The Indian Christ, the Indian king: the historical substrate of Maya myth and ritual 9780292721418, 9780292738249

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THE INDIAN CHRIST, THE INDIAN KING

ss Wictovia Reifler Bricker

The Indian Christ, the Indian King The Historical Substrate of Maya Myth and Ritual

Copyright © 1981 by the University of Texas Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America

Requests for permission to reproduce material from this work should be sent to: Permissions University of Texas Press Box 7819

Austin, Texas 78712 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Bricker, Victoria Reifler, 1940—

The Indian Christ, the Indian king. Bibliography: p. Includes index.

1. Mayas—Religion and mythology. 2. Indians of CentralAmerica—Religion and mythology. 3. Indians of Mexico— Religion and mythology. I. Title. FI435.3-R3B73 299'.72 81-7436

ISBN 0-292-73824-2 AACR2

Tal parece que los espanoles trajeron a Cristo (It would even seem that the Spaniards

a América para crucificar al indio. brought Christ to America in order to crucify the Indian.) Abad y Queipo Bishop of Michoacan

Preface 1X APPENDICES 183

Acknowledgments xi A. Yucatecan Documents 185

1. The Proclamation of Juan de la Cruz I. INTRODUCTION I (1850] 187 I. The Historicity of Myth and the Myth of 2. Letter to Miguel Barbachano, Governor of History 3 Yucatan (August 28, 1851} 208

Il. THE FIRST “REBELLIONS” (1511—1697] 1 B. Caste Wars in Yucatecan Folk History

2. The Conquest of Yucatan 13 (1971) 219 ;

3. The Conquest of Guatemala 29 1. General Cortés and General Bravo 219

4. The Conquest of Chiapas 43 >. The Epoch of Slavery 224

3. Cecilio Chi and Jacinto Canek 253

Il. COLONIAL REBELLIONS 53 C. Some Folklore of Ethnic Conflict in Highland

5. Indian Saints in Highland Chiapas Chiapas 256

(1708—1713] SS 1. When the Guatemalans Were Blown

6. The Indian King in Quisteil (1761) 70 Sky-High 257 7. The Indian King in Totonicapan 2. When the Soldiers Were Coming 258

{1820} 77 3. When Zinacantecs Rode Home on

IV. POSTCOLONIAL “CASTE WARS” 55 Horseback 7d ?

8. The Caste War of Yucatan 4. The War of Saint Rose 2.60

(1847-1901) 87 5. The War of St. Rose (Chamulan 9g. The War of St. Rose in Chamula Version] 260 (1867—1870] 119 6. The War of St. Rose (Chenalho Version|) 272

V. THE STRUCTURE OF ETHNIC CONFLICT 127 7. War (Zinacantan] 586

10. The [conography of Ritualized Ethnic 8. The War of St. Rose (Ladino Version) 317

Conflict among the Maya P29 9g. Galindo and the Chamulans 323

Folklore 155 Notes 327

11. The Passion Theme in Maya

12. The Indian King 163 Glossary 344

13. Contemporary Developments in Highland a:

Chiapas (1958—1972) 169 Bibliography 3.46

14. Nativism, Syncretism, and the Structure of Index 359 Myth and Ritual 177

FIGURES

1971 103 Aspect Igo

1. The Sacred Cenote of Chan Santa Cruz in 20. Quetzalcoatl in His Ehecatl] (Wind God}

2. Ruins of the First Chapel of the Cult of the 21. Headdress of Feathered Serpent in

Talking Cross on the Outskirts of Carrillo Zinacantan I4I

Puerto (1971) 103 22. Lacandon in Totonicapan 142

3. The Church of the Cult of the Talking Cross 23. Lacandon of Bachajon 142 (X-Balam Na) Founded in 1858, as It Looked in 24. Modern Lacandon Indian Man 142

TOTE FO 25. Lacandon Characters with Braids in

4. Side View of the Church of the Cult of the 7inacantan 142 Talking Cross [1971] FO9 . 26. Blackman at Festival of St. Sebastian in 5. Cruzob Barracks beside Church in 1971 118 7inacantan 143 6. Hotel in Carrillo Puerto in 1971 1168 27. Jaguars and Blackmen at Festival of St. 7. Crossbacks and Lacandon Woman at Carnival in Sebastian in Zinacantan 144

Chenalho P31 28. Dance of Warriors at Carnival in , 8. Calvary Hill in Chamula 131 Chamula 144

9. A Group of Monkeys I31 29. Martyrdom of St. Sebastian (Bugiardini) 145 10. Monkeys and Passion of Chamula 132 30. Aztec Sacrifice 146

11. Monkeys of Chamula 132 31. Spanish Gentleman Ties K’oltisyo to

12. Blackman with Rope in Chenalho, February Scaffold 147

1969 132 32. Detail of K’oltisyo 147

13. Blackmen in Chenalho, February 1969 132 33. Slit Drum (teponaztli) 148

1969-137 (1957) 167

14. Cowboys Leading Bull in Chenalho, February 34. Tecum Umam in Tactic, Guatemala

15. Spanish Lady and Gentleman in 35. The Quiche King in Totonicapan, Guatemala

Zinacantan 138 (1957) 167

16. Spanish Gentleman and White Heads in 36. A Spaniard in the Dance of the Conquest in

Zinacantan 139 Coban, Guatemala (1957) 168

17. White Heads in Zinacantan —-139 37. Deer Dance in Chichicastenango, Guatemala 18. Trilobal Motifs at Teotihuacan and Tula Igo (December 1976} 168 19. Some Junior Entertainers in Zinacantan 14O MAPS

1. Conquest of Yucatan (1511-1545) 14 6. Highland Guatemala in 1820 79 2. Conquest of Guatemala and Chiapas 7. Caste War of Yucatan (1847-1901) 90

1545-1697) 47 | 4. Cancuc Revolt (1712—1713} 58 | , (1523-1528) 30 8. Chamula and Its Neighbors (1867) 120

3. Conquest of the Manche, Mopan, and Lacandon 9. The Hamlets of Zinacantan (1977) 174

5. Yucatan in 1761 72

TABLES

1. Chronological Outline of Events Related to the 2. Rain-making and War Symbols 149 Caste War of Yucatan 88

Pretace

This book is a sequel to Ritual Humor in Highland tices to the archaeological record and to immediate Chiapas. In it, Itry to come to grips with aproblemI postconquest descriptions of aboriginal customs was unable to solve to my satisfaction in my first (e.g., Coe 1965; Gossen 1974a, 1974b; Hunt 1977; book, namely, what meaning, apart from entertain- Vogt 1964a, 1964b), they have largely ignored the ment, the elaborate festivals of the Maya, in high- intervening four centuries since the Spanish con-

land Chiapas and elsewhere, have for the Indian quest and the impact that they may have had on community. In the present work, I have broadened Maya myth and ritual. Furthermore, most of their my focus to the festival as a whole, rather than just efforts have been directed at explaining the past in its humorous aspects, and I have made more use of _ terms of the present; their interpretations of modern historical data, many of them unpublished, to show myth and ritual have been almost universally synthat Maya folklore cannot be understood without a chronic (e.g., Gossen 19744; Stross 1973; Vogt 1976).

consideration of its historical substrate. At first I One of the unexpected results of my research has naively assumed that myth and history could be been the finding that many seemingly aboriginal clearly distinguished from each other. I later dis- | elements in Maya myth and ritual are actually of covered, much to my surprise, that historiography postconquest origin, and it is possible to determine often rests on mythological foundations. Therefore, precisely when and, more important, why they bethis work has become a critique of postconquest his- | came part of myth and ritual. Finally, the patterning toriography about the Maya, as well as adiachronic of the accretion of events in folklore over time pro-

interpretation of Maya myth and ritual. vides clues to the function, or meaning, of myth and Although ethnologists have made great strides ritual to the Maya. in relating modern Maya religious beliefs and prac-

.

Acknowledgments

The inspiration for this book came from several and Maya revitalization movements, on the other, quarters. I owe to my colleague and coresearcher converged. However, with the exception of one text George A. Collier the insight that the Carnival rit- | from Chenalho, which I had obtained purely by acciual of Chamula might have recent, rather than Pre- dent, I did not have any myth texts about the War columbian, antecedents. I am grateful to him for — of St. Rose. I therefore spent several weeks in highurging me to look into nineteenth-century histor- | land Chiapas during the summer of 1972 collecting ical records for an explanation and for calling tomy _ oral traditions about that uprising in Chamula and attention the excellent historical materials on nine- Zinacantan. teenth-century Chiapas available in the Latin Amer- The scope of my project was broadened even fur-

ican Library at Tulane University. ther the following year, when Edward E. Calnek ofMy interest in Maya Indian revolts was kindled by _ fered to lend me, for an unlimited period of time, ten Nelson Reed’s (1964) fascinating book on the Caste _ rolls of microfilm, containing 6,o00 pages of docuWar of Yucatan (1847—1901], which I read for the | ments from the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, first time during the winter of 1969. Although I did ~~ which were entirely concerned with the Cancuc re-

not then realize the extent to which such events volt of 1712. This rich source of data proved to be have shaped Maya myth and ritual, the book stimu- — the key to understanding the ritual humor of Che-

lated me to undertake a comparative study of the nalho. I am protoundly grateful to Calnek for his myth and history of the Caste War of Yucatan, generosity in making it available to me. which I initiated during the summer of 1971. At the The fourth person who played a major role in request of Marshall Durbin, Mr. Reed facilitated this | shaping this book is Munro S. Edmonson, my colproject by arranging for me to receive a copy of the — league at Tulane University. First of all, he deserves proclamation of Juan de la Cruz, which had recently — credit for insisting that I round out my coverage of

been photographed by an expedition to Quintana the Maya area by including Guatemala, and esRoo sponsored by Argosy magazine. This document pecially the Totonicapan revolt of 1820, in my study. proved to be invaluable for understanding the rela- | Second, he has allowed me to quote freely from his

tionship between Maya myth and history, and I field notes on Guatemalan dance-dramas and the

would here like to thank Mr. Reed for his help. manuscript of his poetic translation of the Book of In the meantime, my research on the nineteenth- Chilam Balam of Tizimin. But most important to century history of highland Chiapas, together with me have been the many discussions we have had my earlier discovery that much of the ritual humor — about how to scan and translate Yucatec Maya texts,

of Chamula, Chenalho, and Zinacantan dealt with his willingness to serve as a sounding board for my ethnic conflict, had suggested that it might be fruit- ideas, and his frank criticism whenever he disagreed ful to include the War of St. Rose of Chamula with my interpretations. His influence on my think(1867—1870] in my comparative study of myth and ing about the Maya view of history has been subtle, history. At this point, what had hitherto been sepa- profound, and cumulative. I was very fortunate rate interests in Chamulan ritual, on the one hand, — to have as a colleague and a neighbor someone with

xii Acknowledgments his perceptive understanding of Maya thought and helped me with my research, I would especially like

culture. to acknowledge the courteous assistance of Don Although this book is largely historical in con- | Clemente Lopez at the Hemeroteca Pino Suarez and

tent, it is concerned with ethnographic problems Don Leopoldo Peniche Vallado at the Biblioteca raised by my previous field work on the ritual General del Estado “Manuel Cepeda Peraza” in Mehumor of highland Chiapas. 1 am grateful toEvon Z. rida. I appreciate the warm hospitality of Joann AnVogt, director of the Harvard Chiapas Project, for | drews during the two summers I worked in Merida teaching me how to conduct ethnographic research, and her efforts since then to keep me informed of for impressing upon me the importance of learning local opinions about the Caste War by collecting to speak the field language (in this case Tzotzil) flu- pertinent newspaper clippings for me. I am also ently, and for his many kindnesses in the field and at — grateful to Ermilo Marin Mendoza and Dona Maria

Harvard over the past fifteen years. Without his | Cardos de Marin, both of Hocaba, for giving me the guidance, I doubt that I would have been motivated opportunity to spend some time in a Maya commuto develop the linguistic skills necessary to prepare __ nity, and to Daniel Barcelo Santiago, Ricardo Chablé

the native language texts that provide one-half of | Canché, Pedro Ek Chablé, Amado May, Anselmo the data base for this study. And the research tech- Pech, Simon Poot, Francisca de Soberanis, Urbaniques he taught me in Zinacantan greatly facili: | no Uh Cen, and Norberto Yeh, for sharing with tated my later field work in other parts of the Maya me their knowledge of the Caste War of Yucatan.

area. Finally, I would like to thank Juan Ramon BastaMy research got off to a good start during the sum- _—_rrachea, Celinda GOmez Navarette, Edward B. Kur-

mer of 1971, primarily because of the kind assis- jack, Alice Littlefield, Salvador Rodriguez Losa, and tance provided by Alfredo Barrera Vazquez, director James W. Ryder for acquainting me with current anof the Instituto Yucateco de Antropologiae Historia — thropological research in Yucatan. in Merida. It was he who first told me about the col- My work in Belize during June 1972 was greatly lection of Maya letters and other documents relating facilitated by Leo H. Bradley, director of the Nato the Caste War of Yucatan housed in the Biblioteca _ tional Archives. I am grateful to him for permitting Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona and who made ar- me to examine documents in the process of rebindrangements for me to work with them. He also ing and for helping to arrange my visit to Indian vilmade available space in the former Inter-University | lages near Corozal Town in order to record oral traInstitute for Basic Research in Social Sciences in ditions about the Caste War of Yucatan. I would also Yucatan, Inc. (I.1.1.), where I could work undisturbed _—like to thank the Munoz family and Mrs. Nessie with informants eliciting and transcribing oral tradi- Burn for their hospitality and kindness during my tions about the Caste War. I am deeply grateful to — stay in Belize City. Brother Teodosio Castillo of St. him for his interest and efforts in furthering my John’s College in Belize City and Humberto Navarro

research. of Corozal Town graciously assisted me in my efIn Yucatan and at Tulane, I was most fortunate to forts to collect legends about the Caste War of have as my assistant Eleuterio Poot Yah, my teacher Yucatan from descendants of the rebel Maya now of Yucatec Maya and the person who helped me living in Belize, and I would here like to express my elicit, transcribe, and translate the Yucatecan oral gratitude for their help. traditions used in this study. Above all, I appreciate Others who assisted with my study of the Caste the many hours he spent producing examples that War of Yucatan include J. Eric S. Thompson, from would reveal the intricacies of Maya grammar and whom] learned about an important letter published his extraordinary patience during long, and probably _in the Belize Clarion, Don E. Dumond and Grant D. tedious, elicitation sessions. His enthusiastic inter- | Jones, who sent me copies of their transcripts of docest in my efforts to collect written and legendary ac- | uments I had overlooked in the Archives of Belize, counts of the history of his people made working Michael G. Owen, who provided me with a list of with him one of the most rewarding experiences I Maya letters in the Princeton University Library, have had during the past seven years. I would also —_ and Arthur G. Miller, who gave me a copy of an Inlike to thank him and his wife, Ofelia Dzul Canché, — dian king myth he had found in a Yucatecan newsfor their hospitality whenever I visited Merida. paper. Each of these people contributed valuable inAmong the many other people in Yucatan who formation for my study, for which I am very grateful.

Acknowledgments Xill Several colleagues and friends in Chiapas, Mexico, | writing the chapter on the conquest of Guatemala,

helped me obtain useful data during July 1972. lam William J. Smither for information on medieval grateful to Marcey Jacobson for arranging oppor- Spanish war games and their distribution in Latin tunities to elicit Ladino versions of the War of St. | America, and Barbara O. Bode for generously makRose, to Priscilla Rachun Linn for assistance in find- —_ ing available to me her field notes on the dance-draing a Chamulan storyteller, and to Robert F. Wasser- |= mas of Guatemala and for permission to quote from

strom for his help in collecting Zinacanteco ver- them. I have also benefited from conversations with sions of the War of St. Rose. I would also like to Richard E. Greenleaf about the Inquisition in Mexthank Marian Coyaso Panchin, Amelia Flores de Al- ico, Michael M. Hall about historiography, Jack D. varado, Joaquin Urbina Carpio, and Juan Vasquez Maser about psychological explanations for the teleXuljol, for their willingness to tell me about the War — scoping of time, and Robert Wauchope about the of St. Rose, and Antonia Gonzalez Pacanchil, forher Aztec heart-sacrifice cult. Several students at Tu-

help with the transcription of the Tzotzil texts. In lane have also made a significant contribution to addition, I owe a special debt to Manuel Arias So- — this work: Philip C. Thompson shared with me his hom, whose version of the War of St. Rose which I _—_— considerable knowledge of eighteenth- and nine-

recorded in 1969 served as the nucleus for a com- __ teenth-century Yucatan and drew my attention to parative study of myth and history. Finally, I would a number of crucial documents relating to the like to express my appreciation to Jane F. Collier for | Quisteil uprising of 1761 and the Caste War of lending me her microfilm copy of Zinacanteco legal Yucatan of 1847—1901. Marjorie Esman was of great

cases, to Robert M. Laughlin for permission to re- assistance in identifying some important docuproduce four of his texts in Appendix C, to Pruden- ments in the Latin American Library at Tulane cio Moscoso Pastrana for letting me examine some _— about the conquest of the Chol. Virginia Dale Davis important documents in his personal library, and to —_- generously offered data from her field notes for inter-

Liliana Schor for her excellent transcription of the — preting the Lacandon theme in the ritual of Zina-

Spanish texts. cantan and Chenalho. Richard O. Buhler smoothed In the summer of 1973 I traveled to London in _ the way for my archival research in Belize by putting

order to work in the Public Record Office on Chan- —_— me in touch with his friends there. Anne C. Collins cery Lane. 1am grateful to A. R. Ford for helping me —_ informed me of relevant documents in the Archivo

obtain copies of documents concerning the Caste General de Centroamérica in Guatemala. And I have War of Yucatan. I would also like to thank Leonel profited from discussions with Anatole Pohorilenko Zarazua Ramirez at the Archivo Nacional de Cen- about Olmec iconography and its implications for troamérica in Guatemala City, who arranged forme understanding Maya ritual symbolism. Finally, I to receive copies of documents about the Totonica- | would like to acknowledge the help of the late Marpan revolt of 1820 during a brief visit I made to —_jorie LeDoux, former director of the Latin American Guatemala in August 1974. Ialso wish to acknowl- Library, in ordering the documents which provided edge the more recent assistance of Rosario Parra _ the data base for the chapter on the Totonicapan reCala, director of the Archivo General de Indias in volt of 1820, and of Dorothy Whittemore, acting Seville, through whom I obtained additional docu- —_ head of the Howard-Tilton Library, in making a mi-

ments on the Cancuc revolt of 1712. crofilm reader available for my use during the sumIn interpreting the religious aspects of Maya re- —mer of 1974.

vitalization movements I have benefited trom con- My research in Yucatan during the summer of versations with my father-in-law, the Reverend Dr. I971 was supported by a grant from the WennerGeorge H. Bricker, who helped me identify passages | Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, No.

in the proclamation of Juan de la Cruz that might 2807, supplemented by a small grant from the have come from the Catholic Mass. Iam also grate- © Tulane University Council on Research. The Forful to John D. Early for his comments on an earlier — eign Area Fellowship Program of the Social Science

formulation of the problem. Research Council supported my work in Belize, At Tulane, I wish to thank Dan M. Healan for his Yucatan, and highland Chiapas during the summer assistance in interpreting the masks worn by several of 1972. A summer research grant from the Tulane performers at the festival of St. Sebastian in Zina- | University Council on Research made it possible for cantan, Arden R. King for bibliographic advice in me to spend three weeks at the Public Record Office

xiv Acknowledgments in London during June 1973. I gratefully acknowl- ing out solutions to technical problems in connecedge the financial assistance provided by these in- tion with the appendices, maps, and illustrations. I stitutions, without whose help this book would not would also like to thank Patricia A. Andrews for pre-

have materialized. paring the index to the book.

The text of this book was expertly typed by Most of the photographs that appear in this book Elaheh Anoushirvani, Ingrid Dave, Joan Harmon, are the work of Gertrude Duby Blom, Harvey M. and Lorraine McBride, who deserve special thanks Bricker, Frank Cancian, Marcey Jacobson, Barbara O. for their patience in following an exacting format Bode, and Tom Ktsanes, and their permission to puband in making corrections. I am also grateful to Mar- _lish them is gratefully acknowledged. I would also cia J. Thompson for typing several chapters of an like to thank E. Wyllys Andrews V for permission to earlier draft of the book and to Kristin Scheiden- _ publish photographs from the archives of the Middle helm for typing up my transcripts of documents American Research Institute, and the New Orleans

concerning the Totonicapan revolt of 1820. Museum of Art for permission to reproduce Giuliano I appreciate the care with which Carolyn Cates Bugiardini’s painting of St. Sebastian.

Wylie edited the manuscript and her help in work- V.R.B.

PART I. INTRODUCTION

a

CHAPTER I

The Historicity of Myth and the Myth of History

It is usually taken for granted that myth is the an- _ tradition may be no less valid a source of historical tithesis of history, that what is mythical is bydefini- data than written documents.

tion untrue, and that what is transmitted orally is A persistent bias in oral tradition is what Mircea subject to distortion in a way that what is preserved Eliade (1971: ix) calls a “revolt against concrete, hisin writing is not. According to Webster’s dictionary, __ torical time.’”’” Myths, in particular, ignore the tem-

the terms mythical and legendary are both syn- poral provenience of human events in favor of a paronymous with fictitious. Perhaps because of their adigmatic interpretation of them. Eliade argues that association with falsehood, these terms have ac- “this rejection of profane, continuous time” is the quired a derogatory connotation when they are used _ product of an “archaic mentality” and that “archaic”

in ordinary speech. Or primitive societies lack the true sense of history Recently, Jan Vansina (1965), a historian, has ques- exemplified in the Judaeo-Christian religious traditioned the assumption that oral traditions are neces- tion (1971:ix, xiii, 38). However, the concern for sarily unhistorical. Vansina believes that oral tradi- paradigmatic regularities in events is not limited tions are a source of historical information just like to preliterate people; comparative historians like any other source and that distortions of fact can best Arnold Toynbee and Oswald Spengler are also more be discovered by using the comparative approach, interested in recurrent patterns than in the unique-

that is, by comparing oral traditions with other ness of events. Furthermore, it has been convincingtypes of historical evidence such as archaeology, ly argued by philosophers such as Immanuel Kant written documents, and linguistics. If an oral tradi- (1961) and C. I. Lewis (1929) that all knowledge retion is in agreement with, or complements, other sults from imposing structure on experience, and resources of evidence, then it is unlikely that history cently Thomas S. Kuhn (1970:2), the historian of — -

has been distorted through oral transmission. On science, has even suggested that scientific parathe other hand, according to Vansina, if two types of | digms are also myths. evidence yield discrepant or conflicting kinds of in- From this point of view, myths are theories of hisformation, then one or both accounts must be dis- tory, and mythmakers are historians in much the torted. But, says Vansina, the comparative method same sense that Toynbee and Spengler are histoalone does not usually “establish that one source rians. Although historians may quibble over whethcontains more ‘truth’ than another” (1965:138); er the broad generalizations of these men are propeven written sources can distort events in terms of — erly the concern of history or metahistory (Bullock

the conscious or unconscious biases of their au- 1959:292—299), it is unlikely that any historian thors: “Each type of historical source not only has would accuse them of suffering from an “archaic its own limitations, but also its own particular way mentality.” Rather, historians might argue that the of seeing things—its own particular bias” (1965: attempt to discover patterns in the sequence of 141}. For history, according to Vansina, “is alwaysan events is not history but the science of history, interpretation” (1965 :183) and “no more thanacal- whose appropriate academic discipline is anthropolculation of probabilities” (1965:185); therefore, oral ogy (Harris 1968:1; Toynbee 1959:114-—115). Thus

4 Introduction the debate about the proper subject of historical in- According to this view, myth is composed of the quiry concerns the division of labor among aca- “remains and debris” of historical events arranged demic disciplines, not the epistemological value of | into a structure. The variants of a myth represent particularistic versus generalizing approaches tothe — different combinations of the “odds and ends” of his-

study of human events. tory in different positions of the structure. The

Obviously, if myths are theories of history, then meaning of the historical components of the myth they should be analyzed as such. It should be equally —- varies from version to version. An element that obvious that in order to analyze myths properly, one — functions as a means in one version serves as an end must know something about the historical events to in another. The structure is constant; the elements

which they refer. However, although much recent that make up that structure can produce variation work on the structure of myth is based on assump- _ by changing positions in it.

tions about the relationship of myth to history, no Like Eliade (1971), Lévi-Strauss recognizes the attempt has been made to prove those assumptions timeless, paradigmatic quality of mythical thought in terms of the history of the people concerned. This (1963: 209): oversight is largely a consequence of the fact that What gives myth an operational value is that the spethe folklorists in question have been almost ex- cific pattern described is timeless; it explains the presclusively concerned with the myths of preliterate ent and the past as well as the future. This can be |

peoples who have no recorded history. made clear through a comparison between myth and

Claude Lévi-Strauss, the leading proponent of the what appears to have largely replaced it in modern 50°

, cieties, namely, politics. When the historian refers to structural approach to myth, compares mythical the French Revolution, it is always as a sequence of thought to the work of a bricoleur, or jack-of-all- past happenings, a non-reversible series of events the

trades (1966: 17): remote consequences of which may still be felt at present. But to the French politician, as well as to his fol-

The “bricoleur” is adept at performing a large number lowers, the French Revolution is both a sequence of diverse tasks; but, unlike the engineer, he does not belonging to the past—as to the historian—and a subordinate each of them to the availability of raw timeless pattern which can be detected in the contemmaterials and tools conceived and procured for the pur- porary French social structure and which provides a pose of the project. His universe of instruments is clue for its interpretation, a lead from which to infer closed and the rules of his game are always to make do future developments.

with “whatever is at hand,” that is to say with a set of In his four- | tholoviques. Lévi-S tools and materials which is always finite and is also N ALS TOUr-par t work, Mythologiques, Levi trauss

heterogeneous because what it contains bears no rela- (1964, 1967, 1968, 1971) presents a wealth of evition to the current project, or indeed to any particular dence in support of his structural interpretation of project, but is the contingent result of all the occasions — myth. Unfortunately, however, these data cannot there have been to renew or enrich the stock or to_ constitute proof of his statements about the rela-

maintain it with the remains previous constructions ;4 or destructions. tionship between of myth and history. His data consist

of myths of North and South American Indians who He explains that myth is a kind of intellectual bri- have no written history. It is therefore impossible to

colage (1966: 21—22): evaluate the historical content of those myths.

The characteristic feature of mythical thought, as of Levi-Strauss’s interpretation of the relationship “bricolage” on the practical plane, is that it builds up between myth and history is a hypothesis which can structured sets, not directly with other structured sets be tested only by systematically comparing a body of

vidual or a society. .

but by using the remains and debris of events: in myth with the historical data from which it is de-

French “des bribes et des morceaux,” or odds andends _yived. This is not an impossible task—not even in in English, fossilized evidence of the history of an indi- the case of preliterate New World Indians. Many of

these peoples have oral traditions about their relaThe variants of a myth (and ritual) correspond to al- tions with Europeans, with whom they may have ternative arrangements of the “remains and debris” been in contact for several hundred years. Such en-

of historical events (1966 : 32—33}: counters were often described in the journals and re-

Rites and myths, . . . like “bricolage”..., take to ports of the Europeans who traveled amon the Indipieces and reconstruct sets of events...andusethem 4!8 and/or were administratively responsible for as so many indestructible pieces for structural patterns them. Their accounts of their experiences with the in which they serve alternatively as ends and means. Indians they met can serve as an independent source

The Historicity of Myth and the Myth of History 5

of evidence for evaluating the historical content and _—_ land Chiapas is simply the folklore of the dominant

structure of American Indian oral traditions about ethnic group. (Guatemalan historians have utilized

ethnic relations. some native historical traditions in their works. ]

Perhaps the best-documented aspect of ethnic re- Like Lévi-Strauss (1969: 4), I make no effort to dislations in the New World is ethnic conflict. In Meso- _tinguish between myths and legends. Although america, for example, there is a wealth of ethnohis- these are salient, named categories in European torical information about colonial Indian uprisings. folklore, the distinction has no ethnographic validOf course, when subjugated peoples rebel, they ity among the Maya, who often combine elements threaten the well-being of the dominant group. They from what European folklorists call myth and legbecome the focus of public attention and the subject | end in a single text. Speech about past events is of historical records. Colonial rebellions are often called %antivo k’op in Tzotzil, uwucb’en t’dan in incorporated into the oral traditions of both the | Yucatec Maya, and 2»oher tzih in Quiche. The terms dominant and the subordinate groups. Therefore, 9%antivo, wucb’en, and »oher all mean ‘ancient,’ ‘old,’ myths of ethnic conflict are especially useful for or ‘former,’ and k’op, t’dan, and tzih are glossed as evaluating the historical inferences of the structur- ‘speech,’ ‘language,’ or ‘word.’ These labels are ap-

alists. plied to all speech about past events, whether recent

I have selected for such a test the folklore of eth- or ancient. The Maya treat legendary and mythical nic conflict of the Maya Indians of southern Mexico events as part of a single genre, and so shall I.

and Guatemala. The ethnic groups in question are The first conflicts between the two ethnic groups Indians, on the one hand, and descendants of the — occurred during the first half of the sixteenth cenSpanish conquerors of Mexico and Guatemala, on — tury. The Guatemalan highlands came under Spanthe other. The Indians speak related languages be- —_ish domination in 1524, and the Chiapas highlands longing to the Maya family of languages: (Yucatec) | were conquered in 1528; the Yucatan peninsula, on Maya is spoken in the Yucatan peninsula; Tzotzil, | the other hand, was not completely subdued until Tzeltal, Tojolabal, Chol, and Lacandon are spoken 1545. Since then, there have been a number of Inin the state of Chiapas, Mexico; and Quiche, Cak- dian uprisings in the Maya area. Major uprisings occhiquel, Achi, Tzutujil, Uspantec, Mam, Aguacatec, curred in Chiapas in 1712 and 1867, in highland Ixil, Pokoman, Pokomchi, Kekchi, Chuj, Jacaltec, Guatemala in 1820, and in the Yucatan peninsula in Kanjobal, Chorti, Mopan, and Itza are spoken in 1761 and 1847. Guatemala (McQuown 1956}. Indians in the Yuca- The Indian rebellions of Chiapas, Guatemala, and tan peninsula refer to people of known Spanish de- the Yucatan peninsula are examples of what Anscent as Dzul (¢’uu/), a word they gloss variously as thony Wallace has called “revitalization move‘Spaniard’ (espanol), ‘White person’ (blanco), or ‘rich ments”: “deliberate, organized, conscious effort|s] person’ (rico); the Indians of Chiapas call them Cas- | by members of a society to construct a more satisfytilians (hkaslan) or Ladinos (Jarino); Guatemalan ing culture” (1956:265). Maya efforts to revitalize Indians also call them Ladinos (e.g., muuz or mooz their culture have usually taken one of two forms: in Quiche means ‘Ladino’ or ‘White’ [Edmonson (1}) an attempt to reinterpret (i.e., “revitalize”) the 1965:75]). In order to avoid confusion, I will refer to | symbols of the Catholic cult forced on them by their members of this ethnic group as Ladinos, which is | Spanish conquerors, in order to make it more relethe only term that is understood in all three regions. | vant to the Indian experience, or (2) an attempt to People who consider themselves to be of Spanish throw off what they considered to be the yoke of descent and Western culture are today politically “foreign” domination and establish their own govdominant throughout the Maya area, as they have — ernment, based on the Spanish model. In two of the been since the conquest. They call their written ©=movements under consideration here, the reinterdescriptions of ethnic conflict “history” (histo- pretation took the form of “Indianizing” the concept

ria). Indian accounts of the same events are called of the Passion of Christ. In highland Chiapas, in “legends” (leyendas}, or “stories” (cuentos), even 1868, the Indians of Chamula crucified an Indian though, as I shall show, they are often no less accu-. — boy and proclaimed him to be the Indian Christ; a rate factually than the “history” of the other group. spiritual leader of the Caste War of Yucatan (1847— In fact, there is some evidence that the “history” of 1901) identified himself with Christ and used his ethnic relations in the Yucatan peninsula and high- role as the Indian Christ to lead his people to victory

6 Introduction against the Ladinos. The theme of two colonial re- | This Myth of Pacification has colored the historical volts was the putative coronation of an Indian king, interpretations of ethnic conflict of many Ladino aufirst in Quisteil (Yucatan) in 1761 and subsequently — thors. For example, the most complete history of Inin Totonicapan (Guatemala] in 1820. The fifth re- dian rebellions in highland Chiapas treats the two bellion, which took place in highland Chiapas in initial attempts of the Spaniards to conquer the Indi1712, had an Indian Virgin as its revitalization focus. ans as the first two “rebellions” (Pineda 1888). The Thus Indian Christs, Indian kings, and Indian Vir- influence of the Myth of Pacification is also evident gins are the principal themes of revitalization move-in some Ladino oral traditions of ethnic conflict, in

ments among the Maya. which it is the principal distorting factor. For exam-

Although the focus of this work is on Maya re- ple, Ladinos often confuse the nineteenth-century vitalization movements, the relationship between Caste War of Yucatan with the earlier rebellion in the history and folklore of ethnic conflict cannot be 1761 and also with the conquest, treating events understood without some appreciation of the Span- — separated by more than one hundred years as equivish view of the conquest. For long before a single alent and interchangeable (cf. Text B-3 in Appendix Spaniard had set foot in the Yucatan peninsula, —B}. The Myth of Pacification makes it logically posChiapas, or Guatemala, the history of all subse- sible to equate the Indian uprisings of 1761 and 1847 quent ethnic conflict in those regions (and others) with the conquest of the Yucatan peninsula during had already been distorted in terms of what I shall the sixteenth century; since they are all “pacificacall “the Myth of Pacification.” In 1493, Pope Alex- tions,” they all have the same theme. ander VI drew the famous Line of Demarcation run- The telescoping of time is apparently a frequent ning from the North to the South Pole and assigned distortion in oral tradition (Vansina 1965: 102), and the peoples and lands west of that line to the rulers it is equally characteristic of Indian versions of ethof Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, and Granada (Gott- nic conflict. The two ethnic groups differ, however,

schalk 1927: 33—37], thereby making in their motivation tor temporal distortion. The

those peoples and lands henceforth the vassals and do- events treated as structurally equivalent and intermains of the Crown of Castile. . . . Thus, the inhabi- changeable in Maya oral tradition are dictated by the tants of the New World immediately became the sub- Maya calendar rather than the Myth of Pacification. jects of the Castilian monarch, and their lands, his At the time of the conquest, the Maya had a cycliproperty whether or not Spaniards had ever seen them. a] notion of time which they expressed in a calenWhen his representatives arrived, they came to affirm drical ~m of three intermeshins les of tire: a theoretically preexisting status, to take formal pos- Tea system of three intermeshing cycices of trne: session of realms already part of the domain of the the tzolkin ot 260 days, the tun of 360 days, and the Crown of Castile and to receive the allegiance of peo- haab of 365 days. Each day had a number (from 1 to ple already vassals of the Castilian monarch. (Cham- 13! and a name (from 4 series of twenty names). The

berlain 19484: 27} series of thirteen numbers and the series of twenty Whenever and wherever the Spaniards encountered names repeated continuously, with the result that a anew group of Indians, they were required toreada = given combination of number and day name, such as formal summons to them which explained how the — 8 Ahau, would be repeated only once every 260 days. Indians had become vassals of the Crown of Castile This is the basis of the ritual calendar known as the

and requested them to swear allegiance to it: tzolkin. If the natives refused to heed it or if they resisted the The tun consisted of eighteen months of twenty Spaniards, “just war” could be made against them. days each. Twenty tuns formed a katun. Both the “Just war” once begun could be carried to any limits. tun and the katun were named after the day on War on such Indians could even be regarded not as which they ended, which was always Ahau. The nuwar in the usual sense but as “pacification” of “re- merical coefficients of the days on which katuns bellious vassals,” especially if they were Indians who | had once given allegiance and who later rose up in ended occurred in a regular sequence: 13, 1, 91 7S, arms. The captains who fought Indians in the name of 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, and 2. They repeated after thirteen

their king were merely bringing them back to obe- katuns, thus resulting in a cycle of 260 tuns, or apdience. The term “pacification” is frequently found in proximately 256 solar years (Edmonson 1976:713).

preference to “conquest,” and even the term pacifica- The haab corresponded to the solar calendar vanced form of this doctrine, there could be no such of 365 days. It consisted of cighteen twenty-day thing as conquest, only legal pacification. (Cham- months and one five-day “month” called the uayeb

dor |pacifier] was sometimes used. In the most ad- , io

berlain 19484: 27] (Edmonson 1976:713).

The Historicity of Myth and the Myth of History 7

The Maya believed that history was repetitive, The destruction of the stronghold; that the events in one cycle would be repeated in all Because of that confederation

successive cycles as they had been repeating since In the city of Mayapan. time immemorial. Therefore, the calendar could be , (Roys 1933: 48-49; my translation)’ used to predict events in the future (i.e., in succeed- Note that in each Katun 8 Ahau, a city was abaning cycles), and people had no control over their fate. = qoned or destroyed (and subsequently abandoned). This cyclical repetition of history is illustrated in

the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel (Roys Katun 8 Ahau recurred approximately every 256 years, 1933), which records the count of the katuns since and for a thousand years every time a katun of this the first settlement was established at Chichen Itza. name occurred, the Itza were driven no matter where they were livingfrom at thetheir time.homes, Late in Below is the historical account for each Katun 8 the Seventh Century a.p. they were expelled from

Ahau in one chronicle: Chichen Itza after their first occupation of that city. In the middle of the Ninth Century they were driven out The First Katun 8 Ahau of Chakanputun. At the end of the Twelfth Century

It was in 8 Ahau they were again driven from Chichen Itza by Hunac Ceel. About the middle of the Fifteenth Century Ma-

That Chichen Itza was destroyed. yapan was sacked and destroyed; and strangely enough

Thirteen folds of the katun [256 years] had passed it was again in a Katun 8 Ahau at the end of the Seven-

When Chakanputun began; teenth Century that the Spaniards conquered the last They were in their homes Itza stronghold at Tayasal, which was the end of this

For that katun period. remarkable nation. (Roys 1933: 136n3} The Second Katun 8 Ahau Although the events in each cycle were structurally

It was in 8 Ahau similar, the individual human participants in them That the people of Chakanputun were destroyed were not the same (Hunac Ceel lived only during the

By the Itza people. third Katun 8 Ahau], nor were the places which were And they came to seek their homes again. destroyed always the same (Chichen Itza was de-

For thirteen folds of the katun stroyed during the first and third Katun 8 Ahau, The people of Chakanputun Chakanputun was destroyed during the second Ka-

Had settled there tun 8 Ahau, and Mayapan was destroyed during the In their homes. | fourth Katun 8 Ahau). What could be predicted in

This was the katun period each cycle was only the structure of events. Thus

bee ve fees wars might occur in each cycle, but the leaders and

Beneath the bushes, the warriors would not be the same personalities in Beneath the vines any two cycles. . . In such misery. Ihave called these katun chronicles “history,” but Coe (1966:117] calls them “prophecies,” pointing

The Third Katun 8 Ahau out that “prophecy and history are almost inextrica-

It was in 8 Ahau bly entwined in these documents that sometimes That the Itza people were destroyed read like divine revelation” (1966:117—118}. Ar-

In their homes again chaeologists have been unable to correlate the KaBecause of the treachery of Hunac Ceel,; tun 8 Ahau events with the archaeology of Chichen Because of the dispute Itza (Tozzer 1957). It may well be that whether or With the people of Izamal. | not an event predicted for a future Katun 8 Ahau

For thirteen folds of the katun they had lived there. occurred then, the Maya recorded it as having taken

By Hanae co destroyed place during that katun in order to fulfill the re-

g asked those Itza riddles. 7

Because of their being asked those Itza riddl quirements of their cyclical view of history. This would make the katun chronicles of the Book of

It was in 8 Ahau history. . Within the fortress the Maya intervened in history and made events

The Fourth Katun 8 Ahau Chilam Balam of Chumayel myth rather than That there occurred the smashing with stones On the other hand, there is some evidence that

Of Mayapan; conform to their prophecies. The conquest of the

Because of the capture of the fortress, last Itza capital at Tayasal referred to in the quote

8 Introduction from Roys (1933:136n3}) above is a case in point. — regard the life cycle and the agricultural cycle as the

The Itza had resisted several attempts to convert important natural cycles; the festival cycle is the them to Christianity on the grounds that the time |= most noteworthy cultural cycle (Gossen 19744: 24prophesied for this to take place had not yet arrived. 29}. The ancient Maya solar calendar is used “exten-

At the end of 1695, the Itza sent word of their — sively to indicate the correct days for activities in willingness to be converted. A new Katun 8 Ahau the agricultural cycle. Festival days are also reckbegan in 1697, the year that the Itza were finally — oned by it but are checked with the Catholic festival conquered by the Spaniards (see Chapter 2). This — calendar, which is used by religious officials” (Gossuggests that the Katun 8 Ahau “prophecies” may — sen 1974a:27). The people of Chan Kom, like the well be historically accurate and that the Itza actu- © Chamulans, organize their activities in terms of the

ally did abandon their capital every 256 years. life cycle, the festival cycle, and the agricultural cyIn no part of the Maya area has the ancient system ~— cle (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934:127-159, 181-

of reckoning time survived intact. The most con- 204}. But in Chan Kom the ancient Maya solar calservative region in this respect is the northwestern — endar has been entirely replaced by the Christian echighlands of Guatemala, where thirty-four towns — clesiastical calendar for the determination of feast

still use both the haab and the tzolkin (Miles days.

1952:273). In the midwestern highlands of Guate- For the modern Maya, as for the ancient Maya, mala, twenty-three towns have only the tzolkin time is cyclical, only now the cycles are much

(Miles 1952:275). smaller; the largest is the life cycle of one genera-

By contrast, no communities in highland Chiapas tion rather than the katun cycle of 256 years. Vanstill use the tzolkin, but the haab is still in use © sina (1965:100) points out that “Peoples without in approximately thirteen communities (Gossen — writing do not have any units of time based on the 1974a:26—27, 1974b; Miles 1952: 277). concepts of mathematical physics. They divide time The Maya of the Yucatan peninsula use neither according to standards of measurement based on the haab nor the tzolkin. Only in their beliefs about — ecological or sociological data. Ecological time is eclipses are there perhaps traces of esoteric calendri- |= measured by natural phenomena which appear at cal knowledge and prophecy. For example, in Chan certain given moments and which regulate human

Kom, activity. This kind of time is cyclical, and the largest Some of the people of the village begin to regard an unit seldom exceeds ayear ora season.” The modern eclipse as brought about by the motions of sun and Maya whose folklore is the subject of this study are, moon. One suggests that the moon hits against the on the whole, illiterate peasants. Like other illitersun, knocking out its light; another says that every _ ate peasants in the world, they have a view of time eighteen years the moon passes under the sun covering that is cyclical, rather than linear, and they tend to is probably a hole in the sun through which the moon telescope time in their folklore. But their ancestor S) has to pass at certain intervals. But these speculations who were not illiterate, also had a cyclical notion of have not seriously affected the general belief that peri- time which made the structure of their recorded hisodically some evil animal seeks to devour the heavenly tory strikingly similar to the structure of the oral luminaries and that eclipses are occasions of great dan- tradition of their descendants.

the earth with its shadow; a third proposes that there .

ger for mankind. (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934: 206) _ ,notion , . of Whatever the origin of their cyclical Although approximately seventy modern Maya time and history, the modern Maya emphasize communities still reckon time in terms of some of | structure at the expense of personality in their the ancient calendrical cycles, none of them has a folklore of ethnic conflict. In the timelessness of

unit of time that would correspond to the katun. — oral tradition and ritual there is no place for individThe twenty-year katun and the katun cycle of 256 —_uality. The hero of one cycle or century or millenyears were the principal units of historical time or nium is the hero of all time. He may be referred to prophecy in the Yucatan peninsula at the time of | by the names of all heroes or any one of them. The the conquest. The largest cycle in use today is the — villain who opposes him can be called by the name

haab. of any villain from any time period. What is imporThe modern Maya still have a cyclical notion of | tant is the structural message: ethnic conflict is

time, but it is based on the repetition of natural and — characterized by warfare, death, rape, soldiers, weap-

cultural events rather than on the ancient calendar. ons, fireworks, and the division of people into two For example, the Chamulans of highland Chiapas groups, the conquerors and the conquered.

The Historicity of Mvth and the Myth of History 9

The folklore of ethnic conflict among the Maya The organization of this book reflects the distinccovers a time span of at least two thousand years. As _—_— tion between historical time and mythological

new conflicts arise and become history, they are timelessness. In historical time each of the rementally fused and confused with older conflicts, — bellions is a separate event, and they are so treated

their structural components squeezed into the pi- in Parts II, III, and IV. My historical synthesis is geonholes of the timeless folklore paradigm. The based on published and unpublished documents only distortion necessary to achieve this result is | written by members of both ethnic groups.

the telescoping of time. In Part V, I discuss the structure of Maya and

Thus temporal distortion characterizes both In- — Ladino folklore of ethnic conflict. The Appendices dian and Ladino oral traditions about ethnic con- contain examples of the oral traditions which are flict. In the Indian case the distortion is consistent — the basis of my analysis, as well as two hitherto unwith the traditional Maya cyclical notion of time.In — published nineteenth-century Yucatecan Maya doc-

the Ladino case it seems to have been inspired by uments that seem to bridge the gap between myth

the Myth of Pacification. and history.

|

PART II. THE FIRST ‘‘REBELLIONS” (15 11-1697]

e

a CHAPTER 2

The Conquest of Yucatan

On the eve of the conquest, the Yucatan peninsula = unconsciously paved the way for the eventual conwas divided into a number of centralized states and quest of the peninsula. Apparently during the years loose confederations of towns. The two most power- _ prior to Francisco de Montejo’s arrival in 1527, the ful native provinces, Mani in the west and Sotutain population of the peninsula was devastated by a the east, were traditional enemies. This basic east- series of epidemics that were probably of European west political division was important during the origin. It is likely that they were introduced by Spanconquest. The west, led by the Tutul Xiu rulers of iards like Aguilar and Guerrero who had been shipMani, eventually sided with the Spaniards. The east, | wrecked off the coast of the peninsula (Morley led by the Cocom rulers of Sotuta, consistently re- —1946:99; Roys 1933:138n; Tozzer 1941: 42n). sisted the Spaniards. It was only with the help of the The Spaniard who is credited with discovering western provinces that the Spaniards were finally | Yucatan is Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba. In 1517

able to conquer the peninsula. ' Cordoba sailed from Havana and almost imme| diately ran into a storm. The wind drove his ship The First Contacts: 1511-1519 southward toward a small island which was either

Although Yucatan was not effectively conquered un- __ the Isla de las Mujeres or the northeastern point of til 1545, its discovery preceded the conquest of Te- | Yucatan, which the Spaniards called Cape Catoche.’

nochtitlan. In fact, Cortés landed on the island of | After landing at Ecab, where they were attacked by Cozumel, a few miles off the northeastern coast of | Indians, the Spaniards continued their voyage along the peninsula, before setting off to conquer Mon- the coast of the peninsula. They were attacked again

tezuma’s empire. when they tried to go ashore at Champoton, and In 1511, a Spanish ship on its way from Panamato —_ Cordoba was seriously wounded. Realizing that they Santo Domingo was blown off its course and ship- —_ were far outnumbered by the Indians, the Spaniards

wrecked off the southern coast of Yucatan. Only decided to return to Cuba, where Cordoba died of two men who finally reached the mainland in a his wounds soon after (Chamberlain 1948a: 12). small boat survived, Geronimo de Aguilar and Gon- The following year, a new expedition of four ships zalo Guerrero. Aguilar was picked up by Cortés on and 250-300 men led by Juan de Grijalva set out Cozumel in 1519, but Guerrero had found life from Cuba to explore the peninsula. Grijalva landed among the Maya so much to his liking that he re- on Cozumel Island and took possession of it for the fused to rejoin the Spaniards. Aguilar’s knowledge of | Crown of Castile. Then the Spaniards went around the Maya language was useful to Cortés during the — the peninsula as far as Campeche, where they were conquest of Mexico. Guerrero, on the other hand, attacked by Indians. After defeating the Maya, they was later of great help to the Maya because of his | moved southward past Champoton as far as the La-

knowledge of Spanish military tactics (Chamberlain guna de Terminos and then north to the Panuco 1948a:15; Diaz del Castillo 1904: 1:73-74). River. On their voyage home they stopped at CamAlthough Aguilar and Guerrero came to Yucatan peche, where they were again attacked by Indians as refugees rather than as conquerors, they may have (Chamberlain 1948a:13-14).

14 The First “Rebellions”

Map 1. Conquest of Yucatan (1511—1545].

of Precolumbian provinces _ se CHIKINCHEL Se res,

att i : a Ake : Isla de las

_ OP een ‘Stl ee ~ ne e D z il an -ee ee Ch au a Cc a e ' ae Etab ‘

f ay “CHEL.--» * Tizimine pe, 3 ECAB iD

gie*Wags Tecoh® ; abe ; dA+ * ag ee re & “% ;M ' * ~3@ Sotuta : ey Saci ,. “y j /Mayapane evaxcaba ; 71g slixcacal ¢ . (Valladolid). pat | far eT * ~Hoeaba:; ® (Ciudad Real) a é

i » Manie .@ | SOTUTA..CUPUL gf f° 4

| | : . ay, f é ey.Se, . ‘ ( Sid al afmne, an Cc£a}W . fi Peto _eecampeche *s | » COCHUAH (Salamanca) «© i ;: /‘ j CHAMP OTON : a ca : we i i a gg

{PSS

# : e Chable ( naomi : armen, * UAYMIL {

f

| i pe ' » {< eChequitaquit] ‘ .Terminos' es&H a * “ee F de | Ada»4€ ea —“AVilla*Real)

| “ge : & a Fi es

> HONDURAS. (i fen i A Seayfinal —,H ,“a:cov ‘ NigeRtittegng, By -_

—— PETEN ae. ayae- :2Fi ;eFi : }i ENON / NER % . ITZA ae L eraa seus gee aoa ec Rrett hee i ong sh At scussintessnoactstonean Tayasal Aif_ y Lake @.5) Peten| (Itza,

The Conquest of Yucatan 15

The next expedition to Yucatan was organized by _— familiarize themselves with Spanish military tacHernan Cortés, also in Havana. Grijalva’s principal tics. In this they were aided by Gonzalo Guerrero. captains, Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de Montejo, For the Maya, the coming of the Spaniards was and Alonso Davila, joined Cortés’s expedition. Mon- closely associated with epidemics of hitherto untejo was later to be credited with the conquest of | known diseases, as some of their accounts of the ar-

Yucatan (Chamberlain 1948a: 14-15). rival of the foreigners explicitly demonstrate: Cortés set out for Yucatan in 1519 with four hun-

dred men and ten ships. Their first stop was at Al, Cozumel Island, where Cortés learned of the two ween Ahau |

, as when they arrived,

Spaniards, Aguilar and Guerrero, who had been The mighty men from the East. shipwrecked in 1511 and were living among the Their sickness was made to come,

Maya of the mainland. Cortés sent messages to And arrived

them with friendly Indians from Cozumel. Aguilar For the first joined Cortés’s expedition and served as an inter- And original time preter in the conquest of Montezuma’s empire. Gue- Here, rrero, who had married a Maya woman and had be- To these lands come a military captain in the Maya army, refused Of ours, to return; later he did his best to thwart Montejo’s The Maya people here, attempts to conquer Yucatan (Chamberlain 1948a: In the year,

15; Diaz del Castillo 1904: 1:73—74, 80). t943: (Roys 1933: 49] Cozumel was apparently Cortés’s only stop in The year having come, Yucatan. His ships went around Cape Catoche along Was the beginning of the arrival of Christianity

the coast as far as the Laguna de Terminos without here;

stopping at any Maya towns. Instead, Cortés went Bloody vomit [yellow fever], on to Tabasco, where he fought and won a major bat- Painless death, tle, after which he acquired the services of the In- Time of drought,

dian girl known to the Spaniards as Dona Marina, Time of locusts;

who was later immortalized in Mesoamerican folk- Pustule fever [smallpox]

lore and historical drama as Malinche. This girl Was the burden of misery, spoke both Maya and Nahuatl, the language of the The gift of the Devil,

Aztecs and their conquered peoples. Working to- White crown [scab].

gether from Nahuatl through Maya to Spanish and [Roys 1933 :60) back, Malinche and Aguilar would serve as inter- Thus the devastating effects of contact with the preters in the conquest of Mexico (Chamberlain Spaniards was probably more important to the Maya

1948a: 16}. than the Spaniards’ technical and legalistic distincNeither Cordoba nor Grijalva nor Cortés had been tion between discovery and attempted conquest. For

given the right to conquer and colonize Yucatan. some of the most effective Spanish weapons in the Their expeditions had been approved by the gover- | conquest were the diseases they had brought during nor of Cuba solely for exploration and trade. But _ the period of exploration.

whatever the intentions of the Spanish authorities, . | .

these expeditions served to prepare the Maya for Montejo’s First Campaign: 1527-1529

what was to come. By the time Francisco de Montejo Although Francisco de Montejo had accompanied arrived in Yucatan in 1527 as the Crown-appointed Grijalva and Cortés on exploratory expeditions to “pacifier” of the peninsula, the Maya had already Yucatan, he did not undertake the conquest of the

been decimated by.smallpox and were probably _ peninsula until 1527. Most of his time between much less prepared to resist the Spaniards than they 1519 and 1526 was spent furthering Cortés’s inter-

might have been in 1511 or 1517. The sixteen years ests in New Spain and Castile. It was not until between 1511 and 1527 was ample time for small- | November 19, 1526, that he formally requested perpox to “soften” the Maya for conquest. On the other mission from the King of Spain and the Council of hand, the period of exploration had given the Maya _ the Indies to conquer and colonize Yucatan (Chaman opportunity to test the Spaniards in battle and __ berlain 1948a: 18-109).

16 The First “Rebellions”

Late in September 1527, Montejo and his men ar- ‘to his attempt to conquer Yucatan from the east rived in four ships at Cozumel Island. The Maya (Chamberlain 19484: 65-66].

ruler of the island, Naum Pat, received them in . .

friendship. The Spaniards then moved over to the Montejo’s Second Campaign: 1531-1534 mainland near the town of Xelha, where Montejo In Spain, Montejo saw an opportunity to extend his immediately went through the ceremony of declar- dominions into the province of Tabasco, which ading the land to be the possession of the King of Cas- joined the southwestern part of Yucatan. The Indi-

tile (Chamberlain 1948a: 34—36). ans of Tabasco were difficult to control, and, by the

Montejo’s next step was to found a Spanish town _ end of 1528, the Spaniards there were on the verge (villa) near Xelha, which he named Salamanca. In — of abandoning the colony. Taking advantage of this late 1527 or early 1528, after burning his ships so — situation, Montejo asked for and received permisthat his men could not return to Cuba or Spain, he — sion to try to subjugate the province (Chamberlain led an expedition northward from Salamanca to ex- —-1948a: 73-74).

plore the coast. With Naum Pat’s help, he estab- The pacification of Tabasco occupied Montejo unlished good relations with the inhabitants of the — til the beginning of 1531, when, because of political province of Ecab, where he remained for four difficulties with the former alcalde mayor (provin-

months (Chamberlain 1948a:38—49). cial governor) of the province, he was forced to leave From Ecab, Montejo and his men moved westward — Tabasco, and he decided to return to Yucatan. After into the interior. They met no opposition until they — establishing a camp at Campeche, he summoned all reached Chauaca, where, after having been given a _ the Indian chiefs in the region to appear before him;

friendly reception to put them off guard, they were many of them declared their allegiance to him at attacked by masses of Maya warriors. After theirini- that time. Next, he founded a Spanish town at tial surprise, the Spaniards rallied and managed to Campeche, which he also named Salamanca (after beat back the Maya army. They were attacked again his birthplace). Then he apportioned the Indian at Ake, but this time they were prepared (Cham- towns that had pledged their loyalty to him among

berlain 1948a:50—55). the Spanish citizens of the new town to serve them

Pleased with his success in “pacifying” a large in encomienda (Chamberlain 1948a: 93-98). part of the peninsula, Montejo returned to Sala- Even though Montejo had shifted the base of his manca on the coast, where he made preparations to operations to Campeche on the west coast of Yucalead another exploratory expedition southward ina tan, he had not lost interest in the eastern part of ship that had recently come from Santo Domingo. — the peninsula. He sent Alonso Davila on an exploraAfter sailing along the coast as far as Chetumal Bay, tion of the southern and eastern regions of Yucatan the Spaniards made a night foray and captured sev- with instructions to found a town in the interior eral Indians, who informed them that Gonzalo province of Cochuah, if that region proved favorable Guerrero, the shipwrecked Spaniard who had re- for settlement. If not, Davila was to establish a town fused to join Cortés, was a military chief of the lord at Chetumal or nearby (Chamberlain 1948a:99of Chetumal. Montejo sent a letter to Guerrero with — 100}. one of the captured Indians, urging him to renounce Davila set out on his mission in 1531. Not finding his pagan ways and return to the service of the King a suitable site for a settlement in Cochuah, he deof Spain. Once again Guerrero refused to rejoin the cided to follow Montejo’s second suggestion and Spaniards, giving as an excuse that he was aslave of | moved on into the neighboring provinces of Uaymil the Indians and was not free to leave (Chamberlain and Chetumal. Davila met no resistance from the

1948a:60—63). Indians in Uaymil, but the rulers of Chetumal

Montejo was favorably impressed with Chetumal spurned his request to form an alliance with the Bay as a potential site for a permanent Spanish set- Spaniards. By the time Davila reached the town of tlement. But he could not achieve that goal without | Chetumal, it had been abandoned in favor of a less more men and supplies, so he sailed off to Spain in accessible place called Chequitaquitl, from which the same ship that had carried him to Chetumal. — the Indians could launch a better offensive (ChamMontejo expected to return within afew monthsin _ berlain 1948a: 101-104). order to organize the move to Chetumal, but devel- The Spaniards were left undisturbed in Chetumal opments in other parts of Mesoamerica led him to — for about two months. Davila, who had mistakenly abandon this plan and effectively brought an end interpreted the peacefulness with which the Indians

The Conquest of Yucatan 17

of Cochuah, Uaymil, and parts of Chetumal had re- The Cupules, like the Indians farther south, did ceived him as an indication of their willingness to not take kindly to the encomienda system. One of submit to Spanish rule, apportioned the Indians of _ their leaders, Nacon Cupul, tried unsuccessfully to these districts to his men in encomienda (Cham- kill Montejo the Younger. The other Cupules re-

berlain 19484: 103-104). fused to give the Spaniards any tribute or service. In In the meantime, the Indians continued to forti- 1533, the Cupules decided to attack the Spanish set-

fy Chequitaquitl and prepare for an attack on the tlement at Chichen Itza. Their attack failed, but Spaniards. When Davila learned of their plans, they successfully blockaded the town for several he decided to strike first, surprising the Indians months, and the Spaniards were eventually forced one morning at dawn. The Indians fled in disarray to return to Campeche (Chamberlain 1948a:144-

(Chamberlain 1948a: 104). 149).

But this victory did not complete the pacification Montejo the Elder then himself moved into the of the region. One by one, almost all the towns that field in an effort to regain the prestige that his son only a few months before had received the Spaniards — had lost at Chichen Itza. By the middle of 1534, he peacefully rose up in arms. This was the region in could claim control over the Indian provinces of which Davila was trying to introduce the exploita- | Champoton, Campech, Ah Canul, Ceh Pech, Ah Kin tive institution of encomienda. The Indians clearly | Chel, and Mani. He established a new Ciudad Real no longer regarded the Spaniards as harmless visi- at the port of Dzilan in Ah Kin Chel (Chamberlain tors. Eventually Davila had to abandon the town he ——- 19 48a: 158-159).

had founded at Chetumal because the Indians re- The Spaniards were now in a stronger position fused to supply the Spaniards with food, thereby than ever to attempt the conquest of the interior. effectively blockading the settlement (Chamberlain Unfortunately, however, just about this time news

1948a: 105-119). reached them of Pizarro’s conquest of Peru and of Montejo, in the meantime, had been having his the great riches there. Montejo’s men were disap-

own problems in Campeche. On June 11, 1531, the — pointed that there was no gold in Yucatan. Attracted Maya of the provinces of Campech and Ah Canul by the possibility of becoming rich in Peru, many of attacked the Spanish settlement at Campeche. After them deserted Montejo and went off to join Pizarro fierce fighting, the Indians were forced back. “Mon- (Chamberlain 1948a:160-161)}. Montejo’s forces

tejo followed his triumph with a rapid campaign were so weakened by the exodus of Spanish coloagainst Ah Canul. He met with staunch resistance, nists to Peru that he realized that unless he abanbut succeeded in restoring Spanish control through- doned this attempt to conquer the peninsula, he and out the province” (Chamberlain 1948a: 131). his remaining men could easily be finished off by In 1532, after the coastal provinces in the west — the Indians. Thus, just as Montejo was on the point had been brought once more under Spanish control, — of bringing his conquest to a successful conclusion,

Montejo sent his son, Francisco de Montejo the he was forced, by his own men, not by the Maya, Younger, to carry out in the northern interior prov- to retreat and admit defeat (Chamberlain 1948a: inces what Davila had been instructed to accom- 166—167}. plish in the southern part of the peninsula, that is, to found a Spanish settlement in the interior (Cham- The Last Phase of the Conquest: 1540-1545 __

berlain 1948a:99, 132—133). In the years following his forced evacuation from Montejo the Younger ran into no opposition until the peninsula, Montejo the Elder lost interest in he reached the province of Cupul. The Spaniards Yucatan and turned his attention to Honduras. He pushed on, however, as far as Chichen Itza, where — was not involved in the final conquest of Yucatan,

Montejo the Younger founded a town which he but left that task to his son and his nephew. named Ciudad Real after the city of Castile in Spain. In 1537 Montejo the Younger sent Lorenzo de He then sent well-armed parties out to explore the | Godoy to Champoton to set up an advance base in surrounding area and to try to win the allegiance preparation for the occupation of the peninsula. The of the local rulers they met. And, of course, one of | Spaniards at Champoton led a difficult life for sevthe first things Montejo the Younger did was to as- _ eral years. Montejo the Younger found it difficult to sign the Indians in the area to the Spanish citizens | send reinforcements and supplies to them, mostly of the town in encomienda (Chamberlain 1948a: because his father had need of forces in Honduras. In

134-139}. 1538 Montejo the Younger sent his cousin, Fran-

18 The First “Rebellions”

cisco de Montejo the Nephew, to replace Godoy in Montejo the Younger then moved into the eastern

Champoton (Chamberlain 19484: 189-190}. part of the peninsula, overrunning and subjugating Montejo the Nephew ran into difficulties almost | Sotuta and Cochuah. One by one, the rest of the immediately at Champoton. The Indians began to _ eastern provinces were brought under at least nomirefuse to pay the tributes and give the services the nal control. Cochuah and Cupul proved difficult to Spaniards demanded of them. Montejo the Nephew — conquer. Ecab, on the other hand, did not resist the responded with force, thereby alienating the Indi- Spaniards (Chamberlain 1948a:221—229). Perhaps ans even more. The base camp was in great dan- the bloodiest campaign of all was the one led by ger of starvation and attack (Chamberlain 1948a: Alonso and Melchor Pacheco in Uaymil-Chetumal: 190-195).

7nN 95] h he S ard Ch Maya, both male and female, were killed in numbers T$40, when the paniards at ampoton were with the garrote, or were thrown into lakes to drown

on the point of evacuating their camp, Montejo the with weights attached to them. Savage dogs of war, Younger arrived with about sixty well-equipped although used not for the first time in Yucatan, tore men. One of the first things he did was to promise many defenseless natives to pieces. It is said that the the Indians of Champoton that “in reward for such Pachecos cut off the hands, cars, and noses of many hel thev had 9; the S ard Indians. .. . The Pachecos’ campaign... left disasCip as Cy had given to the opaniards, no matter trous effects on Uaymil-Chetumal, ... Some areas how grudging at times, they would be henceforth re- which were thickly peopled when the Pachecos enlieved from all tributes and services” (Chamberlain tered the province remained to a large degree depopu19484: 200}. Montejo the Younger then decided that lated by the exceptionally ruthless fighting and by _ Campeche was better located strategically than starvation, for the Indians had no chance to plant their Champoton; he theref bandoned Ch fields or replace the food they destroyed or that which Ae t eretore abandone ampoton the Spaniards took from them. Large numbers abanand took all his soldiers to Campeche (Chamberlain doned their towns and went to more inaccessible re-

1948a:201). gions in an attempt to place themselves beyond

After setting up his camp in Campeche, Montejo Spanish reach forever. Some seem to have migrated the Younger summoned the Maya leaders of the permanently to the Prowence of Peten Itza, which lay -gsion before him and asked them to swear their deep inland, about Lake Peten. The cacicazgo of Peten allegiance to him. When some of the chiefs of Ah last refuge of the Yucatecan Maya. (Chamberlain

tesion : Itza, with its island fortress of Tayasal, was now the

Canul defied him, Montejo the Younger responded 1948a:234—236} | by invading the provir iSO. . be . 5 Provan’ and forcing the diso With the people of Uaymil-Chetumal edient leaders to submit (Chamberlain 1948a: ; . now

202-203] broughtof to Yucatan their knees, the Spaniards considered the i . conquest complete. This was not, how-

In the second half of 1541, Montejo the Youn- . ever, how the Maya viewed the situation. They conger led his entire force to T-ho and established a ; ae . . a tinued to resist Spanish domination until the end of strongly fortified camp in the midst of the ruins of ' the ancient city that had once been there. His next S47. step was to summon the native leaders of that re- = The Maya’s Last Stand: 1546-1547

gion,. but onlythe two night or three towns responded. The8—9, . | On of November

1546, the eastern Spaniards then made madetheir warlast on and the most towns of the region .. . . Maya united effort to resist

and forced the inhabitants of theSpanish towns to submit to or domination. The date for the uprising correSpanish rule. On January 6, 1542, Montejo founded os

to 5 Cimi 19 Xul in the Maya calendar. the city of Merida on the ruins of sponded T-ho (Chamberlain —‘end,’ ) ) and, acCimi means ‘death,’ and Xul means

1948d: 212-213] . . cording to the Yucatecan scholar Juan Martinez Not long after the founding of Merida, the settle- ,

2. Hernandez, this date was probably chosen to symment was attacked coalition of forces ledSpaniards boli - and ;aolize the of anticipated death of the by Nachi Cocom,bythe ruler theMaya province of Sotuta. .’

| the end of Spanish rule in Yucatan (Chamberlain Spaniards defeatedef, the. Maya handily. Montejo the PAO: . 4: awere CuTheup provinces involved the24001: uprising Younger followed this victory byinsending comEven though they were greatly outnumbered, the 1948: 240n|

a0 pul, Cochuah, Sotuta, Tazes, Uaymil-Chetumal,

panies into outlying districts to attack Maya towns. and Chikinchel

These campaigns brought the provinces of Chakan, Hocaba-Homun, and Ah Kin Chel firmly under The majority of victims were in the Cupul area, alSpanish control (Chamberlain 19484: 214-216). though there were others in Uaymil-Chetumal. . . .

The Conquest of Yucatan 19

Some were crucified under the burning rays of the There were Chilam Balams in the western part of tropical sun and set up as the targets for arrows. Oth- the peninsula also, and one of the most famous ers were roasted to death or killed by slow torture. Chilam Balams lived in Mani. Christianity was just Maya incense, under the direction of native priests. as much a threat to the traditional religion of the Still others, sacrificed by the priests before their idols, western Maya, but they were not the ones who rehad their chests cut open and their hearts torn out in sisted Spanish domination. This suggests that ecothe ceremonial Mexican fashion. (Chamberlain nomic and political factors may have been more im-

Two Spanish children were roasted over copal, the . .

1948a:241) portant than religious ones.

Maya priests seem to have played an important part There is evidence that, even at this early date, in this uprising, as the above description suggests. . Some Christian concepts had made an impression Montejo placed the blame for the revolt entirely on OF the Maya, including the chilams. The most ob-

the native priests, claiming that vious of these was the crucifixion. In 1546 the Maya

, crucified some of their Spanish victims (Cham-

[Te Inefans rose| because of some cans, whom — berlain 1948a:241). This was perhaps the first ocae losceo S hat he was emselves, One of them made 1t currence of a practice that was to be repeated in the [declared] they were sent by God. [These] Chilams told Maya area, much to the dismay of the Catholic the people that they should let the Spaniards go to the friars. Sixteen years later, Father Diego de Landa pueblos of their encomiendas, and that they should would launch an investigation of this practice in the [then] x all of them. [This was to be done] because western part of the peninsula.

Gon sa ha al the Spaniards a adic and hat" rhe Chilam Balam of Cupul's claim tobe the Son [Chilam]. . . was he who said he was of God, who was of God may also be an example of the early influence called Chilam Anbal, who [later] confessed many evil of Catholicism on the Maya religion. If so, it is sig-

things that the devil had given him to understand. nificant that he was using a Christian concept in

(Chamberlain 1948a: 239} order to achieve political objectives. As time went

In my opinion, the Maya priest referred to here as 0M More and more Christian elements would creep Chilam Anbal is really Chilam Balam.’ Cham- into the sermons and prophecies of the Chilam Baberlain (1948a: 237) argues that the Maya priests, or lams (e.g., Roys 1933]. chilams, revolted at this time because they “knew It took the Spaniards more than four months to full well that the ancient faith would inevitably be Crush the revolt. The Maya detended their towns broken before the Catholic zeal of the Spaniards, fiercely. When this failed, they destroyed their food and that with it their own influence and power supplies so that the Spaniards could not make use of

would be lost.” them and fled into the bush, where they carried on This interpretation of the motivations of the guerrilla wattare. The eastern and southern provMaya priests who were involved in the revolt has CES Were reduced ‘to a state of chaos exceeding been challenged by Ann C. Collins (1973:3), who anything that had existed heretofore. Pueblos lay

points out that deserted, their inhabitants were scattered, agriculture was ruined, and native life was totally disor... it is worth noting that Franciscan influence in the ganized. Large numbers of Indians left their homes eastern portion of the Peninsula was negligible at this permanently to migrate to other areas, as had happoint in time. All of their work was being carried out from the two base missions at Campeche and Merida; pened during earlier phases of the conquest. Some and, in fact, it was not until several years later that the | Undoubtedly went to distant and still free Peten friars committed themselves to the Christianization of | Itza’ (Chamberlain 1948a: 251). eastern Yucatan with the establishment of a base mis- The Maya ot the Yucatan peninsula held out sion at Valladolid (1553). This is not to deny that there | gn ger against the Spaniards than any other group in were Christian Indians in the eastern provinces at the ; time of the revolt: the records clearly indicate that Mesoamerica. It took Cortes only two years to conthere were, especially among the natives attached to quer the Aztecs, but it took the Montejos twenty Spanish households in Valladolid. One can only won- years to conquer the Maya. Even in 1547, the Spander why, if Chamberlain’s emphasis is correct, the re- ish victory was not complete. The Maya who had volt did not originate in or spread to areas where fled south to Lake Peten Itza would not be brought Christianization efforts were most intense and where , native priests had much more substantial reasons for under Spanish control for another 150 years. taking riars. measures to counteract the influence of the

20 The First “Rebellions”

, the uayeb period, which in 1562 fell on July 21-25

The Inquisition in Yucatan (Tozzer 1941: 134).

The spiritual conquest of Yucatan was equally diffi- These days were indeed unlucky in 1562, because cult. The Maya were eclectic; their response to the — during the investigation 156 Maya leaders were imFranciscan missionary friars’ efforts to convert them — prisoned in Merida (Scholes and Adams 1938:1: was to enrich their aboriginal religion by combining —_|xiv—lxv) and subjected to severe torture: selected Christian belicts and practices with their The method most frequently employed was to suspend own traditions. In 1557, a native priest in Sotuta tied the Indians in mid-air by means of rope tied to their two girls to crosses, saying: “Let these girls placed wrists. If this proved ineffective, heavy stones were on the cross die as Jesus Christ died, who they say then tied to their feet. They were also whipped while

was Our Lord, only we don’t know if he was” in this position, and in many cases hot wax was

. : . ancient form of torment by water was employed, as

(Scholes and Adams 1938:1:78]. Then he lowered dropped on their naked bodies. In certain cases the the girls from the crosses, cut open their chests, and well as the burro, the latter being a wooden frame to tore out their hearts, which he offered to idols. Fi- which the Indians were tied and then subjected to nally, he threw their bodies into a well (Scholes and other forms of punishment. So severe were these meaAdams 1938:1:78]. In Tecoh in 1562 two boys were sures in some cases that they resulted in permanent

, ans committed suicide. . . in order to escape from the

crucified alive, with their hands nailed and their feet MNUEY OF death. Ther _ Aa RE tow Indi-

tied to crosses. The crosses were raised while the torment or because of fear of the penalties that the boys screamed. Eventually the crosses were lowered, inquisitors would impose as sentence for their idolathe boys’ hearts were torn out and offered to idols, tries. (Scholes and Roys 1938: 596) and their bodies were thrown into a well (Scholes The methods used in the Inquisition aroused con-

and Adams 1938: 1:94). . siderable unrest among the Indians. Indian opposiThese are some of the earliest examples of Maya tion reached such a pitch that some ecclesiastical religious syncretism, in which selected aspects of authorities feared that a general uprising would entwo historically distinct traditions were integrated. gulf the province (Scholes and Roys 1938: 596). The priests of Sotuta and Tecoh had combined, in Landa was eventually reprimanded and relieved of one ceremony, the aboriginal heart sacrifice with jj, post because of his use of torture in the extracthe Christian crucifixion. Munro S. Edmonson tion of confessions from recently converted Indians

{1960} and Donald E. Thompson (1954) have pointed (Scholes and Roys 1938:595). His departure did not, out that Maya religious syncretism was also nativis- — however, mark the end of inquisitorial activities in tic," for the integration of the crucifixion with the — yucatan. Further investigations of idolatry were carheart sacrifice implied an unwillingness to give up ried out in the peninsula in 1582, 1597, 1607, 1610,

the ancient Maya rites in favor of a wholehearted 1614, 1721, and 1785 (Greenleaf 1965:143, 153n,

acceptance of Catholicism, . 164; Uchmany 1967; Sanchez de Aguilar 1953:

Father Diego de Landa, who was Provincial of the 289-290, 303). Franciscan Order during this period, was apparently By the beginning of the seventeenth century, howalso aware of the nativistic implications of Maya ever, “relapses into idolatry” were, in general, no syncretism. He realized that the task of converting longer the result of conscious efforts to revive the the Indians to Catholicism would not succeed until aboriginal religion. The Indians accepted Catholi-

every vestige of idolatry had been extirpated. He cism and practiced its rites to the best of their therefore decided, in the summer of 1562, to con- knowledge. Religious revitalization movements duct an investigation of these practices in order to after that date did not reject Catholicism per se. discover and punish the guilty parties. This was the What they did reject was Spanish monopolization of

famous Inquisition of Yucatan. | | the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Perhaps the earliest exThe first Investigation took place in Mani at the ample of this shift in revitalization emphasis ocend of June and during the first half of July (Scholes curred in 1610:

and Roys 1938:594). Hearings were held in Hocaba,

Homun, and Sotuta in late July and early August There were two Indians, one named Alonso Chablé (Scholes and Adams 1938:1:112—114; Scholes and and the other Francisco Canul. The former pretended Roys 1938:598]. The timing>ofnoes this investigation the Pope and Siprenme pontiff and ishop, andi be they announced themselves tothe belatter such was probably of great symbolic significance to the among the Indians. Also they caused themselves to be Maya, because it included the five unlucky days of venerated, deceiving the wretched Catholic Indians

The Conquest of Yucatan 21

with their infernal doctrine. They said mass at night Merida apparently in fulfillment of a prophecy that dressed in the sacred vestments of the church which 1 the time had come for the Itza to return to the the holy chalices and consecrated oils, baptized boys, northern part of the peninsula (Roys n.d.: 12-13). confessed adults and gave them communion, while Munro S. Edmonson (forthcoming) has paraphrased they worshipped idols which they placed on the altar. the opening lines of this prophecy as follows: “Then

no doubt the sacristans Iven em. e rorane : .

They ordained priests for service, anointing their is the return to the center at Mayapan.... at the hands wit the ou and the holy canis, ane when they beginning of 1611, towards the end of 5 Ahau”

ordain em ut on a miter and took a crozier ? , Pe

in their hands. They commanded the Indians to give |Book of Chilam Balam of Tizimin, lines 2677— them offerings and openly taught other deadly heresies. 2692). These lines imply that plans for the visit to

(Roys 1933: 202] Merida were first made in 1611.

The Spanish version of this visit was given by Fa- : The self-proclaimed Indian “pope” and “bishop” ther Diego de Lopez de Cogolludo (1842-1845: 2: clearly did not reject Catholicism; rather, they were 192): “The Itza Indians . . . came during the time of arrogating for themselves the dress, privileges, and this governor [Antonio de Figueroa] to the city of duties monopolized by Spaniards. This sacrilege was Merida, saying it was to give obedience to the king, apparently suppressed without provoking a violent and the governor in his name gave them staffs of al-

response from the Indian community. caldes, and appointed a council, with which they re-

; turned, understanding that they were voluntarily

The Conquest of the Itza” subjects; but it was later seen to be a hoax.”

The first Spaniard who visited the Itza was Hernan Apparently, when the Itza ambassadors returned Cortés. In 1524, three years after the conquest of the to Tayasal, they were repudiated for having capituAztecs had been completed, Cortés commissioned lated to the Spaniards and were seized and punished. his friend, Cristobal de Olid, to establish some Span- Edmonson (forthcoming) has paraphrased the de-

ish settlements in Honduras. Shortly after reaching scription of their return in the Book of Chilam his destination, Olid rebelled against Cortés. When Balam of Tizimin as follows: “And when they got Cortés learned of his friend’s betrayal, he decided to back to the towns and villages the respected nobles go to Honduras in order to punish Olid (Cortés — were seized and beaten. The return of the Itza was a

1971:221). disaster. They suffered penance in fulfillment of the

Cortés and his men traveled overland through the oath of office, but also at the desire of the villages” swamps and jungles of Tabasco, Chiapas, and Guate- _ (lines 2733-2750). mala. Eventually they reached Lake Peten Itza. They The Spaniards used the failure of this embassy as

captured an Indian, who informed them that the a pretext to make war on the Itza: “Especially, since area was controlled by the Itza, who had their capi- they had already given their allegiance (although it tal at Tayasal on an island in the middle of the lake — was feigned] and had renounced it, the prohibition

(Cortés 1971:241). against making war on them had ceased to be in The ruler of the Itza, who was named Canek, re- _ effect; for if they had given it genuinely and truly, ceived the Spaniards warmly and gave them news _ they were already vassals of the king; and not to of Olid’s whereabouts (Cortés 1971:242). Canek fulfill it was a kind of rebellion, and uprising; and if seems to have been impressed with what the Span- _ they had given it as a pretence, and deceit; or other ards taught him about Christianity. According to dishonest motive, it was a form of rudeness, which Villagutierre Soto-Mayor (1933:44—45], he even should not remain unpunished” (Villagutierre Sotopromised to destroy his idols, although there is | Mayor 1933:68). In this way, what was probably inno evidence that he ever followed through on his tended as a peaceful mission was cleverly reinter-

promise. preted into an uprising. No further contact seems to have been made with In 1618 two priests, Fathers Bartolomé de Fuenthe Itza until 1614, almost one hundred years later. _ salida and Juan de Orbita, went to Tayasal with the

In the meantime, much of the Yucatan peninsula object of trying to convert the Itza to Christianity. was brought under Spanish domination. Many pen- They were cordially received by the ruler of the Itza, insular Maya fled southward in order to escape eco- =whose name was also Canek. However, when the nomic exploitation, and some of them undoubtedly priests urged the Itza to adopt Christianity, Canek

eventually joined the Itza. told them “that the time had not yet arrived, in In 1614 the Itza at Tayasal sent an embassy to which their ancient priests had prophesied to them,

22 The First “Rebellions”

that they would cease to worship their gods, because = who accompanied the expedition, the Spaniards first

the period in which they were at that time, was passed through territory inhabited by Chol and what they called oxahau [3 Ahau|, which means Mopan Indians. They were well received by these third period. ... And so, they asked them, not to Indians and were successful in Christianizing many continue with that any longer, at that time” (Villa- of them (Cano 1942:65—67; see also Chapter 3). gutierre Soto-Mayor 1933:86). The Spanish priests | Then they moved on to Lake Peten Itza, where they left when they discovered that the Itza were re- | were met by armed Itza. When the Itza learned that

solved to resist Christianity until the appointed one of the objectives of the expedition was to con-

time had come. vert them to Christianity, they attacked the SpanIn 1621 Father Diego Delgado decided to make an- —_iards. The battle was won by the Spaniards, who

other attempt to Christianize the Itza, but he was captured two of the Itza leaders, one of whom later much less fortunate than Fuensalida and Orbita had escaped. In spite of their victory, the Spaniards debeen. When he landed on the island with a small cided to leave the lake region. Apparently Father escort of thirteen Spanish soldiers, they were at first Cano saw no point in staying in Tayasal because it received peacefully enough. But soon after their ar- | was obvious that the Indians would not adopt Chrisrival, the Indians attacked them. “All the soldiers — tianity peacefully, and Cano did not feel that he had were killed, and their hearts were torn from their — the authority to try to impose the new religion on

breasts, while their heads were set upon stakes them by force (Cano 1942: 67—68). around the village. Later they took Fray Diego, cut In the meantime, Urzua was organizing a Yucatehim up into pieces, and set his head on a stake also” can expedition to the Itza. He appointed a Fran(Means 1917: 81). Delgado’s death brought an end to ciscan priest, Father Andrés de Avendano y Loyola, the proselytizing phase of Spanish efforts to control __ to lead the spiritual conquest of the Itza. And just to

the Itza. make sure that conversion would not “interfere” The Itza were apparently left alone by the Span- —_ with the construction of the road, Urzua organized a

iards during the next seventy years (Means 1917: military expedition to accompany Avendano (Aven83}. In 1695 Martin de Urzua y Arismendi, the act- dano y Loyola 1696: 3). ing governor of Yucatan, and Jacinto de Barrios Leal, The Yucatecan expedition set out for Lake Peten the president of the Audiencia of Guatemala, de- Itza on June 2, 1695 (Avendano y Loyola 1696: 1). On cided to coordinate efforts to conquer the lowlands the way, the Spanish soldiers plundered some Indian which lay between the settled parts of their respec- | towns against the wishes of the priests who accomtive provinces (see Chapter 4). The Chol and Lacan- panied them. Father Avendano, the leader of the don, who were neighbors of the Itza, had been giving priests, realized that the religious mission among the Guatemalan authorities trouble, and Urzua and the Itza was doomed to failure unless the soldiers Barrios Leal were interested in building a road that — could be restrained. When the avaricious soldiers rewould link the two provinces, to their mutual eco- _—_ fused to heed his warnings and advice, the priests nomic benefit. Urztia explained the purpose of the — decided to return to Merida before further, irrepara-

road in a letter to King Charles V: ble harm was done. The expedition turned back just

| before arriving at Lake Peten Itza and reached MeriSo I propose to Your Majesty that at my own expense, and at no [cost] to the Royal Treasury, as soon as | have da on September 17, 1695 [Avendano y Loyola 1696: become governor and whenever I have made my prepa- 31-42].

rations, I shall undertake to open a highway from the Three months later, Avendano agreed to return provinces of Yucatan to those of Guatemala; at the _ to Lake Peten Itza after he had convinced Urzua to same time peacefully reducing, by means of evangeli- restrain his soldiers. This time the soldiers concal preaching, all the Indians who shall be found in . those regions; but the conversion must not interfere trolled their desire for plunder when they passed with the objective of opening the road, which is more through Indian towns on their way to Lake Peten important because it will later facilitate the reduction Itza (Avendano y Loyola 1696:1, 42-44, 51-54; of all those who live in those parts by the continuous Means 1917: 123). movement and trade of Spaniards from one province to When the Spaniards arrived at Lake Peten Itza, a group of Indians, led by their ruler named Canek, Barrios Leal took the initiative, in March 1695, by | came in a boat from Tayasal (Avendano y Loyola

the other. (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1933: 150) ,

leading a military expedition into the lowlands. Ac- 1696:64). In his conversations with Canek, Avencording to Father Agustin Cano, a Dominican priest —__ dafo very cleverly explained his mission in terms of

The Conquest of Yucatan 23

the prophecies that the Itza had used to discourage had rejected Fuensalida and Orbita’s urgings that his Orbita and Fuensalida almost eighty years earlier: “I people adopt Christianity by pointing out that they am the one who is fulfilling your own Prophecies by —_ were only in the period Katun 3 Ahau and that the which you are to become Christians: This bene- appointed time for such a change had not yet come fit will come to you by means of some bearded (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1933:86). According to men from the east who, according to the signs of _ the prophecies of the Chilam Balam of Chumayel, their [sic] prophets, were ourselves, to come many as discussed in Chapter 1, the Itza capital was schedleagues from the East, ploughing the seas, with no —_uled for destruction or abandonment in Katun 8 other interest than, borne by our love of their souls Ahau (Roys 1933:135—137). (bringing them at the cost of much effort) that favor In one of the chronicles of the Book of Chilam

which the true God shows them” (Avendano y Balam of Chumayel, Bishop Francisco Toral’s arLoyola 1696:66). Apparently it was now the ap- _ rival in Yucatan in 1562 is correlated with the sixth pointed time for the conversion to take place, and — tun (360-day year) of Katun 9 Ahau (Roys 1933: 143).

this time the Itza were receptive to Christianity. If this correlation is correct, then it means that the The priests baptized hundreds of Itza during the fol- year 1618 fell approximately two years after the belowing weeks (Avendano y Loyola 1696:78; Means ginning of Katun 3 Ahau. Counting forward from

I917:138—139). 1616, the year Katun 3 Ahau supposedly began, we

The people Canek ruled over lived in twenty-two can calculate the beginning of the next Katun 8 districts, each headed by a political chief. Canek’s | Ahau, which should have been in 1695.° The fact authority over his district chiefs evidently was not that 1695 was the year that the Itza sent word of absolute, for after Avendano had been in Tayasal for their willingness to be converted (Embajada de los some time, the Indians of one of the districts plotted Itzaes 1845; Avendano y Loyola 1696:139}) lends to kill the Spaniards. When Canek learned of this support to this reasoning. plot, he helped Avendano and the other Spaniards It was Urzua, the governor of Yucatan, who finally escape from Tayasal. After wandering in the jungle brought the Itza under Spanish rule. He mobilized for many days and enduring many hardships, Aven- _— Indians from a number of Yucatecan Indian towns, dano and his companions finally returned to Merida including Sotuta, Yaxcaba, Tixcacal, Peto, and Mani,

on April 6, 1696 (Avendano y Loyola 1696:79, to assist in the conquest. They set out for Lake Pe-

105-139}. ten Itza on January 23, 1697 (Means 1917: 182-183).

On his way home, Avendano learned that, shortly When the Spaniards arrived at Lake Peten Itza, after he had left Merida, in December 1695, the Itza they found that the Indians were prepared for war. had sent an embassy to Merida to inform Urzuathat The decisive battle took place on March 13, 1697. the time had come for them to be converted to The arrows of the Indians were no match for the arChristianity (Avendano y Loyola 1696: 139). Thisex- __ tillery of the Spaniards; the Indians broke ranks and

plains why the Itza were so responsive to Aven- fled into the lake. The Spaniards took possession of dano’s efforts to convert them. The head of thatem- =‘ Tayasal the next morning (Means 1917: 184-185). bassy, who was King Canek’s nephew, is said to have Although Lake Peten Itza was technically not part

made the following speech to the governor of | of the Yucatan peninsula, the conquest of the Itza

Yucatan: was an important event in the Spaniards’ interpretaSir: As the representative of my uncle, the great Can-ek, 10n of colonial Yucatecan history. Whether it was

king and lord of the Itza, in his name and onhis be- true or not, both the Spaniards and the Indians of half I came to prostrate myself at your feet, and to Yucatan believed that the Itza were a Yucatecan offer to them his royal crown, so that in the name of people who had migrated from Chichen Itza in the your great king, of whom you are the representative, northern part of the peninsula some years before the you will receive and admit us in his royal service, with , his aid and protection, and you will send us father arrival of the Spaniards (Means 1917: 101). Thus, as priests who will baptize us, who will govern us and long as they remained independent, the conquest of teach the law of the true God. This is why I have Yucatan was not complete. come, and what my king seeks and wishes, with the Of even further symbolic importance was the fact

rege of all his vassals. (Embajada de los Itzaes that the timing of the conquest of the Itza repre-

= sented the fulfillment of an old Maya prophecy. Ac-

The timing of this embassy, like that of the one in cording to the prophecies of the Chilam Balam of 1614, was by no means accidental. In 1618 Canek Chumayel, as mentioned above, the Itza capital had

24 The First “Rebellions”

to be conquered during a Katun 8 Ahau, andthe rele- of Chilam Balam of Tizimin suggests that chilams vant Katun 8 Ahau began around 1695.’ The fact served as intermediaries between the supernatural that the Itza in effect invited the Spaniards to con- —_ and natural worlds:

quer them after that date suggests that the Maya ka- |

tun prophecies should be regarded as history as well This is the record of how it happened, as prophecy. The Itza made the prophecy come true The descent of the sole God, |

—_ , The thirteen gods [of the overworld],

by asking the Spaniards to convert them at the right . rods orasues ,000 gods |i.e., tic a myriad of gods],

time. . . . In the words of the priests, It is therefore difficult to view the conversion The prophets,

of the Itza as a “conquest” in the usual sense of Chilam Balam the term. It is clear that when the time foretold for And Ah Xupan, the destruction of their city came, the Itza tried to Napuctun, comply with the prophecy by inviting the Spanish The priest, priests to return. It is also clear that Avendano was Nahau Pech, aware of the prophecy and timed his mission to the Ah Kauil Chel,

Itza to coincide with the beginning of Katun 8 Ahau. And he explained

His words of counsel to them. The parable was delivered to them.

The Maya View of the Conquest But they did not understand The Maya history of the Spanish conquest is re- Those words

corded in the Books of Chilam Balam which were Which were spoken to them there. written in the Latin-based alphabet developed by Then Chilam Balam went there; Franciscan friars after 1545. Just how soon after the He was stretched out on the ground. completion of the conquest these books were first He wenet 1nto his cell,

written is not known. The extant .versions hoewas his house. , ey sayseem thattohe not arising, date from the late seventeenth and early eighteenth Nor was his face being seen —

,

centuries, but, as Ralph L. Roys (1933:5-—6) has As long as ]

pointed out, there is linguistic evidence that they There was someone speaking were probably copied from older manuscripts. The Above his house,

Book of Chilam Balam of Tizimin is usually re- His home.

garded as the oldest of these books because “it re- Because he went there;

tains the Maya forms of a number of words which He straddled

1933: 120n). His home. | |

are translated into Spanish in other versions” (Roys Above his house,

Perhaps the best known of these books is the Ane then are going to begin Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, which has A The words to be spoken there. | been published in English by Roys (1933). Roys also In the presence of Chilam.

. crowd of priests were going there,

transcribed the text of the Tizimin version, but his And the declaration of the word began;

transcription and notes were never published. The It was coming to them there. typed manuscript of his transcription and critical They did not know comments on it belong to the manuscript collection Who spoke to them. of the Latin American Library of Tulane University. And they said: My account of the Maya view of the conquest is Great Four Lords [the four yearbearers]." based on the Chumayel and Tizimin versions of the Thus went their words. Books of Chilam Balam. Wherever the historical And they went to lie face down

| | ., In order to listen to these words

sections in the two versions are similar, I have On the ground |

quoted from the Tizimin version because it is proba- Of the prophet,

bly older and therefore more likely to express the Chilam.

view of the Maya at the time of the conquest. (Roys n.d.: 13-14]

The Books of Chilam Balam are not exclusively historical records; the chilams were prophets rather In the Books of Chilam Balam, the arrival of the than historians, but their prophecies often con- Spaniards is associated with the twenty-year period tained historical material. One passage in the Book © or katun called 11 Ahau:

The Conquest of Yucatan 25

11 Ahau Don Juan de Montejo,’° Was the katun. The first conqueror. The first, Here in the peninsula The original Of Yucatan it was. Count of the katun, It was still during this katun that there occurred The first katun Their arrival here at Merida.

[When] the White men arrived. In the year At Merida the katun was established. 1513,

O red were the beards of the sons of the Sun, 13 Ahau

The White men! Was the katun

How we prayed [When] there occurred When they came. Their seizure of Campeche.

From the east they came They were there And arrived here, For one Katun. The bearded ones, Ah Kin Caamal of Campeche

The sorcerers, Admitted the foreigners With their sign of God Here Sagging on the tree above.’ Into the peninsula.

(Roys n.d.: 29) Today,

According to Roys (1933:81n), “The Spanish Con- On August 20 f northern Yucatan was completed and Meri- Of the year

quest of nor ! piet 7 IsaL,

da founded early in Katun 11 Ahau, but it was during I have made known the name of the years

the previous Katun that Montejo first landed on the When Christianity began here. east coast of Yucatan.” It was also during the preced- The year

ing katun, which was named Katun 13 Ahau, that 1519 arrived.

Cortés landed at Cozumel (Roys 1933:186). Nev- Sevenscore years

ertheless, some of the events that actually took And eleven years place during Katun 13 Ahau are assigned to Katun [When] there occurred the agreement with the

11 Ahau in the following passage from the Book of foreigners |

Chilam Balam of Chumayel: According to which We paid for the initiation

The count of the katuns Of the war

And years Of the foreigners

[When] the peninsula With the other men Of Yucatan was first seized Here

By the foreigners, In the towns. The White men. It was those captains of the towns [who made war] ItKatun wasthat during 11 Ahau then; it happened, It is we who pay for it now. Their seizure ofIthe port Today Of Ecab. have written

From the east they came That in the year

When they arrived. I541

They were the first to breakfast on custard apples. The foreigners first arrived

That is the reason they were called From the east;

The “pond-apple foreigners”, Ecab

The “strangers who sucked custard apples” was Was its name.

their name. In that year occurred

They say that this was the name Their arrival Of their host At the port of Ecab, Whom they seized there At the town of Captain Jaguar

At Ecab:Jaguar On theOf very first day Captain the year Was his name. Of the katun,

He was the first to be seized there at Ecab Katun 11 Ahau.

By the first captain, (Roys 1933:21—22}

26 The First “Rebellions”’

In this chronicle, two twenty-year periods have been have lumped what Maya historians have correctly telescoped into one, with the result that Montejo’s regarded as discrete events, and Maya historians first campaign is placed in the wrong katun. Onthe — have incorrectly placed in one twenty-year period other hand, as Chamberlain (1948a:347—348) has | events which Spanish historians argue should be aspointed out, Spanish historians have not done much _ signed to two functionally different phases.

better—they have telescoped Montejo’s first two Another passage in the same section of the Book

campaigns into one: of Chilam Balam of Chumayel suggests that it was

| | | the fact that the Spaniards were foreigners, rather printed form until Oviedo’s complete work was made ; | The history of the conquest as it was handed down in than their motives for leading expeditions in the generally available through publication in 1851—5 5, peninsula, that was important to the Maya. In this became confused within a comparatively short time passage, which comes after the selection quoted after the Spaniards finally colonized Yucatan. G6mara, above, the arrival of another group of foreigners, the

in his Historia general, failed to clarify the three Itza, is also described:

phases of the conquest and set forth an exceedingly

inaccurate and superficial summary. . . . In his cele- And then they were in agreement

brated Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan as it now About what was prudent.

stands, Bishop Diego de Landa fused the first and sec- There was no sin then; ond phases of the conquest and gave no proper indica- In their holy compunction

tion of developments in Tabasco... . Was their life

Diego Lopez de Cogolludo, another Franciscan, in There was nO sickness then. the second half of the seventeenth century wrote what :

for a long time was to be the standard history of They had no aching bones then, Yucatan during its first one hundred years as a Spanish They had no high fever then, province. This work, Historia de Yucatan, was first They had no pustule fever [smallpox] then; published in Madrid in 1688... . Notwithstanding the They had no burning chests then; fact that he consulted original documents... , Lopez They had no abdominal pains; de Cogolludo postulated the basic elements of Landa’s, They had no consumption then;

campaign]... . . } -

Herrera’s, and Cardenas y Valencia’s accounts of a They had no headaches then; ,

eon “hen first and second entrada The course of humanity was orderly then. Eligio Ancona, a Yucatecan historian who lived The joreigners made it otherwise from 1836 to 1893, followed Lopez de Cogolludo’s in- When they arrived here. terpretation of the conquest in his Historia de Yucatan They brought shameful things desde la época mas remota (Mérida 1878—8o)], as did When they came. Hubert H. Bancroft in his account of the occupation of And they lost their innocence in sexual perversion; Yucatan in his three-volume History of Mexico (San They lost their innocence in the sexual perversion Francisco, 1886—87). These two historians fell into the Of Quetzalcoatl the Flower, old error, despite the full publication of Oviedo be- In the sexual perversion of his companions.

tween 1851 and 1855. No lucky days

; . is was the origin of the two-day seat,

It should be pointed out, however, that Spanish his- Thin ns indicated to us then.

torians, unlike Maya historians, did not merge the The two-day reign." exploratory and conquest phases of the history of This was the cause _ the conquest of Yucatan; rather, they telescoped Of death to us also. events within those phases. Apparently, for the There were no lucky days for us also.

Spaniards, the distinction between the two phases of There was no sound judgment for us. the conquest was more important than the chro- At the end of our loss of vision

nological position of events within them. Maya his- And shame torians, on the other hand, have telescoped the two Everything will be revealed. phases of the conquest into one twenty-year period There was no great teacher, of their calendar, and they do not recognize any There was no great speaker; 5 Funct; diff neamong the vari di- expedi ThereWhen wasthere nowas learned lord unctional 1 differences the various this change of ruler ge of rulers, tions. Nevertheless, although the actual dates they When they arrived here. assign to the events which took place between 1511 Lewd were their priests and 1545 are often wrong, their relative chronologi- Who came cal ordering of Montejo’s three campaigns is essen- To be established here

tially correct. In other words, Spanish historians By the foreigners.

The Conquest of Yucatan 27

And then they left their borne children, groups of foreigners are discussed in the same chron-

Their engendered children icle; (2} the arrival of the Itza in Yucatan was also

Here, associated with a Katun 11 Ahau (Roys 1933:74); At Tancah [Mayapan]. a and (3) some of the events attributed to the Itza con-

In rat aw they receives their misery, quest clearly date from the period of the Spanish

ere happened their being bitten conquest By] these foreigners here.of the eee a ,of the Itza | yi these | won here The above description arrival

Three times p eth aps lists the misfortunes for which they were supThe foreigners went. posedly responsible. In another part of the Book Because in that year of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, the Spaniards are

They will free us .

[When] we have reached threescore years blamed for a comparable list of sufferings:

From out tribute." It was only because he was ruling then,

Because there occurred This unfortunate priest,

Their having been bitten That suffering was introduced,

By those That Christianity introduced. The Itzamen here. Because those was [people|

It was not we who did it. Were true Christians.

It is we who pay for it now. Here .

However, there is an agreement; They arrived

It must end With the true God, And the foreigners. The cause of our misery, Otherwise The origin of tribute, We are going to have a great war. The OFIEH © f church dues, . That there might be peace between us The true Lord, .

(Roys 1933:22] The origin of violent purse-snatching, The origin of forcible rape,

The only foreigners specifically referred to in this The origin of witchcraft disputes, excerpt are the Itza and the Mesoamerican culture The origin of losses from robbery,

hero Quetzalcoatl, with whom the coming of the he in of “ fet be falug |

Itza is often associated. On the other hand, at least The ovis ‘ft hawrenallin v aerele.

one of the evils attributed here to the arrival of the The origi ee tor mare 64 Itza was probably brought by the Spaniards, namely The origin of loss es from robbery smallpox. I have already quoted passages that link The origin of service to the Spaniards

the introduction of smallpox with the Spaniards. And the priests,

Furthermore, the bitter comment: Of service to the headmen,

Of service to the teachers,

It was not we who did it; Of service to the public prosecutors

It is we who pay for it now. By the youths, oo, . . The boys of the town.

is similar to the observation made in reference to Meanwhile they might be tortured

the arrival of the Spaniards, quoted earlier: Those miserable people.

then. T oredid ns Poor PeoP e, f ; They not depart, It is we who pay for it now. In spite of what they did,

It was those captains of the towns [who made war] a tor those miseran'y poor people,

This suggests that both the Spaniards and the Itza A " ae of me wiorence.

are meant in the quoted excerpt, even though only "the vor i rusts ere

the Itza are mentioned. The human kinkajous

Roys (1933:84n) suggests that ‘The confusion of The human foxes [cunning people], this narrative is probably due to the fact that while The human leeches, the writer was referring ostensibly to the Itza, he The suckers of poor commoners here, really had the Spaniards in mind.” I agree with Well, it shall come to pass

Roys’s interpretation for several reasons: (1) both On the day that

28 The First “Rebellions”

Tears come There then to establish a town. Toour theLord, eyes There shall be no fox then Of Which is going to bite them. God, It will be in Katun 9 Ahau.

There will descend For five years it will run

The Until completion, Of ourjustice Lord, The endthe of my prophecy then. Everywhere In theIt time of thethen, declining tribute. In the world. ended

God, It arrived then,

Directly paying for From GodTheir The raising of armies

Upon the adulterators of maize [By] our masters. And the soul-destroying woman, You will not call Those avaricious hagglers here Your reign war.

In the world. He is coming here, (Roys 1933:20} Among us,

; at Jesus Christ,

It is clear that both the Itza and the Spaniards were ure a sources of misery and ruin for the Maya. To the The guardian

Maya, what was salient about the arrival of the Of our souls. Spaniards was that they, like the Itza, were for- Just as here on earth, eigners and exploiters. I submit that it is for this rea- So he is going to receive

son that all the events of the conquest period were Our souls usually assigned to Katun 11 Ahau, which was also In Holy Heaven also, the katun with which the arrival and exploitation of O ye sons.

the Itza were associated." The true God. Amen. Thus the Maya interpreted the conquest in terms [Roys 1933: 43]

of their cyclical view of history, according to which Roys (1933: 125n) thinks that this prophecy refers the arrival of the Spaniards was not unexpected be- to the seventh and eighth decades of the sixteenth cause it occurred approximately 256 years, or one century. It should be pointed out, however, that a full series of katun cycles, after the arrival of the — later Katun 9 Ahau began in 1848 during the Indian Itza. One result of this apparent coincidence is that uprising known as the Caste War of Yucatan.'* In

the two invasions were often treated as one. 1850, two years after the beginning of Katun 9 Ahau, This cyclical view of history seems to have played one of the leaders of that rebellion claimed to be the an even more important role in the conquest of the | Second Coming of Christ (see Chapter 11}. Further-

Itza of Lake Peten Itza, who were presumably more, during the decade preceding the Caste War, the descendants of the foreigners who had invaded Indians were recruited into the armies of rival Ladithe peninsula during the previous Katun 11 Ahau. no _ political factions which were competing for The Itza were the last of the peninsular Maya to power in the vacuum left by the withdrawal of the hold out against the Spaniards, and they did so for — Spanish government after Mexico had won its War 150 years. But when the time prophesied for the de- of Independence in 1821; the Indians were promised struction of their city arrived, they meekly invited a reduction of their taxes (“tributes”) if they fought

the Spaniards to come and convert them! in those armies. Finally, after five years of Katun 9 Although the Maya philosophy of history proba- | Ahau had passed, many of the rebels signed a treaty bly worked to the advantage of the Spaniards during with the Yucatecan government (see Chapter 8).

much of the Colonial period, it later became a The most recent date on the manuscript of the

source of anxiety to the Spanish authorities. For,ac- |= Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel is either 1838 cording to any cyclical view of history, no cycle lasts — or 1858 (Roys 1933:7], so this prophecy could very

forever. In the Maya case, the Book of Chilam well have been common knowledge at that time. Fi-

Balam of Chumayel predicted: nally, people of Spanish descent believed that the InThen he will leave the land of stones dians were being influenced by the prophecies of And the land of trees i.c., the wilderness}, Chilam Balam on the eve of that rebellion (Gonzalez

There to become a man, Navarro 1970: 78}.

CHAPTER 3

The Conquest of Guatemala

Guatemala, like the Yucatan peninsula, was divided that Montezuma sent a messenger to the Quiche, into several warring political groups on the eve of | informing them of the arrival of the Spaniards [Rethe Spanish conquest. During the second half of the — cinos 1957:84—85). Since Montezuma’s messenger fifteenth century, the Quiche, under their ruler, probably arrived in 1519 or 1520, three or four years Quicab, had brought much of the Guatemalan high- before Pedro de Alvarado appeared on the scene, the lands under their control (Bode 1961:217; Wau- Guatemalan tribes had plenty of time to prepare an chope 1948:38]. However, by the end of the first — effective resistance against the Spaniards. The Cakdecade of the sixteenth century, the power of the — chiquel, however, did not at first view the arrival of Quiche had begun to decline and was being suc- _ the Spaniards as a threat to their own well-being. On

cessfully challenged by a neighboring tribe, the the contrary, they thought that by siding with the Cakchiquel. Between 1511 and 1522, the Quiche Spaniards against the Quiche, they would be able to and the Cakchiquel were frequently at war (Recinos destroy Quiche hegemony for once and for all. A and Goetz 1953:113—116). At the same time, the | Cakchiquel delegation was sent to Cortés to convey

Quiche were continuing to expand eastward into their people’s willingness to recognize the sovPokom (Pokoman and Pokomchi) territory and west- —_ereignty of the King of Spain (Recinos and Goetz ward into the Mam domain (see Map 2}. Probably in = 1953.:18; Mackie 1924: 12). Thus, in Guatemala, as response to this encroachment on their lands, the — in other parts of Mesoamerica, local political con-

Pokom towns that had not yet been taken over by _ flicts undermined the position of the Indians and the Quiche allied themselves with the Cakchiquel gave the Spaniards the advantage, in spite of their (Miles 1965:282). Nor were all towns within the | much smaller numbers.!

area where Quiche was spoken content with Quiche .

rule; the Indians of Rabinal, who spoke a Quiche di- The Conquest of the Quiche alect with Cakchiquel admixture, were at times al- = Not long after the possibility of conquering Guatelied with the Cakchiquel (Recinos 1957:147, cited mala had been brought to his attention by the in Miles 1965:280). Thus, when the Spaniards ar- Cakchiquel delegation, Cortés received news of Inrived in highland Guatemala, the Indians of that re- — dian “uprisings” in the provinces of Chiapas and So-

gion were polarized into two groups, composed of | conusco (see Chapter 4). On December 6, 1523, the Quiche and their subjugated peoples, onthe one —- Cortés sent his lieutenant, Pedro de Alvarado, to hand, and the Cakchiquel and their allies, on the southern Mexico to pacify the rebellious provinces

other. : and to begin the conquest of Guatemala. Alvarado

In spite of the great distance that separated Te- took along with him 120 horsemen, 300 foot solnochtitlan from the Guatemalan highlands, both diers (including 130 musketeers and cross bowmen], the Quiche and the Cakchiquel were involved in 200 Tlaxcalans, and 100 Mexican Indians (King diplomatic relations with the Aztecs. In 1510, the 1974:15; Mackie 1924:14). The expedition arrived capitals of both tribes were visited by Montezuma’s in the province of Tehuantepec on January 12, 1524, ambassadors (Recinos 1957:84; Recinos and Goetz and went from there to Soconusco (Mackie 1924: 1953: 112-113}. One result of this relationship was I4—15).

30 The First “Rebellions”

(1523-1528). |

Map 2. Conquest of Guatemala and Chiapas

Coatzacoalcés@ 7 } t

{ e Tenosique ZOQUE TZOTZIL ™, Quechulae. | he,

Jaltepequet, non Usumalapa® "Ixtapa ~ ‘oe, Tamasolapa® > , ochamula , “SS, Itepequel e Huehuistan PZELTAL —s

Tochtla ® t Ciudad Rea Ry, “£O hi LACANDON \ Oo Chiap a Zinacantan oe ee el Qi, CHIAPANEC * e Pinola an

CP pK Sa, TOJOLABAL < “s SOCONUSCO é C Ln KEKCHI

AN ey Coban eSan Pedro Carcha “ Seescas a em on E Pofochice Rive

7 _—____ eee a Rabinale

eee Xelahuh @Olintepeque — CAKCHIQUEL A Og Chuaraal e a Pachah Ce eiximche POKOM

\ Abwepachhoc pris ;

RNS, Zapotitlan | PIPIL . Route of“.Pedro de AlvaradoTzikinat (15 23-1524]ao a eEscuintla

“Retalhuleue ‘ t . Auitan e Almolonga

ae | | | | “ TZUTUJIL eateeae ce

~ Routes of Luis Marin (1523—1524] and Diego de Mazariegos (1527—1528] Oi | oa

.

The Conquest of Guatemala 31

At that time, Soconusco and the southwestern

| part of Guatemala were inhabited by Mam speakers.

/ In Soconusco, the Indians around Tonala opposed rn } Alvarado’s advance, but he defeated them (Juarros J? / 1823:21, 219, 227-228). In a letter to Cortés, Al/f / varado states that his first battle in Guatemala ocA | curred near the town of Zapotitlan, which lay in fam YA what is today the Department of Retalhuleu. Some

an ai of his men captured three spies from this town. Ali) varado sent the captured Indians back to their town / i} with instructions that its rulers should come before f= him and swear their allegiance to the King of Spain.

/ They did not do so (Mackie 1924: 54-55]. ( Alvarado’s next move was to march on ZapotiPa tlan. When they arrived at the outskirts of the town, / the Spaniards discovered that the inhabitants had

( prepared to resist the invaders by barricading all the \ roads leading into it. Alvarado decided not to force } his way immediately into the town, where he might ) be ambushed. Instead, he established a camp nearby } from which he sent some of his Mexican allies out if to explore the region. His scouts were attacked by f hostile Indians, and some of them were killed or on / wounded. Alvarado responded to this challenge by —_ sending out some of his horsemen. They were also

ra attacked, and some of their horses were wounded

Cf pf (Mackie 1924:54—55).

Ie oe enter the town. When they reached a river which

. fr Izabal cut the road in two, they were met by armed Indians “de fn dla who engaged them in battle. They defeated the Indians and moved into the town. After all opposition HONDURAS had been dealt with, the Spaniards camped in the

marketplace of the town, where they remained for

. e Copan two days. Next they moved on to the city of Xela-

Chiquimula CHORTI huh (now Quezaltenango), which lay in some very

* Esquipulas rugged mountains. After crossing several mountain passes, the Spaniards were attacked by three or four thousand Indians. The Spaniards defeated them and

were in the process of regrouping for continuing their march when they saw a horde of perhaps thirty thousand Indians bearing down on them. Alvarado claimed that what saved the Spaniards on that occa-

EL SALVADOR | sion was the Indians’ evident fear of their horses

| (Mackie 1924: 56—57). ae ~ LY on The Spaniards arrived in Xelahuh the next morna Sy ¥ oe ing. The city had been abandoned by the Indians and iia nT a 4 was completely deserted. The Spaniards camped in ow 8, the city and explored the surrounding region for six 6 WS days. At the end of that time, a great army, which

ae included twelve thousand Indians from Xelahuh and

32 The First “Rebellions”

surrounding towns, advanced on the city from all The Conquest of the Cakchiquel

directions. Alvarado went out to meet the Indians in @d Their Neighbors

battle on a plain outside the city. The Spaniards It is somewhat misleading to speak of the “condrove the Indians off and took many prisoners quest” of the Cakchiquel. Not only had the Cakchi-

(Mackie 1924: 58—60). quel voluntarily offered to serve the Spaniards severInstead of accepting this defeat and surrendering al years before Alvarado’s arrival, but they had also to the Spaniards, the rulers of Xelahuh appealed to responded positively to Alvarado’s request for mili-

the rulers of other towns in the highlands, urging tary assistance in completing the conquest of the them to forget their differences and unite in the Quiche. Furthermore, Alvarado and his men were common cause against the Spaniards. At the same = warmly welcomed in the Cakchiquel capital at Ixtime, they pretended that they wished to be friends imche, as Alvarado himself admitted: “I was very with the invaders and invited the Spaniards to goto well received by its chiefs that I could not have been the city of Utatlan (now Santa Cruz Quiche], where, better off in our parents’ house, and we were so well they claimed, the Spaniards would be well received. — provided with everything necessary that nothing When they arrived at Utatlan, Alvarado discovered was lacking” (Mackie 1924: 69). that the city had only two entrances, one of which The Cakchiquel informed Alvarado that only a had been partly destroyed and was almost impos- — few leagues away there was another city, whose peosible for the horses to pass through. He noted also — ple were enemies of both the Quiche and the Cakthat ‘As the city is very closely built and the streets = chiquel. The city in question was Tzikinahay, the very narrow, we could not have stood it in any way capital of the Tzutujil, which was situated on without either suffocating or else falling headlong — the shores of Lake Atitlan (Mackie 1924:69, 139n). from the rocks when fleeing from the fire” (Mackie | The Cakchiquel asked Alvarado to help them defeat 1924:61). Apparently, the Indians had conspired to — the inhabitants of Tzikinahay. Alvarado agreed and, lure the Spaniards into the city, make the only exits = with about half of his men, set off with the Cakchiimpassable, abandon the city themselves, and then quel army. Their first encounter with the Tzutujil set fire to it. Fortunately Alvarado realized what was took place at a town that was built on a rock which

in store for the Spaniards in time to lead his men — stood out in the water. The Cakchiquel and the and horses to safety while the exits were still func- — Spaniards crossed over to the rock before its inhabi-

tioning (Mackie 1924: 60—63). tants had time to destroy the bridges that connected

During the fighting that followed their escape them with the mainland. The Tzutujil were overfrom the city, the Spaniards captured two of the | whelmed by the attacking army. Many of them Quiche leaders, Oxib-Queh and Beleheb-Tzy. These jumped into the water and swam to safety on anmen confessed that they had participated inthe plot — other island (Mackie 1924:71).

to set fire to the city while the Spaniards were shut After the success which the Spaniards and the up in it; in retaliation, Alvarado had them put to Cakchiquel experienced at the rock fortress, the death by fire (Mackie 1924:62—63, 138]. The fall of | Tzutujil offered no further resistance. Tzikinahay Utatlan, the capital city of the Quiche, marked their had been abandoned by the time the Spaniards arfinal defeat at the hands of the Spaniards. The date rived, in spite of the fact that it was well fortified. of this event was April 4, 1524 (King 1974: 15). The rulers of Tzikinahay were so impressed with Alvarado also decided to burn Utatlan because “it the taking of their fortress that they peacefully is a very strong and dangerous place, that more re- swore their allegiance to the King of Spain (Mackie sembles a robbers’ stronghold than a city” (Mackie 1924:73).

1924:63). He then conducted mopping-up opera- Alvarado’s success in overcoming Tzutujil retions in all directions with the help of Indian troops sistance apparently convinced the rulers of towns sent by the Cakchiquel at his request. Ina few days, lying between Lake Atitlan and the south coast of the remaining recalcitrant Quiche surrendered and Guatemala that they should accept Spanish dominadeclared their willingness to serve the King of Spain __ tion peacefully. They came in a steady stream to Al-

(Mackie 1924:63—64). By April 11, Alvarado felt varado and declared their loyalty to the King of confident enough of his control over the Quiche to Spain. In this way, much of the territory south

move into new territory (Mackie 1924: 65). of Lake Atitlan was “conquered” without force (Mackie 1924:73—74).

The Conquest of Guatemala 33

Not all groups, however, were so quick to recog- twice thrown back the Spaniards and their allies nize Spanish sovereignty. The rulers of the province (Juarros 1823:300—307]. The Kekchi and Pokoman

of Escuintla, for example, not only refused to come in the north proved impossible to conquer milibefore Alvarado and swear their allegiance to him, _ tarily; they were eventually assigned to the Dominbut also tried to prevent the inhabitants of neighbor- ican friars to attempt by persuasion what Spanish ing provinces from capitulating without a fight. Al- — soldiers had failed to achieve by force. The story of varado realized that he would have to take Escuintla their “pacification” is one of the most interesting by force. The task proved much easier than he had chapters in the history of the conquest of the New anticipated, because a change in the weather put the — World (see below). inhabitants of the first town he came to off guard: Next morning when we entered the outskirts of the Whether it was accurate or not, within a few years said town, that is very heavily wooded, we found all after his arrival in Guatemala, Alvarado had acthe roads closed and very narrow—really only path- quired a reputation as the cruelest “pacifier” in all ways—because they did not trade with anybody and Mesoamerica. His principal detractor, Father Barhad no open road. And I sent the cross-bowmen ahead tolomé de las Casas, claimed that during his march because the horsemen could not fight there on account of the many marshes and wooded thickets. And it through Guatemala, Alvarado had massacred One rained so much that on this account their watchmen group of Indians after another: “... he advanced and spies had returned to the town; and as they didnot killing, ravaging, burning, robbing and destroying all think I would arrive amongst them that day, they were the country wherever he came, under the above somewhat careless and did not know of my sally until mentioned pretext, namely that the Indians should

I was in the town amongst them. ; . and subject(Mackie themselves to 1924:75] such inhuman, unjust

The Indian warriors were taken by surprise and did cruel men, in the name of the unknown King of not have time to prepare for an attack. Instead, they Spain, of whom they had never heard and whom fled into the woods. After their ignominious defeat, | they considered to be much more unjust and cruel the rulers of that town capitulated. The rulers than his representatives. He also gave them no time of other towns in the region soon followed suit to deliberate but would fall upon them, killing and

(Mackie 1924:75). burning almost at the same instant that his envoy The province of Escuintla was populated by peo- arrived” (Mackie 1924:126). Las Casas accused Al-

ple who spoke a language called Pipil, whichis nota —_ varado of having killed more than four million IndiMaya language but is closely related to Nahuatl, the ans between 1524 and 1540 (Mackie 1924: 132).

language of the Aztecs. In the rest of his second let- In Las Casas’s version of Alvarado’s conquest of ter to Cortés, Alvarado describes his experience Guatemala, Alvarado and his men are portrayed as among other non-Maya peoples of southern Guate- bloodthirsty gold-seekers. This is quite different mala and El Salvador, who are of no importance for from Alvarado’s own description of his conquest, this study. Thus Alvarado seems to have brought un- = which I have summarized above. Alvarado mentions

der his control, by force or persuasion, portions of | only one act of cruelty, his order that two Quiche the territories of only four major Maya linguistic leaders be burned to death, which he claims was jusgroups of Guatemala: the Mam, the Quiche, the _ tified because they had conspired to massacre the Cakchiquel, and the Tzutujil. They represented less | Spaniards at Utatlan. than half the Maya languages which were spoken There is good reason to believe that Las Casas exwithin the boundaries of what is today the country aggerated the excesses of the Spanish soldiers in

of Guatemala. order to gain his own political ends. Las Casas “beThe rest of the Maya of Guatemala proved more lieved that the only way to conquer man was to con-

difficult to conquer by force. The Chorti were not quer his mind and that this could only be done effectively conquered until 1530, when a “revolt” through patience, persuasion, and kindness” (King led by the rulers of Chiquimula, Esquipulas, and 1974:17). He argued that the Indians of the New Copan failed (Fuentes y Guzman 1933:2:169-209; | World could be conquered peacefully if responsiJuarros 1823 : 300-307}. The Spaniards captured the _ bility for the conquest were given to missionary towns, one by one, after a series of bloody engage- _ friars instead of soldiers. He chose the Verapaz rements. The Indians of Copan, under their ruler gion of Guatemala as the place for testing his theory. Copan Calel, were the last to give up after they had _—_In order to convince Charles V and his councillors

34 The First “Rebellions”

that the conquest of the rest of Guatemala should be — and Goetz 1953); the second, that of the Spaniards,

turned over to the friars, he found it necessary to —_is represented in the works of Fuentes y Guzman portray Alvarado’s expedition in the most unfavor- —_ (1933), Juarros (1823), and Vazquez (1937).

able light possible. According to the Cakchiquel account, Alvarado

On the other hand, there is some evidence that began to display the avaricious side of his character Alvarado’s bad reputation had some factual basis.In shortly after he returned from El Salvador. He asked 1527, a number of years before Las Casas became — the Cakchiquel kings to bring him money and gold.

interested in Guatemala, Alvarado was called to When the gold was not immediately forthcoming, Spain to face charges of malfeasance and graft. With he threatened to hang and burn the native rulers if the help of influential friends and a strategic mar- they did not bring him all their money (Recinos and riage, he was able to refute those charges and win Goetz 1953: 123).

the governorship of Guatemala. Nevertheless, | |twelve | ; | or Next Tunatiuh [Alvarado] ordered them toin pay

1536 he was again ordered to Spain, this ume to face hundred pesos of gold. The kings tried to have the charges of embezzlement and dereliction of duty amount reduced and they began to weep, but Tunatiuh (King 1974: 16). Both of these trials apparently took did not consent, and he said to them: “Get the metal place before Las Casas wrote his account of Al- and bring it within five days. Woe to you if you do not varado’s conquest of Guatemala (Mackie 1924: 125). bring it! 1 know my heart!” Thus he said to the lords.

Furthermore, Las Casas’s account is not the only (Recinos and Goetz 1953:123-124) evidence that Alvarado mistreated the Indians of | While this was going on, a man came forth and said:

Guatemala. Of much more significance is the fact | |

that his awn allies, the Cakchiquel found his treat- lam the lightning, I will kill the Spaniards; by the _ / fire they shall perish. When I strike the drum, depart ment of them so intolerable that they rose up [everyone] from the city, let the lords go to the other against him (Ximénez 1929—1931:1:152). Their side of the river. This I will do on the day 7 Ahmak “revolt” is testimony that Alvarado treated his allies |August 26, 1524].” (Recinos and Goetz 1953: 124)

more harshly than other “pacifiers,” such as Mon- The people of Iximche believed him and followed tejo |Chapter 2) and Mazariegos |Chapter 4). Fornei- his instructions. They left their city on the day 7

ther in Yucatan nor in Chiapas did the men ene Ahmak in the mistaken belief that now that AItrusted with leading the conquest treat their allies Vaado had received the gold he craved, he would not SO cruelly that they later revolted. In fact, Monte- make war on them. jo the Younger made a special point of exempting But they were wrong. Ten days after the Cakchi-

his allies from tribute and service (Chamberlain quel had abandoned their city, Alvarado attacked 1948a:200]. If the Cakchiquel, who were allies, them. found Spanish rule unbearable, then it must have been even worse for the Indian groups, such as the On the day 4 Camey [September 5, 1524] they began to

Quiche and the Tzutujil, who had resisted the make us suffer. We scattered ourselves under the trees,

/ under the vines, oh, my sons! All our tribes joined in conquest. the fight against Tunatiuh. The Spaniards began to The Cakchiquel “Revolt” ave at once, they went out of the city, leaving it Alvarado chose as the site for his administrative Then the Cakchiquels began hostilities against the headquarters the Cakchiquel capital at Iximche. Spaniards. They dug holes and pits for the horses and . : scattered sharp stakes so that they should be killed. At The city of Santiago, the first Spanish capital of the same time the people made war on them. Many Guatemala, was founded there on July 25, 1524 Spaniards perished and the horses died in the traps for (Mackie 1924:86, 140]. This was a strategic choice horses. The Quichés and the Zutuhils died also; in this of location because the Cakchiquel had allied them- manner all the people were destroyed by the Cakchiselves with the Spaniards from the beginning. quels. (Recinos and Goetz 1953:124—125] It was not long, however, before the Cakchiquel According to the principal Spanish historians, the became disillusioned with Spanish rule and rebelled “insurrection” occurred in 1526 (Ximénez [1929— against their allies. There are two major, conflicting 1931:1:152] says 1527), not 1524, and it was Gonzaaccounts of this uprising which disagree both as to —_ lo de Alvarado, not his brother Pedro, who extorted its cause and as to the year in which it occurred.One — gold from the Indians (Juarros 1823 :434—435, 452).

position is represented in the principal Cakchiquel In 1526, Pedro de Alvarado left the government of chronicle, The Annals of the Cakchiquels (Recinos __ the new province in the hands of his brother while

The Conquest of Guatemala 35

he went to Honduras to pay his respects to Cortés. principles in Tuzulutlan. On May 2, 1537, MalThe later date for the Cakchiquel “revolt” therefore donado signed an agreement with the Dominican makes it possible to portray Pedro de Alvarado ina Order authorizing its personnel to undertake the much more favorable light than the earlier date, peaceful conquest of the Indians of that region (King since he was supposedly absent from Guatemala in —=_ 1974: 17).

1526 when it began. The Dominicans entered Tuzulutlan in August of

The later date also makes it possible to view the that year. They established their first reduccion, or Cakchiquel “revolt” as the stimulus for the general resettlement of Indians, at Rabinal in the Quiche uprising that apparently occurred in Guatemala area. Early in 1538 they moved into the Kekchi area. in 1526 not only among the Cakchiquel, but also Neither the Quiche nor the Kekchi seem to have among the Quiche and southern Pokoman. In fact, offered any opposition to their presence (King according to the Spanish view, the general uprising 1974: 18). resulted from a conspiracy between Sequechul, the In May of the same year, Las Casas embarked for ruler of the Quiche, and Ahpozotzil, the ruler of the | Spain in order to recruit more missionaries for his

Cakchiquel (Juarros 1823: 434, 441). venture. Las Casas stayed in Spain until the spring Apologists for Pedro de Alvarado would obviously — of 1544 in order to obtain legal ammunition to pro-

prefer the later date for two reasons: (1) it implies ceed with his planning. His recruits did not arrive in that he was not directly responsible for the uprising, | Guatemala until the end of 1541 or the beginning of and (2) it facilitates the interpretation of the uprising 1542 (King 1974:19). as part of a general conspiracy to drive the Spaniards In the meantime, Alvarado had returned from

out of Guatemala. The earlier date, on the other Spain and reassumed control of the colony. “Al-

hand, makes Pedro de Alvarado directly responsible — varado had decided to ignore the Maldonado agree-

for the Cakchiquel “insurrection” and lends support ment and had given part of the Verapaz to a man to the charges of cruelty that were brought against named Barahona (Ximénez, 1930, 2:xvi). The re-

him in Spain. mainder was entrusted to the wife of Juan Fernandez In my opinion, the real significance of the Cakchi- (Ximénez, 1929, 1:208), but it was never activated quel “revolt,” whenever it occurred, is the fact that because it could not be enforced. The net result was it took place among people who were originally al- that the Barahona encomienda effectively elimilies of the Spaniards. This fact suggests that there nated Christianity in the Verapaz until the end of was some truth to Las Casas’s claim that Pedro de 1541 or early 1542, when Luis Cancer arrived with Alvarado mistreated the Indians of Guatemala, a new missionaries from Spain” (King 1974: 19). claim which paved the way for turning the rest of Soon after their arrival in Guatemala, Luis Cancer

the conquest over to the regular clergy. and another missionary friar, Pedro de Angulo, en-

tered Tuzulutlan and established their headquarters The Peaceful “Conquest” of “The Land of War at Coban. They immediately tried to “reduce” or reAfter the Cakchiquel and other rebellious groups — settle the Indians in larger settlements, but their had been subdued, Spanish soldiers tried to extend efforts met with little success at first. Their actheir conquest northward into what is today called tivities around Coban were also opposed by Spanish the Verapaz region. The first military engagements colonists who had established a settlement called between the Spaniards and the Quiche, Kekchi, and Nueva Sevilla on the Polochic River (Garcia Pelaez Pokoman who inhabited that region took place in 1851—1852:1:102; King 1974:20). “Frightened by 1529. The Indians resisted the Spaniards so fiercely the lack of success, de Angulo issued a plea for all and successfully that the Spaniards called that re- Indians of the Verapaz to meet in Rabinal to be bapgion Tuzulutlan or “the land of war” (Remesal _ tized, for in this fashion, it was argued, peaceful con-

1932:1:182). | quest would be accomplished and danger from the

Between 1529 and 1537, the Spaniards made a_ colonists be lessened... . The gathering in Rabinal number of attempts to conquer the Indians of Tuzu- led to successful reducciones and the founding of lutlan. All of them failed. In 1537, in desperation, Coban, San Pedro Carcha, and San Juan Chamelco” Alonso de Maldonado, who was serving as Alvara- (King 1974: 20}. do’s temporary successor as governor of Guatemala In the meantime, Las Casas was obtaining impreswhile Alvarado was defending his administration in sive legal support for his cause in Spain. “The King Spain, asked the Dominicans to try out Las Casas’s__... signed an edict endorsing Las Casas’ ideas for

36 The First “Rebellions”

the peaceful conquest of the Verapaz and... dis- | symbolized the fact that the conquest had not been patched letters guaranteeing the Indians of Tuzulu- completed, but also because they raided the settletlan their land” (King 1974:20). The New Laws of | ments of newly Christianized Indians and encourthe Indies were signed by the King on November 20, —_ aged them to renounce their new religion. The La1542. Some time after that, Las Casas was offered | candon, in particular, were so warlike and hostile to

the bishopric of Chiapa. On February 13, 1544, the Spaniards that the Dominicans were eventually Tuzulutlan was officially transferred to the episco- —_ forced to abandon Las Casas’s principles for peaceful pal province of Chiapa by papal bull. Six weeks later, | conquest and request military assistance in subdu-

on March 30, 1544, Las Casas was confirmed in his ing them (King 1974: 24). office as bishop of Chiapa. And just before he de- Although the area inhabited by these four groups parted from Spain on July 10, 1544, “royal decrees was really a no-man’s-land, each of the three colowere issued eliminating the encomienda in the Ve- nial provinces that bordered on it has included at

rapaz” (King 1974: 20). least some part of it in its colonial history. For examBy 1547, the peaceful “conquest” was recognized ple, Yucatecan historians have claimed the conas a success. The Dominicans had founded many — quest of the Itza as a chapter in their histories of the towns in Tuzulutlan, and most of the region had be- peninsula; that is why I have described the conquest come at least nominally Christian. On October 30, of the Itza in the chapter on Yucatan (Chapter 2). 1547, Charles V renamed Tuzulutlan (“the land Similarly, the pacification of the Manche and Mopan

of war”) Verapaz (“the land of true peace”) (King is usually considered to be part of Guatemalan

1974:20—21). history (this chapter). The Lacandon, on the other Thus the Verapaz region of Guatemala was hand, are important in both Chiapan and Guatema-

brought under Spanish control by missionary friars — lan history. I have somewhat arbitrarily chosen to instead of soldiers. The Spanish settlement of Nue- include them in my description of the conquest of va Sevilla was abandoned in 1549, after it had been Chiapas because of the important role they now play disenfranchised by the King of Spain (Juarros 1823: in the native folklore of that state (see Chapters 4 41; King 1974:21), and no new secular settlements and ro}.

were established to challenge the authority of the During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, clergy. In 1550, the Verapaz was officially recognized — the Manche lived northeast of the Kekchi between as the exclusive domain of the Dominicans, and it the Acalan Lacandon (see Chapter 4) and the Caribremained under their administrative control for al- | bean Sea. In 1564, a group of Manche visited the Domost three hundred years after that (King 1974: 21). minican mission in Coban and expressed an interest

a in Christianity. Several priests responded to this

The “Pacification” of the Manche and Mopan’ call, and in 1566 Fathers Lucas Gallego, Thomas de During the sixteenth century, the tropical lowlands Cardenas, Juan Diaz, and Francisco Quintero enat the base of the Yucatan peninsula and the moun- tered Manche territory via Cajabon. Their accomtains north and east of the Tzotzil and Tzeltal sec- —_ plishments during the following years included con-

tors of Chiapas and north of the Kekchi zone of — gregating Indians in four towns, among them San Guatemala were inhabited by groups of Indians vari- |= Lucas Tzalac, which Gallego named after his own ously known as the Chol, the Chol-Lacandon, the patron saint. The Indians eventually abandoned Lacandon, the Chol-Manche, the Manche, the Itza, these towns, but San Lucas Tzalac was later reand the Mopan. Apparently the term Chol was used — populated several times, and it retained its name to refer collectively to both the Lacandon and the (see below and Ximénez 1929—1931:2:484-—485). Manche (the Itza and Mopan were separate groups). Gallego served as Prior of the Convent of Coban in In order to avoid confusion, I have decided to avoid 1574 and 1584; he became Provincial of the Order in the term “Chol” and to refer to the two groups in 1587.3

question as Lacandon and Manche.’ The Manche seem to have kept to themselves These four groups (Lacandon, Manche, Mopan, from 1584 until 1594, when some of them contacted and Itza) remained independent for more than 150 the Dominicans at Cajabon. Eleven Manche Indians

years after the rest of the Yucatan peninsula, appeared at San Agustin, a town near Cajabon, durChiapas, and Guatemala had been conquered. Their ing Lent the following year. The Dominicans took independence represented a serious threat to the advantage of that visit to preach to them over a pewell-being of those colonies, not only because they riod of four or five days, apparently without adverse

The Conquest of Guatemala 37

results, for the visits continued, with ever-larger del- had learned enough of the language to converse with egations of Manche appearing at Cajabon, and even _a delegation of Manche who had come to Guatema-

Coban (Ximénez 1929—1931:2: 11-12). la City to request that priests be sent to teach

The cordiality of these visits encouraged the Do- — them. Delgado volunteered to return with them to minicans to initiate a campaign to establish Chris- | Manche territory so that he could perfect his know]l-

tian settlements among the Manche in 1596. In edge of their language (Ximénez 1929—1931:2: spite of their careful groundwork, however, this 357-358). effort failed, and it was not until ten years later that Delgado made five trips among the Manche, in they succeeded in congregating six thousand Man- 1674, 1675, 1676, 1677, and 1682. He made the first che in nine towns (Ximénez 1929—1931:2:209]. _ trip alone. Father Francisco Gallegos, the Provincial Even with this foothold in their territory, they were — of the Order at that time, accompanied him in 1675 not able to increase the number of Manche settle- and 1676; working together, they congregated many

ments during the years between 1606 and 1625 Manche in Christian settlements. Delgado’s longest (King 1974:23). Not until 1627 was a vicariate, journey took place in 1677, when he traveled by called San Miguel del Manche, established in the himself on a special mission to Merida through

area (Ximénez 1929—1931:2:187). Manche and Mopan country. Delgado carried letters But even these modest achievements were short- from the president of the Audiencia of Guatemala,

lived. In 1628 the Lacandon raided and destroyed Fernando Francisco de Escobedo, who had preChristianized Indian settlements in the neighbor- viously served as governor of Yucatan, concerning hood of Coban, and in 1630 the Itza raided the Man- _ the opening of a road to facilitate commerce beche, carrying off more than one hundred captives to tween the two colonies. When he reached Manche Tayasal. When Martin Alfonso Tovilla, the alcalde territory, Delgado discovered that the alcalde mayor mayor of Verapaz, visited the Manche the following — of Verapaz, Sebastian de Olivera y Angulo, had esyear, he was told that the Itza raids had increased in _ tablished a flourishing trade with the Manche frequency since the Manche had become Christians — through Kekchi intermediaries, exchanging metal because the Itza were afraid that the Christianized objects such as axes, knives, and bells for cacao and

Manche would eventually lead the Spaniards to other forest products. The greedy alcalde mayor Lake Peten Itza (King 1974:24; Tovilla 1960: 185). punished Indians who did not deliver all the goods Perhaps goaded on by the Itza, the Manche them- _he expected by sending his Kekchi agents to seize all

selves rose up during Lent in 1633, sacking the their possessions, including the clothes on their churches and burning the towns. Then they fled backs. The Indians retaliated by fleeing into the into the mountains, and despite military assis- | mountains and rising up against the Spaniards in tance supplied by the alcalde mayor of Verapaz, 1678. The disheartened Dominicans did not venture the Dominicans were completely unsuccessful in into their territory again for several years (Ximénez congregating them again (Ximénez 1929—-1931:2: 1929—1931:2:360—371, 382—396, 402-404].

209-212, 341). The alcalde mayor of Verapaz refused to accept

Only Father Francisco Moran, the first (and only) responsibility for the Manche uprising of 1678. Invicar of San Miguel del Manche, continued to work stead, he blamed it on the Dominicans’ lack of misamong the Manche between 1633 and his death in __ sionary zeal, noting, in a letter sent to the King of

1664. In spite of his diligence, and some help from Spain in 1680, that no priests had contacted the Spanish soldiers, he failed to recongregate the Indi- | Manche during the two intervening years. The King

ans in Christian villages, and his vicariate was never believed him and turned to the bishop for help re-established. His principal accomplishments dur- (Ximénez 1929—1931:2:416—417]. Evidently the ing that period were a grammar and a dictionary of _ bishop then requested an explanation from the ProManche Chol (Moran n.d.; Ximénez 1929-1931: vincial of the Order, who responded with a letter de-

2:342). nouncing the alcalde mayor’s mistreatment of the

The Manche continued to avoid the Dominicans Manche and accusing him of lying.’ until 1671, when they responded favorably to a visit Delgado made his last visit to the Manche early in by Father Ger6nimo Naranjo. In the meantime, 1682, accompanied by Fathers Juan and Leonardo

Moran’s grammar and dictionary seem to have Serrano. The few Indians they met ridiculed their fallen into the hands of Father Joseph Delgado, who — attempts to Christianize them; the rest remained set about learning the Manche dialect. By 1672 he —_ dispersed in the mountains where the priests could

38 The First “Rebellions”

not find them. After a month of searching in vainfor the north (Chapter 2). These movements resulted Indians to congregate in settlements, they realized in the conquest of the Itza and the “pacification” of that the situation was hopeless and decided to leave the Lacandon (Chapters 2 and 4). By 1697 much

the area.° of the area seems to have been under Spanish conIn spite of these setbacks, the Dominicans did not _ trol. The rest of the Manche were forced to evacuate

give up. In 1685, the Provincial of the Dominican their lands and were resettled in the towns of El Order, Father Agustin Cano, himself paid a visit to Chol and Belen south of Rabinal. The Manche no the Manche and succeeded in recongregating thirty —_ longer exist as a linguistic group (Escobar 1841:95;

Indians in the town of San Lucas Tzalac. Other King 1974:25; J. E. S. Thompson 1970:63—64; Xipriests followed his example between 1687 and 1689 ménez 1929—1931:2:487—489).

(Ximénez 1929—1931:2:458—467). . | But progress was slow, and after 1685 the Domin- The Indian View of the Conquest

icans seem to have given up their policy of trying to The Indian view of the conquest of Guatemala is establish settlements on Manche lands. It had be- represented in three types of documents: (1} native come clear that as long as the Manche remained in historical chronicles, of which The Annals of the familiar territory, they would continue to abandon =Cakchiquels (also known as the Memorial de Sothe settlements at the slightest provocation and — [old) provides the most extensive treatment of the hide in the mountains where the priests could not — conquest and events following it; (2) documents in find them. Between 1686 and 1688, the Dominicans support of land claims, among which the Titulos de collected small groups of Manche and resettled Ja casa Ixquin-Nehaib contains the most informathem in the Urran Valley near Rabinalin the Quiche _ tion on the conquest; and (3) texts of the dancearea. And in the latter part of 1688, the alcalde drama known as the Dance of the Conquest, which mayor of Verapaz resettled more small groups of are exclusively concerned with that event. AccordManche in the same place (Juarros 1823:39, 278; ing to Bode (1961:218—219), who has studied a

Ximénez 1929—1931:2:487—489).’ number of variants of the Dance of the Conquest, In 1692 the Council of the Indies ordered the Ve- the texts in question are in general agreement with rapaz to make an all-out effort to conquer the Man- the Titulos de la casa Ixquin-Nehaib, although the che and the Mopan for once and for all. Indians from —_ latter document is a much richer source of historias far away as Chiapas participated in this campaign, cal information concerning the conquest than the as did Indians from Coban and Salama (Juarros dance texts are. Therefore, in summarizing the na1823:279; Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1933:222; Xi- tive view of the conquest, I have relied principally menez 1929—1931:2:55). In 1695 a small expedi- upon The Annals of the Cakchiquels (Recinos and tion led by Captain Juan Diaz de Velasco and accom- Goetz 1953) and the Titulos de la casa Ixquinpanied by Father Cano marched through Manche, Nehaib (Recinos 1957) and have postponed my disLacandon, and Mopan territory (Cano 1942; Juarros cussion of the Dance of the Conquest until Chapters 1823:280; Means 1917:97—98). On the way Velasco —_ ro and 12, where it is more relevant.

met some Manche Indians who had run away from a The Annals of the Cakchiquels, of course, protown founded by Fathers Delgado and Gallegos in vides the Cakchiquel view of the conquest. The 1675. Velasco gathered up these Indians and reset- Titulos de la casa Ixquin-Nehaib provides the tled them in towns (Juarros 1823:282—283; Ximé- | Quiche view; according to Carmack (1973: 32-33],

neZ 1929-1931 :2: 360-362). it was probably written by representatives of the

The Spaniards then moved on into Mopan terri- | Nehaib branch of the Quiche. The two documents tory. The Mopan resisted the Spaniards, but were thus represent two separate native versions of the eventually persuaded to move into towns and adopt conquest, those of the Quiche and the Cakchiquel, Christianity. The Spaniards constructed a fort, gar- | who were traditional enemies and would therefore risoned by thirty soldiers under the command of not be expected to represent a single point of view. Pedro Ramirez de Orozco, before leaving Mopan ter- According to the Quiche document, the Indians of

ritory (Juarros 1823 :283-—284). highland Guatemala were first informed of the arIn 1696 another expedition moved into Lacan-_ rival of the Spaniards in the western hemisphere don and Mopan territory while, at the same time, in 1512, when Montezuma sent his messenger, Yucatecan troops were moving into the area from Hummingbird (Uitzitzil), to urge them to prepare to

The Conquest of Guatemala 39

resist the Spaniards (Recinos 1957:84-—85]. The From this point on the Quiche version diverges

Quiche responded appropriately: significantly from Alvarado’s account and describes

Then, che as chiefs of Chias C hy in elaborate an event which Alvarado soon the chiefs detail of Chi Gumarcaa ; ; dis,;:

Yzmachi [Utatlan/Santa Cruz Quiche] learned of this cusses only briefly and incompletely. This she. rep news, then they raised their flags and began to collect resents the essence of the native view of t e conall their arms, and they ordered all their drums and all |= quest, so much so that it now provides the dominant

their instruments of war to be played. (Recinos theme for the Dances of the Conquest which are

1957:85] performed all over the highlands of Guatemala. Be-

The Cakchiquel obviously did not heed Montezu- Cause this event is of great symbolic importance to ma’s advice. and their document does not mention the Indians of Guatemala, I have quoted (in transla-

this incident. tion] the entire passage in which it is described.

The Quiche document continues as follows: Immediately the king of Chi Gumarcaah [Santa Cruz Then in the year 1524 came the Adelantado Don Pedro Quiche] sent la message| to a grcat captain car ee b

de Alvarado, after having already conquered Mexico hel chi oe An | her ca Umam| srane’son Il auc ab and all those lands. He came to the town of Xetulul t e| c wah AN he came ny 1S ensign ca hi Quica Hunbatz |Zapotitlan] and conquered the lands, he ah sent b he | cr hin Dow Fr came to 1 Gumarcame to the town of Xetulul; that Don Pedro de Al- Ah Noe Uy. Talk ih Ht on PANCISCO Nor

f 7 hs. (Reci :8 !

varado Tunadiu was there, conquering this entire coast iequin, who was ne wrandson of 5 aoe a eisen pane on

[for] three months. (Recinos 1957: 85] Nehayb, captain, the great Captain Tecum, grandson of

There is one obvious inaccuracy in this passage. The reuicab, and the he fa cares Quicab Cavisima’ and conqueror of Mexico was Cortés, not Alvarado. In ensign and sergeant as lo! | crying the flag and hig, the eyes of the Quiche and probably the other Indi- flag bore much gold on the tip, [and] many emeralds ans of Guatemala, Alvarado was the symbol of the [iade?]. And this captain brought many people of many Spanish conquerors, just as Cortés was to the Indi- towns, who were ten thousand Indians in all, all came ans of Mexico. It is therefore understandable, par- armed with thei bows and wun Sangs, vances and

ticularly in terms ofthe argument developed inthis Uber aus. And Capian Tacuba is

book, that, in Guatemala, Alvarado would be cred- tude and his courage and immediately put on wings ited with Cortés’s exploits in Mexico. In all other with which he flew and his two arms and legs were respects, the Quiche account of the conquest, as covered with feathers and he wore a crown, and on his quoted so far, is not in conflict with Alvarado’s chest he wore a very large emerald |jade?] which

version. ooked like a mirror, and he wore another on his forehat foll the Quiche d t cocument lj head. supplies And another on flew his back. He looked gallant. —, th what Toltows, the Rurchne This captain like an eagle, he was avery great noble-

information that was probably not available to Al- man and a great sorcerer. varado and for that reason not mentioned by him: The Adelantado Tunadiuti |Alvarado] came to sleep at a place named Palahunoh, and before the Adelantado

Then at the end of this time those of Xetulul [Zapoti- had come, thirteen nobles went with more than five tlan| sent a messenger to this town of Lahunqueh thousand Indians to a place named Chuabah. There |[Xelahuh/Quezaltenango], announcing that the Span- they constructed an enormous blockade of stones that iards had now come here to conquer, and then the the Spaniards could not penetrate, and they also dug chief who was in this town of Lahunqueh, [who] was many enormous pits and ditches, closing the passes called Galel Atzih Vinac Tieran, sent another mes- and blocking the road by which the Spaniards had ensenger to those of Chi Gumarcaah |Santa Cruz Quiche] tered, who were at Palahunoh for three months, beinforming them also how the Spaniards had now come cause they could not penetrate the numerous Indians. to conquer them so that they would be warned imme- And immediately there was one [person] of the town of diately and would arm themselves. He also sent a mes- Ah Xepach, an Indian captain who became an eagle, senger to another chief of the town of Sakpoliah [San with three thousand Indians, to fight with the SpanPedro Almolonga], [who] was called Galel Rokché Zak- iards. At midnight the Indians went and the captain of noy Isuy. He also sent another messenger to the chiefs the Indians who had transformed himself into an eagle of Chi Gumarcaah, this messenger was called Uca- — became anxious to kill the Adelantado Tunadit, and lechih,1957:85—86 he who went with the news to the king. they (Reci- he could anxious not kill him because a verybut fair maiden de- as nos fended him; were to enter, as soon

. . they saw this maiden they fell to the earth and they

In this way the most important towns in the Quiche could not get up from the ground, and then came

realm were warned of Alvarado’s arrival. many footless birds, and those birds had surrounded

40 The First “Rebellions” .

this maiden, and the Indians wanted to kill the maiden And then Captain Tecum flew up, he came like an and those footless birds defended her and blinded eagle full of real feathers, which were not artificial; he them. Those Indians who could never kill Tunadiu nor wore wings which also sprang from his body and he the maiden came back and returned to send another wore three crowns, one was of gold, another of pearls Indian captain who could become lightning named and another of diamonds and emeralds. That Captain Izquin Ahpalotz Utzakibalha, named Nehaib, and this Tecum came with the intention of killing Tunadiu Nehaib went before the Spaniards as lightning wishing who came on horseback and he hit the horse instead of to kill the Adelantado, and as soon as he arrived he the Adelantado and he beheaded the horse with one saw an exceedingly white dove above all the Spaniards, lance. It was not a lance of iron but of shiny stone and which was defending them, and which returned to re- this captain had placed a spell on it. And when he saw peat it again and it blinded him and he fell to the earth that it was not the Adelantado but the horse who had and could not get up. Three times this captain rushed died, he returned to fly overhead, in order to come against the Spaniards like lightning and each time his from there to kill the Adelantado. Then the Adelaneyes were blinded and he fell to the earth. And since tado awaited him with his lance and he impaled this this captain saw that they could not penetrate the Captain Tecum with it. Immediately two dogs ran up, Spaniards, he returned and they informed the chiefs of they did not have a single hair, they were hairless, Chi Gumarcaah saying to them how those two cap- those dogs seized this Indian in order to tear him into tains had gone to see if they could kill Tunatiuh pieces, and as the Adelantado saw that this Indian was |Tunadiu, i.e., Alvarado] and that they had the maiden very gallant and that he wore these three crowns of with the footless birds and the dove, which defended gold, silver, diamonds and emeralds and of pearls, he

the Spaniards. came to defend him from the dogs, and he stood look-

And immediately the Adelantado Don Pedro de Al- ing at him very deliberately. He appeared covered with varado came with all his soldiers and penetrated via quetzal [feathers] and very beautiful plumes, for which Chuaraal, they brought two hundred Tlaxcalan Indians reason this town of Quetzaltenango [Quezaltenango]| and they covered the holes and ditches which had been was given its name, because here is where the death of made and they disposed of the Indians of Chuaraal, for this Captain Tecum came to pass. And immediately the Spaniards killed all the Indians of Chuaraal who the Adelantado called to all his soldiers to come and were three thousand in all; they brought two hundred see the beauty of the quetzal Indian. Then the Adelanbound Indians of Xetulul [Zapotitlan] and more of tado told his soldiers that he had never seen another Chuaraal whom they had not killed, and they were all Indian as gallant and as noble and covered with such bound and tortured so that they would reveal where beautiful quetzal feathers, in Mexico, nor in Tlaxcala, they kept the gold. And seeing this the tortured Indi- nor in any of the towns that he had conquered, and ans told the Spaniards that they should not torture therefore the Adelantado said that the name of this them more, that they had much gold, silver, diamonds town would henceforth be Quetzaltenango. Immeand emeralds there belonging to the captains Nehaib diately Quetzaltenango became the name of this town. Izquin, Nehaib who could become eagles and jaguars. And as the rest of the Indians saw that the Spaniards And they informed the Spaniards immediately and had killed their captain, they fled, and immediately they remained with them, and this Captain Nehaib in- the Adelantado Don Pedro de Alvarado, seeing that the vited all the Spanish soldiers to eat and he gave them soldiers of this Captain Tecum were flecing, said that birds and eggs of the land to eat. And then on the next they also should die, and immediately the Spanish solday he sent a great captain named Tecum to call the diers pursued the Indians and caught up with them and Spaniards saying that he was very annoyed because killed every one of them. There were so many Indians they had killed three thousand of his valiant soldiers. that they killed, that they made a river of blood, which And as soon as the Spaniards were acquainted with became Olintepeque; that is why it was given the this news, they arose and saw that he had brought the name of Quiquel [blood], because all the water became Indian captain Izquin Nehaib with him and the Span- blood and also the day became red on account of the iards began to fight against Captain Tecum and the great bloodshed that day. (Recinos 1957:86—91]

Adelantado asked this Captain Tecum whether he .

wished to make peace, and Captain Tecum responded Tecum Umam is today the culture hero of the Inthat he did not wish it, but that he only wished the dians of highland Guatemala. His tragic death reprecourage of the Spaniards. And immediately the Span- sents for them not only the end of Indian indepeniards began to fight against the ten thousand Indians dence but also the first realization that the native

which this Captain Tecum had brought with him, but ligi ‘cht be les fal tl he religion of neither [side] was able to turn the other aside, they fenston mg t be less powerlu t tan u © reston O

separated themselves by half a league and then con- the Spaniards. For, as described in this document, fronted each other; they fought for three hours andthe — the Indians lost the battle because their magical ar-

Spaniards killed many Indians, there was no count of senal was no match against the spiritual arsenal those whom they killed, not a single Spaniard died, of the Spaniards: the magical eagle and lightning brought and much blood ran from all the Indians sent by the Indian chiefs against Alvarado were whom the Spaniards killed, and this happened in grounded, blinded, and immobilized by the “fair

only the Indians of those which Captain Tecum had — 4 _ Pachah. maiden” (the Virgin Mary], the footless birds (the

The Conquest of Guatemala 4]

Holy Spirit), and the white dove of peace, and Tecum During this year the Spaniards arrived. Forty-nine Umam in his guise as the sacred quetzal bird was years ago the Spaniards came to Xepit and Xetulul

downed by Alvarado’s spear. Thus the battle at [Zapotitlan], 4. , y Ory pa were destroyed by the Spaniards. Their chief, he who

Xelahuh symbolizes both the victory of the Span- On the day 1 Ganel [February 20, 1524] the Quiches iards over the Indians and the triumph of Chris- was called Tunatiuh Avilantaro [Alvarado], conquered

tianity over the native religion. all the people. Their faces were not known before that To Alvarado, by contrast, this was just another time. Until a short time ago the wood and the stone

battle, to which he devoted only a few lines in his were worshiped. |

Grst letter to Cortés: Having arrived at Quichés; Xelahub | sic], they defeated the all the Quichés who had gone out to meet While dismounted and drinking, we saw many war- the Spaniards were exterminated. Then the Quichés riors approaching and we allowed them to approach as were destroyed before Xelahub. (Recinos and Goetz

they came over very wide plains; and we defeated 1953: 119~120) them. Here we made another very big advance to The Cakchiquel account of what happened in the where we found people awaiting us, one of them to che capital is similarly brief: two horsemen. We continued the pursuit for a full Quiche capital 1s simuarly brict: ague and tiey brought us to a mountain ane there Then [the Spaniards] went forth to the city of Gumarthe horsemen to draw the Indians to the plains, and caah [Uratan! santa vm . ne iche|, where ey were

” oo ; tat received by the kings, the Ahpop and the Ahpop

’ . ’ > torture T tl .

rey towed’ us, until Teaching the Horses tas. And Qamanay, and the Quicnes paid them tribute. Soon the and here a very severe pursuit and punishment was "On the 4 ay ; Oat iM arch 7 - 524] the kings Ahpop made. In this affair one of the four chiefs of the city of and Ahpop Qamahay were burned by Tun atigh The Datan ion Gumarcaaa/ Santa Cruz Quiche) was heart of Tunatiuh was without compassion for the peo‘Mackie 1924. ¢ 3 ¢ captain general of all this country. ple during the war. (Recinos and Goetz 1953:120)

Nowhere does Alvarado mention Tecum’s name. al- Recinos points out that this description of the burn-

- ing of the two kings is in close agreement though Tecum isa,qeobviously theQuiche chief to in ;;_ ow! oe. . with Alvarado’s accountreferred of the incident (Recinos

the quote. Alvarado is similarly brief in his description of the battle of Olintepeque: and Goetz 1953: 120n). Not surprisingly, The Annals of the Cakchiquels Later we returned against them, and our friends and treats more fully events in which the Cakchiquel the infantry made the greatest destruction in the were themselves involved. Their first contact with world, at a river. They surrounded a bare mountain the Spaniards occurred while Alvarado was still in where they had taken refuge, and pursued them to the ch . top, and took all that had gone up there. That day we Quiche territory: Killed and imprisoned many people, many of whom Soon a messenger from Tunatiuh came before the were captains and chiels and people of importance. [Cakchiquel] kings to ask them to send him soldiers:

(Mackie 1924: 59-60] “Let the warriors of the Ahpozotzil and the Ahpoxahil

The Quiche account of the conquest ends with come to kill the Quichés,” the messenger said to the the battle of Xelahuh. It is clear that in the minds kings. The order of Tunatiuh was instantly obeyed, and = | two thousand soldiers marched to the slaughter of the of the Quiche, that was the decisive battle that Quichés. (Recinos and Goetz 19§3:120—121]

marked the turning point in the conquest. Although | . | .

the battle at Xelahuh was actually only one of many The Cakchiquel document describes in some debattles of the Spaniards against the Quiche, it had tail the arrival of the Spaniards at Iximche, their greater symbolic value for the Quiche than the later capital: battles, including the one which resulted in the de- On the day r Hunahpu [April 12, 1524] the Spaniards struction of their capital, because it represented the came to the city of Yximché; their chief was called first significant defeat of a people who were ac- Tunatiuh. The kings Belehé Qat and Cahi Ymox went customed to thinking of themselves as conquerors. orl diaosed toward the kines beart ov Tunatia’ the. here Cakchiquel focumentwhere essentia takesdocuBP city. There had been no fight and Tunatiuh the history of the conquest the Yy Quiche when he arrived at Yximche. In this mannerwas thepleased Casment ends. It describes Alvarado’s arrival in Gua- tilians arrived of yore, oh, my sons! In truth they intemala and the battle of Xelahuh in a few terse spired fear when they arrived. Their faces were strange.

sentences: The lords took them for ther gods. We ourselves, your fa[sic], went to see them when they came to Yximché.

42 The First “Rebellions”

Tunatiuh slept in the house of Tzupam. On the fol- ters of the king and the lords gave her to Tunatiuh” lowing day the chief appeared, frightening the war- (Recinos and Goetz 1953: 123).

riors, and went toward the residence where the kings The next section of The Annals of the Cakchiwere. “Why do you make war upon me when I can ; . . , make it upon you?” he said. And the kings answered: quels is concerned with the Cakchiquel rebellion, “It is not so, because in that way many men would die. much of which has already been quoted in an earYou have seen the remains there in the ravines.” And lier section of this chapter and will not be repeated then he entered the house of the chief Chicabal. (Re- here. The rest of the Cakchiquel document records

cinos and Goetz 1953: 121] the history of the colony until 1601. It describes The claim that the Spaniards were well received by _ the colonists’ attempts to exploit Indian labor in the

the Cakchiquel at Iximche is substantiated by Al- search for gold, the collection of tribute, and the

varado himself (see above). efforts of the regular clergy to convert the Indians to

The Cakchiquel document continues with a brief | Christianity. description of the conquest of the Tzutujil, which is Thus, two events of the conquest period have realso in close agreement with Alvarado’s account: ceived special attention from native historians, namely the death of Tecum Umam and the CakThen Tunatiuh asked the kings what enemies they chiquel rebellion. The first, which symbolized the

had. The kings answered: “Our enemies are two, oh, ; Lord: the Zutuhils and [those of] Panatacat |Escuintlal. end of Indian independence, became the dominant

Thus the kings said to him. Only five days later theme of the ritual and folklore of ethnic conflict in Tunatiuh left the city. The Zutuhils were conquered much of Guatemala. The second was proof, from the then by the Spaniards. On the day 7 Camey [April 18, Indian point of view, of Alvarado’s avariciousness.

. 2.4 me cues were eestor’ by Tunatiuh. (Re- This, then, was the significance of the conquest for

i the Indians of Guatemala (as it was for the Indians of

This is followed by a brief account of Alvarado’s Yucatan also), namely the loss of their political and journey to Central America. After returning to Ix- _ religious independence and their economic exploitaimche, “Tunatiuh then asked for one of the daugh- tion by foreigners.

CHAPTER4

The Conquest of Chiapas

On the eve of the conquest, Chiapas was inhabited nevertheless interpreted the Indians’ refusal to pay by people speaking languages belonging to several them as “rebellions” (Diaz del Castillo 1904: 2:210; linguistic stocks. Most of the languages belonged to Pineda 1888:11—28, 30n; Trens 1957: 108). the Maya family. They included Tzotzil, Tzeltal, To- Captain Luis Marin decided to send four Spanjolabal, and Lacandon, which were spoken in the _ iards, including Bernal Diaz del Castillo, and four central and eastern highlands of what is today the Indians to Cimatan, one of the rebellious districts, state of Chiapas. In the western part of the state, at | to inform the Indians of their obligation to pay the lower elevations, lived the linguistically unrelated tribute. When the eight men were about two leagues

Chiapanec and Zoque. from the town of Cimatan, the Spaniards sent mesOf particular importance for this study are the sengers to announce their arrival. The Indians of

Spanish attempts to conquer the Tzotzil, Tzeltal, | Cimatan responded to this message by sending three and Lacandon groups. When the Spaniards arrived, | squadrons of archers and lancers against them. Two these peoples were apparently “divided into small, of the Spaniards were killed immediately. Diaz del warring principalities or petty states, called provin- Castillo was badly wounded by an arrow in his Cias in early accounts” (Calnek 1962:9). The Chia- throat. Nevertheless, he and the other remaining panec, who were late arrivals in the region, exerted Spaniard managed to escape in a canoe which had

constant pressure against bordering Tzeltal and been guarded by the four Indians who had accomTzotzil towns (Calnek 1962:11—12). Thus there panied them. The two Spaniards returned to Coatzawas conflict between linguistic groups as well as __coalcos after twenty-three days, much shaken by among people who spoke the same language. These their experience (Diaz del Castillo 1904:2:210political divisions would play an important role in 211; Pineda 1888:13-14).

the conquest.! Upon learning of what had happened to his peace-

. ; ful mission to Cimatan, Captain Luis Marin went to

The Expedition of Luis Marin confer with Cortés in Tenochtitlan (now Mexico

After the Aztecs were conquered in 1521, the Span- = City) and to request more soldiers and arms in order iards founded towns in various parts of Mexico. to “pacify” the “rebellious” provinces. Cortés agreed In 1522, Gonzalo de Sandoval founded a town at _ to give him thirty soldiers and ordered him to orgaCoatzacoalcos which he named Espiritu Santo. He nize an expedition against the Indians of Chiapas, then distributed among the Spanish inhabitants of | which would include all the Spaniards in Coatzathe new town the Indians of sixteen surrounding coalcos. Cortés suggested that once Marin had suc-

“provinces,” including those in what is today the ceeded in putting down the “rebellion” in Chiapas, state of Chiapas, in encomienda. Many of the In- _ he should consolidate his victory by establishing dians refused to pay tribute to the Spaniards of | a Spanish town there (Diaz del Castillo 1904: 2: Coatzacoalcos. Although there is no evidence that, 211-212). Marin returned to Coatzacoalcos with prior to apportioning the Indians among themselves, — the reinforcements supplied by Cortés on December

the Spaniards had even met the Indians they were 8, 1523 (Trens 1957: 109). treating as vassals, let alone conquered them, they Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who was a member of

44 The First “Rebellions”

Marin’s expedition, claims that the Spaniards en- peque. They had been enslaved by the Chiapanec countered many natural obstacles on their way to —_ and brought to live in some of the small towns on Chiapas. Between Tepuzuntlan and Quechula, the | the outskirts of Socton Nandalumi. These Indians Spaniards found their way blocked by mountains, — offered to help the Spaniards in their efforts to subthrough which there were no roads. Only the Gri- due the Chiapanec (Diaz del Castillo 1904: 2:217; jalva River cut through those mountains, and the ‘Pineda 1888: 19-20; Trens 1957: 110). Spaniards were forced to travel in canoes in order to The Spaniards crossed the river the next day and continue on their mission. The expedition appar- engaged in fierce fighting against the Chiapanec. ently reached the vicinity of what is today Chiapade With the help of their new Indian allies they evenCorzo during Lent of the year 1524 (Diaz del Castillo tually succeeded in taking the Chiapanec capital

1904:2:212, 217-218]. (Diaz del Castillo 1904:2:218—220; Pineda 1888:

The most powerful Indians in the region at that 21-22; Trens 1957: 110). time were the Chiapanec. Their capital was Socton One of Marin’s first acts after taking over Socton Nandalumi on the Grijalva River near the modern Nandalumi was to send messengers to the leaders of town of Chiapa de Corzo. Diaz del Castillo says that all the towns in the region requesting them to come in 1524 the Chiapanec capital was a city of more in peace and pledge their obedience to the Spanish

than four thousand inhabitants, not counting the King. Among the first to come were the leaders satellite towns and hamlets subject to it (t904:2: of Zinacantan, Copanaguastla, Pinola, Huehuistan, 215). The Chiapanec were apparently so powerful and Chamula. According to Diaz del Castillo, the that they demanded and received tributes from people of those towns were happy to have been freed neighboring Indian groups and also held Indians of | from the domination of the Chiapanec (1904:2: other tribes as slaves (Diaz del Castillo 1904:2: 220). Here, as elsewhere in Mesoamerica, local en-

212). mities played into the hands of the Spaniards; the

The first town the Spaniards came tointhe region peoples which had been dominated by the Chiawas Ixtapa, which was about four leagues from the | panec were won over to the Spanish side without Chiapanec capital. They found Ixtapa completely — bloodshed.

deserted by its inhabitants but well provisioned In terms of the Spanish view of the situation, the with maize and other foodstuffs, to which they “rebellion” had been subdued, and all that Marin helped themselves freely (Diaz del Castillo 1904: had left to do before returning to Coatzacoalcos was

2:213). to found a Spanish town as Cortés had ordered. But Soon after they had occupied Ixtapa, the Spaniards before Marin had time to do this, the greed of one of

learned that a horde of Chiapanec soldiers was ad- his soldiers, Francisco de Medina, destroyed the vancing on them. The Spaniards went out to meet —_ peace that Marin had so carefully arranged (Diaz del the Chiapanec troops, and in the ensuing battle two — Castillo 1904:2:220; Trens 1957: 112).

Spanish soldiers and four horses were killed, and Medina, without Marin’s permission, took eight Marin and thirteen other Spaniards were wounded. Mexican Indians (who formed part of the Spanish Nightfall brought a halt to the battle (Diaz del Cas- forces} to Chamula and demanded that the Indians

tillo 1904: 2:214). of that town give him some gold. Apparently, the

The Spaniards spent the night in Ixtapa, even Chamulans gave Medina what gold they had, but though they were afraid of being attacked in the Medina was not satisfied and demanded more.

dark. The next day they left Ixtapa and headedinthe | When the Chamulans did not produce more gold, direction of Socton Nandalumi because, says Pineda Medina and his men captured the Chamulan chief

(1888:17), “Socton ... was the focus of the re- and threatened to kill him. The Chamulans rebelled bellion, in which they [the Spaniards] believed that against this outrage and attacked the Spaniards; the forces of the confederated towns of the Province __ they were assisted in their uprising by the people of

of Chiapas were gathered.” Huehuistan (Diaz del Castillo 1904:2:220; Trens The Spaniards spent the next night at a town on 1957: 112}).

the river below Socton Nandalumi. At midnight When Marin learned of what had happened in a group of ten Indians pulled up to the Spanish Chamula, he seized Medina and sent him off to Tecamp in canoes. After they had been brought before —nochtitlan to be punished by Cortés. Then he called | Marin, they explained that they were not Chiapanec | the Chamulans before him and tried to placate them but were natives of another province called Jalte- by telling them that Medina would be punished. But

The Conquest of Chiapas 45

the Chamulans were not mollified by these as- ness of the terrain, that they were aware that they surances and refused to be pacified. Thus the peace — _~were too few to make them [the Indians] obey them was destroyed, and Marin was forced to fight against and besides they were all wounded: they decided to

the rebels (Diaz del Castillo 1904:2:220-221; return to the town of Coatzacoalcos, passing on the

Trens 1957: 112). way through Cimatan in order to punish the inhabi-

Marin recruited two hundred Chiapanec soldiers — tants of that town who were still continuing to reas reinforcements for his Spanish and Mexican bel.” Whatever the reason or reasons, Marin and his forces and set out for Chamula. On the way they men returned to Coatzacoalcos without establishstopped in Zinacantan, where they spent Easter ing a Spanish settlement in Chiapas. As they withSunday. A number of Zinacanteco soldiers joined drew from the province, the Indians rose in reMarin’s army. Then they left Zinacantan and aftera __ bellion, quickly forgetting the obedience they had short march came to a fortress constructed by the | promised to the King of Spain.

Chamulans which they took after three days of As a “pacifier,” Marin was obviously a failure. He heavy fighting. The Chamulans were armed with — did not carry out the most important of Cortés’s inlong wooden spears to which stone points had been structions, the one which would have maintained a hafted, stone swords, and bows and arrows. They — Spanish “presence” in the province. Furthermore, charged at the Spaniards with great shouts, accom- Marin exercised so little control over his soldiers

panied by the music of trumpets, horns, and ket- that they were able to sabotage his efforts to win tledrums (Diaz del Castillo 1904:2:221—225; Trens over the enemies of the Chiapanec peacefully. As

1957:112). a result of his lack of leadership, the at first coop-

It is important to note that the Zinacantecos did erative Chamulans were transformed into fierce not join the Chamulans against the Spaniards. In- enemies.

stead, they permitted the Spaniards to pass through . .

their town on the way to Chamula, supplied them The Expedition of Diego de Mazariegos with additional troops, and advised them of what = In 1526, word reached Tenochtitlan that the Indians to expect in Chamula (Diaz del Castillo 1904:2: of Chiapas were again in a state of rebellion. With 221-225; Godoy 1918:465-—467). In all later eth- Cortés’s approval, the Governor and Captain Gennic conflicts, these two towns would always be on — eral of New Spain, Alonso de Estrada, appointed

opposing sides, each town being sometimes allied | Captain Diego de Mazariegos to put down this with the descendants of the conquerors, sometimes seemingly new uprising. Mazariegos left Tenochti-

against them. tlan at the beginning of 1527 with an expeditionAfter the Chamulans had been subdued, the Span- _—_ ary force of 150 infantry, forty horsemen, five artil-

iards and their Indian allies moved on to Huehuis- _ lery pieces, and a considerable number of Mexican

tan, about four leagues distant, which they also and Tlaxcalan Indians to make another attempt to eventually took. Chamula was given in encomienda — subdue the Indians of Chiapas (Remesal 1932:1:

to Bernal Diaz del Castillo (1904:2: 225). 378—379; Pineda 1888: 30; Trens 1957:117). With the Indians of Chiapas once again at peace, When they reached Chiapas, Mazariegos and his Marin should now have set about complying with men followed part of the same route that Marin had Cortés’s order to establish a Spanish settlement in taken several years before (see Map 2): “they crossed the province. This he failed to do. Diaz del Castillo | the Chiapa [Grijalva?] River at the level of Queclaims that some of the Spaniards in the expedition chula, and they pushed on along its left side until did not want to settle in Chiapas; they wanted to __ they arrived at the town of Usumalapa (San Ferreturn to Coatzacoalcos. Those who were willing to nando las Animas). From there the Spaniards took stay quarreled about which Indian towns they were the Tamasolapa (Don Ventura) road, and concluded to receive in encomienda (1904:2:226). According by camping in the little Zoque town named Tochtla to Diaz del Castillo (1904:2:225), the greatest mal- or Tulun (Tuxtla Gutierrez)” (Trens 1957:117). contents were Diego de Godoy and Alonso de Grado. In the meantime, the Indians were mobilizing for Pineda (1888:27] justifies Marin’s failure to obey _ battle. On the next day, after having spent the night Cortés’s orders as follows: “... but in view of [the — in Tuxtla, the Spaniards continued their march until fact] that the Province was well populated, that all | they encountered the Indians who had come to fight the towns were fortified and on hilltops, that the | them. Mazariegos went before them and asked them cavalry could not maneuver because of the rugged- __ to pledge their obedience to the Spanish King. This

46 The First “Rebellions”

request was met with whistles, shouts, anda hail of | considered part of the province), the climate was unstones. There was now nothing for the Spaniards to pleasantly hot and humid, and there were too many do but engage the Indians in battle (Pineda 1888: insects. For these reasons the town was moved to a

31-32; Trens 1957: 118). valley at a higher altitude. Eventually, when it grew, The Indians resisted fiercely. Some of them were its name was changed to Ciudad Real. After inde-

driven to the edge of a cliff, but rather than sur- pendence from Spain, the city was renamed San render, the Indians threw themselves over the cliff. Cristobal Las Casas. The first site of Villarreal is into the river below (Pineda 1888:32; Remesal the present town of Chiapa de Corzo (Pineda 1888: 1932:1:379—380; Trens 1957:118}). This incident 33-35; Remesal 1932:1:382—386). marked the end of the conquest and the beginning of With the founding of a Spanish settlement, Span-

effective Spanish domination (Trens 1957: 119). ish domination of the province became a fact. On the next day Mazariegos proclaimed a general Mazariegos’s success in completing the conquest amnesty for the Indians, and many Indians came to _ proved the wisdom of Cortés’s instructions. From swear their allegiance to the King of Spain. But just then on, Indian challenges to Spanish authority in as he was getting ready to found a town in the re- = Chiapas could, with some justification, be termed gion, Mazariegos was forced to turn his attention to “uprisings” or “rebellions.”

a problem which threatened to limit his jurisdiction . . | in Chiapas (Trens 1957: 120). Campaigns against the Lacandon

The problem concerned the boundary between Mazariegos brought only part of what is today the the provinces of Chiapas and Guatemala. Of course, state of Chiapas under Spanish control. In the north, much of the land in question had not yet been ex- _—_ along the frontier with Tabasco, some Tzeltal com-

plored, let alone surveyed. The governor of New munities remained independent until 1542 (ChamSpain had given Mazariegos the right “to conquer berlain 1948b:181—183). And Mazariegos did not and populate the Province of Chiapas and the plains venture at all into the mountains and lowlands of and other surrounding provinces” (Remesal 1932:1: eastern Chiapas. 380). The dispute concerned the plains which lie be- The people who inhabited this unconquered retween the mountains of Chiapas and the mountains gion were collectively referred to as “Lacandones” in of Guatemala. Just at the time that Mazariegos was _ the colonial records. J. Eric $. Thompson (1970: 32} ready to found a town, he received word that Pedro _—has pointed out that “Lacandon in the colonial pePortocarrero, one of Alvarado’s soldiers, had oc- riod was a geographical, not a cultural or linguistic cupied those plains with his forces, presumably — term.” The term has been applied to several groups with the object of extending his conquest and en- of people who occupied different parts of this region larging the domains of his chief. Portocarrero did so at different times and who spoke dialects of two muon the grounds that Chiapas had no plains and that tually unintelligible languages, Chol and Yucatec

the plains he had occupied were not in Chiapas Maya. Thus the use of the term Lacandon as an eth-

(Trens 1957: 120). nic label is misleading. In what follows, I will try to Mazariegos solved this problem by offering Por- document the shifting usage of this term in labeling tocarrero’s men lands in encomienda; enticed by different ethnic groups. this generous offer, Portocarrero’s men decided to During the first half of the sixteenth century, eastabandon their leader’s expedition (Trens 1957:120). ern Chiapas and the adjacent part of Guatemala Later, Mazariegos was sent a new patent, dated April _—_ lying between the Chixoy and Pasion rivers (see Map

I, 1528, naming him lieutenant governor of Chia- —_ 3) were inhabited by Lacandon who spoke dialects pas and adjacent plains (Remesal 1932:1:380-381; | of the Chol language. In colonial documents, the

Trens 1957: 120). Guatemalan part of this region was called Acala or With that problem solved, Mazariegos was once —_ Acalan (not to be confused with the Acalan region of again free to concern himself with the founding of a = Tabasco [cf. Scholes and Roys 1948]], and the princi-

town. On March 1, 1528, he founded a town named pal Lacandon settlements of eastern Chiapas were Villarreal on the right side of the Grijalva River near referred to as “Lacandones y Pochutla, Tecpan y the Chiapanec capital of Socton Nandalumi. This Topiltepeque” (Orozco y Jiménez 1911:2:159—160; location, however, soon proved to be unsatisfactory. J. E.S. Thompson 1970: 32). They were first conIt was not, as had been ordered, in the center of the __ tacted by the Spaniards in 1536, when Captain Fran-

province (at least not if the disputed plains were cisco Gil, one of Pedro de Alvarado’s officers, led an

The Conquest of Chiapas 47

Map 3. Conquest of the Manche, Mopan, and Lacandon

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“ These dues

and primitive means of production. They attacked as

ucatecan government enacted laws which sought to .

1965: 50] amounted to 21% reales annually for each married

The Caste War began in the eastern part of couple (12 for the husband and 9 for the wife}. The the peninsula, in that region where the Maya Indians responded to Iman’s appeal with great enhad enjoyed the greatest freedom from Spanish thusiasm (Ancona 1878-1880: 4: 11]. According to

domination. Reed (1964: 27], “With a mob of thousands he took Valladolid and, encouraged by this success, the

Those Indians who, for whatever reason, refused to at- whole state rose to his assistance and drove the tach themselves to the plantations were Mexican their last ucky enough to sugar avoid being (or rounded up} troops foundfrom them. iystronghold of Camselves being pushed further into the bush with each peche in June 1840.” According to Ancona [1878— passing year. As the plantations took over the best 1880: 3:371), when Iman entered Valladolid on Feblands of the rich frontier region the Maya’s position ruary 12, 1840, he issued a proclamation which was becoming more and more desperate. (Strickon contained an article abolishing the obvention and

1965 251] replacing it with a religious “contribution” of one

It was these Indians, not the hacienda Maya inthe _ real per month to be paid by Indian men only. After northwestern part of the peninsula, who rebelled in the revolution had succeeded, the new legislature 1847, and who kept the cause alive for more than passed a decree to this effect, specifying that Indian

fifty years. men between the ages of fourteen and sixty were

required to make this monthly “contribution” to

The Political Background of the Caste War their parish priests (Ancona 1878—1880:3:384— The most important political issue in Mexico during 385; Aznar Pérez 1849—1851:1:316—317).°

the nineteenth century was whether the govern- Yucatan remained independent for several years ment of the nation, and therefore of the constituent while the Mexican government tried to achieve states, should be guided by Centralist (conservative) | through diplomacy what it had failed to maintain by or Federalist (liberal) principles. Federalism, with its force (Ancona 1878—1880:3:396—410). When sev-

philosophy of protecting states’ rights, was more — eral diplomatic missions failed to reincorporate compatible with Yucatan’s traditional regional out- |= Yucatan into the nation peacefully, Santa Anna sent look than Centralism. On several occasions, Yuca- _—_ federal troops to invade the peninsula (Ancona tan seceded from the Mexican nation rather than 1878—1880:3:412). In 1842, a Mexican fleet landed put up with the policies of a Centralist government — on the island of Carmen off the coast of Campeche

(Cline 19434:22, 1948: 96). (Ancona 1878—1880:3:413}. The Yucatecans raised

In 1835, President Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, an armed force of six thousand men, many of them

who had been elected to office as a Federalist, Indians, “who were promised land and, for the secchanged sides and became a Centralist (Ancona ond time, a reduction in their church tax” (Reed 1878—1880:3:355). Under his regime, states be- 1964:30; see also Ancona 1878—1880: 4:12). The

90 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

Yucatecans defeated the Mexican invaders. Al- Map 7. Caste War of Yucatan (1847-1901). though Yucatan was subsequently reincorporated into Mexico in 1843, the treaty was made on Yucatecan terms (Ancona 1878—1880: 3:439—442).

Santa Anna failed to live up to the terms in the Treaty of 1843, and Yucatan again seceded from the “

nation in 1845. The man elected as provisional gov- x National capital N ernor at this time was Miguel Barbachano, who was €9 State capital | later to play a major role in the unsuccessful efforts © Town or village to negotiate an end to the Caste War. The next year --.--- National boundary (1846), Mexico and the United States went to war -—~-- State boundary

over Texas; Barbachano decided on his own that Yucatecans should forget their quarrels with Mexico and unite against the foreign enemy. This de-

cision did not please many of his compatriots, 0 10 50 100 who staged a popular revolt against unification, led km.

by Domingo Barret (Ancona 1878—1880:3:444— 463). Barret was a Campechano, and his revolt was in part an attack on Merida’s political domination of peninsular affairs. Like the revolutionaries who had preceded him, Barret recruited Indians to his cause

with promises of a reduction in the personal, or civil, “contribution” paid by all Yucatecans, regardless of their race (Ancona 1878—1880:3:463). Undoubtedly some of the Indians who now fought with Barret had been part of Barbachano’s faction a few 7 years earlier. fo

According to Reed (1964:34), “In January 1847, a

Antonio Trujeque, the subaltern political chief of a

Peto, raised a native battalion at Tihosuco, and Lieu- a tenant Colonel [Vito] Pacheco did the same at Yax- ae caba; after assisting at the capture of Tekax and tak- SL om

ing Peto, they marched against Valladolid, some af”

3,000 strong, and stormed the city. Indio troops got ee ?

out of hand, looted cantinas, and ran amok, shout- ee Cartimen a} ing ‘Kill those who have [trousers]’”’* (see also Mo- ' laf ert lina Solis 1921: 1: 264—267). When the revolt ended, Name ce mn Reg gem, LF

the Indians returned to their villages without turn- oe NY

ing in their arms (Ancona 1878—1880:3:473}. One a of the Indians who apparently participated in the i ee Valladolid massacre was Cecilio Chi, who only a few / yi

months later would become one of the leaders of the os Caste War (Ancona 1878—1880:4:17; Reed 1964: - “ .

ical conflicts that characterized the period between a, a fn on 8 1835 and 1847. What they received in exchange for we UY

their participation was not the land and the aboli- i “ tion of Church dues and reduction of state taxes that —

they had been promised, but arms, military training, sd which had made it expedient to arm the Indians in Se and combat experience. And the political difficulties aad

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PETEN on Lake Peten Itza \

92 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

1840, 1843, and 1847 would continue and would un- __ reinstated again until after 1821, when Mexico had dermine Ladino efforts to bring the Caste War toa — won its independence from Spain, and the civil and

satisfactory conclusion. religious authorities of Yucatan no longer had royal checks on their power to exploit the Indians (AnThe Causes of the Caste War cona 1878—1880: 4: 10]. According to the Yucatecan historian Eligio An- Although the colonial caste system was the-

cona, the ultimate cause ot the Caste War was the oretically abolished in Mexico after 1821 (Aguirre ancient Maya hatred of foreigners. Ancona (r878— _ Beltran 1970: 13}, it survived in a truncated form in 1880: 4:6) says, “It will be recorded that, since time the Yucatan peninsula during the rest of the nineimmemorial, the Mayas have instinctively abhorred | teenth century. That is one reason why the civil war all foreigners, and that the laws of the country con- that is the subject of this chapter was, and still is,

demned them to death or to perpetual slavery.... called Ja guerra de castas, ‘the caste war.’ Three Thus, the Maya looked with displeasure at the Span- = CaStes_ were involved in this conflict: (1) the soiard from the first instant that he appeared before called Whites (blancos} or Creoles of putatively pure

his eyes, and even before he understood that he Spanish descent, whom I shall refer to as Ladinos to came to dispossess him of the land of his ancestors.” be consistent with other chapters in this book; (2) Ancona (1878—1880:4:7) argues that this hatred the Mestizos, people of mixed Indian and Spanish was kept alive by the Spanish exploitation of the In- (and sometimes also Negro] ancestry, who no longer

dians during the Colonial period. exist as a separate group, but whose name is now

The Indians’ situation improved for a short time used to refer to (3) the Indians. The Mestizos were in 1813, when the Constitution of 1812 “abolished divided in their loyalties, probably because they the tributes, the obventions, and the obligatory per- | were of both Spanish and Indian descent. Some ot sonal service; the Indians were declared citizens, them sided with the rebels and became prominent and in some towns came to form part of the munici- __ leaders in the Indian army, while others fought on pal bodies” (Ancona 1878—1880:4:9—10]}. The Con- the Ladino side. stitution of 1812 had a disastrous effect on the econ- Ancona (1878—1880:4:10~—11) believes that the

omy of the colony. Without the obventions, the timing of the Caste War would probably have been clergy had no means of support, and the abolition of different had the Ladinos not recruited Indians to personal service created a labor shortage in the fight their political battles: dyewood, salt, and sugarcane industries [Ancona There existed, then, until the year 1840 a hatred of

1878-1880: 3:487—496; Acereto 1947:155). Con- three centuries between the two principal races that servative Yucatecans were overjoyed when Ferdi- inhabited the peninsula. If the one had not rebelled nand VII returned to the throne in 1814. A ship from against the other, it would certainly not be because the Havana arrived in Yucatan on July 18, 1814, carrying past had been forgotten or because they were content newspapers reporting: the repeal of thethe Constitution with the present, but because lacked The the means ro _ remove yoke which weighed uponthey them. caste of 1812. The governor, however, refused to publicize war would have happened sooner or later, if the same the news until three days later, when a ship arrived system we have just described had been maintained. If at Sisal bearing the official announcement. In the the rebellion anticipated it, it was because imprudence meantime, a group of impatient conservatives rioted placed arms in the hands of the Indians betore assimin the main square of Merida,eestormed city hall, : .concessions ee Poeenee means of education and ofand certain which removed a picture of the King which they carried in would reclaim their reason and natural right. a procession to the cathedral, where they publicized

; ; ; ilating them to the rest of their fellow citizens by

the news of the repeal of the constitution (Acereto He agrees with the observation made by Juan de

1947: 156). Dios Cosgaya, a former governor of Yucatan, that

As discussed in Chapter 7, Ferdinand VII was although justice certainly demanded the abolition or forced to reinstate the Constitution of 1812 on reduction of the obventions, it was unwise to make March 9, 1820. Again, Havana received the news _ these concessions in exchange for Indian support of first, and it was carried in newspapers to Merida, on _ Political revolutions. For April 26, and, on May / to Campeche, where the “Ithe Indians] must conclude’”—he said—“that if one constitution was publicized six days later (Acereto revolution would release them from their obventions, 1947:166—167). Ironically, the obventions were not another would remove the rest and another would

The Caste War of Yucatan 93

make them the masters of their country... . they well the Indians were treated and how contented would believe that it was the fruit of that labor andnot they were with their lot (1921: 1:304).° In his view,

the result of justice.” [Ancona 1878-1880: 3: 385] it was the ambitious few who hoped to increase Ancona believes that the Indians rebelled just at | their political power who incited the masses to

the moment when some real efforts were being revolt. made to improve their situation with respect to edu- The Indians’ reasons for rebelling and, by incation and taxation (although he admits that by the ference, their objectives in prolonging the war are time his book was written little had been accom- ¢xDlicitly stated in several letters written by the rebplished in these areas). Had the Caste War not bro- _ ¢! leaders. The reason mentioned most often in the ken out when it did, he says, there might have been _ letters is the “contribution,” probably the religious

time for some of these reforms to take effect and “contribution” that replaced the obvention after reduce the hostility of the Indians toward the Ladi- Iman’s victory in 1840 (Ancona 1878~—1880:3: nos. Thus, in his view, the immediate cause of the 384-385), but possibly also the personal, or civil, Caste War was the recruitment of Indians into revo- “contribution” that Barret promised to reduce in lutionary armies between 1835 and 1847 (1878— 1846 (Ancona 1878-1880: }3:463}. The second rea-

1880:4:14-15). son for rebelling was the discriminatory assessment

Serapio Baqueiro, another Yucatecan historian, Of fees for performing the sacraments. Reed (1964: who is often quoted by Ancona, gives less weight to _ 23) points out that in order to make up for the reveLadino partisan politics in discussing the causes of | nues lost by abolishing the obvention, and replacing the Caste War. He cites the oppression of the Indians _it with a reduced religious “contribution,” the secuby the Church and the State as the principal causes _ ar priests raised the fees for marriage and baptism (1871-1879:1:448]. He asks how, given the social paid by the Indians. The third reason was the desire

and economic conditions of the times, the Maya to abolish debt peonage. The fourth was the objeccould have refused to join the revolutionaries: “How tive of making agricultural land available to every-

could they [the Maya] have stayed put, when in one by prohibiting private ownership. And the fifth 1840, they called upon them to be auxiliaries of the | Was the physical abuse the Indians had received at

revolution, they offered them the abolition of the the hands of the Ladinos. obventions which they paid to their parish priests, The first four points are eloquently explained in a they enticed them with sufficient land for cultiva- letter written to the Ladino priest José Canuto Vela tion... ?” (1871-1879:1:448)]. Although Baqueiro by José Maria Barrera, PantaleOn Uh, Francisco Cob, includes Ladino factional politics in his list of | José Isaac Pat, Calixto Yam, and Apolinario Dzul on causes of the Caste War, he apparently realizes that April 7, 1850: the Indians would not have taken advantage of the Well... , we are fighting so that there will never again situation if they were not being oppressed. be a contribution whether they are Whites, Negroes, Justo Sierra O’Reilly (1954) comes to essentially or Indians and that baptism [will cost] three reales the same conclusion. His two-volume work, Los in- whether they are Whites, Negroes, or Indians, that dios de Yucatan, was written in order to explain the marriage [will cost] ten reales whether they are origin and the causes of the Caste War. He finds his there are, the old debts are not going to be paid, answer in the mistreatment of Indians during the whether they are Whites, Negroes, or Indians and the

— Whites, or Negroes, or Indians, and whatever debts

Colonial period (1954:1:5, 57). forest will not be purchasable: Whites are going to

Only one noted historian, Juan Francisco Molina farm wherever they please, Negroes are going to farm Solis (1921}, does not cite the social and economic wherever they please, Indians are going to farm wherdiscrimination against Indians before and after 1821 ever they please. There is no one to forbid it.

as a cause of the Caste War. In his opinion, there The “contribution” and the fees for the sacraments were two major causes of the Caste War: (1) Iman’s were cited as motives for the rebellion by Bonifacio

decision to recruit Indians into his army in 1840 Novelo and Florentino Chan as early as December (1921:1:148) and (2) the personal ambitions of the 1847: “I have found it useful to tell Your ExcellenMaya leaders (1921:1:304—305). He claims that cies and reveal all the conditions over which we are only a few years before the outbreak of the war, for- _ fighting; it is to eliminate the contribution for the

eign visitors who had traveled the length and Indians as well as the Whites; likewise the marriage breadth of the peninsula had commented on how fees, that the Indians may marry for the same |fee] as

94 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

the Whites—ten reales, and four reales for burial, war against the whites, as we had no money to pay likewise baptism also [will cost] three reales for the such exactions as the Government thought proper to two races.”* The same sentiments were expressed decree. Dlo]n Domingo Bar|rlet sent troops under Djojn

; , | Santiago to putand every Indian, big the following day by aMendez, group of with Indianorder|s] rebel leaders, little. to death.”

including Cecilio Chi, Jacinto Pat, and Crescencio

Poot, in Tihosuco: The religious “contribution” and the discrimina-

| | | | tory fees for the sacraments were not the only

We the rebellious Indians are not looking for anything grudges the Indians bore against the secular clergy.

better than liberty: this is what we are seeking in the Early in 1848 . Ladino priest ked to use

name of the true God and of our companions the prin- atty M1 Togs some Laaino PTIEStS WETE as xe FO USE

cipal Indians; so that there will not be a contribution their influence with the Indians in trying to bring an

for the Indian, just as the Spaniards do not have a end to the war. The following letter, which was a contribution, nor do they pay obventions, the only response to one of their feelers, condemns the sathing we should pay to the clergy, we the Indians, and dism and hypocrisy of some Ladino priests:

also the Spaniards, are ten reales for marriage, and

three for baptism, and if there is one half more we will There is only one thing I have to say to you and to the not payit... venerable virtuous curates. Why didn’t they remember

ThESC . ;ISSUES d ‘nbWETE . Patmentionec ; or weren’t they aware when the Governor began to kill again DY Jacinto at In us? Why didn’t they appear or rise to support us when an 1849 letter to some Englishmen in British Hon- the Whites were killing us? Why didn’t they do anyduras: “We are warring but it is because the Span- thing when that priest Herrera did whatever he wanted iards began it; for we are fighting for liberty, not for to the poor Indians? This priest put his horse’s sau oppression, as we were formerly subjected to the nu- on a poor Indian, and mounted on him, began to whip

‘but; d hich thev ; him, gashing his belly with his spurs. Why didn’t they

merous contri utons an payments which they in have compassion when this happened? And now they posed upon us.”"° And in 1851, some other Indian remember, now they know that there is a true God? military leaders, José Maria Cocom, Andrés Arana, When they were killing us, didn’t you know that there José Maria Yam, and Pedro Ku sent a letter to the was a true God? We were always recommending the — Ladino curate Manuel Antonio Sierra in which they name of the true God to you, and you never believed in cited the “contribution” as the chief cause of the were killing us in the gibbet. Wherever in the world

. Hy oot . his name, but rather even in the dark of the night you revolt: you were killing us, why didn’t you remember or consider the true God, when you were doing this harm to Thus, then, if the Indians are still fighting, how long us?" » ° ago did the Indians begin that war on account of the

contribution? It wasn’t started for the sake of the pos- The letters quoted above were signed by some of sessions of the Whites li-e., the Indians were not inter- the top-ranking rebel leaders, including Jacinto Pat, ested in dispossessing Ladinos of their wealth]. And Cecilio Chi, Bonifacio Novelo, José Maria Barrera are Indians in the towns under your jurisdiction, if you | CreScencio Poot, Jose Maria Cocom, and Venanc1o are imposing contributions on them, don’t inform Pec. The dominant theme in these communications them that the Indians under my jurisdiction pay is that laws should apply equally to all people, what-

also I inform Your Excellency, sir, inasmuch as there on ; a! “

nothing at all. ever their race or ethnic affiliation. The Church Another letter, written in 1849, cites the broken wes should re the same tor Tncians, Mestizos, ane

promises of Santiago Iman and the indiscriminate iM ites. Land ee pe aval apie sho da noe an killing of loyal and rebellious Indians as contribut- he members of one ethnic hem S joule pon er ing causes of the general uprising: the right to abuse or murder the mem ers of another with impunity. Thus, from the Indians’ point of The. . .[war?]... by the Spaniards against us the Indi- view, the rebellion was actually a social revoluCitizen D[o]n Santia[go Iman]. In the year [eighteen distinctions hundred] thirty-nine he declared war against the supe- .

rior Government of Mexico alledging [sic| as a reason It is clear, however, that the rebellion was also for so doing, that it was with a view of liberating the an attack on some of the economic institutions of Indians from the payment of contributions. After this the peninsula. Although none of the letters quoted was gained by the Indians the same Citizen continued ~~ ahove mention the expansion of sugar plantations

to levy contributions as the usual, thuspart proving himself . one letter re| of , - into eastern of the peninsula, not to be a man honor, having forfeited his word : with the natives. But the hour has arrived when Christ fers to one of the effects of that expansion, namely and his divine mother has given us courage to make the private appropriation of lands that Indians had

The Caste War of Yucatan 95

traditionally regarded as available to all for subsis- plot against the “White race.” There was also a tence corn farming. The same letter refers also to rumor that weapons that had been obtained from Beone of the abuses associated with the plantation sys- lize were being transported from a nearby ranch

tem, namely debt peonage. to Culumpich (Carrillo Gil and Magana M. 1956: The Indians disagree with Ancona with respect to. 11-12, 20). their interpretation of the immediate causes of the The Indians who were congregating at Culumpich rebellion. The representatives of both sides refer to came from a number of towns in the district of Vathe promises made to reduce taxes and redistribute _lladolid, including the town of Chichimila. The land in exchange for military service, but the Indi- = cacique of Chichimila was an Indian named Manuel ans claim that they rebelled because these promises Antonio Ay who had held the rank of sergeant in the were broken, whereas Ancona claims that they re- Ladino army which had sacked Valladolid earlier belled because some of these concessions were _ that year (Carrillo Gil and Magana M. 1956: 19). On made. It is clear that the Indians were not interested July 18, 1847, Ay appeared at the home of Antonio simply in a reduction in their taxes; they wanted Rajon, the justice of the peace of the town. He came their taxes equalized with those paid by Whites and _ because he wanted a drink, and he knew that Rajon Mestizos. Furthermore, land was a much more im- __ was licensed to sell rum. When Ay placed his hat on portant issue to the Indians than Ancona apparently _ the floor, he did not notice that a piece of paper had realized. He believed that education and tax reform fallen out and lay there only partly covered by the

alone could have prevented the Caste War from hat. Rajon picked up the paper arid read it. He dis-

occurring. covered that it was a letter addressed to Ay from

Ancona gives no indication that he regarded land Cecilio Chi in Tepich. The contents of the letter reform as one of the reforms that might have re- were so alarming that Rajon decided to take it to the duced the Indians’ hatred for the Ladinos. On the | Commandant of Valladolid (Carrillo Gil and Magana contrary, he points out why it would have beenim- M. 1956:15). possible (not just imprudent) to fulfill Barbachano’s The letter was written in Spanish with many mispromise on this score: “But the State did not possess —_ takes in grammar and spelling. Following is the ver-

enough vacant land to give one quarter of a square sion published by Baqueiro (1871-1879: 1:221], toleague to each Yucatecan who had participated in gether with my English translation of it:

the campaign” (Ancona 1878—1880: 4:12). . . It is hard to lens that the recruitment : Indians Tepich, Julio de 1847.—Senor D. Manuel Antonio , ae Ay.—Muy Senor mi amigo, hagame Uste favor de de-

into Ladino armies was a contributing cause of the cirm gatos pueblos hay avisados para el caso, para que Caste War of Yucatan. But it is equally difficult usté me diga gando—Item quiero que usté me diga si to argue that it was the only immediate cause of es mejoro mi intento es atracar a Tihosuco para que the rebellion. The fact that the eastern Maya were tengamos toda provision, hasi aguardo la respuesta _ the first to rise up suggests that the expansion of the para mi gobierno, me dice usté 6 me senala uste el dia sugar frontier was also a contributing cause. In other estan siguiendo el bulto, por eso se lo digo 4 usté, me words, it was a combination of economic changes arusté el favor deavisarme dos 6 tres dias antes, dejuste

. rae en que usté ha de venir aca con migo, porque aca me

and political events that brought the two ethnic de contestarme no soy yo mas que su amigo que

groups into armed conflict. lestima— Cecilio Chi.

The Execution of Manuel Antonio Ay Tepid 847 — Seer Don] Manuel Antoni In July 1847, Colonel Eulogio Rosado, the Comman- many towns have been advised of the situation, so that dant of Valladolid, received several reports of sus- you can tell me when—And I want you to tell me if it picious movements of Indians in the neighborhood is preferable my intention is to approach Tihosuce S0 of Tihosuco. According to these reports, groups of as that ‘to may all supplies, thus I await the the answer for optain my guidance, tell me or indicate to me many as forty or fifty Indians were bringing supplies day on which you will come here with me, because the of food to the hacienda of Culumpich, which be- bundle[s] are following me here, therefore I tell you of longed to Jacinto Pat, the cacique of Tihosuco. The it, please advise me two or three days in advance, don’t Ladino owner of a nearby hacienda sent one of his fail to answer me I am nothing more than your friend

.; . . who esteems you— Cecilio Chi.

servants to Culumpich to investigate what was

going on there. The servant reported that Bonifacio © A much less ambiguous version of this letter was Novelo, Jacinto Pat, and Cecilio Chi were hatching a published in 1956:

96 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

Senor don Manuel Ay. Muy senor mio y amigo: the conspiracy to be arrested. Antonio Trujeque, Hagame usted el favor de decirme quantos pueblos hay — who was now the political chief of Peto, was ordered

aviados para el caso/ para que usted me diga cuando. to arrest Pat and Chi. Item quiero que usted me diga si es mejor; mi intento

cién, bien af couende la respuesta, para rot a bieeno It took several days for this message to reach Peto, and me dice usted 0 me senala usted el dia en que usted ha several more for the uneasy Trujeque to prepare a de venir aca conmigo porque aca me estan siguiendo el small force to seize the men he had led in battle only bulto; pero eso se lo digo a usted. Me hace usted el 51x months before. On arriving at Pat’s ranch of favor de avisarme dos 0 tres dias antes, no deje usted Culumpich, he found no trace of the guns alleged to be de contestarme. No soy yo mas que su amigo que le there; deciding that the report was false and A plot to estima. Cecilio Chi... . (Carrillo Gil and Magana M. destroy the caciques involved in the Valladolid mas-

1956:11) ) sacre, the men of his own party, he spent the day visiting with his old friend. However, he did send a certain

I translate this version as follows: Captain Beitia with a small troop to the nearby town of Tihosuco, to look for Cecilio Chi. (Reed 1964: 56)

Senor Don Manuel Ay. My dear sir and friend: Please

tell me how many towns are supplied for the situa- During Ay’s trial it became clear that he was intion/so that you can tell me when. And I want you to volved in planning some kind of revolution. Among tell me if it is preferable; my intention is to attack some documents captured at the time of his arrest

Tihosuco so that we may take hold of the whole popu- he F £ the names of Indi sn wh lation, thus I await the reply; for my guidance tell me there was a lst of the NaMes OF ANGTAT TCT WOT

or indicate to me the day on which you will come here Ay had asked to contribute money to buy powder with me because the bundle[s] are following me here; and lead for a “new war” (Carrillo Gil and Magana therefore I tell you of it. Please advise me two or three M. 1956:27, 30]. Ay insisted, however, that this days in advance, don’t fail to answer me. I am nothing ‘new war” was like the previous Ladino revolutions,

more your friend who esteems since you. Cecilio ;;Chi. inthan which Indians had participated 1839 (Carri-

llo Gil and Magana M. 1956: 39). There was, in fact, Baqueiro (1871—1879:1:221) claims that his version sucha revolution brewing that summer. In February, is exactly like the original, without any changes in Colonel José Dolores Cetina had staged a revolution spelling, grammar, or punctuation. The second ver- —_ to bring Miguel Barbachano back to power. When it sion was transcribed from a copy of the letter made failed, he went to Cuba to join Barbachano in exile,

by Eulogio Rosado (Carrillo Gil and Magana M. but he returned to Yucatan only a few months later

1956:11). to try again. Cetina, like the revolutionaries who

The two versions of the letter differ significantly. | had preceded him, sought help from the Indians (BaIn Rosado’s version, Chi says that he intends to at- queiro 1871—1879:1:217~—219; Reed 1964:53-—56). tack (atacar) Tihosuco in order to gain control of the | Apparently what the Indians hoped to achieve from people (poblacion) of the town. In Baqueiro’s ver- — the “new war” was another reduction in their “con-

sion, Chi states his intention to approach (atracar) tribution” (Carrillo Gil and Magana M. 1956:27, Tihosuco in order to obtain supplies (provision). — 30). In other words, this was not an Indian conspirThere is, of course, an important difference between — acy against the “White race” but another Ladino po-

approaching a town and attacking it. The latterisan litical revolution in which Indians were involved."

act of war; the former may not be. Rosado pointed out that helping the revolutionIt is impossible to say which version is more faith- —_ aries was equivalent to trying to overthrow the gov-

ful to the original, without being able to examine ernment of the state. Manuel Antonio Ay received the original letter. To my knowledge, Rosado’s copy __ the death sentence for his crime, and he was exis the only one that has survived in manuscript ecuted by a firing squad in Valladolid on July 26, form. All that can be said is that whether or not 1847 (Carrillo Gil and Magana M. 1956: 40—43). On Rosado doctored Chi’s letter to suit his own pur- — the same day, Colonel Cetina marched on Valladolid pose, he used his version as evidence of aconspiracy with three hundred men, demanding the city’s sur-

to attack Tihosuco. On the strength of this inter- — render (Reed 1964: 57).

pretation of the letter, plus the circumstantial evi- According to Reed (1964:57), Ay’s execution dence of Indians bringing supplies to Culumpich, marked the first time that a revolutionary prisoner warrants were issued for the arrest of Ay, Chi, and had been shot: “Cetina, for example, whose three

Pat (Baqueiro 1871—1879:1:221, 228]. attempts against the government helped to make Manuel Ay was the only suspected ringleader of | the Caste War possible, was punished with nothing

The Caste War of Yucatan 97

worse than exile. But he was white, and Manuel An- _ was to free the Indians from the oppression of the tonio’s fate was a stern warning that natives would Whites. To this end they would kill all White men,

not be treated by white men’s rules.” '* from babes in arms to old men; they would spare the In spite of the evidence that members of both eth- | White women, who would be forced to marry Indian

nic groups were trying to overthrow the govern- men and serve them. After they had defeated the ment, Rosado persisted in treating the conspiracy as_ Whites in the hinterland, they would march on Mean Indian plot. In sentencing Ay to death, Rosado _ rida. Novelo would become governor, and the Men-

claimed that Ay “was one of the ringleaders of the dozas would have positions directly under him. insurrection of the Indian class against the present (Novelo later became head of the independent state institutions” (Carrillo Gil and Magana M.1956:41). — established by the rebels; see below). The following And when Cetina arrived in Valladolid after the ex- towns agreed to cooperate in the uprising: Tixecution, “Rosado sent envoys who told of the execu- —cacalcupul, Vaymas, Ekpedz, Muchucux, Tituc, tion, explained the racial threat, and insisted that Polyuc, Chunhuhub, Tiholop, Tinum, Chichimila, this was a time for white men to stand together. | Ebtun, and the ranchos of Cat, Santa Maria, and XCetina must have had his own doubts, but despite Canul.

whatever commitments he had made, he yielded While this meeting was in progress, Trujeque arto this argument and entered the city peacefully, rived with a force of twenty-five men and succeeded adding his troops to the garrison” (Reed 1964: 57).'° in capturing five of the Indian conspirators. They In this way what probably began as a political rev- | were Calletano Xicum, Juan de Mata Chan, and José olution involving both Indians and Ladinos was re- Maria Pam of Tepich, Lorenzo Ye of Ekpedz, and defined as an ethnic conflict. The execution of Man- —- Luciano Galas of Valladolid. Trujeque brought his uel Antonio Ay symbolized that transformation. — prisoners to Tihosuco on July 28, 1847. They were Ladinos believed that he was executed because he interrogated and confessed their participation in the had conspired against their “race.” Indians believed conspiracy. They were shot to death on July 30, that he was executed because he was an Indian. In 1847."’ this sense, the Caste War of Yucatan began with the Cecilio Chi retaliated that same morning by mur-

execution of Manuel Antonio Ay. dering twenty or thirty Ladino families in Tepich

. a (Baqueiro 1871—1879:232; Reed 1964:59). Al-

The First Hostilities though Chi was obviously only seeking revenge for Ay’s death was immediately followed by two acts of | the way that Trujeque had treated the Indians of aggression, the first by Ladinos and the second by _ that town, Ladinos regard the date of Chi’s massacre Indians. The Ladinos continued their search for the —_as the opening date of the Caste War (Cline 19434: other Indians believed to have been ringleaders of | 25; Menéndez 1937: 236).

the conspiracy, Jacinto Pat and Cecilio Chi. When The Maya, on the other hand, blame Trujeque for Trujeque’s troops failed to find Chi either at his beginning the Caste War. Their position is eloranch or in Tepich, they fell on the Indian families | quently stated in several letters written during the left behind in both places, looting and burning their first part of the following year in reply to letters homes. One of the Ladino officers raped an Indian ‘from a Ladino peace commission: girl who was unfortunate enough to cross his path (Baqueiro 1871—-1879:1:231; Reed 1964: 59). Because if we are killing you now, you first showed us After these atrocities. Cecilio Chi held a secret the way. If the homes and the haciendas of the Whites

a ; are burning, it is because previously you burned the

meeting in a house on the outskirts of Tep ich during town of Tepich, and all the ranches on which there which plans for an Indian uprising were discussed. were poor Indians, and the Whites ate up all their liveChi announced that Jacinto Pat had sent a message stock. How many cribs of corn of the poor Indians with his two sons, Silvestre and Estevan Pat, offering were broken open that the Whites might eat, and those to send arms, powder, and lead for such an uprising. same Whites reaped the corn fields when they passed Bonifacio Novelo in Valladolid and the Mendozas (?} eunpowder! "

—- , | by them, searching for us, in order to kill us with

would supply troops; the Indian army would consist , |

of more than six hundred men. The plan was to fall . _- that had it not been for the damage that the Span_. ish masters began to cause us, here in the town of on Tihosuco at night, to kill Trujeque, Beitia, Vito Tihosuco, those towns would not have rebelled; for if Pacheco, and others, and to steal powder, lead, and they [rebelled], it is to defend themselves from the money from the town. The object of the uprising death that the subdelegate Antonio Trujeque began to

98 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

cause us; when those Indians saw the outrageous way ential white friends, but only until the lynch mob behe seized them in order to tie them up in the plaza of gan shouting for their blood, too; and so he was this town of Tihosuco, then, sir, they rose up. And condemned, joined before the firing squad by various likewise he began the fires, burning the town of other caciques and notables of his race. Over one hunTepich, and he gave instructions to catch the poor In- dred petty leaders were sent to the Presidio in Camdian, as animals in the woods are caught. At the order peche and forty were dispatched to the fortress of San of Senor Trujeque many were killed, without us know- Juan de Ulua off Veracruz. Trusted Ladinos were ap-

*& * ga ! *p§petty q * ?Ge « ep 1 he

ing if the supreme government had given him the pointed in their places. .

order to kill us.'” Maya who had led peaceful lives now paid for re-

I inform you of the reason why we are fighting; be- bel atrocities and successes. They found themselves cause those Commanders and your Governor gave the dragged to the picotas [gibbets], or suspended by their

order for them to kill us, and those of Tepich, old and cars, whipped until they confessed to a ee

shove them into their houses, which they burned. ae aad , “ aoe a

Nove. and the youtins they seized wiorently m oner ro agery on the frontier, of how the Maya had killed a boy Likewise they burned the blessed Saint Rose inside in front of his mother and sisters, cutting out his heart the Church. Didn’t they know that they ithe images| and drinking his blood before they raped the women

re lowed to by aur Gr when hee chem herein and hemMother al dead po/ she the world be Lond worshiped within our Holy a !mcae Church, by us the door Indians and by the Angels: new acts of vengeance. Pressure was put to the native Well we know that this was the reason; because there popwations 7 heir « forma’ ways: th edict demanded

J . : . ot 5

= GalLord and alo our fatherusand lou mtr andthe secur of cher he fsi he a that as our God loves above all things, so likeee NA a oa wise we must love our neighbors as ourselves. The ons soon filled public buildings and became the objects Campechanos are the ones who burned the Holy of a brisk black-market trade. Little settlements of two Church and the Saints which are in it, they likewise or three huts built close to a cornfield were burned and threw down the Holy Oil inside the church, there they the people driven into the towns like prisoners of war defecated, and they stabled their horses in it [the ch slaves. fone cr then had to wa, om day to reach church], heaping the blame on us thatyou we behaved like ing SL stages. And yet these .people, that. And now | inform that the cause of the pres7 ythe * servants.

who are of our race.’ ; . ~ et wat hecane we have son the slaughter of thne andor ofthe ol hacienda nah nese

. . bellion, and they even looked down on their less civi-

The hysteria that gripped the Ladinos during the lized eastern brothers. Francisco Uc may have been in weeks following these atrocities served only to correspondence with the rebel caciques, but so was

widen the rift between the two ethnic groups. As eu, Barbachano. The “plot” of Ausus’ 3 simpy

Reed so aptly describes the situation, 1921 temrsr pes 1964:63—64; sce also Molina Solis

The inevitable witch hunt began. Masters saw re- This explains why wealthy, educated Indians like bellion in the eyes of their servants, in a strange look, Jacinto Pat joined the rebels. Objectively speaking in an unusual laugh. A night patrol in the capital was Pat had more in common with Ladinos than with insulted by some drunken natives, who reportedly — shouted the names of their ancient kings. Such inci- Indians. He had political power, he owned an hadents won credence for the story that Cecilio Chi in- cienda, and he was obviously well educated. Before tended to enter Mérida on midnight of August 15, to the rebellion began, he was a friend of Miguel Barbe crowned after the massacre of the entire white pop- bachano and of the Ladino priest José Canuto Vela Heavy mounted patrols arrested Indians until San Be- Pat wrote elegant and eloquent letters, usually in nito [the prison] could hold no more. At sunset on the Maya, in a beautiful hand. So highly esteemed was fifteenth, bonfires were lit in the streets of the city to he by Ladinos that one historian wrote of him: “Pat prevent a surprise attack. Strong points and outposts was a well-fixed man, not entirely vulgar and of had been established, and citizens stood ready in their some respectability even among the [Ladino] residoorways with ancient muskets, sabers, and pikes dents of Tihosuco, who always called him Don Ja-

ulation. The city became a hysterical armed camp. _

while the womenfolk tended jars of boiling water, me y which could be thrown from the rooftops. It was a cinto Pat: he did not have bad sentiments, nor did

sleepless night, but the attack never came. he share the hatred of the Indians, for he was not

Still, fear and suspicion mounted. Francisco Uc, the against the White man: he was a Mulatto or a Mesa ddenly foond vob and a wealthy, caucated man, tizo, but he was not an Indian of pure race” (Guerra rested on the evidence of letters that were never shown de castas en Yucatan 1866 : 129). Whether or not Pat in court and on the testimony of his adopted son, who was a pure-blooded Indian, he had an Indian surwould inherit on his death; he was defended by influ- name, he spoke and wrote Maya, and he was consid-

u ave brown skin. He was ar- , ;

The Caste War of Yucatan 99

ered by most Ladinos and Indians to be an Indian. It | came the commander of a large part of the Indian is interesting that, in spite of all the evidence tothe __ forces. contrary, this anonymous historian claims that Pat’s Although Ladinos were quick to blow up Chi’s reorigins were obscure and uncertain and argues, on _ taliatory raid into a caste war, this did not mean that

purely logical grounds, that Pat was too civilized to they were prepared to forget their political difhave been an Indian (Guerra de castas en Yucatan _ ferences and unite against what they perceived to be

1866:75). the common enemy. During the first months of the

The same historian paints a very different picture | war, Maya successes were largely a result of the fact of Cecilio Chi, whom he classifies as an Indian: that a political coup in Merida drained Ladino troops

Cecil; . _was | | from the countryside. Cetina finally went ecilio Chi an unbelievably audacious, Colonel iron- .

willed, robust, pure-blooded Indian. . . . He was poor, ahead with his plan to restore the Barbachano govor at least we do not know if he had any property, ernment, which he had been persuaded to postpone except for the humble hut in which he lived; he de- after Ay’s execution. He was only temporarily sucspised work and lived by robbery and by his wits. It is cessful, but, in the meantime, the other faction dehii knownbut if heI planted cultivated any land his cided that the iving; know or that whenever hefor lacked maize orwar or was . less important than the politseeds for his houschold’s needs, he would appear at ical crisis in Merida and called the troops home. someone’s cornfield and fill his basket, without any- This gave the Maya the chance to make some imone who might happen to observe him opposing this portant gains. By the time Cetina had been defeated

vandalistic act. (Guerra de castas en Yucatan and Santiago Méndez’s government returned to

1866 :83—85]. power, the Maya were in control of Tixcacalcupul

This biographical sketch of Cecilio Chi is probably and Tihosuco (Baqueiro 1871—1879:1:268—286; fanciful. Chi owned a ranch outside Tepich (Ba- Reed 1964:65—76). queiro 1871-1879: 1:231]. He may not have been as The area between Valladolid and Peto was now wealthy as Jacinto Pat, but it is unlikely that he _ effectively in Maya hands. Ladino soldiers moving made his living by robbing his neighbors’ cornfields. | out from Peto established a fortified camp at IchWhat information we have about Jacinto Pat, Fran- mul. They repulsed the first Maya attack on their cisco Uc, and Cecilio Chi suggests that a privileged camp on December 5, but they were overwhelmed class of Indians continued to exist in Yucatan even __ by the second, which came on December 19. The as late as 1847. These Indians, who were known as ___Ladinos abandoned Ichmul on Christmas Day and caciques or hidalgos, were not downtrodden illiter- retreated to Peto (Baqueiro 1871—1879:1:294—298; ates. Their wealth, like the wealth of Ladino land- Reed 1964:67—68).

owners, was undoubtedly obtained by exploiting In- Emboldened by this success, the Maya surdian labor.”! That Uc would have influential Ladino rounded Peto. According to Baqueiro (1871-1879: 1: friends who were willing to defend him publicly im- —_ 306), the Indians attacked Peto on January 26, 1848, plies that the caste system was not as rigid as histo- shouting “Viva Mérida! Viva Don Miguel Barba-

rians have argued. chano Governor!” Apparently this cry demoralized

After July 1847 the distinction between rich In- the Ladino troops, some of whom were Barbachano dian (or hidalgo) and poor Indian ceased to be so- supporters. Thinking that they had been misincially important. From then on, no man with anIn- — formed as to the objectives of this war, the Bardian surname could count on escaping Uc’s fate, no —_ bachano partisans deserted and went to Sacsucil, the

matter how many Ladino friends and admirers he — ranch of Felipe Rosado, a Barbachano sympathizer might have. The only solution for men like Jacinto who was the political chief of Peto. Other soldiers, Pat was to accept the fact that they were Indiansand unwilling to be pawns in a political squabble, also join the rebels. That is why Pat, who had much deserted. With their defenses severely weakened by more in common with Ladinos than with Indians, desertion, the Ladinos had no choice but to abandon embraced the cause of poor landless Indians. The de-_ _— Peto and retreat to Tekax, which they did on Februcision to classify the rebellion as an ethnic conflict ary 6 (Baqueiro 1871—1879:1:306—309, 319—320; proved to be a costly mistake for Ladinos. The weal- Reed 1964:69—70, 77).

thy, educated Indians whom they forced to identify In the meantime, Cecilio Chi moved his forces with the oppressed group contributed their leader- | around Valladolid and placed that city under siege. ship abilities to the rebel movement. Jacinto Pat be- At the beginning of January, the Indians occupied

100 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

the towns of Tixualahtun, Tekuch, Tahmuy, Huum- tion of the contribution to one real per month; (2) ku, Tesacs, Xocen, Kanxoc, Chichimila, Tekom, Eb- — the return of arms that had been taken away from tun, Oitnup, Cuncunul, and Kaua. Ladino troops _ the Indians; (3) the punishment of Vazquez and Trumarched out from Valladolid in an effort to liberate | jeque who had deceived and mistreated the Indians, these towns, but they did not stay, and the Indians _—__ (4) the payment of an indemnity for the damage they reoccupied the towns as soon as they left. On Janu- had caused; (5) the reduction of church fees to ten ary 18, the Indians moved into the barrios of Santa reales for marriage and three reales for baptism; and Ana and Santa Lucia on the outskirts of the city.” (6) Barbachano’s personal appearance to hear their With Peto abandoned and Valladolid under siege, | complaints and to guarantee the fulfillment of these the Ladinos decided that the time had come for concessions (Baqueiro 1871-1879: 1:346—347).

them to try to resolve their internal political dif- A truce was declared around February 12, but it ferences and negotiate a treaty with the Indians. was broken a week later when news reached VaGovernor Méndez arranged a meeting with Bar- Iladolid of a massacre at Chancenote (Baqueiro bachano, and, in a spirit of reconciliation, the two = 1871—1879:1:347)}. Although the Maya attack on men agreed to bury the hatchet in the interest of | Chancenote had been made several days before the ending the war (Baqueiro 1871-1879:1:311; Reed armistice went into effect, the Ladinos retaliated by

1964:75—76). attacking Chichimila and ODitnup. The Indians had Barbachano was persuaded to use his friendship — prepared an ambush at Ditnup. The town was empty

with Jacinto Pat to get negotiations under way. He when the Ladino soldiers arrived, but as soon as went with a delegation of Ladino priests, including they had occupied the plaza, the Indians fell on José Canuto Vela, to Tekax to arrange a parley with them. This defeat had a bad effect on Ladino morale, Pat, who was in Tihosuco. Barbachano brought with — so Bolio decided to make a second attempt to caphim a letter from the bishop describing the war as ture Oitnup. Once again the Indians waited until the

“Divine Justice’ for the erosion of religious faith Ladino soldiers had reached the center of the town and the growth of secularism” (Reed 1964:77). This before attacking. The Ladinos were completely letter was sent to Pat, along with letters from Bar- routed. More than 150 soldiers, including Colonel

bachano and Vela.” Bolio, died in the fighting.’°

Pat ana other Indians replied by explaining their After this disastrous defeat, the soldiers defending reasons for rebelling; excerpts from their letters are Valladolid lost heart, and it became clear that the quoted above. They pointed out that it was Ladinos, | city would have to be evacuated: not Indians, who had begun the war by attacking The fighting had become suicidal, and the soldiers Tepich. They firmly rejected the bishop’s argument wanted no more of it. Colonel [Agustin] Leén [Bolio’s that the war was a punishment for the Indians’ loss successor] realized that to go over to the defensive

of faith in religion; on the contrary, they said, would mean eventual defeat, the surrender of the hinLadinos were “the ones who burned the Holy terland that supported the enemy and the loss of herds

aon ; . and crops he needed for his own supplies. With no

Church and the Saints which are in it; they likewise choice but to prepare for ultimate evacuation, he had a threw down the Holy Oil inside the Church; there large part of the civilians escorted by troops and arthey defecated, and they stabled their horses in it.” * tillery all the way to Izamal, the escort fighting back Pat told the Ladino commissioners that his terms in with supplies. (Reed 1964: 82] for peace were that the “contribution” be abolished The rest of the evacuation took place on March 19,

and that the cost of performing the sacraments be 1848. As the Ladinos retreated toward Espita, the set at three’ reales for both Indians and Ladinos.** Maya moved into the city, attacking the refugees Méndez accepted these terms on March 2, 1848 (Ba- from the rear (Reed 1964:83-—84)]. Six days later, queiro 1871-1879: 1:369—370; Reed 1964:79). Governor Méndez resigned his office in favor of MiAlso during the month of February, Cecilio Chi guel Barbachano (Baqueiro 1871-1879: 1: 377—378). was negotiating with Colonel Miguel Bolio and Fa- With Barbachano now governor, negotiations with

ther Manuel Sierra over the terms for lifting the the Indians took a turn for the better. The change in siege of Valladolid (Baqueiro 1871-1879:1:345— governors is the first subject mentioned by Pat in a 346). Chi’s list of demands was longer than Pat’sand letter to Felipe Rosado dated April 1, 1848. Only also more personal; he had a score to settle with An- —_ after he had acknowledged receipt of a copy of the tonio Trujeque. His demands included (1) the reduc- —_ official document proving that Barbachano had been

The Caste War of Yucatan 101

sworn into office did Pat turn to the question of | that of the highest political authority (Yucatan was

peace negotiations.”’ not part of Mexico in 1848). In recognition of his

On April 18, 1848, José Canuto Vela and Felipe new position, Pat was sent a flag emblazoned in gold Rosado met with Jacinto Pat and some other Indian letters with the words “Grand Cacique of Yucatan” leaders in Tzucacab and drew up a peace treaty and a silver-headed staff of office (Baqueiro 1871— which was ratified in Ticul by Barbachano five days 1879:1:412). later (Baqueiro 1871—1879:1:404—411). The terms But the Indians were not interested in having Ja-

of the treaty were as follows: cinto Pat as their Indian governor, nor, as later Article 1. The personal (civil) contribution would events proved, would they permit anyone else to

be abolished for both Ladinos and Indians. rule them. Their principal objective in fighting the Article 2. The fee for baptism would be reduced to. war was to abolish caste barriers, not to perpetuate three reales, and the fee for marriage would be re- them by creating an Indian governor. It was not un-

duced to ten reales for all Yucatecans. til the end of the following year (1849), when all neArticle 3. The Maya would have the right to clear —_gotiations had failed to produce a lasting peace, that communal land and uncultivated forest land for — the Indians began to discuss seriously the possibility farming and habitation sites without paying rent — of dividing the peninsula and establishing a separate

and without threat of seizure. Indian state in the eastern part of it.”

Article 4. The 2,500 rifles that the government Cecilio Chi reacted immediately to the news of

had confiscated from the Indians would be returned _ the terms of the treaty by sending “1,500 men under

to them through Jacinto Pat. his lieutenant, Raimundo Chi, to Peto, where they

Article 5. Miguel Barbachano would have perma- caught Pat by surprise; entering the town without a nent tenure as governor because he was the only fight, they demanded and received the staff, the ban-

Ladino whom the Indians trusted. ner, and the treaty, and destroyed them on the spot”

Article 6. Jacinto Pat would be governor of all the (Reed 1964: 89}. One of Cecilio Chi’s captains wrote Indians of Yucatan, ranking above all other Indian _ that his commanding officer had accused Pat of col-

leaders. laborating with the enemy.*” While Pat was being Article 7. The debts of all indebted servants would stripped of his recently acquired glory, Chi expressed

be canceled. his defiance of the treaty by attacking Teabo and Article 8. All taxes on the distillation of aguar- then Mani, where he killed more than two hundred

diente (rum) would be abolished." people (Baqueiro 1871-1879: 1: 412).

The treaty was forgotten, and the war was on The first three articles of the treaty dealt with the again in earnest. The Ladinos concentrated a major promises made by Iman and Barbachano between part of their forces at Ticul and launched an offen1839 and 1847. Of the rest of the articles, numbers 5 sive in the surrounding area. But they suffered defeat

and 6 are the most interesting. after defeat, their morale deteriorated, and they ran The fifth article, permanent tenure for Barbachano, short of ammunition. The Indians mocked them by was violently attacked by the Méndez opposition as a dressing up as women or in the uniforms of badly betrayal of democratic principles. They expended on wounded Ladinos, painting their faces black, and this one point all the hatred they felt for the vastly dancing to guitar music (Baqueiro 1871-1879:1: more important economic policies of the first four, ox: 421-422, Reed 1964: 92).

pressing disgust thatinall atrocities, and d hre f. struction should be forgotten the the interests of 1cul was killing, evacuatec on Mayde 26,Ticul 1848. The

political gain. For the Maya, however, permanent ten- ugees fled toward Merida. Many were massacred by ure guaranteed that a new government wouldn’t re- the Indians en route to the capital. Izamal and Bacanounce the treaty, as had been done win so many past Jar fell to the Maya two days later (Baqueiro 1871— promises, and the return of their seized rifles was in- 1879 :1:422—424, 432-433).

tended to back up that guarantee. (Reed 1964: 88) For the Indians this was he high point of the war. It is interesting to note that Pat was given the title They were on the outskirts of Campeche and only a of the highest political office of Yucatan, making few miles from Merida. Victory seemed to be in him the Indian counterpart of the Ladino governor. their grasp. Many panicked Meridanos packed up This was the first time since the conquest that an _ their belongings and prepared to leave the peninsula Indian was assigned a rank apparently equivalent to in boats (Baqueiro 1871—1879:1:433—434).

102 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

The Tide Turns Philip C. Thompson (personal communication] For reasons that are not clear, on the very eve of vic- — has suggested to me that the most likely reason why

tory, the Maya halted their drive on Merida and the revolt lost momentum at that time and ceased to Campeche. According to Baqueiro (1871—-1879:2: be effective was that the northwestern Maya who 5-29) and Reed (1964:98)], those Ladino soldiers had long been attached to haciendas did not support who had remained at their posts in the countryside it, and the rebels had to contend with Indian as well held their ground and successfully resisted any fur- | as Ladino resistance. The town of Huhi near Hocather Maya advances. I have found no relevant letters — ba, for example, did not surrender to the rebels (Bafrom Indian leaders written during the months of | queiro 1871—1879:1:433—434). Had the Indians of June and July of that year (1848). The only native — the town decided to join the rebels, I doubt that the

explanation for the Indians’ failure to continue with = small Ladino force stationed in Huhi could have their offensive is one given many years afterward by held off the eastern Maya. Leandro Poot, the son of Crescencio Poot (E. H. Also about this time, the Ladinos began to receive Thompson 1932: 68), one of the Maya leaders: help from abroad consisting of rifles, artillery, food, When my father’s people took Acanceh they passed a and money from Cuba, Veracruz, and New Orleans. time in feasting, preparing for the taking of T’Ho [Mc- This boosted Ladino morale, in addition to providrida]. The day was warm and sultry. All at once the ing much needed supplies (Baqueiro 1871-1879 :2: sh’mataneheeles |winged ants associated with the first 38—39; Reed 1964: 103).

rains| appeared in great clouds to the north, to the During the rest of 1848 and the first months of south, to the east, and to the west, all over the world. 1849, Ladino soldiers gradually pushed the Indians When my father’s people saw this they said to them- . 4. . | selves and to their brothers, “Ehen! |Fine!] The time eastward, taking Yaxcaba, Valladolid, Tekax, Tihohas come for us to make our planting, for if we do not suco, and other towns that had been captured by the we shall have no Grace of God [corn] to fill the bellies Maya. The Indians retreated into the forest (Ba-

of our children.” queiro 1871-1879 :2:48—126; Reed 1964: 104-114). In this wise they talked among themselves and ar- It was at this time that the Indians began to think gued, thinking deeply, and then, when morning came, . ae . my father’s people said each to his Batab [chief], seriously of partitioning the peninsula and estab-

“ Shickanic”—“I am going”—and in spite of the sup- lishing their own government in the eastern part of plications and threats of the chiefs, each man rolled up it?!

his cornfield. ae yu ,

his blanket and put it in his food-pouch, tightened up Defeat brought conflict within the Indian ranks. the thongs of his sandals, and started for his home and The old leaders, Cecilio Chi and Jacinto Pat, were Then the Batabes, knowing how useless it was to murdered within a few months of each other during attack the city with the few men that remained, went 1849. Chi’s death must have occurred some time

into council and resolved to go back home. Thus it can after the middle of June of that year, for a letter with be clearly seen that Fate, and not White soldiers, kept his signature in the Archives of Belize is dated June

my father’s people from taking T’Ho [Merida] and 15, 1849.% Jacinto Pat was killed in September by

working theirone will it. (E. H. Thompson —— 1932:70-71] ofupon his officers, Venancio Pec,ssupposedly because

of his efforts to renew treaty negotiations with the It is true that the end of the Maya advance coin- government of Yucatan, but more likely because of cided with the beginning of the planting season. In _ his attempts to levy a “contribution” on the Indians Chan Kom, for example, “The sowing begins with — under his command to be used for buying powder to the rains, in the latter part of May orin the first days — continue the war. of June” (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934: 44). But I After the deaths of Chi and Pat, the revitalization doubt very much that this was the only reason for — movement developed in a new direction. As long as the Ladino comeback. The oral tradition quoted the Indians were winning, they depended on miliabove suggests that the native officers had lost con- tary strategies for achieving their objectives. But trol over their men. It is possible that, with victory | when the tide turned and their military tactics so close, the Indians fell to quarreling among them- _ ceased to be effective against Ladino soldiers, the selves over how to organize the new government leaders who replaced Pat and Chi transformed the and who would have the most power, in the same — movement into a religious crusade, hoping that by way that Cecilio Chi had contested Jacinto Pat’s ap- _ giving it supernatural sanction they would be able to

pointment as governor of all the Indians a few repeat their past successes. months earlier (see Text B-2, lines 349—358).

The Caste War of Yucatan 103

The Cult of the Talking Cross skirts of what is now the town of Carrillo Puerto The new leaders of the Indians were Venancio Pec, (Figure 1). The cenote or well “lay in a dell, tucked Florentino Chan, Bonifacio Novelo, and José Maria __ between steep, rocky hillocks, a grotto perhaps fifBarrera. Pec, Chan, and Barrera had served as officers teen feet deep and eight feet wide, the floor of the under Jacinto Pat. Novelo’s operations were in the | chamber filled with several feet of water that mainValladolid area. Pec and Chan were Indians; Novelo __ tained its level despite heavy use” (Reed 1964: 135).

and Barrera were Mestizos. A cross was supposedly carved on the trunk of one of

During the spring of 1850, the government of | the mahogany trees which grew near the cave (CaYucatan made another attempt to negotiate a peace mara Zavala, September 9, 1928:6; Reed 1964: 135—

with the Indians. José Canuto Vela was commis- 136). This was apparently the “Little Holy Cross” sioned once more to lay the groundwork for negotia- after which the spot was named. tions. He contacted Barrera, who, after some hesita- This cross became the focus of a religious cult tion, agreed to do what he could to bring the Indian some time between the first week of May, when leaders together for a meeting with Vela at Barrera’s Kampokobche was taken over by the Ladino solranch of Kampokobche on May 4. Barrera failed to diers, and the first week of January of the following show up for the meeting. Florentino Chan and Ve- year (1851], when the Indians tried to recapture it. nancio Pec refused to cooperate in the mission; they | For reasons which I will discuss below, the cult were not interested in making peace with the Ladi- _ probably first took shape during the autumn of 1850. nos. The Ladino soldiers who accompanied Vela to In the Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona library of the the site of the meeting became angry after several state museum of Yucatan in Merida there is a docudays had passed and Barrera had not appeared. Ignor- ~— ment labeled as follows: “Proclama en lengua Maya ing Vela’s objections, they moved into the woods, de Juan de la Cruz, adivino de X Balam Na, dirigida a attacking whatever Indian settlements they encoun- sus conciudadanos” (“Proclamation in the Maya lantered. Realizing that he could not hope to succeed —_ guage of John of the Cross, soothsayer of X Balam in his mission after this, Vela wrote a letter to Ba- Na, addressed to his fellow citizens”). According to rrera, warning him that Ladino soldiers were look- Alfonso Villa Rojas {1945:161n), X-Balam Na (Jaging for him (Baqueiro 1871-1879:2:304—310; Reed —_ uar House) was the name “given to the first temple

1964: 126—127).* built for the Talking Cross, in the place where the

Between May and October of that year, Barrera es- sanctuary of Chan Santa Cruz originated. Today its tablished new headquarters at a cenote known as _ ruins can still be seen at the western entrance to the Chan Santa Cruz (Little Holy Cross}, on the out- — town” (Figure 2). At the beginning of this proclama-

Set oe’ «7. Bippa 4herae: ll Peg a eM oP eeSS eeeM ee ~ 9 aom Se an is aa |: is ae 8. a x , NO ee ie ee ede

ey |a ee ee oo Se ~~ee? a’ eees ee & Fo cee, SF ee ereT el Btag OeIa, eS Oe aSO | eee a Oe on Vig PRS ae pte eeOP ole Sa, teen «GOok re, aa EF eee eo ee ee a Oe

hn te ae toe Se Sy a eSA ee — Fg ‘ Swe awe iy Tae aa ane is C5 ee~_ OO lg! Reye ang” MeSieBo MS FIGURE I. The Sacred Cenote of Chan Santa Cruz in FIGURE 2. Ruins of the First Chapel of the Cult of the

1971. Photo by Harvey M. Bricker. Talking Cross on the Outskirts of Carrillo Puerto (1971). Photo by Harvey M. Bricker.

104 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

tion, Juan de la Cruz says that he first began to speak For them to liberate it, to his people on October 15, 1850. He then goes on This ranch Kampokobche, to explain that God had commanded the Indians to For once and for all!

, To surrender districts And another thing In the east

continue their struggle against the Ladinos: The Whites are going

Is my Father’s commandment, Or wherever they have infiltrated their districts.

Know ye The time

Ye Christian villagers: Because it has come,

That not only did there arise the war of the Whites For the uprising of Yucatan

And the Indians, Over the Because it has come For once andWhites for all!

The time (lines 165-187}

Foran Indian uprising On January 4, 1851, the Maya obeyed this comFor once and for all! mand and attacked Kampokobche. In spite of Juan

(lines 85—9s] de la Cruz’s assurances that God would protect them and lead them to victory, the Indians suffered a

He promises them that God will protect them in disastrous defeat in this battle. What was even

battle: worse was that the Ladinos learned of the new cult - from some of the Indian prisoners captured during

rh. even though they are going to hear this abortive attack, and on March 23 they attacked

Of the firing the shrine village. The soldiers confiscated the Over them, _ apparently spoke for the Cross (Baqueiro 1871— Nothing is going to cast harm 1879:2:388—392; Reed 1964: 136). Upon them. Manuel Nauat is mentioned briefly in the proocc e eens logue to a later version of Juan de la Cruz’s proclaOf the Enemy’s guns Cross and killed a ventriloquist, Manuel Nauat, who

Because know ye, mation, which is treated as a sacred document by

Ye Christian villagers, the Indians of X-Cacal, who are descendants of some

That it is ] who accompany you; of the founders of Chan Santa Cruz (Villa Rojas That at all hours 1945 : Appendix B): It is ] who go in the vanguard

Betore you, The very first leader In front of the Enemies Was my patron,

To the not endbefall that Don Manuel Nauat; There you, The second one

Not even a bit of harm, Was my patron,

O ye my Indian children. Don Venancio Puc,

(lines 138-144, 154-164] And Dona Hilaria Nauat,

And he exhorts them to attack and liberate the

And Don Atanasio Puc.”

ranch of Kampokobche, at that time under Ladino An English translation of this document was pub-

control: lished by Alfonso Villa Rojas in 1945. In May 1971, Argosy magazine published a report of an expedition

And another to Quintana Roo led by Milt Machlin and Bob Marx Of my commandments which included a visit to X-Cacal, where the men

For you, were permitted to photograph a more recent copy of

beloved, manuscript which Villa Rojas,had published IsYe mythat ittheis necessary 4g | Zin That there be brought 194§ (Machlin and Marx 1971: 27). Nelson Reed, One thousand weapons the author of a well-known history of the Caste War

And one thousand bearers of Yucatan (1964), served as consultant for the expe-

For liberating dition; he very kindly arranged for me to receive a This ranch Kampokobche. copy of the manuscript. This is the hour The X-Cacal manuscript and the manuscript in

The Caste War of Yucatan 105

the library in Merida are almost identical. They dif- They interrogated me three times fer in only one important respect: the X-Cacal manu- To the end that

script includes several passages that do not appear I would speak with them! _

a 4 For me(1]toa prologue, speak with them? Cacal version include which a his-permission Be | ecause with is my Father’s

in the 1850 version. The sections added to the X- And what if my Father was not willing

torical account of events that occurred between There is only my patron

1850 and the end of 1885, bringing the document up With whom I am going to speak.

to date, (2) an excerpt from a letter written in 1851 Not with all creation to Miguel Barbachano, the governor of Yucatan, a Shall I speak!

copy of which I also found in Merida (see Text A-2), Ever since they killed him, and (3) several epilogues or addenda, dated 1887, My very own patron, 1903, 1944, and 1957. The wording in the other sec- There is no one for me to speak with. tions is virtually identical in the two versions. Such Texist

minor differences as exist may be attributed to copy- Among my troops. |

; ; i, They have done to me:

ing error or to attempts to improve the style and Because the most outrageous things

adapt to changes in orthographic conventionsThey (see ; |off my clothes; took

Bricker 1974). a . . They peeled my flesh; | The X-Cacal manuscript is_ organized like the They burned me.

Books of Chilam Balam of the Maya. It is a historical It is everything

document which has been kept up to date with That they have done to me. postscripts and introductory material. It also has re- They dispossessed me ligious content, including prophecies and quotes Of my money,

from the scriptures (see Chapter 11 for a detailed 250 pesos,

discussion of this material). And two gold chains of mine,

After Nauat’s death, a new Cross replaced the one And a load of my chocolate, which had been confiscated. This Cross communi- And five of my pigs, cated in writing with the help of Juan de |la. Cruz. And three of my horses, During the month of August of the year 1851, nine And one of my sword letters from the Cross signed by Juan de la Cruz And one of my pistols were sent to Miguel Barbachano, four of which have That they took from me, survived (see Text A-2, note to lines 145-146}. In all And fifty loads of my corn. of them, the Cross complained about the treatment That was the day

; y swords,

. ; oF ; And 550 pounds of my candles,

it had received at the hands of Ladino soldiers, it be- When they destroyed my patron’s life,

moaned the death of Manuel Nauat, and it de- Him.

manded reparations for the ill-treatment it had re- And they dispossessed me of all these things.

ceived and for the confiscation of its possessions: Thus also,

On the fourteenth Because know thou Of the count That a great many things Of the month

Were done toWhen me thy Oftroops Junearrived [By] thy troops On the twenty-third ‘For the second time Of the count In my village, Of the monthThat Littlewas Holy Cross, Of March, the day When they killed him, When they dispossessed me of the rest of my My very own patron, property.

With whom I used to speak. They took 200 hens of mine from me;

That was the day They took another two pigs of mine,

When they tied me And ten loads of my salt, And carried me And one small box of spermaceti candles, To his ranch, And one box of my white candles, : And box ofof votive InKampokobche. one hour And 400one pounds waxofferings, cakes

106 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

That they took from me. Elias, St. Francis Xavier, or other saints, according to And two fields of my corn the devotion of the beholder” (Zimmerman 1910: The horses of thy troops destroyed 480). Was this name assumed by one of the leaders

For me. — | of the Maya movement in order to win support for

Don’t they realize | 59 That that seed of mine That they destroyed Exactly the same questions may be asked about That is their life? , Manuel Nauat, the ventriloquist who was killed wet IS ue veld be 0! the act 5 the Cult of the Talking Gross? Or was it simply a

at my see’ woe oe estroyed tor mes coincidence that someone with this name became the spokesman for the Cross? *

That is their breath, during the enemy raid on Chan Santa Cruz. The

That is their strength. term nauatlato means ‘interpreter’ in Nahuatl (MoBecause if that seed of mine did not exist, lina 1970:63); it was applied to Indian translators

Not one of my engendered people here, during the Colonial period (Heath 1972:12). Is it

In the world, only a coincidence that the surname of the interpre-

Would then be able to speak. ter for the Cross was Nauat (naguat), or was it an

5This Thus, then assumed name? thee Historians usually refer to Juan de la Cruz as Juan , . de la Cruz Puc (Baqueiro 1871—1879:2:390—-391; Whom I toappoint C ‘lez N1970:97—98; . Molina 1 To cause them return to me onzalez Navarro MolinaSolis Solis 1921:

All that property of mine 2:255; Reed 1964: 137, 287). It may be that they reThat they took from me, gard the name “Juan de la Cruz” as a pseudonym for

Those troops of thine. Venancio Puc, who was the principal leader of the

Thus, then, movement between 1852 and the end of 1863. Iam telling thee The prologue which was added to the proclamaThat thou art going to cause thirty Masses to be tion of Juan de la Cruz some time between 1850 and made for me 1887 refers to Venancio Puc as the Cross’s second

In the| cathedral patron:,

, The second one And om Was my patron, me Process tON be i Don Venancio Puc And let there a bullfight, eer| | And Dona Hilaria Nauat, And let young ladies sally forth I LO . Andjin;Don Atanasio Thus, then,.Puc. Because my city of Merida In the city of Merida And candles adorned with flowers That thou art going to deliver to me,

or their enjoyment.

They are going to initiate my holiday Iam making known

(lines 35 —144] which day 39144 And On in which year

This letter was written on August 28, 1851. The They were caused to leave them, complete Maya text and my English translation of it Their lives:

appear in Appendix A as Text A-2. In the year

Who was Juan de la Cruz? The name, of course, rhe Gfeh

. . Was the count

means John of the Cross. The first John of the Cross, © twenty-nit one of the founders of the Discalced Carmelites, was Of the month the leader of a religious reform movement in Spain Of September,

during the latter part of the sixteenth century. As Thus, one who opposed the status quo, he was severely In that very year. punished and jailed. “A strange phenomenon, for which no satisfactory explanation has been given, In the copy of the manuscript from which Villa has frequently been observed in connexion with the — Rojas’s translation was made, the scribe first wrote relics of St. John of the Cross. Francis de Yepes, the 1884 and then scratched it out and wrote 1848. Villa brother of the saint, and after him many other per- Rojas (1945:161n) thinks that 1884 was probably sons have noticed the appearance in his relics of im- the correct date. In my opinion, neither date is the ages of Christ on the Cross, the Blessed Virgin, St. | correct one. The men who succeeded Venancio Puc

, The Caste War of Yucatan —_107 informed the Superintendent of Belize that Puc had the Cross” was named Braulio (Rosado, June 25, been murdered late in 1863.*° Both the 1884 andthe ——_1931).

1848 dates are obviously the result of some copying If Rosado’s memory, on the one hand, and my reaerror; perhaps the date was first written as 1864 and soning, on the other, are correct, then the leaders of later miscopied as 1884. (Puc was killed atthe endof the cult were all Pucs, and two of them were related December 1863.) The copy of the manuscript pho- — to each other as father and son. If one of these Pucs tographed by Machlin and Marx in 1971 gives only — was pretending to be Juan de la Cruz, then it was

the 1848 date (1971: 19). , probably Atanasio Puc, who served as Secretary for

According to the men who overthrew Venancio — the Cross. However, Juan de la Cruz did not use the Puc in 1863, there were actually three leaders of the | surname Puc in any known document bearing his Cult of the Talking Cross: “The day at length ar- signature (Don Dumond, personal communication). rived in which Divine Providence enlightened our Furthermore, proclamations bearing the signature of minds, and at the risk of our own lives we have re- Juan de la Cruz continued to appear after the Pucs’ moved out of the way the originators of all these death in 1863. One such proclamation, dated Octocrimes—they were, first, the man who styled him- _ ber 20, 1866, was published in the Campeche newsself Patron of the Church, an old man who acted as _ paper El Espiritu Publico on July 19, 1867. his secretary, and a boy or rather a youth who was in Another possibility is that Juan de la Cruz was a reality the person who used to speak and who ad- — pseudonym for José Maria Barrera, the Mestizo who ministered justice with such energy.”*! There is lit- historians believe invented the Cult of the Talking tle doubt that Venancio Puc was “the man who Cross (Baqueiro 1871—1879:2:388; Gonzalez Na-

styled himself Patron of the Church,” for he was’ varro 1970:97; Molina Solis 1921:2:256; Reed known in British Honduras as the Patron of the 1964:135—136). The exhortation to attack KampoCross.” The identity of the other two members of | kobche in the proclamation of Juan de la Cruz refers the triumvirate is more difficult to determine. The indirectly to Barrera in the sense that Kampokobche best information I have found on this point suggests was his former headquarters. It is likely that Barrera that the “old man who acted as his [Venancio Puc’s}_ played some role in the decision to try to regain his Secretary” was Atanasio Puc, who is mentioned in property. But this is not in itself evidence that Bathe prologue to the proclamation of Juan dela Cruz, —_rrera was the one who wrote the proclamation. and the “boy or rather a youth who was in reality the There is, however, one document signed by Baperson who used to speak” was the latter’s son. My __ rrera that refers to the words of the Cross: a letter to source is a letter written by José Maria Rosado, a ___ the Superintendent of British Honduras in Belize, Ladino boy captured by the Indians during the Baca- dated January 1851, which contains the following

lar massacre of 1858 (see below], who spent nine message: months in Chan Santa Cruz. Rosado was only ten years old when he was; captured; letter Cross was writ- Three put you ane the Magistrates of Belize Know edge at the his Holy Persons speaks to "his Secre-

ten many years later, in 1915. tary General and says that at this ‘late you must be

An old Indian called Tata Naz (Nazareo) was in charge informed that Holy Cross begs of you to give them and as a priest, (under the control of the Tatich) he led P owder shot and all the implements of war. My bethe prayers and rosary. The four Generals and all the loved Sirs come and receive a holy benediction and Officers met once a week here to hear the work and ENJOY the benefit of speaking with th e True Christ who command of the Santa Cruz, who spoke to [sic] the spilt his B lood for your sake do not fail to come for the mouth of Tata Naz, {probably Naz’s] son in a fine thin real Christ says that only you believe in him as we do whistle, always at midnight behind a curtain near the poor Indians that we are.

Altar, all in darkness. (Rosado, June 25, 1931] a This is the only document I have found that links Who was Tata Naz? The name “Naz” is a Maya Barrera directly to the Cult of the Talking Cross. nickname for either Nazareo or Atanasio. To a na- I believe that Atanasio Puc is much more likely tive speaker of Spanish (as Rosado was), particularly | than José Maria Barrera to have been Juan de la Cruz a child, Naz would seem like an obvious nickname __ because (1) he is mentioned in the prologue of the for Nazareo; however, today it isjustaslikelytobea proclamation of Juan de la Cruz as one of Manuel nickname for Atanasio (Philip C. Thompson, per- Nauat’s successors, and (2) he outlived Barrera by sonal communication). In another part of his letter, | eleven years (Barrera apparently died on December Rosado mentions that “Tata Naz’s son who acted for 31, 1852 [Baqueiro 1871—1879:2:445]) and was ac-

108 Postcolonial “Caste Wars”

tive during the time that the cult enjoyed its greatest — he knew how to play the bugle, because the Indians

strength and popularity. needed musicians to play in their military band

I also question whether it was Barrera or one of | (Aldherre 1869:75; Camara Zavala, September 16, the Pucs who invented the Cult of the Talking —1928:4). Eventually he escaped and made the folCross. The proclamation of Juan de la Cruz men- lowing report to his superior:

tions the names of several known rebel leaders— |

Manuel Nauat, Venancio Puc, Atanasio Puc, and Sir, | have absolutely no doubt, that I have heard them Juan Bautista Chuc—but Barrera’s name is not arrived in Chan Santa Cruz, they brought me to Baamong them. Barrera’s name is also conspicuously rrera and the person in charge of the crosses in the absent from Maya oral traditions about the Caste entrance to the Church, and we began to gamble and | War, which stress the exploits of Jacinto Pat, Cecilio won 28 pesos from them. On the following morning

. speak, the crosses speak; .. . On the second day after I

Chi, and Crescencio Poot. they that the crosses speakand to me; | ran . over totold the me Church, they madewould me kneel I heard

I suspect that historians believe that Barrera mas- the crosses clearly say to me: For having come to gamterminded the cult because he was a Mestizo, a man ble in the entrance to my house, I sentence you to be of both Spanish and Indian ancestry, who used his given 25 lashes and you should hand over the money knowledge of both cultures to prolong the war. This which you won, so that they can buy me candles. I put idea was expressed by Miguel Barbachano in a letter the money on the altar and they ave me 25 lashes. he sent to the Superintendent of Belize: “it appears

| (Camara Zavala, September 16, 1928: 4]

that the Indians have taken away the command These reports suggest that the leaders of the

from Venancio Pec, and have appointed in his place, © movement had found an effective substitute for the one Jose Maria Barrera who is not of the native — ventriloquist who had been killed the year before,

caste; this man is to be feared on account of his namely the resonating cask. Camara Zavala believed class, and if he at the present time of his new com- that the person in charge of the crosses hid in the pit mand, obtains supplies, he will occasion a great deal —_ behind the altar and said whatever Barrera wanted of trouble and will be an obstacle to the termination him to say to the congregation out front. However, of the war.’”’** Ladinos regarded Barrera as a traitor to Camara Zavala did not himself have an opportunity

his Spanish heritage, conveniently ignoring the fact to observe Barrera in action; Barrera had left Chan that some of his ancestors were Indians. It was in- Santa Cruz by the time Diaz de la Vega’s expedition conceivable to most Ladinos that anyone with Span- occupied the town and Camara Zavala visited the

ish ancestry would join the Indian cause. church.

Although the identity of Juan de la Cruz remains It is significant that already at this date the something of a mystery, the cult with which he was crosses had been given an Indian identity: they were identified does not. A number of detailed eyewitness clothed in the type of dress (huipil) and petticoat

reports describe its essential features. (fustdan) worn by Indian women. The Cross was In February 1852, an expedition led by General Christian in origin, but the cult was created to serve Romulo Diaz de la Vega occupied Chan Santa Cruz. an Indian, not a Ladino cause.

One of the officers on that expedition, Felipe de la A Talking Cross was apparently sometimes carCamara Zavala, kept a diary, parts of which were se- ried in battle in order to guide the Cruzob, ‘the peorialized in the newspaper, Diario de Yucatan, dur- ple of the Cross,’ to victory. In late February 1858, ing 1928. Of particular interest is his description of | Venancio Puc led a successful attack on the Ladino

the church which was in use at that date: stronghold at Bacalar. Afterward, several English-

. one | | men came from British Honduras to Bacalar in. an there was at end of it, an altar which no one could . approach except the person in charge of the 3 crosses. effort to ransom the survivors of the massacre which

These were found on top of the altar, clothed in dress had taken place after the fort was overcome. They and petticoat; behind that altar there was a pit in were forced to negotiate with the Talking Cross: *

which a barrel was placed which served as a resonating

chamber, giving at once a hollow and cavernous sound. That night, as usual, all the available Indians in BacaAll this was hidden from the view of those who were lar assembled in front of the house where the St? Cruz in the main part of the Church. (Camara Zavala, Sep- is kept. The Boy attendants on the idol, called “An-

tember 16, 1928: 4). gels” sung in front of it, the drums and bugles sounded at recurring parts of the song. Puc was inside with

One of Camara Zavala’s men was captured by the the image and the “Angels”, the subordinate Chiefs Indians. His life was spared after he told them that and Soldiers knelt outside, and did not rise until the

The Caste War of Yucatan 109

ra ir j : =) $e . +t y ; ‘ .

service was over when they crossed themselves and down. One of the few survivors was a ten-year-old

rubbed their foreheads in the dust... . About 11 boy, José Maria Rosado, who was taken to Chan

o'clock the Indians were heard running backwards and santa Cruz, where he spent nine months until he forwards, and the order was given to bring out the pris- as freed.” Many vears later. in Lots. he described oners. Captain Anderson got up, and following the w cee. any years tater, - DTS, SCIIDEC prisoners saw them placed in a line in front of the St? his experiences as a prisoner in Chan Santa Cruz in Cruz. A large body of Soldiers were there kneeling in a letter to a friend. Rosado says that he was there the road... . Captain Anderson being close to the when the large stone church, which is still standing house where t e oracle was, earda squaking noise, today (Figures 3 and a),** was being built. “A large and when it ceased, it was announced that St? Cruz Church was being built by the prisoners taken from had demanded a higher ransom for the prisoners. Mr. Ucn Was Deins DULIE DY Ene pris: USE : Blake jumped forward and offered to guarantee the pay- the towns raided from time to time. There were ment of the 7,000 dollars. Had he got the amount with about 30 masons, stone-breakers, and’ lime and clay

: aye > om Ve ae Md 1 yl , > . : ; . .

him? Non he would jorward it Santa Cruz mixers; they were four Generals, each taking a

the powder,—let besome killed. ee the ,| : June 25, 1931). Hethe alsoprisoners describes, in detail, scouted the idea. Mr. Blake had deceived them about week’s turn. It was finished before I left” (Rosado,

Many of the prisoners were killed after negotia- | organization of the cult, the functions of its leaders, tions between the Englishmen and the Cross broke — and an audience with the Cross: An old Indian called Tata Naz (Nazareo) was in charge and as a priest, (under the control of the Tatich) he led the prayers and rosary. The four Generals and all the

— —a Officers met once a week here to hear the work and ee ak a command of the Santa Cruz, who spoke to [sic] the aoo “Sea ofalways Tata Naz, [probablybehind Naz’s]ason in a near fine thin eS EN al 2mouth whistle, at midnight curtain the

oy a.my i — Altar, all in darkness. Only' the Generals and:Officers eae AP Cee ay f oo “e i. oe sl ' 1 oe oe © i 4 were allowed in. The soldiers and women out side 4. ee i] ee Fr S waiting to hear through one of the Generals what the ENS) Foc | a orders were from the Cross. A Captain from General aalosere a |.ithese 2 Ge Santos onceafter related to me doors what took at one of meetings; closing and place extinguishing

pe ~- _.,'* ;, aa p- Te the lights, A Tatich called out the names of the Generos. 2s. 2 aa is et als and Officers who were present, any absentees from

| - frre oe ae the previous meeting had to give a satisfactory reason;

| Gl e } a if the reason was not approved by the Tatich, the of-

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) , oto

The Iconography of Ritualized Ethnic Conflict among the Maya 133

Mexico and Guatemala on the next. Even more con- They are going to go together

fusing is the fact that the members of the two sides With their mistress, are sometimes called Pinedistas and Carrancistas Nana Maria Cocorina. instead of Mexicans and Guatemalans. In Zinacan- They return eating candied squash. tan the Jew impersonators represent Ladino soldiers He came with the flags,

in a battle against Zinacantecos dressed in their With the trumpets.

tribal costume. The last horseman. It is obvious that in the Carnival ritual of Chamu- Hurrah!

Chamula! Crazy February

la, Chenalho, and Zinacantan, there is a thematic 1969

disjunction between costume and role, between cos- A soldier came.

tume and action, and among the elements of cos- He came to Mexico City; tuming. Instead of historical “drama,” the ritual of He came to Tapachula;

this festival seems to consist of a hodgepodge of ele- He came to Tuxtla;

ments drawn from different historical periods. Can He came to Chiapa any order or structure be discovered in this seeming With the flags,

chaos? With the drums,

The answer is that all the events dramatized dur- With the trumpets. ing this festival have in common the theme of The last horseman. ethnic conflict. The towns differ in the conflicts por- Hurrah

; , The second horseman,

trayed during Carnival and in their choice of sym-ariano Marj | Ortega,

bols to represent them. But the underlying structure Came to Mexico City;

in each case is one of ethnic conflict—warfare, He came to Guatemala; death, rape, soldiers, weapons, fireworks, and the di- He came to Tuxtla, vision of people into two groups: the conquerors and He came to Chiapa. the conquered. The ritual of Carnival is historical He came with the flag, drama, but drama which treats the history of ethnic He came with his drums; conflict in symbolic terms. What is important in rit- He came with his trumpet. ualized ethnic conflict is not the order of historical The last horseman.

structure. This Juan Gutierrez events, but the message communicated by their Hurrah! 7

Came to Mexico City; He came to Guatemala;

CARNIVAL IN CHAMULA He came to Tuxtla,

The festival of Carnival in Chamula commemorates He came to Chiapa at least seven historical events which are neatly With his mistress, summarized in a prophecy recited one week before Nana Maria Cocorina. the beginning of Carnival to foretell the events that They go together

will be dramatized during it: Frolicking in the bushes. They return eating toffee.

The firsttosoldiers eating candied squash. Came MexicoThey City return The last horseman.

With their drums, Hurrah! With their trumpets.

The last horseman. This prophecy clearly recapitulates the movements

And hurrah! of the Spanish conquerors, beginning with Hernan

This Mariano Ortega Cortés’s victory in Mexico City (then Tenochtitlan} Came to Mexico City; in 1521, followed by Pedro de Alvarado’s journey He came to Tuxtla [Gutierrez] to Guatemala through the Soconusco region of He came with his flag Chiapas in 1524, and culminating in the conquest With his drums. of Chiapas by Luis Marin in 1524 and Diego de This Juan Gutiérrez Mazariegos in 1528. Marin conquered the ChiapaneCame to Mexico City, cos near what is today Chiapa de Corzo and then

And Chiapa [de Corzo]. . oo,

He came to Tuxtla moved into the highlands, where he confronted the And Chiapa. Indian tribes in the vicinity of the modern city of San

134 The Structure of Ethnic Conflict

Cristobal Las Casas. The Chamulans were one of | Chamulan uprising describes Juan Ortega as the the last groups to be subdued in 1524 (Diaz del Cas- _ leader of the Ladino forces which were going to kill tillo 1904: 2:220—223). Marin was eventually forced all the Indians (Guiteras-Holmes 1961:265~—267).

to withdraw from Chiapas (Pineda 1888:27). A few Because of his military activities and his conseryears later, Mazariegos led another expedition to vative stance, Ortega became identified with the Chiapas. He stopped in Tuxtla and Chiapa before es- _ troops that put down the rebellion in Chamula.

tablishing a town on the present site of San Cristo- Ortega is also identified with the boundary disbal Las Casas (Pineda 1888:33-—35; Remesal 1932: pute between Mexico and Guatemala because many

I: 382-386). of his troops were recruited from Central America

The prophecy could also refer to the Cancuc re- and because he used Guatemala as a base for his atvolt of 1712 and the Chamulan uprising of 1867— _ tacks on the towns of Chiapas. The border dispute 1870. Guatemalan as well as Chiapanec soldiers concerned the Soconusco region of Chiapas, which were involved in putting down the rebellion in 1712 Guatemala claimed on the grounds that it had been (Trens 1957:193). Troops were brought in from Tux- first pacified by Alvarado in 1524 on his way to contla and Chiapa in 1869 to reinforce the small gar- quer Guatemala (T. H. Orantes 1960: 60}. Mexico’s

rison in San Cristobal Las Casas (Pineda 1888: claim rested on a decision made by the Spanish

104—105; Corzo 1943 :142—143). Crown in 1790 to incorporate the Soconusco re-

Mariano Ortega (historically Juan Ortega) was a gion into the Intendancy of Chiapas (T. H. Orantes political reactionary and an advocate of the priv- 1960:60; Trens 1957:440]). Tapachula became the ileges of the clergy in the middle of the nineteenth — capital of Soconusco in 1794 (Gerhard 1972: 133).

century during the time that Mexico (including Juan Gutiérrez (historically Joaquin Miguel GuChiapas) was embroiled in a struggle for power be- _tiérrez) was a champion of Federalism and local tween Centralist (conservative) and Federalist (lib- | autonomy for the state of Chiapas during the first eral) factions (Caceres L6pez 1962; Corzo 1943:109; half of the nineteenth century. In 1830, Gutiérrez Lopez Gutiérrez 1963 :130—228]. The people of San became the governor of Chiapas, and during the Cristobal Las Casas sided with the Centralist cause, next eight years he led Federalist troops in raids while those of Tuxtla and Chiapa supported the | throughout Chiapas, including an attack on the conFederalists. When the French invaded Mexico in servative stronghold of San Cristobal Las Casas 1862, Ortega declared himself in favor of the Em- (T. H. Orantes 1960:56—58; Trens 1957:287—425 pire and attempted a military takeover of the state passim). of Chiapas (Lopez Gutiérrez 1963:150~-151; Trens Nana Maria Cocorina, also called Spanish Lady 1957:657, 675-677). On May 7, 1863, he invaded (Sinolan ?an¢}, represents Malinche, Cortés’s interand occupied San Cristobal Las Casas, which he preter and mistress, as well as the mistress of both held until January 24, 1864 (Lo6pez Gutiérrez 1963: Juan Gutiérrez and Mariano Ortega. The Passions 155; Paniagua 1870:650). As a result, Chamula, sometimes take the roles of Juan Gutiérrez or Mawhich at that time belonged to the Department of | riano Ortega in the sexual joking which is part of San Cristobal, fell under Ortega’s domination, as did their performance in the festival (Bricker 1973a: the neighboring townships of San Pedro Chenalho, 116-122). San Andres Larrainzar, Santa Maria Magdalena, and The prophecy merges figures from several epochs San Miguel Mitontic (E£/] Baluarte de la Libertad, together. For example, Joaquin Miguel Gutiérrez August 27, 1869:4; Trens 1957:469—470). It is clear is given Juan Ortega’s first name. Furthermore, that Ortega’s presence was felt in the Indian coun- both men are described as the consorts of Nana tryside, for he forced Indians to build fortifications Maria Cocorina, even though Gutiérrez was historin San Cristobal Las Casas, and Chamulan Indi- ically prominent at least thirty years before Ortega ans assisted Federal troops sent by President Beni- appeared on the political scene in Chiapas. There is,

to Juarez to drive out the Imperialists (Paniagua in addition, no historical evidence that either man 1870: 626, 635; Trens 1957:684]. Furthermore, Or- had a mistress named Nana Maria Cocorina, nor, as tega’s troops are known to have passed through Che- far as I can determine, was there ever a woman of nalho on their way to Tabasco after they had lost a that name in Chiapas. The only explanation ] can decisive battle against the Federal forces (L6pez offer is that the name may be a corruption of Maria Gutiérrez 1963:206). A Chenalho myth about the de la Candelaria, the heroine of the cult that pro-

The Iconography of Ritualized Ethnic Conflict among the Maya 135

vided the religious focus for the Cancuc revolt of | army was usually stationed on the heights, and the 1712 (nan is the term for ‘mother’ in some dialects | Ladinos took up positions in the valley (see Chapter of Tzeltal [Romero Castillo 1961:214; Slocum and _ 9g). The setting of the mock battle may also be historGerdel 1971:165]). After the fall of Cancuc, Maria ically significant, for Vicente Pineda (1888:96, 99] de la Candelaria went into hiding with her husband _ reports that during the War of St. Rose, an important

and father, and some reports of their whereabouts engagement took place on the hillside behind the referred to them as a trio (see Chapter 5). If this in- “mills of Chamula.” Since the spring in question is terpretation is correct, then the impersonators of ' the source of the only stream in the town, and is Juan Ortega and Joaquin Miguel Gutiérrez would — therefore the most likely place for the mills to have also represent the husband and father of Mariadela been located, the mock battle could well take place

Candelaria. on the same ground as that historical engagement. The prophecy does not mention the Passion of The opposing forces in the mock battle are someChrist, another event dramatized during Carnival times referred to as Mexico and Guatemala and

(see above}, nor the Mexican Inquisition, which is sometimes as Carrancistas and Pinedistas. Thus the represented by performers called %ortinaryo (from mock battle simultaneously represents the War of Spanish ordinario ‘Ecclesiastical Judge Ordinary’ St. Rose, the nineteenth-century boundary dispute [Greenleaf 1965: 138]) and komisaryo (from Spanish between Mexico and Guatemala, and the political comisario ‘investigator’ [Greenleaf 1969:160]). A upheaval produced by the Mexican Revolution of few weeks before the outbreak of the Cancuc revolt 1910-1917. of 1712, Juan de Santander, acting as comisario for In summary, the festival of Carnival in Chamula the Inquisition, was conducting an investigation of | dramatizes the following historical events: (1) the the saint cult in Santa Marta (see Chapter 5). The conquest of Mexico (including Chiapas) by SpanHoly Office conducted other investigations of idola- __iards during the sixteenth century, (2) the Cantry in Chiapas during the sixteenth century (Feria cuc revolt of 1712, (3) the French intervention of

1954). 1862-1867, (4) the Chamulan uprising of 1867—

Although his name is not mentionedinthe proph- —_1870, (5) the nineteenth-century boundary dispute ecy, Ignacio Fernandez de Galindo, the Ladino leader with Guatemala, (6) the Pineda revolt of 1920, and, of the Chamulan rebellion in 1869, is also repre- _—_ of course, (7) the Passion of Christ. These seven eth-

sented in the drama. On June 17, 1869, a few days _ nic conflicts are treated as one in the ritual of after murdering the Ladino priest of Chamula, Carnival. Galindo and a force of five or six thousand Indians By coincidence, many of the events dramatized in surrounded the Ladino city of San Cristobal Las = Chamula occurred within a few weeks of Carnival. Casas. Galindo was wearing a busby headdress of | Both attempts to conquer Chiapas took place during monkey fur encircled by ared ribbon (E/ Baluarte de the weeks prior to Easter (Diaz del Castillo 1904: la Libertad, June 22, 1869:1). This is, of course, the 2:217—218; Remesal 1932:1:378—379). The first same headdress worn by the men who impersonate _ efforts to suppress the cult that provided the inspiraJews, monkeys, demons, soldiers, and Frenchmenin tion for the revolt in Cancuc were made during Lent

the Carnival ritual of Chamula. in 1712 (see Chapter 5). And the Indian Christ of Finally, in 1920, Chiapas was the scene of armed Chamula was supposedly crucified on Good Friday conflict between the constitutional forces of Mexico in 1868 (Pineda 1888: 76—77). Thus Carnival occurs led by Venustiano Carranza and revolutionary forces at the appropriate time of the year for commemorat-

led by Alberto Pineda. Carranza’s army retraced ing these ethnic conflicts. most of the route followed by Marin and Mazariegos

more than four hundred years earlier. CARNIVAL IN CHENALHO On the last day of Carnival, the monkey imper- In Chenalho, also, one set of symbols represents sevsonators fight a mock battle on the hillside behind eral historical events: (1) the Passion of Christ, (2) one of the sacred springs (ni? Ho?) in the town. The _ the wars between Christians and Moors, (3) military Monkeys form two lines, one on the hillside andthe campaigns against the Lacandon Indians in retaliaother in the valley near the spring. The positions of — tion for their raids on Spanish settlements during

the two “armies” resemble those of Ladinos and the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, (4) the Chamulans during the War of St. Rose: the Indian = Cancuc revolt of 1712, (5) the French intervention of

136 The Structure of Ethnic Conflict

1862—1867, (6) the Chamulan rebellion of 1867—- They will celebrate the holiday 1870, and (7) the mistreatment of Indians by Ladi- Of our father Jesus,

nos. These ethnic conflicts are summarized in a Of our father the Nazarene. prophecy similar to the one recited in Chamula: Blackmen, Turks, monkeys, and Frenchmen are

Many days still remain unfinished, all symbolized by performers who wear monkey-fur

Remain closed. busby headdresses and are called Blackmen (Figures Beauteous work, 12, 13}. The word hik’al, which I have glossed as Beauteous contribution ‘Blackman,’ could also be translated as ‘Moor’ or Of the festival, ‘Negro.’ It may refer to the wars between Moors and Of the holiday Christians in Spain. It could equally well refer to the

Of our father Jesus, Cancuc revolt of 1712; fifty-four Negroes and one

Of our father the Nazarene. hundred Mulattoes were part of the army that put He has scen it in his eyes; down the rebellion (Ximénez 1929—1931:3:296-— Will he still see it in his eyes 297}. Chenalho was deeply involved in that revolt,

He has seen it in his face. . .

After thirty days have passed and after Cancuc was captured by the Spaniards, the

Of his festival, principal leaders of the rebellion took refuge in CheOf his holiday? nalho for a time (see Chapter 5). Turk (turko} is synHe strews a bit of dust, onymous with Blackman in Chenalho, and the refA bit of rubbish erence to the French probably recalls the French

On the roadway, intervention of 1862—1867.

In the plaza The word ka?benal, which I have glossed as ‘La-

Of our father Apostle, candon,’ is probably derived from Cabnal or Cabe-

Here now! ,; | ,

Of our father Holy Cross. nal, the name of several Lacandon chiefs during the

Look now! Colonial period. In 1555, 1559, and 1696, the SpanHere in a month’s time iards were engaged in efforts to subdue and convert Everything will come! the Lacandon Indians, who were raiding Christian

Animals! settlements in parts of Chiapas and Guatemala

Jaguars! (J. E. S. Thompson 1970: 27—38; see also Chapter 4).

Don’t go looking for too much trouble! Two hundred Zinacanteco Indians and six hundred

Everything will come! Chiapaneco Indians took part in the 1559 campaign Lacandon will appear! tribal affiliation is not specified) also participated in Blackmen will appear! the 1696 operations against the Lacandon Indians Crossbacks will appear! (Villagutierre Soto-Mayor 1933:222). One of the Abductors will appear! Lacandon leaders in 1696 was named Cabnal (VillaThey will appear here in a month’s time! (Remesal 1932:2:396). Indians from Chiapas (their

Evil creatures will appear,

You see. gutierre Soto-Mayor 19332223, 241-242). AccordDanger is on its way here. ing to J. Eric S. Thompson (1970: 29-30}, the name

Evil is coming! Cabnal or Cabenal was assumed by Lacandon chiefs The Turks are coming! generation after generation, for Spaniards met La-

The French candon leaders with that name in 1586, 1608, and And Blackmen are coming! 1696. Every possible horror is coming The Lacandon role is assumed by a female imper-

In thirty days time! sonator known as me? hka?benal ‘Lacandon WomThe Turks are coming, with them an’ (from me? ‘female’ and hka2benal ‘Lacandon’). The French, everything! She is accompanied by the two Crossbacks, who

Monkeys will appear! represent Christ (see above). Like those of the

Lacandon will appear! C back he L don W d]

They will offer a little entertainment; FOSsdacks, t © acannon NOMA S arms ane ss

They will offer a little joking, are covered with anatto and ochre pigment. The

They will evoke a bit of laughter three performers carry bunches of weeds in their

On the roadway, hands, with which they pretend to cure other CarIn the plaza. nival celebrators and spectators of hypothetical ill-

They will celebrate the festival, nesses (Figure 7). They go up to the Passions and

The Iconography of Ritualized Ethnic Conflict among the Maya 137

other people and ask them: “Are you suffering from and Figure 7}. Both the Crossbacks and the Lacanmagical fright?” They stroke their “patients” with |= don Woman are painted with red pigment.

their bunches of weeds, pretending to restore the For several nights during Carnival, this trio and

missing parts of their souls. another trio called the Abductors (h¢akel) are sys-

Dale Davis (personal communication), who has _ tematically hunted down by the Blackmen in their spent a year in a Lacandon settlement on Lake — guise as Spanish soldiers. Each group of fugitives Naha, has brought to my attention the fact that La- — seeks refuge in the homes of the Passions (Bricker candon priests use anatto pigment on their bodies, 1973a: 140-142). What seems to be dramatized here especially their arms, for some ceremonies. She has is the house-to-house search made by Spanish solalso informed me that when Lacandon priests per- _diers, some of them Negroes, in pursuit of Maria de form curing ceremonies, they brush leafy branches la Candelaria and her two companions in Chenalho over their patients’ bodies, using gestures similar to — and other towns (see Chapter 5).

those of the Crossbacks and Lacandon Woman of The rest of the Carnival performers may also date Chenalho. Thus the body paint of the Crossbacks from 1712. The Spaniards penetrated the defenses of symbolizes not only Christ’s wounds, but also the = Cancuc while the Indians were in the midst of a fes-

ritual decoration of Lacandon curers.* tival and a bullfight was in progress. Some of the The Crossbacks are sometimes said to represent Indians fled to the riverside, where they tried to unjaguars because the circles painted on their bodies leash natural forces against the Spaniards. After resemble the spotted fur of those animals (hence — Toribio de Cosio had occupied Cancuc, he sent out the reference to “animals” and “jaguars” in the — surrender orders to the other rebel towns. The Indi-

prophecy). ans of Chilon were deeply divided over how to reIt is possible that the Crossbacks and the Lacan- — spond to the summons. In the midst of their debate, don Woman also represent the rebel Indians during —_ Indians from Yajalon, Bachajon, Petalsingo, Tila, and

the Cancuc revolt of 1712. In September of that year, | Tumbala invaded their town. The inhabitants of Indian soldiers from Cancuc and Huitiupa raided the — Chilon fled to the riverside. Their pursuers chased

town of Simojovel. Like the Crossbacks, the invad- them with ropes, with which they tied some of ers were naked except for loincloths, and their | them up (see Chapter s). bodies were covered with red mud (see Chapter 5 The cast of Carnival performers in Chenalho includes a Bull and several Cowboy impersonators (Figure 14). One of the rituals of that festival is called “lost at the riverside” (¢’ayel ta 2uk’um). The

Go I 8H flow road, and they run around town three times.

. Meg oF Vee ey They meet at the riverside, where the Blackmen and i tt SEN A ‘ » ae Beer - Wy ) os jump over it three times (Bricker 1973a: 140}. The Find aoa ae & sen) T banal ‘ ; bs association of the Bull with the riverside suggests

; an aN ‘ea fl V i ee _ | that this ceremony symbolizes events in Cancuc

— an Ber is é a q ow PyS. j c. Pp and Chilon after Cancuc was captured by the WA bh 4 ey | ie Bs “Nes Another group of celebrat ors, the “masked” (k oh)

4, is a ae ap | ee of Chenalho. Th ere are five “false” officials: two

a * -y lg a fiscales, two and one regidor. position Mw PS of captains, captain is now a ceremonial role inThe Chenalho, and — 2 ie eb eeRS Zi - = meee there are no longer fiscales in the town government

EE EES (Bricker 1973a:130—131). Fiscales, regidores, and

FIGURE 14. Cowboys Leading Bull in Chenalho, February captains were, however, officials in the rebel govern-

1969. Photo by Gertrude Duby Blom. ment of Cancuc (see Chapter 5).

138 The Structure of Ethnic Conflict

The Cancuc revolt of 1712 is a more obvious 2 Feathered Serpents (k’uk’ul Gon) theme of Carnival in Chenalho than in Chamula, 2 Lacandons (ka?benal) probably because Chamula stayed out of that ethnic 2 Jaguars (b’olom) conflict, whereas Chenalho was heavily involved in 2 Tree Mosses (¢on te?) it. Chamula, on the other hand, stresses nineteenth- 6 Blackmen (h7ik’al) century events, perhaps because its major eth- The first three pairs of performers form a group nic conflict occurred in 1867. Nineteenth-century | knownas the senior entertainers (muk’ta htoyk’ineevents are not ignored in Chenalho, but most of the _ tik). Their activities are usually segregated in space rituals are specifically associated with the Cancuc and time from those of the other performers. The

revolt of 1712. role names of the senior entertainers imply that they once represented actors in a Dance of the Con-

CARNIVAL IN ZINACANTAN , quest. The costumes of the Spanish Gentlemen, No prophecy heralds Carnival in Zinacantan, but it | which consist of red satin jackets and knee breeches is thematically and structurally similar to the same — edged with gold braid, are congruent with this inter-

festival in the other two towns. The Christ imper- pretation (see Figures 15, 16). sonators called Passions recall both the Passion of The men costumed as Spanish Ladies wear white Christ and the War of St. Rose. The Blackmen im- dresses, which are trimmed with embroidery and personators symbolize Moors, Jews, Ladinos, and feathers at the hem, over red skirts. Their heads and possibly also the Negro slaves who assisted the Spaniards in putting down the Cancuc revolt of

1712. Most of the Blackmen wear Ladino soldier | ee uniforms. Their leader, who is sometimes calledthe —, 1, /_ = a————

“King of the Jews,” is the only Blackman who ap- BP |

plies charcoal to his face. "s. AY + ite a, s ee ae . The high point of Carnival comes on the last day gpg """ A ee = of the festival, when the Blackmen pursue other cha “4 i. at * Ca | eon

Zinacantecos wearing the traditional tribal cos- | oag\ =) * RZ “ae e tume. Since the Blackmen simultaneously represent ff ee. rn a a eae ff

Moors, Jews, soldiers, and Ladinos, their mock bat- a. yp A ‘awa Do oe f tle probably commemorates several ethnic conflicts. ec % i eae \ Ae ia

The festival of Carnival is much less elaborate in >> © (Eh aay

Zinacantan than it isin Chamula and Chenalho. It Fog “9 we Vic ep | f g 4 commemorates only five ethnic conflicts: (1) the g@ - / — oer’ y & Passion of Christ, (2) the wars between the Chris- 9 jg. -_ La a (4 > tians and Moors in Spain, (3) the Cancuc revolt ee —@//— tare r > = i é

of 1712, (4) the War of St. Rose of 1867-1870, and gf c™ “ae a, (5) current hostility between Indians and Ladinos. ‘'y Ed A=. a Other ethnic conflicts are symbolized during an- 4 \ ; &§ 2 Cees, im , other festival, the festival of St. Sebastian, which “ge SS a. hl

takes place at the end ofCarnival. January, approximately oneOF #, ge fe + ff month before ied Ln me «° # { —

THE FESTIVAL OF ST. SEBASTIAN IN ZINACANTAN ‘ See ae eC Of

The following performers make up the cast for the 2 i Pio rw. 7 * ritual dramas that are put on during the festival of (RSeieareay Te Rig’ \ Sy ag 2 Spanish Gentlemen (kaslan, from Spanish cas- | ef Seg = a — 2 4 7 - ;.

‘lady’) Fo me:

;ole. a. / ~“ee FeePe oe,hl Ae: fe 44... ee |.*ee Eooe oy > = |; 7a eee

a | a Fy, >a a wes wbd _ @ a % * was 5 ee eo \ “a

an op. oss © a lhl

‘ &§ -ENV 4 ,| =. ie- ——— F “ | oeh he ayBa dt ‘= = «|i «at A +e Bt me. “4@ 4 ——_— gfg_« « — £4 iF

.ell, costume of the Feathered Serpents of Zinacantan. 9 G BO The small wooden wings strapped between their shoulders are also white with red and green spots. Their green velveteen knee breeches may symbolize

eC f the feathers of the quetzal bird.

d According to Alfonso Caso (1958:25], “As the god

Go ~ . XS . : . . )

of life, Quetzalcéatl appears as the constant benefac-

aR on tor of mankind, and so we find that after having cre-

iAG aaUb AS man his own blood, he sought VYated ew WE “ towith nourish him. He discovered corn, hiddenabyway the ; ants within and changing into an ant, § : stole ahgrain, whicha hill, he later gave to himself man.” AppropriFIGURE 18. Trilobal Motifs at Teotihuacan and Tula ately enough, the beaks of the headdresses of the (after Stocker and Spence 1973:196).

te, te TI Ge a me ie Sales 4 ewe (OF ° ee eea oe Wy CHO at ”.(iia — ee 2 od —5|=avaCUP | SSriveree IT) | Op, ae

FIGURE I9. Some Junior Entertainers in Zinacantan: (left FIGURE 20. Quetzalcoatl in His to right) Tree Mosses, Feathered Serpents, Lacandons. Ehecatl (Wind God} Aspect (Co-

Photo by Frank Cancian. dex Magliabecchiano}.

The Iconography of Ritualized Ethnic Conflict among the Maya 141

Quetzalcoatl impersonators of Zinacantan are held The Lacandon impersonators (ka?benal) may be

open by ears of maize (Figure 21). even more directly related to the Dance of the Although some legends characterize Quetzalcoatl Conquest. According to Bode (1961:213), Lacandon as a god, others claim that he was a human being, a _ ~=_Indians are occasionally part of the cast of this fair-skinned, bearded king of Tula who was respon- _dance-drama in highland Guatemala. In one version, sible for bringing a golden age to Central Mexico a Lacandon brings a message from Montezuma to during the ninth or tenth century a.p. (Davies 1977; | the Quiche king warning him of the arrival of the Tozzer 1957:28—29). According to some legends, Spaniards (Bode 1961:221). A Lacandon impersonaQuetzalcoatl was eventually forced to leave Central — tor is one of the performers in the Dance of the ConMexico. He fled to the Gulf Coast, where he boarded quest of San Cristobal, a town in the District of Toa canoe and set off for Yucatan. Before he left he tonicapan (Bode 1961: 246, 293; see also Figure 22).

promised his followers that he would return some I have already pointed out that the role name day. This prophecy was not forgotten; when the _ of these performers is probably postconquest in oriSpaniards arrived on the Gulf Coast of Mexico, the — gin. Zinacantecos took part in the 1559 campaign Indians thought at first that Cortés was Quetzal- against the Lacandon Indians, and they may also coatl returning to fulfill his prophecy. Thus it is ap- have participated in the 1696 operations against propriate that impersonators of Quetzalcoatl are as- them (Remesal 1932:2:396; Villagutierre Soto-

sociated with the Dance of the Conquest. Mayor 1933:223, 241-242). Thus, in addition to

According to one legend, Quetzalcoatl spent some representing the Lacandon emissary from Montime in the Yucatan peninsula, and there is architec- | tezuma, the Lacandon impersonators of Zinacantan tural evidence at Chichen Itza and other archae- probably also recall the almost two centuries of war

ological sites that a new cult based on a feathered- against the Lacandon Indians in which Zinacanserpent motif and other Central Mexican traits tecos participated. appeared in the peninsula some time after 900 A.D. The historical significance of the Tree Mosses is

(Tozzer 1957 :30—31).° less clear. Their costumes are similar to those of the The Quetzalcoatl cult also spread to Chiapas. For | Lacandon impersonators of Bachajon, a Tzeltal com-

example, during the latter part of the seventeenth munity in highland Chiapas. The name Tree Moss century, Tzeltal shamans were using an almanac in

which there was a painted figure of a man and a |

snake1692: called132). Cuchulcha (k’uk’ulcan) (Nunez de la 7 eto.oo ssee|] Vega And when Tozzer (1907 : 96) visited \ ae Po Pa Me - ay

the Lacandon between 1902 and 1905, he discovered a. a|oo ye) DS a heig iaeiSeee iy oo Lie ithrian ae afi!a a: ee es eeoe oe Maine “yays ia:ieihBg’ ae ib? i ag NAGS! Oe Gees Mgt Gas EL INs Ee ueATOL iB Bay : &+ 5Ga *Be ._ et ae ae aUe ne en) iun as LS aa Vo :ue es ON e= ee anes. oe rgLe Hay. %, LN ey ay ug a, EG: ee7 nee Toe Mim ee fip oa aaa, es po ae, ey, Ae L nF ) es We iCTO Las iW ieMee oe iy) 'we eg aBoi Le iiSAFRE a) Ce) ¥Lees yy es ies ET ae a) Ly Le |ee A) 2,'Ege Rapes — —— _[le oo ih a3 a1Ay Aea ae Te Chi ne ia4 es :oe ee Sa esd Se TS IN,A oe cees Pe ie ihies: Ee Ee. aae pe aAW yy uy i. ae a

.is-:nee a OS i) ey ae m ee wy Wh : : _e 7 | |- i..s.itis ; i j aan Ly y/ Uae We) by Bis, OO iia yh ue i, j ae ee ee a eee i iia Bs Ua caiianiil ae We i qa :

;i _al —.— |. — he eg. ia .. ae) : ahe2 i|| ai 7~~ a |ilq .'

fe hee ee.: SS aa Be *G 4i,igill ei i aes ES 2 fe jee .i. .bal ee eeSpS Ve : UNM 1ee Wy, Be ;a Ce ,Fi ean ”, :pcaee — . So Oy oo ye i ay Ee, , -~_ 2 | )a4"% ~a1=ee a. Tae, de 4 if yy . ee ne Te ge ee ee & ae, Log a) My es a ae: Vs eat il Le — Gea HB i oe ih ia oe a oe . Wy Lc a ) i ie eer dy. " EB

| | i yy 7 ‘ a io , ee) Ng) La, vo ee a4 ue : yy ) |, y Qo A ey 8, Me aN gee oe ea ’7 _& . |; .. i |ee|a Bee iyi he. Be BEE, pig BP meee ile PR ob Me eh,7 Hie ELH: Pr seman Neage EL Ra MES IB Bp Ne aCe | a ee : | a ay ‘a, oC eo ee ee ee ey iene ae, Li ai a ey Li) ey | et ee Ee i TO pe Sn a, oO a ye | FE A ca — is aPeas | . ee LD a vi a) ‘iii cal i ee : LE pe BOR en ag ON te a A LL ee a aon We M1 Pig — : a i . : ae Lo 7 a. angle” cai Le ihe ee a oe ui ap eo a es ae a Sf ee oorrsrs— ~ . - “ si

came ti that the M: re. it | hc this commission, and the tribe [sic] presented the orig-

same time that Tae aya WETS) it may a 501 OW inal manuscript and the translation to the judge of the ever, be a reference to the “Little Montezuma” who local court, requesting that “two intelligent men” exwas supposedly crowned in Quisteil. Or it may be amine it and pass on the accuracy of the Spanish verthat this version of the myth was known in 1761, sion. The judge acceded to this request and ordered the and Francisco Uex took the name of Montezuma in translation added to the court’s register of public in

. ; : : ; + . ype Poy soiete . a ) 4 . struments. (Chonay and Goetz 1953: 163) an attempt to fulfill the prophecy.

Among the Quiche, the history of their former | Whether Atanasio Tzul was aware of the existence

kingdoms is preserved in both oral and written tradi- — of this manuscript is not known (apparently the Intions such as the Popol Vuh (Edmonson 1971) and — dians of Totonicapan were unable to read their own

the Title of the Lords of Totonicapan |Chonay and language). Goetz 1953]. The text of the latter was apparently Two of the Quiche kings, Quicab Tanub Rey de written in Quiche, using the Latin alphabet, in 1554 Quiché (Utatlan) and Rey Tecum Umam [Xelahuh}, (Chonay and Goetz 1953:163}. The manuscript was are represented in Dances of the Conquest in high-

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26ra li padre Now the priest,

li padre ya?yel ta sk’an ta sk’opanik santo* It seems that the priest wanted to speak to the Saint;

21 muk’ $k’opoh li santo* 20 And the saint did not speak.

21 muk’ smala li santo* And the saint did not wait. muk’ sk’opan ti pale* It did not speak to the priest.

hun taki lum kom te ta kohbre* A piece of dried earth stayed in the chest.

hun taki lum* A piece of dried earth. val ?un 25 You see, then, te ilin ti padre ti muk’ Stal The priest became angry there because it did not come.

96ra lah yal ti santo ta kaSa Now the saint spoke from the chest:

26ra b’a htup’tik li san kristobal las “Now let’s go destroy San Cristobal Las Casas! kasas|...2...] [inaudible] b’a htup’tik Let’s destroy it!”

lah s¢ob’ sb’a li hénte 30 The people assembled.

20y $a 208 htot My father was there then; 20y $a 208 hme? My mother was there then.

lah s¢ob’ sb’a li hénte The people assembled.

b’atik li 2a la fwérsa ta 81¢’ik to¢gel They were forced to go along;

ha? nos smacitaik 35 Only their machetes,

ha? nos stevik Only their sticks

yic’ohik tal Had they brought along. ta Stal smilik li hénte lia ta san kristobal They were coming to kill the people here in San Cristobal Las Casas.

96ra te tal li santo Now the saint came there;

tal li santo 40 The saint came.

te Scioukik tal It came with them,

ta yaryehik It seems.

ora muk’ s?0¢ik lio* Now they did not come here.

muk’ b’u §?0¢ik te* They never came here. muk’ skué yu?un 45 They did not win.

te nos isutik They just returned there.

te la 20y ti santo That saint was there.

ha? ta smantal ti »0cik They entered at its command.

20y tor0S C’ivit te ta b’aus There used to be a market there in Baux.

va?i 7un 50 You see, then,

20y C’ivit te ta b’aus 2un There was a market there in Baux then.

ha? ti puru ?ak’ot Just dancing. 20y me? santo* There was the Virgin,

19-24. That is, the saint refused to speak to the priest (cf. Chapter 13). When the priest looked inside the chest, all he saw was a piece of dry clay.

43-44. In other words, the Indians were not successful in invading San Cristobal Las Casas. | 53-56. The Chamulan woman referred to here is probably Agustina Gomes Checheb, who served as priestess for the cult (Chapter Q}.

274 Text C-6

puru ?an¢* Just a woman, me? camu?* 55 A Chamulan woman,

me? camula* A Chamulan woman.

ha? me? santo ¢k’opan ti santo ta kaSa The Virgin spoke to the saint in the chest.

va?i isk’opan ti santo ta kaSa You see, the saint spoke from the chest.

ha? ta spasik ta suhvan It made them hurry ta milvaneh 60 To murder. o6ra Cal ti santo hm? Now that saint said, uh-huh,

bwéno mu Sasivik “Well, don’t be afraid!

ta slok’ soltaro ku?un ta vi¢ My soldiers will come forth from the mountain; ta slok’ soltaro kuoun ta »anheletik* My soldiers will come forth from the earth.

bwéno ta hmiltik b’oé’o ta Stal 65 Well, we will kill whoever comes,

ta Stal smilik If they come to kill. oimi ta we will kill them. mu hmiltik Sasi?ikAnd Don’t be afraid!”

ha? Clo?lavan But it was deceiving them.

o6ra ?ilin 70 Now they became angry.

huh! |

lah stihik ta k’op hpakusto te Sb’atik ta They went to Tuxtla Gutierrez to goad Faust. tustla*

b’a smilik Ciapa hm? They went to massacre Chiapa de Corzo. Uh-

Oe vaximu...mub’uaali... 8kué yuounik You see, they didn’t . . . win [there] either. stok

muk’ s70¢ik ta ciapa They never came to Chiapa de Corzo.

ta kaSa From the then, chest. vari 2un You see, oilin Ciapa Chiapa de Corzo became angry.

ha? ta skoh santo ta 8k’opoh ta kofre 75 It was the fault of the saint that spoke from the box,

te k’usi la SCap 2un Then it prepared things there.

9a mu SaSi71k 80 “Ah, don’t be afraid!

tib’oé’o me tataStal Stal If they come, milvanuk Those who come to kill, ta $nik b’alamil* The earth will quake!”

$i mo?oh ti santo85Said that saint. mi “Otherwise, ta lok’ tal mil séltaro li ta 82ek’en tahe* One thousand soldiers will come forth from Metate Platform |Baxeken| there.”

o6ra ?ilin la Ciapa Now Chiapa de Corzo became angry. silin la tusta »ek Tuxtla Gutierrez became angry too. lah s¢ob’ sb’aik tal 7un* They gathered together then,

oek* Gutierrez too.

yuoun k’anoh sb’a milvanikuk ta tusta 90 Because they had wanted to destroy Tuxtla

64. Among other things, 2anhel refers to the rain god and the lord of mountains and is associated with the thunderbolt (GuiterasHolmes 1961: 331). It is translated as ‘earth’ because the lord of the mountains resides in the earth. 41. The word hpdkusto refers to Fausto Ruiz, who died in 1968. Ruiz was a supporter of Pancho Villa, one of the heroes of the

Mexican Revolution of 1910-1917 (Simpson 1967: 296, 301— 302, 30§5— 306}, not the War of St. Rose. Ruiz was arrested for murder and

sent into exile on an island. 83. In other words, the saint promised to unleash an earthquake as a weapon against the Ladinos (cf. Chapters 5 and 12). This promise was fulfilled in the Ortega version of the text published by Calixta Guiteras-Holmes [1961 : 266): “About one hundred soldiers came. More than the first time. The war commenced, the earth trembled, and the hills closed in on the soldiers of Juan Ortega.” 86. Metate Platform (Baxeken) is the name of a mountain overlooking San Pedro Chenalho. 89—90. The people of Tuxtla Gutierrez and Chiapa de Corzo united to fight against the Indians, who were preparing to attack Tuxtla Gutierrez.

a The War of St. Rose (Chenalho Version) 275

20ra tal Ciapa Now Chiapa de Corzo came. lah s¢ob’ sb’aik They assembled. lah s¢ob’ tal tuk’ They rounded up guns;

lah s¢ob’ sb’a skotol hsoltaro They rounded up all the soldiers.

talik yilel 95 They came, it seems; tal yak’b’eik sbala They came to fire their bullets,

teme? ta b’aus There in Baux. santo The Virgin,

20ra ti sme? santo Now that Virgin, lah yal ti santo 100 That saint said:

mi yu?un ital ti hmilvaneh “Tf the killers came, mi tal ta sak’ tuk’ bwéno If they came to fire bullets, well,

Savalk’un agekik* You will lift up your skirts!

[...2...]% [inaudible]

Savak’b’e vilel lacakik hm? hm? You will let them see your asses! Uh-huh!

Savalk’un agekik* 105 You will lift up your skirts! ha? te ta sikub’ stuk’ ti soltaro* The guns of those soldiers will become cold. mu St’om yu?un §1* They will not fire because of it,” it said.

ealtik cal un “Never mind!” it said then.

¢ob’ol ista hm? They gathered together. Uh-huh! heé lah spasik ti me? santoetik* 110 The Virgins did that. lah svalk’un Séakik They uncovered their asses; lah svalk’un s¢ekik They lifted up their skirts.

26ra li soltaroetik Now the soldiers,

li h¢apanekoetike hm? The Chiapanecos, uh-huh!

yak’b’eik sbala 2un 115 They fired bullets at them then. ha? tey 20¢ ta S¢ak They went up their anuses there, b’u la svalk’unoh une Where they had exposed them;

tey 190¢ Si They wentsee, up there like this. va?i 2un You then, ,

ha? yuoun ?ilin li san krist6bal* 120 It was because San Cristobal Las Casas became

angry. ilah yal kuskat It said: “Cuscat! puru kuskat They are all Cuscat’s followers.

oindigena The Indians puru kuskat Are all Cuscat’s followers.

mu Sa Sak’ »0cuk tal kon pasa 125 Don’t let them come in with/out] a pass!

ke $a $90¢ik tal ta k’u ta Sconik If they come in in order to sell things,

li b’o¢’o muk’ pasahe Anyone without papers, lio ta Skom ta Cukel They will stay in jail here!

ha? yueun hlo?lavaneh ti santo It is because that saint is a deceiver, ti ta $k’opoh ta kaSa 130 The one that began to speak from the chest.

taye¢Sk’opoh It began to speak. ta $k’opoh vun That’s right, it began to dictate letters.

hk’opanoh ¢ib’ ?un I have spoken it two 208ib’ bwélta [Or] three to times.

ta hpas kai proval mi ha? santo $1 135 I’m going to test whether it is a saint,” it said.

103-107. Evidently the people of San Pedro Chenalho share the belief that the sight of a woman’s genitals will prevent guns from firing (cf. Text C-5, notes to lines 353-361). 110. This seems to be a reference to the Indian women who called themselves saints (cf. C. Molina 1934: 368, 371, 375). 120. I have interpreted this as a reference to the town of San Cristobal Las Casas, rather than to its patron saint.

276 Text C-6

ta hpas ka?i kuskat “Tam going to test Cuscat.” pero muk’ ¢ismoso But he was not a talebearer. ta Sal »ep mulil He began to say many evil things.

ta Sal »ep skotol He began to say everything.

toh Copol k’u ta salik 140 They began to say awful things.

90ra mu hk’an “Now I don’t want it, heak’vaneh ta milel Because it brings death,” $iha?tiyueun kristiyano Said those people,

b’o¢’o sna?b’eik smelol Those who knew what was right.

oy to yurunik tana 9une 145 But they still have them today!

eoy to yueunik They still have them!

te to spasik %ab’tel $i* They still steal like this!

°oy to yurunik santo They still have saints!

bwéno te to yu2unik leve Well, they still have them like that there. péro leve »une 150 But as for that one then, mu Sa b’o0¢é’0 sk’an lek 9un No one really wanted it then, to »0y yueunik pisil b’o¢’o malkriado Only bad people had them. tete2oy »0y* They exist there. to snak’oh* They have hidden them.

pero mu 8a Salik b’u »0y* 155 But they will not say where they are.

tey to ti b’oé’o sk’ane They are still there for people who want them,

ha? ta puru Scamelik %0 skotol Only for their illnesses. pero %altik kasa mi ta scivo* But never mind if it is a witch.

va?i ha? yuvun %ilin 20 gobyérno You see, it was because the government became angry.

ailin skotol 160 They all became angry.

ta 208 Stal yic’ tup’el ti 2indigena They came to destroy those Indians. ta 208 Stal yic’ tup’el ti »indigena They came to destroy those Indians.

vari tal soltaro You see, the soldiers came.

tal skotol 2un Everyone came then.

tal stup’ skotol pwéblo 165 They came to destroy all the [Indian] towns.

toh pukuh ti indyo $i “Those Indians are very dangerous,” they said.

ha? to ti »0y yahsantoetik 2une They still had their saints then.

oune then too,

pero yueun ha? ti ta smilik larino stok But because they were going to kill Ladinos

ta 8°0Cik ta hob’el They came to San Cristobal Las Casas. b’at Smilvanik 9un 170 Then they went to kill people.

va?i ?ilin nan ti sdltaro hm? You see, perhaps those soldiers became angry. Uhhuh!

va?i ti soltaro 2un You see, those soldiers then, alin :un They became angry then. ti ?ilin ti »ahvalil iyasi Those officers felt angry,

heé 9un 175 All of them then. talyepal soltaro Soldiers came.

b’at ta huhun lum They went to each town.

ta huhun lum ta stup’ ?indigena They destroyed Indians in each town.

pére hun presidénte te ta ¢’enal Ho? But one mayor there in Chenalho .. . 147. Talking saints demand money for cures that are sometimes ineffective (Chapter 13). 153-155. In other words, there were still talking saints in Chenalho in 1969. 158. Witches can turn themselves into cows or goats and wander around the countryside at night harming people.

The War of St. Rose (Chenalho Version) 277

lok’ san pédro* 180 ~—- St. Peter left; b’at te ta hSulub’* He went there to the Horn. cak k’u ¢a%al lah kalb’ot As I told you,

20y Sulub’ vig There is a Horned Mountain.

ha? te b’at He went there. te ta yak’ol lum 185 There above the town,

te »0yv muk’ta vig There is a large mountain there. ha? Sa te b’at san pédro St. Peter went there,

yueun $a lah slok’esik Because they had taken him away.

yurun $a ta Slah pwéblo Because the town was already going to be destroyed.

pero Slovlavan ti soltaroe* 190 But those soldiers tricked them.

lao sayik miSa Si la hi* “Come here to Mass!” they said. Hah! ta la Sloslavan ta hmek* They completely fooled them.

enganya para oir misa $i* They tricked them into listening to Mass like this.

pero k’alal ti mi lah sg¢ob’ sb’a* But when they had assembled together,

te la ta $90€ skotol ta yut ¢’ul na* 195 All of them entered the church.

te la ta smil 9un* They killed them there then

mi pistols, mipistola* espara*[With] Or swords,

mi punyal k’usi ¢cak’ »:un hm?* Or daggers, or whatever. Uh-huh!

pero ta hmek ?un 200 But completely.

eora ?un lok’em ti san pédro Now then, St. Peter had left.

lok’em yahnil skotol heab’teletik hm? The wives of all the officials had left. Uh-huh!

va?i ti presidénte Sci2uk hun ?alkalte priméro You see, that mayor [was there] with a first alcalde.

e0y kurus ta huhun... ta ¢ak lum There is a cross at each... below the town. 20y kurus te ta povot tal yolon kavilto 205 There is a cross near the base of the town hall.

ooy kurus ta ti? ¢’ul na There is a cross in the church.

20y kurus te ta 20?lol lum There is a cross there in the middle of town.

eoy kurus ta lok’eltik 2un There is a cross at the exit then.

te ¢’ok’ ti presidénte That mayor began to cry there.

ta 8?0k’ 210He He began to cry; Skehkun knelt. ta sk’opan ti kurus He began to pray to the cross.

ti Skehkun He knelt.

ta sk’opan ti kurus : He began to pray to the cross.

kahval mi ¢cilah 81 215 “My Lord, will I die?” he said. kahval mi Cilah si hee “My Lord, will I die?” he said. Hah!

oora b’at $a Now he had already gone te $a ta entrara To the entrance there,

te ta $a 20¢el ta san pédro To the entrance of San Pedro Chenalho there. ik’ot cib’ Camtla hm? 220. Two Chamulans arrived. Uh-huh!

k’usi Capasik “What are you-all going to do?” mu?yuk ta $a Silahkutik “Nothing! We will all die.

180. The people of Chenalho had removed the images of their saints from the church and had hidden them in the mountains. 181. Horned Mountain (H8ulub’) overlooks Chenalho (cf. lines 183-186 below]. 190-199. The Ladino soldiers had tricked the Indians of other towns by summoning them to Mass, locking them up in the church, and slaughtering them (see Guiteras-Holmes 1961: 265-267 for another version of this incident associated with Juan Ortega).

278 Text C-6

ta Stal soldado Soldiers are coming now.”

tana Sa le? Sa Stal ta san miguel Si “Yes, they have already come to San Miguel [Mitontic],” they said.

ta Sa Stal 225 “They have already come;

san miguel Sa Stal They have already come to San Miguel [Mitontic]. ta Sa Salahik[...2?...] You are going to die now. [inaudible]

20y $a amulik It is your fault.” 2ay tana Sa “Ah yes,

mu hna? k’usi ta hpaskutik un 230 Idon’t know what we should do then,

mi Cihatav Si Whether I should flee,” he said,

komo lok’em Sa ti santo ta vige hm? For the saint had already been taken to the mountain. Uh-huh!

206ra lah yal ti Camula Now the Chamulans said: teke? ca? la? hmalatik “Never mind! Come! We will wait,

mi Sak’anik pohel 235 If you want to defend |yourselves].”

ta hk’ankutik mi ¢Gapas pavor|...?...] “We want to! Will you do us the favor?” [inaudible]

péro k’u ta spas tana ticamula|...?...| “But what are the Chamulans going to do now? [inaudible]

mu?nuk voyuk stuk’[...?...| Because they do not have any guns. [inaudible] k’usi ta spas ti Camutla hm? What will those Chamulans do?” Uh-huh!

Cat yo?on ti presidénte 240 The mayor fretted.

presidénte was: oandres vaskis kansino Andrés Vasquez Cansino.

hna?ohb’ekutik k’usi sb’i tif... 2... .] We remember what the |inaudible] mayor’s name

ti yilik ti Sivel ti ta »antivéra hm? They experienced fear in those times. Uh-huh!

bwéno teke? malaik ta Sa Stal “Well, never mind! Wait! They are coming.

la? b’a hmalatik ta ti? ¢’ul na $i 245 Come let’s go wait in the entrance to the church!” they said.

ib’at smalaik ta ti? ¢’ul na They went to wait in the entrance to the church.

hecé yepal k’ot soltaro te ta $a sb’ak’es yok’es Many soldiers arrived, playing their trumpets

eun|{...2...| then. [inaudible] bwéno ?0y Sa Sé’ulel ti presidénte* Well that mayor had his soul now,

muenuk »oy stuk’ ti cib’ Camula Because the two Chamulans did not have any guns.

¢’ab’al stuk’ik 250 They did not have any guns.

20ra k’ot ti soltaro une Then those soldiers had already arrived.

ik’ot Sa ?un Then they had already arrived.

k’ot $a sk’opan ti presidénte te $a »0y hm? They arrived to speak to the mayor, who was already there. Uh-huh!

bwéno vovot ¢ob’o tal hteklum “Well, you, gather the town together!

20y misa 255 There will be a Mass.

hpastik misa[...?...] We will perform a Mass. [inaudible]

k’usi avab’tel* What is your position?”

mu?yuk kab’tel “T don’t have a position.”

pero ¢ob’o tal laéi’il “But gather your townsmen together! 248. That is, the mayor was frightened, “his heart was in his mouth.” 257. The soldiers wanted to know if he was an official of the town.

The War of St. Rose (Chenalho Version) 279

2ak’o Stal ya7i misa 260 They should come to hear Mass!” bwéno péro k’usi ¢ak’an “Well, but what do you want?”

dise 2€ste Camula Said this Chamulan.

k’usi ¢ak’an “What do you want?” mu?yuk ?ak’o Stal ta mi$a hteklum “Nothing! They should come to Mass in town.” 2a pero voron ta kal misa 265 “Ah, but it is I who will say Mass!”

dice los dos Chamulas* Said the two Chamulans. ahora ya volvid como un padre Now he turned into a priest. ya volvid como un padre He turned into a priest now.

y su sombrero chiquito And his little hat

alli esta 270 + Was there. eso es un cuentoso que me han dicho mi This is a tale that I was told by my father mi madre |And] mythere. mother. alli esta He was

padre

20ra voron ta Skal misa “Now I am going to say Mass!”

a éste es el cuscat 275 “Ah, that is Cuscat!

es el diablo He is the Devil!”

dicen los soldados Said those soldiers.

ahora es su cuscat esto indigena “Now that Indian is their Cuscat!

pero yo voy a oir este primero bueno But I am going to hear him first. Well,

bueno dice 280 Well,” he said.

mercado hm? Uh-huh! b’a Col ab’aik ta ti? muk’ta na hm? “Go line up in the entrance to the large

pues se va a formar pues en frente del Well, they went to line up in front of the market. building!” Uh-huh!

b’a Col ab’aik ta tia muk’ta na “Go line up in the entrance to the large building!

b’a Col ab’aik Go line up!

lio Savak’ Fire them here! mu Sicam ta b’alamil I won’t die on the ground!

vurune li? hmala ta hol ¢’ul na 285 As for me, I shall wait here in the belfry!

lio ta hol ¢’ul na ¢i¢am I will die here in the belfry!” bwéno Su? ¢a%e milvan “Well, you can kill him!

bwéno li? sa li tyablo ti kuskat ta Skiltik 290 Well, now we see that Devil Cuscat here!” tanae

20y van trénta soldados There were perhaps thirty soldiers.

yak’b’e shopan lek ti »0k’es They were playing those trumpets well, holding them in both hands.

ora muy ta hol ¢’ul na 9un Now he climbed up to the bell tower,

kovol Sa $¢i2uk pale 2un Just like a priest.

ik’atah $a 908 ti... 295 He had already transformed himself . . . ik’atah si k’op He had already transformed himself like this. ti ya volvid como padre* They had already turned into priests,

los dos chamulas The two Chamulans.

ya volvid como... They had already turned into...

ahora ya 300 Now then,

266. The storyteller switches briefly from Tzotzil to Spanish. Since he is describing the activities of Ladino soldiers, I have used the standard orthography for Spanish. 297. The storyteller now switches into Spanish for the rest of the text, although he continues to use Tzotzil syntax and the parallelistic couplet form.

280 Text C-6

tireme pues “Fire at the me,Devil, then!” dice el diablo Said ya con su sombrero* With his hat ready.

tireme “Fire at me! tireme Fire at me!”

yo no tengo nada 305 I don’t have anything! ahora empezo a tirar ya hm? Now they began to fire at them already. Uh-huh!

tiro primero[...?...| They fired the first one. [inaudible]

agarrando el bala He caught the bullet.

agarrando el bala hm? 310 He caught the bullet. Uh-huh! tird y tiro They fired and fired. ahora acabo la bala hm? Now the bullets were used up. Uh-huh!

como esta “How are you?” hay bala todavia Are there any bullets left?” ya 315 They “Not were any more! yano acab6é used up!

bueno contestame answer me!” dice el soldado Well, Said the soldier. voy a contestar “Tam going to answer. esperense 320 Wait! formense bien Line them up carefully!”

ahora esta ya amontonado el bala Now the bullets were piled up,

alli donde la campanada There where the bell tower is,

adentro la campanada Inside the bell tower

en que esta los dos chamulas 325 In which the two Chamulans were. alli esta los balas ya amontonada The bullets were already piled up there.

bweno esperame pues “Well, wait for me, then!” agarro el otro chamula The one Chamulan seized them;

agarro el otro chamula The other Chamulan seized them. jimbo este bala* 330 They threw those bullets back. lolo contesto They returned them. quedo muerto los soldados The soldiers were killed.

ahora dos que huyo Only two escaped,

que habia ladino ya Of those who were Ladinos, que no toco la bala Whom the bullets did not touch,

dos soldados que huy6 hm? 335 The two soldiers who escaped, uh-huh!,

pero ya vino cojo Well, they arrived limping;

ya regreso aqui a san crist6bal hm9* They returned here to San Cristobal Las Casas. Uh-huh! 303. The Chamulans caught the bullets in their hats. 330. The storyteller probably means sembro ‘sowed, scattered,’ instead of jimbo.

338. The version published by Guiteras-Holmes (1961: 265 ~—266] describes this incident as follows: “The great sadness long ago was that Juan Ortega was going to put an end to the world and kill all the Indians. He would send out his soldiers and would say ‘Everyone must come to Mass,’ and those who went were killed. Everyone was terrified. The saints had furtively been removed from the church and all the people had left the village. Alone in the village had remained the president [mayor] with his regidor and his first alcalde. Two Chamulitas appeared at Balum. ‘Tata,’ said the president, welcoming them to the pueblo [town]. The Chamulitas answered respectfully ‘Tata.’ Their shirts were torn, they were poor looking. ‘Are you distressed, Tata?’ ‘Yes, | am distressed,’ answered the president. ‘It is said that soldiers are close by; they have already reached San Miguel [Mitontic].’ “The president was worried. The Chamulitas said: ‘Let us go to the church to await the soldiers.’ ‘How many are there?’ ‘Thirty.’ It seems that they had seen and counted them. The soldiers caught a glimpse of the people gathered together on Baxulum [the high eastern hill]. The soldiers drew near the church. The Chamulitas came forth in priestly vestments. I think it was God. ‘We shall fight,’ said the priest. ‘Here is their Kuskat,’ said the soldiers. The soldiers said that it was the Pukuh, the devil, but it was God. The priest called out ‘I will die in the bell tower,’ and he climbed up. ‘Now fire at me.’ And the soldiers knelt to take aim—and with his hat held

° in his right hand, the priest caught the bullets. And the ammunition of the soldiers was piled up, so said my father and my mother. They were firing incessantly, until their ammunition gave out. The priest called to them ‘Have you any more bullets?’ ‘No, we have (note continued on following page)

The War of St. Rose (Chenalho Version) 281

ahora los dos chamulas Now the two Chamulans,

ya gano hm? 340 They had won. Uh-huh! no murio They did not die. no murio la gente 6 The people did not die, or... ahora que ya cayo* Now that they had already fallen, ya miro ya They saw them. dice mi padre 345 My father said,

dice mi madre [And] my mother said

que hay bala alli That there were bullets there,

alli en campanada de iglesia There in the belfry of the church. pero es verdad hay bala alli But it is true! There were bullets there!

hay bala alli 350 There were bullets there! hay bala There were bullets. hay bala alli|...?...) hm? There were bullets there [inaudible], uh-huh!

yo creo que es un poco es verdad I believe that it is probably true.

pues hay bala “Well, there were bullets,” dice mi mama 355 Said my mother mi papa [And] my father. muy triste antes [It] used to be very sad.

un poco iban a morir They almost died. por el santo Because of that saint, es que se van a echar guerra 360 They went to make war, hasta magdalenero* Even the Magdaleneros,

santa martenos* |The] Santa Martenos, pableros* Pableros, que tiene santo por|...?...| Who have a saint for |inaudible].

poreso que tuxtlero 365 That is why the Tuxtlatecos

y chiapaneco que va venir acabar de And Chiapanecos were coming to destroy us.

nosotros

pero no sé si dios quiso But I don’t know if God wished it,

6 dios que vino afender de nosotros* Or if it was God who came to defend us,

que salvamos That we were saved, que salvamos con dos chamulitas 370 That we were saved by two little Chamulans. ahora que bajo Now that they had climbed down,

yamiro acabo They had finished. ya He [the mayor?]| saw que ya se quedo bien That they had survived. ahora en cuando el presidente 375 Now when the mayor

pidiendo perdon de dios Requested pardon of God,

es no mas que rezo He did no more than pray

cada cruz cruz [At] each cross, cada Each cross, cada cruz hm? 380 Each cross. Uh-huh!

siete cruz que hinc6é He had knelt before seven crosses (note continued from preceding page) used them all.’ The priest then took the bullets by the handful and tossed them at the soldiers, and Juan Ortega’s soldiers were killed. Only two were saved, two drummers, who fled to San Cristobal to ask for help, saying that in San Pedro [Chenalho] the people had their Kuskat.” Note how this version confuses Ortega’s raids on Indian towns with the War of St. Rose. 343. That is, the bullets had fallen. 361—363. The Indians of Santa Maria Magdalena, Santa Marta, and San Pablo Chalchihuitan joined the Chamulans (Chapter 9]. 368. The storyteller probably means a defender ‘to defend’ instead of afender.

282 Text C-6

que somo los chamulas hm? When the Chamulans appeared. Uh-huh!

ahora que ya lo mir6 Now that he had seen it,

ya que agarro los chamulitas pues That the Chamulans had caught [the bullets] then:

ya en cuanto 385 “Now how much?

cosa quiere usted What would you like? , vas aque comer Will do youyou eat? que cosa What want! dinero Money? quedice cosa 390 What he do you want?” no “No!” said. no quiero nada “T don’t want anything.”

nada “Nothing!”

que cosa quieres “What would you like?”

quieres caballo 395 “Would you like a horse?” —

buscando a la fuerza caballo Looking quickly for a horse,

porque no habia buen caballo antes hm? Because formerly they did not have nice horses. Uh-huh!

buscando caballo They looked for a horse

para que monte el chamula se vaya For the Chamulan to mount [and] leave.

que ya me voy en otro lado 400 “T must go somewhere else. que ya voy a entrar en tenejapa I must go to Tenejapa.

alla estoy llegando I will arrive there. voy a ver I am going to see, a ver que dice la gente alla ya To see what the people will say there.” ahora pidio permiso con la gente 405 Now he asked the people’s permission.

le dieron su caballo They gave him a horse. montaron He mounted it. parece montaron a caballo hm? It seems that he mounted the horse. Uh-huh! ahora ya quedo libertad en chenalho Now Chenalho remained free,

que gano los dos chamulitas 410 For the two Chamulans had won.

ahora Now afterward, comodespues esta “How are you?

voy a presentar ti... Si ya no va venir Iam going to present... if they are not coming now.

ya no va venir They are not coming now.

en otro pueblo se va 415 They are going to another town. en otro pueblo se va They are going to another town. es que va acabar ustedes* They are going to kill you. que quiere otra cosa dijo What else do they want?” he said. por eso que va acabar “That is why you are going to die.

por eso porque fueron ustedes a buscar* 420 That is why, because you went to look for it,

por eso es su culpa de usted* Because it is your fault.”

pero no quieren bala But they didn’t want bullets. y asi no mas mente And that was the meaning;

es lo que dice los chamulas That is what the Chamulans said.

ahora que los dos chamulas se fué 425 Now when the two Chamulans left,

417. The word acabar is a literal translation of Tzotzil /ah, which means ‘to finish, end, die, wear out, be used up, get hurt’ (Laughlin 1975 : 203). I believe that the third meaning of /ah is intended here, as in lines 215-216 above. 420-421. The point seems to be that they went looking for trouble, that it was the Indians, rather than the Ladinos, who started the war.

The War of St. Rose (Chenalho Version) 283

ahora llego a tenejapa que dice Now they arrived in Tenejapa, so they said.

ah que esta llorando el presidente alli Ah, the mayor was crying there!

ya salio el santo hm?* The saint had already left. Uh-huh!

ahora que lleg6 también Now they arrived too.

anterior case. ahora alli esta Now they were there.

pidieron favor a dios también en tenejapa 430 They asked God’s help in Tenejapa also. ahora se salvo también en tenejapa como el Now they also saved Tenejapa as in the previous

pues salvo también en tenejapa Well, they saved Tenejapa too.

que asi lo hizo también They did the same thing. llego a san pablo 435 They arrived in San Pablo;

y también salvo los pableros And they also saved the Pableros. asi se acabo la guerra antes That is how the war ended long ago.

dice que muy peligro They said that it was very dangerous, dice mi papa Said my father mi mama 440 |And] my mother.

que un poquito no acabamos* “We were almost killed.

que no podemos entrar a san cristobal We were [almost] unable to enter San Cristobal

cuscat cuscat dice‘Cuscat! Cuscat!’ they said, Las Casas.

cuando llegamos con pasaje dice 445 When we entered with a pass,” they said. quien no tiene pasaje queda en carcel hm? “Whoever does not have a pass will go to jail!’” Uh-huh!

asi antes dice “That’s what it used to be like,” they said. mucho cuentoso que hace mi papa My father told many stories.

pero yo creo que no tiene apuntado mi But I don’t think my comadre recorded it. comadre*

yo no acordé para decirle* 450 I did not remember to tell her.

no acordé a decirle* I did not remember to tell her.

porque hay muchas cosas que hicimos* Because there were many things that we did,

por el cristo por. . .* By Christ, by...

como su cuentoso de mis companeros de For this was a story of my old friends.

antiguedad*

dice ese que quedo es no mas que quiero* 455 She said: “I already have what I want.”

por que alli esta las cosas que sé yo hee Because those were the things that I knew. Hah!

porque antiguedad Because long ago,

porque me contaron los viejos de Because the old people told me long ago. Uh-

antiguiedad hm? huh!

era alvasil el otro One was a policeman;

era mayor el otro 460 The other was the constable.

cuando hubo en plaza de alli de baux When they were in the plaza there in Baux,

es su terreno de los chamulas It was the territory of the Chamulans,

hacen plaza alli They made a market there. no habia plaza en chenalh6 antes Formerly there was no market in Chenalho. alli en baux 465 |It was] there in Baux 428. That is, the patron saint of Tenejapa had been removed from the church and hidden. 441. I have interpreted acabamos as ‘we died’ (see note to line 417 above). 449-455. His comadre (the godmother of his son) was Calixta Guiteras-Holmes, author of Perils of the Soul: The World View of a Tzotzil Indian (1961). Evidently he did tell her this story, for a version of it appears in her book (1961: 265 —267).

284 Text C-6

que hace los santos si That the saints made it, yes.

no hablo It did not speak. por eso se enojo el padre That is why the priest became angry;

pero no hablo cuando Ileg6 el padre But it did not speak when the priest arrived.

se enojo 470 He became angry.

se empezaron a enojar They began to be angry;

y van a acabar los indigenas* And they went to kill the Indians. pero no acabo los indigenas But they did not destroy the Indians,

porque Ilegé los dos chamulas a defender Because the two Chamulans arrived to defend

cada pueblo cada pueblo each town, each town. pero en cancuc dice 475 But in Cancuc, they say,

que llegé That they arrived. alli digo yo There, I say, llego en cancuc They arrived in Cancuc.

yo creo que hay cuentoso de los ladinos hm? I believe that it was a Ladino story. Uh-huh!

pero los cancuqueros 480 But the Cancuqueros,

dice que no quiere que defiende los They said that they did not want the Chamulans chamulitas hm? to defend them. Uh-huh! no quiere hm? They did not want it. Uh-huh!

ah ya voy a ver que venga hm? “Ah, I’m going to see what comes!” Uh-huh!

pues llego el soldado alli de cancuc Well the soldiers arrived there from Cancuc.

que dice que queré* 485 They said: “Boy!

nosotros vemos We willsaid. see! no dice No!” they vamos a ver “Let’s see!”

ahora que llamo a los soldados Now they called the soldiers,

que vengan alli 490 That they should come there.

ahora juntaron los cancuqueros Now they congregated the Cancuqueros.

juntaron alli los de cancuc They congregated the [people] of Cancuc there.

entraron mucha gente Many people entered.

cancuc* Cancuc. que empezo a matar 495 They began to kill them.

ahora cerro puerta los soldados alli en Now the soldiers closed the door there in

ya puro punada ta puro Just [with] their fists. dice que no habia They said that there were none.

como no habia pistola antes For there were no pistols long ago.

asi cuando vivia yo Thus when I used to live,

caso tenia armas mis companeros que 500 If my friends had weapons like mine,

tenia yo

rifle hay There are rifles. noo no habia Noo, there were none then,

noo no igual como ahorita que hay Noo, they were not like the ones that exist now.

hasta francisco madero también * Nor [in the time of] Francisco Madero either.

472. IT have translated acabar as ‘to kill,’ the causative of ‘to die’ (cf. note to line 417 above). 485. I suspect that queré is the Tzotzil word kere, meaning ‘Boy!’ (Laughlin 1975 : 172). 494. The Cancuqueros were stubborn and refused the help of the two Chamulans. The Ladino soldiers shut them up and killed all but two of them (see lines 549—562 below). The version published by Guiteras-Holmes (1961: 266—267) describes the scene as follows: “Then he [Cuscat] went on to Cancuc. ‘Will you have me defend you?’ The Cancuqueros were very rude. ‘We can do it ourselves,’ they answered. ‘Whatever may happen to you will be no fault of mine,’ and the Chamulita went sorrowfully on his way. The soldiers arrived and ordered the people: ‘Come to hear Mass.’ The Cancuqueros were slaughtered inside their church; they were put to the sword, no bullets were used, nothing but the sword; and only two Cancuqueros were left, a man and a woman, neck deep in blood.” 504. Francisco I. Madero was President of Mexico in 1911—1913. The storyteller claims that he did not have modern weapons either.

The War of St. Rose (Chenalho Version) 285

no habia todavia 505 There weren’t any.

muy poco arma antes hi There were few arms then. Hah!

tiene arma mis companeros My friends used to have weapons,

pero miré un flech... But, look, an arrow... no no es flecha No, they were not arrows; es escopeta 510 They were shotguns.

pero con es que cera de colmel But with beeswax.

cera hay There was wax;

hay pobre su mecha Their fuses were poor,

jalando asi como martillo de tronar este Pulling like this at the hammer to discharge

escopeta|...?...| this shotgun [inaudible]

pero con fuego que hm? 515 But with fire that... Uh-huh!

asijala jalaThey Theypulled pulledlike likethis! this! asi ese no mas su defensa antes hm? That used to be their only defense. Uh-huh!

y no habia machita bien And formerly there were no good machetes.

no habia todo 520 Formerly there was nothing. estuve grande un poco I was still young

muy poco tiempo que... It has been only a short time since. . .

lo miré Isaw

cuando lo miré When I saw it,

que salio azadon 525 That hoes had appeared,

salid que mostrado un azadon That a hoe had appeared,

mostrado un machete bueno que [...?...| That a good machete appeared [inaudible]

cuando crié When I grew up,

porque aqui los herreros que hacen luques* Because the blacksmiths who made billhooks

here...

puro luques antes si* 530 Only billhooks, yes.

y a trabajar antes And in order to work in the past,

puro luques Only billhooks.

no tiene azadon They did not have hoes; no tiene azad6on They did not have hoes.

no sé cuantos anos que tomo los mejores 535 I don’t know how many years it has been since herramientos theyFor got better para trabajar work,tools

porque antes no habia|...?...| Because formerly they did not exist [inaudible]. puro a mano lo jala el zacate para trabajar In order to work, they would just pull weeds out by hand.

asi quiere también hierro Thus they also needed iron tools.

compra hierro para|...?...| 540 They bought iron tools for [inaudible]. pues asi no mas que hubo pleitoe Well, that was how the war was

porelelsanto santoOn Onaccount accountofofthe thesaint, saint, por que poco que no ganaron That they almost won, es que chiapanecos 545 That is, the Chiapanecos

y mexicanos de los indigenas si And the Mexicans against the Indians, yes! pero salvo con los chamulitos But they were saved by the Chamulans.

salvo con los chamulitos They were saved by the Chamulans. ,

529-530. The word Juk (from Spanish Juco) means ‘billhook’ in Tzotzil (Laughlin 1975: 221). It was evidently one of the weapons used by Indians during the War of St. Rose (C. Molina 1934: 369, 394).

286 Text C-7

pero en cancuque But in Cancuc, dice que entraron alli 550 ‘They say that they entered there. empezo a matar They began to kill. por la sangre* Because of the bloodshed,

quedo una mujer* There remained [only] one woman

y un hombre* And one man en cancuque* 555 In Cancuc.

eee habia cancuqueros si There used to be [many] Cancuqueros, yes!

por la sangre [But] because of the bloodshed,

por la sangre Because of the bloodshed,

quedo una mujer There remained [only] one woman

y un hombre 560 And one man,

que habia cancuqueros Where there had formerly been [many] Cancuqueros,

por que no cumplio para defender los Because they did not let the Chamulans defend

chamulas hm? them. Uh-huh!

es mas cuentoso This is the extent of the story que sabia mi papa That my father knew.

5§2-—555. Only one man and one woman survived the slaughter in Cancuc (see note to line 494 above). I suspect that this is a reference to the Cancuc revolt of 1712, for Cancuc did not participate in the War of St. Rose.

TEXT C-7

War (Zinacantan)

9a ti lic’i vornee I grew up long ago; b’/ik’iton éak live* I was small like this.

ta tertik Civay I slept in the woods.

°ee 20ra Stal 2a li h¢amu? Eh, now the Chamulan came, kuskat Cuscat, kuskat5 Cuscat,

ta2oraCamu? To Chamula. Stal li h¢amuve Now the Chamulan came.

tey Sa ta cak lahon* He was already there in Chaclajon. tey Sa li plétoe 10 The war was already there. k’al primero likel ée2e Then from the first moment,

pale* The priest, ispas resal He worshiped; 2a li spas resal 9un Then he worshiped.

* Notes to Text C-7 are identified by line numbers. 2. Pointing to one of his grandchildren. 9. Zinacantecos seem to associate the War of St. Rose with Chaclajon, instead of Tzajalhemel (see Laughlin 1977: 102— 103). Chaclajon is only a short distance from Chamula Center (see Map 8). 12. See note to lines 41—43.

War (Zinacantan) 287

eora hnatik mi... 15 Nowldon’t know if...

9a li hun paharo* A Bird, péro vinik* But a man, péro karaho* But hell! b’a¢’i mol natil vinik* He was a very tall man,

paharo* 20 Bird.

2ee 2iday ib’at un Eh, so then he left.

lio b’a hk’el k’ot ta hob’el 2une “Then I am going to see if I can reach San

kavayerya Cavalrymen! hii toh mas ta hmek Ooh! It was much too much! kavron 25 Sonotabitch! eep hnaotik .. . Many, who knows... . Cristobal Las Casas.”

tabweno milb’atA?unthousand! Well, he went then.

b’at ta Cak lahon 9un Then he went to Chaclajon. b’a s¢ob’ sb’aik 9un 30 Then they went to assemble. b’a»yi »ay htotik pale First there was our father priest.

b’a spas resal hee He went to worship. Hah! 9a li rioSe As for the saint, | a li Cal li palee The priest said:

20 “O Mary, lusmariya* tevina*35Divine light

Si He said.

kol kon svélo* With consolation,” , lek Sa ta Sal ta hmek hee He chanted it beautifully. Hah! li htotik pale éal »une 40 Our father priest chanted then.

2ora sonso li »alkavéta pale »une* Now the pimp-like priest was stupid then.

20¢ pletu* The war began.

eee tal li paharoetik 2une* Eh, the Bird’s followers came then.

hii paharo “Ooh Bird! kabron 45 Sonofabitch! mariya santisima Holy Mary!”

Si ta hmek li kri$cano le?e Exclaimed the people like that.

yurun $a ta Stal Because he was already coming.

bwéno b’at ta hteklum ya?el 2une Well then, it seems that he went to our town.

¢ob’ol $a kris¢ano ?un 50 People had already gathered then.

tey Sa li »0ktoridadetik The authorities were already there.

tey Sa... They were already there... 90 to tey ta hun kanyon ti vo?ne There used to be a cannon there then.

16-20. The storyteller shifts abruptly to another Chamulan revitalization movement that occurred during his lifetime. According to Laughlin (1977: 110-111], “In 1911 the Bishop and the reactionary leaders of San Cristobal [Las Casas] promised the Chamulans land redistribution and an end to taxation if they would rebel against the revolutionary government of President Madero. Jacinto Perez Ch’ix Tot, ‘Robin,’ known as ‘Bird’ or ‘Little Bird,’ who had served in the army, was accorded the rank of general, and his followers were issued arms. A thousand Chamulans carried out guerrilla activity during the summer of 1911, occupying eight lowland towns including Ixtapa, Acala, Chiapilla, and Venustiano Carranza.” The rebels were defeated on October ro, 1911, in Chiapilla (ibid. : 154). The victors cut off the ears of eight Indian prisoners and sent them back to the highlands to serve as a lesson to other Indians (Espinosa 1912: 152]. Some of Bird’s followers fled to what is now Rincon Chamula, where they founded a utopian community that has survived until the present (Gossen 1974a: 273 and personal communication). 35-37. This seems to be a corruption of “;O Maria! |O consuelo! jLuz divina del mortal!” (‘O Mary! O consolation! Divine light of 7

ae I Bird is described as a false native priest and his movement as a religious conflict (Laughlin 1977: 110).

a 288 Text C-7

muk’ta kanyon smuk’ul to It was a big cannon just this size. pero nat kanyon ta hmek 55 But the cannon was enormous!

tey ta kavilto li kanyon 90 »une hee The cannon was there beside the town hall.

ital HeThe came then, 9a li9un Camu? Chamulan, Hah!

yurun $a Stal smilel li hteklum 2une Because he came to destroy our town then.

ta hteklum Stal i smilel ?un 60 Then he came to destroy our town.

bweno b/at 9a li hun vun ?un Well, a letter went out.

b’at Sa vun A letter had already gone out.

b’a yak’el 9a li hun mayol A constable went to deliver it.

te ta méro kavilto ta Camula la sta 2une Then he reached the very town hall of Chamula.

iyik’ i 2iS8kirvano °une 65 Then the scribe took it.

isk’eloun ounThen Thenhe heread readit.it. isk’el b’a¢’i iship ishat hee He just threw it down [and] tore it! Hah!

b’at 70 They went.

bwéno pwes 2a li. . . b’atik Si la hee Well, fine, the... “Let’s go!” they said. Hah!

b’a hk’eltik kik “Maybe we'll go to see

9a li so¢’leb’etike $i la* The Zinacantecos!” they said.

b’a héivin ta vayel hso¢’leb’e Si la hee* “We're going to sleep with the Zinacantecos!”

ep 75 A A lot, 9eD lot.

they said. Hah!

pero %ep ta hmek li Camure But there were hordes of Chamulans,

bwéno pwes ?iday 2a li... ital $a Well, so then... . they had already come.

ilok’ tal te yore They went out from there.

muk’ b’u avil li mol »eklesya ta CAmu?%e Have you ever seen the old church in Chamula?

2a li poko? »eklesyae 80 As for the old church, yec $a vok’ol shole Its roof was already collapsing.

9a li »ekleSyae As for the church,

te Sa snup te yore They had already met there.

te $¢’a poko Sa li vun ?une Then the letter was there almost immediately. bwéno Cib’at $i la hm? 85 “Well, I’m going!” it said. Uh-huh!

ta pérsa Cib’at “T must go!”

b’atan “Go!

bwéno %entonse b’atan ¢e%e $i la li vun 2une “Well, then, go then!” the letter said then.

te $a 20y ta hmalatikotik We will be waiting for you there!”

$i la li vun 2une hee 90 The letter said then. Hah!

bwéno tal 9un Well then, they came. tal la Camu? ?un The Chamulans came.

péro yurun ep... But because there were many...

mariya santisima Holy Mary! mil ta hmek 95 Thousands! ital li Camu? 2une The Chamulans came then. 9a li hteklum ?une As for our town then, oali... ti htote As for... my father,

72—73. The Zinacantecos are known as the “bat people” (sog’leb’) in highland Chiapas. Zinacantan means ‘place of the bat’ in Nahuatl.

War (Zinacantan) 289

9a li rehirol 2un He was an alderman then, rehirol segundo 100 Second alderman,

rehirol segundo Second alderman. vari lagali... You see the...

9a li stivik kanyon 2une They fired that cannon then.

stizikb’e k’al ti... They fired until...

bumgon Si li kanyon :une 105 “Boom!” the cannon said then,

li kanyon ?une hee That cannon then. Hah!

pero tik’ $a yalel ti kanyon une But the cannon had already fired downward then.

kotol $a li kanyon ?une The cannon was still standing then,

yurun $a cak’ Because it had already fired.

kotol Sa 110 ‘It was still standing,

| then.

hlikel yusun 8a éak’ Because it had just fired,

yurun $a éak’ Because it had already fired.

b’alamil li Camu?%e It was the land of the Chamulans.

b’at Sa te ta te b’e tihtik une He had already gone to Deer Trail [Be Chijtic]

porot $a Skah¢ah oun 115 He had almost reached the end of it then.

mi ti mi Cab’at “Will you go?

mi muk’ Sab’at Si la Or won’t you go?” they said. cib’at Si la “T will go!” he said. natil li h¢amu? »une* The Chamulan was tall then. 9a li soltaro 2une 120 As for the soldiers then,

héol Sie They were lined up like this; héol Sie They were lined up like this. 9a li kanyon 2une As for the cannon then,

Si la shoy li kanyon ?une They supposedly encircled the cannon then.

¢’ab’al oun 125 There weren’t any then,

k’ahom ?un Just then.

pero ¢’ab’al soltaro »un But there weren’t any soldiers then,

b’a¢’i yueun yic’ yok’ese Only because they were carrying their trumpets.

hii péro kabron Ooh, but sonofabitch! soltaro 130 ~—Soldiers!

péro tal But they came. colol $a la ta hmek ?un They were already completely lined up then. 9a li kanyon ?une As for the cannons then, ca? kot $a ik’ot 9un Two had now arrived.

Si la shol li hune $i la 135 “The head of one was like this,” they said.

¢ak kanyon la 9un They seized the cannon then. 2a C’ab’al Ah, there wasn’t any! ti yuoun $a la taluke Because they should have come already, tah nan me ~ Perhaps over there. eee mu hna? k’u Sa snatil ti mu Sk’ote 140 ~+Eh, I don’t know for how long they did not arrive.

mu hna? $k’otuk I don’t know if they arrived,

20cuke cere If they came then.

te cil li C4mu? ta muSul vig¢e The Chamulans were observing there from SnubNose Mountain |[Muxul Vitz]. 119. Bird is always described as a tall man, although he was apparently of average height (Laughlin 1977: 105).

290 Text C-7

20y ti hayib’ mile There were several thousand [of them].

te »0y skotol ta hmek ?un 145 Absolutely everyone was there then.

muk’ ¢’i7ik ti kanyon »une They didn’t fire the cannon then.

te 20€ skotol ta hmek Absolutely everyone came there. te mahb’il i20¢ ?un They came to strike from there then. te mahb’il i70¢ 9un They came to strike from there then. ti yuounuk taluk sa 150 ‘If they had not already come,

mu hna? ti k’u Sa yepal ti muk’stah... I don’t know how many would not have found

the...

muk’ sta li muk’ta ti? na li kahvaltike Would not have found the entrance to the church.

stauke cere They might have found it then.

te 20 skotol Everyone was there, mi hun 155 Except for one, mi hun muk’ $kom ?un hee Except for one who did not remain then. Hah! te to ta yos mol vun 2une It was still there in three old letters then.

bweno la kak’b’e hb’atik Si Sa li vun 2une “Well, we'll offer ourselves to them sexually!” said the letter then.

ke yik’ub’al yat ame? sut’tesut’te k’ut »un* “Hell, the filth of your mother’s cock is unraveling walking about bundled up!

sut’ 9un hee 160 It is wrapped up then!” Hah! ?iday ilah So then it ended. i¢’ab’i to208 9un b’i Then it calmed down, of course!

mu to?08 k’usi 9un It was not anything yet then. 2a li...920tolali paharo There was... still the Bird.

cavale You think so.

muk’ »onos ¢’ay li paharo 2une hee 165 They had not gotten rid of the Bird yet. Hah!

hasinto ¢ka?i* I believe [his name was] Jacinto, hasinto paharo* Jacinto Bird. oali... lik ti plétu 2une Then the war began. 20¢ milb’ail 2un 170 Then killing began.

hii pero milb’aile Ooh, but killing!

mariya santisima Holy Mary!

lio $a hatav hlom Some people had already fled here,

i Caevo? mu sk’an ¢akel oune And two who did not want to be captured then.

20¢ bala ?un 175 Then they began shooting;

20€ bala They began shooting. 9a li yane As for fled. the others, hatav They

¢mil sb’aik 9un hee Then they killed each other. Hah! bweno pwes 2a li... 2iday 180 Well, sothenthe...

spas ségir ta hmek It continued to grow.

huhun ¢ak me ta séptyembre ¢ka?i 9un I think it was in September then, septyembre September, b’u to »0y ?ahan ?un to When the corn was still in ear.

20y ?ahan 185 There was fresh corn;

20y Xahan hee There was fresh corn. Hah!

159. According to Laughlin (1977: 110), “The expletive phrase yik’ubal yat 7ame7, ‘the filth of your mother’s cock,’ is an expression not used by Zinacantecs, but is known by them to be typical of Chamulans, whose manner of speech is considered racier and coarser than Zinacantecs’.” 167—168. It was actually Jacinto Pérez Ch’ix Tot (see notes to lines 16-20).

War (Zinacantan) 291

bwéno pwes la 2iday . . . Well, so then... ispas ségir ta hmek li plétu 2une The war kept on growing then. ta s¢ak sb’aik 2un Then they fought with each other. 9a li h¢amuve 190 As for the Chamulans, 9a li naka ta tuk’ They had only shotguns, pero b’a¢’i tuk’ hee But primitive shotguns. Hah!

20 lansa They spears. hiiSalansa Ooh,had spears!

mas ta mil li lansa 195 More than a thousand spears!

huhun te? One shaft apiece.

naka 20 slansa There were only their spears

live As for here,

ha? ¢milvan 70 hee [With which] they killed them forever. Hah!

mu Sa snop li hteklum 200 Our town was not accustomed to it. muk’ It hadwere not come yet. iSi?Sa SaStal They afraid.

mu Sa sk’an 9un They did not ask for it then.

komo te 208 §9ak’b’at 9un to For it had been given then.

20cuke cere 205 At the beginning then, te lah skotolik i h¢amuve All the Chamulans died there.

tete »0¢a?a 20€ ItIt began there. began there, of course!

bwéno isi? 2un Well, then they were afraid. mu $a sk’an ?un 210 Now they didn’t want it.

mu Sa sk’an i hso¢’leb’e The Zinacantecos did not like it. kere mu Sa k’u tun “Wow! It won’t do! ke toh palta shol pukuh Wow! It’s the Devil's fault!

kere Si la 9un Wow!” they said then.

mu $a Stal un 215 Then they had not come yet.

te s¢ak sb’a stuk’ik ?un They grabbed their guns then. 20¢ milb’ail Killing began. 2ora b’a hk’eltikotik un “Now let’s go take a look, then!”

oa li... taséptyembre ka2uk ?0y Saa?a It was... in September I think; it was certainly then!

b’a hk’eltikotik 220 We went to take a look.

9a li h¢amure As for Chamula, 20y nab’ te yo? ti h¢amu? There is a lake there in Chamula.

naka Sa t’ub’ahtik li »animae The corpses were just submerged [in it];

te t’ub’ahtik They were submerged there.

ha? li mué’u mu sk’an soltaroe 225 Whoever did not like the soldiers,

ha? ilahThey Died, ha? ilah died. oiday ihatav ?un theyfled fledthen. then. oali...ihatav 2unSo 230then The... 2a li k’u yepal li Came All those who died, cam They died. bweno tal spasike Well, they came to do it.

mué’u mu sk’an paharoe Whoever did not like Bird,

b’at ta soktom They went to Chiapa de Corzo. helav le? toe 235 They went ahead over there. pero hun yok’ese But one of their trumpets,

kabron Sonofabitch!

292 Text C-7

hii ta mil Ooh, upwas to aathousand! 290 hun ka? There horse. tal ti Cer Cer Cer Cer 240 ~=It came: “Cherrr, cherrr, cherrr, cherrr,” Siskwenta yalel oun It called down then, soltaro For the soldiers

te ta yak’ol soktom There above Chiapa de Corzo.

te ipah ta nail ¢’en ?un They stopped at Cave House [Nail Ch’en] then.

ha? te pah 9un 245 They stopped there then.

2alitisoktom* 20Cuke When they began, | 2a Chiapa de Corzo listo Sa* Was already prepared. 2a 2eso li Ciapaneko* Ah these Chiapanecos!

kabron 250 Sonofabitch!

pukuha?va They were really devilish! 2eso Capal Sa They were already prepared.

komo tak’b’il Sa li soltaro yuoun gobyerno to For the government troops had already responded.

listo Sa Pune They were already prepared then.

li smotor te Sa kahal 255 Their motor was already on top there.

li smotor te nostok 9un Then their motor was there too.

temuk’ cic’ un Then they carried it there. syal It did not descend.

isi? talel 2un Then they became frightened. sut talel 9un 260 Then they returned.

lio tal spas 2a li plétu They came here to make war.

lio tale They came here.

tal savik ta hmek ta k’op li héiviltak lio toe They came looking for trouble with our townsmen here.

isavik pletu They were spoiling for a fight.

i70€ lab’al velb’ail 265 They came flailing constantly at each other.

2a ti paleeHe As for the priest, hatav fled. boraco b’u b’at He went off drunk. ta 5ic’ hee He received it. Hah! ta Sic’ ti palee The fled. priest received it. hatav He hatav hee He fled. Hah!

9a li pas ta 208 hpuk b’ek’* He became a seed distributor. ta Sic’ li palee hee 270 ~~ + ‘The priest received it. Hah!

2ora iyak’b’e sb’aik ti... 275 Now they shot at each other...

yak’b’e sb’aik li pale 2a li bala :une Then they fired bullets at the priest. 2a mu hna? b’uy ilik talel li sdltaro Ah, I don’t know from where the soldiers sprang. muk’ b’u kasitikotik b’u ilik talel li soltaro We never knew from where the soldiers sprang.

te ta Cak lahon 2un hee* It was there in Chaclajon then. Hah!

te ta Cak lahon 280 ~+It was there in Chaclajon.

247-249. Laughlin (1977:124) thinks that this battle may date from 1863, when Juan Ortega and his imperialist troops attacked Chiapa de Corzo on their way to defeat the liberals in Tuxtla Gutierrez (Chapter 10]. Although they were greatly outnumbered, the Chiapanecos successfully held off the imperialists on October 20 and 21 that year (Lopez Gutiérrez 1963: 192-196). October was also the month when Bird and his followers were defeated (see notes to lines 16—20), which may be the reason why the two battles have been telescoped together in this text. 269. The tape was not clear at this point, so the transcription (and translation) may be incorrect. 279. The storyteller shifts back to the War of St. Rose here.

War (Zinacantan) 293

teperoib’at 9un They went there then. te ¢inil ital li hCamuve But the Chamulans came there drunk. 9a li oange* As for the women, ¢valk’un Scak* They uncovered their asses

ta la sb’olib’tasik li balae* 285 To confuse the bullets.

ilah They died; ilah They ilah ta hmek Theydied. all died.

ta S¢ak i190¢ li balae* The bullets went up their anuses.

ica?kus tal »otro hun bwelta nostok 290 They revived again.

muk’ 9ono8s ib’at li soltaro The soldiers never left.

ib’at 9un Then they left.

oiday Pa lihartotaloun . So then, when they came,

2a li ipah Sa They had already stopped. tal 208toe 295They Theycame had come; taltalio here.

ta na Cihe As for Deer House |Nachig],

2ay They had been |there].

yalem taive As for Fallen Frost [Yalentay],

2ay 300 They had been [there].

20 to?0S te svakas $1 There had been cattle like those there,

li »Asyento te yore At the ranch there. °a snitik Ah,ib’at they led them! ca? kot vakas Two cows went, hkot toro 305 One bull hkot baka [And] one cow. te kom ta nacih 9un Then they stayed there in Deer House.

tal $a yik’el oun Then they had already come to fetch them.

.aaa Aaah!

ital Sa li »obrekonista* The Obregonistas had already come.

tal Sa 2un 310 They had already come then.

2oy te ta hteklum They were there in our town!

k’ot $a 2a li paharito »une The little Bird had already reached it then.

k’ot $a315 9un He had already reached it then. aaa Aaah!

te $a $¢’et yok’es soltaro* The soldiers’ trumpets were now in a messy pile there!

b’u Sa Sab’at “Where are you going now?

kabron Sonofabitch!

mu Sa b’u Sab’at ?un You aren’t going anywhere now!”

ha? la Si la shoy te ta ravol $a »e¢’ 9un 320 They said, turning to pass by Ranch [Ravol] there then.

ivilavat 2ak’b’at bala ta hmek ?un Then they were seen being pounded with bullets.

hii inu¢at ta hmek Ooh, they were hunted down!

ta ka? to708 2un b’i They were on horseback, then, of course! 283-286. This is the by now familiar episode associated with the War of St. Rose (cf. Texts C-4—C-6]. 309. They were Maderistas, not Obregonistas. The Obregonistas did not appear in Chiapas until 1924 (see note to line 353). 316. This may be a reference to a later battle, between Pinedistas and Carrancistas, that took place at the edge of Zinacantan Center on September 19, 1920 (see note to line 353). “Among the booty scattered in the bushes were found the musical instruments of the Carranza band that had been playing lively tunes to hearten the revolutionaries before their hasty departure from the field of battle” (Laughlin 1977: 113).

294 Text C-7

kabayérya hee They were cavalry. Hah!

ta ka? to708 2un 325 They were on horseback then.

k’al Ca2vo? li sdltaro When two soldiers b’at ta hmek Dashed off, ivugat ta hmek They were hunted down.

21 hlom ilah And some people died; hlom ihatav un 330 Some people fled then

yoo 1?ayan 2a li k’u sb’i. . . ta nom To the place of their birth, what’s it called... far

kabron Sonofabitch! tahtanom...%alinom... Far away there. .., faraway..., away,

b’atem Sa li héAmu? leve The Chamulans had gone far away over there. mu hna? k’usi li sb’ie* 335 I don’t know what it is called.

mu hna? k’usi i sb’ie* I don’t know what it is called.

2a li 20y sb’i yoro b’atem li héamure* The place where the Chamulans went has a name,

yoo b’atem Sa li hCamu?e* The place where the Chamulans went now.

k’usi li sb’ie* What is it called? mu hna? k’usi li sb’ie* 340 [don’t know what it is called.

ha? te b’at 2un Then they went there.

te b’at te yor0 2une - Then they went to that place.

mu Sa b’u sta ta ¢akel 9un They were not captured then. li? lahem 90 li pletu 2une Then the war ended here.

?iday ¢’ab’al to ti hayib’ hab’il oun 345 So then, it has been many years since then.

9a li lek listo ikom They remained well prepared.

lek They were fine.

mu $a b’u iSi? li kris¢ano une hee The people were not afraid then. Hah!

9a lio tal ea li... kabron The... bastard came here,

oa li... k’usi li sb’i li kabron 350 The... what’s the bastard’s name?

9ali...%ee... paharo maguk Eh... it was not Bird!

li paharoe* The Bird had died! °alahem li pinerista* The Pinedistas!

335-340. He probably means Rincon Chamula, the new community established by Bird’s followers after they were defeated (see

note to lines 16—20). 352. Bird was captured and executed by the Carrancistas at the beginning of November 1914 (Laughlin 1977: 111).

353. The Mexican Revolution of 1910-1917 stimulated several counterrevolutionary movements in highland Chiapas, in addition to Bird’s uprising in 1911. Between 1914 and 1917, a group of ranchers who called themselves “Coons” (mapaches or mapachis} protested the labor reforms of the Ley de Obreros (enacted on October 30, 1914} by engaging in guerrilla warfare against the government. Zinacantecos and Chamulans remember them as “Villistas,” a term “used by their enemies to brand them as outlaws in the style of Pancho Villa” (Laughlin 1977: 132). Between 1920 and 1924, General Alberto Pineda fielded an army against the Mexican government in an effort to halt the tide of social and economic reforms that threatened the well-being of the local aristocracy, who depended on the continuation of serfdom and low wages in order to maintain their privileged position. His followers, mostly Ladinos of San Cristobal Las Casas, were known as “Pinedistas.” His opponents in 1920 were the “Carrancistas,” followers of Venustiano Carranza, the President of Mexico. The most important engagement between the Pinedistas and the Carrancistas took place on September 19, 1920, at a pass on the outskirts of Zinacantan Center called Ventana (Window)}. After nine hours of heavy fighting, the Pinedistas emerged as the victors, and the

Carrancistas withdrew (ibid. : 113). . Carranza’s successor, Alvaro Obregon, sent troops to Chiapas again in 1924 (his followers were known as “Obregonistas”). An

important battle was fought on April 24, 1924, at Ixtapa, from which the government emerged victorious. Laughlin (1977: 113) describes that battle as follows: “The battle of Ixtapa pitted the Pinedists against 3000 government troops, including infantry, cavalry, four cannons and the first airplane ever to be seen in Chiapas. The number of Pinedist troops in combat varies from 200 to 400 depending upon whom you choose to believe—the conservative San Cristobal historian Moscoso Pastrana or Bravo Izquierdo, general of Obregon’s army. The battle began early in the morning of 24 April and lasted for thirteen hours.” Other battles took place in Zinacantan Center, on May 1, and at Yerbabuena and San Francisco, on June 18. The Pinedistas were routed in all these engagements, from which they never recovered (ibid. : 124). (note continued on following page)

War (Zinacantan) 295

ealbérto »espinosa li totile* The leader was Alberto Espinosa. Skohtikin 355 I knew him! yihil vovol natil molol yav kuyel sat hee The old hatless, tall, pock-marked-faced old man! Hah!

ealbérto %espinésa Alberto Espinosa!

9a li b’a¢’il totil »une He was the real leader then. tal »un ke He came then. Wow!

°eso muk’ta kopa 360 This enormous cup! hii muk’ kabron Ooh, it was huge, sonofabitch!

muk’ It was enormous. 2a livay une I was there then.

livay I was there.

2a hnup tal li »obrekone 365 I met the Obregonistas, te ta ¢oh lume hm?* There in Red Earth [Tierra Colorada]. Uh-huh!

9a li k’al ilike Gere When they rose up then,

2eC’ li?They toe They passed by here. 2eC! passed by. eet’ ¢k’an vah 370 They passed to request tortillas.

2eC’ ta s¢ak kao They passed by to seize horses.

¢k’an 218im They wanted corn.

2a li pénteho hob’el 2une As for that awful San Cristobal Las Casas then,

preserente |The] magistrate, stak’ ta k’anel li 7iSime 375 He acceded to the request for corn. i¢ob’ li 71Sime He gathered the corn.

ib’at 20 nos li 7i8im 2une hee The corn just departed forever then. Hah!

ib’at 70 nos 1 7iSime The corn just departed forever then. kie? mué’u la Stihon Wow! The people who were recruiting,

soltaro »0yaa 380 They were certainly soldiers. soltaro Soldiers! puta Sonofabitch! naka listo They were completely prepared,

péro ?armado But armed! kabron 385 Sonofabitch! lek ta hmek hee They were very handsome! Hah!

lek Gorgeous.

lek sk’uvik Their uniforms were gorgeous,

bwéno ?iday 2a li mu Sa b’ué’u Stihon 2un Well, so then no one had recruited yet.

20¢ ta hmek spas ségir 390 They came trying to keep up,

yu?un Sa ¢b’at ta 2olon ?un Because they were already going to the lowlands.

li s6ltaro 2une hee As for the soldiers then, Hah! ib’at ?un They went then, yurun $a te ta nirb’ake Because they were already there at Ixtapa.

te ¢inil 395 They were stuck there.

(note continued from preceding page) Indians fought on the side of the reactionary forces in all five conflicts. Like other oppressed peoples in many parts of the world, they clung tenaciously to the traditional order, never realizing that their interests lay with the revolutionary government. They regarded these armed encounters as variations on the familiar ethnic-conflict theme, with Indians fighting against “Mexicans” (the Carrancistas and Obregonistas) as they had done so often in the past (cf. Text C-3]. 354. The storyteller is mistaken about the name of the leader of the Pinedistas (see Laughlin 1977: 124). It was Pineda, not

sr The Obregonistas chased 300 Pinedistas from Tierra Colorada (Red Earth) on April 24 (Laughlin 1977: 124).

296 Text C-7

ni?b’ake As for Ixtapa,

lah ta hmek hee They died in great numbers. Hah! lah ta hmek They died in great numbers. te Sa pahem © They had already stopped there.

2iday 2a li naka Saa?a 400 So then it had simply happened! tava?i abril* ItYou was see in April, 9un then, yurun lek Sa smuk’ul li hcob’ Because my cornfield was already this high.

te héob’ ta hoyihel »un My cornfield was in Roundabout | Joyijel] then.

Cb’a hk’el Sa 2un 405 I was already going to look at it then.

te hnup ¢a?vo? ?ulo? I met two Chamulans there, 2ulo? Chamulans. °0y yunen mankoe They had unripe mangoes.

teke b’u la%ay eulo? skut “All right, where have you been, Chamulans?” I said.

lioay ta muk’ta hok’ Si 410 “We have been in Big Dig |[Muc’ta Joc’|,” they said.

9a k’u apas Skut “Ah, what were you doing?” I said.

9a livay ta 2ab’tel kuloo si* “Ah, we were working there, my Zinacanteco,” they said.

b’u ata li mankoe Geve Skut ?un “Then where did you find the mangoes?” I said then.

9a li liyak’b’e kulo? $i 2un “Ah, they gave them to us, my Zinacanteco,” they said then.

9a $kut 97un 415 “Ah,” I said then.

ee muk’ b’u avari k’u Si “Eh, don’t you ever know what’s up?

muk’ b’u yal tavulove Didn’t they tell you Chamulans?

muk’ b’uy iyal li k’u Svelan li k’ope Skut Didn’t they tell you how the war was going?” I said.

9191 ¢’ab’al “No, nothing! mu k’u Sal $i b’u Sal li Camula pukuh »une 420 ~=They didn’t say anything,” said the devilish

hee Chamulans then. Hah!

te lavay ta soktom ?uk 2un hee* “You have been in Chiapa de Corzo too, then?” Hah!

eee ha? te Cib’at 2un “Eh, that’s where we’re going then!”

b’atan kik Ce%e “You may go then!

va?i ¢’ab’al ava7i Skut 9un You see, you don’t know anything!” I said then.

lio Cahhak’ galb’e kik eulo? 425 “T guess I’ll ask you for information, Zinacanteco.

b’u »0y Sun vaskese $1 Where is Juan Vasquez?” they said. b’atan ta myérta “Go to shit! kabron Sonofabitch!

camula Chamula! voron skut 9un 430 That’s me!” I said then. 2a vor0t Si “Ah, it’s you!” they said. vorvon “That’s me!”

401. The battle of Ixtapa was fought on April 24, 1924 (see note to line 353). 412. The word 2ulo? or kulo? is a reciprocal term of address between Chamulans and Zinacantecos (Laughlin 1975: 74). Zinacantecos use the unpossessed form 2ulo?, while Chamulans use the possessed form kulo?. 421. The storyteller refuses to believe that the Chamulans are not returning from the lowlands because they are carrying mangoes, lowland fruits (cf. Laughlin 1977: 124).

War (Zinacantan) 297

9a yal oun “Ah!” they said then. puta “Sonotabitch!

listak tal mantal li mol petule* 435 Old Pedro sent us with a message.

Savalb’e la aciviltak You are supposed to tell your fellow townspeople

te $a §90¢ li bala 90k’ob’e Si 9un That the attack will begin tomorrow,” they said then.

9a k’u Caral ta to Saval yarel oun Skut “Ah, what are you saying then?” I said.

9a yueun mu Saval $i?utat 9un “Ah, because you don’t mean it,” I was told then. yuun ta hsa?b’e sna tah sun vaskis ?une 440 “Because we are looking for the house of that Juan Vasquez then,

li hvan vaskis la si Juan Vasquez,” they said. vorv0na?a Skut ?un “But that’s me!” I said then.

9ee sutan Cer%e 7ulo? $1 “Eh, return then, Zinacanteco!” they said.

lisut talel I returned there.

tal kal likb’al 445 I came to report that it would begin.

lio tal kalb’e li parahe live hee I came here to report it to the hamlet here. Hah!

9a li ¢gob’ol ab’aik “Gather together!

b’u “Where? ta Stal Si “It will come!” they said.

ta la Stal hun li ?aryoplano $i An airplane will come!” they said. mu Skohtikin li »aryoplano hee 450 I don’t know what an airplane is!’”’ Hah!

k’u §°elan Skut “How?” I said. muk’ b’u sul “It has never come here. mu skohtikin 455 I don’t know what it is.”

ta vinahel ¢anav Si “It travels through the sky,” they said.

primero ta hmek ?un “It’s the very first one!” bweno skut 9un “Okay!” I said then.

2a li kalb’e yece nan I told them that it might be true. lio ta kampo santoe 460 Here in the cemetery. te hmalatik6tik »un hee Then we'll wait there.” Hah! ta porot 2olk’ak’al un It was almost noon then.

yec¢ ta h¢ob’ $a hb’atikotik »une “It’s true that we should come together then,

tal oun They came then.

te $a lok’ li sdltaro ta niab’akal The soldiers had already left Ixtapa.

pineraa?a 465 They were Pinedistas!

yurun $a Cak’ Because now they attacked.

listo $a skotol ta hmek Everyone was completely ready now.

yuoun $a Scik’ li »ekleSyae* Because now they set fire to the church.

20¢ $a banta The band had already begun |to play].

yurun $a Cak’b’e k’as 470 Because now they poured kerosene on;

yuoun $a 6906 Cik’ i »eklesSyae hee Because now they had begun to set fire to the church. Hah!

9a li tal mantal ?un The order came then. 435. Old Pedro is apparently Petul Tzu, who joined Pineda’s army and later served as magistrate of Zinacantan (see Laughlin 1977:124 and lines 1115—1121 below}. 468. Laughlin (1977: 113) thinks it unlikely that the Pinedistas were church burners: “It is also difficult to believe that the

Pinedists, who represented the conservative clerical interest, intended to burn the church at Ixtapa, for it was the armies of the revolutionary government that achieved notoriety as ‘saint burners.’”

298 Text C-7

9a li hk’elik me ?un Si “We should look at them then!” it said.

ha? to tal li »aryoplano leve When the airplanes came there, Shororet 475 Put-putting Sa talik They came now.

tesutnos isut9un “They just returned there; to70$ Then they kept returning,” 9a li Skaltikotik We said. brenyen Si 480 “Boom!” itsaid, said. brenyen $i “Boom!” it li kanyon ?une The cannon then. ilah Sa li soltaro ta niab’ak 2une Then the soldiers died at Ixtapa,

ha? 0 tal li »4ryoplano ?une When the airplanes came then. lio k’al ivay 485 When they were here, li? to vay sk’el li kriScanoe The people were watching here.

Shororet “Put-put-put” $i ta hmek 9un They kept saying. li bala ¢ak’ yaolele It seems that they fired bullets. vompa 490Very Bombs! bruto ta hmek brutish!

kabron Sonofabitch!

lah li soltaro :un Then the soldiers died.

sikub’ Sa k’op 9un Then the war had cooled down.

iyak’ ¢anib’ vovob’ li sib’ak ta vinahele hee 495 Four [or] five [shots] of gunpowder were fired into the air. Hah!

i Spoti sil sib’ak »une hee And the awful gunpowder was piled up then. Hah!

bweno 2a li ta yok’om 2une Well, then on the following day,

tal Sa mantal 9un An order had already come then,

9a livak’o la b’a hnupi... That I should go to meet the...

9a li héneral une 500 The general then,

mol petul 2une Old Pedro then, 9ak’o la b’a hnup ?un That I should go to meet him then. 9ak’o la h¢gob’ hb’atikotik un si “We should assemble, then,” it said.

tal Sa mantal The order had already come. tako tal 505 “Send him, 9a li hkumpare Si la My compadre!” it said.

mu §aSi20 “Don’t be afraid! te Sa Cib’at ta ¢oh lum Si la Now I will go there to Red Earth [Tierra Colorada|!” it said.

i hk’eltikotik li soltaro And we saw the soldiers ti k’al lah li k’op ta ni?b’ak oune 510 When the battle of Ixtapa had ended then.

hk’eltik6tik ya%el 2une It seems that we saw them then.

hii pero 20y sinil $a kovol sini¢ hee Ooh, but they were as thick as ants! Hah!

ha? yeé 8%elan li sdltaroe hee That’s how the soldiers were. Hah!

lah sob’ lib’at un Then [when] it ended, I went off early.

yec Sal tevon ta h¢oh lum la %ora 2une 515 It’s true, I was in Red Earth at that time then.

k’ot k’opon 2un I spoke immediately. 9a li bansada The advance group lio ta vi¢tik 2une Was here in the mountains then.

ken bibe Si “Who goes there?” they said.

9a Ckié’tikotik bala 520 “Ah, we’ve been hit by bullets!”

War (Zinacantan) 299

b’at htob’ vinik* Twenty men went. vinik li vovone hee* I was one of the men. Hah!

mo?oh héisil b’at oun Skut 9un “No, my friends have gone then!” I said then.

bwéno helavan ce%e “Okay! Come on, then!”

$i tal sk’oponon ?un 525 They said, coming over to speak to me then.

b’u Cab’at “Where are you going?” said. muy byen Si “Very well,” they said. 2ab’olahan Cee Si “Please do!” they said. k’ahomal vinik le%e 530 “It’s only a man there, k’ahom skut Only [one],” I said. ha? to stak’ ta alel They were supposed to answer then.

b’a hk’opon li ministeryo skut “T’m going to speak to the district attorney,” I

mi tey 2a li pegroe Skut “Is Pedro there?” I said.

tey SiSa“He said. Sokol 535 was “He'sthere!” already they gone!” mariya santisima Holy Mary! b’atan Gere “Go then!

hkob’el Fuck! .aaa Aaah, lib’at I went. .aaa Aaah, kabron Sonotabitch!

b’a 2uc’o pos $i 2un 540 Go drink [some] rum!” he said then. hii te li méro totil 2une Ooh, but the leader himself was there then!

ministeryo stuk The district attorney himself! mero mol soltaroe 545 The old soldier himself!

%eC’ ta mas It was too much!

tey nihil ta hmek He was slumped over there.

te ta to208 Slok’ pos ta goh lum ?une Formerly rum was distilled there in Red Earth [Tierra Colorada].

te ispohik Sa 550 It was already fermented there.

te Sa lamal ta toh They were already gathered there by a pine tree! $i snatil hit’il li limetoe The jugs were in a row this long! $i smuk’ul b’a¢’i b’oé »une The gourds were this big! iskokon li hun hi soltaroe The soldier emptied it into one. ouc’anik la live Si ?un 555 “Drink this!” he said then.

bweno Skut ?un “Okay!” I said then.

ihéolb’e hb’atikotik We all lined up.

mu Slah We could not finish it.

sonso mu Sana? Savuc’ik “Stupid! Don’t you-all know how to drink?”

li mole 560The Said officer. the old man, liSisahvalile

mo?oh “No, pwes te Sak’el “Well, look over there!

mu hk’antikotik hpastikotik yakub’el We don’t want to become drunk.”

521-522. According to Laughlin (1977: 124], “After Xun [the storyteller] learned the news, he and nineteen other Zinacantecs left the Center to join up with Petul Tzu half way to Ixtapa in Tzoj Lum or, as it is known in Spanish, Tierra Colorada. He remembers that they were camped about a week there with the government soldiers.”

300 Text C-7

k’el li 20y li pégroe 565 Look! Pedro is here!” $a 20y li? li petule Pedro was here now. b’atem ta s¢gak vakas He had gone to catch cows.

b’a s¢ak tal li 2ak’b’il réata He had gone to lasso them.

9ak’b’il Sa stuk’ Their shotguns were fired now. 2ak’b’il $a spistola 570 Their pistols were fired now.

listo Sa They were ready now, 208 vorik The three of them. 2a li hune Aswas for the one, petul He Pedro. mu hna?... 575 Idon’t know... mi maryan ¢ka’i li hune hm? If Marian was the other, I think. Uh-huh! eiday ihmalatikotik »ora 2un So then we awaited the hour then.

9a li Cahok’¢ahik 2un “You are delayed then!” Sistuk timéro »ahvalil Said the officer, mol ?une 580 The old leader himself then.

ouc’anik mu Sasivik“Drink Don’t be up! afraid!

ouc’anik li pose Siyut ?un Drink up the rum!” he told us then.

9a li ihkustikotikaa We certainly rested! ta Sak’ yakub’el un To become drunk then.

péro mu stak’ 585 But it wouldn’t do

malaik “Wait! riday 2a li ¢’ab’al So then, he wasn’t there.

k’u »ora ta Stal li pégroe Si »un hee Until Pedro comes!” he said then. Hah!

muk’ b’u Stal li mol petul 590 Old Pedro never came.

mu s¢ak li vakase He didn’t catch the cows

|

ha? to b’at soltaroetik 9un Until the soldiers went then; b’a skolta ta smantal 9un They went to help with his errand then. b’at soltaroetik ?un The soldiers went then. bwéno 2a li iyak’ hp’eh 595 Well, they gave one

9a li vovone To me, laso A rope; pesu A peso. ha? li kave As for the horses, horses, li kave As for the

yak’ hp’eh laso They gave [me] a rope.

b’a sa%o tal yanal vale? ta spacle%e* “Go look for sugar cane leaves in the plain!

pésu Cakak’b’e 81 600 ‘I'll give you pesos!” he said.

Si yepal yanal ?une For so many leaves,

hii b’usul ta b’e :un 605 Ooh, then they were piled up on the road!

kabroneahee Sonofabitch! Hah! oiday li... So then, the... ikeantikotik 9un We carried them on our backs then.

tahtob’ k’ak’ale* For a day, pesu ihta* 610 Ireceived twenty pesos. hulikel Every few minutes, 599. As fodder for the horses (cf. Laughlin 1977: 120).

609-610. The recruits to Pineda’s army were paid what was then considered the magnificent sum of twenty pesos a day (Laughlin 1977 :124).

War (Zinacantan) 301

hulikel Every few minutes, hulikel Every few minutes! hulikel 615 Every few minutes! hulikel Every few minutes! 2o0y te 2a li »aha pom There was honey there,

¢k’ot kié’ li yanal vavle smuk’ul I came to fetch cane leaves so big!

te ta kahonetike There in boxes.

lovol svok’ 20éel soltaroetike It was soft [when] the soldiers broke into them.

svok’olik $a 620 They broke into them now.

yahval nae As for the owner of the house,

¢’ab’al SaHe Hehad wasalready no longer there. hatav Sa fled; hatav Sa He had already fled. 90 tia na ¢ak leve te lioutikuke 625 The door of the house was like the one where we are. vok’b’il Sa It was already broken. no ves ke pinera 9un to Don’t you see that the Pinedistas were still there

then

pinera une The Pinedistas then. bwéno hok’gah yore Well they lingered there;

te 70 nan C¢ib’ »osib’uk k’ak’ale 630 They were there for two [or] three days perhaps.

9a li tal kic’ vah 9un Then I came to fetch tortillas.

vahe Astak’in* for the tortillas, 9a li hun One real hun vah si smuk’ule* For a tortilla this size!

hun tak’in hee 635 One real! Hah!

pero ma?uk 718im éal But they did not call them corn. cinke $1 “Chinque!” said. Si hee They said.they Hah!

oay Cinke Si hee “Ay, chinque!” they said. Hah! cinke $i hee 640 “Chinque!” they said. Hah!

bwéno hna?oh skotol Well, I remember everything.

bwéno pwes 2a li yalanik talel Si2utat ti “Well, come down!” we were told by Old Pedro. mol petul

yalal lek “Descending cautiously, 2ik’o tal avinike Si?utat ?un Bring your men!” they were told.

b’at Theywent. went; b’at645 They

sk’an yan i vinik ta hmek ?un hee They recruited many more men then. Hah!

9a li tal ti vinahel k’ok’ 2une Then the heavenly fire came.

hnitik i banta $i 9un “We'll lead the band!” they said then.

hnitikotik l banta 650 “We'll lead the band!” Shororet Put-putting, é’a tal sk’el oun Then they came to see right away! li »avyon The plane, sk’el Sa skotol ta hmek un 655 Everyone had already stared at it then.

¢pasyah Sa skotol li »avyon ?une Everyone was already diverted by the plane then.

sk’el Sa skotol Everyone had already looked at it.

633—634. Corn for tortillas was apparently in short supply, and the price was exorbitant.

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mu Sa k’u palta 2un hee There was no problem then. Hah!

9aliealikvali... It began...

ihnitikotik k’u shalil li mantal ya?el We led them as long as ordered, it seems.

pesu Pesos!

ihk’itik6tik ti sakil pok’ te 660 We spread the white cloth out there. te Sa ?0y 2a li 20brekonista The Obregonistas were already there.

pero hlikel 2un But in a moment then,

hlikel ta hmek hee A long moment! Hah! hlikel 665 Fora moment, ha? nos ti helave While it passed,

ha? 90 i90€ ta pakel »un* Until it began to double back.

pero pesu hee But pesos! Hah!

yurun li tak’in »une Because the money then,

yul ta ali... ta karo ¢ka9i 670 It arrivedin...a truck, I think.

hii ¢e¢’e Ooh, a bowl! b’usul ston ¢ak’ k’ecob’ Sitoe It was piled up like stones against a log like this! mu hna? k’u §%elan iyul li tak’ine I don’t know how the money arrived.

Si smuk’ ti vorSsaetike The [money] bags were this size!

b’ahahtik oun 675 Then they were closed. b’ahahtik oun te Then they were closed there.

isham They opened them. skotol sb’us stohol li soltaroe The entire pay of the soldiers was piled up!

hii péro b’a¢’i kabron ta hmek hee Ooh, but they were such bastards! Hah!

copol 680 They were bad!

taleali... The ... came.

riday ihto¢gtikotik 9un So then we got up. bwéno ¢ab/’at sili... 2a li méro hénerale “Well, you will go!” said .. . the General himself.

cab’at ta salinita Si “You will go to Salinita!” he said.

¢b’a k’an tal hun hanika ?i8im $i* 685 “You are going to request one fanega of corn!” he said.

Stal yak’ 9isim $i 9un “They are coming to deliver corn!” he said.

2ee péro te Cilah Si yos Skut ?un “Eh, but I will die there like this, God!” I said then.

péro mu Salah “But you won’t die!

te ta lok’ Sa bansaraetik $i The advance forces are already on their way there!” he said.

bwéno pwes likahi ta ka? 9un 690 Fine, well I mounted a horse then.

b’at hun tuk’ “A shotgun went; b’at hun bala $i A bullet went,” he said.

b’at They went. ti lik’ote When Jfine. arrived, lek [I was] muk’ b’u kic’ I was never hit. i lek And fine.

ta cak’ Si la “They will shoot,” he said.

tob’ol htuk’ »un 695 My gun was lying on its side then. ikalb’e li mayole 700 ~=3>0- [ told the tithing man:

667. That is, the plane was circling back to them. 685. A fanega is a grain measure roughly equivalent to 1.6 bushels (Cuyas 1904: 266).

War (Zinacantan) 303

latek:une Skut 9un then. cib’at Si hm? “All right, I will go,” he said then.

bwéno ¢a?ab’olah avak’ hunuk hanika 7isim “Well, please deliver a fanega of corn then!” I said

9ab’olahan ta hmoh me Skutik “Oh please!” we said.

te cib’at $i 9un “I’m going there,” he said then.

la lisut talel un 705 Then I supposedly returned,

lio ta sak lum ?une Here to White Earth [Tierra Blanca] then.

te kid’ I was hit there.

te ta posta skwénta ?4lampre 2une There at the post for barbed wire, then,

hii likel li trasb’at Can moh iki¢c’ Ooh, in a moment I was hit four times from behind!

ki¢’ mahel ta hmek 2un 710 Iwas bombarded then. ikak’ Sa bala Now I was hit by bullets! lok’ $a 208 ikak’ i balae I had been hit by bullets! ha? to tal li bansaraetike When the advanced forces came,

2ak’b’at ta »ora They were immediately attacked. tal ib’at skotol 715 All of them left

scivuk hun b’ot Under a hail— kabron Sonofabitch! — i balaik un Of bullets then!

cam Can vo? Four people died. 2a Ca? vo? icam 720 ~~ Ah, two people died.

yane AsThey for thefled. rest, hatav

puta ikalb’e li mol ?une “Sonofabitch!” I told the officer then. bwéno senyor lilah 9un skut “Well, mister, I died then!” I said. kabron 725 “Sonofabitch! k’u yueun mu avak’ Why you weren’t even hit!”

pero muk’ b’u %ep ikak’ “But I wasn’t hit much. ikak’ cib’ »08ib’uke I was hit two [or] three times.”

pero te li bansara But the advance force was there. muk’ sil ta »ora 730 They didn’t see it right away.

no ves ke 2ak’ »olon to Skut ?un “Don’t you see that they are still shooting below?” I said then. 9a kabron “Aaah, sonofabitch! easta pere Cilah $a 20k’ob’ éareh But even if I die tomorrow [or] the day after,

b’al tey Sa ¢’iko Si 9un Put up with it now!” he said then. htob’ 735“But Twenty pesos. péropesu live here!”

kolaval yurun lakus“Thank “Because you.” you survived.

9a li muk’ Silah si 9un I won’t die,” he said then.

bwéno pwes ?ilo live $1 740 “Fine, well, take it!” he said.

htob’ pesu hm? Twenty pesos. Uh-huh! slok’b’e Sila ka? °un He removed the saddle then. b’ecéo li htuk’ sune “Hand over my gun then!”

ilo latuk’e “Take your gun!”

mu $a Savik’ta $i 7un 745 “Don’t give it up!” he said then.

mu Savik’ta latuk’e “Don’t give up your gun! kabron Sonofabitch! ht’omb’e tuk’ avu2un I have blown up your gun!

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muk’ $a »ab’tel Sa Si 2un hee It no longer works!” he said then. Hah! bwéno ¢éakak’b’e »ep tak’in $i 9un 750 “Well, I’ll give you lots of money,” he said then.

bwéno parte ti pasyal Well, hunting is different.

tia li k’elo li k’utik paltae $i 9un “See what’s wrong!” he said then.

bwéno skut “Okay!” I said then. Cital Sa te 9un “Now I'll come over there.”

pero b’u soltaro Sie 755 “But where is the soldier?” he said.

soltaro Sie “The soldier?” he said.

te SiSanav Sa “I’m walking over there now.

mu Sa k’u Si Nothing’s up!

nom $a li pukuhava The Devil is certainly still far away.

nom Sa 760 He’s still far away.”

9a litogotikotik 9un Ah, we got up then. cib’atik 9un $i “We’re going then!” he said. 9a li Gavic’ avikag oun Si “Ah, take your burden then!” he said. 9ep li vinikaga There were lots of men indeed! lab’al kahon 765 Nothing but boxes ha? li parkeetik »une [Of] ammunition then. lab’al balaetik oun Nothing but bullets;

hup’eh Each one,

sb’uh li kahon 2une The boxes were bulging with them then.

hup’eh k’al mansaniya hee 770 ~+Each one as far as Manzanilla. Hah!

mi Savil li mansaniya Do you see, Manzanilla, 9a te ta yolon hteklum Ah, it is below our town.

te lipahotikotik We stopped there.

te pah ti soltaroe The soldiers stopped there. hii péro kavron 775. Ooh, but sonofabitch!

ta hmek kavron hee It was too much, sonofabitch! Hah!

9a li 20cik i soltaroetik une Then the soldiers came. 9a li te slam sb’aik 9un Then they gathered together there.

hmel¢antik6otik htem We made our beds.

péro pesu But pesos! oak’o me hlikel Even if it was only a moment, hmel¢antikotik svayeb’ li sahvalile 730 We made the officers’ beds.

oak’o me mérya ?ora Even if it was only half an hour,

pesu 785A Pesos! hlikel hee moment. Hah!

2ak’o me mu stak’ Even if it was impossible,

90 tak’in ta hmek There was lots of money.

9a li b’uc’u ¢melg¢anik cihe Whoever made up the beds

vor0b’ pesu [Received] five pesos. b’uc’u ¢gmel¢an tuluk’e 790 Whoever prepared turkeys vor70b’ pesu [Received] five pesos. ¢mel¢an verelil They prepared meals.

¢gmel¢an skotol ta hmek They prepared just everything.

pero vo?o0b’ pesu But five pesos!

cib’ k’ak’al teyotikotik oune 795 We were there for two days then.

2ora Cib’atik Seutat ti mol petul un “Now we're going!” Old Pedro was told then. cib’atik 2un “We're going then! 9a li b’a hk’eltik velav Si We’re going to amuse ourselves!” they said.

20y Sa soltaro There were already soldiers;

te tik’il hun koral vakas oun s00 They were there inside a bull pen then.

War (Zinacantan) 305

b’a snitik talel They were going to catch them. porot $a li? ikom They almost remained there.

me?on ikom i yahval ravol leve The rancher was left impoverished there.

no ves ke pinera 2un to hee Don’t you see that they were still Pinedistas

pinera 805There Pinedistas. oy tehun... wasa... there. then? Hah!

9a li hkaSlan Skohtikin The Ladino whom I knew,

9a li don saul sb’ His name was Don Saul.

te yahval ta vompana hee He was a rancher there in Bombana. Hah!

maouk pinera :una?a 810 He was not a Pinedista at all! muk’ b’u ivok’b’at sna His house was never entered.

mu?yuk No. lek It was fine. mu k’usi »0y 815 Nothing happened to it.

te $a kapal sciouk soltaroetik He was already there among the soldiers.

lek ikom ta hmek It was left unharmed.

oiday ital 9un So then they came then.

b’a hk’eltikotik ta yolon hteklum “We’re going to look down below our town.”

oy te kampo santo There was a cemetery there.

9a lina ?icin sb’i 7un 820 It was called Owl House [Na Ichin]| then.

te hlab’antik6otik un Then we made fun of them there.

soltaroe As for the soldiers,

hii ta hmek Ooh, they were too much!

oa li pinera ?une As tor the Pinedistas then,

lok’ tal nan ta 208ib’ %ora ?un 825 They left at three o’clock perhaps then.

ilok’ tal ta vi¢ 2une They left the mountains then.

They went. teb’at cb’at They went there. ta Stal ¢ao k’u sna? ta tyenta 830 They came to look for whatever they thought of

b’at ta kavilto They went to the town hall. at the store.

penteho ?une The jerks then! muk’ »ono$s sak’ $a They never fired.

te b’usul Sa li soltaro 2une Then the [dead] soldiers were already piled up there.

tal Can vo? Four people came, naka ta ka? 835 Just on horseback.

ivak’b’at ti me? trayadore The traitoress was shot.

kahal ta sk’el un Then they watched on horseback. te va?alon Si toe I was standing there like this. 21 te varalon And I was standing there scivuk soltaroetike 840 With the soldiers.

°ee ?uUN learnshe it then!” k’uCano S%elan $i “Eh, “How?” said.

ke 2ak’b’at oun Wow! She was shot then!

li? $a 2a li bala The bullets were already puffing up here. teSb’uk to $k’ot 845 They landed there. te to $k’ot t’omuk tah toe They had landed there, exploding over there. 2a li sdltaroe As for thetosoldiers, k’alal lum [They fell] the ground, k’al S¢i2uk ska? Even with their horses.

306 Text C-7

k’alal lum S¢éi2uk ska? hee 850 [They fell] to the ground with their horses. Hah! hlikel hlikel 90 In just a moment, 2ak’b’at §a hmoh nostok 2un They were shot at again then! muk’ b’u Séam li ¢’ul kave The blessed horse never died. ib’at i kavara The horse went off!

ib’at went. b’at855 It Itwent.

b’at It went.

b’at ta hun yahval It went to an officer.

208 vo? te kom hee Three people remained there. Hah! te kom li yahvale 860 The officers remained there.

oiday 2a li hk’eltik6tik oun te yore So then we looked over there then.

stamel tal laso They picked up the ropes.

stamel tal kaslan They picked up the chickens. stamel tal pop They picked up the reed mats. skotol lok’ tal ta hmek 865 They took absolutely everything away. me?on ikom un Then they remained poor,

ti pinerista 2un to hee The Pinedistas then. Hah!

bwéno 2a li vovone Well, as for me,

a ?li 90 Skohtikin hun sarhento 9un I knew a sergeant then.

sarhénto Skut 870 ~=3—s- ““Sergeant!’”’ I said.

9ak’b’on hlikuk li pope “Give me a little mat!

tah kuoun That one’s mine!” 21¢’0 Si “Take it!” he said. 9a li hvorSail The bag 9a li harina un 875 [Of] flour then,

hlikel ihituh In a moment it came untied.

2a li k’eh ab’a b’avyuk ta tertik aun “Go ahead first into the woods then!” mo?oh te hna?tik mi Stal tana Siik li “No! Who knows if they have come there

sdltaroe 2une now!” said the soldier then. pero muk’ vaye But they didn’t sleep. te §a skotol bansadaetik ta hmek 880 All the advance forces were already there. ¢’ab’al -un There wasn’t anything then. eiday ti ikazitikotik vayuk »une So then we thought about sleeping then.

2a li vorotike “As for us, htuk ¢cib’atik $i We’re going by ourselves!” they said then.

9a live b’uc’u Sohtikin ?isb’ontik si 885 “Ah here, who knows Dogwoods [Isbontic]?” they said.

b’uc’u Sohtikin ravol $i “Who knows Ranch [Ravol]?” they said.

b’ué’u Sohtikin 9a li Camu?etik $i “Who knows the Chamulans?” they said. soltaro Skohtikin Skohtikin Siik un “Soldiers, we know! We know!” they said then.

9a li hutob’ pesu Twenty pesos apiece, huhun 2un 890 ~—‘ For each one then.

htob’ pesu Twenty pesos— htob’ pesu ¢ik’ They received twenty pesos.

éb’a yak’iluk li b’e They went to let them scout the road; éak’ viluk li b’ee They let them scout the road. la b’atik 2ik’ik to 895 Then they went to call them;

21k’ to Then they called them. ilok’ i pobreetik »une The poor things left then; ilok’ik oun They left then; ta ?0Sib’ nan ?ora ?ak’ub’al oun Then perhaps at 3 A.M.,

a

War (Zinacantan) 307

ilok’ik i pobreetik une 900 The poor things left then. ilok’ik 9un They left then. pero k’elom ab’a Skut 9un “But be careful!” I said.

bwéno Siik9un “Okay!” they said. hii ilok’ik Ooh, they left then! soltaroe 905 As for the soldiers, hii bruto Ooh, they were brutes! bwéno litalotikotik li vorotikotik 2une Well, then we came. 9a li te yak’e They attacked there.

te Sa b’usul li soltaro ta méro véntina »une* The soldiers were already piled up at the very Pass [Ventana] then.

Savil véntina 910 You see, the Pass.

mu Savil Don’t you see, te ta shelavel steklum There on the outskirts of their town, ta stek ti Camuvetike The Chamulans’ town?

oi ha? te véntina yoo 2une And they were there at the Pass then.

bwéno pwes 2a li yak’ i kanyon ?une 915 Well, they fired the cannon then.

hii péro ta hmek Ooh, but it was too much! kabron Sonofabitch! Si syik’ i sb’ek’ It took balls like this!

Si snatikil This long! Si to tik’b’il Si to »une 920 Then they were stuck in like this!

k’alal ¢ililet $a Cak’ Cauk yarel* It seemed to shoot thunderbolts when it rumbled.

¢engyenSiSi“Boom!” “Boom!”ititsaid. said. gengyen ¢engyen $i “Boom!” it said. yak’ ta hmek 925 It fired on and on.

can kot ti kanyon »:une* There were four cannons then.

pero muk’tik hee But they were enormous! Hah! 9a li huhun kanyone As for each cannon, cak’ ¢a? kot kao It attacked with two horses.

ikaki ka? ¢kilik 930 [When] it became stuck, horses dragged it away.

ta ka? kilb’il hee It was dragged away by horses. Hah! ta ka? kilb’il It was dragged away by horses. 2iday lah yoronik oun So then they became tired of it.

lib’atotikotik »un We left then.

a ?li b’u Scam li pinera ?une 935 As for where the Pinedistas died then,

ep ta tertik There were many in the woods,

k’u éaral 2a li hun kotom Like coatis, ¢ak hun mut Like birds. °ep ta tertik un Then there were many in the woods.

te Clok’ tal li bala 940 The bullets came out from there. ha? to tal napac 2un* Then when the raccoons came—

20y tor08 napa¢ ta heé li sravol* There used to be raccoons on his ranch.

ti voyne ?0y napac* Formerly there were raccoons.

gog. The battle had taken place on May 1, 1924 (Laughlin 1977: 124). 921. Note the association between the cannon and a thunderbolt! 926. Four cannons were actually used during the battle of Ixtapa in 1924 (Laughlin 1977: 113; see also note to line 353). 941-950. Is this perhaps a reference to the self-styled “Coon” marauders who were engaged in guerrilla activities in Chiapas between 1914 and 1917? (see Laughlin 1977: 132 and note to line 353).

308 Text C-7

hrelek’* They were thieves.

ital li napaé »une* 945 Then the raccoon came. 9a li ta yok i90¢ 9un* Then it began with his feet.

hu s¢ak ta sk’ob’* Uh, it grabbed his hand.

kabron hee* Sonofabitch! Hah! napace* As for the raccoons, 20¢ 2un hee* 950 They began then. Hah!

9a li hkob’el pinera »une As for the fucking Pinedistas then,

vuvuvuvu Si “Oh-oh-oh-oh!” they wailed.

te $a b’usul ?un They were already piled up there then.

pero ti 70Ce But it came on, kabron 955 Sonofabitch! netb’il ib’at ta hmek 9un It went on moving [its head] from side to side then.

ista li véntina They reached the Pass [Ventana].

ista Ca?vo? ti hob’ele Two people reached San Cristobal Las Casas.

tal li saryoplano ?une Then the airplane came. 2ak’b’at bala eun 960 Bullets were fired then.

kabron Sonofabitch!

hii te kom li ¢’i¢’e Ooh, the blood was left behind there! 2animal b’usul ta hmek Lots of them were piled up!

kabron b’usul Sonofabitch, piled up!

9a li te $a patalik i hlome 965 Some were still sitting bent over.

20 $a te Cotahtik They were still sitting there. lio ta méro véntina It was here at the very Pass.

kuSul to hee They were still alive. Hah! ha? ti »ep b’usule Many were piled up,

ti b’usilal 970 The piles,

gel li »animae The heaps of corpses, hiiSakabron Ooh, sonofabitch! mu ?elav hee It was no joke! Hah! te »ec’el ikom vakas The cows were left behind there. te éverik 975 They were grazing there.

tey There.

te sb’ek’et ikome Their meat was left behind there,

20€ i soltaro The soldiers came.

¢gak $i huhun taho They grabbed them like this!

kabron 980 Sonofabitch!

90¢ ta C’akulanel li vakas teyone hee They began to divide up the cows there where I was! Hah!

90¢ ta ¢’akulanel They began to divide them up. lio? to htietikotik vakas We ate beef here. ismil ti soltaroe The soldiers killed them. hkolta hb’atikotik 985 We helped them.

hkolta hb’a ta Séoel $i “T’ll help skin them!” they said.

¢’akb’il 2un* They were divided up then.

Si smuk’il huhun pérsona* A piece this big for each person!

987-994. Zinacantecos can rarely afford to eat meat. The storyteller is exclaiming over the large portions each person received, which had to be eaten without tortillas because of the shortage of corn. He is commenting on the irony that meat, a luxury, was plentiful, while tortillas, a staple, were unavailable!

War (Zinacantan) 309

skotol ta hmek* Everyone! kabron hee* 990 Sonofabitch! Hah!

ha? ti muk’ ti vah »un* Then there weren’t any tortillas!

vob’il ta k’ok’* It was roasted on the fire. naka b’ek’et*Sonofabitch! It was just meat! kabron*

riday livocotikotik un 995 So then we began then. syémpre lah li »obrekone The Obregonistas always died.

ilah They died; ilah They died. lio 20¢ i hun li? toe One came here.

lio lok’ lio toe 1000 ~=—s One left from here. kusul totoThey were still alive! kuSul They were still alive! 90 li? »0¢em li? toe Some had come here.

20 li? toe They were here.

a ?li hun ?ahvalile 1005 As for an officer,

lio ta yut ravol Ckarie He was here inside the Ranch [Ravol], I think, mero ?ahvalil The chief officer.

lio ti tey li? 20¢ li bala li? toe Bullets came here. li? 20ée They came here. k’e¢b’il §a 2e¢’el ta sakil pok’ 1010 He was already being carried under a sheet.

b’at ti soltaroetike The soldiers went.

k’ecb’il Sa oun He was already being carried. 9a li loktor The doctors, tey $a lamal loktora%a hee The doctors had already gathered together there! Hah!

aiday li loktor »une 1015 So then the doctors then,

lio tey $a 2oy li mérikoetik 2une The doctors were already there then.

mu hna? k’u tik’b’at ti sahvalile hee I don’t know with what the officer had been stabbed. Hah!

ilok’ It ~~ flowed. lok’ 1020 It flowed.

ilok’ i ¢’ic’ 2une Then the blood flowed.

ikusi 9un He , Then he revived! ikuSi revived! ikuSi He revived! ikuSia?a He certainly revived! bwéno b/atotikotik ?un 1025 Well we went then,

yarel oun It seems then. b’at ?un They went then. b’atik $i “Let’s go!” they said.

b’atik They went. ihéiintikotik »ec’el 1030 We accompanied them.

9a li kanyon ?une As for the cannon then, mol kanyon ?une It was an old cannon then, héiouktikotik 2e¢’ele We were with it. We 9aeepotikotike li »4nimae 1035 As were for the many. corpses,

te b’usul me They were piled up there, kapal pinera Pinedistas mixed up kapal »6brekon With Obregonistas.

310 Text C-7

9a li »obrekone Ce%e As for the Obregonistas then,

tamb’il ib’at 1040 They were carried off. kuéb’il They were carried. kucéb’il ib’at ta hob’el They were carried off to San Cristobal Las Casas.

9a li kaotikotik Sa We now thought li yic’ »ahvalil ta isb’ontik une That they took the officer to Dogwoods [Isbontic]. ha? ilah »una?a 1045 Then he died!

ta vinahel ib’at He went to heaven. b’at He went. b’at 2uk He too. camem Sa He hadwent already died.

b’at 1050 He went. b’a yal li pinera The Pinedistas went down. tali... There came the... hun éak 908 kot »avyon 1055 Three planes,

teha?nos ikom He just stayed there. yak’ i pinera 2une hee The Pinedistas shot him then. Hah!

tal ta vinahel 2une They appeared in the sky then. ilah i pinerae The Pinedistas died; nuge ta hmek They hunted for them; inuge ta hmek 1060 They hunted for them.

ilah They died.

b’a¢’i ¢a? ta hmek They searched for them.

20¢ k’ot ta hob’ele They reached San Cristobal Las Casas.

sciouktikotik 2a li »ahvalile We were with the officers;

tey li mol »une The senior [officer] was there then. 20¢ 2un 1065 They entered then. hii li tyenta* Ooh, the store— solel voob’* It was just hot coals! mu¢é’utik 2onos stohob’e Whoever who was still able to

staik tak’in Discovered money; staik k’usi 1070 They discovered whatever;

staik sk’urik They discovered clothing;

staik skotol ta hmek They found absolutely everything! huta Sonofabitch! 9a li ta C’ivite InAthe market, smuk’tikil yavil 1075 huge box, there! kolol te rosae A crate of roses svatk’un ti cih They shoved blankets in it, cihetik Mats, Blankets, pope

ti 2a¢’ame 1080 ~— Salt, tite9akom k’usi Or whatever; skotol ta hmek Everything that had been left behind! hii b’usul Ooh, Meat! it was piled up! b’ek’ete pane 1085 Bread! kahve Coffee! 1066—1067. The store had burned down.

War (Zinacantan) 311

9a ke porkeriya ta hmek Ah, how disgusting!

te b’usul kom It was left piled up there!

te li vorvotikotik ta hob’el »une We were in San Cristobal Las Casas then.

te li vorotikotik 9un 1090 We were there then.

9a li sakub’ %osil 2une Then at dawn,

b’a $a sk’elel ta »4vyon 9un They had already gone to look at the planes then.

huta Sonofabitch!

b’u Sa 90y i pinera 2une The place where the Pinedistas were then, te ¢’el komitan Sa 1095 They were already there near Comitan! b’at Sa ta hmek oun They hurried off then. pero ?0¢ sa%el ta hmek 2un But then they began to hunt for them.

20¢ sarel ta hmek They began to hunt for them.

sa%el ta pwérsa They had to search

yo? to k’u éa?al Slah skotol ta hmek 1100 Until every single one had died.

oa li méro héneral As for the general himself,

mu k’u Stael 2un He was not found then.

oac’ to Came He had recently died, na?tik nan me hee We think perhaps. Hah!

mu to sta hun hab’il 1105 Less than a year before,

icam Sa li porkeriya mole The disgusting old man had died. 2ac’ to Cam He had recently died,

2ac’ to Recently.

mu to sta hun hab’il i¢am hee He died less than a year before. Hah!

cam Sa 9un 1110 He had already died then.

ti hsa? pletu vo?ne »une As for the warmonger long ago then,

cam Sa He had already died.

9a li lah90 902un b’i He haddied certainly died! ilah He then.

solel lio 2alb’at totil i mol petul »une 1115 Old Pedro was simply appointed chief then.

2a li preserentee* As tor the magistrate, hatav Sa* He had already fled; hatav Sa* He had already fled. b’u ti 20 2a li kavron pinera li preserentee* The magistrate [had fled] to join the bastard Pinedistas.

ealb’at totil li mol petul :une* 1120 Old Pedro was appointed chief then.

kom ta préserenteal 9un* Then he became magistrate.

ha? komHe ?un Then he remained [magistrate]. kom remained. 2ak’b’at 2un |The position] was given to him then. 2ak’b’at yahsoltaro ¢ab’ib’il 1125 He was given soldiers to protect him.

pero mu Sa b’ué’u $b’ak’ But no one bothered him.

ta mukul $a €20é sk’oponel mué’u li pinera The Pinedistas began to speak secretly then. oune

isk’opon la taha?a They certainly plotted!

Sana? k’u yepal ivak’b’at You know how much they were attacked?

ivak’b’at pa ke yoro konforme 1130 They were attacked so that they would yield.

mu Sa k’u S?alb’at 20e hee They weren't told anything. Hah!

2ak’b’atara They were certainly attacked!

1116—1121. The magistrate of Zinacantan abandoned his office, and Pedro Tzu was appointed to replace him (Laughlin 1977: 124).

312 Text C-7

ha? yeé smelol ti voonee That’s the truth long ago.

to li plétu vornee The war was long ago. hii ti vorne 1135 Ooh, long ago!

tol plétu ta hmek There was a great war!

day 2a li k’alal ivoc i plétuta... So then, when the war began in...

ta °olon In the lowlands,

k’al lah i soktome Even the Chiapanecos died;

lah i tuStae Gere 1140 The Tuxtlatecos died then.

9a li hnaotik b’u lik ti li pletue Who knows where the war began!

yak’b’e sb’aik ta tuSta They attacked them in Tuxtla Gutierrez. ilah i tuStae The Tuxtlatecos died,

ilah They died.

20€ tey ta soktom ?une 1145 They had already come to Chiapa de Corzo then.

ta soktom mu 890¢ [But] they did not enter Chiapa de Corzo.

°a mas pukuh i soktome Ah, the Chiapanecos were more devilish!

k’al ta 2ac’ Cak’ bala They attacked first!

ta véntina shatik li nae They broke the window of the house.

shatik li na tee 1150 They broke into the house there.

te $a li balae The bullets were already there.

a li la te $a nan They were already there perhaps. hnaotik me hee Who knows! Hah!

hnaetik hayib’ kilometro yavel b’u 820¢ ta Who knows how many kilometers there might

soktome have been until they reached Chiapa de Corzo!

te lah li sdltaroe 1155 The soldiers died there.

ha? spas kanal li Gapaneko 2une Then the Chiapanecos won.

ha? ikué yu?un ?un Then they won.

pero kapal ta *angetik 2un hee But they were mixed up with women then.

oan¢e As tor the women, mas pukuh 1160 They were more devilish. Hah!

no ves ke Don’t you see that ha? li lek yab’teheb’ 2un to They had good weapons then?

2a li bala The bullets mas pukuh Were more devilish.

mas k’isin 1165 They were hotter;

mas ¢o¢ They were stronger.

°a ti me yu?un te li soktom Ce%e Because the Chiapanecos were there then.

te tal hulyan* Julian came there. 9a li lok’em tal sdltaroe The soldiers had emerged ta b’alamil Sa 1170 From the earth now.

ta b’alamil sa Already from the earth, te ta hec They were there for sure! gahal ¢’en In Red Cave [Tzajal Ch’en],

¢oh [It was] red.

muk’ta vi¢ 1175 Big Mountain |Muc’ta Vitz].

heé S8kohtikin Yes, I know it.

te tal hulyan skohtikin* Julian whom I knew came there. 1168. This may be a reference to General Julian Grajales, who helped the Chiapanecos defeat Juan Ortega’s imperialist army in 1863 (Laughlin 1977: 124; Lopez Gutiérrez 1963:178—179]. 1177. See note to line 1168.

a War (Zinacantan) 313

te tal li soltaro 7une The soldiers came there then.

muk’ 9onos kué yu?un li sdltaro 2une Then the soldiers never won.

b’at te 1180 They went there.

lah skotol ta hmek ?un Every single one died then.

ha? to smel¢an li 2a li soltaro skwenta Then when the Chiapaneco soldiers settled it, capaneko une

2a li Capanekoe As for the Chiapanecos, 9ayece li Si2b’il They were feared. ha? live 1185 That’s true here! 2a ti vomne Gere hee It used to be then! Hah!

toh %ep It’s too much!

eee mu Slah ava7i tana skotol toh %ep Ah, you haven’t heard everything, it’s too much!

ha? $a S¢ab’i hkumpare ?antun $ka’i yic’ While my compadre Antonio was standing guard,

skotol ta hmek I think, he took everything! yic’ skotol 1190 He took everything!

bwéno avokoluk kumpare “Well, for your suffering, compadre, k’u yepal ¢ahtoh Sut 2un How much should I pay you?” he said then.

pwes yiyil “Well, forget it! 2ak’b’on k’u yepal savak’b’on Sut »un Give me as much as you [want to] give me!” he said then.

mi ¢akak’b’e hunuk syen $i 1195 “Should I give you about one hundred?” he said.

mo?oh kumparito Skut 9un “No, little compadre,” I said then. mu?yukara “No indeed!” bwéno ki¢é’ skotol $i “Well, I took all of it!” he said.

kié’ skotol Si “T took all of it!” he said. ha? yeé li vorone live cere 1200 ‘That’s right; I was there then. 2a li soktome As for the Chiapanecos, spas $a kanal They had already won, §ci2uk stot smevik With their mothers’ fathers. ha? yeé li vorone live That’s right; I was there.

20C pletu ti vornee 1205 The war began long ago. ta Slah Sa li mehikoe The Mexicans had already died.

ha? $a éal ti hme? htot une That’s what my father’s mother said then.

oaryeh $a Ckari It was already a story I think. 9iday ib’at 2un 1210 So then they went.

huu spasel b’alamil ta hmek Ooh, the creation of the world!

tak’ ta 2ik’el li preserente republika They were able to capture the President of the Republic.

stak’ ta vik’el li ginakanta 2une The Zinacantecos were able to capture him.

9a li cavale As you say, hun Sa b’u ti hun pepen* One was already a Butterfly.

hun 2a li vaknab’* 1215 One was Rainbow;

hun éauk hutik* One was Thunderbolt only. can vo? Ckavie* There were four persons I think. tal tek’el oun They came standing firm then.

ke 1220 “Wow!

k’ot sk’opon li préserente ?une They came to speak to the President then.

1214-1217. Here begins an account of the use of magical weapons in ethnic conflict (cf. Texts C-1—C-3).

314 Text C-7

kabron k’usi b’al Sonofabitch! 20 What can be done?

yu?un me %ep ta hk’ane $i la Because I want a lot!” he said. 2a k’usi b’al 20 leve Si la “What can be done about that?” he said. bwéno b’u tal yan sonso 1225 “Well, where did that other fool come from?

me yu2un %ep ana?oh Do you remember much?

mion ha? yecé cak leve Does it mean it’s true like that? ha? b’a me paheso Sa tal la Yes, stop them from coming!”

ikehi la li préserentee The President knelt. mu Sakohtikin 1230 =©6 “I don’t know you!” pasob’e slok’ la spisol He removed his hat.

ikehi la He knelt.

ilah yo?on 2un They were satisfied then.

lah yoronik They were satisfied. 9a li pukuhe As for the Devil, te Sa Stal ta barko hee He had already come there in a boat. Hah! isk’elik oun 1235 They looked at him then.

bwéno spas mantal 9un Well, he fulfilled his errand then.

k’eh ab’a li vov0te Soutat “Move aside, you!” they were told,

9a li soltaro 1240 +The soldiers, liyoro krisc¢ano The people ¢k’elik 2un Who were watching then.

kris¢ano The people, $ivem Sa They were already frightened. sahvalil 1245 The officers, preserenteGeneral, President, heneral

§i2em skotol ta hmek All of them were terribly frightened.

sivem Sa They already frightened. oa li tale 1250were As for the arrival,

b’at la tak 2e¢’el pepen 2un Butterfly left on an errand then.

9a li ta tia barko la Alongside the ship, Sk’iet Sa la He had already spread [his wings],

li pepen »une The Butterfly then.

lio Sk’iet Sa 1255 He had already spread [his wings] here.

yolel Sa verel “They are now in the midst of a meal,” Si la $a ti pepen ?une Said the Butterfly then,

hun vinik un A man then.

bwéno ?a li mu k’usi ce%e “Well, it doesn’t matter then. 9a lita hk’eltik k’u ta hnoptik si la 1260 Let’s see what we can do!” he said. va7i 2a li b’atan vorote Sut You see, “Go then!” he said.

vaknab’ Rainbow 9a li hune Was one. oi’ Whirlwind

oa li huneThunderbolt 1265 Was one. cauk 9a li hune cee Was one then. 9a li b’at gako li yok barko “Go seize the ship’s rudder!

nitb’o yalel si la Pull it down!” he said, k’alal 9uk’um $i la 2un 1270 “Into the river!” he said.

tal li hun 2ik’ ABut Whirlwind came, pero kabron sonofabitch!

War (Zinacantan) 315

lah skotol li kris¢anoe All the people died! ¢’ab’ $1 k’op ?un Then the war ended like that

ha? to ?avan li htotik Gauk »une 1275 When our father Thunderbolt sounded then:

k’eee Si hun Ccauk eune “Boom!” said a thunderbolt then.

bwéno lah 20 k’op ?un Well, the war ended then.

melg¢ah 2unThey It wasagreed. settled then. konf6rme mu Sa k’usi Sb’ak’ 1280 Nothing bothered them any more,

¢’ab’al oun Nothing then. solel kehi li préserente ta méhiko ?une Only the President of Mexico knelt then.

i170¢ ta vun It was put in writing. séyo skotol te pak’al svunal All their documents lying there were sealed,

9a li ¢inakanta ta méhikoe 1285 Of the Zinacantecos in Mexico. muk’ b’u mas Stihon 2une hee Then they never bothered again. Hah! te pak’al svunal skotol 2un Then all their documents were lying there.

b’atan S?utat lahel 9un “Go!” they were finally told then. ti ha? Si2b’il :une 1290 Then they were frightened.

te melg¢ah skotol ta hmek 2un Then everything had been settled there.

vornee photograph. ti kriscano voenee As for people long ago,

ooy ikom ta rétrato k’u $%elan ti viniketik What men were like long ago remained in a

ha? kriscano ¢ak vo»ona?a They were people just like me!

ha? ye¢é kriscano ta hmek That’s true, real people! kriScano 1295Nice People, lekil kris¢ano people,

21 lekil kriscano And nice people.

oiday imelg¢ah skotol lio ta rétrato So then everything was settled here in the photograph.

ti kom Sa ta vun skotol* Everything remained now on paper.

b’alamile* depositor.

yak’ komel sb’i ti mué’u smel¢gan li 1300 The person who arranged the land was called a

¢inakanta hitimo* Zinacantan is legal!

ha? smelg¢an He settled it.

¢’ab’al Nothing! camula 1305 Chamula, mu k’usi b’al 70 It was not satisfactory!

ha? nos ¢inakantae Only, as for Zinacantan,

¢’ab’al Nothing! ¢’ab’al ¢ginakantaNothing! Zinacantan,

ha? nos tey 1310 Only there, teik’iil ta hun tuSta There in Tuxtla Gutierrez, bwelta It |[Tuxtla] was flattened once [by the whirlwind].

ikom slok’ol »un Its picture remained then. 2a li moletik »une As for the elders then,

hii? 20 nan ta htob’ hab’il 1315 Yes, it was perhaps twenty years ago.

sisanav to08 Sci2uk mulaetike* I used to travel with mules.

1299-1301. The Zinacantecos received papers to prove their right to their land. 1316. Many Zinacantecos earned their living as muleteers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Wasserstrom 1978: 200).

316 Text C-7

tal :un They came then. mel¢ah They settled it. mu $a b’ué’u $b’ak’ 9un Then no one bothered them any more. 9a li ta to la Slik hun bwelta noStoke 1320 ~=©It began another time again.

9a li te tanom ?un It was far away then.

hna?tik b’u likem talel Who knows where it began! ha? nan i tranhero ?une Perhaps it was imported then. hnaotik b’u likem talel Who knows where it began!

9iday ta la Slik hun bwelta la 9un 1325 So then it began another time then.

9a li ha? b’atem i hSonob’tikotike Our sandals had ¥one, lili hSakitaile woolen tunics, hpok’tikeOur Our kerchiefs,

lib’atem hpisalale Our hats, 1330 ~=©They had gone. vesal hkamisatikotik Our underwear,

b’atem It had gone.

tako ta k’anel li préserente republika ?une “Send them to petition the President of the Republic then!”

vai la ta Stal la un You see, they came then.

bwéno stak’ Skak’b’e hb’atik 1335 “Well, we can serve! mi ye¢é aval Si la li »e¢’el 2un Are you telling the truth?” they said then.

pero kriscéano But people, b’a¢’i kri$¢ano Sa ?un Already real people then! iySkak’ yiyil cere “Oh, what’s the use! nos lekuk 1340 We'll just attack hard!

solel ikoman S?utat Just stay!” they were told.

solel imel¢ah stuk 9un They just settled it by themselves then. mu Sa b’u 20¢ bala 2un The bullets did not appear anywhere then.

le? i8i? Sa They were already afraid there.

isc’un ti k’u Sal 1345 They believed what they said

komo te Sa ti svunale Since it was already there in their document. isc’un They believed it. te Sa svunal It was already there in their document.

is¢c’un They believed it. bwéno teyuk cere 1350 = “Well, all right then!

yiluk yil Si la What's the use!” they said.

mel¢ah ?0 It Until was settled forever, k’al tana 9un now then. ¢’ab’ 2un Then it ended.

¢’ab’al SaTuxtla NotGutierrez yet. then, taihk’eltikotik tuSta cere In sali... We have seen the... ea9alislok’olli... The picture of the... li moletike 1360 The elders,

mu $a b’ué’u Sb’ak’ 9un 1355 Then no one had bothered them,

titicauke The Thunderbolt. slok’ol The picture,

$i smuk’ul 81 toe hee It was this size! Hah!

$i smuk’ul This size! pero li kriscanoe 1365 But the people,

mu hta te k’elel I did not find them watching there. mu hta te k’elel I did not find them watching there.

The War of St. Rose (Ladino Version) 317

lok’ tal ta hun ¢’ul na ta hmek They had all left the church. lok’el They had left. bwéno ?iday vali... 1370 Well, sothenthe...

Si li sahvalile Said the officers, ryos “God!

9a li ¢inakanta “The Zinacantecos,”

eocan tal li vovote $i Come in, you!” they said. pas ?adelante Si 1375 “Come right on in!” they said.

k’elavil S%elan “Look at what they are like!”

9a li Cauk vorone Si 2un “Tam Thunderbolt!” he said then.

ihk’eltikotik k’u smuk’ul 2une We saw how big he was. yan krem The other boy, mu §?ak’b’at yil 1380 He was not permitted to see it.

oa li larinoetike As for the Ladinos, mu §?ak’b/at yil They were not permitted to see it. 20can tal li vorote “Come in, you!

k’elavil li vov0te Look, you!

vor0suk leve $i 1385 You-all there!” they said.

te va?al oun They were standing there then.

pero shunul ¢ak vo?otike “But they are exactly like us!

b’a¢’i héiviltikotik We are real townsmen!”’ shunul lek ta hmek They were extremely nice. lek ta hmek Sonob’ 1390 Their shoes were handsome. lek ta hmek sk’u? Their clothes were beautiful. lek listo hee They were very neat. Hah! hii ha? yeé ti vorne Ooh, that’s how it used to be.

ha? me smel¢anoh b’alamil li hlumal That’s how our land was arranged long ago. vorne

TEXT C-8

The War of St. Rose (Ladino Version) Lo que ella me conto ;verdad? que en una €poca What she [my grandmother] told me, you see, was ;verdad? habia en Chamula un indio llamado Cus- that once upon a time, you see, there was an Indian cate, y una mujer era... Se Ilamaba Rosa, pero le — called Cuscat in Chamula, and a woman who was

decian la Santa Rosa, y el indio Cuscate. .. . She was called Rose, but they called her St. Rose, ‘Bueno! En esto los indios estaban sobresaltados 0 — and the Indian man Cuscat.

alzados, como en aquel tiempo decian. Habia un Fine! At this time the Indians were agitated or senor, que se Ilamaba Galindo, que estaba del parte stirred up, as they said at that time. There was a de ellos. Y ellos los. . . Este senor decian que los... |= man, who was called Galindo, who sided with them.

Bueno, para nosotros ya comprendemos que los in- And they the... This man, they said that the... sistia ;verdad? que vinieran a esta poblacion, como Well, among ourselves we understand that he was en via de quitar la vida de los que vivian aqui urging them, you see, to come to this city, in order ;verdad? Y levant6 a toda la indiada de Chamula to kill those who were living here, you see. And he

sno? stirred up the entire Indian population of Chamula, isn’t that so?

318 Text C-8 ;Bueno! En esto lo que yo no recuerdo bien bien, Fine! At this point what I don’t remember very quien era el mandatario de ese tiempo. No... Aver — well, is who the commander was at this time. No

si Ud. puede. . . (Pues, no le hace.) ;Si? ... Let’s see if you can... (Well, never mind.) Yes?

;Bueno! Este senor dicen. . . , o decia mi abuelita, Fine! They said that this man ..., or my grandque este senor les hacia ver por medio de magne- mother said, that this man showed them by means tismo que se morian y que volvian a revivir; queno of hypnotism that they would die and that they importaba que entraron a esta ciudad; que si morian, | would return to life; that it did not matter that they

iban a revivir.! would march into this city; that if they died, they ‘Bueno! Pero en esto pues ha delatardado al alce —_— were going to revive.'

;verdad? Todas las familias de aqui de San Cristobal Fine! But at this point he had delayed the uprising, se reunian en el centro ;verdad? la gente humildo. Y you see. All the families here in San Cristobal [Las se acercaban a las casas de las gentes visibles para Casas] were congregating in the center, you see, the reunirse. Y como estaba tan alarmante el caso, decian humble people. And they approached the houses of pues que llega el ultimo dia de su vida. Ella me con- _ the society people to join them. And as the situation taba ;verdad? que era tanto el miedo, que unosalos was so alarming, well, they said that the end of the otros se pedian perd6n de sus hechos ;verdad? las = world was coming. She told me, you see, that their

familias intimas ;no? jLas racionales! fear was so great, that they begged each others’ forEn esto—“jQue hoy van a entrar!” “;Que no! ;Que __ giveness for their deeds, you see, the close families, vienen manana!” “;Y que no! jQue ahora!”—Peroen isn’t that so? The reasonable ones!

esto ;verdad?, empezaron a invadir todo lo que es At this juncture—“They’re going to attack toeste cerro de Moxviquil ;verdad?, hasta el rambo day!” “No! They’re coming tomorrow!” “And no! Tzontehuitz ;verdad? Alli era el parlamento de It’s now!”—But at this point, you see, they began to

ellos. invade this entire mountain of Moxviquil, you see,

‘Bueno! Cuan dice mi abuelita, que cuando ellos in the direction of Tzontehuitz, you see. Their parhacian un grito, pues de senal debe haber sido indu- ley was there.’ dablemente, que retumbaban los cerros. Bueno, que Fine! As my grandmother says, when they shoutresonaban. Era el grito tan fuerte que resonaba, mas _ ed, well, surely it must have been as a signal, the

espantaba toda la gente de aqui. mountains resounded. Well, they resounded. The

Y en esto no sé en que forma aprehenderian al in- | shout was so loud that it resounded, which frightdio Cuscat, y a la Santa Rosa. Eratantalaestimacion — ened all the people here even more.

que ellos le guardaban a estos indigenas, que los And at this point I don’t know by what strategy caminaban en andas. Y a la Santa Rosa hasta in- they seized the Indian man Cuscat, and St. Rose. cienso le ponian y todo eso, y los caminaban en These Indians thought so highly of them, that they

andas. carried them in litters. And they even placed iniBueno! ;Y ya los tenian prisioneros aqui! En esto, | cense before St. Rose and so forth, and they carried estos indios se venian a sacar a la Santa Rosa pues, y _ them in litters.

a entrar a pelear aqui, y hacer matanza con los Fine! And now they were being held as prisoners

ladinos, seguin decia mi abuelita. here! At this point, well, these Indians came to resiBueno! En esto, todo esto estaba ocupado. Dice mi _— cue St. Rose, and to march in to fight here, and to abuelita que era una cosa espantosa, que porque eran — slaughter the Ladinos, according to what my grand-

miles de indios, por eso mas asustaban todos esos mother said.

gritos que daban. Fine! At this point, all this was occupied. My iBueno! En esto, este senor...,es lo que yono — grandmother says that it was a horrible thing, that recuerdo ..., quien era. Porque me acordaba yo _ because there were thousands of Indians, all those cries that they emitted were even more frightful.

Fine! At this juncture, this man..., it’s what I don’t remember... , who he was. Because I used to 1. Cristobal Molina (1934: 371) also claims that Galindo used hypnotism to convince the Indians that they were not going to die. 2. Moxviquil is a Late Classic archaeological site on top of a mountain that lies between Chamula and San Cristobal Las Casas (Lowe and Mason 1965 : 232]. Tzontehuitz, which lies north of San Cristobal Las Casas within the township of Chamula, is the highest mountain in the central highlands of Chiapas (Vogt 1969: 4). (See Map 8.]

The War of St. Rose (Ladino Version) 319

muy bien, pero se me olvid6, el mandatario, quien remember very well, but I have forgotten who the era ;3no? Mando a unos senores de aqui a hablar con commander was, isn’t that so? He sent some men

el senor ese que seducia a los indios, Ilamadose from here to speak with that man who had subGalindo. Su nombre directamente no, no le recuerdo — verted the Indians, |who was] called Galindo. At the

asi. Pero Galindo era su nombre. Hacer unos tra- moment I don’t remember his [the commander’s]| tados con él, vinieron los senores de los tratados name. But Galindo was his name. The negotiators ;no? Llegaron aqui con los senores y todo eso. came to make a treaty with him, isn’t that so? They Y la Santa Rosa, ya lo tenian aqui, y el Pedro came here with the men and so forth. Cuscat, en via de prisioneros. Cuando trajeron éste a And they already had St. Rose here, and Pedro la Santa Rosa, aqui estuvo. Fueron los mandatarios, | Cuscat, as prisoners. When they brought him to St. regresaron, y €ste acepto el convenio que fueron a Rose, she was here. The commanders went, they re-

hacer los del tratado, si le ofrecian dinero, 0 jquién turned, and this one accepted the agreement that

sabe qué!’ the negotiators had gone to make, when they offered El caso es de que se lo traian a este senor Galindo. | him money, or who knows what! Parece que... , me parece que decian que se llama- The fact is that they brought Galindo to this man.

ba Rosas ese senor, el mandatario de aqui. Antes mi__—‘IIt seems that. . . , it seems to me that this man was

abuelita ;verdad? habia sido sirvienta de ese senor called Rosas, the commander here. Heretofore my (;Quién?) Mi abuelita. (;Pero de qué senor?) Del grandmother, you see, had been this man’s servant. mandatario de aqui. Me parece que es Rosas. No es- = (Who?) My grandmother. (But of what man?) Of the

toy muy seguro.’ commander from here. I think it is Rosas. I am not Echaban sus idas en busca de los indigenas ;ver- _—_ absolutely sure.’

dad? como a perseguirlos y todo eso, antes que inva- They departed in search of the Indians, you see, in dieron el cerro este. Y alli encontraban grandes ollas = order to pursue them and so forth, before they in-

de tamales, de atole, ylos..., ella decia “los parla- | vaded this mountain. And then they discovered

mentos”; asi contaba mi abuelita. large pots of tamales, of atole, and the ..., she

Y el jefe les decia que nada de eso fueron a comer, called them “the parleys”; that’s what my grandporque podia estar envenenado. Por eso ahora pien- mother called them. sO, porque ya hace muchos anos, fui a mirar alli las And the chief told them that none of those things ruinas que encontro la senora, este ..., esa senora__— were to be eaten, because they could have been poiamericana (;Blom?) Blom. Fui ;verdad? con mis hi- — soned. Therefore I now think, because it has been jitos chicos asi. Y alli dice que eran ruinas jquién many years [since] I went there to look at the ruins sabe de qué! Pero mi abuelita decia que alli habiaun that the lady discovered, uh ..., this American parlamento, en atras del cerro decia, donde encon- lady. (Blom?) Blom. I went, you see, with my small traba este ollas y todo, y alli hacian sus reuniones, y —_ children like this. And she says that there were los indios, todo. Supongo que alliesto...Ahoraque ruins there, who knows of what! But my grandya lo vi ultimamente, supongo que alli ha de haber mother said that there was a parley there, behind sido el lugar de centro de que se reunian, yallihacian the mountain, she said, where she found those pots casas, y todo; porque habian hasta pedazos de meta- _—_and everything, and they held their meetings there, te, tepalcate, si, restos, y todo esto. Porque yo fui a —_ and the Indians, everything. I suppose that there this

ver después de que... .° ... Now that I have finally seen it, I suppose that their central meeting place must have been there,

and they built houses there, and everything; because there were even pieces of grinding stones, potsherds,

yes, remains, and so forth. Because I went to see

after...

3. They were arranging the exchange of Galindo and his Ladino accomplices for Agustina Gomes Checheb and Pedro Diaz Cuscat, who were being held in the jail of San Cristobal Las Casas at that time (see C. Molina 1934: 375-376 and Chapter 9). 4. She is right. The commander’s name was Crescencio Rosas (Pineda 1888 : 87). 5. Moxviquil was excavated by Frans Blom (Lowe and Mason 1965 : 232), and artifacts from the site are exhibited in a museum in the house of his widow, Gertrude Duby de Blom. The storyteller’s grandmother evidently believed that the ruins were the remains of the Indian headquarters established during the War of St. Rose. The Indians did, in fact, occupy the mountain of Moxviquil in 1869 (note continued on following page)

320 Text C-8 jiBueno! Con eso que me contaba mi abuelita le Fine! At this point what my grandmother told me digo no, esto no es de que haiga sido, de que haiga __I tell you no, this was not what it could have been,

reinado alguien do ..., sino que alli era un centro. that someone could have ruled ..., except that a de reunion, cuando la época de los indios.° meeting center was there, during the epoch of the Y dé Ud., llegando alli al cerro, se divisaba bien la _—_Indians.°

poblacion, si. Si, era una vista muy segura y todo And grant you, having arrived at the mountain eso. Asi es que ya cuando estaban los indios inva- there, the city could be seen well, yes. Yes, it was a didos alli, y ya estaban por entrar, ya habian re- — very secure lookout and so forth. So it was that gresado los de los tratados ;no? Y habian resuelto — when the Indians occupied it, and they were ready entrar en la ciudad, y aentrar a matar aquiatodolas to march into [the city], the negotiators were already

gentes. En esto dicen que la ciudad ..., vieron returning, isn’t that so? And they had made up their muchisimos soldados. jPero soldados en cantidad! Y = minds to march into the city, and to commence killde esto se atemorizaron, y ya no tomaron la ciudad. ing all the people here. At this point they say that Volvieron a regresar los de los tratados ;verdad? the city ..., they saw a great many soldiers. But por este Galindo, entonces Galindo vino aqui. Y al __ hordes of soldiers! And they were frightened of this, presentarse Galindo, que supongo que debe haber and then they did not take the city. sido la casa, 0 bien sea estado en esta Santa Clara,’ 0 When the negotiators returned again, you see, for sea el otro edificio que esta cerca del palacio, alliera this Galindo, then Galindo came here. And after donde ocupaba. Pues yo no estoy segura de el senor, | Galindo had appeared, which I suppose should have pero me parece que es Rosas. (Rosas, yo creo que si.} | been [in] the house, or more likely it was in this Parece; no estoy muy segura. (;El mandatario?) El —_ [hotel of] Santa Clara,’ or perhaps the other building

mandatario de la ciudad. near the town hall, that was where he stayed. Well, I jBueno! Cuando este Galindo se present6, que lo am not sure about the man, but I think it is Rosas. metieron los escoltas que los fueron a traer, pero lo (Rosas, I think so.) I think so; I am not absolutely trajeron en via de paz ;verdad? nada mas untratado. sure. (The commander?) The commander of the city. Cuando dice—”;Senor Galindo, adelante! ;Entregue Fine! When this Galindo appeared, he was sursu arma!”—Y le quitaron la arma. Y entonces con- —_ rounded by the escorts who had gone to fetch him, testo este Galindo—"jEso no es lo tratado!” “jUd. but they brought him without shackles, you see, in esta como en via de prisionero!”—Y enestolopren- accordance with the treaty. Although they said—

dieron. Lo prendieron.* “Go on, Senor Galindo! Turn over your arms!”—

Y en esto, los indios entraron aqui ala ciudad. Y And they took away his arms. And then this Galinya llevaron a todo, a la Santa Rosa y al Pedro Cuscat do replied— “This is not part of the treaty!” “You are jen andas! Pero dice mi abuelita, que algo que no _—snow in our power!”—And at this point they seized

pudo haber tenido comparacion: jque temblaba la him. They seized him.‘ tierra! jque eran miles de indios! Venian con lanzas, And at this juncture, the Indians marched into the con machetes, con luques, con ocote, con cantaros city here. And then they carried off everything, St. de trementina, bueno, para incendiar y acabar la Rose and Pedro Cuscat, in litters! But my grandciudad. Hijita, jno te puedes imaginar Jo que fué esa mother says, that it was something without equal: epoca! ;Una cosa espantosa! Cuando ya llevaronala __ that the earth gquaked! Because there were thousands of Indians! They came with spears, with ma-

chetes, with billhooks, with pine torches, with pitchers of turpentine, well, to set the city afire and destroy it. Dear, you cannot imagine what that epoch was like! It was horrible! When they carried the

(note continued from preceding page) (Pineda 1888: 96, 97). The ruins themselves, however, predate the War of St. Rose by more than one thousand years (Lowe and Mason

oe The oryteller disagrees with her grandmother that the ruins of Moxviquil were created by Galindo’s Chamulan army. 7. The hotel of Santa Clara is situated on the western side of the main plaza in the city of San Cristobal Las Casas. 8. According to Molina (1934: 376n), “Galindo coolly attempted to go to his house, thinking it had been so agreed, but Rosas gave him to understand that he was detained by the government for questioning.”

The War of St. Rose (Ladino Version) 321

india, era aquella cosa que se estremecia la tierra, | Indian woman off then, it was something that made

algo alarmante, algo duro, y todo eso.” the earth tremble, something alarming, something Y este Senor Galindo ya prisionero. Ya lo tenia, ya unbearable, and so forth.’

aqui prisionero donde estaba la casa del que gober- And this Senor Galindo [was] now a prisoner. naba antes ;verdad? No estoy muy segura éste del | Now they had him, now [he was] a prisoner here in nombre, pero yo creo que puede hacer que lo en- — the house of the person who used to be in charge,

cuentre en alguna leyenda. you see. 1am not absolutely certain of his name, but jBueno! En esto ya el senor prisionero, no sé des- _I believe that you might be able to find it in some

pués de que lo han deber juzgado, 0 como seria legend. ;verdad? lo sacan para fusilar. Y cuenta mi abuelita, Fine! At this point now, I don’t know of what the no, no estoy cierto también, pero que la senora, al _ prisoner must have been convicted, or what it might sacar ya su marido escoltado, que lo llevaron para _ be, you see; they brought him out to execute him. fusilarlo, sale en un balc6n y le decia—“;Adi6s, | And my grandmother says, no, I’m not sure either, Galindo, adios! jE] ultimo adios! ;Te dejastes en- but that when her husband was escorted to the exganas para que te quitaron la vida y lechon gran- —ecution, the lady went out on a balcony and told de!”—Eso es lo que mi abuelita contaba. Yen esto him—“Good-bye, Galindo, good-bye! The last goodlos indios se llevaron a la mujer y a la Santa Rosa, y _ bye! You were tricked so that they could kill you and

se lo Hevaron.'° [they are] great swine!”—This is what my grandYen esto ..., después no me acuerdo tampoco mother related. And at this point the Indians led the

quien era como dijera yo ..., el parroco 0 qué woman and St. Rose away, and they carried them ;verdad? de Santo Domingo, Caridad, que eran los __ off.'° que gobernaban alli como parte de aquella época de And at this point... , afterward I don’t remember los espanoles ;no? Entonces fué cuando a la santi- either who it was as I have said... , the parson or sima Virgen de Caridad la nombraban como reinade — whatever, you see, of St. Dominic, Charity, who la batalla esa. Porque los indios indios, dijeron que — were the ones who governed here during the epoch no habian entrado a matar toda la gente, porque of the Spaniards, isn’t that so? That was when they habian visto que habian muchos soldados, y que designated the most holy Virgin of Charity as the velan a una senora, que gobernaba con una bandera y queen of that battle. Because the Indians themselves una varita, y todo eso. Y obedecian. (;Una senora?) said that they had not marched in to kill all the peoUna senora. Y como en ese dia, creo que eraeldiade ple, because they had seen that there were many Caridad, 0 invocaron a la Virgen de Caridad, pues yo __ soldiers, and they saw a lady, who led with a flag and no le sé explicar. Y entonces fué cuando estos es- _a little staff, and so forth. And they yielded. (A lady?] panoles que eran los de que gobernaban alli le decia, — A lady. And as on that day, I believe that it was the entonces era la santisima Virgenlanombrabancomo _ day of Charity, or they implored the Virgin of Charreina, reina de guerra, porque tenia su... jAhora __ ity, well I don’t know how to explain it to you. And pues, ya le quitaron! Tenia su casco, su casco como _ that was when these Spaniards who were the ones reina, su baston. (;Su corona?) ;No! jNo! jNo! No, su. who governed there, she said; then it was the most casco de batalla ;no? Tenia su baston y su bandera holy Virgin whom they designated as queen, queen

;verdad? Ahora ya se lo quitaron ;no?'! of war, because she had her . . . Well now, they have iBueno! Ah, dice mi abuelita, si no hubiera sido — already removed it! She had her helmet, her helmet as queen, her staff of command. (Her crown?) No! No! No! No, her battle helmet, isn’t that so? She had her staff of command and her flag, you see. Now it has already been removed from her, isn’t that so?! Fine! Ah, my grandmother says, if it hadn’t been 9. Note the reference here to one of the magical weapons (earthquake) so often invoked by Indians in time of war. 10. According to Molina (1934: 376n), “The agreement proposed by Galindo having been accepted, he [Galindo] with his wife Dona Luisa Quevedo and the youth Trejo, passed over to the government lines at the same time that the rebels received Cuscate [sic] and their priestess with the wildest enthusiasm.” 11. The Dominicans were the dominant religious order in Chiapas during the Colonial period. The Virgin of Charity is associated with the Cancuc revolt of 1712, which took place during the Colonial period (Chapter 5], as the storyteller correctly points out. She seems to think that the Virgin of Charity also saved the city during the War of St. Rose, more than 150 years later.

322 Text C-8 eso, dice, que este Galindo quiso venir, dice, con los for that, she says, that this Galindo wanted to come, tratados que le hizo este Senor Rosas, dice, hubiéra- she says, with the treaty arranged by this Senor mos acabados. Porque hijita, eran unas armas, ga- Rosas, she says, we would have been destroyed. Berramplones. “Garramplones,” parece que le decian. cause, dear, there were some arms, “garramplones.” Le metian el tiro. Pegaban el balazo. Volvian a quitar It seems that they called them “garramplones.” el tiro, y otra vez. Y unos canones, hijita, que ponian They inserted the shot. They fired the shot. They la mecha, daba el cahonazo, y salian corriendo. returned to remove the shot, and repeated it. And Hacian los canones. Ud. ya no lo vio. Pues yo digo de some cannons, dear, into which they placed the entre mi, jquién sabe que le harian los canones! Pero fuse, the cannon fired, and they went off running. alli donde es la industrial, alli estaban en el patiocito They prepared the cannons. You did not see it. Well, los canones esos. (;Donde estaban qué?) En el pat- I tell you confidentially, who knows how they could iocito ese de la industrial. ;Ah, no es cierto! Que le have prepared the cannons! But those cannons were

habian esos canones; no los debian desaparecer. there in the little courtyard where the factory is. (;Quién sabe!) jQuién sabe! jUnos canones largos, (Where what was?) In the little courtyard of the facantiquisimos! j|Con un agujero asi! jQuién sabe por tory. Ah, I’m not positive! There used to be those donde le prendian! Porque dice mi abuelita que lo cannons; they should still be there. (Who knows!) atascaban de ... jquién sabe qué! Le ponian una Who knows! Some long, very ancient cannons! With mecha. Y alli lo incendiaban, y de alli daba el ca- a bore like this! Who knows where they got them! nonazo. Eran unas armas potentes que tenian en San Because my grandmother says that they stopped Cristobal y muy pocas gentes. Pero la alarma alli, el them up with ... who knows what! They placed a miedo, fué horrorosa. Esto es lo poco que me acuer- fuse in them. And they fired them there, and the

do, y mas no, no recuerdo. cannon fired from there. They had some powerful Que era el cerro este de Tzontehuitz, desde Tzon- weapons in San Cristobal [Las Casas] and very few tehuitz, todo esto. Y me acuerdo de otro cerro que people. But the alarm there, the fear, was dreadful. hay alli atras. ;A ver si Ud. puede indagarse como se This is what little I remember, and I do not rememllama! ;Bueno! Era donde dice mi abuelita que iban a ber more.

... cuando fueron a seguir el enemigo. Y donde All that was [on] the mountain of Tzontehuitz, hacian sus parlamentos, decia mi abuelita, que en- from Tzontehuitz. And I remember another mouncontraban mucho que comer donde se prevenian tain that was behind it there. Let’s see if you can find pues de abasto, y todo eso. Pero el lugar ilegitimo fué out what it is called! Fine! It was where my grandéste de arriba de Moxviquil. Alli fué el lugar, donde mother says that they were going to... when they dice mi abuelita, que alli se conoce que el senor este went to follow the enemy. And where they held se paraba a hablarle a los indios, y a dominarlos, y a their parleys, said my grandmother, well, they dismandarlos. Por eso abarcaron todo esto los indigenas covered much food where they had stored supplies, a llenar todo el cerro como Arboles, decia mi abue- and so forth. But the hiding place was this one above lita. ; Una cosa espantosa! Ahora lo que se esperaba Moxviquil. That was the place, where my grandaqui fué una cosa horrorosa. (Si... ;gracias a Dios mother says, that was where she understood that que... !} Si, ;jque no sucedio eso! Porque, pues, los this man stopped to speak to the Indians, and to conindios son barbaros. Ahorita, pues, ya estan mas trol them, and to command them. That is why the comprensibles ;no? Y quien entienden, ya com- Indians agreed to all this, to cover the whole mounprenden. Pero antes ...(No.) A menos la forma en tain like trees, said my grandmother. A frightening que venian para quitarle la vida a los ladinos. Traian thing! Now what was being awaited here was a sus luques, lanzas, palos—porque ellos usaban unos dreadful thing. (Yes... , thank God that... !} Yes, palos muy fuertes—, trementina, ocote, y todo eso. that that did not happen! Because, well, the Indians are uncivilized. Well, recently, they have become more enlightened, isn’t that so? And those who understand are already more knowledgeable. But formerly ...(No.) At least the way they came to kill the Ladinos [was uncivilized]. They brought their billhooks, spears, cudgels—because they used some very stout clubs—, turpentine, pine torches, and so forth.

Galindo and the Chamulans 323

(;De donde vino Galindo? ;Sabe?) Parece que me (Where did Galindo come from? Do you know?) It decia mi abuelita como que oaxaqueno su... Ella |= seems that my grandmother told me that as his... me dijo asi ;no? (;Pero no fué coleto?) ;No! jNo! ;No! | was from Oaxaca... She told me this, isn’t that so? No, era un hombre de fuera. Por eso éste ;verdad? (But he wasn’t a native of San Cristobal Las Casas?} sedujo a los indios con la mision tal vez de algo sno?) = No! No! No! No, he was an outsider. That is why, Y les hacia ellos ver que magnetizandolos y todo you see, he subverted the Indians with ulterior moeso, Si morian en el bala o lo que fuera, iban a revivir. tives perhaps, isn’t that so? And he showed them Eso sea lo que les comprendieron ;verdad? 0 sabian that by hypnotizing them and so forth, if they were ellos ;verdad? que era lo que hacia ;no? y levant6a __ killed by bullets or whatever, they were going to retodos los indios. (;Solo los chamulas? ;u otros?) Solo. ——- vive. That was what they understood, you see, or

los chamulas.'” what they knew, you see, that it was what he had También hay otra division de por ahi de por Can- _—_ done, isn’t that so? And he stirred up all the Indi-

cuc también. (Ah ;qué paso alla?) Una divisi6n entre ans. (Only the Chamulans? Or others?) Only the ellos, entre los dos pueblos. Hay una parte de Can- = Chamulans.”” cuc que es del mero pueblo y otra parte que dividio There was another conflict over there in Cancuc, un rio que se llama... ;Chacté? No, noes Chactéel too. (Ah, what happened there?) A difference among otro lado. Yaxchanal me parece. ;Yaxchanal! Del them, among the two towns. One part of Cancuc is otro lado vivia una parte de cancuqueros y una parte ‘the actual town and another part separated from it de cancuqueros aquel lado. Los de aquel lado no se _ — by a river which is called... Chacte? No, the other iban con estos, ni estos con aquellos ;verdad? Por- — side is not Chacte. I think it’s Yaxchanal. Yaxchanal!

que tuvieron una division de pleito. Ahora ya habia One group of Cancuqueros lived on the other side como unos dieciseis diecisiete anos que yo fui por and one group of Cancuqueros on that side. Those of alli para una finca a atender un parto. Habia unindio — that side had nothing to do with these, nor these ;verdad? que los seguia dominando entre ellos. Que = with those, you see. Because they had quarreled. entre ellos ;verdad? tienen sus mandatarios. Asies | Nowit has already been some sixteen [or] seventeen

lo que me acuerdo." years since I went there to a ranch to attend a childbirth. There was an Indian, you see, who continued to control them. For among them, you see, they had their commanders. This is what I remember.”

12. Galindo was a native of Mexico City, and his wife came from Tepic in the state ot Jalisco (Pineda 1888: 106]. Coleto is the nickname for men born in San Cristobal Las Casas (coleta tor women). The storyteller’s point seems to be that Galindo and his wife were outside agitators. 13. The storyteller may be alluding to the conflict between Protestant and Catholic Indians that divided Cancuc during the 1950s (Guiteras-Holmes 1961 : 355—357]. Yaxchanal was one of the places to which Cancuqueros retreated after Cancuc was captured in 1712 (Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Audiencia de Guatemala, Legajo 294, folios 713, 715, 767, 792).

TEXT C-9

Galindo and the Chamulans

Mi papa nos contaba que este senor... de Cuscate My father used to tell us that this man... Cuscat ... Resulta que cuando en tiempo de este. ..Galin- ... The issue was that in the time of this ... Gado, que habian ofrecido que iba a ser gobernador, lindo, they had offered to make him governor, but pero no sabe por qué motivo dice que ya no fue. Y that in the end he was not [governor], he does not entonces él se qued6 muy sentido, y dijo que se ibaa know for what reason, he says. And then he became

324 Text C-9

vengar. Y entonces, no encontraron mas apoyo que _ very offended, and he said that he was going to take irse alla con los chamulas. Y les hizo ver lo que ibaa revenge. And then they had no choice but to join the

ser esto. Y los indios le aceptaron inmediatamente.! Chamulans there. And he showed them what he Y entonces dicen que empezo a medir las calles was going to do. And the Indians accepted him jverdad? Pero el gobierno no le did importancia de immediately.' que estaban mediendo las calles. Pero ya después, ya And then they say that he began to measure the lo fueron tomando en serio, porque decian que _ streets, you see. But the government paid no attenqueda cosa que tal vez que jquién sabe que clase de _ tion to the fact that they were measuring the streets. trabajo que se iban a hacer! Pero asi que vieron que ‘But eventually, they took it seriously, because they

ya de verdad, la cosa se fue poniendo mas negra, y said that it was something that who knows what entonces empezo a tener miedo el gobiernode lo que kind of work they might be doing! But in this way éste estaba de haciendo. Y entonces, optaron por they saw that indeed, the situation was already

ofrecerle todo lo que quisiera ;verdad? worsening, and then the government began to fear Pero a este Galindo, se fue con los chamulas. Y les = what they were doing. And then they decided to ofdijo que ellos no moririan, que porque iban adefen- fer him everything he wanted, you see. derse al pueblo. Entonces les magnetiz6 un pollito, But this Galindo joined the Chamulans. And he les durmio; y les dijo que miraron que ese pollito ya told them that they would not die, because they se habia muerto, pero que él lo ibaa volver. Yenton- were going to defend the town. Then he hypnotized ces lo volvio el pollito, y lo solt6 que fué que andara. a chicken in front of them; it slept in front of them, Y entonces los indios se quedaron espantados. Y si, and he told them to observe that that chicken was

creyeron que ni iban a morirse. Bueno.’ now dead, but that he was going to revive it. And Entonces ya el gobierno viéndose afligido; enton- then he revived the chicken, and he set it free so that ces lo llamo y le ofrecié todo lo que quisiera él. Ylos it would walk. And then the Indians were frighttratados fueron alla en este terreno Esquipulas, en ened. And yes, they believed that they were not los campos alli. Alla fué donde hicieron todos los going to die either. Fine.’ tratados, donde le ofrecieron la casa de Don Augusto Then finally the government became concerned, Lazos, 0 si no queria esa, la que quisiera. Le ofre- then it summoned him and offered him everything cieron dinero y muchas cosas mas ;verdad? con tal _ he desired. And the negotiations took place there on de que ese rebajara, y ya no hiciera nada. Y le dijeron this land of Esquipulas, in the fields there. It was también que no queria que Ilevara tantos indios mas__ there that they made all the negotiations, where

que solo los necesarios. they offered him the house of Don Augusto Lazos, or

Y ya que estaba alli, todo le ofrecieron y todo fir- if he didn’t want that one, whichever one he wanted. maron alli. (;Los tratados?) Los tratados. Ahi fueron They offered him money and many other things, los que llevasen en este Esquipulas ;verdad? Ese you see, with the proviso that that [situation] would querian acabado de firmarnos y todos. Entonces ya abate, and he would do nothing more. And they told se vino con la comitiva de que habia ido a los tro- him also that they did not want him to bring any more Indians than necessary. And once he was there, they offered him everything and signed everything there. (The treaty?) The

treaty. In that place were those who had brought them to this Esquipulas, you see. They wanted us to

finish signing that and everything. Then he had come with the followers who had gone to exchange

1. There is no evidence that Galindo had aspirations to be governor. He was offended by the people of San Cristobal Las Casas, who

ridiculed him and ultimately forced him to close the school he had established there (Chapter 9). 2. According to Cristobal Molina (1934: 371}, Galindo took advantage of the Indians’ credulity by hypnotizing children, not chickens: “He hypnotized children of both sexes in the presence of everybody and told them ‘that they had died but that as God had given him the power to raise the dead, he would bring them to life,’ and, in fact, he awakened them from hypnosis and they came to. By all of this the Indians were convinced that he had in reality descended from heaven. He preached to and admonished them frequently to do all he commanded in order to liberate Cuscat, that they should have no fear and that if there should be a war and any one of them died, he would raise him on the third day as they had already seen.”

Galindo and the Chamulans 325

cazo.* Y lo traia. Pero ya entrando aqui en el barrio — them.’ And he brought him. But once having entered de San Ramon, y entonces ahi empezaron a pegarle the barrio of San Ramon here, and then they began de golpes, de patadas, de escupirlo... Yentonces él ~— to beat him, kick him, to spit on him over there.

les dijo que no ese eran los tratados.—”;Pues, estos And then he told them that that was not in accord son los que te vamos a dar!”—Y se lo fueron trayen- = with the treaty.—“Well, this is how we are going to do a golpes y como pudieran ;verdad? hasta llegar — treat you [anyway]!’”"—And they beat him and [did]

aqui en la poblacion. whatever they could while they transported him, Llegando aqui en la poblacion, nole dicron tiempo — you see, until they arrived here in the city.

de nada mas que lo fusilaron. After arriving here in the city, they immediately Pero antes de acudir a esos tratados, se fué al executed him.

pueblo de Chamula, y les dijo a los chamulas que si But before attending those negotiations, he went adentro de tres dias no regresaba, era senas que algo ——‘ to the town of Chamula, and he told the Chamulans

le habia pasado, y entonces que se echaronaencima that if he did not return within three days, that was sobre el pueblo. Y asi lo hicieron los indios. Ajustan- a sign that something had happened to him, and dose los tres dias, vieron que no regreso, y entonces then they should fall upon the town. And that is se echaron sobre el pueblo, yjuntamente matando y — what the Indians did. After waiting for three days,

haciendo alboroto.* they saw that he had not returned, and then they fell Pero como ya les habian dicho que no iban a — upon the town, at the same time killing and creating morir, entonces las indias ;verdad? en las bocas de —_a din.’ los canones de ese tiempo que eran atacados por la But because they had been told that they were not misma boca y con una mecha; iban las inditas, las going to die, then the Indian women, you see, in the hembras; se alzaban las vestiduras y tapaban con él muzzles of the cannons of that time, for they were

..., agachadose la boca del canon; y al estallar el attacked by that very muzzle and fuse; the Indians,

canon les dejaban vacios. Si.° the women, went up to it; they lifted their dresses

Pero ellas creian que no iban a morir. Por eso no. and covered it... , crouching over the muzzle of the tenian miedo de nada. Si. (;Como... porque lo que cannon; and when the cannon exploded, it left them hizo con los pollos?} Si, porque por eso creyeron que empty. Yes.” iban a ser lo mismo con ellas, pero ya no. (Ya no.) Ya But they believed that they were not going to die.

no. That is why they weren’t afraid of anything. Yes. Alli fué cuando ya se murieron varios indios y (Because of what he did with the chickens?) Yes, bequedé ... Y entonces ya, ya habian ganados los in- cause that is why they believed that the same thing dios, pero no lo comprendieron. (No lo comprendie- was going to happen to them, but it didn’t. (It ron.) No lo comprendieron. No lo comprendieron.° didn’t.) It didn’t. (;Y qué paso con Cuscat?) El Cuscate, también lo That was when several Indians died and remained agarraron, y fueron fusilados también. Lo que no re- __. . . [dead]. And already then, the Indians had already

cuerdo es si fueron fusilados juntos con... (;Con won, but they did not realize it. (They did not realize it.) They did not realize it. They did not realize it.°

(And what happened to Cuscat?} Cuscat, they seized him too, and they were executed also. What I don’t remember is whether they were executed to-

3. Galindo offered to surrender himself and his Ladino accomplices in exchange for the release of Pedro Diaz Cuscat and Agustina Gomes Checheb, who were in jail in San Cristobal Las Casas (Chapter 9). 4. The Indians did return to San Cristobal Las Casas three days after Galindo had given himself up and threatened to fall on the city if Galindo and his accomplices were not released. But they never entered the city, not even after Galindo and the others were executed (Pineda 1888: 94—103).

5. In fact, a cannon was used during this conflict: “The Indians. . . approached the cannon which they tried to take possession of with an admirable audaciousness and courage” (Pineda 1888: 101). Pineda does not mention whether the Indians who tried to capture the Cannon were women. 6. Evidently the Indians did not realize that victory was within their grasp: “Fortunately for Ciudad Real [San Cristobal Las Casas| the Indians did not recognize their advantage, . . . because until today we have not been able to determine: For what reason did the victorious Indian mobs remain in their positions instead of marching en masse upon the city, when the forces of the Government were dispersing from the field of San Ramon, and certainly few if any obstacles would have blocked their path?” (Pineda 1888: 103).

326 Text C-9 Galindo?) Con Galindo, si. (Si, yotampoco no sé.) Si. gether with . . . (With Galindo?) With Galindo, yes.

Lo que si recuerdo fué que en ese tiempo fué (Yes, I don’t know either.) Yes. cuando la Virgen de Caridad protegio al pueblo de What I do remember is that it was at that time aqui. Porque un capitan, dicen que se veia afligido that the Virgin of Charity protected the town here. con la indiada, si. Y entonces, era devoto de la Vir- | Because they say that a captain was bothered by the

gen de Caridad cuando vio, dicen, que iba adelante multitude of Indians. And then, he became a dede él una senora, de vestido blanco, adelante, ade- _ votee of the Virgin of Charity, they say, when he saw lante, adelante. Cuando termino la batalla aqui, ya _ that a lady was going before him, in a white dress, los indios habian casi terminado, pero no lo com- onward, onward, onward. When the battle ended

prendieron. Entonces fué, y encontro que la Virgen here, the Indians had almost finished, but they de Caridad tenia un balazo en el vestido. Entonces didn’t realize it. Then he went, and he found that dicen que se arrodilld, y le dejo la bandera, y la pis- _ the Virgin of Charity had a bullet hole in her dress. tola, y la espada. Le dejo a la Virgen de Caridad.’ Then they say that he kneeled, and he left his flag, Muchos anos estuvo eso con la Virgen de Caridad. and his pistol, and his sword to her. He left them (;Con la Virgen de Caridad?) Si. A ultima horaera yo. with the Virgin of Charity.’

chiquito todavia cuando le vi. (; Ahora ya no?) Ahora That was with the Virgin of Charity for many ya solo le ponen la bandera. Y esta la historia de esa years. (With the Virgin of Charity?) Yes. At the last de la Virgen de Caridad, si. Pero no sé quien lotenga. | moment I saw it when I was still a child. (Now, no

Habia un viejito que vivia en la esquina de mi longer?) Now they just place the flag on her. And casa. Y si, tuvo el libro de esa guerra. Le presto a there exists the history about that [image] of the Virpapa, y lo leyo. Pero ultimamente se muri6 el viejito. — gin of Charity, yes. But I don’t know who has it.

La hija se fué a México. Ya era viejita. Y como en There used to be an old man who lived at the coreste tiempo no habia interés en todo esto, pues no, ner of my street. And yes, he had the book about no nos interesamos... Porque si hubiéramos sabido _ that war. He lent it to Father, and he read it. But que iba a servir para algo, lo hubiéramos recogido. finally the old man died. His daughter went to Mex(Es muy interesante esa €poca. jGracias a Dios que ico City. She was already an old lady. And as at that

ahora ya ha cambiado!) Ya ha cambiado, si. time there was no interest in all this, well, no, we (Si, creo que la vida es mas segura que...) Es mas weren't interested. . . Because if we had known that segura, y el indio esta mas civilizado. ;Porque fijese it was going to be useful, we would have kept it. que antes, no podia uno ir a Carnaval? (;No?} Por (That epoch is very interesting. Thank God that it ejemplo, iba uno ;verdad? y el gusto eraira pasear y has changed now!) It has changed now, yes. llevar que comer, pero los inditos no le dejaban a (Yes, I believe that life is more secure than . . .} It uno comer. Y en ese tiempo, pues era rara la vez que __is more secure, and the Indian is more civilized. Beno habian cinco o seis muertos. jEntre ellos mismos cause did you know that formerly, one could not go se mataban! Ambos venian a buscar armas para de- _ to Carnival? (No?) For example, one might go, you fenderse en el Carnaval. Lo mismo era en Todos San- see, and one would want to take a walk and carry tos. Ahora no, ya con la civilizacion que han tenido, something to eat, but the Indians would not let one ya puede uno, ya puede uno ir. (;Hasta Pantelho?) — eat. And at that time, it was seldom that there were

Hasta Pantelho, ya. Ahora viven ... Ahora que fui not five or six deaths. They even killed each other! ultimamente a la muerte de una mi madrina, que Both came looking for arms to defend themselves in fué en el mes de mayo, ya vi que los inditos viven Carnival. It was the same during All Saints. Now no, casi revueltos con los ladinos, y ya no hay esas now with the civilization that they have acquired,

contradicciones.* one can, one can go. (To Pantelho?) To Pantelho, now. Now they live... The last time I went [there] was for the death of my godmother, which was in the month of May, and I saw that the Indians live almost side-by-side with the Ladinos, and now there aren’t those hostilities.’

7. The Virgin of Charity is associated with the Cancuc revolt of 1712, not the War of St. Rose of 1867—1870 (see Chapter 5, Brinton 1897: xv, Juarros 1808—1818:2:65, Pineda 1888: 48, and Trens 1957:198). 8. The storyteller was born in Santa Catalina Pantelho, one of the towns that participated in the Cancuc revolt of 1712 (Chapter 5).

Notes

Abbreviations Used in Notes the part of a society’s members to revive or perpetuate seAB Archives of Belize, Belmopan. lected aspects of its culture” (Linton 1943: 230). AGC Archivo General de Centroamérica, Guatemala 5. The most important sources on the Conquest of the City (formerly Archivo General de Gobierno de _ Itza are (1) Hernan Cortés’s Fifth Letter to King Charles V

Guatemala). (1971); (2) Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor’s Historia de AGE-Y Archivo General del Estado (Yucatan), Merida. la conquista de la provincia de el Itza (1933); (3) Diego

AGI Archivo General de Indias, Seville. Lopez de Cogolludo’s Los tres siglos de la dominacion esASA-Y Archivo de la Secretaria del Arzobispado (Yuca- Panola en Yucatan 6 sea historia de esta provincia

tan), Merida. (1842—1845]; (4) Agustin Cano’s letter to the King of

CCA Biblioteca Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona, Merida. — Spain (1942); and (5) Andrés de Avendano y Loyola’s RelaFO Great Britain, Public Record Office, London, For- Ci0n de las Dos Entradas que Hize a la Conversion de los

eign Office. ) ) Gentiles Ytzaex ... (1695—1696). Avendano’s work has

Guat. Audiencia de Guatemala. never been published, but much of it is quoted in Philip Ainsworth Means’s History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas (1917). Means also quotes releChapter 1. The Historicity of Myth and the Myth of vant portions from the histories of Cogolludo and Villa-

History gutierre Soto-Mayor.

6. “Prom an arbitrary start at the end of Katun 13 Ahau,

1. Hereafter, quoted material from foreign-language — the day numbers in the names, always Ahau, change in sources is given in my translation, unless otherwise — the cycle 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, I, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2, 13” (Satter-

specified. thwaite 1965 :626). This means that the time elapsed between the sixth tun of Katun 9 Ahau (15 62] and the begin-

Chapter 2. The Conquest of Yucatan ning of the next Katun 3 Ahau (1616) is two katuns,

fourteen tuns, which is approximately fifty-four years. It 1. The best source on the conquest of Yucatan is Robert —_ also means that the time between a Katun 3 Ahau and the S. Chamberlain’s The Conquest and Colonization of Yuca- next Katun 8 Ahau is approximately eighty years, which

tan, 15 17-1550 (1948a}. Chamberlain’s work is based on corresponds to the time interval between Fuensalida and an impressive collection of primary sources, including — Orbita’s visit in 1618 and Avendano’s visit in 1696. documents in the Spanish Archives in Seville. [have there- 7. According to the Goodman-Thompson- Martinez cor-

fore relied heavily on his account. relation of the Maya calendar with the Christian calendar,

2. Apparently the Spaniards mistook the Indians’ invi- = Katun 8 Ahau did not begin until about July 1697 (Roys tation conéx cotdch, conéx cotoch (ko2oné7es k »otoé 1962: 68). This would have been several months after the ‘let’s go to our homes!’) for the name of the place where — conquest of the Itza had been completed. On the other

they landed (Cogolludo 1842—1845:1: 4). hand, if one uses the correlation of the date of Toral’s ar3. L infer this from the fact that the final consonant in rival in Yucatan with the Maya Calendar, which is given the first part of the name is not /n/ but /m/, whichis what —_in the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, Katun 8 Ahau it should be if the following phoneme were the labial /b/, began in 1695. In either case, it is clear that the Itza ex-

rather than a glottal stop or a vowel. pected to be conquered after December 1695, when they 4. Nativism is “any conscious, organized attempt on sent their second embassy to Merida. This would explain

328 Notes to Pages 24—36

why the Itza resisted Cano’s efforts to Christianize them Chapter 3. The Conquest of Guatemala in March 1695, but welcomed Avendano in the following

year. t. The only known Spanish eyewitness account of the If the July 1697 date for the beginning of Katun 8 Ahau —s conquest of Guatemala is contained in two letters written is the correct one, then it is possible that the Itza simply — by Pedro de Alvarado to Cortés (Mackie r924: 35). There

overestimated the amount of time that the Spaniards are, however, several native accounts of the conquest,

would need in order to conquer them. which may be based on eyewitness reports. They include 8. This is probably a reference to the four “yearbearer” The Annals of the Cakchiquels (Recinos and Goetz 1953] days that began the Maya New Year (see Edmonson and the Titulos de la casa Ixquin-Nehaib (Recinos 1957).

1976:713). The most important secondary sources on the conquest

g. This is a metaphorical description of the body of | of Guatemala are the works of Francisco Antonio Fuentes Christ slumping on the Cross. The words sak uaom liter- sy Guzman (1933), Domingo Juarros (1823), Francisco Vazally mean ‘pregnant,’ a reference to the protruding abdo- — quez (1937), and Francisco Ximénez (1929—1931). The ac-

men seen in many portrayals of the crucified body. counts of the first three historians represent a synthesis to. Juan de Montejo is confused here with Francisco de — from both native and Spanish documentary sources. They Montejo the Elder (cf. Roys 1933: 81n3, 112n3, 119n3)}. are therefore not “pure” examples of the Spanish view of tr. “The two-day seat” and “the two-day reign” refer to the conquest. Guatemalan historians scem to have relied

a reign cut short by the arrival of invaders. on native accounts of the conquest to a much greater ex12. The term ahau can, which [have translated here as — tent than Yucatecan and Chiapan historians.

‘learned lord,’ signified ‘Bishop’ during the Colonial pe- Another set of secondary sources on the conquest of

riod (Pérez 1866—1877: 4). Guatemala consists of the manuscripts of the Dances of 13. “Under the Colonial administration, unmarried the Conquest which are still being performed today in Inyouths and old men were exempt from tribute (Roys dian communities (Bode 1961). However, these texts, like

1933:84n2). the works of Spanish historians, probably represent a syn-

14. Edmonson (1976) presents evidence that in 1539 the — thesis of the Spanish and native views of the conquest, if Maya of Yucatan reformed their calendar by shifting from — only because many of them are written in Spanish rather terminal to initial counting—that is, they stopped naming _ than in the native language. Their historical value is dis-

each katun for its last day and started naming it for its cussed in Chapter 12. first day. They began the new Katun 11 Ahau on the last 2. The best published source on the conquest of the day 11 Ahau of the old Katun 13 Ahau, which was eighty Manche Chol is Father Francisco Ximénez’s Historia de la days earlier than Katun rr Ahau would have begun under Provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala de la the old system of terminal counting. What effect did this © Orden de Predicadores (1929—1931). Ximénez’s account change have on the preceding katun, Katun 13 Ahau? Did — of Dominican efforts to subdue and convert the Manche is Katun 13 Ahau end on the day before 11 Ahau, the day based on a manuscript history of Guatemala and Chiapas that began the new system? Or did the two systems over- written by Father Agustin Cano, his predecessor as Prolap by one day, with the date 11 Ahau both ending the _ vincial of the Dominican Order in Guatemala and one of count in the old system and beginning the count of the — the priests who participated in the final conquest of the new? The effect of the latter possibility would have been Manche, Mopan, and Itza (Ximénez 1929—1931:2: 341, to double Katun 11 Ahau (that is, to assign the name Ka- 370, 430—431, 458; Cano 1942). Cano’s manuscript was tun 11 Ahau to the old Katun 13 Ahau as well as to the — never published, but a photocopy of part of it, wrongly atnew Katun 11 Ahau), thereby making it possible to assign tributed to Father Joseph Delgado, is in the Gates Collecall the events of the Spanish Conquest to the prophesied tion of the Latin American Library at Tulane University

katun. (“Fray Joseph Delgado, Letters and Reports, 1682 and 15. According to the Book of Chilam Balam of Tizimin, — after”). Adolf Bandelier (1881: 27) discovered a fragment of

a calendar reform was introduced in 1752 which changed what may be another copy of it (probably the original) in the length of the katun period from twenty tuns (of 360 the National Museum of Guatemala with the title “Histodays each) to twenty-four years (of 365 days each) (Roys ria de la Provincia de Predicadores de San Vicente de n.d.: 35). This may have been done in order to synchronize Chiapa y Guatemala” (note its similarity to the title of the Maya katun cycle with the Christian century, forasa Ximénez’s work). He mentions the possibility that it was result of this reform, Katun 13 Ahau began in 1800 instead written by Cano; it appears in his bibliography just before of 1793, as would have been the case under the old system. two documents that were clearly authored by Cano. One Had it not been for this reform, Katun 9 Ahau would have — of them has been published in the meantime (Cano 1942); antedated the Caste War of Yucatan and the revitalization the other is part of the same numbered series as the documovement based on the Second Coming of Christ foretold ment in question (see below). The Guatemalan copy of for that katun (or perhaps the uprising would have beguna Cano’s manuscript later found its way into a collection of

few years earlier). documents attributed to Charles Etienne Brasscur de

Notes to Pages 36-49 329

Bourbourg in the Archivo General de Centroamérica Tulane University], pp. 17—20 (see note 2 above). The orig(AGC) in Guatemala City. Pedro Tobar Cruz transcribed — inal document is supposedly in the Bancroft Library, Uniand published several pages of it in 1967; it has since dis- versity of California, Berkeley. appeared. In the fall of 1976, Marjorie Esman, a graduate 6. Letter from Father Joseph Delgado, March 12, 1682; student at Tulane, discovered that Ximénez had quoted Report by Father Joseph Delgado, March 17, 1682 (phoextensive portions of Cano’s history in his work, in-only a — tocopy in Latin American Library of Tulane University}, few cases identifying Cano as their author (e.g, 1929- = pp. 119-128 (see note 2 above]. 1931:2:341, 433-443]. Frans Blom had noted years ago 7. The resettling of the Manche in the Urran Valley is that parts of the manuscript were quoted by Ximénez, but also mentioned in “Informe de los servicios hechos por la they were not the excerpts identified by Ximénez as the — religion de Santo Domingo en la provincia de Verapaz y

work of Cano. tierras de Lacandones; Relacion y memoria relativa a los

Tulane’s copy of Cano’s manuscript is part of aseries of | asuntos de la provincia de Santo Domingo de Guatemala photocopied documents, with consecutively numbered — dirigida al Muy Hustre Senor Don Antonio Pedro de Echepages (not folios}, all concerned with the conquest of the — vers y Suvisa, ano de 1724” (photocopy in Latin American Manche and Lacandon. Unfortunately, however, the docu- —_—_ Library of Tulane University], p. 44 (see note 2 above}. The

ments were separated by William Gates before Tulane — original document is supposedly in the Bancroft Library, purchased them from him, and they are still separately | University of California, Berkeley. catalogued and shelved. I have so far been able to account for pages 1-234 and 385-399. Ximenez reproduced sev- Chapter 4. The Conquest of Chiapas eral documents in the series verbatim (e.g., 1929—1931:2:

211-217, 435~—443) and paraphrased others (e.g., 1929— 1. The most important primary source on Luis Marin’‘s 1931:2:373—380, 382-396, 402~—410, 414-418). This expedition is Bernal Diaz del Castillo’s diary (1904). His was obviously the set of documents from which Ximénez description of the first “reconquest” of Chiapas was apparwrote the sections of his history concerning the conquest ently written many years afterward. Diaz del Castillo of the Manche and Lacandon. Internal evidence suggests himself admits forgetting the names of some of the Indian that they were originally assembled by Cano. Forexample, — peoples of Chiapas (1904: 2:220]). Another primary source in his manuscript, Cano refers to the documents in the — is Diego de Godoy’s letter to Cortés (1918). Godoy’s inter-

series and notes where they should be reproduced ver- pretation of the incident in Chamula is somewhat difbatim; Ximénez followed many of these instructions, al- — ferent from Diaz del Castillo’s. Both Vicente Pineda (1888) though he sometimes substituted other documents forthe | and Manuel B. Trens (1957) base their accounts of Marin’s ones mentioned by Cano. The whole set of documents ul- — expedition on Diaz del Castillo’s diary. timately seems to have fallen into the hands of Brasseur de The most often cited account of Diego de Mazariegos’s Bourbourg (Tobar Cruz 1967), who may have been the per- —_ expedition is that of Antonio de Remesal (1932), which son who numbered the pages (I assume that if they had = was written in 1616. Remesal’s report is not an eyewitness

been numbered by Ximénez or Cano, they would have — description, and, in fact, as both Ximénez (1929-1931: been treated as folios rather than as pages). My synthesis —-1: 335) and Pineda (1888: 28] point out, there is an imporof the history of the conquest of the Manche and Mopanis tant error in his work, namely that he attributes the first

based on this series of documents, as well as Ximénez’s “reconquest” to Mazariegos instead of Marin. However,

work. these later authors apparently believed that Remesal’s ac3. In highland Chiapas today, the term Chol refers toa count was accurate in other respects, because their deMaya language that is spoken in the highlands north of — scriptions of Mazariegos’s expedition are based on it. the Tzotzil and Tzeltal areas and in the lowlands around 2. AGC, Al.23, Leg. 4575, folio 84, no. 20. Palenque. J. Eric S. Thompson (1970: 68—69) calls this lan- 3. See also Cédula Real (Royal Decree}, January 22,

guage Palencano Chol and claims that it is not the same —_—-115 56, “Algo sobre Lacandones,” Boletin del Archivo Gene-

language as Manche Chol. It is also not the same language ral del Estado, Documentos Historicos de Chiapas, no. 2, as modern Lacandon (McQuown 1956:194—195). Appar- 1953, pp. 13-15.

ently there were at least three “Chol” languages during 4. San Marcos may have been situated not far from colonial times, only one of which has survived with that Chama, for a land document from that town describes

name until the present. Vico bringing the Indians of San Marcos out of the moun-

4. “Fray Joseph Delgado, Letters and Reports, 1682 and _ tains and settling them on land belonging to Chama. A

after,” pp. 147—148, 150 (see note 2 above). photocopy of the document in question, which is mis5. Sebastian de Olivera y Angulo’s extortionary treat- takenly labeled “Founding of Coban in 1548,” is in the ment of the Manche is also described in a letter from the Latin American Library of Tulane University. Provincial of the Order to the Archbishop of Guatemala: 5. “Founding of Coban in 1548” (see note 4).

“Carta del provincial de Santo Domingo al S' Arzpo de 6. Agustin Cano’s manuscript history of Guatemala Guatimala” (photocopy in Latin American Library of | and Chiapas contains a detailed account of Lorenzo’s

330 Notes to Pages 49-55

peaceful resettlement of the Pochutla Lacandon: “Fray Chiapas in 1712 (ibid.: 3: 259). In spite of its importance, Joseph Delgado, Letters and Reports, 1682 and after” (pho- | Ximénez’s work was not consulted by nineteenth-century tocopy in Latin American Library of Tulane University), historians. It seems that the relevant part of his manupp. 142—145 (see Chapter 3, note 2). Much of this portion script was lost for perhaps as much as a century (Brinton of Cano’s manuscript was published by Pedro Tobar Cruz 1897: xxviii). It was rediscovered in the twentieth century

in 1967. and published together with the rest of the manuscript be7. “Fray Joseph Delgado, Letters and Reports, 1682 and = tween 1929 and 1931.

after,” pp. 142—143; see also Tobar Cruz 1967: 90. The Audiencia de Guatemala (Guat.} section of the Ar8. Letter from Joseph Antonio Calderon in Palenque to — chivo General de Indias (AGI) in Seville, Spain, contains Ygnacio de Coronado, August 9, 1786, “Algo sobre Lacan- _— more than six thousand pages of documents, grouped into

dones,” Boletin del Archivo General del Estado, Docu- Legajos 293, 294, 295, and 296, concerning these revitalmentos Hist6ricos de Chiapas, no. 2, 1953, pp. 17—18. ization movements. They include the official journal of g. Letter from Father Diego de Rivas in Nuestra Senora _ the expedition led by Toribio de Cosio, the president of de los Dolores, February 27, 1696, and letter from Jacobo — the Audiencia of Guatemala, to put down the rebellion in de Alcagaya in Nuestra Senora de los Dolores to Joseph de — Chiapas, as well as reports and correspondence of the Escals, February 28, 1696, AGC, Al.o4, Leg. 2033. Tran- _ Bishop of Chiapas and other religious officials and numerscripts of these letters appear in Hellmuth 1969: 9—20. ous eyewitness testimonies by Indians involved in the 10. Letters from the King of Spain, July 16, 1709, and movements. To my knowledge, the only historian who October 30, 1713, Boletin del Archivo General del Go- has made use of this rich source of information is Herbert bierno 5(1}:41—43 (1939]. See also Nolasco Pérez 1966:92. S. Klein, who has published an analysis of the political 11. Letter from the King of Spain to Don Toribio de aspects of the rebellion (1966). Cosio, President of the Audiencia of Guatemala, June 7, Two Guatemalan historians, Domingo Juarros (1808— 1715, AGC, Al.23, Leg. 1526, folio 15. See also Boletin del 1818:2:65—66) and Francisco de Paula Garcia Pelaez Archivo General del Gobierno 5(1):42—43 (1939) and (1851—1852:2:150~—156], have written brief descriptions

5(3):178—186 (1940). of the movement in Cancuc. Juarros’s account is based on 12. A comparison of modern Lacandon, Yucatec, Itza, official documents in the city of Guatemala (Brinton

and Mopan, using Swadesh’s 1oo-word list of basic vocab- 1897 : xxvii]. Garcia Pelaez’s report is actually a “descripulary items, indicates that Lacandon, Itza, and Mopan are _ tion of twenty-two paintings, executed by the order of

more closely related to Yucatec than they are to each President Cocio [sic], illustrating various incidents of the other. This suggests that the ancestors of the modern La- war” (Brinton 1897: xxviii—xxix). candon did not speak colonial Itza or Mopan, but rather Two Mexican historians, Vicente Pineda {1888} and some third language which was as closely related to Manuel B. Trens (1957}, have written more comprehenYucatec as Itza and Mopan were. During the Colonial pe- sive accounts of this rebellion. Pineda apparently did not riod, a Yucatecan language called Quejache was spoken in have access to Ximénez’s work; his report is based on (1) a the southern part of the Yucatan peninsula, northwest of letter to the King of Spain, dated December 18, 1712, from the Itza and northeast of the Prospero Kingdom. Alfonso —_ Toribio de Cosio, (2) Garcia Pelaez’s (1851-1852) descripVilla Rojas (1961:112~—113, 1967:39—41] believes that tion of the twenty-two paintings depicting scenes from the “Prospero Yucatec” belonged to the Quejache group of the war, and (3) oral traditions. According to Trens (1957:

Yucatec Maya speakers. The lexical comparisons cited 185—199}, there are many errors in Pineda’s account,

above support Villa Rojas’s hypothesis. some of which he attributes to the fact that Ximénez’s work was not available at the time.

Chapter 5. Indian Saints in Highland Chiapas Trens’s description of the rebellion Is drawn mostly

(1708-1713) from Ximénez s work. Trens believes that Cosio S letter to the King of Spain is an unreliable source of information 1. Father Francisco Ximénez’s Historia de la Provincia because Cosio did not arrive on the scene until after the de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala de la Orden de hostilities were well under way and because it was in his Predicadores (1929—1931:3:257—343) is the only com- _ interest not to mention the real causes of the rebellion prehensive work in print which contains primary source (1957:187). Trens argues that Ximénez’s account is much material on the early eighteenth-century revitalization more trustworthy because it is based on the eyewitness movements in highland Chiapas. Ximénez’s account of — testimony of Joseph Monrroy, the parish priest of Chathe movements is based on the eyewitness testimony, mula, Pedro Villena, the parish priest of Yajalon, and Gamuch of which he quotes verbatim, of Father Joseph briel de Artiaga, the Provincial of the Dominican Order Monrroy and other priests living in Chiapas at the time. (1957: 187). His principal source of information was a report on the Three North Americans have also written historical acuprising prepared for the King of Spain by Father Gabriel _—_ counts of this rebellion. Daniel G. Brinton (1897) wrote a de Artiaga, who was Provincial of the Dominican Orderin __ historical drama with the rebellion as the theme; his his-

Notes to Pages 55—57 331

torical introduction to the drama was based on a manu-. movement by the Spanish authorities are dated 1712 or script by Ramon de Ordonez y Aguiar (1907) and Jua- later. [ have therefore given 1711, not 1710, as the date for rros’s (t808—1818) and Garcia Peldez’s (185 1—1852) brief the beginning of the movement. If this date is correct, accounts. He mentions that Ximénez “treated of the in- then the Virgin cult of Santa Marta is closely linked surrection at length in the fourth volume of his work,” but — chronologically with the Virgin cult of Cancuc, which be-

that it was apparently lost (Brinton 1897 : xxviii). gan while the authorities were suppressing the cult in Hubert Howe Bancroft devoted part of a chapter of his | Santa Marta. For evidence concerning the dating of the History of Central America to “The Tzendal Rebellion” movement in Santa Marta, see the documents in the sec(1886:2:696—706]. His account seems to have been based tion of AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, entitled “Apariciones de la entirely on an unpublished manuscript entitled “Informe Virgen.” sobre la Sublevacion de los Zendales, escrito par el Padre It is possible that Ximenez is not responsible for this W. Pedro Marselino Garcia de la orden de Predicadores, dating error. Apparently, the only copy of Ximénez’s work Predor. General, Calificador del Santo Oficio y Vicario in existence is a copy of the original manuscript which Provincial de San Vicente de Chiapa, dirigida al IImo. — contains many mistakes in transcription. Thus the date in

Senor Obispo desta diocesis y fecho en 5 de Junio de question may have been mistranscribed and the “2” in 1716.” According to Bancroft, Garcia’s manuscript, con- 1712 misread as a “1.” See Ximé€nez 1929—1931: 1: XVi.

sisting of 154 pages bound into one volume, “contains a 6. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Apariciones de la Virgen,” copy of testimony taken by PP. Frs Maxelina [sic] Garcia, Confession of Dominica Lopez, May 30, 1712, folios and Diego de Cuenca, by direction of the bishop, con- 12-14. cerning the death of the several Dominican friars at the 7. Ibid., Confession of Juan Gomez, June 6, 1712, folios hands of the revolted Tzendales; the details of these mur- I4—I7. ders are given. The manuscript also contains copies of let- 8. Ibid., Confession of Dominica Lopez, May 30, 1712, ters and journals of Padre Garcia written at the time, folios 12~14. which contain a very full account of the origin of the g. Ibid., Confessions of Dominica Lopez and Juan Tzendal rebellion, the singular religious schism which Gomez, folios 12—17.

they sought to establish, and the various proceedings, to. Ibid. civil, military, and ecclesiastical, which led to the final tt. Ibid.; they came from the district of Las Coronas y suppression of the rebellion” (1886: 2:705—706n). Chinampas, from the Guardiania of Huitiupa, and from I have already mentioned Klein’s (1966) work on the po- the towns of San Bartholome, Totolapa, and San Lucas in litical aspects of the rebellion. His sources include the — the Provincia de los Llanos. documents in the AGI and the works of Ximénez and 12. Ibid., Letter from Father Bartholomé Ximénez to Fa-

Trens. ther Joseph Monrroy, March 11, 1712, folios 3—5; Con-

This chapter is based on the approximately 6,500 pages _fession of Juan Gomez, June 6, 1712, folios 14-17. of documents in Legajos 293, 294, 295, and 296 (Guat.} in 13. Ibid., Declaration of Joseph Antonio de Zavaleta, the AGI and on Ximénez’s history of the rebellion. lalso May 23, 1712, folios 10-12. consulted the works of Trens, Pineda, Klein, Bancroft, 14. Ibid., Letter from Father Bartholomé Ximénez, unJuarros, Garcia Pelaez, and Brinton, but I have relied most dated, folios 2—3. heavily on the primary sources in recapitulating the his- 15. Ibid., Letter from Father Joseph Monrroy to Father tory of the early eighteenth-century revitalization move- —_ Bartholomé Ximénez, March 11, 1712, folios 3—s.

ments of highland Chiapas. 16. Ibid.; Ximénez 1929—1931:3:266.

2. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Apariciones de la Virgen,” fo- 17. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Apariciones de la Virgen,”

lios 2-3; Ximé€nez 1929-1931: 3:263. Letter from Father Bartholomé Ximénez, undated, folios 3. According to Father Bartholomé Ximénez, the curate 2-3. of Totolapa and Preacher General of the Dominican Order, 18. Ibid., Report of Juan Bauptista Alvarez de Toledo, the image in question was of Our Lady of Solitude (AGI, — Bishop of Chiapas, March 31, 1712, folios 1-2; Order Guat., Leg. 293, “Apariciones de la Virgen,” folios 2-3). from Alcalde Mayor of Chiapas, March 22, 1712, folio 5; 4. The section of AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, entitled “Apari- Ximenez 1929—1931:3:266—267. ciones de la Virgen,” contains documents which are al- 19. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Apariciones de la Virgen,” most exclusively concerned with the Virgin cult of Santa Testimony of Father Joseph Monrroy, April 2, 1712, folios

Marta. 6-7.

5. Ximénez (1929—1931:3:265} claims that the cult of 20. The Virgin of Santa Marta was probably also a Virthe Virgin in Santa Marta came to light in 1711, thereby gin of the Rosary. She first appeared during the month implying that the first appearance of the Virgin in that of October (Ximénez 1929—1931:3:266], which is the town occurred during the fall of 1710. There is, however, month during which the festival in honor of the Virgin of good evidence that this date is in error. All of the docu- the Rosary takes place (Vogt 1969:563). Furthermore, ments which are concerned with the discovery of this after her cult was suppressed in Santa Marta, she moved to

332 Notes to Pages 57—62

Cancuc, where she was explicitly referred to as the Virgin 39. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folios 209, 218, 26 I, of the Rosary (AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Testimonios de 326; Leg. 294, folio 188. 1713,” Confession of Antonio Lopez, February 15, 1713, 40. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folio 136; sth Quafolio 59; “Apariciones de la Virgen,” folio 25; 2d Qua- derno, folios 105, 200, 293; Leg. 296, 4th Quaderno, folio derno, Confession of Antonio Diaz, September 12, 1712, 58. folio 59; Declaration of Juan Francisco de Medina Cachon, 41. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folio 136; 5th QuaAlcalde Mayor of Tabasco, February 24, 1713, folios 325— derno, folio 293; Leg. 296, 4th Quaderno, folios 58—s09,

326, 367; Leg. 294, folios 204-218). 7th Quaderno, folios 58, Go.

21. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Apariciones de la Virgen,” Pe- 42. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folios 40-44, 53-60, tition of the alcaldes and regidores of Santa Marta, folios 67-75, 115-117, 124—129; Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folios

5-6; Ximé€nez 1929-1931: 3:267. 40-44, 50-56, 136; 5th Quaderno, folios 105, 200, 293,

22. They were sentenced to death, but the sentence was Leg. 296, 4th Quaderno, folio 58. not carried out until 1713, after the rebellion in Cancuc 43. Legajo 294 in AGI, Guat., is entitled “De los autos had been put down (AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Apariciones de Hechos sobre la Sublevacion de treinta y dos pueblos de

la Virgen,” folios 21-27). indios de los Partidos de los Zendales, Coronas, Chinam-

23. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Apariciones de la Virgen,” pas y Guardiania de Gueitiupa {Huitiupa] de la Provincia Order of Alcalde Mayor of Chiapas (in Nahuatl], March de Chiapa,” from which I infer that thirty-two towns par-

22, 1712, folio 5. ticipated in the uprising. The following Tzotzil towns 24. Ibid., Edict of Juan de Santander, Comisario of the were involved: Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion Huitiupa,

Holy Office, June 16, 1712, folios 18—109. San Pedro Huitiupa, San Andres Apostol Huitiupa, Santa 25. Ibid., Confession of Dominica Lopez, May 30, 1712, Catalina Huitiupa, San Pablo Chalchihuitan, San Pedro

folios 12—14. Chenalho, San Miguel Huistan, San Andres Iztacostoc 26. [bid., Letter from Father Joseph Monrroy, March 11, (now Larrainzar), Santa Maria Magdalena, San Miguel Mi1712, folios 4—5; Ximénez 1929—1931:3:267—268. tontic, Santa Catalina Pantelho, San Bartholome Platanos, 27. AGI, Guat., Leg. 295, 5th Quaderno, Confession of Santa Marta Xolotepec, Santiago Huistan, and San An-

Nicolas Vasquez, March 3, 1713, folio 199. tonio y San Bartholome Simojovel. The following Tzeltal 28. Her real name was Maria Lopez (AGI, Guat., Leg. towns participated: San Martin Obispo, San Geronimo

293, “Testimonios de 1713,” folio 4). Bachajon, San Juan Evangelista Cancuc, Santo Domingo 29. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, Declaration of Juan Chilon, Nuestra Senora de la Natividad Guaquitepeque,

Garcia, December 12, 1712, folios 134—135. san Francisco de los Moyos, San Jacinto Ocosingo, Santo

30. Ibid. Tomas Oxchuc, San Francisco Petalsingo, San Pedro Si-

31. Ibid., sth Quaderno, Declaration of Juan Pérez, tala, San Marcos Sibaca, San Nicolas Tenango, San Alonso

November 28, 1712, folios 30—31. Tenejapa, and Santiago Yajalon. The following Chol towns

32. Ibid., 2d Quaderno, Confession of Miguel Vasquez, participated: Santo Domingo Palenque, San Matheo Tila, February 22, 1713, folio 117; Declaration of Juan Garcia, and San Miguel Tumbala. December 12, 1712, folio 135; Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, Re- 44. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Testimonios de 1713,” folios port of Juan Bauptista Alvarez de Toledo, Bishop of Chia- 68, 93, 97, 104, 124, 134; Leg. 294, folios 176-179,

pas, July 20, 1712, folios 1-3. 267-268; Leg. 295, 5th Quaderno, folios ros, 132.

33. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, Declaration of Juan 45. Ibid., Leg. 293, “Testimonios de 1713,” Confession Garcia, December 12, 1712, folio 135; Leg. 296, 7th Qua- of Miguel Hernandez, February 3, 1713, folios AI—43;

derno, folios 3—6, 9—15, 18. Confession of Matheo Méndez, February 16, 1713, folios

34. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, Declaration of Nico- 67-71. lasa Gomez, December 5, 1712, folio 75; sth Quaderno, 46. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folio 137; 5th QuaConfession of Nicolas Vasquez, March 3, 1713, folio 200. derno, folio 292. 35. Ibid., Leg. 293, “Testimonios de 1713,” Confession 47. Ibid., Leg. 293, “Testimonios de 1713,” folios 3—5, of Juan Lopez, February 15, 1713, folios 59-62; Con- Leg. 295, 5th Quaderno, folios 195 —196. fession of Matheo Méndez, February 16, 1713, folios 48. Ibid., Leg. 296, 6th Quaderno, Declaration of Fran-

67-71. cisco de la Torre y Tovilla, February 19, 1713, folios 9—10. 36. Ibid., Confession of Juan Lopez, February 15, 1713, 49. Ibid., Leg. 293, “Testimonios de 1713,” Confession

folios 59—62. of Matheo Méndez, February 16, 1713, folios 67—71; Leg. 37. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, Declaration of Juan 294, folios 176-179, 267-268, Leg. 295, 5th Quaderno, Garcia, December 12, 1712, folios 129-147; Ximénez folio 132.

1929—1931:3:271. 50. See also AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Testimonios de 38. Specific texts of the summons are given in the fol- 1713,” Confession of Domingo Méndez, February 15,

lowing documents: AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, fo- 1713, folios 47—53. lio 3; Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folios 196—197; Leg. 296, 7th 51. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, Declaration of Do-

Quaderno, folio 83. mingo Perez, December 7, 1712, folios 83—85; Declara-

Notes to Pages 62—65 333

tion of Juan Garcia, December 12, 1712, folios 129-147; _ title “Sublevacion de los indios tzendales, Ano de 1713.” sth Quaderno, folio 22; Ximénez 1929—1931:3: 281, 284. 68. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folio 43; Leg. 52. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folio 107; Leg. 296, 4th —-296, 6th Quaderno, folios 5—6; 7th Quaderno, folios

Quaderno, folios 59-60. 50-53, 76-79; Xim€nez 1929-1931: 3:288—289.

53. Ibid., Leg. 295, 3d Quaderno, folio 123; 4th Qua- 69. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folios 128, 262;

derno, folios 3, 6. “Testimonios de 1713,” folios 7, 94, 135; Leg. 296, 7th 54. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folio 128; Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folio 168. Quaderno, Declaration of Juan Garcia, December 12, 70. Ibid., Leg. 295, 8th Quaderno, folio 24; Leg. 296, 6th 1712, folios 129-147; sth Quaderno, folio 3; Ximenez Quaderno, folios 43, 57, 72, 96-97, 100; 7th Quaderno,

1929—-1931:3:281, 284. folios 78, 108-109, 143, 161.

55. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folio 394; Leg. 71. See note 59 above. 294, folios 19, 22, 186, 187, 655; Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, 52. AGI, Guat., Leg. 295, sth Quaderno, folio 4; 8th

folios 83, 88, 256, 258. Quaderno, folios 47-48, 79; Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, fo56. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folios 131, 149-150, lios 35, 76—80; Ximénez 1929—1931:3:289.

154; 5th Quaderno, folios 118, 142, 147, 179~180, 73. AGI, Guat., Leg. 294, folio 549; Leg. 295, 8th Qua182—183, 190, 201; 8th Quaderno, folio 3; Leg. 296, 4th —_derno, folios 25, 44-45, 70, 90; Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, Quaderno, folio 59; 6th Quaderno, folios 1, 3, 5-6, 11; 7th folios 48, 80; Ximénez 1929-1931: 3:292—294.

Quaderno, folio 18. 74. AGL, Guat., Leg. 295, 8th Quaderno, folios 70, s7. Ibid., Leg. 294, folio 597; Leg. 295, Proclamation of | 79~80; Ximénez 1929-1931: 3:292—294.

Toribio de Cosio, President of Audiencia of Guatemala, 75. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folios 40~44, page rt; Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folio 66; Leg. 296, 6th 53-56, 57-60, 67-75; Leg. 294, folios 172-175, 187; Leg.

Quaderno, folio 6. 295, 3d Quaderno, folios 32-41; 5th Quaderno, folio 205; 58. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folio 394; Leg. 295, 3d Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, folios 66—67, 141-157, 187, Quaderno, folio 170; 5th Quaderno, folios 197, 202, 203; 205-215.

Ximénez 1929-1931: 3:271. 76. Ibid., folios 116-120; Trens 1957:193; Ximenez sg. AGI, Guat., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folios ro, 11, 19, 1929-1931: 3:296. 20, 23, 24, 49, 52, 56, 59, 136, 139; sth Quaderno, folio 48; 77. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 1st Quaderno, folios 56-59;

Leg. 296, 4th Quaderno, folio 61. Leg. 294, folios 1-5, 8-10, 14-15, 56-57; Trens 1957: 60. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folios 115-117, 124-— 195; Xime€nez 1929-1931: 32299.

125, 126-129; Leg. 294, folios 301-302; Leg. 295, sth 78. AGI, Guat., Leg. 294, folios 17-20; Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, folios 47—48; 8th Quaderno, folio 21; Leg. 296, Quaderno, folios 250-251; Trens 1957:193; Ximenez 7th Quaderno, folio 29; Ximénez 1929-1931: 3:273-274. 1929-1931 :3:296—297. 61. AGI, Guat., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folio 137; 5th 79. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 1st Quaderno, folios 56—59;

Quaderno, folios 22, 107. Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, Report from Pedro Gutierrez Micr 62. Ibid., Leg. 293, rst Quaderno, Testimony of Juan — y Theran, Alcalde Mayor of Chiapas, October 21, 1712, Gutiérrez, March 17, 1713, folios 151-160; 2d Quaderno, folios 250-251; Trens 1957:193-194; Ximenez 1929folios 4rr—412,; Leg. 294, folios 597-598; Leg. 595, sth = 1931:3:297—298. Quaderno, folio 31; 8th Quaderno, folio 76; Leg. 296, 7th 80. AGI, Guat., Leg. 294, folios go—48; Trens 1957:

Quaderno, folio 161. 194; Ximenez 1929-1931 :3:299—302.

63. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, Declaration of Manuel 81. AGI, Guat., Leg. 294, Letter from Toribio de Cosio

Ordonez, December 4, 1712, folios 66—67. to Nicolas de Segovia Parada y Berdugo, October 29, 1712, 64. Ibid., Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, Letter from Pedro Or- folios 55—56.

folio 16. 83. Ibid., folio 813.

dénez to Fernando de Monge y Mendoza, August 7, 1712, 82. Ibid., folios 91-98, 138-141, 153-156. 65. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, Declaration of Manuel 84. Ibid., folios 182, 488, 497-501; Leg. 295, 3d Quader-

Ordonez, December 4, 1712, folio 67. no, folios 39—40, 58, 64, 71-72, 79-80, 108, 129-130, 66. Ibid., folios 9-14, 18-32, 48-59; 5th Quaderno, fo- 139-140, 145-150, 176, 190, 196; 5th Quaderno, folios lio 62; Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, folios 36-37; Ximénez 134, 283-284, 286-287.

1929—1931:3:279—280. 85. Ibid., Leg. 294, folios 165-167; Brinton 1897: Xv;

67. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, “Testimonios de 1713,” folios Juarros 1808—1818:2:65; Pineda 1888:48; Trens 1957: 7-29; Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folios 1-64; Leg. 296, 6th 198. Quaderno, folios 31, 47. After the rebellion had been put 86. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 1st Quaderno, Declaration of down, these unfortunate women were brought before the Lazaro Ximenez, March 11, 1712, folio 122; Leg. 294, foInquisition and subjected to intensive questioning. The lios 425-426, 681-683, 685-691, 714-717, 727-729, testimony of ten Spanish and Ladino women from Oco- 767-768, 824, 826—829, 832-836; Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, singo and two from Yajalon was published in 1948 in the folios 29, 32, 78; 5th Quaderno, folios 209—210; Leg. 296, Boletin del Archivo General de la Nacion 19(4) under the 6th Quaderno, folio 7.

334 Notes to Pages 65—76

87. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folio 377; Leg. 294, fo- Pablo Moreno (1845); (3) another anonymous diary writ-

lios 181-183; Leg. 295, 5th Quaderno, folios 179, 183; ten by a resident of Merida, which was published in E/ Leg. 296, 6th Quaderno, folio 6; Ximénez 1929-1931: Museo Mexicano (Documentos historicos 1844); (4] a let-

35309. ter to the ecclesiastical chapter by the Jesuit priest Martin 88. AGI, Guat., Leg. 294, folios 221, 243, 245; Leg. 295, del Puerto, dated December 26, 1761, and published in the

3d Quaderno, folios 14—15, 23—26, 128—129. Registro Yucateco in 1846; (5} a letter from Governor 89. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folios 75—86 passim; Joseph Crespo y Honorato to the Viceroy of New Spain Leg. 294, passim; Ximénez 1929-1931: 3:310—317. dated January 16, 1762; and (6) the Viceroy’s response to go. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, rst Quaderno, Declaration of Crespo’s letter, dated March 11, 1762, which were both Lazaro Ximénez, March 11, 1713, folio 116; Leg. 294, fo- published in full in an article by Eduardo Enrique Rios in lios 327-329, 330—333, 502—504; Ximénez 1929-1931: the Merida newspaper, Diario de Yucatan, on November 3:319, 323. However, twenty Indians from Chamula did 22, 1936. The principal secondary sources are Justo Sierra join the rebels (AGI, Guat., Leg. 295, 8th Quaderno, folio O’Reilly’s Los indios de Yucatan (1954; first published in

82; Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, folio 108). 1848 in the newspaper El Fénix), the second volume of gt. Ibid., Leg. 294, folios 515—518; Ximénez 1929- Eligio Ancona’s Historia de Yucatan desde la época mas

1931232322. remota hasta nuestros dias (1878—1880}, and the third g2. AGI, Guat., Leg. 294, folios 513-515, 560-563, volume of Juan Francisco Molina Solis’s Historia de Yuca-

607—608, 643-646, 678. tan durante la dominacion espanola (1913). 93. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, passim, Leg. 294, pas- 3. Archivo de la Secretaria del Arzobispado (Yucatan, sim; Klein 1966: 261. Santa Visita Pastoral 1778—1782, Expediente 53, folio 17 94. AGI, Guat., Leg. 294, folios 68, 719-721, 729-731, (1785) Mococha. I am grateful to Philip C. Thompson for

766, 772-774, 778-785, 798, 802. bringing this document to my attention.

95. Ibid., folios 730, 765—766, 787—788, 790-791. 4. Acuerdos del Muy Ilustre Ayuntamiento de Mérida, 96. Ibid., Leg. 295, 8th Quaderno, folio 7; Leg. 296, 7th January I, 1761—August 22, 1766, pp. 43—48.

Quaderno, folios 18—21. 5. Ibid., December 17, 1761, pp. 43—45.

97. Ibid., Leg. 295, Proclamation of Toribio de Cosio, 6. The Sierra was the name of a military district (parPresident of the Audiencia of Guatemala, March 15, 1713. tido) that encompassed the following towns along the 98. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folios 55, 59, 218; Leg. puuc hills (sierra in Spanish): Mani, Tekax, Muna, Uxmal,

295, 5th Quaderno, folio 218. and Ticul (Espejo-Ponce Hunt 1974: Map 6).

gg. Ibid., folio 158. 7. Acuerdos del Muy Ilustre Ayuntamiento de Mérida, roo. Ibid., folio 200; Leg. 296, 4th Quaderno, folios January 1, 1761—August 22, 1766, pp. 45—46.

54-55, 57-58. 8. Moreno cited as support for his position the testitot. Ibid., folios 45—46, 69—70. mony of a priest, Dr. Lorra, who he claimed was Canek’s

102. La Brujula, June 11, 1869:3, June 25, 1869:1; El confessor in the jail and who, on the day of Canek’s execuBaluarte de la Libertad, May 1, 1868: 4; Pineda 1888: 74. tion, mounted the gallows and preached of various in103. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, Testimony of justices that had been committed and declared that Canek

Antonio Diaz, September 12, 1712, folio 59. was more innocent than the spectators were. This declara104. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folios 66, 68, 129— tion did not please the Spanish authorities, who requested 147; 5th Quaderno, folio 5; 8th Quaderno, folios 76—77; the bishop to suspend Lorra’s license to preach. But Lorra

Leg. 296, 7th Quaderno, folios 84, 254. was not so easily daunted and persevered to the extent of 105. Ibid., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folio 3; Leg. 296, 7th composing a statement in which he informed the King of

Quaderno, folio r1o. Spain of the plot to manufacture a revolution out of the 106. Ibid., Leg. 293, “Testimonios de 1713,” folios 74, disorder created by the inebriation of a miserable town

93-94, 125. (Moreno 1845 :94—95). Moreno claimed to have once pos107. Ibid., Leg. 295, 2d Quaderno, folios 131, 149—150, sessed a manuscript copy of Lorra’s exhortation which he 154; 5th Quaderno, folios 142, 147, 179-180, 182—183, had mislaid and never found again (1845 : 95). It may well

190, 201; Leg. 296, 6th Quaderno, folio 6. be that a number of similar dissenting missives were sent to the Viceroy and the King of Spain, which would explain

Chapter 6. The Indian King in Quisteil (1761) the Viceroy s cool reception of Crespo’s defense of his t. Also spelled Cisteil, Kisteil, and Cistéel. According to Moreno, when Crespo realized that Lorra 2. The following primary sources are known: (1) the — had appealed directly to the King, he requested that Lomunicipal minutes for the city of Merida, which contain __rra’s revoked license to preach be reinstated, and Lorra was entries concerning the rebellion in Quisteil dated Decem- — suddenly the recipient of 15,000 pesos from the Church, ber 17, 26, and 28, 1761; (2) an anonymous diary published — which he had requested repeatedly without success for use in the Registro Yucateco with a commentary by a man in completing the construction of the church in his parish later identified by Justo Sierra O’Reilly (1954:2:28) as = (1845::95).

Notes to Pages 76-82 335

9. There is little support for the conspiracy argument tion is not evidence of knowledge of the constitution in in the historical record. Philip C. Thompson, who has _ Totonicapan in 1812, but is rather concerned with the researched through the documents for this period in the —instatement of the constitution in 1820. church archives of Yucatan, found only one document 3. AGC, A1r.5480, Leg. 47155, Testimony of Agustin that referred to the disturbance in Quisteil (note 3 above), Sapon, August 14, 1820, folio 22. a situation which is in marked contrast to the wealth of 4. AGC, At.193, Leg. 3942, Letter from Lucas Méndez documentation for the Caste War of Yucatan in those ar- | and Domingo Chavez to Prudencio de Cozar (undated), fo-

chives (Chapter 8). lio 53; Leg. 3944, Letter from Indian officials of Sacapulas (undated), folios 1-2.

Chapter 7. The Indian King in Totonicapan (1820) ,ado | ioe HB: Letter irom Ambrosio (0. to ent Carlos de3942 Urrutia ontoya, February 24, 1820,

1. The data for this chapter come from thirteen lJegajos folios 4—5. * ” a

(files) of documents in the AGC. The only published his- 6. Ibid., Letter from Indian officials of Chiquimula, tory of the disturbances in Totonicapan in 1820 is J. May 14, 1820, folio 64. Daniel Contreras’s recent work (1951) entitled Una re- 7. Ibid., Letter from Manuel José de Lara to Carlos de belion indigena en el partido de Totonicapdn en 1820: El Urrutia y Montoya, February 16, 1820, folio 1; Letter from indi ¥ la Independencia, which is based on the same cor- |= Tomas Antonio O’Horan to Manuel José de Lara, February pus of material. 24, 1820, folios 6—7. 2. Daniel Contreras quotes as evidence of this the fol- *y Ibid., folios 12-16, 73-75, 77-79; A1.5480, Leg.

lowing document: 47155, folios 53—55. “Atanasio Tzul, first principal, ae Lucas Aguilar, alcalde of the Blessed Sacrament, 11. AGC, At.193, Leg. 3942, Letter from Ambrosio CoJuan Monrroy, alcalde of the Trinity, and ; Francisco Velasco, Juan Paz, and the Community co- lado to Carlos de Urrutia y Montoya, March 22, 1820, fradias of [the] years which have passed. folios aan 16. .

Having investigated the fable of the tribute and we had foligg ae Leg. 3944, folios 1~2, 5—6; At.194, Leg. 4966,

pases of one thousand pesos minus one-fourth [of a 13. AGC, Ax.193, Leg. 3042 Letter trom Valentin AL Lucas Aguilar, alcalde of the Blessed Sacrament, in the varado 0 Ambrosio Collado, April 3, 1820, folio 23. .

same year discovered the same answer. 1 ta i folios 39-40; Ar.s480, Leg. 47155, folios And we ask God to thank the King, Our Lord. 2029" . . Now we are obedient to the honor that Our Lord did for 1D. AGC, A1.193, Leg. 3 942, Letter from Indian officials

as. of Chiquimula to Prudencio de Cozar, June 10, 1820, toOn the 7th of July 18129” [Contreras 1951-27] Ho oid, Letter from Manuel José de Lara to Carlos de

However, the date of this document is ambiguous. It can Urrutia y Montoya, April 17, 1820, folios 41—42; Letter be read as either 1812 or 1820 (although, as written in from Fray Manuel Reyes to Manuel José de Lara, May 30, AGC, Ar.5480, Leg. 47155, folio 75, 1812 seems more 1820, folio 93; A1.193, Leg. 3944, Letter from Prudencio plausible]. The following kinds of evidence support an de Cozar to Carlos de Urrutia y Montoya, May 5, 1820, 1820 reading: The document that follows it in AGC, _ folio 3. At.5480, Leg. 47155 (folio 76) is dated July 8, 1820; both 17. AGC, A1.193, Leg. 3942, Letter from Pedro Regalado documents are concerned with expenditures related to a de Leon to Prudencio de Cozar, April 19, 1820, folio 71. tribute dispute. Furthermore, it was on July 5 or 6 in 1820 18. AGC, A1.5480, Leg. 47155, Testimony of Francisco that the Indians received the news that would have moved _ Velasco, August 25, 1820, folios 53-55. them to thank the King. The expenses of the 1820 tribute 19. AGC, A1r.193, Leg. 3942, Letter from Royal Audiendispute are mentioned as approximately one thousand cia to Ambrosio Collado, March 26, 1820, folio 17; Letter pesos in two other documents in the same Jegajo (folios 4 from Prudencio de Cozar to Carlos de Urrutia y Montoya, and 52), an amount consistent with the expenses referred April 1, 1820, folios 26-29. to in the document quoted above. One of those documents 20. AGC, A1.5480, Leg. 47155, Declaration of Buena(folio 4) mentions that the book of the cofradia of the ventura Pacheco, August 13, 1820, folios 17—18. Blessed Sacrament contained the statement that one thou- 21. Ibid., folios 2-3, 17-21, 53—Ss. sand pesos had been spent in the effort to prevent the pay- 22. Ibid., Leg. 47153, folios 1-2. ment of tribute. Finally, there is evidence that Atanasio 23. Ibid., Leg. 47155, Declaration of Lucas Méndez, AuTzul and Lucas Aguilar were first principal and alcalde of gust 13, 1820, folios 18-20. the Blessed Sacrament, respectively, in 1820 (AGC, A1.193, 24. Ibid., folio 36. Leg. 3942, folios 53, 69; Leg. 3944, folio 3; A1.5480, Leg. 25. Ibid., folios 2-5, 7-9, 17-18, 20-22, 53-56, 83-85. 47155, folios 23, 26). I suspect that the document in ques- 26. Ibid., Testimony of Macario Rodas, August 15,

336 Notes to Pages 82-92

1820, folio 26; Testimony of Valentin Alvarado, August — riod. Another important collection of Indian correspon-

18, 1820, folio 46. dence in the Archives of Belize in Belmopan covers the

27. Ibid., Declaration of Lucas Méndez, August 13, period 1848—1887. Some of these letters are listed by Bur1820, folios 18—20; Leg. 47154, Letter from Manuel José don (1935). The Foreign Office section of the Public Rec-

de Lara, July 21, 1820, folio 3. ord Office in London also has relevant documents for the 28. Ibid., Leg. 47155, folios 18-25, 56, 58, 65. period 1850-1904.

29. Ibid., folios 7—8, 17—22, 84-85. 2. According to Baqueiro, Iman told the Indians that

30. Ibid., folios g—12. “now they were not going to pay any more obventions to 31. Ibid., folios 12—14. their parish priests, that they were going to abolish or at 32. Ibid., folio 76. least decrease the contributions, and that finally they 33. Ibid., folios 3—5, 18-21. were going to distribute among them sufficient land for 34. The Indians were still trying to convince Guatema- cultivation” (1871-1879: 1:22; original in Spanish). lan officials that they had been freed of the tributes as late 3. These religious “contributions” should not be conas the summer of 1821 (AGC, A1t.194, Leg. 4965, Nos. 8, 9, fused with the civil “personal contributions” which were

12). levied against all Yucatecans, of both Indian and Spanish

35. AGC, Ar.193, Leg. 3945, Letter from Indian nobles _—_ descent, except soldiers and people too disabled to work of Totonicapan, December ?, 1820, folios 1-2; Letterfrom for a living (Peé6n and Gondra 1896: 1:219—224). The rePrudencio de Cozar to Gabino Gainza, May 7, 1821, folios _ligious “contributions,” like the obventions before them,

IO—I2. were exacted of Indians only. They differed from the ob36. AGC, A1.5480, Leg. 47152, folios 5—6, 11, 13; Leg. ventions in name (an artful attempt to confuse them with

47155, folios 2—S. the more egalitarian civil “contribution”) and in amount 37. Ibid., folios 17—24, 56, 58. (Indian women were excluded from this discriminatory 38. Ibid., folios 3—5, 7—8, 53—55. tithe entirely, and it was reduced by one-half real per year

39. Ibid., folios 81-82, 84—85. for Indian men). However, see note 2 above, which sug-

4o. At one point Contreras (1951:39] briefly compares — gests that Iman also promised to abolish the civil “conthe Totonicapan Revolt of 1820 with the uprising led by tribution.” José Gabriel Condorcanque (Tupac Amaru} in Peru in 1780 4. Reed has “shirts” instead of “trousers.” However, he and suggests that the former resembles the early stages of | is undoubtedly quoting from Molina Solis (1921: 1:267), the latter. In the case of Condorcanque, however, there — who says “Muera todo el que tenga pantal6n” (“Kill everyis indisputable documentary evidence that he claimed to. —_ one who has trousers”).

be a direct descendant of the last reigning Inca, Tupac 5. The importance of Cuba, and especially Havana, as Amaru, and made himself king of Peru and other countries — the source of news about the Constitution of 1812, seems in South America (Lewin 1957: 427-428; P. C. Thompson to have been recognized by Indian historians. The Books

1973:85}. In Condorcanque we have a historical “Indian of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, Mani, and Tizimin con-

king,” but in Tzul probably only a mythical one. tain similar historical passages referring to a war with

41. AGC, Ar.5480, Leg. 47155, folio 25. Cuba, to the movement of ships between Havana and

Yucatan, to the French, and to the town of Tizimin (EdChapter 8. The Caste War of Yucatan (1847-1901) monson forthcoming: lines 5341-5434; Perez 1949 « 136— 139; Roys 1933:123—125]. Edmonson (forthcoming: note

t. The most important published sources on the Caste _ to line 5155) argues that these passages were written durWar of Yucatan are the works of Eligio Ancona (1878— ing the first part of the nineteenth century, between 1824 1880}, Serapio Baqueiro (1871—1879], Juan Francisco Molina = and 1837. I believe that they refer to the Constitution of Solis (1921), and Nelson A. Reed (1964). The appendices in 1812, its repeal in 1814, its reinstatement in 1820, and its the first two histories contain some letters written by In- _ effective repeal after 1821, when Mexico became indepen-

dian leaders. dent and Yucatan was free to pass laws contravening it, No less important, however, are Howard F. Cline’s and to the political conflicts that plagued the peninsula

Ph.D. dissertation (1947) and a series of working papers between 1835 and 1847, when the leaders of the party out available on microfilm (Cline 1941, 19434, 1943), 1943C\}, of power sought refuge in Cuba (see below]. Edmonson which contain a wealth of information culled from pub- (forthcoming: note to line 5344) points out that the chief lished sources. They proved indispensable to my research. protagonist of all three versions, Antonio Martinez y Saul, The Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona library in Merida has “is unknown to history, but his story is remarkably paral-

a collection of approximately one hundred letters, many lel to that of Santiago Iman, who was imprisoned in of them in Maya, which were exchanged between Indian Tizimin in 1838” (cf. Ancona 1878—1880: 3: 364). These leaders and Yucatecan government and military officials | passages therefore telescope events covering a period of at between 1848 and 1853. They are listed by Bingham (1972). least twenty-five years (1813—1838). The Constitution of The Archivo del Estado (Yucatan) in Merida also contains 1812 (which did not take effect in Yucatan until 1813 Indian letters and other relevant documents from this pe- _[Acereto 1947:154]], like Iman’s promises to the Indians

Notes to Pages 93-101 337

in 1839, was concerned with equalizing the treatment of the Indians belonged to the Barbachano faction, it is un-

Indians and people of Spanish descent and culture. derstandable that they would refuse to pay “contribu6. Not all travelers had thisimpression. John L. Stephens, tions” levied by Méndez. A typescript of this list can be for example, who visited the peninsula in 1840 and 1841, found in the office of the Director of the State Archives of described the mistreatment of Indians on several hacien- | Yucatan. Iam grateful to Philip C. Thompson for drawing

das {(1841:2:404—405, 414-418; 1843:1:82, 2:158) it to my attention. 7. Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona library in Merida t5. Molina Solis’s explanation was that the purpose of (CCA), Letter from José Maria Barrera et al. to José Canuto the conspiracy was racial, not political, and that the plot-

Vela, April 7, 1850; original in Yucatec Maya. ters had tried to disguise their real intentions by saying 8. Archivo General del Estado (Yucatan) (AGE-Y}, Gobi- that it was purely political (1921: 2:4).

erno, 1847, Letter from Bonifacio Novelo and Florentino 16. AGE-Y, Gobierno, 1847, Letter from José Eulogio Chan, Commandant of Southern forces in Chemax, to ?, Rosado to Domingo Barret, July 22, 1847; Letter from José

December 10, 1847. Dolores Cetina to ?, July 30, 1847.

g. Ibid., Letter from Cecilio Chi, Lorenzo Chan, Jacinto 17. Ibid., Testimonies of executed Indians recorded by Pat, Manuel Oib, Crescencio Poot, and Luciano Bé to Fran- Cecilio Carrillo, First Alcalde of Tihosuco, August 14, cisco Caamal, December 11, 1847; original in Spanish. 1847. 10. Archives of Belize (AB), Letter from Jacinto Pat to 18. Letter from Francisco Caamal et al. to Domingo

John Kingdon, Edward Rhys, et al., undated. Bacelis and José Dolores Pasos, February 19, 1848, in BaThe documents in the Archives of Belize in Belmopan queiro 1871—1879:1: Appendix, r15—117; original in are bound in numbered volumes, and the volume numbers Spanish. are customarily cited in references to them (e.g., Dumond 19. Letter from Jacinto Pat to José Canuto Vela, Feb1977; Jones 1974, 1977). However, the volumes containing ruary 24, 1848, in Baqueiro 1871—1879:1: Appendix, most of the documents referred to in this chapter were I114—115; original in Spanish. being repaired and rebound during the summer of 1972, 20. Unsigned letter to Victor Garcia, March 18, 1848, in when I was working in those archives; I never saw the Baqueiro 1871—1879:1: Appendix, 117-118; original in documents in bound form and therefore cannot cite vol- Spanish. ume numbers. I am grateful to Leo H. Bradley, Director of 21. According to Philip C. Thompson (1978:194}, the the National Archives of Belize, for granting me permis- hidalgos formed a separate social stratum during the sion to peruse those documents while the rebinding was Colonial period and enjoyed many of the prerogatives

in progress. of Spaniards. Furthermore, there is evidence that some

11. CCA, Letter from José Maria Cocom et al. to Ma- members of the secular clergy were of Maya descent: of nuel Antonio Sierra, September 22, 1851; original in Yu- the 1,009 secular clergy deaths that occurred between

catec Maya. 1796 and 1887 in the bishopric of Yucatan, 22, or 2 per12. AB, Letter from Cecilio Chi, Venancio Pec, and José cent, were individuals with Maya surnames (Archivo de la

Atanasio Espada to ?, March 22, 1849. Secretaria del Arzobispado [Yucatan] [ASA-Y], Asuntos 13. Letter from Francisco Caamal et al. to Domingo Terminados, 1887—1889). | am grateful to Thompson for Bacelis and José Dolores Pasos, February 19, 1848, in Ba- bringing this document to my attention. queiro 1871—1879:1: Appendix, 115-117; original in 22. CCA, “Ligeros apuntes de algunos episodios del si-

Spanish. tios de Valladolid ministrados por un testigo presencial,” 14. Apparently some Ladinos believed this also. Molina January 1848.

Solis mentions that some Barbachano supporters in Me- 23. CCA, Letter from Miguel Barbachano to rebel Inrida had publicly expressed sympathy for Jacinto Pat, “of dians, February 17, 1848; Letter from José Canuto Vela whom they said that his only motive in rebelling was to to Jacinto Pat, February 6, 1848, in Baqueiro 1871-1879: unite with them in order to rid themselves of Méndez’s I:315—317.

government” (1921:2:31). 24. Unsigned letter to Victor Garcia, March 18, 1848, in Other evidence that the Indians were simply supporting Baqueiro 1871—1879:1: Appendix, 117-118; original in the causes of Ladino politicians is contained in a list of Spanish. court cases in the Archivo General del Estado (Yucatan| 25. Letter from Jacinto Pat to José Canuto Vela, Febfor the years 1843—1847. In 1843, for example, Bernardino ruary 24, 1848, in Baqueiro 1871—1879:1:Appendix, Mex, Francisco Ku, Florentino Chan, and Casimir Tuyu II4—II5. were sued for having refused to pay the “established con- 26. CCA, “Ligeros apuntes de algunos episodios del sitributions.” At least one of these men (Florentino Chan) tios de Valladolid ministrados por un testigo presencial,” later became one of the principal leaders of the Indian re- January 1848; Baqueiro 1871~—1879:1:348—355.

bellion. The year 1843 was an important one in Yucatecan 27. CCA, Letters from Jacinto Pat to Felipe Rosado, politics. Santiago Méndez was in power during the first April 1, 1848, April 2, 1848, April 6, 1848, April 9, 1848; half of the year and Miguel Barbachano during the second __Letters from José Canuto Vela and Felipe Rosado to Jacinto half. The month of the trial was not given in the list, but if Pat, April 1, 1848, April 3, 1848; Letter from Jacinto Pat to

338 Notes to Pages 101—109

Isidro Rejon, April 2, 1848; Letter from Felipe Rosado to lished by Villa Rojas (1945:164) is August 15, 1887. The Jacinto Pat, April 3, 1848; Letter from Jacinto Pat to Jose copy I saw (in 1971) had addenda dated 1903, 1944, and

Canuto Vela, April 9, 1848. 1957. Furthermore, I have discovered that the pagination

28. Baqueiro 1871—1879:1:408—411; CCA, “Los tra- in the version published by Villa Rojas is different from tados de paz celebrados en Tzucacab entre los comi- _ the pagination in the copy made by members of the Arsionados, Cura D. Canuto Vela y D. Felipe Rosado, y por —_ gosy expedition.

otra parte el caudillo indigena Jacinto Pat, Jose Ma. Poot y 39. The leader of the Kekchi rebellion of 1885 in

otros,” April 27, 1848. Guatemala also called himself Juan de la Cruz (Brinton 29. AB, Letter from Florentino Chan and Venancio Pec 1897 :XVili— xix; Sapper 1895 : 205). to Superintendent of Belize, October 10, 1849; Letter from 40. Great Britain, Public Record Office, Foreign Office Paulino Pech to Juan Pedro Pech, October 26, 1849; Letter section 39, volume 17 (hereafter cited as FO section/ from Percy W. Doyle to Charles Fancourt, November 15, volume}, Letter from José Leandro Santos and José Di-

1849. onisio Zapata to John Gardiner Austin, January 1, 1864,

30. CCA, Letter from Pedro Pech to ?, April 9, 1848. folios 70—73. 31. AB, Letter from Florentino Chan and Venancio Pec at. Ibid. to Superintendent of Belize, October 10, 1849; Letter from 42. Ibid., Letter from Edmund Burke to Mr. Berkeley,

Paulino Pech to Juan Pedro Pech, October 26, 1849; Letter January 25, 1864, folios 68—69; FO 39/5, Letter from Capfrom Percy W. Doyle to Charles Fancourt, November 15, tain W. Anderson to Frederick Seymour, February 15,

1849. 1858, folios 91—98; AB, Statement of José de los Angeles

32. AB, Letter from Cecilio Chi, Venancio Pec, et al. to Loesa, August 26, 1861. Superintendent of Belize, June 15, 1849. These archives 43. Ibid., Letter from José Maria Barrera to Superintenalso contain another letter signed by Chi, dated March 22, dent of Belize, January ?, 1851. 1849. Reed (1964: 122n) says that “the date of Chi’s death 44. Ibid., Letter from Miguel Barbachano to Superintenhas been disputed, but no writer places it later than May dent of Belize, March 27, 1851. 1849 and the best evidence points to December 14, 1848.” 45. There is some confusion about how many crosses I would place Chi’s death later, during the summer or fall there were in all (see Reed 1964:137 for a discussion of

of 1849, because of these two letters. this point). Camara Zavala claims to have seen three 33. AB, Letter from Florentino Chan and Venancio Pec crosses in 1852, but in later years eyewitnesses mention to Superintendent of Belize, October 10, 1849; Letter from only one Talking Cross. J. H. Faber to Charles Fancourt, October 13, 1849; Ancona 46. FO 39/5, Letter from Frederick Seymour to Gover1878—1880:4:263—264; Reed 1964:121—-122; AGE-Y, nor Darling, March 13, 1858, folios 141—143.

Gobierno, 1849, Official letter from the Commander in 47. Eight children were ransomed by the English in Chief of the Southern Forces to the General Commander November 1858 (FO 39/7, Letter from Frederick Seymour of the East, September 18, 1849; Official letter from José to Governor Darling, November 17, 1858, folios 17-22). Dolores Pasos, General Commander of Barracks of Peto, to 48. This church was recently described by Nelson Reed: General Commander of the East, September 14, 1849. “The new church was laid out along ambitious lines, over 34. CCA, Letter from José Maria Barrera et al. to José 100 feet long and 6o feet wide. Foundations weren't necesCanuto Vela, April 7, 1850; Letter from José Canuto Vela sary on that scanty soil; some leveling was sufficient. to José Maria Barrera et al., May 5, 1850; Letter from José Stone lay everywhere at hand and mortar was easily reMaria Barrera et al. to José Canuto Vela, May 5, 1850; Let- duced with heat from limestone boulders in open-air ter from José Canuto Vela to José Maria Vasquez, May 5s, kilns, a technique unchanged in thousands of years. And 1850; Letter from José Maria Barrera to José Canuto Vela, the walls began to rise, massive, richly mortared, growing May 6, 1850; Letter from José Canuto Vela to José Maria in sections, with pauses to let the mortar cure, flanked by

Barrera et al., May 6, 1850. five reinforcing buttresses on either side. The buttresses 35. AB, Letter from José Venancio Pec and Cosme Da- supported an equal number of low arches, on which were midan Pech to Superintendent of Belize, July 22, 1850. placed horizontal rows of wooden poles; the poles served 36. CCA, Letters from José Canuto Vela to José Maria as forms for a thin layer of mortar, and when that hard-

Barrera, May 7, 1850, May 13, 1850. ened, for more layers, until there was a ponderous, self37. Villa Rojas (1945:161) has “Dona Heriana Uat” in- supporting concrete vault forty feet high. A protected stead of Dona Hilaria Nauat. The copy of the manuscript! |= walkway ran the length of each long side of the roof, a have seen has “D® ylaria navat” (see Machlin and Marx feature typical of Yucatecan churches, intended for de1971:19 for a facsimile copy of this page]. 1 would argue fense. Four stumpy, never-completed towers gave stability that the last two letters of “Heriana” belong with the fol- at the corners, the southwestern one mounting the looted lowing word (na + Uat = nauat). It is possible that Dona bells of Bacalar. A single arched portal, and above it a door Hilaria Nauat was a relative of Manuel Nauat, perhaps his —_ with a balcony, pierced the bare facade, and together with

paternal aunt or sister. side doors, let a dim light into the interior” (Reed 1964: 38. The most recent date mentioned in the version pub- 173-174).

Notes to Pages 109-116 339

49. This is probably a misprint for Puc; according to — the proclamation of Juan de la Cruz (see Chapter 11 and Molina Solis (1921:2:245), Venancio Pec died in 1852. Appendix A}. A putative letter from the Archbishop of Furthermore, it is clear from correspondence that Venan- | Mexico on the second page, dated September 29, 1886, aucio Puc was both Tatich and Headman in 1858 (FO 39/5, — thorized Contreras de Elizalde to undertake a peace misLetter from Captain W. Anderson to Superintendent of Be- sion to Chan Santa Cruz. The announcement implies,

lize, February 15, 1858, folio 94). however, that Contreras de Elizalde’s real motive for es-

50. FO 39/13, Letter from James Plumridge and I. — tablishing the cult was to use it as a means of recruiting Twigge to Frederick Seymour, April 12, 1861, folios Indian labor to exploit the forest along the coast near

165-172. Tulum (ASA-Y, Oficios, 1887]. 51. Ibid. 61. When I visited Carrillo Puerto (formerly Chan Santa 52. Ibid., Declaration of José Maria Trejo, April 12, Cruz) in August 1971, I was informed by a relative of a

1861, folios 181—182. former leader of the Cruzob that Juan de la Cruz was the 53. FO 39/5, Letter from Commander Inglefield to son of Christ. Commodore Kellet, December 23, 1857, folios 71-78; FO 62. The first Tatich of Chan Santa Cruz had probably 50/326, Letter from Frederick Seymour to Governor Dar- been a maestro cantor in his home village. Maestros canling, November 17, 1857, folios 335—340; Molina Solis — tores were given the right to perform the sacraments dur-

1921:2:284—287; Reed 1964:165—170. ing the sixteenth century (Collins 1977: 244). 54. The attack took place on April 1, 1858. The Indians 63. AB, Letter from John Carmichael to James Robert took possession of the city, but they were eventually | Longden, November 15, 1867. driven out (FO 30/5, Letter from Frederick Seymour to 64. Ibid.

Governor Darling, May 3, 1858, folios 324-328). 65. Ladino captives were treated as slaves by the Cru55. FO 39/17, Letter from José Leandro Santos and José = zob; the women were forced to work as house servants, Dionisio Zapata to John Gardiner Austin, January 1, 1864, | the men as laborers (“Noticias que emite el C. Anasta-

folios 70-73. This was not the first attempt against the sio Duran a esta jefatura de su prision en Tunkas por lives of the Puc triumvirate. Discontent with Puc rule had — los indios barbaros, conducci6n y permanencia en Santa also come to a head during 1862, when a faction led by | Cruz, usos y costumbres de los rebeldes y particularidaJosé Dolores Tec tried to kill the three leaders. The coup. ~—_ des de aquel punto,” E] Espiritu Nacional, September 3, failed, and Tec was sentenced to death for his part in the 1862: 1).

revolt (La Nueva Epoca, July 27, 1863: 2). 66. AGE-Y, Gobierno, 1851, Letter from Modesto Mén56. FO 39/17, Letter from Edmund Burke to Mr. — dez to Governor of Yucatan, April 1, 1851. Méndez was

Berkeley, April 4, 1864, folios 107—11I0. Guatemalan, but Hoil belonged to the ecclesiastical ju57. Reed (1964: 190] claims that Poot became the rank- __ risdiction of the Bishop of Yucatan and was probably of ing general after Zapata and Santos were deposed. How- — Yucatecan origin (Philip C. Thompson, personal commuever, Captain John Carmichael, who visited Chan Santa nication).

Cruz in 1867, reported that Cen was the second chict of 67. Ibid., Letter from Modesto Méndez and Juan de la the Cruzob, and Cen’s signature followed directly after | Cruz Hoil to Governor of Yucatan, August 21, 1851. Novelo’s in a letter sent to Carmichael by the triumvirate 68. CCA, “Copia authorizada con la firma del Srio. (AB, Letter from Bonifacio Novelo, Bernardino Cen, and — Gral. de Gobierno Do Francisco Martinez de Arredondo y Crescencio Poot to John Carmichael, October 30, 1867; — con el sello de la Secretaria, del tratado de paz celebrado Letter from John Carmichael to James Robert Longden, — con las autoridades y pueblo de Chichan ha con el co-

November 15, 1867). rregidor del Petén D. Modesto Méndez y con el Pbo. D. Fe58. AB, Letter from James Robert Longden to Edwin _ lipe J. Rodriguez; Fechada en Mérida a 10 de Septbre de Adolphus, July 8, 1868. 1851”; Baqueiro 1871—1879:2:429—432; Molina Solis 59. AB, Letter from John Carmichael to James Robert = 1921:2:243.

Longden, November 15, 1867. 69. Letter from Crown Surveyor to Superintendent, July 60. AB, Letter from Edwin Adolphus to Thomas Gra- 6, 1860, summarized in Burdon 1935 : 3: 230.

ham, December 4, 1866; Letter from Edwin Adolphus to 70. FO 39/15, Letter from Luciano Zuc to Frederick James Robert Longden, September 30, 1869. The letter Seymour, June 15, 1863, folios 276—280. from Juan de la Cruz dated October 20, 1866 (EI Espiritu 71. FO 50/433, Letter from Robert M. Mundy to WilPublico, July 19, 1867) may have been written at Tulum. liam Grey, November 4, 1874, folios 140—142.

Still another cult seems to have been established at 72. FO 50/362, Letter from William Stevenson to Major Tancah, near Tulum, in 1887. It was publicized in a bi- General Neill, September 9, 1856, folios 6—14; Letter lingual newspaper called EJ Agorero de Oriente, edited by from William Stevenson to Secretary Labouchere, DecemJuan Pe6n Contreras de Elizalde. The first (and perhaps ber 16, 1856, folios 75—84; Cline 1943¢: 31. only} issue of the newspaper was published in March of 73. FO 50/362, folios t04—125, 278-284, 318—323.

that year. The first page was taken up by an announce- 74. FO 39/5, Letter from Frederick Seymour to Goverment in Maya and Spanish expressed in the same idiom as_ nor Darling, May 17, 1858, folios 418—440.

340 Notes to Pages 116—122

75. See AB for 1866; FO 39/21, folios 34—37; FO 94. AGE-Y, Gobierno, 1856, Letter from Jefe Politico of

39/432, 433. Izamal to Governor of Yucatan, November 8, 1856.

76. FO 50/433, folios 85 —88; FO 50/547, folios 86—95; 95. AB, Letter from John Carmichael to James Robert Letter from Superior Political Prefect of Yucatan to Gover- — Longden, November 15, 1867; Jesuit Archives in Belize nor, July 6, 1864, summarized in Burdon 1935 :3:256; Let- City, Letter from Fr. Barastro in 1867 or 1868; Buhler 1975. ter from Mr. Blockley to James Robert Longden, July ro, 96. AB, Letters Inwards for 1884, January 11, 1884.

1868, summarized in Burdon 1935 : 3: 307— 308. 97. AB, Letter from Teodosio Canto to Juan Bautista 77. FO 50/433, folios 85-88; La Razon del Pueblo, Feb- — Chuc, January 13, 1884, Letters Inwards for 1884.

ruary 3, 1873, and February 24, 1873, quoted in FO g8. AB, Letter from Crescencio Poot to Henry Fowler,

50/432, folios 233—250. January 30, 1884, Letters Inwards for 1884.

78. FO 50/434, Letter from Frederick P. Barlee to An- gg. Yucatecans opposed this decision to separate Quinthony Musgrave, August 1, 1878, folios 335 —336. tana Roo from their state, but they were powerless to do 79. AB, Letter from Venancio Pec to Superintendent of | anything about it because all their efforts to “reconquer” it

Belize, October 5, 1848. had failed. However, this territory was never effectively 80. AB, Letters from James Plumridge to James Robert — controlled by Yucatan, even before 1847 (Cline 1941: 9—10;

Longden, June 24, 1869, July 6, 1869. Espejo-Ponce Hunt 1974:467—475, 546-547, 584-585, 81. AB, Letter from Crescencio Poot to Magistrate 589]. The federal government’s recent decision to transof Corozal, November 4, 1873, Orange Walk Correspon- form Quintana Roo into a state now makes it impossible

dence. for Yucatan to regain what it considers to be its rightful 82. AB, Letter from Robert M. Mundy to Eugenio _ territory. Yucatecans are understandably bitter about this

Arana, March 3, 1875; Letter from Eugenio Arana to decision, saying that it means that the 200,000 YucaRobert M. Mundy, April 13, 1875; Letter from Robert M. — tecans who died during the Caste War died in vain (Sosa Mundy to William Grey, May 12, 1875; FO 50/433, folios — Ferreyro 1974). 224-228; FO 50/434, Letter from Frederick P. Barlee to

Anthony Musgrave, January 4, 1878, folios roo— 106. Chapter 9. The War of St. Rose in Chamula (1867-1870) 83. They were followed by X-Kantunilkin, a town east 1. This chapter is based on three kinds of sources: (1) of Tizimin, on October 2, 1859, and Yokdzonot, a town Vicente Pineda’s (1888: 70—118) history of the movement, southwest of Espita, on March 4, 1861 (El Constitucional, — (2) Crist6bal Molina’s (1934) eyewitness description of October 10, 1859:3; ASA-Y, Oficios, 1861-1862). By — some of the events that took place in Chamula and neigh1861, according to one report, twenty-six towns had been __ boring towns, and (3) contemporaneous newspaper reports

pacified (La Razon del Pueblo, August 28, 1867: 1). and editorials. One newspaper, La Brujula, was published 84. AB, Letter from John Carmichael to James Robert — in San Cristobal Las Casas and therefore presents a conLongden, November 15, 1867; La Razon del Pueblo, April servative interpretation of the movement. The other two 20, 1868:1, May 6, 1868:1; ASA-Y, Oficios, 1866, Letter | newspapers, E/ Baluarte de la Libertad and El Espiritu del from P. J. Sanchez Lopez to Bishop of Yucatan, September — Sig/o, express the liberal view of it. EJ Baluarte de la Li-

II, 1866. bertad was published in Chiapa de Corzo, a liberal strong85. AB, Letter from John Carmichael to James Robert — hold. El Espiritu del Siglo was the official newspaper of

Longden, November 15, 1867. the state government of Chiapas; it was published at dif-

86. AB, Letter from Luis Moo to William W. Cairns, Jan- ferent times in San Cristobal Las Casas, Chiapa de Corzo,

uary 20, 1874, Orange Walk Correspondence. and Tuxtla Gutierrez, depending on the location of the 87. AB, Letter from Eugenio Arana to William W. © state capital (cf. Locke 1964 for a discussion of reasons Cairns, February 12, 1874, Orange Walk Correspondence. why the state capital was moved from city to city during 88. AB, Letter from Eugenio Arana to Robert M. Mundy, — the nineteenth century).

June 2, 1874; FO 50/433, folios tog—1TIo. 2. The Indian Christ was the son of Juan Gomes Che89. AB, Letter from James Plumridge to James Robert cheb and Manuela Pérez Jolcogtom (Pineda 1888 :77]. His

Longden, November 30, 1868. , surnames imply that he was a relative of Agustina Gomes go. AB, Letter from James Robert Longden to ?, Novem- — Checheb, probably her brother or nephew.

ber 13, 1869. 3. The one exception I found was a short article in E/ gr. AB, Letter from Rafael Chan and Marcos Canul to — Baluarte de la Libertad, entitled “A New Religious Sect,” James Plumridge, 1869; Letter from James Plumridge to. which appeared on May 1, 1868. The author of this article,

James Robert Longden, January 29, 1869. José Velasco S., noted that there had been many meetings 92. FO 50/433, Letter from Robert M. Mundy to Wil- — of Indians “which have alarmed the city of San Cristobal,

liam Grey, November 14, 1874, folios 140-142. but we know of nothing hostile until this date, and that 93. Two of the priests who served the northern group of | the alarms and agonies of the inhabitants of that city, have towns had Indian surnames: Juan Ascenci6n Tzuc and _ resulted from groundless reports.” The “groundless” reJuan de la Cruz Caamal (|ASA-Y, Oficios and Cartas, ports may have concerned the crucifixion of Domingo

1851—1867, passim). Gomes Checheb a month or two earlier.

Notes to Pages 125-151 341

4. The annual report of the state government of Chiapas 5. [have argued that the costumes used in ritual drama issued on February 18, 1848, contains the following state- reflect the structure of myth and ritual. The feathered serment: “remember what happened and is still happening in — pent columns at Chichen Itza and other sites in Yucasouthern Mexico and Yucatan, whose natives have sent a tan are probably artistic representations of the mythical message about the rebellion to those of Tumbala in this Quetzalcoatl. Given the fact that historical events are State” (S. Orantes 1848: 12). lam grateful to Professor Pru- often telescoped in myth and ritual, the representation of dencio Moscoso Pastrana for bringing this report to my Quetzalcoatl as a feathered serpent in sculpture or dra-

attention. matic costuming does not necessarily mean that this culture hero was actually conceived of as part-serpent, part-

Chapter 10. The Iconography of Ritualized Ethnic bird. It may mean only that Quetzalcoatl was associated

Conflict among the Maya with two mythical (or historical) events, one about birds . and another about animals, in which one type of bird and

1. See Beals 1964: 144, 1951:81~82; Bennett and Zingg one type of animal played the same role. In other words, a

1935:314~315; Bode 1961; Brand rys1:204; Bunzel knowledge of the structure of Maya myth is probably just 1952:424; Carrasco 1952: 25; de la Fuente 1949:283; Fos- a6 necessary for interpreting Maya sculpture and painting ter 1948:208; Gamio 1922:2:230~-231; Gillmor 1942, ag it is for understanding Maya ritual, which is sometimes 1943; Ichon 1969:349; Johnson 1950:39~-40; Kurath represented in painting (e.g., the masked performers de1949; La Farge and Byers 1931: 99; Madsen 1960: 155; Par- picted in the mural in Room 1, Structure 1, at Bonampak SONS T932°330~ 333, 1936: 250-252, 261-263; Redfield (Ruppert, Thompson, and Proskouriakoff 1955:49—51, 1930: 117, 120; Ricard 1932; Spicer 1954:142—143; Starr — Figure 25]). Arthur Miller (1974) has shown that the inter-

1908 : 30; Toor 1925; Vazquez Santana 1940: 359-362; twined borders of the painting in Structure 5 at Tulum Vazquez Santana and Davila Garibi 1931:49, 50, III; could have several meanings at once.

Wagley 1949: 56; Wisdom TO40-45T~ 452. Another well-known improbable creature which is rep-

2. Professor Prudencio Moscoso Pastrana hasso-called brought “were-jaguar” to ye a Wad a of yethe a . OF resented in sculpture is the

my attention a handwritten text of a Dance of Christians Olmecs. Some scholars have argued that Olmee culture

and Moors, which bears the following inscription on the thn Ue thoy WW of tha. lee ciel:

frstPas page: was “mother culture ot the Maya and other civilizations ofthe Mesoamerica. According to Michael Coe, “The La Fe de Cristo The Eaith of Christ Olmec art style, as seen in gigantic basalt sculptures

Triunfante Triumphant (some weighing many tons] and in smaller carvings, was Manuscrito Manuscript centered upon the representation of a creature which comSiglo XVIII 18th Century bined the features of a snarling jaguar with those of a se represento en 1822 performed in 1822 weeping human infant; this were-jaguar almost surely was

a rain god, the first recognizable deity of the Mceso-

The Cancuc revolt of 1712 is referred to in a speech of one american pantheon” (1966: 47). However, in light of my

of the actors (quoted in note 10 below). discussion of the structure of myth and ritual, it is not

3. The modern Lacandon are not descendants of the necessary to conclude from the existence of these sculpcolonial Lacandon (see Chapter 4). It is possible that the tures that the Olmecs believed in a god that was half jagcolonial Lacandon had the same curing ceremonies as the uar, half human. Rather, it is at least as likely that the modern Lacandon do. Alternatively, because both groups sculptures of were-jaguars represented several mythical or have been called Lacandon, it may have seemed appropri- historical events, in which a crying baby and a jaguar ate to attribute the curing rituals of the modern Lacandon played the same role. This would mean that the sculpto the colonial Lacandon. In any case, the Crossbacks also tures in question symbolized several structurally similar resemble the Lacandon of the Colonial period, who went events, just as the monkey impersonators of Chamula

sOI—502). conflict.

about naked and painted their bodies (Tozzer 1913: symbolize several analogous historical cases of ethnic 4. The Lacandon impersonators {kabinal) of Bachajon 6. Other versions of this myth have been published in fight a “red war” against Captains dressed in colonial Vogt (1969 : 326—330, 357-360). Spanish costumes. The Lacandon chase the Captains four- 7. According to William J. Smither (personal communiteen times around the sports field in front of the church cation], this ritual may also be related to the medieval war (Becquelin-Monod and Breton 1973}. The mock battle ob- game described in the Poema del Cid (Menéndez Pidal viously symbolizes the Lacandon raids of the sixteenth 1971:194), variants of which are found in other parts of and seventeenth centuries, which, by the beginning of the Spanish America, such as New Mexico, where it is called

eighteenth century, were already being dramatized in canas, and Puerto Rico, where it is called carrera de nearby Ocosingo (Ximénez 1929—1931:2:220; see also sortijas. Chapter 4). Does the name “red war” also refer to the in- 8. This does not mean that the people interviewed by vasion of Simojovel, in 1712, by Indians daubed with red Bode were unconcerned about the historical accuracy of

mud? their dance-dramas. They expressed the belief that some

342 Notes to Pages 151-161

versions were more authentic than others, and not all fashion but, instead of crucifying a saint |image] on Good dance masters confused the conquest of Mexico with the Friday, they did so with one of their own people whom conquest of Guatemala (Bode, personal communication — they had previously selected. All the torment that Our

and 1961: 228). Lord suffered at the hands of the Jews they did to the poor g. According to Bode, the dance masters sometimes — fellow who had been struck with bad luck. After lowering confused the Dance of the Conquest with the conquest — him from the Cross, they carried him in a procession as far itself: “So closely associated in their minds are theirmanu- —_as the cemetery to bury him.— After the deed of those men scripts, the historia, and the events it relates that they had become known, a priest was sent there to determine if often confuse the two. For example, when I asked Rubén the things that were being said were true. When they de Leon Cabrera, in Concepcion, where he had obtained turned out to be true, the priest performed a solemn Mass his historia, he embarked on an animated dissertation on to the end that all kinds of animals of the mountains, such Pedro de Alvarado’s route down through Mexico tohisen- as tigers, lions, poisonous snakes, etc., would come to counter with Tecum in the Llanos de Pinal. Santiago Mul _ finish off these perverse people. Days later when men and felt that they were probably doing the dance ‘durante |= women went out they did not return again. The church la misma Conquista’ [’during the Conquest itself’]|, when can still be seen” (Tax 1950:2544). the Lacand6n came down from Mexico where ‘un senor 4. For example, General May’s son-in-law, whom I met llamado Hernan Cortés habia conquistado el Rey de Mé- in Carrillo Puerto (formerly Chan Santa Cruz) in August xico, creo Moctezuma’ |’a gentleman named Hernan Cor- 1971, believes that Juan de la Cruz was the son of Christ.

tés had conquered the King of Mexico, I believe it was 5. CCA, Letter from Juan de la Cruz to Miguel Bar-

Montezuma’|” (1961: 231). bachano, August 24, 1851. This is one of five similar let10. The original Spanish text is as follows: ters written during August and September 1851. The com-

. . ; pleteQuien text of one of them (dated August 28, 1851) Reina: vencerda en esta guerra |translation oerappears oanand| oe 7 in Appendix A, together with an English Que no se Ilego a contar xpl ao Nineuno, nineuno pues explanatory notes (Text A-2).

La era muy fatal, : .. . ~ larguerra clergy deathsde between 1796 and 1887 in) the Yoa.de parte los indios otbishopric & ’ SUMO Pues 6. As mentioned in note 21 to Chapter 8, of 1,069 secu-

| ; ofyYucatan, 22, or 2 percent, were individuals with Maya Treinta dos pueblos estan, | | | , , surnames (ASA-Y, Asuntos Terminados, 1889—1891). Y los de Guatemala, | Se 7. The name Juan de la Cruz may :have a special meanComitan y Ciudad Real, Vabkoh: 1; ;| Quetzaltenango y sus pueblos, lea ; . 7 ; eader was y a man named Juan de la Cruz (Brinton 1897: Soconusco Tonala, ee ye. ; ah: | . Reunidos temen la fuerza a se | :; oe ; probably not accidental; the Cruzob were famous for their ing for the Maya. When the Kekchi rebelled in 1885, their

En que los indios estan. : . _ |

XVll1—x1x; Sapper 1895: 205}. The choice of this name was

successes against Ladino armies, and they could have I am grateful to Professor Moscoso for pointing out the served as the model for the Kekchi rebellion in Guatemala.

. . image cau its im ance

significance of this passage to me (see note 2 above). 8. On August 13, 1974, I visited the church of St. Do-

minic in San Cristobal Las Casas. I wanted to look at the

Chapter 11. The Passion Theme in Maya Folklore age of the Entombed Christ because of it portal

to Chamulans before 1868. It was a Tuesday afternoon, 1. The heart sacrifice resembled several important and I did not expect to find a Mass going on at that hour of events in the history of Christianity. The custom of shoot- the day (3:30 p.m.) and on that day of the week. The ing the victim with arrows was probably responsible for church seemed to be deserted, but I could hear someone the association of the sacrifice with the martyrdom of St. singing what I thought at first was a Mass. As I moved Sebastian in Zinacantan (Chapter 10). The scaffold to around the church in search of the image of the Entombed which the victim was tied was analogous in purpose to the Christ, I suddenly realized that what I was hearing was not

Cross. chanting in Spanish or Latin, but an Indian praying in

2. AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folio 394; Leg. Tzotzil. 295, 3d Quaderno, folio 170; 5th Quaderno, folios 197, As I neared the front of the church I saw in the right

202, 203. transept a Chamulan man, his wife, and their child pray-

3. Indian Christs also appear in the oral traditions of ing before the image of the Entombed Christ. A stone slab highland Guatemala. A tale from Panajachel relates how in front of the glass case which enclosed the image was an Indian of San Jeronimo el Ingenio was crucified and tor- covered with lighted candles. The Chamulan man was mented like Christ: “They say that there was formerly a chanting mi sirikoéyo (misericordia}, his voice resonating

great town in this place (Now it is only a small ranch throughout the church. which has the same name) in which all the people were After praying for some time in front of the glass box Catholics; but later they relapsed into such savagery that enclosing the figure of the Entombed Christ, the family they no longer celebrated Holy Week in the traditional turned to another image directly across the transept and

Notes to Pages 163-180 343

prayed before it also. Then they exited from the side door — noun root which has the general meaning ‘female’ and, in of the church and prayed in the courtyard just outside the | some contexts, the specific meaning ‘mother’ (Laughlin

door. After that they disappeared into the town. 1975 : 232). Santo is a Spanish loan word which, in Indian The Chamulan man and his wife were not wearing the | communities, may mean either ‘saint’ or ‘god.’ Guiterasrobes of political or religious officials, so] concluded that Holmes (1961:270) apparently translates me? santo as they were making some personal appeal to the image, per- ‘mother of the saint,’ as does Holland (1963: 199). Howhaps to cure an illness. Evidently the image of the En- | ever, me? does not mean ‘mother of’ unless it is preceded tombed Christ in the church of St. Dominic in San Cris- by the third person possessive pronoun s-; the correct tobal Las Casas was not entirely forgotten by Chamulans Tzotzil equivalent of ‘mother of the saint’ is sie? santo. after 1868, even though it is no longer the focus of official Without the possessive prefix, me? has the general

worship during the Easter season. meaning ‘female,’ unless it is used as a term of address.

Therefore, the correct translation of me? santo is ‘female

Chapter 12. The Indian King saint’ or ‘Virgin.’ Indians usually call female saints Vir-

gins. Furthermore, Guiteras-Holmes also says, “Talking 1. The Tupac Amaru rebellion in Peru, with which the boxes are called by the name of a saint; more rarely, they Totonicapan dispute has been compared, also occurred are known as Jesucristo or La Virgen” (1961: 294). Finally, during the Colonial period when the Spanish King was the _ this gloss makes sense in terms of the history of these

supreme political ruler. movements: the object of worship in the eighteenth-cen2. AGC, Ar.5480, Leg. 47154, folio 5. tury cults of Santa Marta and Cancuc was a “talking” Vir-

3. It is interesting that in Contreras’s (1951:39) para- gin, and the Virgin of St. Rose became the focus of the phrase of Lara’s anguished plea for help, he refers to a religious revitalization movement in Chamula during the

‘new reconquest.” nineteenth century. 4. When Cecilio Chi heard of the terms of the treaty, he

refused to abide by it. He immediately sent 1,500 men to Chapter 14. Nativism, Syncretism, and the Structure of Peto, where they caught Pat by surprise and destroyed the |= Myth and Ritual staff, the banner, and the treaty (Reed 1964: 89). After that

there was no more talk of an Indian governor. 1. The Cancuc revolt is not the only documented 5. Montezuma, the most powerful Indian king in Meso- _ POStconquest example of the use of magical weapons by america on the eve of the conquest, seems to have been an the Maya in ethnic conflict. In 1837, the Indians of San important symbol in several Maya Indian rebellions. The — J¥4 Ostuncalco (near Quezaltenango in highland Guateleaders of the Cancuc revolt of 1712 tried to gain support ™alal, “being provoked at being compelled to work at the for their movement by announcing that Montezuma was construction of prisons, ... rose en masse, to attack the being resuscitated and would help the Indians defeat the = CMCult judges, at that time holding their first court of jusSpaniards (AGI, Guat., Leg. 293, 2d Quaderno, folios 209, tice in the town. They and the officers accompanying

218, 261, 326; Leg. 204, folio 188). them were compelled to save themselves from the popular 6. AGC, At.5480, Leg. 47155, folio 26. indignation by a precipitate flight. The magistrate of the

. district, escorted by a troop of dragoons, proceeded to remonstrate with the Indians, but he had no sooner begun to

Chapter 13. Contemporary Developments in Highland speak than they directed against him a shower of stones.

Chiapas (1958~—1972) An engagement then took place between the mob and the t. In 1942—1943, Professor Sol Tax and a group of Mex- dragoons, when the former was dispersed with considerican students of anthropology conducted some field re- able loss after killing twenty-four of the dragoons. The Insearch in Zinacantan (Vogt 1976:192]. Calixta Guiteras- dians left behind them an idol and a jar filled with stones Holmes carried out field work in San Pedro Chenalho Collected from the bed of a neighbouring river. It appears in 1944, 1953, and 1955—1956 and in Cancuc in 1044 that they had been made to believe that the jar, if broken

‘1946a, 1946b, 1961:1—s). Ricardo Pozas Arcinicga the moment of the attack, would throw lightning upon worked in Chamula during 1944 (1944, 1959]. Fernando the enemy, and, by enchantment, a number of venomous Camara Barbachano was engaged in research in Tenejapa snakes were to rush out from a neighbouring wood and

during 1943-1944 and in San Miguel Mitontic during bite the soldiers;—an event which was to be brought 1944 (1946a, 1946b]. William R. Holland worked in San about by the assistance of the old gods of the country” Andres Larrainzar in 1956, 1957, and 1959—196r (1963:i). (Dunlop 1847: 192—193). The inspiration for this futile at-

And members of the Harvard Chiapas Project, under the tempt to unleash natural forces against the enemy could direction of Professor Evon Z. Vogt, have been working in only have been oral or written traditions about the use of Zinacantan continuously since 1957 and, more recently, these weapons in past ethnic conflicts such as the con-

also in Chamula. quest of Guatemala (Chapter 3)—another example of the 2. My etymological interpretation of the term me ‘7fetvention of myth in history. santo rests on the following reasoning: me? is a Tzotzil

Glossary

aguardiente (Span.): sugarcane liquor, rum. entrada (Span.): an expedition for purposes of exploration alcalde (Span.): a local magistrate; a judge and member or military conquest.

of the town government. fanega (Span.): a grain measure; ca. 1.60 bushels.

alcalde mayor (Span.}: a provincial governor; the gover- fiscal (Span.}: a minor church official.

nor of an alcaldia mayor. fustan (Span.): a petticoat.

aldea (Span.): a small village or hamlet. gobernador (Span.}: the governor of a province.

arriero (Span.}: a muleteer. : guardia |Span.): a system of rotational service in the mu-

arroba (Span.): a weight of twenty-five pounds. nicipal government of Yucatan.

audiencia (Span.): the court or governing body of a region. haab (Yucatec Maya): solar calendar of 365 days.

barrio (Span.): a ward of a town or city; a suburb. hacienda (Span.): a large landed estate, ranch, farm, or batab (Yucatec Maya): the civil and military head of a plantation. Yucatecan town in pre-Spanish times; during the Colo- — hidalgo (Span.}: a noble. nial period the cacique and later on the governor of an hoik’al (Tzotzil): Blackman, Moor, or Negro.

Indian town. huipil (Yucatec Maya): typical dress worn by Indian

cacicazgo (Span.): a native province or political division. women in Yucatan. cacique (Span.}: an Indian chief or local ruler; a political jarana (Span.}: traditional dance of Yucatan.

leader or “boss.” Jteclum (Tzotzil): the name of the ceremonial center of or religious post. kaeb’enal (Tzotzil): name of Lacandon chiefs during the

cargo (Span.): a burden or weight; used to refer to a civil Zinacantan.

castellano (Span.): a Castilian; the language of Castile. Colonial period. catrin (Span.): a citified or sophisticated person; term Rkalvaryo (Tzotzil, trom Span. calvario): Calvary Hill.

used for a person of non-Indian culture in the Yucatan Kastiya (Tzotzil, from Span. castilla}: a scaffolding tower

peninsula. of fireworks set off during festivals in the Indian com-

cenote (from Yucatec Maya dzonot): a natural cistern or munities of highland Chiapas.

water hole; a limestone sink. katun (Yucatec Maya): a time period of 7,200 days, or

Chac (Yucatec Maya): rain god of the Yucatecan Maya. approximately twenty years; a score of years.

chic (Yucatec Maya}: a coati mundi. Ladino (Span.}: a non-Indian, Spanish-speaking inhabitant chilam (Yucatec Maya): a prophet or priest. of Guatemala or Chiapas.

cofradia (Span.}: a religious sodality. leva (Span.): military conscription.

coleto (Span.): a native of the city of San Cristobal Las maestro (Span.): during the Colonial period in Yucatan, a

Casas, Chiapas. lay assistant to a Spanish priest. conjunta (Span.): a meeting. Yucatan.

comisario (Span.}: an investigator (for the Inquisition). maestro cantor (Span.}): a native religious specialist in

copal (Nahuatl): incense. mayordomo (Span.}: a majordomo or custodian. coroza (Span.)}: a hood or cape. mesonero (Span.): a publican.

Cruzob (Yucatec Maya): people of the Cross. mestizo (Span.): a person of mixed Indian and Spanish Ehécatl (Nahuatl): Quetzalcoatl in his wind god aspect. ancestry. encomienda (Span.): a grant of Indians, originally for la- mico (Span.}: a monkey. bor and tribute, later mainly for tribute; the area of the |= milpa (Nahuatl): a cornfield. The term also refers to

Indians granted. swidden or slash-and-burn agriculture.

Glossary 345

mono (Span.}: a monkey. reduccion {Span.): a settlement of converted Indians. naguatlato (Nahuatl): an interpreter. reina (Span.): a queen. nagual (Nahuatl): an animal alter ego. regidor (Span.}: an alderman or councilman.

nixtamal (Nahuatl): hominy. rey (Span.): a king.

nohoé tata (Yucatec Maya): great father; spiritual leader secretario (Span.): a secretary or scribe.

of descendants of the Cruzob. senora (Span.): a lady.

ordinario (Span.): Ecclesiastical Judge Ordinary. tatich {Yucatec Maya): title of Patron of the Cross in partido (Span.): a local district or administrative area; the Chan Santa Cruz. district administered by a curate or beneficed priest. templo (Span.}: a temple, church, or shrine. pasyon (Tzotzil, from Span. pasion): passion; religious teponaztli (Nahuatl): a sht or horizontal drum.

post in Chamula, Chenalho, and Zinacantan. tesorero (Span.): a treasurer. peso (Span.): in Colonial times, a silver coin equivalent tun (Maya): in Yucatan, a time period of 360 days; in

to eight reales; today, the basic monetary unit of highland Guatemala, a slit or horizontal drum. Mexico. turko (from Span. turco}: a Turk. presidente (Span.): a mayor or magistrate of a town. tzolkin (Yucatec Maya): ritual calendar of 260 days.

principal (Span.): an Indian aristocrat. vicario (Span.}: a vicar.

pueblo (Span.): a town, village, or settlement. visita (Span.): a tour of inspection; a community or rancho (Span.}: a hamlet, small farm, or ranch. church ministered by nonresident clergy. real (Span.): a silver coin, one-eighth of a silver peso.

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versity Press. cadores. 3 vols. Guatemala City: Biblioteca Wagley, Charles “Goathemala” de la Sociedad de Geografia e 1949 The social and religious life of a Guatemalan Historia. village. Memoirs of the American Anthropo- Xiu, José A.

logical Association 71. Menasha, Wisc. 1972 Una variante de “La leyenda de enano de Ux-

Wallace, Anthony F. C. mal.” Novedades de Yucatan, July 2, 1972. 1956 Revitalization movements. American Anthro- Zimmerman, Benedict

pologist §8:264—281. 1910 John of the cross, Saint. In The Catholic ency-

Wasserstrom, Robert F. clopedia 8:480—481. New York: Robert Ap1970 Our lady of the salt. A.B. honors thesis, Harvard pleton Company.

University. Zimmerman, Charlotte

1974 The exchange of saints in Zinacantan. Paper 1963 The cult of the holy cross: An analysis of cospresented at the XLI International Congress of mology and Catholicism in Quintana Roo. His-

Americanists, Mexico City, September 2—7. tory of Religions 3:50—71.

a Index

abductors, 136, 137 arroba, 344 Belen, Baja Verapaz, 38

Acala, Chiapas, 287 n.16 Artiaga, Gabriel de, 330 n.1 Belize

Acalan, Guatemala, Lacandon of, 36, 46, Asantic, Huehuetenango, 52 archives in, 102, 336 n.1, 337 n.10

48—50 Atitlan, Lake, 32 munitions from, 95, 227-228

Acanceh, Yucatan, 102, 232 audiencia, 344 peace talks in, 115 agricultural land, 88—89, 93-95, 101 Audiencia of Guatemala, 22, 37, 50, 51, Berlin, Isaiah, 181

aguardiente, 344 64,79, 81 “Bird.” See Pérez Ch’ix Tot, Jacinto

Aguilar, Geronimo de, 13, 15 Avendano y Loyola, Andrés de, 22-24, birds (magical weapons), 39—41, 257, 259

Aguilar, Lucas, 80—83, 335 n.2 327 n.5, 328 n.7 Blackmen, 130, 136-138, 143 Aguilar, Modesto, 229 Ay, Manuel Antonio, 95—97, 99 Blair, Robert, 219

Ah Canul, province of, 17 Aztecs, 29, 33, 144, 146-148 Blom, Frans, 130, 319 n.5, 329 n.2 Ah Kin Chel, province of, 17 Bacalar, Quintana Roo blowfly (magical weapon), 257, 259

Ah Kin, 112 Blom, Gertrude Duby de, 319, 319 n.5

Ahpop Qamahay, 41 bells from, 338 n.48 Bode, Barbara, 38, 141, 151, 168,

Ahpozotzil, 35 church in, 108—110 341-342 nn.8,9 Ah Xepach, 39 falls to Maya, 101, 108, 111, 116, 117 Bolio, Miguel, 100

Ah Xupan, 24 guardia in, 231-232, 231 n.301 Bonampak, Chiapas, 341 n.5

airplanes, 292, 294 n.353, 297, 298, Bachajon (San Geronimo Bachajon)], Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, 7,

301—302, 308, 310 Chiapas 23-28, 327 n.7

Ake, Yucatan, 16 in Cancuc revolt, 60, 61, 63, 65, 67, Book of Chilam Balam of Tizimin, 21,

alcalde, alcalde mayor, 344 137, 332 n.43 24—25, 328 n.15

aldea, 344 Chol Lacandon in, 49, 52 Books of Chilam Balam, 70, 105, 165,

Aldherre, F., 110 Lacandon impersonators in, 141, 143, 336 n.5

Alexander VI, Pope, 6 341 n.4 Brasseur de Bourbourg, Charles Etienne, Alvarado, Gonzalo de, 34 Baile del Tun, 151 149, 328-329 n.2 Alvarado, Pedro de Baluarte de la Libertad, El, 119, 121 Bravo, Ignacio

in Chamula ritual, 133 Bancroft, Hubert Howe, 331 n.1 departure of, 239 n, 239-240, 245, 247 in Dance of the Conquest, 150, 180 Bandelier, Adolf, 328 n.2 and railroads, 236 n in Guatemala, 29-36 Baqueiro, Serapio, 87, 93, 95, 102, treatment of Cruzob, 117, 223-224,

in Indian myth, 39-41, 342 n.9 336 nn.1,2 233 n, 233-239, 235 n, 238 n

letters from, 328 n.1 Barbachanistas, 255, 255 n.8 Bravo Izquierdo, Donato, 294 n.353 in Yucatan, 15 Barbachano, Miguel bricolage, 4, 180 Alvarado, Salvador, 117, 243 n and Caste War, 95, 96, 98—101, 108, Brinton, Daniel G., 330-331 n.1 Alvarez de Toledo, Juan Bauptista, 55, 66 165, 337 n.14 British Honduras, 107, 108, 110, 111,

Amatenango, Chiapas, 161, 162 and end of secession, 90 115-117 Amézquita, Bartolome de, 51 letter from, 212 n.145 Brujula, La, 122

Ancona, Eligio letters to, 105, 160, 186, 208—218 Bull, 137

on Caste War, 87, 92—93, 95, 336 n.1 Barrera, José Maria, 93—94, 103, 107—108, Burrero, Chiapas, 258

on Quisteil revolt, 70—71, 76, 334 n.2 115, 123 butterfly (magical weapon), 149, 257-259,

Annals of the Cakchiquels, The, 34, 38, Barret, Domingo, 90, 93, 94 313-314 Apas, Chiapas, 173-174 Barrios Leal, Jacinto de, 22, 50-51 Caamal, Ah Kin, 25

41-42, 148 barrio, 344

Apostles, 161 Bartholomew, St., 123 Caamal, Anastasio, 112 Aquespala, Chiapas, 52 batab, 102, 344 Caamal, Andrés, 112 Arana, Andrés, 94 Baux, 272 n.10, 272-273, 275, 283 Caamal, José Santos, 112 Arana, Eugenio, 116 Becanchen, Yucatan, 212, 221 Cabnal (Cabenal), 136

Argosy, 104, 186—207, 186 n.4, 338 n.38 Beitia, Captain, 96—97 Cachon, Juan Francisco de Medina, 65, 66

Arias Sohom, Manuel, 256 Beleheb-Tzy, 32 cacicazgo, 344

arriero, 344 Belehé Qat, 41 cacique, 99, 101, 344

360 Index Cadiz, parliament of, 77 Carrillo Puerto, Quintana Roo, 118, 159, Chancenote, Yucatan, 100

Cahi Ymox, 41 219, 338 n.48, 339 n.61. See also Chan, Florentino, 103 Cajabon, Alta Verapaz, 36—37 Chan Santa Cruz Chan, Juan de Mata, 97 Cakchiquel, 29, 32—35, 41—42, 149 Caso, Alfonso, 140 Chan, Rafael, 116 Calderon, José Manuel, 49, 52 castellano, 344 Chan Kom, Yucatan, 8, 102, 165 Calderon de la Helguera, Cristobal, 71—75 caste system Chan Santa Cruz also history, Maya in Colonial period, 63, 84, 92, 99, 177 243 n, 245

calendar, Maya, 6—9, 28, 121, 327 n.6. See and Caste War, 101, 115 Bravo abandons, 117, 239 n, 240 n.709,

Calkini, Campeche, 74 Caste War of Yucatan Bravo attacks, 117, 224, 232—235

Calvary, 130 background of, 87-95, 101 and chicle trade, 247 n.1003

Camara Barbachano, Fernando, 343 n.1 chronology of, 88 Cruzob sanctuary, 103—104, 10O8—110, Camara Zavala, Felipe de la, 108, 338 n.45 early success of, 95-102 112-118, 188, 220

Campech, province of, 17 end of, 115-117 | migration to, 221 n.70, 225 nn.41,46 Campeche Indian Christ in, 5—6, 155-161 religion in, 1O9—111, 116 in Caste War, 101, 102, 115-116, in oral tradition, 219-255 chapels 212 n.144 peaceful Indians in, 115—117, 178—179 Cancuc, 59-62, 67

in Conquest period, 13, 16—19, 25 prophecy of, 28, 328 n.15 Chamula, 120—121, 262—263 Constitution of 1812 in, 92 as religious crusade, 102—115 Chan Santa Cruz, 103, 1O8—109

dance in, 129 as social revolution, 93—94, 115 Chenalho, 57, 64, 67 Santa Anna’s fleet in, 89 and War of St. Rose, 123—125 Coila, 65

Cancer, Luis, 35 Cat, Rancho, 97 contemporary, 172—173, 176, 178

Cancian, Frank, 172 Catalina, St., 144-145 Santa Marta, 56—57 Cancuc, Chiapas Catholicism in Virgin cults, 69, 169 and Santa Marta cult, 331 n.5 Indian acceptance of, 19-21 Zinacantan, 55—56 talking Virgin in, 343 n.2 in revitalization movements, 5—6, 169, Charles V, 33

Virgin of the Rosary in, 331—332 n.20 173-176 Chauaca, Yucatan, 16 and War of St. Rose, 284, 284 n.494, See also Indian clergy; religious Chel, Ah Kauil, 24

286, 286 n.552, 321 n.11, 323, syncretism Chenalho, Chiapas

323 n.13, 326 nn.7,8 Catoche, Cape, 13, 327 n.2 in Cancuc revolt, 6(0—61, 64—66, 121,

Cancuc rebellion catrin, 253 n, 344 138, 180 causes of, 66—69, 169 cattle-raising, 87—88 Carnival in, 130, 135—138, 143, 149, chapels in, 60-62, 174 Ceh Pech, province of, 17 180

in Chiapas drama, 134-138, 180 Cen, Bernardino, 111, 114, 229, 339 n.57 Dance of the Conquest in, 151, 152

in Dance of Christians and Moors, cenote, 103, 344 folklore from, 272—286 341 n.2 Cetina, José Dolores, 96—97, 99 Juan Ortega in, 134 military phase of, 6(0—66 Chac, 139, 146, 149, 344 miracles in, 59, 67-68

in oral tradition, 149~150 Chacchobil, Quintana Roo, 227 Passions in, 130, 136, 162

343 n.5 292, talking saints in, 169-171, 174

participants in, 6(0—61, 178, 332 n.43, Chaclajon, Chiapas, 286—287, 286 n.9, structure of myth in, 150

Passion symbolism in, 155 Chajul. See San Gaspar Chajul in War of St. Rose, 121, 123, 125, 162,

Virgin cult in, 55, 59-62 Chakan, province of, 18 332 n.43

and War of St. Rose, 125 Chakanputun. See Champoton worship of Nazarene in, 161, 162

Candelaria, Maria de la. See Maria de la Chalchihuitan. See San Pablo Chequitaquitl, Quintana Roo, 16—17

Candelaria Chalchihuitan Chetumal, Quintana Roo, 16—19, 228,

Canek, 21—23, 70 Chama, El Quiche, 49, 329 n.4 247

Canek, Jacinto, 70—76, 164—165, 168, Chamberlain, Robert S., 26, 327 n.1 Chetumal (barge), 230-232, 231 n.327

253-255, 334 n.8 Champoton, Campeche, 7, 17—18 Chiapa, bishopric of, 36

Cano, Agustin, 22, 38, 327 n.5, 328 n.7, Chamula, Chiapas Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas

328-329 n.2, 329 n.6 in Bird’s revolt, 287—294 in Bird’s revolt, 291-292 Cantel, Quezaltenango, 151 calendrical cycles in, 8 as capital, 123, 340 n.1

Canto, Teodosio, 117 in Cancuc revolt, 65, 138, 150, in Conquest period, 44, 46, 134 Captain Jaguar, 25 Carnival ritual in, 130, 133—135, 138, in Pineda revolt, 296, 312 Cardenas, Tomas de, 36 149, 180, 268 n.338, 341 n.5 in War of St. Rose, 274-275, 274 n.89 cargos, 172—173, 178, 344 in Conquest period, 44—45, 178 in Zinacantan legend, 258 Carlota, Empress, 110 Dance of the Conquest in, 151, 152 Chiapanec

Canul, Marcos, 116 334 n.90, 343 n.2 Juan Ortega in, 133, 134, 149, 312 Carmack, Robert M., 168 Easter in, 161 in Cancuc revolt, 63, 64, 134 339 n.57 in land title settlement, 315 in Juan Ortega’s revolt, 292

Carmichael, John, 112, 114, 116, 117, folklore from, 260—286 in Conquest period, 43—46

Carnival Passion cult in, 67, 130, 134, 161—162 and Lacandon, 48, 136

in Chamula, 133-135, 161 in Pineda revolt, 296, 306—307 in Pineda revolt, 312—313 in Chenalho, 135—138, 180 relations of, with Zinacantan, 178 in War of St. Rose, 275, 281

date of, 180 Santa Marta Virgin in, 57 Chiapa River, 45

Passion cult in, 161—162 structure of myth in, 150 Chiapas in Yucatan, 152—154 talking saints in, 171 anthropologists in, 169, 174, 343 n.1

in Zinacantan, 138 worship of Entombed Christ in, 161, conquest of, 5, 29—31, 43—52 294-295 nn.352,353 in Zinacantan Virgin cult, 55—56 languages of, 5, 178 Carranza, Venustiano, 133, 135, 294 n.353 See also War of St. Rose ritual in, 129-145, 147 Carrillo Puerto, Felipe, 166 Chanca, Quintana Roo, 219 Chiapilla, Chiapas, 287 n.16

Carrancistas, 149, 293 n.316, 342-343 n.8 ethnic divisions in, 178

Index 361

Chi, Cecilio definition of, 344 definition of, 344 as Caste War leader, 94—102, 224, 229, in Santa Marta, 56 fame of, 342 n.7 249, 253-255 in Totonicapan revolt, 82 folklore of, 162

death of, 338 n.32 in War of St. Rose, 121, 125 as religious crusaders, 108, 110—118, in folklore, 108, 164—165 Cogolludo, Diego de Lopez de, 21, 26, 158

in Valladolid massacre, 90 70-71 social organization of, 113-114

Chi, Raimundo, 101 Coila, Chiapas, 66 soldiers’ treatment of, 237—239, 238 n

chic, 153, 344 coleto, 323 n.12, 344 in X-Cacal, 155

Chichanha, Quintana Roo, 115-117, Collado, Ambrosio, 80—81 Cuba, 102, 336 n.5

212 n.144, 214 Collaso Panchin, Ignacio, 123 Cult of the Talking Cross, 103—113, 115, Chichen Itza Collier, Jane F., 170, 171 338 n.45 art of, 341 n.5 comisario, 57, 135, 344 Culumpich, Hacienda, 95, 96, 224, 224 n Central Mexicans in, 141, 166 Comitan, Chiapas, 48, 66, 311 Cuncunul, Yucatan, 100

establishment of, 7 Concepcion, Quezaltenango, 15] Cupules, 17-19

in Juan de la Cruz proclamation, Condorcanque, José Gabriel, 336 n.40 Cuscat, Pedro Diaz

212 n.144, 215, 218 conjunta, 71, 344 in Chamulan folklore, 261, 267-272

Spanish in, 17 Constitution of 1812, 74—88 92, in Chenalho folklore, 275—276, 279,

Chichimila, Yucatan, 95, 97, 100 336-337, 336 n.5 280—281 n.338, 283, 284 n.494

chicle, 118, 247 n.1003 Contreras, J. Daniel, 83-84, 163, 168, in Ladino folklore, 317—321, 323—325

Chicomecoatl, 146 335 nn.1,2, 336 n.40 in War of St. Rose, 119-125, 171, 267, Chi Gumarcaah Yzmachi, Quiche, 39, 40 Contreras de Elizade, Juan Peon, 339 n.60 319 n.3, 321 n.10, 325 n.3

Chikinchel, province of, 18 cooling powers of female genitalia, 149, in Zinacantan folklore, 149, 286

Chilam Balam, 19, 28, 75 150, 260, 268-270, 268 n.353, Cuscat Rebellion, 119

chilams, 19, 24, 71, 344 275 n.103, 293, 325

Chilon (Santo Domingo Chilon), Chiapas, —“coons,” 149, 294 n.353, 307-308, Dance of Christians and Moors, 129, 152,

60-62, 65, 137, 332 n.43 307 n.94] 341 n.2

Chiquimula, Chiquimula, 33 copal, 344 Dance of Howler and Spider Monkeys, Chiquimula (Santa Maria Chigquimula}, Copan, Honduras, 33 150 Totonicapan, 80—82 Copanaguastla, Chiapas, 44 Dance of the Conquest Chol, 22, 36, 61, 329 n.3, 332 n.43 Copan Calel, 33 in Chiapas, 138, 141, 152

Chol-Lacandon, 36, 46—52 Cordoba, Francisco Hernandez de, 13 in Guatemala, 129, 150-152

Chonay, Dionisio José, 167 coroza, 344 origins of, 38-39, 328 n.1 Chorti, 33 Corozal, British Honduras, 112, 116 Quiche kings in, 167-168 Christ impersonators Cortés, Hernan temporal distortion in, 151, 180, in Chamula, 161, 162 in Chamula drama, 133 341-342 n.8, 342 n.9 in Chenalho, 130, 136 and conquest of Chiapas, 43—45 Dance of the Malinche, 151 in Dance of the Conquest, 151 and conquest of Guatemala, 29 Dance of Warriors, 143

in Zinacantan, 138 in Dance of the Conquest, 168 Davila, Alonso, 16-17 Chuabah, Guatemala, 39 in Indian folklore, 39 Davis, V. Dale, 137, 141 Chuaraal, Quezaltenango, 40 letter from, 327 n.5 de Angulo, Pedro, 35

Chuc, Juan Bautista, 110, 111—112, 117, as Quetzalcoatl, 141 debt peonage, 88, 93, 101

187 treatment of Indians by, 219-221 Deer Dance, 150

Chunhuhub, Quintana Roo, 97 in Yucatan, 13, 15, 21 de la Torre y Tovilla, Francisco, 61 Chunpom, 118, 240 n.709, 241 Cosgaya, Juan de Dios, 92 Delgado, Diego, 22

Cimatan, Tabasco, 43, 45 Cosgaya, Tiburcio, 71—74, 76, 177 Delgado, Joseph, 37—38, 328 n.2 Cistéel (Cisteil). See Quisteil rebellion Cosio, Toribio de, 64, 65, 137, 330 n.1 del Puerto, Estanislao, 74

Ciudad Real, Chiapas costumes del Puerto, Martin, 73—74, 334 n.2 in Cancuc revolt, 60, 62—66, 68 in Chiapas drama, 130, 133, 135, demons, 135 founding of, 46—47 138-140, 147 Diario de Yucatan, 108 Santa Marta Virgin in, 56—57 daily, 178 Diaz, Juan, 36 See also San Cristobal Las Casas dramatic categories of, 150, 154, Diaz, Magdalena, 59-60, 62 Ciudad Real, Yucatan, 17 341 n.5 Diaz, Porfirio, 117, 223-224

clergy in Conquest in Guatemalan drama, 150-151 Diaz Cuscat, Pedro. See Cuscat, Pedro of Kekchi, Pokoman, 33 Council of the Indies, 38 Diaz of Lacandon, 48—50 couplets, 185-186, 256, 279 n Diaz de la Vega, Romulo, 108 of Manche, 36-38 cowboys, 137 Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, 43—45, 329 n.1 of Tayasal, 21-24 Cozar, Prudencio de, 81, 83 Dolores, Chiapas, Lacandon, 51—52 of Verapaz, 35—36 Cozumel, Quintana Roo, 13, 14, 16, 175, Dominicans

See also Dominicans; Franciscans 240 n.709 in Chiapas, 321 n.11, 330 n.1 Cline, Howard E., 165, 336 n.1 Creoles, 83, 92 in Guatemala, 33, 35-38, 328 n.2

Coatzacoalcos, Tabasco, 43, 45 Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona Library, and Pochutla Lacandon, 48, 49

Cob, Francisco, 93 103, 105, 212, 336 n.1 Don Ventura, Chiapas, 45 Coba, Quintana Roo, 166 Crespo y Honorato, Joseph, 71—76, 163, Dovalle, Gonzalo, 48

Coban, Alta Verapaz, 35—38, 48-50, 151 334 nn.2,8 dramas, historical, 129, 133, 150

Cochuah, province of, 18 Cross, clothing for, 108, 113, 209 n.69 drums, 145, 147-149 Cocom, José Maria, 94, 116 Crossbacks, 130, 136-137, 341 n.3 Duran, Diego de, 146 Cocomes, 13, 225 n.8 Crucifixion, 19, 20, 121, 155, 160, 161. Dzilan, Yucatan, 17

Coe, Michael D., 7, 341 n.5 See also Passion of Christ dzul, 165-166

cofradias Cruz, Juan de la. See Juan de la Cruz Dzul, Apolinario, 93

in Cancuc cult, 60, 62, 68 Cruzob Dzula, Quintana Roo, 235

362 = Index

earthquake (magical weapon], 64, Godoy, Lorenzo de, 17—18 Hocaba, Yucatan, 18, 20, 152—153, 219

320-321, 321 n.9 God symbols, 161 Hoil, Juan de la Cruz, 115, 339 n.66

Easter, 135, 160, 161, 343 n.8 Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, 26 Holland, William R., 343 nn.1,2 Ebtun, Yucatan, 97, 100 Gomes Checheb, Agustina, 119-125, 264, | Holy Week, 161

Ecab, Quintana Roo, 13, 16, 25 273-274, 319 n.3, 325 n.3 Hondo River, 230 n eclipses, 8 Gomes Checheb, Domingo, 121, 155, 161, | Huehuetenango, district of, 80, 81

economic abuses 340 n.2 Huehuistan, Chiapas, 44, 45 in Cancuc, 66—67 Gomes Checheb, Juan, 340 n.2 Huhi, Yucatan, 102 in Chiapas, 119 Gomez, Jacinto, 66 huipil, 108, 209 n.69, 344

in Yucatan, 27, 87—89, 92-95 Gomez, Juan (cult leader), 56, 57, 59 Huistan, Chiapas, 64, 65 Edmonson, Munro S., 20—21, 149-151, Gomez, Juan (priest), 66—67 Huitiupa, Guardiana de (Chiapas), 62—65,

177, 179, 328 n.14, 336 n.5 Gomez, Nicolasa, 59 68, 137, 331 n.11, 332 n.43

Ehécatl, 140, 147, 149, 344 Gomez de la Gloria, Sebastian, 6(0—65, 67 Hunac Ceel, 7

Ekpedz, Yucatan, 74, 97 Gonzalez Navarro, Moisés, 87 Hurricane Hilda, 247, 247 n.995 El Chol, Baja Verapaz, 38 Gonzalez Pacanchil, Antonia, 256 Hurricane Janet, 247, 247 n.995 Eliade, Mircea, 3—4 Good Friday, 121, 130, 135, 161 hurricane (magical weapon), 258

El Salvador, 33, 34 Grado, Alonso de, 45 Huumku, Yucatan, 100

Encalada, Pablo, 116 Grajales, Julian, 312 n.1168 hypnosis, 318, 318 n.1, 323, 324,

encomienda Grijalva, Juan de, 13 324 n.2 in Chiapas, 43, 45, 46 Grijalva River, 44—46

definition of, 344 Guadalupe, Virgin of, 59, 172 Icaiche, Quintana Roo, 115—117

of Pochutla, 47—48 Guaquitepeque (Nuestra Senora de la Ichcansiho (Ichcanziho}, 166, 208 n.13 in Verapaz, 35—36 Natividad Guaquitepeque], Chiapas, Ichmul, Yucatan, 74, 99, 236

in Yucatan, 16—17 60, 61, 65, 67, 332 n.43 Ikalahau, 55 Entombed Christ, 121—122, 161, 162, Guatemala 336-337 n.5

England, 107—110, 115~—117 guardia, 114-115, 117, 231 n.301, 344 Iman, Santiago, 89, 94, 336 n.2,

342-343 n.8ininCaste border dispute, 134 Indian Christs entrada, 344 War, 115 in Caste War, 28, 155-16] epidemics, 13, 15, 26—27, 117 in Chamula drama, 133-135 in Chamula, 121, 125, 161

Escuintla, province of, 33, 42 conquest of, 29-42, 328~329 nn.1,2 Chilam Balam as, 19

Esman, Marjorie, 329 n.2 Dance of the Conquest in, 129, in Guatemala, 342 n.2 Espiritu Publico, El, 107, 112 150-151 Passions as, 162

Esquipulas, Chiquimula, 33 languages of, 5 in revitalization movements, 5

Estrada, Alonso de, 45 rebellions in, 34—35, 79—84, 338 n.39 Indian clergy ethnocentrism, 177—179 sacrifice ceremonies in, 148, 149 in Cancuc cult, 60—62, 68—69

Etzalqualiztli, 148 in Zinacantan folklore, 257-258 among Cruzob, 110—113, 116, 161,

Guatemala City, 81 340 n.93

Fabian, St., 144—145 Gucumatz, 140 ordained, 337 n.21, 342 n.7

fanega, 344 , Guerrero, Gonzalo, 13, 15—16 in St. Rose cult, 121, 125, 279

Feathered Serpent, 139-141, 148—149 Guillén, Blas, 51, 52 in Santa Marta, 56 federalism, 89, 122, 134 Guiteras-Holmes, Calixta, 180, 256, in Yucatan, 20—21 Ferdinand VII, 77, 79, 80, 84, 92 280 n.338, 283 n.449, 284 n.494, Indian kings

1546-1547, rebellion of, 18—19 343 nn.i,2 in Cancuc, 60, 62, 68—69

fiscales, 61, 68, 137, 154, 344 Gutiérrez, Joaquin Miguel (Juan], in Maya rebellions, 6, 163—168

flood (magical weapon], 64 133-134 in Quisteil, 70—76

fog (magical weapon), 259 Gutiérrez de Mier y Theran, Pedro, 63, 64, in Totonicapan, 82—84

folklore. See 19, oral20, tradition 66 Indian Virgins Franciscans, 50, 70 in Cancuc, 59—68 French intervention, 122, 130, 134—136 haab, 6, 8, 344 Catholic heritage of, 176

French soldiers, 130, 135 hacienda, 344 in Chiapas, 67—69 Fuensalida, Bartolomé de, 21, 23, 327 n.6 Havana, Cuba, 92, 336 n.5 in Coila, 66

Fuentes y Guzman, Francisco Antonio, 34 Hecelchakan, Campeche, 74 in revitalization movements, 6, 343 n.2

fustan, 108, 344 Herder, Johann von, 181 in Santa Marta, 56—57

hidalgos, 99, 337 n.21, 344 suppression of cults of, 173

Galas, Luciano, 97 Hidalgo y Costilla, Miguel, 164-165 in War of St. Rose, 119, 120

Galindo, Antonio, 52 heik’al, 130, 344 in Zinacantan, 55—56

Galindo, Ignacio Fernandez de history, Ladino indios hidalgos, 75

in Chamula drama, 135 assumptions of, 5, 6, 177 Inquisition, 20, 57, 135, 152—154

in Ladino folklore, 317—326 Myth of Ethnic Solidarity in, 179 Irene, St., 143

in War of St. Rose, 123-124, 318 n.1, of Quisteil rebellion, 70—71, 76 Itza 319 n.3, 321 n.10, 323 n.12, restoration of Maya kingdoms in, arrival in Yucatan of, 7, 26-28, 166

324 nn.1,2, 325 nn.3,4 163-164, 168 conquest of, 21—24, 28, 36, 50, 179, Gallego, Lucas, 36 temporal distortion in, 6, 26, 164 327-328 n.7

Gallegos, Francisco, 37 See also oral tradition, Ladino language of, 330 n.12

Garcia, Juan, 63 history, Maya raids on Manche by, 37

Garcia, W. Pedro Marselino, 330 n.1 Ladino appraisal of, 5 talking idol of, 176

Garcia Pelaez, Francisco de Paula, 330 n.1 as prophecies, 7—8, 22—24, 28 Iximche, Chimaltenango, 32, 34, 41Gates, William, 328-329 n.2 179-181, 328 n.15 42

Gil, Francisco, 46—47 temporal distortion in, 6, 26 Ixtapa, Chiapas, 44, 287 n.16, 294 n.353,

gobernador, 344 See also oral tradition, Maya; ritual of 295-300, 307 n.926 Godoy, Diego de, 45, 329 n.1 ethnic conflict Izamal, Yucatan, 74, 100, 101

Index 363

jaguar impersonators of, 133, 138, 150, 161 Manche, 36—38, 50, 328-329 n.2,

magical, 40 Ladino Mani, Yucatan in sacrifice ceremonies, 144, 148 LaFarge, Oliver, 151 in Caste War, 101 impersonators, 136—138, 143, 180 See also history, Ladino; oral tradition, 329 nn.5,7

Jaltepeque, Chiapas, 44 Laguna de Terminos, Campeche, 13 Chilam Balams in, 19, 71

jarana, 153, 344 Lahunqueh, Quezaltenango, 39 in Conquest period, 13, 17, 23

“Jerusalem,” 62 Landa, Diego de, 19—20, 26, 179 Inquisition in, 20, 152, 334 n.6 |

Jew impersonators, 130, 135, 138, 161 land reform, 89, 90, 93~95, 101 in Quisteil revolt, 74 “Jews,” 155, 160, 162 Lara, Manuel José de, 80, 81, 164, 343 n.3.— Map, Chiapas, 51

John Carnival, 152-153 Lara, Simon Garcia de, 59, 60 Margil, Antonio, 50, 51

John of the Cross, St. (in Spain}, 106. See Larrainzar. See San Andres Iztacostoc Maria de la Candelaria (Maria Lopez de la

also Juan de la Cruz La Santisima, 113-115 Candelaria), 59-62, 65, 134—135, 137

Joseph, St., 55 Las Casas, Bartolomé de, 33—36 Marin, Luis, 43—45, 133-134, 329 n.1

Jteclum, Chiapas, 172, 344 Las Coronas y Chinampas, province of, Martinez, Miguel, 120, 122 Juan de la Cruz 60, 331 n.11 Marx, Bob, 104, 107 as Indian Christ, 155-161, 339 n.6l, Laughlin, Robert M., 77, 256, 290 n.159, Mary, St., 123

342 n.4 292 n.247, 297 n.468, 299 n.52] Matthew, St., 122, 161

in Kekchi rebellion, 338 n.39, 342 n.7 Lawrence, St., 176 Maximilian, 122 letters of, to Barbachano, 186, 208-218 Leach, Edmund, 129 May, Francisco

proclamation of, 103—108, 156-161, legend. See history, Maya; oral tradition, Cruzob leader, 117—119, 219, 236,

185-218, 339 n.60 Maya 248 n.1081, 248-249

Juarez, Benito, 134, 164—165 “Legend of the Dwarf,” 166—167 rebuilds railroad, 247, 247 n.1003 Juarros, Domingo, 34, 330 n.1 Lent, 161—162. See also Carnival son-in-law of, 342 n.4

Judas, 161 Leon, Agustin, 100 Mayapan, Yucatan, 7, 26 leva, 130, 344 mayordomo, 56—57, 62, 173, 344

344 Lewis, C.L, 3 133-134, 329 n.]

karb’enal, 136-138, 141, 143, 341 n.4, Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 4, 180—181 Mazariegos, Diego de, 34, 45—46,

kalvaryo, 130,344 Ley de Obreros, 294 n.353 Mazariegos, Lazaro de, 51

Kampokobche, Rancho, 103—105, 107, lightning (magical weapon}, 34, 40, 64, Medina, Francisco de, 44

157, 160, 192, 192 n.173, 209 149, 343 n.1 Medina Cachon, Juan Francisco de, 65 Kantun, Miguel, 70 logging, 92, 115-117, 227-228, 230 Cakchiquels Kanxoc, Yucatan, 100 Lopez, Agustin, 59, 65, 135 Mendecistas, 255

Kancabchen, Quintana Roo, 221 Linton, Ralph, 177 Memorial de Solola. See Annals of the

kastiya, 344 Lopez, Andrés, 48, 49 Méndez, Modesto, 115, 339 n.66

katun cycle, 6—8, 327 nn.6,7, Lopez, Dominica, 56—59 Mendez, Santiago, 94, 99-100, 337 n.14 328 nn.14,15, 344 Lopez, Maria. See Maria de la Candelaria Merida

Katun 3 Ahau, 22-23 Lopez, Melchor, 50 archives in, 327, 334 n.2, 336 n.1

Katun 8 Ahau, 7, 8, 23—24, 327 n.7 Lopez de Cogolludo, Diego de, 21, 26, in Caste War, 98, 101-102, 208, 211,

Katun 9 Ahau, 23, 28 70-71 211-212 n.144, 214 n.209, 216,

Katun 11 Ahau, 24—25, 27, 28 Lorenzo, Pedro, 49, 329—330 n.6 220-221, 232,232 n

Kaua, Yucatan, 100 Lorenzo, St., 145 in conquest of Itza, 19, 21-23 Kekchi, 33, 35, 36, 338 n.39, 342 n.7 Los Llanos, province of, 60—61, 331 n.11 and Constitution of 1812, 92

kinship, Maya, 113-114 Los Moyos (San Francisco de los Moyos), founding of, 18, 25

Kisteil. See Quisteil Chiapas, 60, 62, 65, 332 n.43 and Quisteil rebellion, 73—75

k’oltisyo, 144-146 mesonero, 173, 344

Klein, Herbert S., 68, 330—331 n.1 Louise, St., 121—122 Mesapich, Campeche, 116

Kopchen, Quintana Roo, 113 Macanche, Campeche, 116 Mestizos

Ku, Pedro, 94 Machlin, Milt, 104, 107 in Cancuc revolt, 63

Kuhn, Thomas S., 3 Maderistas, 293 n.309 in Caste War, 103, 108

Madero, Francisco I., 239 n, 284 n.504, definition of, 92, 253, 253 n, 344 Lacandon 287 n.16 in war of independence, 83 Chol-, 36, 46~—52 maestro, 116—117, 344 in Yucatan Carnival, 153, 154

conquest of, 22, 36, 46—52, 135-137, maestro cantor, 116, 339 n.62, 344 Mexican Revolution

141 Magdalena. See Santa Maria Magdalena and Caste War, 117, 239 n

curing ritual of, 137, 341 n.3 magical weapons in Chamula drama, 135

documents on, 328-329 n.2 in Cancuc revolt, 64 in Chenalho folklore, 274 n.71

Dolores, 51—52 in Chiapas folklore, 148—150, 256—260, in Chiapas, 294 n.353

180, 341 n.4 321 n.9 Mexico

impersonators, 50, 136—137, 141, 143, 274,274 n.83, 313-317, 320-321, in Ladino folklore, 254, 254 n.5

language of, 43, 46, 330 n.12 in Conquest, 39-4] in boundary dispute, 134

Pochutla, 46—49, 52, 329-330 n.6 in Guatemala, 343 n.1 in Chamula drama, 133-135 Yucatec, 36, 46, 49, 52 and prophecy myth, 179-180 at war with Yucatan, 89—90

Lacandon, Lake, 48—50, 52 in Quisteil, 73—74 in Zinacantan legend, 144, 149, Lacandones, Chiapas, 46, 48 maize (corn) 313-315 Ladinos Ladinos’ misuse of, 97, 105, 106, 210, Mexico, Valley of, 149

called “Jews,” 155, 162 210 n.113 Mexico City, 123, 133, 323 as captives, 63, 339 n.65 in Pineda revolt, 301—302, 308 n.987 mico, 150, 344 contemporary, 136, 326 as tribute, 66 military organization

definition of, 5, 344 Maldonado, Alonso de, 35 of Cancuc revolt, 63

folklore of, 219, 253-256, 317-326 Malinche, 15, 133-134 of Cruzob society, 113—115

hermit in Zinacantan cult, 55—56, 67,68 Mam, 29 of peaceful Indians, 116—117

364 Index taught to Yucatec Maya, 89-93, 95 cyclical nature of, 180-181 Ortega, Juan {Mariano}

in totemic orders, 143 definition of, 177, 327 n.4 in Chamula drama, 133 of War of St. Rose, 123, 125 in rebellions, 179 in Chiapas folklore, 134, 274 n.83, Miller, Arthur G., 166, 341 n.5 religious syncretism in, 20 280-281 n.338 Miller, William, 112 Nauat, Hilaria, 104, 106, 187, 338 n.37 rebel leader, 134, 149, 292 n.247,

milpa, 89, 344 Nauat, Manuel, 104—108, 187, 209 n.45, 312 n.1168 )

Miramar, Lake, 48, 52 338 n.37 Oxchuc (Santo Tomas Oxchuc], Chiapas Molina, Cristobal, 119, 121, 318 n.1, nauatlato, 106, 345 in Cancuc revolt, 62, 64, 65, 332 n.43 320 n.8, 321 n.10, 324 n.2, 340 n.1 Navenchauc, Chiapas, 171—173, 176 idols in, 55

Molina Solis, Juan Francisco, 87, 93, Negroes and Passion cult, 162 334 n.2, 336 nn.1,4, 337 nn.14,15 in Cancuc revolt, 63—64, 136, 138 Oxib-Queh, 32

Momostenango (Santiago Momoste- in Caste War, 92, 93 Oxkutzcab, Yucatan, 74

nango}, Totonicapan, 80, 82, 129, 168 impersonators of, 136, 138, 143, 180 Monge y Mendoza, Fernando de, 62—63 in Juan de la Cruz proclamation, 194, Pachah, Quezaltenango, 40

Monkey impersonators, 130, 135, 161, 217 Pacheco, Alonso, 18

341 n.5 Nehaib (Nehayb], 39—40 Pacheco, Buenaventura, 84

mono, 150, 345 New Orleans, 102 Pacheco, Diego, 71, 177

Monrroy, Joseph, 55—59, 63, 65—68, nixtamal, 345 Pacheco, Melchor, 18 330 n.1 Nohaa, Lake, 49, 52 Pacheco, Vito, 90, 97 Monrroy, Juan, 335 n.2 Noh Ayin, Campeche, 116 pacification. See Myth of Pacification

Montejo, Francisco de (the Elder), 15—17, Nohbec, Lake, 237 n Palahunoh, Guatemala, 39 25, 34, 47, 328 n.10 Nohoch Tata (nohoé tata), 112, 345 Palenque (Santo Domingo Palenque), Montejo, Francisco de (the Nephew), Nohpop, Quintana Roo, 234 Chiapas, 49, 52, 61, 332 n.43

17-18 Novedades de Yucatan, 166 Pam, José Maria, 97

Montejo, Francisco de (the Younger}, Novelo, Bonifacio, 94, 95, 97, 103, 110, Panajachel, Solola, 342 n.2

17-19, 34, 47 111-112 Pantelho. See Santa Catalina Pantelho

Montezuma Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion Huitiupa, partido, 345

in Cancuc revolt, 343 n.5 Chiapas, 332 n.43 Passion of Christ and Guatemalan Indians, 29, 38—39 Nuestra Senora de los Dolores, Chiapas, in Caste War, 155-161 impersonators of, 138—139, 180 51, 52 in Chiapas ritual, 129-130, 135, 138, “Little,” in Quisteil, 73-75, 167 Nueva Sevilla, Guatemala, 35 161—162

Moo, José Luis, 116 in War of St. Rose, 179 Moors, 129, 135, 138, 143 Oaxaca, 144-145, 323 Passion plays, 129~130, 162 in Yucatec legend, 166~—167 Nunez de la Vega, Francisco, 55, 66, 152 “Indianizing” of, 5—6, 162

Mopan, 22, 36, 38, 50, 328 n.2, 330 n.12 Obispo, Cayo, 230 Passions (religious officials), 130, 134,

Morales, Alberto, 255 Obregon, Alvaro, 149, 294 n.353 136-138, 161—162 Morales, Geronimo de, 66 Obregonistas, 149, 293, 293 n.309, pasyon, 130, 345

Morales Villa Vicencio, Juan de, 49 294 n.353, 295, 295 n.366, 302, Pat, Jacinto Moran, Francisco, 37 309-310 and Barbachano, 337 n.14 Moreno, Pablo, 71—73, 76, 163, obventions, 336 n.3. See also religious _ Caste War leader, 94—99

334 nn.2,8 contributions in Ladino folklore, 164-165

Moscoso Pastrana, Prudencio, 294 n.353, Ocosingo (San Jacinto Ocosingo), Chiapas in Maya folklore, 108, 165, 224—225,

34] nn.2,4 in Cancuc revolt, 63, 65, 66, 332 n.43, 229, 249

Moxviquil, Chiapas, 318, 318 n.2, 333 1.67 treaty of Tzucacab, 100—102, 343 n.4 319 n.5, 320 n.6, 322 Pochutla Lacandon in, 49, 52 Pat, José Isaac, 93

Muchucux, Yucatan, 97 ritual of, 50, 341 n.4 Pat, Naum, 16

Mulattoes, 63, 136, 143, 194, 217 Ocozocoautla, Chiapas, 56 Pat, Silvestre, 97

Muna, Yucatan, 334 n.6 Olid, Cristobal de, 21 Patchakan, British Honduras, 116, 118 munitions Olintepeque, Quezaltenango, 40—41 patrons of the Cross, 104—107, 187, 209, for Caste War Ladinos, 102 Olivera y Angulo, Sebastian de, 329 n.5 219

for Caste War Maya, 90, 92, 100, 101, Olmec iconography, 341 n.5 Paz, Juan, 335 n.2

115-117, 227-228 230, 244, oral tradition, Ladino, 9, 150, 152, 164, peaceful rebel Indians, 115-117, 178-179 287 n.16 165 Pec, Venancio, 102—103, 108, 110, 116, in Quisteil revolt, 71, 74, 75 oral tradition, Maya 339 n.49 myth. See oral tradition, Maya dramatic categories in, 7—9, 39, 154, Pech, Nahau, 24 Myth of Ethnic Solidarity, 179 166 Pérez, Lucas, 61, 62, 66 Myth of Pacification, 6, 9, 163-164, 168, heterogeneity in, 180—181 Pérez Ch’ix Tot, Jacinto (“Bird”)

343 n.3 historical accuracy of, 164 in Chiapas folklore, 287, 290-294

as history, xi, 3—4, 154, 159 rebel leader, 149, 287 n.16, 289 n.119, Nachi Cocom, 18 Ladino view of, 5 292 n.247, 294 n.335 Nachig, Chiapas, 178 as origin of new folklore, 176 Pérez Jolcogton, Manuela, 122, 340 n.2 nagual, 345 and ritual, 129 Pérez Pérez, Domingo, 256 nagualista (nahualistla), 55, 57 structure of, 4, 129, 154, 180-181 personal contributions. See taxes, civil

Nahuatl, 33, 288 n.72 temporal distortion in, 6, 8-9, 25—28, personal service, 92

Nana Maria Cocorina, 133-134 134, 149-151, 180, 336 n.5, peso, 344

Napoleon, 77 341 n.5 Peta, Chiapas, 51

Napuctun, 24 Orbita, Juan de, 21, 23, 327 n.6 Petalsingo (San Francisco Petalsingo),

nativism ordinario, 135, 345 Chiapas, 63, 65, 137, 332 n.43 in Cancuc rebellion, 69 Ordonez y Aguiar, Ramon de, 331 n.1 Peten Itza, Lake, 18, 21-24, 28, 51

Index 365

Peter, St., 59 in Conquest period, 29—32, 34—35, rev, 153, 345 Peto, Yucatan 38—41, 149 Rhys, Edward, 116 in Caste War, 90, 99, 101, 221, 250, history by, 5, 167—168 Riego, Rafael de, 79

343 n.4 sacrifice ceremony of, 148 Rincon Chamula, Chiapas, 149, 287 n.16,

and conquest of Itza, 23 in Totonicapan rebellion, 80, 84 294 n.335

road to, 235—236, 241-244, 249, 250 Quintana Roo, 116, 117, 221 nn.70,90, Rios, Eduardo Enrique, 70-73, 334 n.2

Pich, Quintana Roo, 235 239 n, 253, 340 n.99 ritual of ethnic conflict

Pineda, Alberto, 133, 135, 149, 294 n.353, | Quintero, Francisco, 36 in Chiapas, 130-149

295 n.354 Quiquel. See Olintepeque definition of, 129 on Cancuc rebellion, 330 n.1 178 in Guatemala, 150-152

Pineda, Vicente Quisteil rebellion, 6, 70-76, 163—164, dramatic elements in, xi, 180 on conquest of Chiapas, 6, 45, 329 n.] documents on, 335 n.9 structure of, 4, 129, 133, 150, 154, 180,

on War of St. Rose, 121—123, 135, 171, in Ladino folklore, 254 18]

340 n.1, 325 n.5 in Maya folklore, 166 temporal distortion in, 149, 151, Pineda revolt, 135, 294-311, 294 n.353 341 n.5 Pinedistas, 149, 293 n.316, 294, Rabinal, Baja Verapaz, 29, 35, 38 in Yucatan, 152—154 294—295 n.353, 295 n.366, 297, railroad Robles, José Maria, 121, 122

297 n.468, 300 n.609, 301, 305-311 building of, 236-237, 236 n Rodriguez Mazariegos, Melchor, 50—51

Pinola, Chiapas, 44 Cruzob destroy, 117, 118, 245-247 Rosado, Eulogio, 95—97 Pipil, 33 in Maya legend, 166 Rosado, Felipe, 99— 100 Platanos (San Bartholome Platanos}, May repairs, 247 Rosado, José Maria, 107, 109-110

Chiapas, 64, 332 n.43 rainbow (magical weapon), 149, 313-314 Rosas, Crescencio, 319~—320, 319 n.4,

Plumridge, James, 110-111 rain god, 139, 144, 146-149 320 n.8, 322

Pochutla Lacandon, 46—49, 52, Rajon, Antonio, 95 Rose, St., 98, 121-122, 260, 317-321

329—330 n.6 Ramirez, Margarito, 247 Roys, Ralph L., 24, 25, 27 Pokom, 29 Ramirez de Quinonez, Pedro, 48, 49 Ruela, Miguel, 71

Pokoman, 29,29 33,real, 35 rancho, 345 Ruiz, Fausto,160-161 274 n.71 Pokomchi, 345 Ruz, Joaquin, polygamy, 152—153 Recinos, Adrian, 41

Polyuc, Quintana Roo, 97 Redfield, Robert, 165 Saban, Quintana Roo, 221, 221 n.67, 233,

Ponce, Alonso, 129 reduccion, 35, 345 236 Poot, José Crescencio Reed, Nelson A. Sabanilla, Chiapas, 49

Cruzob leader, 108, 111, 116, 117, on Carrillo Puerto church, 338 n.48 Sacbalam, Chiapas, 50—51

229 n, 339 n.57 on Caste War events, 102, 113-115, sacrifice ceremonies descendant of, 219 233 n, 234 n, 336 n.4 Aztec, 146 in Maya oral tradition, 227, 229 Caste War historian, 87, 336 n.1 in Chiapas, 48

Poot, Leandro, 102 on Chetumal, 231 n.327 in Guatemala, 148—149, 342 n.1 Poot Yah, Eleuterio, 219 on Sotuta-Yaxcaba rivalry, 255 n.8 in Yucatan, 19, 20, 146, 155, 179 Popol Vuh, 148-149, 151, 167 on X-Cacal proclamation, 104 Sacsucil, Rancho, 99

Portocarrero, Pedro, 46 regidor, 137, 345 saints Pozas Arciniega, Ricardo, 343 n.1 reina, 153, 345 Catholic, 176 presidente, 345 Rejon, Manuel, 74 in Chiapas, 55—62, 65—69 principal, 345 religious contributions among Cruzob, 113 Proclama del duque infantado presi- and Cancuc revolt, 60, 66—67 in War of St. Rose, 119-123, 125 dente, 77 in Caste War treaties, 1|OO—101, 115 Sakpoliah, Quezaltenango, 39

Proclamation of Juan de la Cruz, and Santa Marta cult, 56—57 Salama, Bajo Verapaz, 38, 151 103—108, 155—161, 185-207 and War of St. Rose, 120, 125 Salamanca, Quintana Roo, 16 Prospero Kingdom, 49—50, 330 n.12 Yucatecan, 27, 89-90, 92—94, Salas, J. Cristobal, 119

Prospero Yucatec, 52 336 nn.2,3 Salcaja (San Luis Salcaja), Totonicapan, 80 Puc, Atanasio, 104, 106—108, 187 and Zinacantan cult, 56 Salinas, Chiapas, 176, 258

Puc, Braulio, 107, 110 religious crusades, 102, 124 Salto de Agua, Chiapas, 49

Puc, Juan de la Cruz, 106 religious suppression salt production, 92

Puc, Venancio, 104, 106—108, 110, 187, absence of, 170—174 Samaripas, Lt. Col., 245

339 n.49 in Caste War, 87 San Andres Apostol Huitiupa, Chiapas,

pueblo, 345 of Chiapas cults, 56—60, 65-68, 119, 332 n.43

123-125, 169 San Andres Iztacostoc (San Andres LaQuechula, Chiapas, 45 religious syncretism, 20, 113, 179-181 rrainzar), Chiapas

Quejache, 330 n.12 Remesal, Antonio de, 48, 329 n.1 in Cancuc revolt, 61, 65

Quetzalcoatl Retalhuleu, Department of, 31 in French invasion, 134 in art, 341 n.5 revitalization movements and Santa Marta cult, 57

in Chiapas ritual, 139-141, 147, Caste War as, 87, 113-114, 159, 161, talking saints in, 169~—172, 174

180 328 n.15 in War of St. Rose, 119, 123, 125

in rain ceremonies, 147—149 contemporary, 169—173 San Andres Xecul, Totonicapan, 80, 82,

in St. Sebastian legend, 144 definition of, 5 129, 168

in Yucatan, 26—27 goals of, 5—6, 20—21 San Barthoiome, Chiapas, 331 n.11

Quevedo, Luisa, 123, 321 n.10 in oral tradition, 162, 176 San Carlos Sija, Totonicapan, 80

Quezaltenango, 31—32, 39, 40, 82 precursors of rebellions, 67, 68, 119, Sanchez, Sebastian, 59, 65, 135

Quicab Tanub, 29, 39, 167 125, 169 Sanchez de Berrospe, Gabriel, 51 Quiche syncretism in, 179 Sanchez Rivera, Manuel, 239 n

366 Index San Cristobal, Totonicapan, 80—83, 129, in French invasion, 134 Spengler, Oswald, 3

141, 168 in Santa Marta cult, 56 Stephens, John L., 153, 165, 337 n.6

San Cristobal Las Casas, Chiapas in War of St. Rose, 123, 125, 281 n.361 Strickon, Arnold, 87 in Bird’s rebellion, 287 n.16 Santa Marta (Santa Marta Xolotepec], structure of myth and ritual

as capital, 340 n.1 Chiapas dramatic categories in, 8, 129, 133, 138, contemporary, 173, 320 n.7 in Cancuc revolt, 61, 65, 332 n.43 150, 154, 166 Entombed Christ in, 342—343 n.8 Virgin cult in, 56—59, 67—68, 125, 174, Lévi-Strauss on, 4, 180-181

founding of, 46, 134 331 nn.4,5, 343 n.2 in St. Sebastian festival, 149 in Pineda revolt, 294 n.353, 295, 308, Virgin of the Rosary in, 331—332 n.20 syncretism in, 179-181]

310-311 in War of St. Rose, 123, 281 n.361 See also oral tradition, Maya; ritual of

and War of St. Rose, 67, 119, 121—125, Santander, Juan de, 57, 135 ethnic conflict

267, 273, 275-276, 280, 318-323, Santiago, Chimaltenango, 34 sugar production, 88—89, 92, 95

324 n.1, 325 nn.3,4,6 Santiago Huistan, Chiapas Swadesh, Maurice, 330 n.12

Sandoval, Gonzalo de, 43 in Cancuc revolt, 61, 65, 332 n.43 San Fernando las Animas, Chiapas, 45 in Santa Marta cult, 56 Tabasco, 16, 258

San Francisco de los Moyos. See Los in War of St. Rose, 123, 125 Tabi, Quintana Roo, 234, 236

Moyos Santo Domingo Sacapulas, El Quiche, 81 Tahmuy, Yucatan, 100

San Francisco el Alto, Totonicapan, 80, Santos, José Leandro, 111, 339 n.57 Talking Cross, Cult of the, 103—113, 115,

82, 83, 168 Santo Tomas Oxchuc. See Oxchuc 338 n.45 :

San Francisco Petalsingo. See Petalsingo Saraos, Geronimo, 61, 62, 66 talking saint cults

San Gaspar Chajul, El Quiche, 50, 80 Schor, Liliana, 219, 256 in Chiapas, 169-172, 174, 176, 263, San Jeronimo el Ingenio, Guatemala, Sebastian, St., 59, 138, 143—148, 176, 180, 343 n.2

342 n.3 342 n.1 Cuscat’s, 119-120, 261-265, 272—276

San Jose de Gracia Real, Chiapas, 49, 52 secretario, 107, 112, 345 in Yucatan, 175—176

San Juan Acala, Alta Verapaz, 49 Segovia Parada y Berdugo, Nicolas de, 64 Tamasolapa, Chiapas, 45

San Juan Chamelco, Alta Verapaz, 35 Sequechul, 35 Tancah, Quintana Roo, 339 n.60 San Juan Ixcoy, Huehuetenango, 150-151 Serrano, Juan, 37 Tapachula, Chiapas, 133, 134 San Juan Ostuncalco, Quezaltenango, Serrano, Leonardo, 37 Tata Naz, 107, 109—110

343 nl Seville, 327, 330 nl tatich (Tata Polin), 109—110, 339 n.62, 345

San Lucas, Chiapas, 57, 331 n.11 Sibac, Yucatan, 75 Tax, Sol, 343 n.1

San Lucas Tzalac, Izabal, 36, 38 Sibaca (San Marcos Sibaca}, Chiapas, 65, taxes, civil, 90, 93-95, 100-102,

San Marcos, 48, 49, 329 n.4 332 n.43 203 n.557, 336 n.3. See also tribute San Martin Obispo, Chiapas, 64, 332 n.43 Sierra, Manuel Antonio, 94, 100 Tayasal, Peten, 7, 18, 21—23, 176

San Mateo Ixtatan, Huehuetenango, 50, Sierra, the, 74, 334 n.6 Tazes, province of, 18 52 Sierra O’Reilly, Justo, 71, 93, 334 n.2 Teabo, Yucatan, 101 San Miguel Huistan, Chiapas, 61, 63, Silver, Daniel B., 170 Tec, José Dolores, 339 n.55

332 n.43 Simojovel (San Antonio y San Bartholome — Tecoh, Yucatan, 20 San Miguel Mitontic, Chiapas Simojovel), Chiapas, 64, 137, Tecpan, Chiapas, 46, 49 in Cancuc revolt, 61, 65, 332 n.43 332 n.43, 341 n.4 Tecum Umam (Tectin-Tecum]), 39—41,

in French invasion, 134 Sisentun, Yucatan, 74 342 nO

280 n.338 332 1.43 Tekax, Yucatan

in War of St. Rose, 123, 125, 278, Sitala (San Pedro Sitala), Chiapas, 65, Tehuantepec, 29

San Miguel Totonicapan, 80—84, 167 slavery, 64, 153, 224-226, 253 Caste War in, 90, 99, 102, 111, 229 n

San Pablo Chalchihuitan, Chiapas Smithers, William J., 341 n.7 Juan de la Cruz in, 212 n.144, 334 n.6

in Cancuc revolt, 61, 65, 332 n.43 Soc, Felipa, 82 peace talks in, 100

in Santa Marta cult, 56 Soconusco, 29—31, 133, 134 Tekom, Yucatan, 100

283 soldiers templo, 345

in War of St. Rose, 123, 125, 281 n.361, | Socton Nandalumi, Chiapas, 44, 45 Tekuch, Yucatan, 100

San Pedro Almolonga, Quezaltenango, 39 called “Jews,” 155, 160 Tenango (San Nicolas Tenango], Chiapas,

San Pedro Carcha, Alta Verapaz, 35, 151 in folklore, 258—260, 268—270, 272, 60, 62, 65, 332 n.43

San Pedro Chenalho. See Chenalho 275-280, 284 n.494 Tenejapa (San Alonso Tenejapa), Chiapas

San Pedro Huitiupa, Chiapas, 332 n.43 impersonators of, 130—133, 135, 138, in Cancuc revolt, 65, 332 n.43

San Pedro Salama, Baja Verapaz, 38, 151 161 in War of St. Rose, 125, 162, 282—283, San Pedro Siris, British Honduras, Solorzano, Pedro de, 47—48 283 n.428

115-116 Sotuta, Yucatan | Tenochtitlan, 29, 43—45

Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de, 89-90 in Conquest period, 13, 18, 23 Tenosique, Chiapas, 47

Santa Catalina Huitiupa, Chiapas, crucifixion in, 20 Teopisca, Chiapas, 147

332 n.43 folklore from, 219, 253-255 Tepic, Jalisco, 323

Santa Catalina Pantelho, Chiapas, 61, 65, in Quisteil revolt, 71, 74 Tepich, Quintana Roo, 95, 97—100

125, 326 n.8, 332 n.43 and Yaxcaba, 255 n.8 teponaztli, 147—149, 345

Santa Cruz Chico, Quintana Roo, 227 n Spain, 77—78 Tesacs, Yucatan, 100 Santa Cruz de Bravo. See Chan Santa Spanish conquest tesorero, 345

Cruz of Chiapas, 43-52, 178 T-ho, 18, 102

Santa Cruz Quiche, E] Quiche, 32, 39, 41 of Guatemala, 29-42 Thompson, Donald E., 20

Santa Eulalia, Huehuetenango, 151 as model for rebellions, 163—168 Thompson, J. Eric S., 46, 329 n.3

Santa Maria, Quintana Roo, 236 suffering caused by, 25—28 Thompson, Philip C., 102, 334 n.2,

Santa Maria, Rancho, 97 of Yucatan, 13—28 335 n.9, 337 nn.14,21

Santa Maria Magdalena, Chiapas Spanish Gentlemen, 138, 180 thunder (magical weapon}, 148, 149,

in Cancuc revolt, 61, 65, 332 n.43 Spanish Lady, 134, 138 257-259, 313-316

Index 367 Ticul, Yucatan, 74, 101, 153-154, 334n.6 Tutul Xiu, 13 Vega, Juan Bautista, 117-118, 240,

Tiholop, Yucatan, 74, 75, 97 Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas 240 n.711, 241 Tihosuco, Quintana Roo as capital, 340 n.1 Vela, José Canuto, 93, 98, 100, 101, 103 in Caste War, 90, 94-96, 99, 100, 102, Juan Ortega in, 133-134, 292 n.247 Velasco, Francisco, 335 n.2

224, 234, 248-252, 248 n.1073, Mazariegos in, 45, 134 Velasco, Juan Diaz de, 38

249 n.1121 in Pineda revolt, 312 Velasco, Luciano, 123

Juan de la Cruz in, 208, 212 n.144 in war against Mexico, 315-316 Ventana, Chiapas, 294 n.353, 307-308,

in Quisteil uprising, 71, 74 in War of St. Rose, 122—123, 267-268, 307 n.909

Tila (San Matheo Tila}, Chiapas, 49, 52, 272, 274, 274 n.89, 281 Venustiano Carranza, Chiapas, 287 n.16

61-65, 137, 332 n.43 Tuzulutlan, 35-36 Veracruz, 102

Tinum, Yucatan, 74, 97, 129 Twigge, I., 110-111 Verapaz, 35-38

Title of the Lords of Totonicapan, 167 Tzajalhemel, Chiapas Vergara, Martin de, 66 Tituc, Quintana Roo, 97 cult of St. Rose in, 120-121, 172, 261, Vermont-Salas, Refugio, 219 Titulos de la casa Ixquin-Nehaib, 38—40, 264—265, 264 n.179 vicario, 61, 66, 68, 345

149 misidentified in folklore, 272 n.10, Vico, Domingo de, 48—50, 329 n.4 Tixcacalcupul, Yucatan, 23, 97, 99 286 n.9 Vigia Chico, Quintana Roo

Tixmeuac, Yucatan, 74 Tzeltal merchandise taken to, 246

Tixualahtun, Yucatan, 74, 100 in Cancuc revolt, 55, 60-62, 332 n.43 railroad, 117, 236-237, 245 n, 247

Tizimin, Yucatan, 74, 75, 89 in Conquest period, 46, 49 road from, 228, 241, 243

Tlaloc, 139, 147—149, 180 idols among, 152 Villa, Pancho, 294 n.353 Tlaxcalans, 45 language, 43 Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, Juan de, 21, Tobar Cruz, Pedro, 329 n.2 in War of St. Rose, 125 327 n.5 Tochtla, Chiapas, 45 Tzeltal Revolt, GO—61, 119 Villa Rojas, Alfonso Tohil, 148 Tzikinahay, Solola, 32, 33 on Caste War, 117, 230 n, 238 n, 245 n,

Tojolabal, 43 tzolkin, 6, 8, 345 247 n.1003 Tonala, Chiapas, 31 Tzontehuitz, 318, 318 n.2, 322 Chan Kom myth from, 165

Topiltepeque, Chiapas, 46, 48, 49 Tzotzil on Cruzob society, 103, 112-114, Toral, Francisco, 327 n.7 in Cancuc revolt, 60, 61, 63, 65, 155-156, 188 n.17

Torre, Tomas de la, 48 332 n.43 on Maya languages, 330 n.12 : Totolapa, Chiapas, 57, 331 nn.3,11 language, 5, 43, 77, 256, 343 n.2 on X-Cacal proclamation, 104, 186, 207, Totonicapan (Guatemala} revolt, 6, in religious movements, 55—57 338 n.38 79-84, 177, 335 n.2 in War of St. Rose, 119, 125 Villarreal, Chiapas, 46 Indian king in, 163—164, 167-168 Tzuc, Luciano, 116 Villatoro, José Patricio, 80 and Tupac Amaru rebellion, 336 n.40, Tzucacab, Yucatan, 101, 115 Villena, Pedro, 330 n.1

343 n.1 Tzul, Atanasio, 80—84, 163, 167, 168, “Villistas,” 149, 294 n.353

Toynbee, Arnold, 3 335 n.2 Virgin of Charity, 64, 321, 321 n.11, 326, Tozzer, Alfred M., 141 Tzutujil, 32—34, 42 326 n.7

Treaty of 1848 (Tzucacab], 101 visita, 66, 80, 345 Treaty of 1853 (Chichanha}, 115-117 uayeb, 6, 20, 152 Vogt, Evon, 170, 173, 178, 343 n.1 Tree Mosses, 138, 141—143 Uaymil, province of, 16, 18-19 Votan, 147 Trejo, Benigno, 123, 124, 321 n.10 Uc, Francisco, 98—99

Trejo, José Maria, 110 Uc, Jacinto, 70-71 | Wallace, Anthony, 5, 162 Trens, Manuel B., 329 n.1, 330 n.1 Uex, Francisco, 74—75 War of St. Rose

tribute Uh, Pantaleon, 93 in Chiapas ritual, 134-136, 138 and Cancuc revolt, 60, 66—67 Uicab, Maria, 112 in Indian folklore, 149-150, 256, in Conquest period, 17-19, 27-28, Uman, Yucatan, 75, 98 260—286, 292-293

33-34, 41-43 umbilical cord, 166—167 in Ladino folklore, 317-323, 326 n.7

and Constitution of 1812, 77—84, 92 Urran Valley, 329 n.7 militant phase of, 124—125, 169

and Quisteil revolt, 73 Urrutia y Montoya, Carlos de, 81 and Passion Cult, 161—162 and Totonicapan revolt, 79-84, 177 Urzua y Arismendi, Martin de, 22-23 Passion of Christ in, 179 trilobal element, 139—140, 147, 149 Usumacinta River, 47 as religious movement, 119-124, 171 Trujeque, Antonio, 90, 96—98, 100 Usumalapa, Chiapas, 45 war symbols, 148, 149 Tulane University, 24, 328-329 n.2 Utatlan, El Quiche, 32, 33, 39, 41, 167 whirlwind (magical weapon], 64, 148, 149, | Tulum, Quintana Roo, 112-113, 166, Uxmal, Yucatan, 166, 334 n.6 257-259, 314

339 nn.59,60, 341 n.5 White Heads, 138—139, 144, 147-149 in Cancuc revolt, 61, 63, 65, 137, in Caste War, 95, 99-100, 102, 108, 332 n.43 111, 249 n.1121, 250-251, X-Balam Na

Tumbala (San Miguel Tumbala), Chiapas Valladolid, Yucatan wind god, 140, 147, 149

and Caste War, 341 n.4 339 n.54 Juan de la Cruz in, 187-188, 188 n.17, Pochutla Lacandon in, 49, 52 Franciscan mission in, 19 211-212 n.144, 218

Tum Teleche, 148, 151 Juan de la Cruz in, 211, 212 temple, 103 tun, 6, 151, 345 in Quisteil revolt, 74 X-Cacal, Quintana Roo Tun, Guadalupe, 243 road from, 241, 243-244, 249 founding of, 155, 205

Tunatiuh (Tunadiu). See Alvarado, Pedro uprisings in, 89, 90 La Santisima in, 113 Tupac Amaru, 336 n.40, 343 n.1 Vasquez, Nicolas, 63 proclamation in, 104—105, 155, 207,

de Vansina, Jan, 3 Passion of Christ in, 162

turko, 345 Vasquez Cansino, Andrés, 278 338 n.38

Turks, 130, 136 Vaymas, Quintana Roo, 97 X-Canul, Rancho, 97

Tusik, Quintana Roo, 113 Vazquez, Francisco, 34 X-Cenil, Quintana Roo, 205, 212 n.144, 218

368 Index Xelahuh, Quezaltenango, 31—32, 39-41, —_ Ye, Lorenzo, 97 Zepeda, Fernando, 123 Xelha, Quintana Roo, 16 Yokdzonot, Quintana Roo, 340 n.83 Zinacantan, Chiapas Xepit, Guatemala, 41 Yokdzonot-Guardia, Quintana Roo, 118 Carnival drama in, 130, 138, 162 Xetulul Hunbatz (Zapotitlan), 39-41 Yokop, Quintana Roo, 233, 236 and Chamula, 44-45, 178

167 “vearbearer,” 328 n.8 Zimmerman, Charlotte, 159

Xicum, Calletano, 97 Yolonchen, Chiapas, 123 chapel-building in, 172-176

Ximénez, Bartholomé, 57, 331 n.3 Young, Toledo and Company, 115 Dance of the Conquest in, 138, 141,

Ximeénez, Francisco, 65—67, 148, Yucatan 15] 328-329 nn.1,2, 330 n.1, 331 n.5 bibliographic sources on, 327 nn.1,5 ethnocentrism in, 177—178

Xipe, 146 in Conquest period, 5, 13-28, 166, folklore from, 256—260, 286—317

Xiu genealogy, 166 178 meaning of name, 288 n.2 X-Kanha, Campeche, 116, 117 Dance of the Conquest in, 129 Passions in, 130, 138, 162

X-Kantunilkin, Quintana Roo, 340 n.83 Juan de la Cruz in, 193, 212—215, in Pineda revolt, 296—297, 299 n.52,

X-Lochha, Quintana Roo, 114, 116 212 n.144 308 n.987, 311 n.1116, 313, 315 X-Maben, Quintana Roo, 116 language of, 5, 185, 219, 330 n.12 in raids on Lacandon, 48, 136, 141

Xocen, Yucatan, 100, 188, 205 migrations from, 21, 221 St. Sebastian festival, legend in,

Xtocomo, Quintana Roo, 227 ritual in, 152—154 138-149, 342 n.1 sacrifice ceremonies in, 149 and 1712 rebellion, 63

Yalahau, Quintana Roo, 212 n.144 secession of, 89—90 structure of myth of, 149-150

Yajalon (Santiago Yajalon), Chiapas, separation of, from Quintana Roo, talking saints in, 169-171, 174, 265

62-64, 137, 332 n.43, 333 n.67 340 n.99 Virgin cult in, 55—56, 59, 61, 67-68

Yam, Calixto, 93 Yucatec Lacandon, 36, 46, 49, 52 and War of St. Rose, 162

Yam, José Maria, 94 worship of Entombed Christ in, 161, Yaxcaba, Yucatan Zaccicoxol, 168 162 in Caste War, 90, 102, 255, 255 nn.7,8 Zapata, José Dionisio, 111, 339 n.57 Zoque, 43, 60 in conquest of Itza, 23 Zapotitlan, Retalhuleu, 31, 39-41 in Quisteil revolt, 74 Zendales, La Provincia de los, 59-61, Oitnup, Yucatan, 100

Yaxchanal, Chiapas, 323, 323 n.13 332 n.43 Oul, Aniceto, 117