun, already have close ties to the political leadership and Meitei police officials. The Arambai Tenggol have been nurtured in particular by the present Chief Minister of Manipur, N. Biren Singh, and the Rajya Sabha MP from Manipur Leisemba Sanajaoba. Meetei Leepun chief Pramot Singh has also admitted, in his interview with Karan Thapar, that their organization ‘worships’ Biren Singh. It is also known that these Meitei militias had developed bonhomie with the State security forces, particularly the Manipur Police Commandos. What made this unholy nexus most clear was the resignation drama orchestrated by N. Biren Singh when pressure for his removal was at its peak. On June 30, 2023 Biren Singh pretended to hand in his resignation to the Governor of Manipur and, as scripted, the Arambai Tenggol and radical Meira Paibis came together to oppose his resignation and make it seem like Biren Singh still had popular support.

Image: No one was fooled. The media also knew this and reported the incident for the drama that it was.

This link between Meitei radical groups and the State government was activated and strengthened once ethnic cleansing of tribals was initiated on May 3, 2023. At the top, the political leadership ran with the narrative of ‘Kuki militants’ attacking Meiteis, completely ignoring the torching of THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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entire tribal localities, Churches, and butchering of tribal civilians in Imphal and beyond. The State security forces, particularly the Manipur Police Commandos, were seen accompanying Meitei militias in attacking tribal localities in Imphal and in the hill districts. But the clearest evidence of State complicity, particularly of the Meitei police officials, was the so-called ‘looting’ of over 4300 sophisticated arms, over 5 lakh ammunition, hundreds of explosive devices and grenade launchers, and bulletproof vests and helmets. Veteran journalist Subir Bhaumik, stated in a News9 interview: ‘The weapons were not “looted”, they were handed over! There are at least 7 police officials...who are directly involved in this handing over of weapons to people who were very active in rioting.’ These weapons were then used by Meitei militias and Meitei terrorist outfits to launch deadly attacks on Zomi-Kuki villages, and even the Indian Army in some cases.

Image: Arambai Tenggol led by the Manipur Police Commandos in attacking Haokip Veng in Imphal.

The law has also been weaponized against the Zomi-Kuki community. The malicious use of laws, rules, and procedures gives the veneer of neutrality and objectivity, even when these laws and procedures are deliberately used to victimize a certain community. Countless FIRs have been lodged against the Zomi-Kuki community, particularly the intellectuals and activists who dared to speak out the truth about

Image: Arambai Tenggol members brandishing automatic guns and wearing bulletproof vests and helmets given to them from police stations.

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The Transition: Drawing Strength From Meitei Secessionist Forces To increase its appeal among the Meitei public and to get the direct support of the Meitei terrorist outfits n in the genocide campaign, Meitei civil society drew upon the ethno-nationalist and secessionist sentiments that has been on the rise in Meitei society since the last decades. Some even believe that secessionist elements have a hand in the current outbreak of violence, to have a pretext to revive their secessionist movements and gain wider support among the Meitei public. Already, Meitei civil militias like Arambai Tenggol had already demonstrated strong allegiance to Meitei ethno-nationalism and secessionism. A prominent manner of symbolizing this is to brandish the Kangleipak (a term for the old Manipur kingdom) secessionist flag in their rallies. When attacking tribal localities and villages, the Arambai Tenggol would display the secessionist flag on top of the village gates and tribal Churches, apparently to symbolize the triumph of Meitei ethno-nationalism. Alarmingly, there is also evidence of Meitei personnel from the State security forces proudly waving this flag.

Left: Kangleipak flag hoisted on top of a Zomi-Kuki Church in Imphal by Meitei militants Right: Kangleipak flag waived proudly by Meitei Police Commandos.

The prominence of Meitei secessionism in this conflict comes as no surprise. The main patron of the Arambai Tenggol, Leisemba Sanajaoba, the titular king of Manipur and a Rajya Sabha MP, has already made explicit commitments to secessionist ideology. In 2012, he set up a so-called Manipur State Council, supposedly to run a parallel government that is independent of India. .

On June 23, 2023, Ashang Kasar, convenor of the so-called Forum for Restoration of Peace in Manipur, urged other Meitei CSOs to back their call for seceding from the Indian Union.

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On July 15, 2023 the Meira Paibis of Khwairamband Ima Market also indicated their plans to launch a massive movement for an ‘independent’ state. The gathering held up a huge poster with the words ‘Manipur merger agreement is illegal’. In the month of July, 2023, a Meitei civil society organization, Meitei FAMBEI, which claims to be an ‘assembly of the adult Meitei population’, took the current ethnic violence as an opportunity and adopted a resolution to revisit Manipur’s Merger Agreement with the Union of India.

Merger of Manipur into India Manipur was merged with the Union of India on September 21, 1949. The Merger Agreement was signed by the Maharajah of Manipur, Bodhchandra Singh. Secessionist elements in Meitei society rejected the merger agreement, claiming that the Maharaja signed the agreement under duress. Secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits declared September 21 as a ‘Black Day’ and declare a bandh on this date every year. Brigadier Sushil Kumar Sharma, in an article for the Vivekananda International Foundation, had noted that the ‘total area which the Manipur merger agreement covered was his [Maharaja of Manipur] territory of 700 square miles or 26,500 paris/hectares. Not even a single inch of hill area was covered under this agreement.’ This substantiates the claim of tribals, particularly the Zo community, that they were always politically independent from Manipur, and it is only by restoring their political independence through Separate Administration that will bring lasting peace. The book was subsequently banned by the alarmed Manipur government.

In what is the greatest national security threat amid the current genocide in Manipur, Myanmar-based Meitei terrorist outfits, committed to seceding from India, have started trickling into Manipur in large numbers, possibly on the invitation of their sympathizers among Meitei civil society. Shortly after the ethnic violence against tribals started, an armed encounter between the Indian Army and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was reported in Kamjong district, confirming reports of Meitei terrorist outfits moving towards Zomi-Kuki villages in the hills. India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, while meeting his Myanmarese counterpart in July, stated that the border between India and Myanmar is ‘seriously disturbed’ and expressed India’s concerns that terrorist elements are ‘sneaking into’ Manipur since May 3, 2023. THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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Meira Paibis: A Special Case Study Meira Paibis have been actively involved in the persecution of tribal civilians in the valley districts since May 3, 2023. In fact, there is ample videographic and first-hand account evidence to show that Meira Paibis have been ordering their men to rape captured tribal women. Though they did not play a central role in the ethnic cleansing immediately, they were soon to formally spring into action to aid and abet the campaigns and activities of their terrorist outfits. Echoing the COCOMI declaration, the Meira Paibis also gathered in the Khwairamband market in Imphal on May 17, 2023 and declared a ‘Third Nupi Lan’ (Women’s War) against the Zomi-Kuki people. This is a historic and significant declaration because Nupi Lan was only declared against colonial regimes in the past. This is one of the most important indicators of how deep their hatred lies for the Zomi-Kuki minority communities.

In a video clip taken on May 4, 2023, Meira Paibis are seen surrounding and assaulting a Zomi-Kuki tribal woman in Imphal. The Meira Paibis then directed the Meitei men to take her away and rape her. The video clip ends as the woman is taken away.

The Meira Paibis, armed with sticks and stones, started aggressively blocking roads and checking vehicles. On June 17, 2023 they burned down four trucks and one bolero at Langmeidong High School playground on the suspicion that the vehicles were transporting goods for a Zomi-Kuki businessman. When Meitei terrorist outfits attacked the Zomi-Kuki villages around N. Boljang on June 22, 2023, the Meira Paibis blocked the Sawombung-Yaingangpokpi road at several points to prevent the free movement of the Indian Army. The Meitei terrorists, shielded by their women, fired at the Assam Rifles posted in the area, and injured two personnel. The next day, the Meira Paibis continued their blockade of roads in the Yaingangpokpi and Seijang even as the Zomi-Kuki villages of Urangpat and Gwaltabi came under attack from Meitei terrorists. The Meira Paibis were also leading Meitei mobs in rescuing Meitei terrorists who were apprehended by the Indian Army. This included the cadres of UNLF on June 20, 2023 and KYLK on June 25, 2023. The KYKL cadres were forcibly snatched from the custody of the Indian Army, while the UNLF cadres were released on bail after huge protests from the Meira Paibis. THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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Meitei Paibis as Overground Fronts for Meitei Terrorist Outfits For anyone familiar with the history of Manipur, it comes as no surprise that the Meira Paibis are staunch rescuers of captured Meitei terror outfits. They have ideological convergence with Meitei terror outfits on the question of secession from India. On the left image, we see Meira Paibis holding an anti-India and secessionist banner, on October 15, 2011. The picture on the right, taken during the ongoing ethnic conflict, shows Meira Paibis holding up a banner that says the merger of Manipur with India is ‘illegal’.

Meira Paibis picketing the Indian Army

‘It is very difficult to know how to treat a mob of wild cats like this, but I shall take care to disperse them next time before they become numerous.’ - Lt Colonel Henry St Patrick Maxwell, Political Agent of Manipur, on Meitei women protestors during the 1904 Nupi Lan.

The Indian Army was highly exasperated with the tactics of these pestilent women. It prepared and released a video calling out the Meira Paibis for interfering with their operations and giving support to Meitei terrorist outfits. The Meira Paibis were unfazed. When the Zomi-Kuki villages of Haraothel, Leimakhong, Gangpijang, and Saikul in Kangpokpi district came under armed attack by Meitei terrorist 74

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outfits and civil militias on June 29, 2023, the notorious Meira Paibis were again deployed to obstruct the Army. ‘Few places in India have seen a sustained women’s movement of the kind seen in Manipur—but the grinding ethnic war tearing the state apart has revealed it also has an ugly face. Women-led vigilantes have blockaded highways into southern Manipur, leading to severe shortages of food and essentials for Kukis. Groups of women have protected armed terrorists responsible for the killings of Indian soldiers.’ ‘Though the Meira Paibis ferociously protested against the rape-murder of Thangjam Manorama Devi—alleged by the Assam Rifles to have been an insurgent courier—the concern wasn’t uniform. Following sexual violence against Hmar women by the ethnic-Meitei Kangleipak Communist Party, there was almost no protest in the Imphal valley.’ Excerpts from ‘How women’s movement in Manipur became a platform for chauvinist elements’ by Praveen Swami, National Security Editor, ThePrint.

On June 30, 2023 when the Chief Minister N. Biren Singh staged a drama where he pretended to submit his resignation to the Manipur Governor, the Meira Paibis gathered in large numbers as planned and called for Biren Singh to not resign. The theatre-worthy drama, which even included a Meira Paibi leader tearing apart the supposed resignation letter, was a novice attempt by Biren Singh to show that he still retains ‘popular support’. These Meitei civil society organizations, inferring from their stated doctrines and activities, will not cease their attacks and campaigns unless the entire Zomi-Kuki population is exterminated or eradicated from Manipur. The Meetei Leepun chief Pramot Singh had already promised, in an interview with Karan Thapar in The Wire, that a ‘blow’ from the Meiteis will come that will ‘wipe out’ the ‘entire population’ of the Zomi-Kuki community in the near future!

Undermining of Peaceful Processes The COCOMI has outrightly rejected the constitution of a Peace Committee by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs as it has already committed itself to a military war against the Zomi-Kuki people, even though the Committee itself was handpicked by the State government, and even includes the CM N. Biren Singh. Meitei civil society has already taken over 4300 sophisticated weapons from police stations across the valley districts, and their terrorist militants consistently launched deadly attacks against tribal villages. In an attempt to escalate the scale of violence, Meitei civil society organizations were irrationally calling for the abrogation of the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with the Zomi-Kuki armed groups. These armed groups, bound by the SoO ground-rules, have been restraining themselves, so it is inexplicable to many why Meitei civil society would wish for a military confrontation with trained cadres of the SoO groups. The malicious intent, it seems, would be that the Indian Army would fight the ZomiKuki armed groups if the SoO is abrogated. Even still, there is no reason why the Indian Army and ZomiKuki armed groups would fight as the latter groups have accepted the Indian Constitution and are only demanding constitutional protection and safeguards. THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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Furthermore, the government is not statutorily obliged to publish their reports; the tenure of these commissions are needlessly extended; and their reports are not binding on a court of law. Simte argues for bringing in the criminal justice system instead and trying ‘high-ranking communal actors within the state machinery.’ The pestering and worsening law and order situation caused by a militarized Meitei civil society and a paralyzed State government calls for the immediate imposition of President’s Rule, and perhaps even martial law in the valley districts where Meitei terrorists and militants run amok with sophisticated weapons.

The 5 Characteristics Remanifests During Ongoing Political Violence Under the guidance of a well-articulated and widely supported doctrine of militarism, the 5 characteristics of Meitei civil society violence has now not only resurfaced but has been intensified and pursued ruthlessly with sophisticated arms and weaponry. Here we examine how these 5 characters make a show in the current genocide against the Zomi-Kuki tribals:

1. Reactive Violence When the tribal grievances against the State government arose, the Meitei civil society immediately identified themselves with the State government (which reveals the extent to which the State government represents Meitei interest) and tried to silence the tribal voices through intimidating postures. The Arambai Tenggol stepped up recruitment of new members, took out road and bike rallies (to survey tribal areas) and released various propaganda videos. Though the planned Solidarity March by tribals on May 3, 2023, was clearly announced to be a peaceful rally, the Meitei civil society groups imposed an aggressive counter-blockade against tribals on the Two Zomi-Kuki tribal women, Olivia Chongloi and Florence Hangshing, were locked in a room, gangraped, and killed by a mob of Meitei men on May 4, 2023 in Imphal. Their bodies are still lying in a morgue in Imphal, with their families unable to retrieve them as tribals are no longer safe in Imphal.

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Tax Assistant, Letminthang Haokip, was dragged out of his place, beaten, and burned alive by Meitei mobs in Imphal on May 4, 2023.

completely false. The Imphal genocide was executed on the basis of completely untrue reports. This malicious disinformation was led by organized members from Arambai Tenggol and Meetei Leepun.

Left: Tonsing Hangshing, a 7-year old boy, with his mother. He was shot by Meitei gunmen on June 4, 2023. He, his mother, and a female relative were burned alive along by a Meitei mob on their way to a hospital in Imphal. Centre: Meitei propagandists got to work immediately. Meitei Rights Protection, a prominent Meitei facebook page, accused the 7-year old child of burning Meitei houses and harassing Meitei civilians! Right: A Meitei individual posted on his whatsapp status (translated): ‘The killing of a Kuki woman and child at Iroishemba [Imphal] is karma for your [Zomi-Kuki community] actions. Has your Lord Jesus come to your help?’

Thianlam Vaiphei (age 45), of Pheitaiching village in Kangpokpi district was brutally killed by Meitei militants on May 6, 2023 at her village. Her attackers chopped off parts of her body and set her on fire. Only the lower part of her body was recovered. So-called child climate activists, Licypriya Kangujam, who is a Meitei, shared the picture of Thianlam’s partially burned corpse and claimed that it was of a Meitei girl from Torbung village who was killed by ‘Kuki illegal immigrants’. 82

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The Central forces, particularly the Assam Rifles, also found themselves victims of a systematic disinformation campaign. They were alleged to be involved in the drug business themselves, and to be siding with ZomiKuki tribals. This gave the Meira Paibis and other Meitei civil society groups a pretext to obstruct their movement, rescue apprehended terrorists from the custody of the Army, and call for removal of the Army so that Meitei terrorist militants have a free hand to attack tribal villages. The spread of accurate and true accounts about the Meitei perpetrators was sought to be stifled. Independent journalists from outside the State were hounded, threatened, and even physically assaulted by Meitei militant and terrorist outfits. Even naysayers from within the Meitei community were threatened and silenced, especially the Meitei Christians. The

4. Manipur Government-Backed The Meitei political leaders, led by the CM N. Biren Singh, have been laying the grounds for the current breakout of ethnic violence against the Zomi-Kuki tribals for years now. On the one hand, Biren Singh and his stooges have been weaving a narrative of ‘illegal immigration’ and ‘poppy cultivation’ against the Zomi-Kuki community of Manipur. Both police action and media attention was focused on ZomiKuki villages supposedly involved in poppy cultivation, while completely ignoring incidents of cultivation and trade by other communities of Manipur. On the other hand, Biren Singh and Leisemba Sanajaoba have been extending patronage over the newly formed Meitei civil militia outfits, Arambai Tenggol and Meetei Leepun. Suspicious Visit of CM Biren Singh to the Conflict Zone Revealingly, on the day Langza village was attacked and David Thiek beheaded i.e. July 2, 2023, the Chief Minister N. Biren Singh visited the Meitei village, Laingoubi Chinya Leikai. This was the same village from which the Meitei terrorists had launched their attack. Biren Singh came with a large entourage, many of whom were armed men in plain clothes (as seen in the pictures), leading neutral observers to suspect that Biren Singh came to ferry reinforcements for the Meitei terrorists. Meitei terrorists from Imphal would not have been able to reach the area by themselves as they would otherwise be stopped by the Central security forces maintaining the Buffer Zones. Thus the CM himself transported them in his official convoy.

In the weeks leading up to the ethnic cleansing, the Zomi-Kuki villagers of K. Songjang were evicted by State government officials, and many other villages were served eviction notices. And once the trouble started, the Chief Minister again led the narrative of placing the blame solely on imagined ‘Kuki illegal immigrants’ and ‘SoO militants’, even though no concrete proof was provided for these tall claims. On the other hand, the State government and its officials completely omitted any mention of Meitei terrorist outfits like the PLA, KYKL, and UNLF, who were not only ‘alleged’ to be present but whose members were in fact apprehended by the Indian Army before they were rescued by Meitei women mobs. Meitei MLA Thounaojam Shyamkumar led these Meitei mobs in forcing the Army to release the terrorists. ‘Our village was attacked by armed Meitei men But most glaring is the active involvement of the State security forces, particularly the Manipur Police Commandos, in the violent campaign against ZomiKuki tribals. Security analysts cited the taking of over 4300 sophisticated arms and over 5 lakh ammunition from police stations across the valley districts without any resistance of the police officials posted there as concrete proof of the complicity of the State security forces in the ethnic violence. Tribal residents in Imphal reported that the Police Commandos were accompanying the Arambai Tenggol as they were attacking and

from the evening of May 3, 2023 and we held them off using the licensed guns we had. At around 3 am, a convoy of around 18 vehicles, led by the Manipur Police Commandos, drove into our village and we breathed a sigh of relief, thinking we are safe now. But instead of stopping the firing, they joined in the attack against our volunteers. Because they used automatic guns, we could not resist and we all fled to the nearby hills. We watched as the Meitei terrorists burned our village down to the ground.’ - A villager of Haotak Phailen THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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burning tribal localities in Imphal, a claim backed by ample video evidence. The Police Commandos were also alleged to accompany secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits as they launched attacks against tribal villages, often shooting bullets, teargases, and flash bombs at the villagers.

A before-and-after picture of Langching village after it was burned to the ground by Meitei terrorists. The villagers claimed that the attackers were led by the Manipur Police Commandos who came in about 30 police vehicles.

A tribal Pastor in Kangvai village recalls how the Young Vaiphei Association (YVA) Kangvai Unit President, Kamlallian, was shot point blank in the head by the Manipur Police Commandos on May 4, 2023.

The Supreme Court of India, in its August order setting up oversight committees over the Manipur issue wrote: ‘There are serious allegations, including witness statements, indicating that the law-enforcing machinery has been inept in controlling the violence and, in certain situations, colluded with the perpetrators…such allegations require an objective fact-finding to be conducted. Those who are responsible for a breach of public duty must equally be brought to account, regardless of their rank, position or post. Every officer of the state or other employee of the state who is guilty not only of the dereliction of their constitutional and official duties but of colluding with perpetrators to become offenders themselves, must be held accountable without fail. This is the promise of justice that the Constitution demands from this Court and from all branches of the state.’

5. Indifference After months of being at the receiving end of a barbaric and genocidal violence presided over by the Biren Singh-led government, which saw the gruesome murder of over 130 tribal civilians, the burning of over 357 church buildings and 4550 houses in tribal villages, the Zomi-Kuki tribals were suddenly pressured to let bygones be bygones and resume their normal lives as before. Justice was not important for the Meiteis and their government, and out of thin air, ‘normalcy’ became their mantra. They have not stopped to empathize and think whether a return to normalcy for a tribal woman whose husband was burned to death by Meitei terrorists, a father whose wife and son were burned to death by Meitei mobs for being a Kuki, the families of a tribal youth who was beheaded by Meitei terrorists and whose decapitated head was stuck on a stake, or the women who 86

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5 MEITEI MILITANCY: A NATIONAL SECURITY THREAT The ongoing State-sponsored ethnic cleansing is a culmination of many facets, which includes the ever expanding militarization of the Meitei civil society, the infiltrating secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits from their base in Myanmar, and the State government that exclusively embodies Meitei interests and serves it with full force. Working in tandem, they have wreaked havoc on the minority communities of Manipur, with the Zomi-Kuki tribals at the receiving end in the present genocide campaign. Such atrocities committed on the minorities are meant to be a ‘blow’ - an attempt to teach the minorities a lesson and bring them into submission through an execution of brute force. These atrocities are a manifestation of the latent hatred and prejudice borne by the Meitei community at large, whose outlook as a peoplegroup characterise that of fascism. While this militarisation of the Meitei civil populace and its capacity to work in tandem with State forces in perpetuating atrocities is severely harmful for minority communities inhabiting Manipur, it is also far reaching in its potential to be detrimental to India’s national security concerns. The narrowminded manner in which the Meiteis advocate secessionism to discredit Indian nationalism, and the militant manner in which it arms all sections of its society, and works together with its terrorist insurgents using the State machinery, to attack Indian security forces and Indian minority citizens is a cause for great alarm. Hence, there arises a need for the Central government to adequately address the anti-national activities of the majority community in Manipur so that further atrocities of the same magnitude may be obliterated, and India’s territorial integrity is protected at all costs against anti-national secessionist insurgents. Unity and Territorial Integrity of India Under Siege The brand of Meitei rabid ethno-nationalism that is on the ascendancy in Manipur today needs to be curbed and permanently eradicated, firstly for the sake of the unity of the diverse communities that characterizes India and its Northeast region, and secondly because it could spiral into a full-fledged secessionist movement threatening the territorial integrity of India. The anti-minority and exclusivist ideology that is gaining traction not only within Meitei civil society but also in the corridors of power has THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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eventually culminated into a State-sponsored ethnic cleansing which has caused a demographic, geographical and emotional split between the Meitei and the Zomi-Kuki communities today. The schism between the Meitei and other minority communities of Manipur, hidden today on account of being whitewashed by the Manipur government through imposed normalcy and majoritarian narratives, can no longer be contained. Given that Meitei civil society now has organized civil militias with thousands of sophisticated weapons, the breakout is necessarily going to be ugly, posing a threat not only to the minority Zomi-Kuki communities, but also to other minorities in Manipur and more alarmingly, to the security set up of the entire eastern frontiers. Such a danger is not constrained only to the minority communities of Manipur. Even communities from outside Manipur have been at the receiving end of violence meted out by the Meitei civil society. The small Khasi community residing in Khedagor Khasi village under Tamenglong district have been at the receiving end of a State-sponsored aggression, with the Forest department erecting signboards and preventing the Khasi villagers from cultivating in their settlements. Meitei villagers nearby have also been forcefully encroaching on Khasi land. The Khasi villagers, who have been residing there since the 1930s, were ordered by the Meitei intruders to return to Meghalaya. In April, 2023, the Waheh Chnong (Headman) of Khedagor Khasi village was assaulted by a Meitei mob for opposing the illegal encroachments. It is well documented and recorded that Meitei civil society harbors intense hatred and suspicion towards those from mainland India (calling them derogatorily as ‘Mayangs’), with both Meitei civilians and terrorists continually hounding and even killing many of them in the State. Screening of Hindi movies continues to be banned in Imphal even till today. This anti-minority, anti-India, anti-Hindu, and anti-Hindi posture of Meiteis challenges not only the unity of India but also its territorial integrity. Such attitudes and actions are deeply tied to the secessionist ideology that many Meitei civil society covertly subscribes to and which is pursued through a militant movement by Meitei terrorist outfits. Even as Hindi movies are banned in Meitei areas, the celebration of Republic Day Meitei goons threatening Khasi villagers in in Manipur is banned by these Meitei terrorist outfits, who Tamenglong district have been warring with the Indian Army to break away from the Indian Union. Although these Meitei terrorist outfits were reported to be on the decline in the past decade, with anti-terrorist operations carried out by the Indian Army yielding results and many cadres surrendering to the Indian state en masse, the radicalization and militarization of Meitei civil society in recent years have unmistakably strengthened them, boosted their morale, and emboldened them to restart their activities in the State - against the Army - with impunity. Meitei civil society is now explicitly giving these terrorist elements a social base and a degree of legitimacy which enabled them to operate within their midst unbridled. 92

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May 24, 2023: Four Tangkhul Naga women on their way to Imphal airport were assaulted by a violent Meitei mob in Imphal, who tore their clothes and even undergarments. June 12, 2023: A Rongmei Naga vegetable seller was assaulted by Meitei policemen in Noney district. He was reportedly forced to kneel down at gunpoint by the OC of Patsoi Police station before being assaulted. June 22, 2023: A passenger vehicle carrying Nagas and traveling from Imphal towards Tamenglong was detained by a frenzied Meitei mob near Sangaithel, under jurisdiction of Patsoi Police Station. The Naga passengers were subject to interrogation and harassment. The Meitei mob also looted their personal belongings. July 15, 2023: Lucy Maring (age 57), a Naga elderly woman, was handed over by Meira Paibis to the Arambai Tenggol who murdered her. They shot her head to pieces with automatic guns. August 19, 2023: Ahat Golmei, a Kabui woman, faced attempted murder in Imphal by two Meitei men who hit her on the head with a rice cooker.

Culture of Militancy Returns in the Strategic North-East The radicalization and militarization of Meitei civil society will inevitably provoke other militant movements among the neighbouring community, and perhaps usher in another era of militancy in India’s Northeast, thus undoing years of efforts at peace-building and bringing armed cadres into the mainstream. The Meitei atrocities against the Pangal Muslims of Manipur in the 1990s led to the formation of militant outfits by the Pangal community who felt victimized and discriminated against even by the security apparatus and criminal justice system of Manipur. The People’s United Liberation Front (PULF) and the Islamic National Front (INF) were the major militant outfits formed after the anti-Pangal riots of 1993. Similarly, the Hmar People’s Convention- Democratic (HPC-D), an armed group of the Hmar tribe, was strengthened and gained wide support after Meitei terrorist outfits, including the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP), committed gross atrocities against the Hmar tribe in southern Manipur, including the mass rape of women and girls in Parbung village in 2006. No Meitei women association, including the so-called ‘torch bearers’ or Meira Paibis, spoke out against the atrocities perpetrated by the Meitei terrorist outfits on Hmar women. In fact, Meitei women were seen directing their men to rape and kill tribal women when the current ethnic cleansing broke out on May 3, 2023. Systems of information and its order, and the consequent ease of its dissemination statewide have also been weaponized to serve the designs of Meitei militancy. The Arambai Tenggol, a Meitei civil militia group has used social media extensively to recruit members, publicize the timing and venue of meetings, and generally to spread propaganda. But the most nefarious use of social media has been the systematic spread of fake news to communalize issues and instigate violence against the victim communities. Meitei civil militia groups like Arambai Tenggol and Meetei Leepun have widened and consolidated their public support through such fake news, presenting themselves as the ‘protectors’ of the Meitei community and the ‘punisher’ of groups acting against Meitei interests. Militancy is effectively facilitated to reach every section of the Meitei civil society through dedicated online and local networks. This alarming development, and the lack of effective state action against these newly emerging civil militias, sets a bad precedent and encourages the growth of grassroots civil militancy 94

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able to publicly cause enmity between communities and threaten a genocide against a certain community without any action taken against them reveal how strongly the militias govern this undemocratic unconstitutional Manipur State. Manipur is a failed state in which threat to the nation and national security increases with the growing militarization of the civil mob and Meitei populace.

.

The internal situation in Myanmar has had a long impact on the security situation in Northeast India and, in particular, Manipur. The consolidation of the military regime in Myanmar and the presence of cross-border terrorist activities carried out by Meitei terrorist outfits added to the complexity of national security in the Manipur-Myanmar border. The inconsistency in security policy in Manipur is reflected by the startling fact that AFSPA is removed only across the Meitei-dominated districts, while the tribal hills districts remained under the draconian Act. This is an obstacle to efforts by security forces to disarm the local Meitei militias and Meitei terrorist outfits. Attacks are regularly launched by local Meitei militias and Meitei terrorist outfits from the AFSPA-denotified areas. The denotification of AFSPA is used not to create and foster sustainable peace but to create a platform for the Meitei terrorist outfits’ assault on the Indian Army and the Zomi-Kuki tribal populace. A video clip relating to attacks on the Kuki-Zomi villages of Khamelok and Aigejang village on June 13, 2023, by Meitei militants has surfaced. The video footage shows Meitei militants clad in black and welding sophisticated guns. Most of these are government-issued INSAS rifles, meaning that these were the guns handed over by police officials from the various police stations in the valley districts. The clip also captures a Meitei militant brandishing a M16 assault rifle, a rifle that is not in use by security forces in India. This is strong evidence of the presence of Valley-based terrorist organizations (or Valley-based underground outfits) among the Meitei militants. This is a grave security concern as it implies that these Myanmar-based terrorist outfits have infiltrated into India and launched attacks against Indian civilians.

Image (L-R): Khamenlok village burning; Insas rifles leaning against the room where the Meitei militants were taking refuge; Meitei militant with sophisticated gun; M16 assault rifle briefly shown.

96

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Arms taken from two rooms maintained by the Manipur Police Training Centre (MPTC) inside the same campus.

INSAS LMGs

22

9-mm pistols

19

INSAS rifles

18

AK-47

1

SLRs

44

JVPCs

5

51-mm Mortar

1

0.303 rifles

91 TOTAL

446

.

As state institutions and peace processes are constantly undermined by radical Meitei civil society, there is an increasing prospect of the State entering another phase of sustained disorder and security problems. The militarization of Meitei civil society and local Meitei militants will eventually force other communities to safeguard themselves against the illegal and uncurbed arming, which will eventually lead to another disastrous law and order breakdown. Guns will beget more guns, and everybody will lose in the process, including India as a nation.

National Image and Policies in Peril India’s stature in the world has grown rapidly since independence. Today, it is the world’s largest democracy, possessing one of the strongest military in the world, and offering unmatched contributions towards world peace. On these and many other counts, it has claimed a permanent seat at the global high table, namely the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). However, the ongoing State-sponsored ethnic cleansing, which is instigated and sustained by a corroboration of Meitei terrorist outfits, the Manipur government and Meitei civil society, is one of those internal failures of internal security that will weaken its claims to be a democratic power in world affairs. In fact, the UN Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, has United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights (UNCHR), raised concerns regarding gross human rights Volker Turk

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violations in the current Manipur conflict and has called on the concerned authorities to protect the rights of every person, especially women and children. It puzzles many that India is the largest contributor to the UN Peacekeeping Force but has failed to restore and keep the peace in Manipur for the past three months. Terrorism has been one of the biggest challenges for India, and India’s representatives have raised the issue in all international fora. It has even proposed a treaty to combat terrorism in the UN General Assembly, which is under discussion. But the focus has been mostly on cross-border terrorism from Pakistan through Kashmir and even the high seas. Cross-border terrorism from Myanmar, primarily by secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits, have been as prominent and almost as frequent. Acknowledging this, and thoroughly investigating and assessing the presence of sympathizers among Meitei civil society, is crucial if India is to show its commitment towards ending the menace of terrorism. India in the twenty-first century aspires to be a ‘great’ and ‘leading’ power, a Vishwa Guru for the world. However, the gross human rights violations, the incidence of State-sponsored atrocities on minority communities, happening in its own backyard is a huge setback to this ambition. Manipur, and particularly Meitei atrocities, remains a blot on the country’s claim to be an exemplary world leader. The European Parliament in its Strasbourg Plenary Session in July, 2023 debated the Manipur conflict, despite India’s retort that it was an ‘internal matter’. Indeed, no human rights violations, in the magnitude and form that it is occurring in Manipur, can be an internal matter resigned to a specific State. The legislators adopted a resolution condemning the partisan role of the Manipur State security forces, the intolerance towards minority tribal groups, and called upon the Indian government to intervene in accordance with its international human rights obligations. The US Ambassador to India, Eric Garcetti, also stated that the Manipur conflict represents a ‘human concern’ for the United States and said the US is ‘ready to assist’ in dealing with the conflict ‘if asked.’ On July 21, 2023, the Manipur issue was raised in the UK Parliament with UK PM Rishi Sunak’s special envoy for Freedom of Religion or Belief (FROB), MP Fiona Bruce speaking about it in the House of Commons. MP Andrew Selous, who represents the Church Commissioners at the debate subsequently assured the House that he would bring the issue, particularly the systematic attacks on Christian minorities, to the Archbishop’s attention. It is 100

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both interesting and alarming that the Manipur violence is discussed in other parliaments before the Prime Minister of India has uttered a word, and before it is discussed in the Parliament of India. Amnesty International, in a press statement, had also expressed alarm over the state authorities’ inability to protect human rights in Manipur, particularly the ‘police and security excesses’ on civilians. Such measures from the international community have clearly lowered India’s image in the global community, and has brought shame to the country. All of this is because a majority community in one of the states of the Indian Union is unbridled in its atrocities and subjugation against a minority community. If the Chief Minister of Manipur wanted this violence to end, it could have done so in the second day (May 4, 2023) itself, but he allowed his radical targeting and maligning of one section of the community to get the better of him, and brought shame not only to the idea of Manipur as a multi-cultural entity, but also shame to the nation in front of the whole world. This highlights the inept handling of the conflict within the State leadership, and more so, highlights how India has been tolerating such atrocities and incapacity of its state-level leadership, which bears a weak testament to its commitments on the world stage. The genocide in Manipur, and its crimes against humanity, is an antithesis to what India seeks to profess and promote as a world leader. Mitigating the conflict, punitive actions against its perpetrators and recognition of ethnic minority aspirations and demands politically will go far in promoting India’s stature at the world stage, as it will only signify India’s commitment and capacity to instill peace and harmony - the very tools it needs to be a world power. International Responses to the Manipur Crisis ɍ The US Ambassador to India, Eric Garcetti, had expressed concern regarding the ethnic violence in Manipur and stated that it is a ‘human concern’. Mr. Garcetti said the US is ‘ready to assist’ in dealing with the conflict ‘if asked.’ ɍ The United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk spoke about the Manipur conflict, particularly with the human rights violations, and called on the concerned authorities to take steps to protect human rights in the State. ɍ The London Christian Radio has also held a session on the Manipur violence, particularly with regard to the persecution of Christians in the State. They interviewed tribal activists from the State and expressed concern and alarm at the wide-scale destruction of Churches by Meitei militants in the State. ɍ The US-based North American Manipur Tribal Association (NAMTA) has condemned the State-sponsored atrocities against the tribal community of Manipur and called on the Government of India to directly intervene in the State. ɍ Unao UK, an association representing the Zo community in the United Kingdom, met the High Commissioner of India and submitted a memorandum, urging the Indian government to take strong steps to protect the human rights of the Zo tribals in Manipur. THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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6 THE CASE FOR SEPARATE ADMINISTRATION The ongoing violence in Manipur has taken the entire Northeast of India, and even the Nation, at least 60 years back into the past when all that surrounded these eastern frontiers was the predominant threat of insurgency to the country. While the nation and the Northeast have worked together tirelessly to move beyond the spectre of insurgency, and have found ways in which the unique cultures and ways of life in these regions can contribute towards nation-building, the ongoing genocide carried out by the majority Meiteis upon the Zomi-Kuki tribal minorities bears a distressful testimony to the success of past exercises which aimed at peaceful integration. Not only is the current violence harmful to those that are involved in it (whether one is doing the ethnic cleansing or one is fighting for its survival), but it has already caused irreparable damage to the social fabric of Northeast India as well with disastrous consequences. Therefore, the genocide is not just an internal matter of a law and order breakdown in the State of Manipur, but represents a failure of the entire Northeast and the Nation at large. That such a barbaric manifestation of the deep-rooted and systematic majoritarian abuse of state power and violence directed against a particular tribal community is still a possibility in the twenty-first century is the shame we all have to bear together as Indians. What is paraded naked in front of us is the indifference with which we allow and watch a genocide unfold in our country for over three months now, with the aggressor unabashedly claiming that they are just ‘beginning’. Thus, two pertinent threats have manifested in regards to the violence in Manipur as a consequence of indecisive action and lack of political will to do the right thing. The first obvious threat is the threat to minority communities in Manipur. The genocide against Zomi-Kuki tribal communities has now set a dangerous precedent, where minority assertion of rights was met with violent majoritarian wrath, leading to widespread casualties and wanton destruction. Unlike any other region and any other community, every level of Meitei society, from the political leadership, the secessionist Meitei terrorist groups, to the civil society, have all joined hands in their attempt to wipe an entire ethnic tribal community from the face of Manipur. The enduring historical disadvantage, systematic oppression of the tribals and the injustice meted out to them, as recounted in this Volume and the previous, is a testament to the hapless plight of Zomi-Kuki tribals under Meitei domination. It is an abhorrent crime against humanity, and a denial of indigenous tribals their dignity as citizens and humans of equal standing. The second implicit threat pertains to our Nation - regarding its national security, its credentials as a democratic country and its image as an aspiring world power. The state of affairs in Manipur has an THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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enduring adverse consequence on the state of constitutional democracy, human rights and the atmosphere for peace in the region. No amount of calculated answers, narratives, and politics can take away the fact that it allowed one of its States to carry out one of the worst and most shameful crimes against humanity the world has ever witnessed. Regardless of the number of casualties, the manner and form in which the Meitei genocide campaign against tribal communities have been carried out is comparable to some of the worst crimes against humanity committed the world over. Such actions always come from the same source - a debased mind, a dictatorial rule, and a fascist ideology. Manipur, as small as it is compared to the rest of the world, stands out and stands among some of the worst dictatorial regimes across the world. Thus, amid the enduring crisis in Manipur, the case for separate administration for the Zo people in Manipur remains. For the Zomi-Kuki tribal minorities, separate administration i.e., a constitutional administrative arrangement whereby they can develop to their full potential without the inhibitions of any majoritarian discrimination, will serve as the only form of justice. More than a political demand, it is a humanitarian call - a call to the leadership in the Centre, a call to fellow citizens, a call to fellow humans, to grant them the right to survive, to not be slaughtered in their sleep ever again, to have the right to sleep in peace and wake up to a promising day, a normal day, a call to be like everyone else.

For the Restoration of Dignity and Human Rights Any glance at the history of Meitei aggression reveals a characteristic violation of human rights. The ongoing horrendous State-sponsored ethnic cleansing has already claimed the lives of more than 129 tribals. The death list increases as more deaths are confirmed among the recorded missing. More than 257 villages and 357 Church buildings have been burned and destroyed, some of them completely razed to the ground. As on August 18, 2023, the violence has displaced more than 45,000 Zomi-Kuki tribals, of which more than 30,000 are lodged in community-run relief camps numbering around 200 without proper rehabilitation facilities. A majority of the mortal remains of tribal dead, despite repeated petitions and requests, are yet to be reunited with their families for performing their last rites and conducting a

Image: The Wall of Remembrance in Lamka, where the departed tribal martyrs are remembered, paid respects, and offered tribute

dignified burial according to tribal customs. They remain in morgues, in fields unknown or were reportedly disposed of in Imphal, the city and the surrounding valley remembered by the Zomi-Kuki tribals today as the ‘Valley of Death’. The Chief Minister has not condemned any of these atrocities carried out by Meitei mobs, women, civil militias and terrorist outfits. . .

When incidents of various sexual assault were reported by various tribal organizations, including the ordeal of the two Zomi-Kuki women who became the central focus because of a viral video, the Manipur government turned a blind eye. Although complaints were made, FIRs were not filed for over a month and some even more. The complaints also shockingly pointed out (with evidence) the complicity of Manipur State forces in the assault on women - the women were reportedly handed over to the Meitei mob and men by the state forces! No arrests were made until a harrowing video of the two Zomi-Kuki women paraded naked by Meitei men surfaced and went viral on various social media platforms. These arrests (of a couple of men) were made not out of their own compulsion, but because the national and humanitarian pressure was beyond what the State and Central government could bear. While the Manipur government pretends to have taken cognisance of the sexual atrocities against the two women, it is well-known that the two women are not even offered the custody and protection of the State. They were both taken care of and sheltered by the community.

Even in the aftermath of the viral video, no officials from the Manipur government met with the victims of sexual violence or their families until Swati Maliwal, Chairperson of Delhi Commission for Women (DCW) came and met with the families. Neither were rehabilitation and support packages extended to the two victims by government authorities. The Manipur government even advised the Chairperson (DCW) against visiting Manipur citing several reasons. The case itself was constantly downplayed by political parties and Meitei intellectuals by comparing it with incidents that happened in other states. Not surprisingly, it took one viral video and THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

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tribal dignity and offering them the opportunity to be seen as equal citizens of our Nation. Furthermore, it needs to be remembered that the Zomi-Kuki tribals are targeted because of their identity. The gruesome violence inflicted on them is a political act, aimed at their political humiliation and subjugation. Hence, the justice that is given to them cannot consist just in punishing the perpetrators and compensating them from the damages. Full justice can be delivered only through a political solution that removes the structural conditions that makes the ethnic genocide possible. This solution consists in carving out a Separate Administration for the Zomi-Kukis out of Manipur.

For Enduring Peace Between the month of June and July 2023, amidst incessant Meitei terror attacks on tribal villages, the call for peace was intensified from certain quarters within the Manipur government. The Union Home Minister, Shri Amit Shah also urged both communities to maintain fifteen days of peace in the beginning of June so that talks could be initiated. However, these calls for peace continued to be accompanied by repeated attacks on Zomi-Kuki tribal villages by Meitei terrorist groups, State police and armed Meitei civil militias. In a way, it seemed that the government wanted to posture itself as wanting peace without really wanting peace. This is the position of the majoritarian community - that they will talk peace only on their own terms and not as a consequence of the efforts of the minority communities. This is how deep the divide and hatred for minorities runs in the Meitei imagination. The experience of Zomi-Kuki tribals has shown that the peace advocated by Imphal in the past is often a return to the status quo - to the vicious cycle of oppression and exclusion of tribals under Meitei majoritarianism. Normalcy cannot be restored unless people have security in their daily lives. Often, there is a widely held belief across various circles from outside that the violence is a matter between two ethnic groups which is resolvable by bringing the Meiteis and Zomi-Kuki tribals to a reconciliation. The history and background of the violence, as presented in Volume I and the present situation suggests the huge disparity in deliberation, decision-making and power relations between the two communities - one constituting over 50 per cent of the total population, and the other less than 20 per cent. Unless reconciliation involves structural readjustments which will ensure that all voices are respected and represented, any other peace talks and agreements will be futile. The Manipur State-sponsored ethnic cleansing has shown that the idea of multi-ethnic Manipur has collapsed under Meitei majoritarianism, and reveals the urgency with which the experiment has to come to an end. Neither are the current institutional dispensations including the HAC and District Councils conducive to justice when the Meitei terrorist outfits and sections of the Meitei civil society are working in tandem with the Manipur government, 108

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Image: A peaceful protest against the Manipur State-sponsored ethnic cleansing

For India’s National Interest It is well known that the Zo inhabited Hills share a contiguous border with Myanmar. The town of Moreh, which is known as the international trade centre in the Manipur-Myanmar border, is a Zo tribal town in Tengnoupal district. Due to its land-route connectivity to Myanmar, Moreh is often referred to as the ‘Gateway to South-East Asia’. In addition, Behiang in the Zo-inhabited Lamka (Churachandpur) district is poised to be developed as the second gateway to South-East Asia. Its strategic location along the Myanmar border and already existing land route has made it a hotspot for trade and for establishing lasting economic relations with Myanmar, and consequently South-East Asia. The Behiang Trade Image source: The Indian Express Centre and Moreh Trade Centre could facilitate seamless land access to South-East Asia. Both trade centers have prospective roles in the success of the much acclaimed Act East Policy, which aims to strengthen economic, strategic and even cultural ties with South-East Asian nations. The Look East Policy, now called the Act East Policy (AEP), is an initiative by India to explore economic integration and strategic relations with South-East Asian nations. To be able to perform to its fullest potential, and to harness the economic advantages in enabling the success of the AEP, it is imperative to positively engage the Zomi-Kuki people of Manipur on whose lands are located these two pivotal trade centres. The Moreh Trade Centre (MTC) serves as an already existing gateway and is well-connected to cities in Myanmar. The MTC facilitates the exchange and movement of goods and services across the two countries while facilitating economic cooperation. Notable among the various projects initiated by India is the ambitious India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway connecting Moreh, India, with Mae Sot in Thailand via Myanmar. This 1,360 km long highway is undertaken to boost India’s Act East Policy and extend connectivity with ASEAN countries by land. India has proposed the extension of the Highway project to Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam for greater trade and economic connectivity, in addition to people and cultural contact. On July 2, 2023, Union Minister of Road Transport and Highways of India Nitin Gadkari announced that around 70% of the work has already been Image source: EurAsian Times completed. The highway will also 110

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against the seizure of majoritarian tyranny. This will not only secure the rights of tribals and subjugated minorities, but will be a testament to the world regarding the capacity of Indian democracy and accommodative policy in the midst of diversities and segmentations.

Separation Only Solution The history of injustice and majoritarian brutality against the Zomi-Kuki tribal community perpetrated by the joined forces of the radicalized and militarized Meitei civil society, Meitei civil militias, secessionist Meitei terrorist outfits, and the Manipur government has irrefutably shown that the ZomiKuki people in Manipur and the Meiteis can no longer live together under a single administration. The immeasurable second class treatment of the Zomi-Kuki tribals under Meitei militant majoritarianism has cemented this divide and there is no easy recovery from this terrifying episode. There has been an effective geographical, emotional, demographic and ideological split, evidenced by the volatile buffer zones that separate the Valleys from the Hills. With violence still ensuing, a dividing line now runs between Zomi-Kuki territories and Meitei territories. Neither community can venture into the other’s territory, and there is no guarantee of safety for individuals if they happen to venture outside of their domain into hostile territories. This dividing line has been officially termed as a ‘buffer zone’ by the Central government. Central forces including the Indian Army are deployed in huge numbers along the buffer zones. While the Home Minister is in charge of the law and order in the Zomi-Kuki territories, the Chief Minister N. Biren Singh is deputed to oversee the Meitei territories or the valley districts. In effect, Manipur has already been bifurcated into two distinct political units, with one administered by the Centre and the other by a Meitei government. There has never been a greater opportunity to carve out a Separate Administration for both the communities. The exchange of populations and drawing of boundaries is complete. The only thing left to do is to recognize the de facto political autonomy of Zo territories by according them the status of a full-fledged State or Union Territory. This would also be a reversal or correction of the British imperialists’ mistake in unifying the two political entities that should have been left separate and independent of each other.

The buffer zone between Lamka (Churachandpur) and Bishnupur districts, manned by the Central security forces. It has now effectively become the boundary between Zomi-Kuki and Meitei territories, with neither communities able to go to the other side.

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A mapping of the nexus that is destabilizing Manipur and creating a National Security Threat

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ANNEXURE - A

Statistical Account of the Ethnic Violence in Manipur A Comparison Between the Zo Ethnic Tribes and the Meitei Community

The aim of these data and graphs are to present readers with objective and factual information concerning the ongoing violence in Manipur. Often, the truth about the violence gets lost amid the din and dust of false narratives and malicious propaganda. We present here the basic facts and figures, based on which readers can make their own inferences and conclusions. The statistics provided in the following pages detail the loss of lives by both the Zo ethnic tribes and the Meitei community. The trend of deaths suffered by both communities, and the age-wise and gender-wise breakup of these deaths are provided. The location of deaths is also mapped out in detail to provide insights into the nature and progression of the ethnic violence. Data concerning the tribal losses were painstakingly collected by dedicated teams, and only those deaths that are confirmed and backed by credible inputs are included here. To avoid accusation of bias in the data collected for the Meitei community, we directly referred to the reports of prominent valley-based media houses, particularly the Sangai Express and the Imphal Free Press. It is assumed that these media houses would not fudge data, at least on those that has to do with Meitei casualties in the ongoing ethnic violence. Short comments are appended to some of the data set to highlight the important facts and insights, and to clarify graphs that may cause confusion or misinterpretation. The time period for which we are presenting the data is between May 3, 2023 to August 15, 2023.

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DEATH TRENDS Dead Count in the Month of May, 2023 45

Zo Ethnic Tribes

39

40

Meitei

Dead Count (In No.)

35 30 25 20 15

12 5

5 0

9

8

10

0

0

2

2

3 0

1

11

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

2

45 0

0

0

0

01

0

1

0

2

May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May May 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023

The highest number of Zomi-Kuki tribal deaths on record occurred on May 4, one day after the ethnic violence broke out. In fact, in the three days between May 3 and May 5 alone, at least 61 Zomi-Kuki tribals were killed by Meitei mobs. The majority of these deaths were in the Valley districts, particularly the capital city Imphal. This indicates how defenseless the tribals were on the one hand, and how systematic and planned the Imphal genocide was on the other hand.

May, 2023

7

91

There are no reported Meitei deaths until May Zo Ethnic Tribes Meitei 12, which is 9 days after the ethnic violence broke out. This data alone directly refutes the Meitei narrative that the ethnic violence was pre-planned by Zomi-Kuki tribals. The Zomi-Kuki tribals suffered disproportionately in the initial weeks of the ethnic violence, not least because the State government and security forces were fully backing the Meitei community.

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121

Dead Count in the Month of June, 2023 14

Zo Ethnic Tribes

Meitei

12

Dead Count (In No.)

10

9

8 6 4

3

3

0

3

3

2

2

2 1

0

00

0

1 0

00

1 00

00

0

0

00

00

00

00

0

00

00

00

00

00

00

00

1 0

1 0

00

00

00

00

0

0

June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June June 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023 2023

The Union Home Minister Amit Shah arrived in Manipur on May 29, 2023. On May 30, he met with leaders from the June, 2023 Zomi-Kuki community and appealed to them to maintain 15 days of peace, so that concrete steps towards peaceful solution could be commenced. The Zomi-Kuki tribals complied with the request but the Meitei militants did not 13 reciprocate. On May 31 itself, Zomi-Kuki villages includ17 ing Bongjang, Saparmeina and Sugnu came under attack by a combined force of Meitei militants and State Police Commandos. Nehmang Kipgen (43), a resident of Phailengkot village, was caught by the Meitei militants, had his arms and legs Zo Ethnic Tribes Meitei chopped off before he was burned to ashes. A total of 10 Zomi-Kuki tribals were reported to be killed during the 15 days. There was not a single day in which tribal villages were not attacked. The highest ever death toll for the Meiteis was on June 15. This was the infamous Khamenlok incident. Meitei militants, armed with sophisticated guns, entered the Zomi-Kuki village of Khamenlok and set the houses on fire even as the villagers fled. The illegal invaders decided to celebrate their supposed ‘victory’ by drinking alcohol and partying inside the village Church. This deeply insulted the sentiments of the villagers, who subsequently returned and opened fire on the inebriated militants. 9 Meitei militants were confirmed by the State government to be killed in this incident.

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A Synoptic Analysis of Death Trends of the Zo Ethnic Tribes and the Meitei Community [May 3, 2023 – August 15, 2023] A Comparison of Dead Counts: Zo Ethnic Tribes and the Meitei Community 45

Zo Ethnic Tribes

40

Meitei

Dead Count (In No.)

35 30 25 20 15 10 5

Aug 12, 2023

Aug 14, 2023

Aug 10, 2023

Aug 6, 2023

Aug 8, 2023

Aug 2, 2023

Aug 4, 2023

July 30, 2023

July 26, 2023

July 28, 2023

July 22, 2023

July 24, 2023

July 20, 2023

July 16, 2023

July 18, 2023

July 12, 2023

July 14, 2023

July 10, 2023

July 6, 2023

July 8, 2023

July 2, 2023

July 4, 2023

June 27, 2023

June 29, 2023

June 25, 2023

June 21, 2023

June 23, 2023

June 17, 2023

June 19, 2023

June 15, 2023

June 11, 2023

June 13, 2023

June 7, 2023

June 9, 2023

June 5, 2023

June 1, 2023

June 3, 2023

May 31, 2023

May 27, 2023

May 29, 2023

May 25, 2023

May 21, 2023

May 23, 2023

May 17, 2023

May 19, 2023

May 15, 2023

May 11, 2023

May 13, 2023

May 7, 2023

May 9, 2023

May 5, 2023

May 1, 2023

May 3, 2023

0

It is crucial to keep in mind the larger trends that unfolded even as the ethnic violence went on for days, and weeks, and then months. Majority of the deaths in May belonged to the Zo ethnic tribes. This was because the Zo tribals residing in Imphal city and other Valley districts did not know what was coming, and faced the unprovoked full force of a genocidal attack in the initial weeks. Not a single Meitei died for 9 days following the outbreak of violence. Death toll for Zo tribals went down from May 5 onwards as most of those in the Valley districts had taken refuge in Army camps. Meiteis in the Hills continue to be safe, being sheltered in Army camps and district administration buildings, often escorted there safely by the local Zo tribal volunteers themselves. The main ‘evacuation’ or exchange of populations, i.e., Zo tribals in Valley districts leaving for Hill districts and Meiteis in Hill districts leaving for Valley districts, happened between May 8 and May 10. Smaller exchanges were made thereafter. This was why there was a lull in death counts on both sides till May 26. Meitei militants and State Police Commandos had restrained themselves from attacking the Zo tribals as they could not risk any harm coming to the Meiteis in the Hills. THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

125

As soon as all Meiteis were evacuated to the Valley districts, Meitei militants and State Police Commandos began their attacks on Zo villages in the Hills. On May 28, the Zo villages around Sugnu, Thingkangphai, and those in the Kangpokpi district came under heavy and deadly attacks from the combined forces of Meitei militants and State Police Commandos. It led to the death of 9 Zo tribals who were completely taken by surprise. In June, July, and August, the death toll from both communities became roughly even, and sometimes even weighed against the Meiteis. The Zo Total Dead Count (as per report) tribals had by this time set up bunkers in their villages along the buffer zones and defended themselves from the Meitei military assault. Well-armed and overconfident Meitei men ventured into the Hill 50 districts, shooting from exposed positions, and sometimes celebrating their short-lived victory 126 with intoxicants in the villages they have just torched. This made them easy targets, and many died from being shot with rudimentary guns by tribal village Zo Ethnic Tribes Meitei volunteers. Tribal deaths kept pace with Meitei deaths because the Meitei attackers had sophisticated guns, and included the State security forces who had bulletproof vehicles, advanced sniper rifles, and deadly mortar bombs at their disposal. But overall, the Zo ethnic tribes have the higher death toll, almost thrice that of the Meitei community, because what is being witnessed is a State-sponsored ethnic violence against them, carried out systematically with impunity and using all possible state apparatuses. Age-wise Comparison of Dead Counts [May 3, 2023 - August 15, 2023] Zo Ethnic Tribes

100

Meitei

95

Dead Count (In No.)

90 80 70 60 50 40

32

30

15

20 10 0

1

0

1

0

Infant (0-1 y) Toddler(1-3 y)

1

0

Below 13

5

2

Age 13-17

2 Age 18-59

60 above

8

14

Not Specified

The death toll for Zomi-Kuki tribals is spread out across all age-groups, indicating how indiscriminately they were targeted by the Meitei mobs and militants. Even helpless children and elderly persons, numbering at least 23, were killed up to this point.

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Meitei Community The black dots represent Meitei deaths. There are no black dots in the interiors of the Hill districts. This is because no Meitei civilian was harmed even after clashes broke out even though tribals were butchered in the Valley districts. All Meitei residents of the Hill districts were allowed to evacuate safely and peacefully. The black dots are concentrated in the border areas. A majority of these are within the Hill districts, past the buffer zones. These are Meitei militants who had ventured beyond the Valley districts to launch deadly campaigns against Zomi-Kuki villages. The cluster of nine dots at the top indicated the site of the Khamenlok incident, which is located within Zomi-Kuki territory. Though the black dots in the south of the Valley districts lie in the red zones, most of these deaths are in fact still within Zomi-Kuki territory. They are the foothills, such as Kangvai village, which are inhabited by the Zomi-Kuki tribals but has been brought under the Valley districts over the years.

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ANNEXURE - B

Comprehensive Report on Activities of Meitei Terrorist Outfits (2000-2023) Summarised Data

2000*

Incidents of Killing/ Attack 13

2001

18

24

10

34

2002

25

23

26

49

2003

15

13

17

30

2004

35

19

37

56

2005

53

73

33

106

2006

45

23

11

34

2007

73

45

42

87

2008

56

58

4

62

2009

31

24

2

26

2010

34

11

2

13

Year

Civilians

Security Forces

Total Civilian/SF killed

18

18

36

2011

10

5

1

6

2012

22

4

6

10

2013

17

12

3

15

2014

17

6

6

12

2015

20

4

23

27

2016

10

2

13

15

2017

20

7

7

14

2018

14

5

6

11

2019

4

3

0

3

2020

3

1

3

4

2021

4

6

3

9

2022

7

6

1

7

2023

9

4

1

5

Total

555

396

275

671 THE INEVITABLE SPLIT VOL II Institutionalised Political Violence In Manipur: A Threat to India’s National Security in the Eastern Frontiers

131

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Year Wise Incidents – Details Year : 2000 Months

Incidents Of Killing and Terrorisation by Valley Based Insurgent Groups (VBIGs)

March 2000

March - 8 Thirty armed militants of the banned Manipur People’s Army laid an ambush and killed two jawans of a Border Security Force (BSF) patrol party. In the exchange of fire at Parbung area, Churachandpur district one jawan was also injured; casualties on the side of the militants were not immediately know.

link

May 2000

May - 15 A security forces personnel was killed when a patrol was ambushed by militants, suspected to be members of the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) on May 15 in Kumbi, Bishnupur district. The attackers also took away one gun.

link

July 2000

July - 18 Four security forces personnel were killed and another was critically injured in separate incidents of ambush and snatching by unidentified terrorists in Bishnupur district, on July 18.

link

September September - 9 2000 One policeman was killed and two others injured on September 9, when a group of policemenwere ambushed by unidentified terrorists at Nungoo Lampkai in Thoubal district.

link

October 2000

October - 13 According to official sources, a businessman was killed by unidentified terrorists in Imphal on October 13. October - 27 Ten civilians were abducted and four left injured after an attack by unidentified terrorists in Komnaga near Imphal on October 27. The abducted civilians were later rescued by the police, though the abductors are yet to be caught.

link

November - 2 Security force personnel killed ten civilians, including a woman, at Malom near the Tulihal airport, on November 2, in indiscriminate firing. The incident took place on the Tiddim Road where a suspected underground outfit exploded an improvised explosive device (IED) on a convoy of Assam Rifles personnel. November - 17 Two police officers were killed in an attack by unidentified terrorists on the Kakching police station in Thoubal district on November 17. Three police personnel were also injured in this attack, which was suspected to be a retaliatory gesture after two terrorists were killed at Kakching in the district, earlier in the day. November - 21 Five security force personnel were killed and three more were injured in an ambush at Matukhong village in the Jiribam subdivision, on November 21. While three security forces were killed on the spot, two others died later in the hospital. According to army sources, either the United National Liberation Front (ULFA) or the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was involved in the attack.

link

December - 2 A Catholic priest was killed by two unidentified terrorists in Manipur’s Thoubal district on December 2. Two youth abducted the priest, killed him afterwards and fled with the jeep belonging to the church. Further details are not yet available. December - 13 Unidentified terrorists in Manipur shot dead three security force personnel, on December 13, in Jiribam, Imphal West district. December - 18 Unidentified terrorists killed four persons in Thoubal district in Manipur on December 18. According to official sources the terrorists lined up the victims and killed them one by one. December - 20 A civilian was killed by unidentified gunmen in Imphal West district.

link

December - 20 Another civilian was killed by unidentified gunmen in Imphal East district.

link

November 2000

December 2000

December 2000

Link

link

link

link

link link link

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Year: 2023 Months

Incidents Of Killing and Terrorisation by Valley Based Insurgent Groups (VBIGs)

January 2023

Meanwhile, Mantripukhri Battalion Assam Rifles of IGAR (South) in a joint operation with Manipur Police apprehended an Over Ground Worker (OGW) of the proscribed PLA from Lamlong in Imphal East district on Tuesday. PRO IGAR (S) informed in a release that based on a specific input Assam Rifles and Manipur Police launched a joint search operation and apprehended a sympathizer of PLA. The apprehended suspect has been handed over to Porompat Police Station for further investigation.

link

March 2023

March - 30 Meanwhile, Mantripukhri Battalion Assam Rifles of IGAR (South) in a joint operation with Manipur Police apprehended an Over Ground Worker (OGW) of the proscribed PLA from Lamlong in Imphal East district on Tuesday. PRO IGAR (S) informed in a release that based on a specific input Assam Rifles and Manipur Police launched a joint search operation and apprehended a sympathiser of PLA. The apprehended suspect has been handed over to Porompat Police Station for further investigation. March - 25 A student, identified as Seigulal Misao (17), was killed at Motbung Model village in Kangpokpi District of Manipur on March 25, reports The Sangai Express. National Revolutionary Front Manipur (NRFM) claimed responsibility for the killing and alleged that Misao was peddling drugs between Sekmai and Imphal despite repeated warnings, and thus capital punishment was ‘given’ to the deceased student. March - 25 Assam Rifle’s Radhanagar Battalion arrested a United National Liberation Front (UNLF) militant from Jiribam District of Manipur on March 25, tweets The Assam Rifles @official_dgar on March 28. March - 31 Assam Rifles Churachandpur Battalion in a joint operation with the Police arrested a militant of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), identified as Soibam Ibomcha from Churachandpur District of Manipur on March 31, reports India Today NE.

link

March 2023

March - 31 Assam Rifles Phundrei Battalion in a joint operation with the Police arrested a militant (unidentified) of the Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) from Waikong village in Kakching District of Manipur on March 31, reports India Today NE.

link

May 2023

On May 5, armed assailants shot dead Chonkholen Haokip, a Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA) commando of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), who was on leave, in Churachandpur District in Manipur, reports India Today. The circumstances surrounding his death are unknown, but it is believed that intruders dressed in police fatigues invaded his hamlet and murdered him. May - 10 Manipur’s Security Advisor Kuldeep Singh stated that an Assam Rifles constable was injured in a gunfight with suspected militants in the Utonglok area, Imphal East District in Manipur on May 10, reports The Hindustan Times. May - 10 On May 10, Assam Rifles trooper, Alok Rao, was injured in an attack by militants in Manipur’s Senapati District. He succumbed to his injuries at Command Hospital in Kolkata in West Bengal on May 17, reports Sentinel Assam.

link

June - 9 Three people were killed and two others were injured in Khoken village in Imphal West District on June 9 when a group of insurgents dressed as Security Force (SF) personnel called them out of their homes on the pretext of a combing operation and fired at them, officials said, according to The Indian Express. SF personnel on a routine patrol of the village, on the border of Kangpoki and Imphal West Districts, stepped in when they heard the sound of gunfire. Insurgents fled the area but not before shooting down three villagers, the officials said. The bodies were recovered by Assam Rifles. The insurgents are believed to be from the Meitei community, the officials said.

link

June 2023

182

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Link

link

link

link

link

link

.